'· 

' 

1210 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

Kans., for an immediate appropriation to keep the Missouri River open 

to navigation, and to protect important property interests now threatened by the washing of the river at that city-to the Committee on 

Rivers and Harbors. . Also, memorial of the Board of"Trade of Kansas City, Kans., for a public building in keeping with the necessities of the post--office and 

the growth and importance of the city-to the Committee on Public 

Buildings and Grounds. 

By Ur. PERRY: Petition of citizens of Columbia, S.C., for an ap 

propriation for the improvement of the Congaree River-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors. 

By JI.Ir. RANDALL: Petition of A. G. P. Brown and others, for increase of the pension for tota.l or partial deafness-to the Committee on Im·alid Pensions. 

By Mr. SCULL: Papers in the claim of B. F. Jameson, for relief-to 

the Committee on Claims. 

By Ir. SHAW: Petition of Mary C. Correll, widow of Christian 

Correll, of Carroll County, 1\Iaryland, for reference of her claim to the 

Court of Claims-to the Committee on War Claims. Also, petition of Richard T. Howard, Company A, Eleventh Maryland Volunteer Infantry, and of William Otley, father of Robert Y. 

Otley, for pensions-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

By Mr. SNYDER: Resolutions of miners and laborers at Crown Hill, 

Kanawha County, West Virginia-to the Committee on Ways and 

!leans. • By Mr. STAHLNECKER: Petition of the United American TobaccoPipe Employers and Employes' Association, for protection to clay-pipe 

inuustries-to the Committee on Ways and Means. 

By Mr. STRUBLE: Joint resolution of the General ~embly of 

Iowa, for a law providing that judgments of the United States courts 

shall become liens on real estate only on the filing of transcripts of the same by the clerks of the courts in the counties where the real estate is 

situated-to the Committee on the Judiciary. 

By Mr. TAULBEE: Petition of John Brumley, ofCompany B, Forty-seventh Regiment Kentuck--y Infantry Volunteers -to the Committee 

on Invalid Pensions. 

By .Mr. G. M. THOI\IAS: Petition of Thomasl\fattingley, for reliefto the Committee on Military Affairs. 

Also, petition of William Preston, of Johnson County, Kentucky, for 

reference of his claim to the Court of Claims-to the Committee on War 

Claims. By Mr. WEST: Petition of the letter-carriers of Schenectady, N. Y., 

for a.n increase of salary-to the Committee on the Post-Office and PostRoads. 

By Mr. WHEELER: A bill to improve the navigation of the Tennessee !liver at Colbert and Bee Tree Shoals-to the Committee on 

Rivers an<l Harbors. 

Also, petition of Nancy Dulaney, widow of William Dulaney, of 

Jackson County, and of Ben. :Mansell, of Franklin County, Alabama, 

for reference of their claims to the Court of Claims-t.o the Committee on War Claims. ~ 

Also, papers in the claim of Benjamin Mansell, of Pranklin County, 

and of William Dulaney, of Jackson County, Alabama-to the Committee on War Claims. 

By Mr. WHITTHORNE: Petition of William A. Baugh, of Giles 

County, Tennessee, for reference of his claim to the Court of Claimsto the Committee on War Claims. 

By 1\.ir. WICKHAM: Memorial of the authorities of Elyria, Ohio, 

for a general appropriation bill to erect post-office buildings in cities 

and towns of 3,000 inhabitants or over-to the Committee on Public 

Buildings and Grounds. 

By Mr. YOST: Petition of Sarah W. Brown, of Alleghany County, 

Virginia, for reference of her claim to the Court of Claims-to the Committee on War Claims. 

The following petitions for an increase of compensation of fomthcla.ss postmasters were severally referred to the Committee on the PostOffice and Post-Roads: 

By Mr. BINGHAM: OfcitizensofKenwood; Indiana County, Pennsylvania. · By Mr. CARLTON: OfW. H . Mealloy, A. V. Johnson, and others, 

of Elbert County, Georgia.. 

By Mr. YARDLEY: Of 125 citizens of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 

The following petitions, praying for the enactment of a law providing temporary aid for common schools, to be disbursed on the basis of 

illiteracy, were severally referred to the Committee on Education: 

By Mr. DARLINGTON: Of 374 citizens of Chester County, Pennsylvania. . Ry .l'lir. DINGLEY: Of118 citizens of Sagadahoc County, Maine. 

By ]')Ir. MOFFITT: Of citizens of Peru, Clinton County, New York. 

By l\Ir. YARDLEY: Of 638 citizens of Montgomery County, PennEzylvania. 

The following petitions, asking for the passage of the bill prohibiting 

the manufacture, sale, aud importatioiLof all aJcoholic beverages in the 

District of Columbia, were severally referred to the Select Committee on the Alcoholic Liquor Traffic: 

By Mr. McRAE (byrequest): Of202 citizens of the District of Columbia.. 

By Mr. C. H. ALLEN: OfRev. Edwin Smith and108citizensofthe 

Eighth district of :M:assachusetts. 

By l\Ir. BAKER: Of 99 citizens of the Thirtieth and Thirty--first districts of New York, and of 300 women of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, of Rochester, N. Y. 

By Mr. PERKINS: Of J. B. Cook, E. D. nates, and 88 others, citi- zens of the Third district of Kansas. 

SENATE. 

WEDNESD.A. Y, Febr'lta1·y 15, 1888. 

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. BUTLER, D. D. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved. 

STATISTICAL ABSTRACT. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the following 

concurrent resolution received yesterday from the House of Representatives; which was referred to the Committee on Printing: 

lN THE HOUSE OF REPRE ENTATIVES, February 14,18SS. 

Resolved by the Hott,Se of Representatives (the Senate concurrina), That there be 

printed 15,000 additional copies of the Statistical Abstract of the United States 

for the year 1887, of which 5,000 copies shall be for the usc of the Senate and 

10, 000 copies for the use of the House of Representatives. 

CATTLE AKD DAIRY F AR:~U ~G. 

The PRESIDENT pt·o tempore laid before the Senate the amendments of the House of Representatives to the concurrent I'esolution of 

the Senate of February l3, 1888, for printing 7,000 additional copies of 

Executive Document No. 51, first session Forty-ninth Congress, on the 

subject of cattle and dairy farming; which were referred to the Com· 

mittee on Printing. 

PETITIONS AND ME!tiORI.A.LS. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore presented a memorial of Knights of 

Labor of South Amboy, N. J., remonstrating against the proposed 

change in the plans of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad bridge across 

the Arthur Kill near Elizabethport, N. J.; which was referred to the 

Committee on Commerce. He also presented a petition of citizens of the District of Columbia, 

praying that an appropriation be made to keep the channel of the Potomac River free from ice during the winter season; which was referred 

to the Committee on Appropriations. _ Mr. GRA. Y presented the memorial of Thomas E. Records and 32 

other citizens of Lewes, Del., remonstrating against the pa sage of the 

educational bill; which was ordered to lie on the table. 

Mr. PAYNE presented a petition of 233 citizens of the Eighth, Eleventh, Fourteenth, Seventeenth, and Twenty-first Congressional districts 

of Ohio, praying for prohibition in the District of Columbia; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. 

He also presented a petition of the board of directors of the Cincin- nati Chamber of Commerce, praying for legislation against the importation of adulterated articles of food under any other names than those 

which legitimately pertain to the same; which was referred to the 

Committee on Agriculture and Forestry. 

ir. SAWYER presented a petition of 119 citizens of the Third, Sixth, 

and Eighth Congressional districts of Wisconsin, praying for prohibition in the District of Columbia; which was referred to the Committee 

on the District of Columbia. 

Mr. VANCE presented a petition of the Woman's Christian Temper- ance Union of North Carolina, offic1ally signed, representing 1,000 

members, praying for the repeal of the internal-revenue tax on ali alcoholic liquors; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. Mr. BUTLER. I present the petition ofL. G. Johnson, 1\I. L.l\fcCormack, W. E. Dodge, Granville G. Bennett, and other citizens of the 

Territory of Dakota, praying for the passage of an enabling act for the 

Tenitory of Dakota. As the bill upon that subject has been repo.rted, 

I move that the petition lie oii the table. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. DAWES presented the petition of H. L. Newhall and other citizens of Middlesex County, Massachusetts, praying for a proper revision 

and amendment of the wool and woolen schedule of the existing tariff; 

which was referred to the Committee on Finance. 

Mr. FARWELL presented the petition of the Woman's Christian 

Temperance Union of Illinois, praying for such legislation as shall provide for the adequate punishment of crimes against women and girls; 

which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. 

Mr. PALMER prfSented a petition of 144 citizens of the Third and 

Ninth Congressional districts of Michigan, praying for prohibition in the 

District of Columbia; which was referred to the Committee on the Dis· 

trict. of Columbia. 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1211 

Mr. HAWLEY presented the petition of the president and faculty of 

the \Ve.'3leyan University at Middletown, Conn., praying for the speedy 

enactment of an international copyright law; which was referred to the 

Committee on Patents. 

Mr. HAMPTON presented a petition of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of South Carolina, officially signed, praying for the repeal of the internal-reYenue tax on all alcoholic liquors; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. 

Mr. HOAR presented the petition of C. A. and S. 1\I. Wheelock and 

other citizens of Worcester County, Massaehusetts, praying for a reduction of the duties on wool; which was referred to the Committee on 

Finance. 

Mr. CHANDLER presented the petition of Rev. William W. Li>-

ingston, Rev. R. S. Mitchell, Mrs. S. Garfield, and the other officers of 

the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and 20 others, of Jaffrey, 

N. H.; Rev. William H. Stewart, Rev. E. A. Read, and 52 others, of 

Hinsdale, N. H.; Dr. L. J. Graves, D. W. O'Neil, P. P. Coburn, Ira 

Colby, Charles N. Freeman, Herbert Bailey, and 36 others, of Claremont, N. H.; M:rs. George 'V oodbnry, president of the ·woman's Christian Temperance Union, Rev. E. L. House, Rev. A. W. L. Nelson, and 

40 others, of Salem, N.H., praying for the passage of the bill to prohibit the manufacture, sale, and importation of alcoholic beverages in 

the District of-Columbia; which was referred to the Committee on the 

District of Columbia. 

Mr. TURPIE presented a petition of ex-Union soldiers of Indiana, 

praying ~r the passage of the pen....qon rated service bill; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

1l1r. BOWEN presented a petition of citizens of La Plata County, 

Colorado, praying for the removal of the Southern Ute Indians from 

their present location; which was ordered to lie on the table. 

Mr. PLU111B presented a petition of 126 citizens of the First, Second, 

and Fifth Congressional districts of Kansas, praying for prohibition in 

the District of Columbi..<t; which was referred to the Committee on the 

District of Columbia. 

Mr. COCKRELL. I -present a petition of the Woman's Christian 

Temperance Union of Uissouri, officiaUy signed, praying for the enadment of such statutes as shall provide for the adequate punishment of 

crimes against women and girls. The petition seems to pray for legislation to be applied a1l over the United States, and not simply to the 

District of Columbia. 

Tbe PR..E.'SIDENT pro tempore. To what committee shall the petition be referred? 

Mr. COCKRELL. I suppose it ought to go to the Committee on 

Education and Labor. 

• The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be so referred. 

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES. 

llr. FRYE, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was 

referred the bill (H. n. 152 ) to reward the Esquimaux natives of the 

Asiatic coast of the Arctic Ocean for acts of humanity to shipwrecked 

seamen, reported it without amendment. 

He also, from the s::true committee, to whom was referred the bill(S. 

1851 ) to prcnde for an international marine confurence for securing 

greater safety for life and property at sea, xeported it with amendments. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill (S. 

623) to promote the political progress and commercial prosperity of the 

American nations, reportE!d it with amendments. . 

Mr. HALE, from the Committee on Naval Afrairs, to whom was referred the memorial of Evansville (Ind.) Bnsi.'less Men's Association, 

praying for the establishment and maintenance of a marine hospital 

a.t th:.tt place, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, nnd 

that it be refened to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds; 

which was agreed to. 

He also, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1!)75) to increase the pension of the widow of the 

late Naval Constructor Edward Hartt, asked to bo discharged from its 

further consideration, and that it be referred to the Committee on Pensions; which was agreed to. 

1\fr. WILSON, of Iowa, from the Committee on the Judicia1·y, to 

wlwm was referred the hill (S. 62'2) to amend section 2805 of theRevised Statutes of the United States so as to allow oaths to be administered by notaries public, reported it with an amendment. 

Mr. PASCO, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was referred 

the bill (S. 525) for the relief of Samuel A. B. Woodford, reported it 

with amendments, ancl submitted a report thereon. 

Mr. TURPIE, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1007) granting a pension to JohnS. Coleman, reported 

it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill (S. 

7G5} granting an increase of pension to Edward Durant, reported it 

with an amendment, and submitted a report thereon. 

He ::tlso, from the same committee, to whom were referred the following bills, submitted adverse reports thereon, and the bills were sev- erally postponed indefinitely: 

}~.bill (S. 859) granting an increase of pension to James H. Thomas; 

A bill (S. 740) granting a pension to Eleanor I. Armstrong; 

A bill (S. 914) to gr.ant increase of pension to Joseph P. Owen; n,nd 

A bill (S. 471) granting a pension to Richard W. IsbelL 

Mr. SPOONER, from the Committee on Cbims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1732) for the relief of H . P. Wells, asked to ])e discharged from its further consideration, and thnt it be relerred to the 

Committee on Indian Affairs; which was agreed to. 

Mr. JONES, of Arkansa..<>, from the Committee on Claim , to 'Yhom 

was referred the bill (S. 316) for the relief of Edwanl Fitzgerald, re· 

ported it with an amendment, and submitted a r port thereon. 

Mr. MITCHELL, from the Committee on Cla.ims, to hom was re· 

ferred the bill (S. 4.02) for the relief of George F. Roberts, administrator 

of the estate of William B. Thayer, deceased, snrvi ving partner of 

Thayer Brothers, anc "'thers, submitted anad'"crse report thereon; aJld 

the bill was postponed indefinitely. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom the subject was referred, 

submitted a report, accompanied by a bill (S. 2001) for the relief of 

George F. Roberts, administrator of the estate of William B. Thayer, 

deceased, surviving partner of Thayer Brothers, and others; which was read twice bv its title. 

l\1r. SAwYER, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom were referred the following bills, reported them severally without amendment, 

and submitted reports thereon : 

A bill (S. 901) for the reliefofSophia W. Wright; 

A bill ( S. 899) for the relief of Mary l\L Briggs; 

A bill (S. 1096) granting a pension to James Lucas; 

A bill (S. 1717) granting n. pension to Emma Von Bernewitz; and 

A bill (S. 830) granting a pension to Dand Williams. 

:Mr. SAWYER .. , from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 811) granting a .peDEion to Lydia D. Holtz, reported 

it with an amendment, and submitted a report thereon. 

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the petition 

of Margaret Callanan, widow of Eugene Callanan, ]ate private in Company F, Second Regiment New Jersey Volunteers, praying for the passage of n. special act of Congress granting her a supplemental pension 

from March 18, 1864, to Jnly6, 1886, submitted an adverse report 

thereon, which was agreed to; and the committee were discharged from 

the further consideration of the petition. 

:Mr. SAWYER, fi·om the Committee on Pensions, to whom were referred the foUowing bills, submitted adverse reports thereon; and they 

were severally postponed indefinitely: 

A bill (S. 1411) for the relief of Margaret Engenock; 

A bill (S. 1332) granting a pension to Peter James; .. 

A bill (S. 1546) granting an increase of pension to James H . Harold; 

A bill (S. 910) granting a pension to George Faulk; and 

A bill (S. 989) for the relief of Margaret Madden. 

Mr. WILSO~, of Maryland, from the Committee on Claims, to whom 

was referred the bill (S. 11) for the relief of Warren Mitchell, reported 

it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon. 

Mr. RIDDLEBERGER. I submit a report to accompany the bill 

(S. 931) to incorporate the Washington Cable Electric Railway of the 

District of Columbia. On account of amendments to the bill there-

. port has been withheld to this time to conform to those amendments. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The xeport will be printed with the 

bill 

BILLS INTRODUCED. 

~:lr. BLACKBURN introduced a bill (S. 2002) for the relief of A. H. 

Sympson; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims. 

l\Ir. DOLPH introduced a bill (S. 2003) to grant to the city of The 

Dalles, in the State of Oregon, certain lands for the purpose o( a public 

park; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying 

papers, referred to the Committee on Public Lands. 

.Mr. DAWES introduceil a bill (S. 2004) to amend the ninth section 

of an act entitled "An act making appropriations for the current and 

co.ntingent expenses of the Indian Department, and for fulfilling treaty 

stipulations with various Indian tribes, for the year ending June 30, 

1886, and for other purposes," approyed March 3, 1885; which was read 

twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

Mr. PLUUB introduced a bill (S. 2005) to provide for the disposal 

of the Fort Wallace military reservation in Kansas; which was read 

twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. 

He also introduced a bill (S. 2006) granting a pension to Mary E. 

Noll, widow of Philip Noll; which was read twice by its title, andre- ferred to the Committee on Pensions. 

He also introduced a bill (S. 2007) granting a pension .to N. J". Myers; 

which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

He also introuuced a bill (S. 2008) granting a pension to Cyrus Tuttle; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

l\Ir. TELLER introduced a bill (S. 2009) to restore the homestead 

right of M. F. Vance, of Akron, Colo.; which was read twice by its title, 

and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. 

Mr. BECK introduced n. bill (S. 2010) to reimburse thesevera1States 

for interest on moneys expended by them on account of raising troops 

employed !n aiding the United States in suppressing the late rebellion; 
1212 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

which was read twice by it-8 title, and, with the accompanying paper, 

referred to the Committee on Claims. 

:M:r. HARRIS (by request) introduced a bill (S. 2011) for the relief 

of Gilbert Thompson, Veronica Ulke, Julia F. Laskey, and F. G. Barbadoes; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. 

Mr. -BECK introduced a bill (S. 2012) granting an increase of pension 

to Marcus D. Raymond; which was read twice by its title, and, with 

the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Pensions. 

Mr. BLODGETT introduced a bill (S. 2013) for the relief of Forman 

'Mathews and David Stout Parker; which was read twice by its title, 

and referred to the Committee on Claims. 

He also introduced a bill (S. 2014) granting a pension to John Farlow; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee 

on Pensions. 

Mr. D.A. VIS introduced a bill (S. 2015) for the relief of H. K. Belding; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Claims. · 

Mr. SAWYER (by request) introduced a bill (S. 2016) for the relief 

of William Wolff; which was read twice by its title, and referred to 

the Committee on Military Affairs, 

Mr. PALMER introduced a bill (S. 2017) providing for the purchase 

of a site and the erection of a public building at Saginaw, Mich.; which 

was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public 

Buildings and Grounds. 

AID TO CO~ON SCHOOLS. 

Mr. HALE. I ask that the Senate proceed now to the consideration 

of the unfinished business. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempm·e. The Senator from Maine moves that 

the Senate proceed to the consideration of the unfinished business, being 

the bill (S. 371) to aid in the establishment and temporary support of 

common schools. · 

The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the 

Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The pending amendment, submitted 

by the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PLUMB] will be read. 

The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out section 2 of the bill~ 

and in lieu thereof to insert: 

SEc. 2. That such money shall annually be divided among and paid out in the several States a.nd Territories a.nd id"'the District of Columbia., in proportion to their population, respectively, according to the census of1880: P1·ovided, That all of said money remaining undistributed at the date of the publication of the returns of population as shown by the census of 1890 shall be divided as afore- said in proportion to the population according to said census of 1890. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President, the history of this bill and the discussions attend ant upon its consideration by the Senate are most inter-

. esting. · 

Unlike other measures, which by their inherent merit constantly 

gain in strength until at last opposition disappears, this bill has raised 

new doubts as to the wisdomofits provisions and has developed opposition at every stage of its consideration. 

In the Forty-eighth Congress, when it first passed the Senate, the opposition to it largely came from Senators whose strict construction of 

the Constitution led them to the belief that the bill violated fundamental propositions of that great instrument. 

In the Forty-ninth Congress the method of distribution of the vast 

fund provided by the bill was assailed. The debate in this Chamber 

during the last month has shown that other practical considerations 

are moving in Senators' minds, and we are brought fh.ce to face with 

wider and deeper defects in the whole scheme which has been so earnestly and faithfully mged forward by the Senator from New Hampshire, who has charge of the bilL It is the hard fortune of this measure, 

Mr. President, that, as time goes on. there are seen to be more reasons arising against its passage and fewer reasons are shown for its necessity 

as a great public measure. Not only is this appaTent in the Senate, 

but it is clearly discernible outside of Congress, among the people at 

large. 

The bill is philanthropic in its nature and appeals naturally to the 

liberality of sentiment which has always distinguished the American 

people, and which is apt to raise little question as to the cost in money 

' of any great effort which is pot forth for the removal of a great public 

evil. But the whole subject is so vast and so important that as the 

years have gone by the attention of thoughtful men 1 both in the North 

and the South, has been more and more directed to it, and especially. 

in the last two years has this attention resulted in new investigation 

as to the real condition in the South and a new scrutiny into the history and methods of the great school systems in the Northern States. 

IucTeased correspondence and communication with school officials aud 

leading educators at the South have brought to Congress and to the . public much new information as t~ the extent of the common-school 

system in the Southern States, and the participation in the benefits of 

that school system by the colored population of the school age. 

In additio to this, as has been disclosed by the debate here, Senators realize more clearly that, in the mass of illiteracy at the South, 

which every good ,citizen desires to see removed or lessened, there is a 

large portion of that mass which we must needs leave entirely out of 

.... 

the question. Neither by enactment nor appropriation here, nor by 

any school system maintained by the States, can that great body of 

illiteracy in the South, comprising all its colored population above the 

age of twenty years, be affected. This class embraces nearly three 

.millions of colored illiterates. 

Painful as it is, we must acknowledge the existence" of this profound 

mass of illiteracy, and must bear with it and endure it until the tooth 

of time shall eat it away. So far as legislation goes it is dense, impenetrable, immovable. 

To do what is wisest and best for the illiterates of a tender age, who can be sent to the common schools, who can be provided with books 

and teachers, and to whom intelligence can be communic.ated through 

the read and the written word, is the task to which the practical legislator should now give close attention. And, Mr. President, whatever 

may be the fate of this bill, whether it sliall at length pass into law and 

the experiment involved in its provisions shall be fairly tried out at 

the South, or whether it shall, for one reason or another, _come to wreck 

in its passage, I congratulate the Senator from New Hampshire, whose 

zeal and competency in its cause hn.ve never been questioned, upon the 

great good which has already been accomplished and is now going forward not wholly without being advanced by the discussion and interest 

which this measure has aroused. 

The progress in the common-school system at the Soutlr, its increased 

importance as an element in the life of Southern people, the enlarged 

appropriation of money, the lengthening of the school terms, the encouragement and wages paid to teachers, the buildingofschool-houses, 

and, in short, all the things which go to make a successful commonschool system, such as we and our ancestors have witnessed at the North, 

are indeed most gratifying, and -to many of us, who had not until lately 

looked closely into the subject, surprising. 

For myself, Mr. President, I have never yet seen my_ way ~lear to 

vote for the passage of this bill, and I am free to say that the 8)wakened 

public interest at theN orth, showing an approval of the vote which my 

colleague and myself gave against it in the last Congress, has not been 

unwelcome. 

An editorial in the Portland Press, a leading Republican paper m the 

State which he and I represent on this floor, sets forth some of the reasons 

for this awakening of public sentiment. I read the significant portion 

of this article: 

~Ir. A. P. Marble, for many years superintendent of the Worcester schools, and a gentleman well known in Maine, writes to the New York Evening Post a letter in opposition to the Blair educational bill. When the matter of Federal aid to Southern schools was first broached Mr. Ma.rble was inclined to favor it. Bu~reflection and astudy oftheresultsofana.logousexperiments have changed his mind. He urges four re sons why the Blair measure should not become a law. In the first place he thinks the Southern people need no stimulus of this• sort. ''They have awakened," he says," to the necessi~y of public education; and nre actively and successfully at work in the right direction." Secondly, the South does not need tlle nid. It is as well and better able to establish and main- tain proper schools than the border States of the w· est. Thirdly, a good deal of the money would be frittered away in distribution, and would never be applied to the use for which it was intended. Lastly, Mr. 1\Iarble believes the duty of taking care of schools is one that belone;s to the people a.nd not to the Governm~~ . "If," says Mr. Marble," the people can not take care of themselves, and if the Government must take ca1·e ot them, we reduce ourselves to a.n absurdity, since the Government is nothing but the expression of the people's will." Mr. Mar- ble says that nobody has a right to say that Massachusttts teachers are in favor of the Blair bill. Several associations have apparently declared for it, but these declarations can not be said to be a fair expression oft.he sentiment of the mem- bers of these associations, inasmuch as they have emanated from a minority and without a full discussion. It. is quite evident to the most casual observer that discussion has not helped the bill in public favor. At first a. great many assumed without much examination that the measure was ~oing to promote education in the South, and for that reason favored it. Exammation has cast suspicion on the correctness of this assumption, and consequently weakened public confi- dence in the bill as an educational measure. 

To the same end, Mr. President, I also read a letter from a distinguished gentleman whose services in the cause of education entitle him 

to the everlasting gratitude ofthe.American people. 

General"S. C. Armstrong, of the Indian Industrial School at Hampton, Va., whose intelligence and interest in the subject of education 

will be questioned by no one, has, within the last two weeks, written 

the following letter upon this subject: 

To the Editor of the Evening Post: 

SIR: As to our position towards the Blair bill, events seem to have pretty 

clearly defined it for us. From 1870 to 1884 we, with others, worked for Gov- ernment aid for Southern schools, urgiBg Senator Hoar's bill, which failed to - pass the House, and accepting the "Blair bill" when it appeared as the best thing we were likely to get. But we never regarded it as a bill which a true educator would have framed, both because it granted too much a.id in too short a time, and because there was danger of a final reaction when its bounty should 

cease. 

As then the marvelous and, we confess, unexpected growth and strength of the Southern school system made themselves manifest, and we began to study the causes to which these were due, we found that a change of base was forced upon us. The justification for this change I find in the vigor of sentiment ex- isting in the South in favor of the public-school system; in the impartial devo- tion to it of many ex-Confederate slaveholders, which I have personally wit- nessed; in the fact t~at it is hopeless and. fa~l for .any politi~ian, wh~~vcr ~is 

stnnding, to oppose 1t (the negro vote finding 1ts chief excuse m the sohd1ty w1th which it goes for "free schools"); in the surprising development of Southern resources; in the evident ability of the so-called border States to educate in a reasonable time all their children; in the great school endowment of Texas a~d 

the growing wealth of Georgia. and Alabama.; and in the progress of schools 1n Florida., Arkansas, and other States, which provide in all, it is estimated, 15,000 negro schools alone, of which Virginia has 1,600. From our own standpoint we can say nothing stronger than that in the midst 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1213 

of our struggle to secure from charity the mea.ns to support the Hampton School, we would not accept aid from State or people were it offered on the plan of the 

Blair blll, being conscious that in the end it would do us more harm than good. For here it is not merely education that we seek to give, but education through 

self· help. Take out the self-help and the rest is not worth much. Apply the 

Blair bill to the Southern school system and it will check the growth of ~he best 

thing in Southern life, the effort of the people to educate themselves. One-third 

of the Southern children of school age have to-day probably no chance for education; twenty years ago almost none had it; twenty years hence I believe all 

will have it .. Furthermore, as I see how far we are from securing ihe application of the rules 

of civil·service reform to our Indian work, a sweeping change of officers being in order at the opening of every political change, I feel less confidence that Gov- ernment bounty to Southern schools could be applied to the best advantage, 

while on the other band the use of funds from local taxation is carefully watched 

and abuses are fought wilh vigor. 

Above all things, educational work ought t<> be wholly free from party inter- ests. Its foundations must be sure and permanent, not spasmodic and shifting, 

and for these reasons I have come gradually to the conclusion that national aid, at least as provided by the Blair bill, is unwise and undesirable. • S. C. AR !STRONG. HAMPToN, VA., January 30. 

I also read a very clear letter from President Hyde, of Bowdoin College, in Maine: 

FROM PRESIDENT HYDE, OF :BOWDOIN COLLEGE. 

To the Editor of the Evening Post: 

SIR: A sound and permanent school system must rest on the interest, the con- viction, and the self-sacrifice of the local community. Federal aid would destroy 

these roots, from which a permanent system of common-school education must draw its life. 

The support of the bill seems to be of two kinds. In so far as it is honest, it is 

based on the mischievous fallacy that it is the proper function of the Federal 

Government to do anything and everything that is in itself desirable. The otller 

kind of support is due to the obvious availability of the bill as a channel through 

which the overflow in the Treasury can be drained off. Were it compelled to n.ppeal djrectly to taxation for the money it proposes to expend, its defeat would 

he inevitable. To take ad vantage of the surplus for purposes outside of the legitimate objects of Federal taxation is simply a device for obscuring the fact that we are imposing on ourselves an absurd and anomalous burden of taxation. 

At the head of a petition in favor of the Blair bill, which has been circulated 

industriously in these parts, the fact that t.here is a surplus in the Treasury was placed prominent among the reasons why the petitfon should be signed. 

These, in brief outline, are my reasons for opposing the Blair bill, and 1: think 

it was owing to similar reasons that only one signature to the petition mentioned 

above was obtained from the college faculty. j 

Very truly, yours, 

BoWDOIN CoLLEGE, BRUNSWICK, ME., Februa1·y 8. WM. DEW. HYDE. 

Also from President Angell, of the University of Michigan: 

FROIII PRESIDENT ANGELL, OF MICHIGAN. 

To the Editm· of the Evening Post: 

SIR: In reply to your request for my opinion of the so-called Bln.ir bill, now before the Senate, I beg leave to say that, while appreciating the high motives 

of those who are seeking the more general diffusion of education in the South, I am not able to favor the passage of the bill which Senator BLAIR and others are advocating. 

Yours, truly, 

WASIDNGTO~, D. C., February 10. 

JAMES B. ANGELL, 

President of the University of Michigan. 

And from President Barnard, of Columbia College, and from President 

Robinson, of Brown University: 

FROM PRESIDENT BARNARD, OF COLUMBIA. 

To the Editor of the .Evening Post: 

Sm: I am already publicly on record in opposition to the measure proposed and advocated by Senator BLAIR, which has become generally and very prop- erly known as •• A hill to promot-e mendicancy." 1\Iy objections are founded not only on the consideration that it is a bill to promote mendicancy, but also upon the higher c<.>nsideration that it is totally without justification in the Constitution of the United States. There is not only in the Constitution no direct 

grant of power to Congress to do a thing of this kind, but the spirit of the pro- vision in regard to the power of taxation is Tiolated when it is proposed to distribute money among the States, not in proportion to the entire population, but 

in proportion to a particular class; and inasmuch as the ilistribution of these 

large sums of money l1as a manifest tendency t<> discourage the honorable spirit 

of self-help in the subsiilized States, it is manifestly doing harm rather than 

good, and hence can not find even a poor pretext at justification under the muchabuseu •· general-welfare" clanse or section 8 of tho Constitution. It is very gratifyiqg to observe the sweeping change of opinion which has 

taken place in regard to this bill since its first introduction, and the prospect now that it can be defeated even in the Senate is one which must be hailed with 

ltigh satisfaction by all sensible men. I am sure that there are few New Yorkers 

who will not regard with surprise and pain the fact that this miser)lobly unwise measure has found an advocate in the senior Senator from this State. 

Respectfully, yours, 

COLUMBIA COLLEGE, NEW YoRK, 

President's Room, Februa111 9. 

F. A.. P. BARNARD. 

""' FROM PRESIDENT ROBINSO~, OF :BROWN. 

To the LUto1· of the Evening Post: 

Sm: Ten years ago I was very strongly in favor of Federal aid to education in 

the Soutllern States. But the time for such aid has passed. 1\Iy decided con- viction now is that it is not only unnecessary, but would proYe positively mischievous. It would work directly to the hinderance of the very object it aims to promote. 

Youra, very truly, 

ilROW~ UNIVERSITY, PROVIDEXCE, R.I., Februm11 7. 

E. G. ROBINSON. 

The considerations suggested by General Armstrong touching the profound importance of "education through self-help" can not fail to be 

appreciated, especially by any New England Senator who has seen the 

practical operation of the commou·school system in New England as illustrated in the smaller towns and districts. 

Bearing upon the necessity at the present time for the appropriations 

of money involved by this bill, which mainly are intended to re-enf~rce 

the common-school systems of the Southern States, I desire to give some facts and :figures showing the comparison which can be made between the resources and condition of the common schools in Maine and some of the Southern States which it is claimed will be most benefited 

by this bill. 

I start first, 1\Ir. President, by assuming that the fundamental proposition of the advocates of this measure lies in the assertion that its 

object is to remove illiteracy and to thereby secure law and order and 

better citizenship. In touching upon the school statistics of .Maine I 

begin by a statement, not boastfully made, but taken from the census statistics of 1880, in which are found carefully compiled tables showing 

the number of persons in each State who are unable to read in every 

1,000 of its inhabitants. In thislistitisgratifyingtoseethatthe State 

of Maine holds the third place, only Iowa and Nebraska leading her in 

this record. Out of every 1,000 inhabitants in Iowa only 24 were found 

in 1880whowere unable to read; in Nebraska, 25 outof every1!000; and 

in Maine out of every 1,000 but 35 were found who were unable to read. 

Other States follow closely after, but none are so hlgh in this scale as the three which I have given. 

I can not speak for the other two States, but I know that in Maine it 

is the common-school system, which has been illustrated in her towns 

and villages, on her rocky hillsides, and by her weather-beaten shores, 

that has thus done its perfect work; and I should be less a lover of the 

State than I am if I did not point with gratification and pride to this 

record. 

It would be a hard task, Mr. President, in all that great portion of 

the State of Maine which lies outside of its larger towns and cities, to 

find a man, woman, or child above the age of ten years who can not 

read or write. llliterac.v has been banished by the common-school 

system, which is maintained by the State, and by the State alone. 

The Senator from Missouri [.Mr. VEST], in the carefully prepared 

speech which he delivered here several weeks since, gave some statis 

tics showing the enrollment of children of school age in Maine, with 

the average daily attendance and length of school year in days; but 

his :figures were taken from reports made up no later than to the year 

1870. 

Not content with that, I have procured the repor~sof our State super 

intendent of common schools, a most faithful and competent officer, 

running down to and including his last report, which covers the con dition of the public school::wf Maine for the year 18 5-'86. The annual 

report for 1886-'87 has not yet been published. 

By this report I find that the whole number of scholars in the State, 

being childrenofschool age, was213,571. Ofthis number68percent. 

are enrolled. The percentage of average attendance per year to tbe 

whole number of scholars in the State is 47. The average length of 

schools for the year is 20 weeks and 4 days, or, reckoning 5 school days 

to the week, an aggregate of 104 days. 

I give the corresponding :figures for some of the Southern States, as shown by the last reports of their superintendents of common schools 

= . ..!. '0 cp~ ~ oai .... o ~~ .Ql» 00 

~§ ocs Cl).Q lll'O b,tc:.l 

~Ill <1)"0 'O.s .... "0 btS::: .Q,... =G) (!$<!) ~cil <!) .... """" bl:i<l) c:.:> ..... ,...o G) §» <l.)l-f ... ~ < H 

States. 

56 62 83 60 58 77 t 63 69 70 

tl~~is:~pi·:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::.::::::.:.·.:::::: South Carolina ......................................................................... . North Carolina. .... ... : ................................................................ . 55 G2 62 Georgia .................................................................................... . 57 66 65 Kentucky ................................................................................ . 49 63 102 Tennessee .............................................................•...•............... 61 59 78 

93 73 90 

68 75 100 ~i~:?1f2::::::·:::::::::::·:::::::::::::::::::::::::{::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 52 57 120 Texas ...................................................................................... . 79 ......... 100 

Considering that the entire domestic institutions of the South were destroyed by wru.-, and that in the restoring period which followed 

but little could be done in the ten yearssnceeeding, it is most remark 

able, Mr. President, that the disparity shown by these :figures between 

Maine and old Southern slave States is no greater. In some of these 

slave States the length of the school year, it will be perceived, is in ex cess of that of the State of Maine. 

Ur. BLAIR. If the Senator will permit me, I will say to him that 

the late returns do not justify his assumption. 

1\fr. HALE. I do not know what later information the Senator from 

New Hampshir~ has. He refers to the State of Florida1 but the :figures 

that I have given purport to come, and I suppose they do come, from 

the authorities. 

This record, 1\Ir. President, must be most gratifying to every good 

citizen and patriot. It shows what was not demonstrated by the cen sus taken nearly ten years ago, that the advantages of common-school 

education for all the people and the necessity for a well-sustained com mon-school system have of late been appreciated in the Southern States. 
·. 

---

- I 

•, 

1214 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENA1'E. FEBRUARY 15; 

The increase in fifteen years, in some of these States, of childrenaUending school is shown us follows: 

In 1869 only 108,074 attended school in Virginia. In 1884-'85 the 

number had increased to 303,343. 

In Florida the number of scholars nearly doubled, the increase being 

from 38,315 to 62,327. 

In Arkansas the increase from 1882-'83 to 1883-'84wasfrom 112,233 

to 153,216. 

In Alabama the common schools have grown in number, in four 

years, from 4,624 schools, with 177,428 pupils, to 5,595 schools, with 

252,967 pupils. 

In Georgia the increase in four years has been from 244,197 scholars 

to 309,594. 

The increase in appropriations and expenditures for schools has been 

in the same proportion. In Alabama, in four years, the fund has increased from $392,904 to $523,353. 

In Arkansas the increase in three years has been from $479,471 to 

$866,892. • In Georgia, in four years, the increase has been from $498,533 to 

$723,161. 

In Florida the increase in four years has been from $133~260 to 

$400,000. 

At this rate of increase, under present conditions, States having the 

same population as Maine or less will in a few years be spending more 

money for common schools than Maine, and the attendance of children 

at school and the length of the school year in days will be much greater. 

The figures -that I have given from the State of Maine, upon which 

has been built up her common-school system that bas resulted in 

placing her almost at the head of the roll of States upon the comparison 

of illiteracy, show clearly three things: 

First,thatintelligencemaybediffn.sedandillitei>acydisappearthrough 

the operation of its common-school system in a S4J.te which has in its 

borders no great cities nor very great accumulation of individual wealth, 

and which has received nothing from the General Government with 

which to increase its common-school fund. All the money in Maine 

expended upon common schools is derived from State or municipal taxation. 

Secondly, these sbl.tisti~ show tbat it is not merely the amount of 

money expended nor the average le~gth of the school year, in days, 

which gives life to an edttcational system. Something more than this 

is needed. It is what General Armstrong calls the ''education that 

comes from self-help." Nowhere is this more plainly illustrated than 

in the State of Maine. 

I turn, with pleasure, Mr. President~ to the contemplation of the 

"self-help" that is given, especially in the smaller towns of the State 

of 1r1aine, in the management of their schools and their school funds. 

In the annual March meetings of these towns, often held before the inclemency of the winter season has p3..ssed, all the voters of the town 

assemble to consider the subjects which shall, fOT the coming year, 

touch most closely their every-day life and the prosperity of the households which go to make up its population. 

Mr. BUTLER. May I ask my friend, as a matter of information, 

how often those meetings o~cur ? M~ HALE. I have referred to them as the annual meetings in the 

State of Maine. They are a most distinguishing feature in the life of 

New England people. / 

Mr. BUTLER. What is the geographical area represented by those 

meetings-townships or towns? 

Mr. HALE. We call them towns in New England. The regular 

town, as laid out in the planning and plotting by different surveyors 

under different proprietorships, was generally 6 miles square. Some 

of the towns are a little larger and some are smaller, and from all the 

neighborhoods in this large territory come the farmers and the mechanics and the professional men, the doctors and the lawyers and the 

ministers, not clamoring for national aid or for outside support, but 

giving by their presence and their interest the self-help which has built 

up our New England towns and has made intelligence therein as diffusive as the air we breathe. There is no subject which. is discussed in these meetings that is not 

fully considered as a business matter, and which does not have the 

"self-help" of every man who has property to be protected and a family to be cared for. Roads and bridges, the care of the poor, the finances 

of the town, and, above all, the support which is to be given to the common schools, the money to pay for which shall be taxed upon the property of the town, are most fully discn.ssed and decided upon. 

If, as is not infrequently the case, the number of children enrolled in 

the schools is decreasing because of emigration from the State and the 

lessening of the 11;umbers in families, the advantages of the shorter time 

to the boys and girls who attend such school are aU the more appreciated. 

Under this system illiteracy never shows its head. You may search 

such a town from corner to corner and no man, woman, or child above 

the age of ten years will be found in its borders who can not write an intelligible letter, or who can not, on Sunday morning, read a chapter 

in the New Testament. 

I doubt, Mr. President, whether, if the General Government had 

added to the common-school fund of Maine the sum of half a million 

of dollars yeady during the last fifty yea.rs, a better condition of the 

population of that State, upon the test of illiteracy, would be shown 

to-day. The habit of home management, of home interest, of home 

suppoit, which I have so imperfectly described, would have been seriously interfered with and might have had its ennobling foundation 

sapped and mined by such benefaction. 

It is not, I say again, a question alone of money. The irrigation 

which any system of education needs to prevent its becoming dry and 

lifeless does not come alone in such ways. Only so much water can 

be poured throngh the pipe which at last gives the moistening and reviving effect of the constant supply. All the rest wastes and is worse than useless. · 

The third thing that is shown by the comparison which I have 

giveq, between Maine and other States, is that, if it is determined 

that, from the red'tl.ndant revenues of the Government, some aid 

should be given to public schools in the different Sta.tes, under a bill 

so carefully guarded in its pmvisions that the appropriation shall be 

an incentive to work at home, rather than an excuse for such work 

ceasing, then the State of Maine, instead of being taxed for the benefit 

of other States, should receive its share according to population, 

which is indicated in the amendment offered by the Senator from 

Kansas. 

Mr. President, every Senator should take satisfaction and encouragement in the condition of the South, as shown by the facts which have 

been brought to our notice within these last 1ew years, relating to 

common schools. The system is by no means perfect in these States; 

but enough has been shown to make it clear that the material development in that section, which is one of the wonders of thi present decade, has been accompanied by corresponding attention to and advancement in the work of education. 

The next census will, I hope, disclose a condition there, both of 

material prosperity and i-dvancing education, gratifYing to every lover 

of his country, aml will furnish. statistics of illitemcy, as applied to 

age and to color, upon which, if need be, vt"e can more intelligently 

legislate. 

That the Southern States are no longer poor and unable to support 

common schools.has already been settJ.ed. 

I have never felt that in the destruction of slrwery, and in giving freedom to the colored man, t.he Southern people, as a whole, lost in property. Emancipation did not destroy property, so fur as the State and 

the public condition are concerned. Individuals lost, but the community gained. The sum of huma.n endeavor, human enterpri e, and h uman thrift was increased, and these make property. You1p.ight as well 

declare because Great Britain lost her greatest American colony in the 

war of the Revolution that thereby the world had lost, when e·rerybody 

knows to the contrary. ' 

Mr. BLAIR. ·wm the Senator allow me to ask him a question? 

1\Ir. HALE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. BLAIR. Conceding that what the Senator says is true, that the 

South as a whole was not impoverished by tb.e liber~tion of the slaves, 

does he not recognize that the burden of education was increased by 

the fact that the slave population previously under individual control 

by law, have now become a free population of Americn.n citizens, re· 

qui.ring education and yet having no property of their own wherewit.h 

to obtain it? 

Mr. HALE. I do not admit the last part of the Senator's proposi· 

tion. From some investigation that I have been able to make I do not 

believe it to be true that the colored man in the South to-day is without property. One of the things that the colored man set himself to 

do after his emancipation, and after he passed through that fire of persecution that he endured afterwards, was to become interested in the 

soil, to acquire land, and he bas been acquiring it ever since, and it is 

to me a good test as to his advancement that he has done so. .All oYer 

the South the next census will show this _remarkable capacity of the 

colored man for sustaining himself and acquil'ing property in addition 

to sustaining himself, and all these go as factors in making up a population that is able to support common schools. . I am impressed, ·Mr. President, by the consideration which bas been 

presented of the gradual decline of State interest and aid to common 

schools when the General Government has taken upon itself a pnrb of 

this burden. All experience shows that in any field occupicdjoinlly by 

the Federal and the State governments, the absorption and aggression 

are in one direction. The Federal interest increases and the Federal 

control increases, and it is the State interest that yields and grows indifferent and slothful; but I will spend no further time upon thi . 

Mr. President, if I could see my way clear to vote for this bill I 

should be glad to do so. I recognize the patriotism, the zeal, and per- sistency with which its authors and supporters ha.ve urged and pressed 

its consideration. The object which is sought is a noble one. To uplift that prostrate 

race to communicate to its masses of children the light of intelligence, 

and' thereby promote or(!er and good citizenship, is a work to inspire 

the faintest and most flagging heart; but I do not find, and I am s~e 

that other Senators do not find, in the measure before us that which 

will accomplish these most desirable objects. I am sure that, Up)n this 

., 
.. / 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1215 

floor, many SeJ?ators, who in other C?ngresses .hav~ been :wPJing to 

support the bill and tp make the experrment whiCh Its proVISions contemplate, are beset by new doubts and new fears. 

.AP, I said in beginning, it is the fate of the bill, as time goes ~m, 

that less necessity is seen for its enactment, and more and more obJ.eC· 

tions arise to its provisions. It "drags at each remove a lengthenmg 

chain.'' 

:Mr. 1r10RG.A.N. 1r1r. President, the >ery important constitutional 

question which is presented by this bill prompted me to consult some gentlemen wh<lie opinions I value very highly upon constitutional questions, because they are men who have made diligent search and comparison of contemporaneous construction, and I have a reply to a letter 

that I wrote to one of these gentlemen, in whose opinion I have very 

great confidence, which I will read to the Senate as part of _the argu- ment, and I will submit no further remarks than merely to mtroduce 

this Jetter. The Jetter is dated February 5, 1888. 

Bon. JOHN T. MoRGAN, 

WASHINGTON D. C. Feln-uary 5,1888 

United States Senate 

MY DEAR Sm: In reference to the constitutionality of the Blair bill, and p:u:- ticularly as to the meaning and effect of the general-welfare clause of "The power ofTa.xaUon," I answer with great deference, because many Senators believe the bill to be constitutional. .And I beg leave to confine myself to the fed- eral instrument as written, its history, and the statements of those who were most efficient in devising and defending it. "" 

Mr. BLAIR. I should like to ask the Senator from whom he is reading ? 

l\Ir. MORGAN. I am reading from an able constitutional lawyer. 

The Senators alluded to base themselves on what they call the "power" "to 

provide for the co=on d efence and o-eneral welfare; " and claim wide discre- tion under" the sovereignty of the nafional govet·nment . ., Not only is there no such "2Jower," but. the very phr~se in which it is Mid to be couched, was actu- ally considered by the convention o! 1787, to refer alone to the purposes for 

which the "power" wa.s to be delegated. And the Journal proves thls state- ment; while the Federalist, and Jefferson and Madison always so stated the matter, as I shall proceed t.o show 

I will begin by quoting, from the original constitul:ion in the Secretary or State's office, •• the power oftax:ation," as the Convention in its proceedings char- a cterized it 

''Section 8. The Congress shall ha>e Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, 

Imposts and Excises, to p ay the Debtsandprovideforthe common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts n.nd Excises shall · be uniform throughout the United States; To borrow Mouey on the credit of the United States; To r egulate Commerce * "' *; To establish an uniform rule of Naturalization • * *; To coin money * * *" Here is an ocular demonstration that "to pay the debts," and "to provide 

for " "defence" and "welfare" were understood as pttrposes, for which the power of taxation was delegated. The paragraph opens and closes with "the power of taxation," and the rest is, so to speak in parenthentical relation to it. Noscitur a sociis. Special authority for such purposes wa.snot needed, for all the 

specified powers were intended to effect them. Now let us see how the matter appears in Madison's" .Journal of the Debates 

oftbe Convention;" and in the oflicial "Journal of the Convention." On August 5, 1787, the committe e on detail reported the constitution, with 

eighteen specified powers delegated to the legislature, the first being "to lay 

and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises" [V Ell. Deb. 3781 On August 25, 1\lr. Sherman moved to add these words: "for the paymmt of 

said debts, and for defrayinJJ. the expenses that sh~[l be incurredfor ~h!f C071111~ol~ defence and gene1·al weZja1·e" Libid 476; also I Ell Deb. 264]. The additiOn was then 

deemed unnecessary; but on September 4, Mr. Brearly, from the committee of 

eleven, reported the section with the suggestion of Mr. Sh.erman added [Ibid 

506] with a slight change of phraseology, and none of meamng. And finally, the Con~ention, on the 14th of September, hear the close ofits 

work, removed all poss1ble doubt as follows: 

"Article I, sect. 8. The words • but an such dtuies, imposts and excises shall be •uniform throughou-t the United States,• were unanimously annexed to THE PO"'""ER 

O F TAXATIO~." [Ibid 543; also L Ell. Deb. 311.] 

The phrase under consideration, then, merely states the purpose and use of 

the revenue to be raised, but gives no hlnt of delegating power [Ibid 560]. Now after the Convention has characterized the authority delegated as "the power of taxation," can there be right, or propriety, or truth in calling it a 

power of d4ence ancl welfm·e, espec!ally as there is no ambiguity or doubt in 

the language, justifying a. re ort to construction? It is this very idea. that l\Iadison signally refuted inN o. 41 of the Federalist- an idea that was then a charge by .foes to defeat the constitution, :md it was so treated by..,.]Uadison, Hamilton, Jay. He treats of the so-called construction 

thus : "It has been urged and echoed that the power to lay and collect taxes, 

duties imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and g~neral welfare of the United States, amounts to an unlimited commission to excrcisecvery power which may be allcgcd to be necessary for the common defence or genernl welfare. No strQnger proof could be given of the distress under which these writers labor for objections, than their stooping to such a mis- consti·uction. Had no other enumeration or definition of the powers of the 

Congress been found iu the constitution than the general expressions just 

cited, the authors of the objection miqht have some color for it. * "' "' But what color can the objection have, when a specification of the objects alluded to by these general terms immediately follows; and is not e>en separated by a longer pause than a semi-colon. * * * For what purpose could the enumera- tion of particular powers be inserted, if these and all others were meant to be 

included in the preceding general power? Nothing is more natural or common than, first to use a general phrase, and then to explain or qualify it by a recital ' of particulars." 

He winds up by characterizing as an ''absurdity" this assumption or pre- tended construction, so suspiciously agreed on by ancient foes anq modern 

friends. 

It bas been intimated that lllr. l\Iudison1s news were afterwards modified; 

but this can not be so, because, late in life, while preparing his" Debates in the 

Federal Convention" for publishing, he reiterated the same view, and supported it by citations [see V Ell. Deb. 550 foot note-very important]. A single sentence fronT Jefferson will sufliee: "To consider the phrase • to pro- vide for the general welfare,' as giving a distinct and independent powe r to Congress to do any act it pleases, which n1ight be for the good of the union, 

would render all the preceding and subsequent enumerated powers completely 

useless." See the whole passage in Jefferson's Works Vol. 4, p. 525. I conclude then, that as the words and ideas of the defence-and-welfare phrase 

equally suit each and all of the eight~en specified powers, the relation, mean- ing and intent of them (the intent being the vital point) can be best shown by a slight change of the collocation of the phrase, while keeping the words and 

punctuation without change. It is thus made to read as follows: 

Aection 8. The Congress, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence 

and general welfare of the United States, shall have power To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; but. all duties, imposts, 

and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; To borrow money * * * ; To regulate commerce * * * ; 

* * * * * * ' * The argument is factual-made up ofh~torical truths an~ r:ecords, a~d in no- wise doctrinal; and I am confident that th1s statement exhibtts the belief of all the original friends and defenders of the Constitution, so far as they reflected on the special point. For example, Jefferson thus expressed himself: "Certainly no such unirersal potcer was meant to be give11 them. It was intended to lace t/l.f;1n up straitly within the enumerated powers, and those, without which, as means, these powers could not be ca1Tied into etrect." [4 J's Works 5:.!5.] 

Fortunately the advocates of this bill show how unlimited for mischief such 

Congressional action can be. They claim that in taxing the people and spending the revenues, they act by virtue of" the sovereignty of the government"; 

and have no other limit in expenditure than their judgment of "the common defence and general welfare." Jefferson said, as to this alarming claim, " they 

reduce the whole instrument to a single phrase, that of instituting a Congress 

with power to do whatever would be for the good of the United States, and as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil, it would also be a power to do whatever evil they pleased" Note now Senator l!.'varts's expression: "It is constitutional to devote every dollar in the 'l'reasury to the pUI·poses of this bill; and then U is constitutional, 

by your next taxation, to raL'"'e the money" "to supply the void" "thus cre- ated" / 

And Senator Edmunds says, the clause which prohibits the drawing of money from the Treasury except " BY LAw,'' (which pJ;trll;se means, of co.urse, constit~­

tionallaw), does not limit the power o~ appropnatwn, or confine 1t to the speCIfied powers and purposes of the Const1tut10n 

These gentlemen and their coadjutors all seem to agree, that they can vote federal money out of the Treasury for purposes which the people have actually 

kept ou~ of the Constitution, and assigned to other agents; and they all seem to forget that their sovereigns and masters have premonished them ~hat alL "pow- ers not delegated * "' * are reserved," i.e. kept back for other disposal 1\Ioreover they seem not to consider what that plenary right of government, 

called sovereignty, is and where it is. Daniel Webster said : "Sovereignty in 

government is unkn~wn in North America. It dwells in the people." Said James ·wilson, the greatest statesman of Pennsylvania: "The supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable power is in the people aJ:lel·, as welL as before, a. con- · stitution is made. It never leaves them." No em.ment "father" ever s:ud or thought otherwise, because our form is entirely republican 

These Senators hold and wield "powers," not sovereignty; and they hold 

them in trust to use for the people. The single phrase of Article I, "All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested," etc., taken with the fact t~at t~e 

said powers can but be" delegated," should show them that the sovereignty IS 

above them, and in their masters, the people; that they never do, or can, hold ' and wield it; that they are always subject to it as agents; and, finally, that 

their authority is always derivative and never inherent. 

'£he Bills of Rights of New Hampshire and .1\Iassachuset.ts, whlch are made up of universally accepted and everlasting p~nciples, show the status of all whor;n 

the people choose for service, to be " substitutes ~ud agents," as 1\Ies rs. B la1r 

and Hoar ca.n inform them. And they can read in John Jay's Address to the 

people of New York in 1788, that they have "business to manage" as ''agents 

and o-.erseers for the people." And the &Teat triumvirnte, Madison, Hamilton, 

and Jay cap the climax in the Federalist, [No.4.5], by saying that "the federaf. 

and state gorernments are different agents and trustees of the people" . . Finally, the onus of proving tJ;le.'' powe1·" restsc!l these Senato;rs. If It eXIst they can show it If they leave It m doubt they fail, for no president c-.:m ap- prove, ot court sustain the statute, because the doubt must be solved for the sov- ereign 

This is to me a. painful subject. As one of the people who never held or desired office, I protest against ·• undueadministra~ion,'' and !be use of" J?OWers'' we have withheld; and I p1·ayfor the ede~l unw!l andstnct constructiOn, con- sidering them as vital to American institutioDalliberty 

'Vith great respect • Yours truly 

B. J. SAGE. 

I thought it was proper to place in the RECORD this e~p?sition, 

which I think, by its reference to the contemporaneous opm10n and co~ction placed upon the power claimed under this bill, shows that 

it can not possibly exist. I think it makes a very clear and very ex- act statement of the history and of the facts attending the adoption of 

this feature of the Constitution and of the text of the Constitution itself. I thought I would take the liberty of placing it in the RECORD 

for the pmpose of removing some of the difficulties created by very 

able and astute arguments made by Senators on the other side. 

Mr. BUTLER. Mr. President, I do not rise for the pmpose of cliscussin(7 this bill-! have done that 011 a previous occasion-but to correct a ~statement, of course made unintentionally, by the Senator from 

Florida [Mr. CALL], to which I called his attention the other day, and 

which I was very much iu hopes he himself would correct. In discussing this bill on the 8th of February he used this language: 

But I want to allude to an act to promote the education of the blind, ap- proved .1\Iurch 3,1879. I do not know how my friend from Texas voted on that. 

.And then he makes a quotation from that act, and goes on: 

Let us see what the vote was on that bill. 

"Bailey, llayard, Butler"-

Then he says: 

I am surprised- " Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wisconsin, Chandler, Coke"- I am again surprised. 

.And he then goes on with the fmtber discussion of the bill. I find 

by reference to the COKGRESSION.A.L RECORD of that date that the list 

of yeas and nays read by the Senator from Florida as relating to the measure for the education of' the blind at Louisville, Ky., related to a question of concurring in the report of the committee of conference on the sundry civil appropriatio11 bill, on which the yeas and na.ys had 

been demanded. So my friend was clearly out of the way in citing 
1216 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

my vote -as having been cast for the educational bill for the blind. On 

that measure I find that I am recorded as absent and not voting at all. 

The explanation of that is, as I now recall it, that this vote having 

been taken on the 3d of March I had left for home, and therefore was not here to vote. On that· educational bill for the blind the yeas were 

40, the nn.ys 7, and the absentees 29. · So the Senator was clearly and entirely mistaken in saying that I 

voted for the bill. I suppose his object was to convict me and those 

who oppose this bill of inconsistency. We have sins of commission 

enough to answer for without being called to account for those for 

which we are not re5ponsible. I simply desire to make this correction 

that it ma,y appear in the RECORD. 

Mr. CALL. Mr. President, the RECORD is as follows after what the 

Senator from South Carolina has read: 

Mr. BUTLER. What is the provision of that law, may I ask my friend? 

1\Ir. CALL. I have already read it. I will read the list again. 

And there comes a list of the real vote as given on the bill for the 

education of the blind. 

Mr. BUTLER. Uy name is not on that list. 

!Ir. CALL. No; the Senator's name is noton that list, buttheSenator proceeded to say: 

In the course of this debate I have heard the name of General Jack- son cited as an authority in favor of an appropriation of this kind, and 

I have heard the name of John C. Calhoun also quoted in favor of such 

appropriation. Some years ago I took ocea3ion to refer to the debates 

upon the distribution of the surplus funds in 1836, and I found the 

opinions of these gentlemen in- connection with that subject, and as 

they have been cited now as authorities in favor of this bill I will call 

attention again to the views expressed by General Jackson on that subject, and also the views of Mr. Calhoun. 

It will be remembered that General Jackson, as early#S 1829, in his 

first annual message to Congress after his election, foreseeing that the 

public debt would soon be paid and that the revenues of the country 

would be piling up in the Federal Treasury, called the attention of 

Congress to the fact that the public debt would soon be extinguished, 

and under the then revenue system of the country there would accumu- late in the public Treasury a large surplus, and· he deprecated what he 

supposed would be the effect of a large surplus in the Treasury-that 

it would lead to wasteful legislation-and he urged Congress to make 

some provision whereby this anticipated surplus might be got rid of 

when it accumW-ated. I have an extract from that message, which I 

will read, in which he suggested that there might be a want of constitutional power to distribute it among the States, and suggested the 

propriety of a constitutional amendment for that purpose. I will read 

from his message: · 

That money was not thrust into all the States as this bill proposes to do; it was confined to a single institution, national in its character; and if I were put 

upon my voir dire, I would say that that was a straining of the Constitution 

somewhf\t, though I voted for it. 

After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any adjostment I had the Senator's statement for his vote, but I did not have the of the tariff, upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union, will, until 

record. a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable tourplus 

Mr. BUTLER. I took the Senator's statement, supposing that he in the Treasury, beyond what may be required for its current service. As then the period approaches when the application of the revenue to the payment or had examined the RECORD and quoted it correctly; but it seems that debt will cease, the disposition of the smplus will present a subject for the serihe had not. Of course I can not remember every vote I may have cast. ous deliberation of Congress, and it may be fortunate for the country that it is 

Mr. CALL. The real vote was given by me, and it happened by ac- yet to be decided. Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and cident that at first the vote on the wrong bill was given, but it was cor- with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise, whenever power rected ~nd the correct vote was given, and the Senator is the only one over such subjects may be exercised by the Geueral Government, it is hoped f th d h d · d t t f, th bill that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which may reconcile the diversi- 0 e persons name W 0 1 no vo e or e · fied interests of the States and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every Mr. SAULSBURY. Mr. President, I had not intended to make any member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefited by the improve- remarks on this bill at this time, as I have stated my objections to it on ment of inland navigation and the construction of highways in the several 

fi · Th I h fi t d "t h th S.tates. ' Letustbenendeavortoattainthisbenefitinamodewbichwillbesat- a ormer- occas10n. e more ave re ec e upon 1 ' owever, e isfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has. by many of our fellow-citizens, 

stronger bas become my conviction that there never was a more in de- been deprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while by others it bas been· fensible measure proposed in the Senate of the United States. What is viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of 

"t? A "ti t t k t f th Tr f th U "ted State harmony in the legislative councils. 1 • proposl on ° a e ou 0 e easury 0 e nl s To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal dis-

$79,000,000 and pay it out to the States upon certain conditions to edu- position which could be made of the surplus revenue would be its apportioncate the children in public schools, and to distribute that money, not by ment among tbe several States according to their ratio of representation, and 

any equitable or recognized principle of distribution, but upon a principle should this measure not be found warranted by the. Constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the States an amendment authorizing it. I 1·egard that has never before been applied in this country or any other country. an appeal to the source of power, in cases of real doubt, and where its exercise 

It is not to be apportioned according to population or representation in is deemed indispensable to the general welfare, as among tbe most sacred of all 

Congress, but to be paid on the ratio of the ignorance of the people in our obligations. 

the several States. That was the view of General Jackson. Subsequent to that period 

I shall not enter into the constitutional discussion of this question. Mr. Calhoun, after the surplus began to accumulate, brought in a res- I expressed my views when the bill was before the Senate at a-former olution for the distribution of that money. It was referred to a select 

time somewhat at length, and argued the constitutional power of Con- committee. It was a resolution proposing an amendment tO the Congress to pass this bill. That question has been so ably discussed in this stitntion authorizing the distribution of this money among the several 

debate by those with whom I concur that I think it would be a work States according to the ratio of representation in Congress. 

of supererogation to .attempt to..supplemen~ their very conclusive argu- That resolution was referred to :1 select committee. That committee, 

ments by any argument of my own now on that very important ques- however, came to ~he conclusion that owing to the change in the tariff 

tion. . system made in 1832 no plethora would arise, and failed to act upon it. 

The Senator from Missouri [Mr. VEST], who opened the discussion, SubsequentJy, when the surplus arose, Mr. Calhoun again introduced 

presented a very clear and logica,l argument on the constitutional points the subject of the distribution of the surplus then in the Treasury, and 

involved. The Senators from Texas [Mr. REAGAN and Mr. COKE], my the surplus that should arise up to the year 1842, among the several 

colleague, the Senator from Delaware [Mr. GRAY], and the Senator Statesofthe Union according to their ratio of representation in Con· 

from Alabama [Mr. MORGAN] also ably discussed the constitutional gress. He referred to his former opinion that a constitutional amendquestions, and I take it upon myself to say that their arguments in ment was necessary to meet the emergency, if time would allow. 

reference to the want of constitutional power were perfect and conclu- Ur. Webster moved to strike out that provision which referred to the 

sive. There never was a mathematical problem more perfectly demon- distribution of surplus yet to arise. I have not examined what his 

strated than was the position which those gentlemen took in reference 1·easons for it were, but I suppose they were the same reasons which 

to the want of constitutional power to pass this measure. The same induced the committee to which it was referred to strike it out, because 

view was presented yesterday by the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. there was no constitutional power to distribute :1 fund in any way which 

H.A WLEY], who argued the question of want of authority in a manner had not arisen. 

t.bat was unauswemble. _ Mr. Calhoun's bill, the bill to which I have just alluded, was rc- . Whatever may' be thefate of this bill, ifitshall bepassedordefeated, ferred to a select committee. That committee acceded to the proposithe Senators who oppose the mea.surehaveplaced their opposition upon 

1 

tion of Mr. Webster to strike out the provision for the distribution of a foundation which can not be shaken. any surplus which should thereafter arise, and changed the bill from 

I have listened, too, with a good deal of attention and interest to the a bill of distribution to a, bill to deposit with the States the money, and 

argument made here in favor of the bill by the Senator from Alabama that was the bill which passed Congress afterwards. 

[Mr. PUGH], who sits on my left. I was pleased with the ingenuity · The committee reported that bill and it was adoptell, making a loan, 

which be displ:1yed in trying to find a, shelter, n. place of refuge for the .a deposit with the States upon,a certificate given by the State autboriuntenable position which he had taken in reference to this question. ties to return the money whenever it should be required. Even that 

The great ability a.nd ingenuity of that argument won_ my attention, proposition was amended, because under that the Secretary of the Txeas· 

as I have no doubt it attracted the attention of every member of the ury, as t~ committee had reported it, would have been compelled to 

Senate; but bow does he meet the argument against the authority to have gone to Congress for authority to use those certificates of deposit. 

pass the bill? After a careful hunt through the Constitution for some Mr. Ta,llmadge, of New York, moved to make them assignable by the 

:1uthority on which to base the bill, he wound up by declaring that the Secretary of the Treasur:y, and that was done; so that those certificates 

power was in the discretion of Congress under the provision of the Con- remain now in the public Treasury, assignable by the Secretary of the 

s.titution relating to the general welfare. Well, Mr. President, if the Treasury whenever the exigencies of the Government require it torediscretion of Congress is such that a bill like this can secure votes in alize the money from the certificates of the State3. 

the Senate, the discretion of Congress will justly be considered a very I cite these instances in order to answer the allegation that General 

unsafe depository of power by the people of this country. · Jackson and Mr. Calhoun were in fa\·or of such a distribution or ape 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1217" 

propriation as is'proposed in this bill They were in favor of distributing the surplus in the Treasury if the constitutional power existed, 

General Jackson in his message suggesting the want of Federal power 

:mdrecommendingaresort back to the sources of power, to the people, by an amendment to the Constitution, to enable them todistributethesurplus money in the Treasury. 

Mr. President, I do not intend to occupy much of the time of the 

Senate; but let me ask, if Congress has power to pass the bill, where is 

there any limitation to the power of Congress? The only authority 

claimed is under the provision of the Constitution in reference to the 

general welfare. As I before remarked, my friend from Alabama found 

the power lodged in that provision of the Constitution, and in the con- clusion of his argument, as I understood it, admitted that the exer- cise of the power and the determination of what the general welfare 

required rested in the discretion of Congress. I again remark that the · people of this country will consider the discretion of Congress a very 

unsafe depository of Federal power if this bill should pass. 

Butifyou have authority to pass this bill, where, I ask again, is the 

limitation upon your authority? Can you not clothe the children under 

the same power just as well as to pay the tuition? Can you not feed 

the children who are to go to schooljust as legally and constitutionally as you can provide for the application of money to their education? 

And is there not the same necessity for such an application of public 

funds as to their education? How many children in the land to-day are starving for want of something to eat, who are unable to go to 

school because they have not anything which they can take with them 

to subsist upon. How many are to-day not clad sufficitmtly to go to 

school. · 

llir. CALL. We are feeding them in this District. 

Mr. SAULSBURY. I admit the power of Congress over this District, but there is a distinction between the power of Congress over the 

District of Columbia and the States of the Federal Union. It is not 

only these ill-fed and illy-clad children, but there are hundreds of 

thousands of people of all ages in the country to-day who are destitute 

of the means of proper subsistence, who areneither fed norcladasthey 

ought t<1 be, and who are suffering to-day, as well as starving in cellars 

and in garrets for want of coal or other fuel to keep them warm. If you have the power to pass this bill, you have the power to do 

anything yon please, because it rests simply in the discretion of Congress to consider w bat will promote the general welfare. Would it not 

promote the general welfare just as much to feed the hungry and starving populations of your large cities, where women are making pantaloons for 7 cents apiece and other garments at mere starving prices, ·where they work on Sunday as well as every dayandnigbtin the week? 

The tramps who fill your land are but the representatives of a large 

class of people to-day who are snffering for want of something to eat 

and something to wear. If you have the power over the funds in the 

Federal Treasury that is claimed for the purpose of passing this bill, 

why not extend the benevolent hand of the Government and feed and 

clothe those people? Sir, yon would perform as great a public service 

to the country as to pass this bill, and would perhaps save hundreds 

and thousands of men and women from the paths of vice and bring 

them up to be useful citizens, and you have just as much power to do 

that as you have to pass this measure. It is claimed as one of the excuses for this bill that the Southern people are not able to educate the colored people. I deny it. I say here, 

and say it deliberately, upon reflection, that I have no question but 

that the Southern people are as able to educate the children in their 

midst as the people of any portion of this country. What are the re- sources of all the Southern States? Have you ever thought of it? 

Why, sir, to-day the evidences of wealth exist there to an extent that 

they do not exist in some other portions of this country. Look at their 

vast cotton crop, more than $300,000,000 annually produced from cotton alone. Look at their vast tobacco crop. I do not know the amount 

of tobacco raised, but I suppose from one to two hundred million dollars' worth at least of tobacco is raised in the Southern States annu- al]~ -

Look at the fruit crop in the States represented by my friends, the 

Senators from Florida and Louisiana. Look at the rice and the sugar 

crop. Take up your papers and consult the markets in your nearest 

city, the city of Baltimore, and one of the first items that strikes you 

in the markets is the price of Southern wheat and Southern corn. They are raising a vast amonn~ of cereals as well as other things. Besides 

that they have an untold amount of mineral wealth, iron and coal. I 

say the natural elements of wealth exist to-day as abundantly in the 

Southern States as in any other portion of this country. 

Then there is one other point which might be taken into consideration. Their system of labor is the cheapest system of labor in the 

United States. There is no other section of this country which procures its labor at anything like the rates paid for labor in the Southern 

States. I venture the assertion to-day that the difference between the 

price oflabor in the Northern and Western States and in the Southern 

States is fully equal to all the money expended in the South for educational purposes. I believe that the difference in the cost of labor in 

the Northern and Southern sections of this country would amount to 

XIX-77 

as much money as is expended for educational purposeS in those States: 

Mr. GRAY. The cost ofliving? 

1\Ir. SAULSBURY. Independently of· that, I refer to the cost of 

labor itself to produce the cotton crop, the tobacco crop, the rice crop, 

the sugar crop. The difference in cost of all the varied crops which are 

produced would fully pay for the education of every child in the South- ern States. ' 

M:r. President, the plea that it is a matter of necessity, that the Southern people are too poor to educate their ~hildren, is all a delusion; there 

is no truth in it. As was said by the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. 

HAWLEY] yesterday, it may be that they have :v.ot yet realized the 

necessity for it as much as in some other sections of the country, but 

the ability of the Southern people is ample to meet this or any other 

emergency upon them. ' 

M:r. President, I sincerely wish the ~ill could be defeated. There is no necessity for it, in my opinion, in any portion of this country; but 

if there was no ot.her objection whatever, if there was perfect constitutional warrant to pass the bill, I should vote against it in the interests 

of education itself. The remarks which were made by the Senator from 

Connecticutyesterdaywereveryappropriate, and must have commended ~hemselves to the sound judgment of every member of the Senate. 

The moment that you remove the obligation which nature has put upon 

the parent and transfer it to the General Government, that moment you 

weaken the interest of the parent and of the local community in tlte 

education of the children therein, and they are turned over to the tender mercies of the General Government, deprived of the paternal and 

local interest felt in their education, so essential to their success. I recall the days ofmyboyhood, when we had no free-school syste--1.11 

in my State, where the parents of the children met and employed their 

teacher, saw that their children went to school, and gave personal nt: 

tention and supervision to their ednr.ation. That was the best system, 

so far as (}btaining profitable res~ts from education were concerned: of 

any that I-have ever seen. Education might not have been so g'!nerally diffused; that I admit is-true; but those who were educated 

under that system, under the immediate supervision of their parents, 

and of teachers employed by their parents, were better educated than 

they are in the common schools of the country to-day. Education may 

not have been so generally disseminated and diffused, but that system 

illustrated the interest of the parent and of the local community in the 

schools; and the moment you destroy that interest you inflict a greater 

injury upon the cause of education than all the money which is proposed by this bill will be worth. 

Sir, for one I am sorry that this bill is to pass, as I believe it will 

pass the Senate, but I want to record my vote against it. I represent 

in part on this floor one of the smallest States in this Union, small in 

the extent of her territory and limited in her resources, with few naV 

ural advantages, few natural elements of wealth, with no mineral wealth 

within her borders, with no coal or iron, dependent to a very large ex- tent for her sources of revenue upon taxation imposed upon her people. 

But I am sure that the State, which was the first to adopt the Constitution and enter this Union, and by that act agreed to give up a part 

of her sovereign power to the General Government, but expressly re- served in the same instrument her control over her own domestic institutions, would not willingly surrender those reserved rights for all 

the money which she could derive under this bill. 

I am certain of another thing, sir, that though she may be small in 

territory, small in resources, she is proud of the elf-reliance of her own citizens, and will never barter away the reserved rights which she has 

under the Constitution, nor reach forth the hand of a mendicant to 

ask the charity of the Federal Government. 

Mr. CALL. M:r. President, I wish to say only one word. I wish t<l 

call attention to a fact of record here before the debate closes. 

The Senators who deny the power of Congress to make this appropriation every day vote against their own declarations and in favor of 

the power claimed in the bill. I call attention to the fact that within a few days they have voted to refund nearly $20,000,000 of. taxes paid 

half a century ago, when it is manifest upon their propositions that 

they can find no enumerated power in the Constitution to refund taxes 

which have been paid for the legitimate purposes of Government. 

I wish further, without making any speech upon this subject, to call 

attention to the fact that there have been appropriated, with full con- sent and by the votes of those very Senators, more than a quarter of a 

million dollars in the shape of public lands of the United States for 

the very purpose which they declare now will emasculate the people of 

the States and destroy the State governments. . :Mr. BLAIR. M:r. President, in the few remarks that I desire to 

make in closing the debate upon this bill I wish first to recall the attention of the Senate to the issue. l\Inch that bas been said bas been 

entirely wide, as I conceive-, of the true question of fact and of the 

parties who are in court to-day. The debate bas proceeded as though 

it were a question between the country at large and the grown people 

who make up the communities in the various States. On the part of 

many Senators there seems to be altogether a misapprehension upon 

this, which is the vital and most serious point and the real issue oft bs 

whole debate. 

.. 
' } 

1218 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

It is of very little consequence relatively what becomes of the present generation. What we are, we are, and are likely to be; but it is of 

great consequence what shall be the fate of the future, which depends so 

largely upon the conduct of the present. The real question is whether 

this generation, with matured powers for the control of the destiny of 

the country for the time being, is to make that provision for the generation to come which has been made for the generation existing by those 

who have preceded it; whether this generation, so far as it has the capacity to do so, is to make better preparation for the discharge of its 

duties on the part of the coming genern.tion, so far as it should be made, 

than was made by those who preceded us. 

That is the real question between the present generation and the coming generations, between the matured people of this great nation and 

the children of this country; and when we are told that to assist the 

cause of education is to destroy the principle of self-help we are merely 

listeningtotheuttermostabsurfuty. Whatcominggenerationevereducated itself? What Senator on this floor, what citizen of the United 

States ever was educated without receiving as much or more assistance 

. from outside himself than it is pTopo ed to give bytheprovicsions of this 

bill, supplemented by the already great contributions of the country at 

large to the cause of common schools and higher education as well? 

What man now upon the arena of active life ever furnished the schoolhouse or qualified the teacher who gave to him instruction, provided 

himself with .his own books, taught himself the alphabet, contributed 

ina.ny way tohisowneducation, withouthavingsnpplied tohimeverything that it is proposed by this bill to give? 

.And yet we are told that to make this provision for the South, to 

furnish suitable conveniences and facilities for common-school education, for learning to read and to write, and to remove the two million of 

voters from our country who are now unable to read their ballots, and 

to prevent a substitution of a still larger number as the coming generation approaches-we are told that to do this, which was done for us by 

our fathers, is to destroy the principle of self-help; and college professors come here and college presidents come here and General Armstrong comes here after years of advocacy for the principles of this 

measure, and they·declare now that to enact this bill into law is to destroy the great principle of self-help, and they stigmatize it as a bill for 

the promotion ofmendicancy, of beggary. Why, 1\Ir. President, are not 

the greatest beggars upon the face of God's earth the presidents of the 

colleges of the United States, and General Armstrong the superior of 

the whole? It is because they have been such accomplished and successful beggars that in this country to-day we have on the whole a 

higher education, superior to that of any other people on the face of 

the earth. It is largely because great beggars and successful beggars 

have succeeded, as General Armstrong has, in establishing an institution 

at Ha.mpton which is the glory of the State and of the country. If they 

were not beggars they would be useless in the high >ocation to which 

they have been called. 

Why, Mr. President, I believe some have called this a bill for the promotion of mendicity. It has been so styled by the New York Post and 

the Washington Post and other organs of Jesuitism in this country, for 

--this is a great fight initiating and already outlining itself for the future 

between the common :schools of the United States and those influences 

which would subvert this great system. I tell you, sir, that upon this 

very floor, soon after we had passed this bill two years ago, and while 

it was in the hands of a packed committee of the House of Representatives, where it was ~ally strangled-on this very flooraSenat-orshowed 

me, and I read it with my own eyes, the original letter of a Jesuit 

priest, in which he begged a member of Congress to oppose this bill and 

to kill it, saying that they had organized all over the country for its 

destruction, that they succeeded in the committee of the Honse, and 

they would destroy the bill inevitably, and if they had only known it 

early enough they could have prevented its passage through the Senate. 'l'h.ey have begun in season this tim~, but they will not destroy 

this bill. 

Twelve years ago when I was a member of the HouseofRepresentatives, and when we were undertaking to enact a constitutional amendment, which was to prevent the appropriation of the public money to 

the support of sectarian schools in this country, a friend of mine pointed 

out to me upon that floor nine J esuifs who were there log-rolling against 

that proposed amendment of the Constitution. I did not know t.hem. 

He cl:limed to know them; ancl he pointed them out, nine at one time. 

They were not the Catholic Church, thank God ! Within the sound of 

my voice sleep the remains of John Carroll and of Charles Carroll of 

Carrollton, men who were devoted to civil rights and to true religion; 

and against the memory of those men and aoo-ainst the great Catholic 

organization of this country, I say nothing, for I venerate the_trmemories, 

and I venerate that great organization which, subject to my reverence 

for the faith of my fathers, is, in my belief, a true exemplar of Christianity. I ca.re not how fur it exerts, or how widely it extends its power; 

bufwithin that organization is a Jesuit organization which has set out 

to control this country, which has been repudiated by every free country, 

Catholic and Protestant, in the Old World, and they have come to our 

borders and they are among us t-o-day, and they understand that they 

are to secure the control of this continent by destroying the publicschool system of America. They are engaged in that nefarious and 

wicked work. .And as Jesuits have been expelled from the Old World, 

let me say that the time is sooncomingwhen theJesuitswill be looked 

upon as more the enemy of this country than is the .Anarchist to-day. 

.And the process either of their expulsion or of their conversion will be 

one in which the .American people will some time be engaged, unless 

the order change their programme and their work. 

l\1r. President, I said that they began in season or attempted to, so 

far as the Senate is concerned, in this Congress, and I told th& truth, 

and I have nothing more to say upon that point. 

It is claimed here that the nece~ ity of nation..'ltl aid to common 

schools has pa~d away, and all through the North the press has been 

so asserting, I know not under what influence. In this debate the 

point has been by irrefragable proof overwhelminglx met. I read here 

for three or four days demonstrations from every State in the South of 

the falsehood of this allegation that aid was no longer needed, demonstrations, I say, from the highest authorities and most reliable men 

that it was still a necessity and as much so as ever. 

As the influence to which I have aUuded found its w~ to the North 

great papers which a. few years ::tgo were advocating this measure 

ch:mged their ground. The Chicago Tribune, which for years ad vocated even the extra.ordinary appropriation suggested by our revered 

and deceased associate, General Logan, which carried $80,000,000 ill a 

year to the school system of this country, a sum exceeding the whole 

amount proposed in this bill to be appropriated for eight years, is now 

against this bill, and denounces it as a bill for the promotion of mendicity! What l:.as produced that change? The Boston Herald was for years an advocate of this measure, but abandoned it in the last 

Congress about half-wfly through the discussion; then sitting conveniently for a short time on the fence, looking first one way and then 

the other, it finally concluded that on the whole perhaps the bill had 

better not pass, and ever since then it has been an opponent. The 

Boston Advertiser, the New York Times-the TiJlles for years an advocate of this bill, and changing when there was no pretense that the 

necessity had passed away-are now against the bill. Why is this? 

Why, sir, upon the staff of e ery great paper of this country to-day 

is a Jesuit~ and the business of that mn.n is to see that a blow is struck 

whenever there is an opportunity to strike at the common-school system of America; and the further investigation there is in this direction the more patent will this appear. 

I have here newspapers, the organs of these men, in which the bill is 

denounced and I am personally assailed, which show sufficiently ,if there 

were any question about where this organization is. 

There is another power which is against this bill. I have never seen 

it assailed by that power until this Congress; but it is awaketotheidea 

that the general diffusion of intelligence through our common schools 

will result in less drunkenness and less consumption of int-oxicating 

drinks; and the Sentinel, of this city, the organ of the power of which I now spe:1k, recogriized as the organ of that power for years-and there is 

not a Senator who does not know that it is so-comes out very recently 

in a violent assault upon this school bill, which bad p. sed the Se:n::tte 

by a three-fourths vote on more than one occasion, which has been indorsed by the most eminent constitutional lawyers of the country and 

of the Senate, and in thisSenatethere are constitutionallawyerswhose 

superiors are now here. 

It is a bill which is petitioned for by the Chief-Justice of the Supreme 

Court, in favor of which one of the strongest speeches ever made on this 

fl.~or was made demonstrating its constitutionality, if a demonstration 

on such a subject is a possible thing, by Mr. Justice Lamar. This bill 

as unconstitutional and undemocratic is denounced fiercely by these 

papers, but not so much because it is unconstitutional as because it is 

a bribe to the States and is an assault on the liberties of the people. 

But I will use my time otherwise. I am going too far in these directions. I make these suggestions and leave that branch of the subject. 

The Senator from Maine [Mr. IIALE] says this bill has fallen off in 

public favor. I say that whenever this bill has failed to increase its 

popularity, to take hold on the pub.lic judgment and public conscience, 

it is because it has been lied about and persistently lied about, and when 

the lies have been exposed, the exposure has not been spread through 

the country as it ought to have been by a faithful press. Why, sir, I 

have not known a popular discussion on this bill anywhere that the bill 

did not come out stronger; and if the truth were stated upon this bill 

North or South, I would be willing to submit its fate to a tluee-fourths 

vote of the people, the number necessary to pass an amendment to the 

Constitution of the counn;. 

Let me refresh the memory of Senators a little. This is no new idea. 

As soon as the war had destroyed the institution of slavery, the Republican party, which had been the instrumentality in the hands_ of God 

to accomplish the great work of the war, recognized its duty to give 

intelligence where it had given suffrage, and the great leaders of the 

party urged the accomplishment of this work upon the party at large. 

I have here the earnest recommendation of every President that the 

Republican party h:l3 eYer elevated to power since this issue could 

properly be before the public mind; I have here views taken from the 

speeches of twenty-eight of the Senators who have expressed themselves on this floor, only about one-half of the number who have actually given their opinions by their votes on this question, not merely 
I· 

1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1219 

indorsing the constitutionality of the measure, but also saying that it 

was a public necessity and an act of justice 1md of right. I can not 

take the time of the Senate in reading them; but by rea.o;on of the continual a.ssumption which is made notwithstanding the exposure and the 

demonstration to the contrary that the South is increasing in good and 

increasing in capacity to endure taxation, and that illiteracy is disappearing in consequence of a better condition at the South and greater 

interest in public schools and an actual appropriation of the necessary 

fnnds-by reason, I say, of the continualiteration of this wrong proposition, I am obliged in these few closing moments to call the attention 

of the Senate again to some of that proof which i.s already in the RECORD 

of the Senate, but which I am conscious has failed to reach the ears of 

Senators. 

Mr. President, here is one great fact to which I call attention; it is 

a large fact; it is not intermixed with the politics or the statistics of a 

single State or of communities in single States, but it is an admitted 

fact and nobody will undertake to contradict it. It was placed before the Senate in the bt-ginning of this debate, and nobody has assailed 

it, and nobody can assail it. It is this, that the Southern States (leaving out Delaware, which is almost a Northern State, and Maryland 

which is close by us and a wealthy State, and Missouri, which has a 

school fund of some four or :five million dollars), comprising almost 

one-third of our population to-day, some 18,000,000 at le..'l.Stof ourpopulation, and by reason of the'greater fecundity of the two races in that 

portion of the country containing at least one-third of the educable 

population of the country in that portion of the Union, are now expending in the support of schools but about $11,000,000, while for the 

whole country the expenditure, according to the returns as I have them 

in the last printed report of the Commissioner of Education, was in the 

year 1885-'86 $111,000,000. That is to say, one-third of the school 

population of this country is actually receiving to-day only one-tenth 

of the school funds which are being applied upon the school population 

of the entire Union. 

Anditwill be remembered, inaddition to this, thatwhatsoevermoncy 

is expended there is expended to far less advantage than it is in the 

Northern States; and why? I have the demonstration here by a careful calculation showing that ·it would require to-day the expenditure of 

$36,000,000 in these Southern States to give them the school plant and 

the school advantages which abound in the North-the facilities for 

giving instruction, I mean to say; $36,000,000, almost half the amount 

which it is proposed by this bill to give during the whole term of eight 

years. The sort of school-houses used there has been described, hundreds of them log houses without windows: In a single county, as I 

read to you, where there were nineteen school-houses, the superintendent of schools in that county returns that the value of school furniture 

does not average $1 per school-house. 

In the State of Kentucky, with one hundred and fifty counties, when 

an attempt was made to have a State assemblage of the teachers, to hold 

a teachers' convention, there was a representation from but one-third 

of the counties, and a responsible lady who writes to me, and whose name and letter I have given in the RECORD, says there are whole counties in 

that State where there is no school whatever. But the point is, that 

where they do have school facilities they are of such inferior quality 

that the money actually expended is expended at great disadvantage. 

Any one can see that. And yet here in these States, laboring under 

these tremendous disad vantaaes as to the provision for education, the 

me.o'l.ns of utilizing the eftorts of teachers in the imparting of intelligence 

in these States, where there is one-third of the population and only 

about one-half the school population in any school whatever, they used 

only $11,000,000 of the $111,000,000 expended in the whole country. 

There is a fact of gre.o'l.t significance. I do not know anybody who will 

dispute it unless he would dispute the shining &un. 

I ask Senators to contemplate just that one fact, without putting me 

to the trouble of demonstrating it by an examination which bears out 

the general assertion in the various States at large. I have here the 

last report, the report of 1885-'86, and it shows in the State of Floridawhich has been held up to admiration on this floor as a newEl Dorado 

and something superior to anything we have seen before, and she is 

a glorious State in natural resources-that of the children between 

six and sixteen y~ars of age, the very narrowest limit of the school age, some 48 per cent. attend schools. In the various Southern States the 

actual attendance upon schools is from 46, 48, 50 to 51, 52, 53, and 54 

per cent. of the children between six and sixteen y~s of age. Nobody 

denies that. We have these statistics in the New York Post in its attacks upon this plea for mendicity, if that be the expression-beggarywhich Senators are asked to believe, and every essential statement in its 

attacks I assert to be a falsehood exposed over and over again, and yet 

reiterated and reiterated with knowledge that it is false, and to the 

misleading of the great Northern mind. 

I tell you, Mr. Pre ident, the time is not far ahead when the Northern people will understand this j ugglery; they will know the L'lcts; and 

they will be aroused to this deception, and the American people will 

have the truth from that gallery on which I now gaze. 

I commend to anybody who doubts the necessity of aid to the South- ern States, whoever may be complained of for its existence, an honest 

and careful perusal of the last report of our own officer, the Commissioner of Education; and I commend to such people, too, a perusal of 

the contents of the RECORD, so far as they relate to the question of the 

necessity of aid in these Southern States for further education. The 

highest authorities there say that on the whole illiteracy is increasing, 

and there rn no question of the fact that illiteracy is in the aggregate 

increasing. The only question is as to whether it is increasing relatively, whether population and weal t.b. are increasing more rapidly than 

illiterncy; but where there were two millions of men who could not 

read their ballots in the year 1880 there are as many or more who can not read their ballots to-day. 

That is the stubborn fact which still exists, and the question arises 

whether it is to contin'Ue to exist. It is an evasion of the real issue to 

come here and say that the Southern people do not educate their children, and yet that they are.able to do so. The filet is that these children are not educated, and itisofnoconsequence, relatively, where the 

blame lies. They are American children; they are a part of this great 

nation; they hold its destiny in their hands as much as do the children 

of Boston, or of Chicago, or of San Francisco. Are they to be educated? 

The Senator from Connecticut [Mr. HAWLEY] said yesterday that 

the question of education was a local question; and assuming that fulse 

premise he went on to argue that this bill is unconstitutional. I say 

''that fulse premise"-not false in the sense that it implies any fuult 

on his part, but an untrue premise. Is education a local matter? Is 

it in New Hampshire? Is it of no consequence to my friend who represents California, that- I or my children may be barbarians and grow 

up a race of savages? Is this Union, composed of those whosecitizenship covers this whole country, to ha>e no-interest in its several parts? 

Is it of no consequence to the parent in New Hampshire whether the 

child in Alabama be educated? "\\-'bo of the fa.thers and of the really 

great men of this country or of any country, who have bad the good of 

human nature and of human beings at heart, has ever failed to assert 

affirmatively, not to assert evasively or doubtfully, but affirmatively, 

that education is the grand basis ofrepublican institutions? Who does 

not know that knowledge is power, and that there is no power but 

knowledge; that mind is superior to matter, and that the education of 

the child alone qualifies that child for citizenship? 

I do not sneak of education in the narrow and restricted sense ot 

merely learn.iD.g to read and write and cipher, or of intellectual education carried to any extent. I do not speak of that alone. I speak oi 

the develo_pment, the education of the whole man; and the :first ne· 

cessity that a child may rerei ve education in all the three great depru.ir 

ments of its nature is that intellectual education, the training of the 

senses, an acquisition of the power io acquire knowledge-knowledge 

of the very elements of ordinary learning, the art of reading and of 

writing, the basis of the whole. And that is all that this bill undertakes to do, all that this bill undertakes to impart~ It undertakes to 

carry that wherever it is needed, within the limits of the appropriation, 

and bases it upon the necessity as measured by the census-the only 

tru,thfill and mathematical measure which is available to us as yet. 

It undertakes, I say, to carry within the limits of the amount covered 

by this bill, to e>ery part of the country, the means of acquiring a 

common-school education byevery child; and that is all it undertakes 

to do. It un~rtakes to give us uniform and homogeneous American 

citizenship; that all shall be elevated to one common level in order 

that each y have a fair chance in the race of life. That is all it un- dertakes to do. 

It is a bill of beggary, is it? How is this generation to pay the debt 

owed byitto thelast? Certainly wecannotinany waycompensateom 

fathers; but is it not our duty, are we not simply repaying a debt which 

we owe to those who have preceded us and who have given us tbe.opportunity of working out this grand destiny of ours? Do we not, I say, 

owe to them that we transmit ' to others the great blessings which we 

have received? How is this nation to be made perpetual? How is 

this great people to be made perpetual unless it be that the citizenship be instructed and be made competent to understand its rights and 

to defend them? . 

Sir, the war liberated a race which by the last census had attained 

to the number of 6,580,000, poor, worked by hard taskmasters for two 

hundred and fifty years as slaves, the title tow hom was vested in citizens 

of the South, but it was one common crime if it were a crime. TheN orth 

grew rich out of the labor of the sla>e and his transportation to this 

country; it fattened on his labor while he was a slave in this country. 

We availed ourselves of his commercial >alue as well as did the people 

of the South. The war came and slavery was destroyed-destroyed 

by Northern power-and. the Union was maintained intact, and we 

made these men citizens. We le.ft them ignorant. We found them 

worth perhaps a dollar apiece, and within the last quarter of a century 

nearly, after diligent labor, they have come to be worth perhaps $15 

apiece. !remember that the Senator from Georgia [Mr. BROWN], when 

this bill was discussed three or four years ago in this Chamber, stated 

.that the colored people of the South bad taxable property to the amount 

of $6,000,000. There were then a half million of them in that State. 

By statistics which have recently come to my knowledge and which I 

think are substantially correct, the colored people of this country own, 

by their own estimates, some $250,000,000. Nine million dollars ol 

that is owned by colored people in the city of New York. 

-

'. 
1220. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

I believe it to be a fact that there are now at least 8, 000,000, probably 8,500,000, colored people in this country. If they have increased 

since the last census as they did from 1870 to 1880, there must be 

8,500,000 of them now. I do not suppose that the entire number living at the South are in possession of $125,000,000, or at mQst $150,-

000,000 of property to-day, and of taxable property I do not believe 

they have $100,000,000. The wealth of the United S6tes to-day I can not, of course, tell exactly, but the Senator from Nevada estimated it 

at $75,000,000,000 only a few days ago herein debate. Assuming that 

the taxable property of the country is $35,000,000,000 or $4.0,000,000,-

000 to-day, that of the South is not over $4,000,000,000in the whole. · That portion of the American people upon whom devolves the education of"at least one-third of the children of this great country are not 

to-day worth for the purposes of taxation more than one-tenth of the 

property of the other two-thirds, and the colored people whom we are endeavoring to reach mainly are the poorest of the whole. Perhaps 

the poor whites are not much better off; but take from the colored population the two or three millions who represent what was the dominant 

element before the war, and both white and colored, I doubt whetqer 

they average $30 apiece to-day, and the colored man at the South, I do 

not believe, is worth $10. 

What does this signify? These are the people who have the children, 

these are the men who in mountains and valleys and hamlets and glens 

have the generation in charge that is to come, and that is rapidly becoming the nation to-day. What, I say, is the significance of these figures so far as the power to maintain schools is concerned? Do we not know 

that the power to raise money and to appropriate it to any pmpose o_utside of the provisi1m of the necessaries of life depends upon a surplus on the part of the individual? He must first provide shelter; he must 

provide clothing; he must provide food for his family. Actual exist- ence must first be seemed; and what taxable property has he left beyond that? To-day if the wealthy white population of the South did 

not pay far beyond what any like population pays anywhere else in proportion to the entire wealth of the whole, neither the poor white nor the colored man's child would be receiving any education at all. As it 

is, it hardly applies for three months in the year. _ 

The Senator from Kansas [Mr. PLuMB], whom I respect and love as I know he-loves me-though he never said so, I .see it in his eye and in 

the sweep of his arm-says that the people of Kansas are taxing themselves and enduring greater burdens than the people of the South, and 

it is because these people of the South fail to do their duty that their 

children are not educated. Grant it for the moment, what ofit? We are dealing with the child and with the future; with the fat-e of the 

Northern citizen and the Southern citizen, as my friend and myself 

know, in the time that is to come. We are not dealing with our friends 

who are supposed to be derelict in their duty. The fact, and the only 

fact that is essent.ial, is that the education is not being received, and 

that the child is helpless to acquire it or provide it for himself, Dr. 

Eliot and other college presidents to the contrary notwithstanding. 

In regard to the people ofKansa.s, they were Northern people; they were trained in the common school; they knew the institution; they 

comprehended that knowledge was power, and they went to that great 

country and conquered the wildernessandmadeitto blossom as the rose; 

:md they have sent -such men as you, 1\Ir. President [Mr. INGALLS], 

and my friend here [Mr. PLUMB] to represent them on t is floor, and 

they have done it by universal suffrage. The sovereignty is in the poorest man in Kansas as much as it is in the richest; and why is it there? 

Because he knows as much; and understanding the common school, 

knowing that it was a primary necessity, he established it in Kansas, 

and he bas come to have the average proportion of wealth. The citizenship of Kansas, as a whole, can endure its taxation and maintain 

its schools, because wealth is there distributed. 

His not so at the South, and it never will be so at the South until 

the common school is the common· institution of that country. My 

friend knows that; but he brings in his table here and he undertakes 

to showtbatweare r_obbing the StateofNewHampshireand the State 

of Kansas by this proposed contribution to the necessity of the child of 

the South, saying nothing about the parents and the masterS' of the 

present time. He says we are robbing the child of the North. Let us see. I do not understand it that way. He has undertaken to show 

how much each State receives and how much each State will pay out 

in the form of taxation in this proposed contribution of $77,000,000. 

Could anything be more misleading or misguiding than the table which 

he introduces for the second time? He presented it in his former 

speech, and the inaccuracy and misleading tendency of it he could not 

bg.t know, for it was fully exposed at that time. 

He estimates that the taxation of the country is equally distributed 

per capita throughout the United States. He understands about the 

ta1'iff, and that it is mainly levied on the luxuries of the country. He 

knows that the int-ernal revenue comes from whisky. and toba.cco and 

a few other things which no man consumes unless he sees fit to do so. 

I take it that the people of Kansas do not wear the imported luxuries to any great extent or consume from the imported luxuries to any 

great extent. I know that the common people in my State do not; and 

so far as those personal habits are concerned upon which depends the 

consumption of articles taxed under the internal-revenue system, no man contributes unless he sees fit to do so. And so it seems to be the 

fact that no State pays more than she chooses, and the most of the people pay but very little of the actual taxation that gets into the Trea-sury 

of the United States either in the way of duties on imports or by inp 

ternal revenue. 

But even if it were so, I do not think the people of Kansas have very 

much to complain of. I have here the last report of the PostmasterGeneral, and it seems that my poor people in New Hampshire, starving 

to death on the summit of 1\Iount Washington, battling with the hardships of the climate, have to assist the people of Kansas. It ~eems that 

the State ofNew Hampshire is actually contributing to the postal 

necessities of Kansas and various other States the amountofnear $50,-

000 a year and has done so for a long time. In New Hampshire there 

wa-s$56,411lastyearexcessofpostal receipts over expenditures. Massachusetts contributes to thepostalsystem of the Western States $1,074,-

577. The State of New York contributes almost $3,000,000-$2,922,-

000. Here is another State, Illinois, which contributes $426,629, and 

so on. I do notcomplainofthat. Wearehelpingtoeducate the West, 

for the postal system is a great educating system. It is advocated by 

those who are taking these revenues from New Hampshire, New York, 

and Massachusetts, on the ground that it educates the people. So it 

does, and I would be willing, my people would be willing, to give even more than they do beyond what is necessary to pay the expenses of the 

system in their own Stat-e. 

Now, another illustration. Every year when there is not a veto we are ·called upon to contribute for the improvement of the rivers and harbors of the country. New Hampshire has a harbor to which there is no contribution of any consequence ever made, nothing in proportion 

to our taxation. We get but little. The interior States get next to 

nothing, yet all pay their tax; and can any one say it is a matter of 

indifference to me whether New York Harbor is improved, whether the 

coast shall be fortified and defended, whether anything necessary for 

the general welfare of this great country of ours be done? I have not 

learned my politics in this narrow and to my mind contemptible school. 

We shall not hold~ this country together another decade if the ideas 

which have been advanced on this floor for the defeat of this bill are to prevail. 

I have no sympathy, Mr. President, with denunciation of the South. 

If the spirit is wanting, that is the greatest calamity of all; but, sir, the 

spirit is not wanting. How do we act with the heathen? Do we 

withhold our missionaries and our means of enlightenment because the 

people do not want them? Nay, verily, Ur. President., we pursue just 

the opposit-e course for that very reason. If we were, as·it is assumed 

here that we are, dealing with a heathen population at the South, for 

that reason pour in the money, pour it in from the national Treasury, 

pour it there in self-defense; it is cheaper than another war. Do you expect to hold this country together for twenty-five years longer 

upon the doctrineswhichhave been advanced bySonthern Senators upon 

this-floor, who have advocated the very principles of secession to which 

they gave the best part of their lives? I tell you, Mr. President, that 

if the war did not a-ccomplish the destructionofthedoctrinewhich bas 

been advocated here, there is another one coming. We shall never reach this elemental difficulty until we give education to the masses of 

the people there, for I tell yon to-day, whatever her Senators may say, a majority of the people of Texas want this bill. A majority of the 

people of Kentucky would vote to-day for this bill. Wherever you 

give free suffrage, white or black, and show them this bill in any South- ern State, in any State where their school privileges are la.cking, they 

will vote for it. · . • Let this bill prevail in its provisions to such an extent as to give a thoroughly vitalized and fully extended system of common schools 

throughout the South; let it prevail for ten years and the old hide-bound 

aristocracy which owned land and man alike before the war will disappear forever from the face of the earth. One-half thoM Senators today are for this bill. They comprehend the signs of the times. They 

know that it is meant to accomplish something. They understaJJ.d that 

universal intelligence is to be the indispensable condition of universal 

citizenship in the future. Those men lead their people. For them there 

is in the future a full assurance of hope. 

But I tell yon, Mr. President, that the other men who fight this bill on this floor are fighting for self-preservation and for a condition of 

things that is passing away. It received its first great death blow in 

the war, and this is bnt an indispensable and necessary and logical result of the war, for it makes free indeed those who, as the result of the 

war, were declared free under the constitutional and statutory enact· · 

ments of the land. 

There will be a universally diffused sovereignty one of these days, 

and there will be freedom at the South as well as at the North. That 

is why certain men oppose the common schools, and to-day all through 

the South they are the class of men who are opposing them, not only the contributions which we are attempting to get here, but oppo ing 

them in their actual establishiilent there. - But, :llfr. President, it is no use to fight against the stars. Destiny 

is fixed. Yon may defeat this bill; you may do it by direction, or you 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1221 

may do it by indirection, but the principles of the bill will prevail. 

The great force of national defense will vest itself in the results of com- mon-school education at the South as well as at the North. 

I ought to speak of General Armstrong, but I have notthe time; itis no use, for the hour for the vot e is almost at hand. Isawamomentor 

two ago the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. HAWLEY] here. Tbefust meeting ever held in this city for the promotion of this bill was at General HAWLEY's house, :md I was more surprised than anybody else 

when I found him its enemy. I would dwell more upon that if the 

Senator from Connecticut were here. 

Mr. FRYE. He is here now. Mr. BLAIR. General Armstrong was long a friend of the bill. I do 

not know what has affected his mind. Only last year in his report to 

the people of Virginia he spoke of the great necessity of assistance in 

the education of the people of the,South. I have beard that be is sick; 

I do not know whether he is or not. I do know that this bill has been 

in the clutches-it was in the last Congress-not of an adverse majority, but in the clutches of the leaders of an ad verse minority, and that 

his institution depends upon appropriations; that he comes here and 

begs for them, and that he goes to Virginia and begs for them; and I 

do know, or I do think, that there must have been operating n ) On his 

mind, and operating upon the minds of others through his representations at the North who have been misled, some kind of motive that I can 

not explain, or if I can I am not going to do it. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore (at 3 o'clock p.m.). Unanimous con- sent was given on Wednesday last that at this hour debate on the bill 

should cease. Mr. BLAIR. I can not ask for an extension of time. I have yielded 

the floor; I have said my say. I ask leave to print a letter just re- ceived from a professor at the head of a school, the senior principal of 

the Bryant School, at Roslyn, Long Island, New York, which bas been 

drawn from him, dated February 13, by reason of this unaccountable 

performance of the educated and the cultivated, cold-blooded college 

professors and beggars of the North. · The letter referred to is as follows: 

BRYANT SCHOOL, ROSLYN, LONG ISLAND, February 13,1888. 

DEAR Sm: My attention having been called to certain letters in Saturday's 

Evening Post, a-dverse to the Blair bill, I have something to say in the way of 

criticism. President Barnard says the bill is "totally without justification in 

the Constitution of the United States." Congress has granted millions· of acres of land to the States for educational purposes, and, as the land was worth millions of dollars, has in effect granted millions of dollars already for the same object proposed by the Blair bill. President Barnard must therefore hold that 

Congress has been most unconstitutionally granting large values almost ever since the organization of the Government. And further, as President Barnard 

holds that such grants do great injury to communities by discouraging selfhelp, self-sacrifice, etc.l therefore, according to the learned president, what an incalculable amount ot harm Congress has already done! Look a.t Kansas, Minnesota., and other States which have been the recipients, the "mendicants" 

which have had the misfortune to get several mil1ions in thls way from grants of Congress for educationaljmrposes! If President Barnard's logic is good, these States must be suffering from a most deplorable lack of self-reliance, and the push, energy, and enterprise that pro- ceedfromself-relia.nce, as well as far behind in education compared with wha.t they would have been if Congress had not most unconstitutionally inflicted 

upon them these grants of school lands I President Barnard also makes a. fiing a.t the" general-welfare" clause of the Constitution and says it is "much abused." 

President Barnard may regret, but he cs.n not ignore the fact, that the ''generalwelfare" clause is in the Constitution, and in the very first paragraph, conferring P.Owers upon Congress, and that Congress is just as much bound by it to proVJde for the "general-welfare'' as it is to provide for the '' common defense." I would ask the distinguished president then, when and how this clause has 

been "abused"? Has Congress provided for the "general welfare" too much or too little? Has Congress o>erdone its duty in this respect or underdone it? 

Have we had a surfeit of welfare through Congressional zeal? I protest against the attempt to belittle this particular provision of the Constitution while laying extra stress upon others. The " general-welfare" clause is not second in dig- nity,importance,or mandatory authority to any clause of the Constitution. 

Not only President Barnard, but several other colle.,ge presidents, object to the 

Blair bill on the ground that it is a "bill to encourage mendicity," or, putting it 

into Anglo-Saxon, they call it a "bill to encourage beggary." Now, I would 

like to ask, What institutions' have done more "begging" than colleges? If 

these presidents are logical and believe'wha.t they say, they should instantly insist that all the millions they have derived from bequests and State appropria- tions should be paid back, and that the colleges should be run in future on the 

"self-he1p" and "self-reliance" principle exclusively-they can not have too much of such a good thing. I am not discussing the details of the bill; they may be objectionable in many 

ways. Experience has shown how unsafe it is to intrust large sums of money to State Legislatures. I have nothing to say on that subject, as the writers of 

the letters I allude to say nothing. I wish to comment upon one other remark, or objection, of President Barnm·d's. It is this: He objects very emphatically that the money is not to be distributed pro rata, according to population. I reply 

that it is just as important to me that the constituents of a Mississippi Representa- tive or Senator be made intelligent by education as that the constituents of the 

New York Representatives and Senators should be, because they alike make 

Ja.:ws that I must obey, and that the narrow, local self-government argument 

will not apply h_ere so long as that is the fact. We appropriate money for improv:ement of rivers and harbors, not in proportion to population, but in proP?rtiOn to t~e wants of the rivers and harbors. On the same principle the Blair 

bill appropriates money where most needed by the uneducated condition of the 

people, as the "general welfare" demands that American citizens everywhere 

Mr. PLUMB. I ask leave to modify it so as to read according to tha 

copy which I send to the desk. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempm·e. The Senator has a right to modify 

his own amendment, the yeas and nays not having been ordered. 

Mr. HARRIS. Before proceeding to vote on the amendment, I wish ·to give. notice that at the proper time I shall move to amend the title so as to conform it to my own view as to what would be a proper title 

to the pending bill. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Tennessee desire to have it read now? 

Mr. HARRIS. Yes, sir. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The proposed amendment to the title 

will be read. 

1\f:r. BLAIR. nessee. 

I did not hear the remark of the Senator from TenThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Tennessee proposes to amend the title, and asks that his suggestion may be now read. 

Mr. HARRIS. I give notice that I shall move it at the proper time. 

Mr. BLAIR. In regard to this amendment, I may be permitted to say what I designed to say or ought to have said: If· amendments are offered here which we can not discuss, I hope that the friends of the measure will stand by it just as it was reported, andj ust as it was passed 

at the last Congress; al\d if the bill shall go to the other House we can depend upon that body to make such modifications in secondary matters 

as should be made. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chief Clerk will read the amendment to the title proposed by the Senator from Tennessee. 

The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out the title and inse"rt: 

A bill offering a bribe to the States to relinquish the rights of local self-gov- ~m~~ . 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chief Clerk will read the amendment proposed by the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PLIDrB]. 

The CHIEF CLERK. I~is proposed to strike out section 2 of the bill 

and insert: 

SxC. 2. That such money shall annually be divided among and paid out in the 

several States and Territories and in the District of Columbia in proportion to their population, respectively, between the ages of ten and twenty-one years, according to the census of 1880: P1·ovided, That all of said money remaining un- distributed at the date of the publication of the returns of population according to the census of 1890 shall be divided, as aforesaid, in proportion to the population between the ages of ten and twenty-one years, according to said census. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Will the Senate agree to this amendment? 

Mr. PL U:MB. I ask for the yeas and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered. 

Mr. BLAIR. If the Chair will excuse me, my attention was diverted, and I do not know the pending question. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The pending question is on the 

amendment proposed by the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PLUMB]. 

.Mr. BLAIR. Which proposes to distribute the fund on the basis of 

population. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The amendment has just been read, 

and the yeas and nays have been ordered upon it. The Secretary will 

call the roll. 

Mr. BLAIR. Mr. PresidentThe PRESIDENT pro tempore. The roll-call will not proceed until 

order i restored in the Chamber. It is impossible to }lear the responses 

while so much conversation continues. 

Mr. BLAIR. The Senator from Kansas has modified his amendment, he tells me. 

The PRESIDENT pro te'lnpO're. The amendment has been read at 

the desk. 

M:r. BLAIR. . Can it be read again? , The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It can, if the Senator desires. 

Mr. BLAIR. I should be glad to hear it. 

The PRESIDENT pro te'rnpore. The amendment will be again read. 

The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out section 2 and insert: 

SEC. 2. That such money shall annually be divided among and paid out in the 

several States and Territories and in the District of Columbia., in proportion to their population, respective1y, between the ages of ten and twenty-one years, ac- cording to the census of 1880: Provided, That all of said money remaining un- distributed at the date of the publication of the returns of population according to the census of 1890 shall be divided as aforesaid in proportion to the population between the ages of ten and twenty-one years according to said census. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. 

be sufficiently intelligent to know and perform their duties. 

.Mr. VEST (when the name of Mr. EDMUNDS was called). I have 

received a message from the Senator from Vermont [Mr. EDMUNDS] 

stating that he is confined to his house by sickness, and asking me to 

pair with him on this bill. He is a friend to the measure, and I assume 

would vote against this amendment. I am opposed to the measure in 

every sense of the term, and I therefore announce the pair. 

E. HINDS. I Mr. McPHERSON (when his name was called). I am paired with 

I 

the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. P .AD DOCK]. If be were here be would 

Mr. PLUMB. The pending question is on my amendment to the vote for the amendment,.. and I should vote against it. 

Senator BLAIR. 

second section. Mr. VEST (when his name was called). I am paired with the Sen· 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The amendment will be read. , ator from Vermont [Mr. EDMUNps]. 
1222 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE .. FEBRUARY 15, 

The roll-cn,ll having been.concluded, the result was announced-yeas 

22, nays 48; as follows: 

Aldrich, 

Allison, 

Beck, 

Butler, 

Chace, 

Cockrell, 

Bate, 

Berry, 

Blackburn, 

Blair, 

Blodgett, 

Bowen, 

Brown, 

Call, 

Cameron, 

Chandler, 

Coke, 

Colquitt, 

Cullom, 

Dawes, 

Farwell, 

Frye, 

Gorw.an, 

Hale, 

Daniel, 

Davis, 

Dolph, 

Eustis, 

Evarts, 

Faulkner, 

George, 

Gray, 

Hampton, 

Harris, 

Hearst, 

Hoar, 

YE.AS-22. 

Hawley, 

Hiscock, 

Ingalls, 

Jones of Nevada, 

Manderson, 

Morgan, 

NAY&---48. 

Jones of Arkansas, 

Kenna, 

Mitchell, 

Morrill, 

Palmer, 

Pasco, 

Payne, 

Platt, 

Pugh, 

Quay, 

Ransom, 

Reagan, 

ABSENT-G. 

Plumb, 

Sabin, 

Teller, 

Wilson of Md. 

Riddleberger, 

Saulsbury, 

Sawyer, 

Spooner, 

Stanford, 

Stewart, 

Stockbridge, 

Turpie, 

Vance, 

Voorhees, 

Walthall, 

Wilson of Iowa. 

Edmunds, McPherson, Sherman, Vest. Gibson, Paddock, 

So the amendment was rejected. 

Mr. BERRY. I move to amend the bill by striking out so much of 

section 4 as is included from the beginning down to and including the 

word "term" in line 24. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chief Clerk will report the part 

proposed to be stricken out. . .'l'he CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out all of section 4 from 

the first part of the section to and including the word "term" in line 

24, ns follows: That no Stnte or Territory shall receive any money under this act until the gove rnor thereof shall file with the Secretary of the Interior a statement, certi- fied by him, showing the common-school system in force in such State or Terri- tory; the amount of money expended therein dUFing the last preceding school year in the support of common schools, not including expenditures for the rent, 

repair, or erecti<111 of school-houses; whether any discrimination is made in the - raising or distributing of the common-school revenues or in the common-school facilities afforded between the white and colored children therein, and, so far as is practicable, the sources from which such revenues were derived; the man· ner in which th~ same were apportioned to the use of lhe common schools; the number of white and colored children in eachcountyorparishandcity between the ages often and twenty-one years, both inclusive, ns given by the census of 1880, and the number of children, white and colored; of such school age attend- ing school; the number of schools in operation in each county or parish and city, white and colored; the school term for each class; the number of teachers employed, white and colored, male and female, and the average compensation 

paid such teachers; the average attendance in each class, and the length of the school term. 

The PRESIDENT pro temp01·e. The question is on agreeing to the 

amendment of the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. BERRY]. 

1\fr. BERRY. I ask for the yeas and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered, and the Secretary proceeded to call 

the roll. 

Mr. McPHERSON (when his name was <'.alled). I am paired with 

the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. P.A.DDOCK]. I do not know how he 

would vote on this question. If be were here I should vote "nay." 

.M:r. VEST (when his name was called). I agreed to pair with the 

Senator from Vermont [Ur. EDMUNDS], if I could secure no other pair 

for him. I assume that he would vote against this n,mendment if he 

were present. I should vote for it. 

The roll-call was concluded. 

Mr. CHACE. I wish to announce that I am paired on this question 

with the Sena.t.or from Louisiana [Mr. GIBSON]. 

The result was announced-yeas 25, nays 44; a-s follows: 

Bate, 

Beck, 

Berry, 

Blackburn, 

Butler, 

Call, 

Cockrell, 

Aldrich, 

Allison, 

Blair, 

Blodgett, 

Bowen, 

Brown, 

Cameron, 

Chandler, 

Colquitt, 

Cullom, 

Davis, 

Coke, 

Daniel, 

Faulkner, 

Gorman, 

Gray, 

Hampton, 

Harris, 

Dawes, 

Dolph, 

Eustis, 

Evarts, 

Farwell, 

Frye, 

George, 

Hale, 

Hiscock, 

Hoar, 

Ingalls, 

YEAs-25. 

Hawley, Saulsbury, 

Hearst, Vance, 

Kenna., Voorhees, 

Morgan, Wilson of Md. Pasco, 

Ransom, 

Reagan, 

NAYS-44. Jones of .Arkansas, Riddleberger, Jones of Nevada, Sabin, r 1\Ianderson,- Sawyer, 

Mitchell, Spooner, 

1\Iorrill, Stanford, 

Palmer, Stewart, 

Payne, Stockbridge, 

Platt, Teller, 

Plumb, Turpie, 

Pugh, Walthall, 

Quay, Wilson of Iowa.. 

ABSENT-7. 

Chace, Gibson, Paddock, Vest. Edmunds, McPherson, Sherman, 

So the amendment was rejected. . Mr. BERRY. I move to strike out section 12 of the bilL 

The PRESIDENT,pro tempore. The part proposed to be stricken 

out will be read. 

The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out section 12, as follows: 

SEC. 12. That no second or subsequent allotment shall be made under this act to any StatE:> or Territory unless the governor of such State or Territory shall 

first file with the Secretary of the Interior a stat~ment, certified by him, giving a detailedaccOlmt of the payments or disbursements made of the Echool fund apportioned to his State or Territory and received by the State or Territorial treasurer or officer under this act, and of the balance in the hands of such treas- urer or officer withheld, unclaimed, or for any cause unpaid or unexpended, and also· the amount expended in such State or Territory, as required by section 9 of this act, and also a. statement of the number of school districts in such State or Territory, and whether any portion of such State or Territory bas not been divided into school districts or other territorial subdivisions for school purposes, and, if so, what portion, and the reasons why the same has not been so l!ubdi- vided; the number of children of school age in each district, and the relative number of white and colored children in each district, and of the number of public, common, and industrial schools in each district; the number of teachers employed; the rate of wages paid; the total number of children in the State or Territory, and the total number taught during the year and in what branches instructed; tlll.e average daily att~ndance and the relative number of white and colored children; and the number of months in each year schools have been maintained in each school district. And if any State or Territory shall misapply or allow to be misapplied, orin anymannerappropriated or used other than for the purposes o.nd in the manner herein r~quired, the funds, or any part thereof, received under the provisions of this act, or shall fail to comply with the condi- tions herein prescribed, or to l'eport as herein provided, through its proper of- ficers, the disposition thereof, and the other matters herein prescribed to be so reported, such State or Territory shall rorfeit its right to any subsequent appor- tionment by virtue hereof until the full amount so misapplied, lost, or misappropriated shall have been replaced by such Stat~ or Territory and applied us herein required, and until such report shall have been made: ProtFided, That if the public schools in any State admit pupils not within the ages herein specified it shall not be deemed a failure to comply with the conditions herein. If it shall appear to the Secretary of the Interior that the funds l'eceived under this act for the preceding year by the State or Tenitory have been faithfully applied to the purposes contemplated by this act, and that the conditions thereof have been ob- served, then, and not otherwise, the Secretary of the Interior shall distribute the next year's appropriation as is hereinbefore provided. .And it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Interior to promptly investigate all compb.ints 

lodged with him of any misappropriation by or in any State or Territory of any moneys received by such State or Territozy under the provisions of this act, or of any discrimination in the use of such moneys; and the said complaints, and all communications received concerning the same, and the evidence taken upon such investigations, shall be preserved by the Secretary of the Interior, and shall be open to public inspection and annually reported to Congress. 

Mr. MORGAN. On this question I call for the yeas and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered, and the Secretary proceeded to call 

the roll. 

Mr. VEST (when his name was rolled). I am paired with the Senator from Vermont [1t1r. EDMUNDS]. 

The roll-call having been concluded, the result was announcedyeas 24, nays 45; as follows: 

Bate, 

Beck, 

Berry, 

Blackburn, 

Butler, 

Cockrell, 

Aldrich, 

Allison, 

Blair, 

Blodgett, 

Bowen, 

Brown, 

Call, 

Cameron, 

Chandler, 

Colquitt, 

Cullom, 

Davis, 

Coke, 

Daniel, 

Faulkner, 

Gorman, 

Gray, 

Hampton, 

Dawes, 

Dolph, 

Eustis, 

Evarts, 

Farwell, 

Frye, 

George, 

Hale, 

Rawley, 

Hiscock, 

Hoarils 

Inga ' 

YE.AS-24. 

Harris, Ransom, 

Hearst, Reagan, Jones of Arkansas, Saulsbury, 

Kenna, Vance, 

Morgan, Voorhees, 

Pasco, Wilson of 1\Id. 

N.A.Ys--45. 

Jones of Nevada, 

Manderson, 

Mitchell, 

Morrill, 

Palmer, 

Payne, 

Platt-, 

Plumb, 

Pugh, 

Quay, 

Riddleberger, 

Sabin, 

.A..BSENT-7. 

Sawyer, 

Spooner, 

Stanford, 

Stewart, 

Stockbridge, 

Teller, 

Turpie, 

Walthall, 

Wilson of Iowa. 

Chace, Gibson, Paddock, Vest. Edmnnds, McPherson, Sherman, 

So the amendment was rejected. 

The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendment made as in Committee of the Whole was concurred in. 

Mr. BERRY. Mr. President, I desire to ask unanimous consent 

that I be allowed five minutes in explanation to do myself justice as 

to my vote. I shall not OCCl:lPY more than fi.\e minutes. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Arkansas asks--

Mr. STEW ART. I regret to object. .The PRESIDENT pro tempo~·e. Will the Senator suspend until the 

request of the Senator from Arkansas has-been stated by the Chair? 

The Senator from Arkansas asks unanimous consent that be m&y be 

allowed five minutes in which to make a. statement upon ihe pending 

bill. 

Mr. STEW ART. I sh..'llll have t.o object to granting·unanimous consent under the circumstances. I have known it asked and denied in 

other cases on the ground that if it were granted to one it would have 

to be granted to another; and so would prolong debate and virtually 

abrogate the agreement. 

1\fr. BERRY. If the Senator from Nevada thinks proper to object, 

of course I recognize that under the agreement he has the right to no so. 

Mr. HOAR. May I be permitted to suggest' to the Senator from Arkansas that he will have a perfect right to make his persona! statement 

after the vote on the bill ? 

Mr. BERRY. Of course I recognize the right of Senators to object 

under t.he agreement. 

Mr. HARRIS. I appeal to the Senator from Ne,·ada. Certainly, in 

my brief experience on this floor, I have .ne>er known an insta.nce 

where a Senator wanted to make a personal stc'\tement that unanimous 

consent was not given. 
1888. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1223 

:Mr. BLAIR. Senators will allow me to suggest that there is not 

room for any fnrther debate under the agreement heretofore arrived at. 

Let that be understood-- . 

.Mr. MORGAN. I object to debate, 111r, President. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair understands the Senator 

from Alabama o.nd the Senator from Nevada to object. 

Mr. STEW ART. I withdraw my objection. 

The PRESIDENT pro .tempore. The Senator from Alabama the Chair 

understood to object. 

Mr. MORGAN. I objected to the debate the Senator from New 

Hampshire was conducting; that was all. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Ohair will again submit to the 

Senate the request of the Senator from Arkansas, who asksthathemay 

be allowed five minutes to make a statement upon the pending bill. Is 

there objection? [A pause.] 

Mr. EVARTS.. I understand it is a personal affair, to enable the 

Senator to make an address at this time.. If it is on the bill, I certainly 

shall object to it. 

1\Ir. BERRY; I will state to the Senator that it is simply a statement, not exceeding five minutes, of the reasons why I cast the vote I 

shall cast. It is not debate on the bill. 

Mr. EVARTS. How is it a personal matter? A matter of debate, 

why I should or should not vote for a bill, is on the merits. 

Mr. BERRY. If the Senator fromNew York objects, that ends the 

matter. 

1\Ir. EVARTS. I do not object to a personal explanation. I want 

to know how it comes to be a personal explanation. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Unanimous consent is not reeognized 

by the rules, and the enforcement of it rests wholly with the Senate. 

Having no power to enforce the agreement that has been made, the 

Ohair asks of the Senate if there is objection to the reqnest made by the 

Senator from Arkansas. · The Chair understood the Senator from New 

York to make a qualified objection. In ease the statement was purely 

personal he bad no objection; but if it was debate he objected. The 

Ohair can not undertake to decide any question of that description. It 

rests with the Senator from Arkansas and the Senator fxom New York. 

Mr. BUTLER. Well, let us have the vote. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill is still open to amendment 

in the Senate. Ifthere be no amendment, the question is, Shall the bill 

be engrossed and read the third time? 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was read the third time. 

The PRESIDENT p1·o tempore. Having been read three times, shall 

the bill pass ? 

Mr. BUTLER. I ask for the yeas and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered, and the Secretary proceeded to call 

the roll. 

Mr. CHACE (when his name was called). On the question I am 

paired with the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. GIBSON]. If present I 

understand he would for this bill, and I should vote against it. 

Mr. COCKRELL (when 1.-Ir. EDMUNDS's name was called). The 

Senator from Vermont [Mr. EDMUNDS] is detained from the Senate 

Chamber unavoidably, and has requested my colleague [Mr. VEST] to 

pair with him. I have consented to pair with him. The Senator from 

Vermont, I underst..md, if present, would vote for this bill, and I should 

vote against it with pleasure. 

~fr. GORMAN (when his name was called). I am paired with the 

Senator from Ohio [Mr. S~MAN]. If he were present, I should vote 

"nay." 

Mr. ~IcPHERSON (when his name was cn.lled). I am paired with 

the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. P .A.DDOCK]. If he were present, he 

would vote ''yea '' and I should vote '' nay. '' 

The roll-call having been concluded, the result was announced-yeas 

39, nays 29; as follows: 

.Allison, 

Berry, 

Blair, 

Bowen, 

Brown, 

Call, 

Cameron, 

Chandler, 

Colquitt, Cullom. 

Aldrich, 

Bate, 

Beck, 

Bla<'kburn, 

Blodgett, 

Butler, 

Coke, 

Davis, 

Chace, 

Cockrell, 

YEAS-39. 

Daniel, :Manderson, 

Dawes, Mitchell, 

Dolph, Morrill, 

Eustis, Palmer, 

Evarts, Pasco, 

George, Payne, 

Hampton, Platt, 

Hearst, Pugh, 

Hoar, Quay, Jones of Arkansas, Ransom, 

Farwell, 

Faulkner, 

Frye, 

Gray, 

Hale, 

Harris, 

Hawley, 

Edmunds, 

Gibson, 

N.A.YS-29. 

Hiscock, 

Ingalls, 

Jones of Nevada, 

Kenna, 

1\Iorgan, 

Plumb, 

Reagan, 

.ABSENT-8. 

Gorman, 

:McPherson, 

Riddle berger, Sawyer, 

Stanford, 

Stewart, 

Stockbridge, 

Teller, 

Vance, 

.Walthall, 

Wilson of Iowa. 

Sabin, 

Saulsbury, 

Spooner, 

Turpie, 

Vest, 

Voorhees, 

Wilson of 1\Id. 

Paddock, 

Sherman. 

So the bill was passed. · 

[The announcement of the passage of the bill was greeted with ap- plause in the galleries .. l 

Mr. BERRY. Mr. President, if in order, I will say that I intended 

to state, when the Senator from New York o~jected, that in 18 3 the 

Legislature of Arkansas passed a resolution instructing her ....,enators to 

vote for Federal aid to common schools. In 1885, four days before I 

was elected to the place that I now occupy, I stated publicly in an address to the Legislature that I had not been in f.wor of the passage of 

the Blair bill, but I would obey that instruction which was given by 

the Legislature in 1883, I believing the Legislature had a right to instruct. I t.hink that some members of that Legislature voted for me 

in consequence of that promise. I would not lL.we made it if I had not 

intended to keep it. I therefore believe that my honor is involved in 

keeping that promise. I have never made a promise to the people of 

Arkansas that I have not tried to keep, and I have kept this one. It 

is due to myself, however, to say that I have always doubted the wisdom of the bill, as I stated when I voted for it two years ago, and but 

for the legislative instruction n.nd my pledged word I would lL.we voted 

"nay. " 

CREDEN.TI.A.LS. 

Mr. DANIEL presented the credentials of John S. Barb;ur, chose~ by the Legislature of Virginia a Senator fi·om that State for the term 

beginning Uarch 4, 1889; which were read, and ordered to be filed. 

~AGE FROM THE HOUS~ 

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. CLARK, ita 

Clerk, announced that the House had passed the bill (S. 1071) for the 

relief of A. B. Norton. -

The message ruso announced that the House had passed the following bills; in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate: 

A bill (H. R. 1612) to provide for holding terms of the United States 

district and circuit-courts in the State of Nebraska; 

A bill (H. R. 2595) for the relief of the widow of John A. S. Tutt, 

decea ed; · 

A bill (H. R. 3361) to provide for holding tenns of the circuit and 

district courts of the United States for the district of 'Kentuck---y at 

Owensborough, in said district, and for other purposes; and 

A bill (H. R. 4375) to create a board of arbitration to settle and determine the controversy between the United States and the State of 

Texas relating to certain territory by them respectively claimed. 

DIVISION SUPERINTEKDENTS OF RAiLWAY MAIL SERVICE. 

Mr. PLATT. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration 

of executive business. 

~Ir. SA. WYER. I ask the Senator fi:om Connecticut to gi>e way for 

a moment until I C..'Ul secure the passage of a little bill to authorize the 

appointment of two additional railway mail superintendents. 

Mr. PLATT. The Senator from Wisconsin appeals to me to withhold 

the motion for a few minutes, that he may call up a bill; but I wish to 

say that, while I yield to him for that purpose, I will not yield for the 

callin:; up of any bill which I think will occasion debate. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempm·e. The motion to proceed to the consideration of executive business is withdrawn. 

Mr. SA. WYER. I ask that the Senate proceed to the consideration 

of House bill 6439, Calendar No. 308. 

There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, 

proceeded to consider the bill (H. R. 6439) authorizing the appointment 

of eleven division superintendents of railway mail service. . 

The bill was reported from the Committee on Post-Offices and PostRoads with amendments, in line 9, before the word ''division,'' to strike 

out ''eleven" and insert "two;" and in line 5, after the word "service," 

to insert ''in addition to those heretofore authorized;'' so as to make the 

bill read: ~ 

Be it cna~ted, etc., That the Postmaster-General be, and is hereby, authorized to appoint and assign to duty two division superintendents of railway mail service, in addition to those heretofore authorized, who shall each be paid a. salary of $2,500 a year. 

The amendments were agreed to . The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendments were concurred in. 

The amendments were ordered to be engrossed and the bill to be read 

a third time. 

The bill was read the third time, and passed. 

On motion of Mr. SA WYE.R, the title was amended so as to read: 

A bill authorizing the appointment of two additional division superintend- ents of rail way mail service. 

R . R. TINSLEY. 

l\fr. JONES, of Arkansas. I ask unanimous consent of the Senate_ 

to take up Senate bill 313. 

Mr. DAWES. I hope the Senator will allow us to finish the bill we 

had up yesterday. It is substantially through. 

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I am anxious to take np this bill. I do 

not think it will occupy the attention of the Senate two minutes. 

M:r. PLATT. What is the bill? 

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. It is a bill for the relief of a postmaster who is charged with a small amount of funds-$119 stolen from him. It is recommended by the Post-()ffl.ce Department as being just, and 

they recommend that the amoruit shall be remitted, but the Postmaster-• 
' 1224 CONGRESSIONAL REOORD~SENATE. FEBRUARY 15, 

General thinks under the law he has no right to credit the postmaster's account without action on the part of Congress. I presume there can be no objection made to the bill. It has been reported favorably twice 

to the Senate. 

Mr. PLATT. If I have the right to do so, I renew my motion at 

this time. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Connecticut moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. 

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I was on the floor, and I do not think the 

Senator from Connecticut had the right to take me off the floor. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair understands that the Senator from Connecticut had made the motion, and yielded temporarily 

and informally, as is frequently the case. Jlrlr. JONES, of Arkansas. I hope the Senator from Connecticut will 

not be unreasonable about this matter. I ask him to withdraw the mo- tion. 

:Mr. PLATT. If the Senate Will permit a word out of order, if I 

withdraw the motion for one I shall have to do so for all. I withdraw 

it absolutely. · The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Arkansas moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the bill (S. 313) for the 

relief of R. R. Tinsley. . The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the 

Whole, proceeded to consider the bill. It proposes to direct the Postmaster-General, in his discretion, to credit the accounts of R. R. Tinsley, late postmaster at Nashville, Ark., with $119, lost by a robbery of 

the mails at or near Hope, Ark., on or about November 30, 1884. 

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to 

be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed. 

EXECUTIVE SESSION. 

1\1:r. DA w:ES. I move that the Senate take up and complete the con- sideration of Order of Business 30, being the bill (S. 1095) to provide 

for the compulsory education of Indian children. · Mr. HARRIS. Pending which I move that the Senate proceed to 

the consideration of executive business. 

The PRESIDENT pro temp01·e. The Senator from Tennessee moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. 

Mr. DAWES. I think there will be no further debate on this matter 

if the Senate will only take it up. 

Mr. HARRIS. I insist on my motion. 

The motion being put, there were, on a division-ayes 33, noes 8. 

M:r. SAWYER. I was anxious to get up the pension bills to-day, 

but to-morrow morning after the morning business is over I will en- deavor to get the floor for that purpose. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The count shows 33 in the affirmative and 8 in the negative. - Mr. DAWES. I ask for the yeas and nays. ["No!" "No!"] 

The yeas and nayR were not ordered. • The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the 

galleries and close the doors of the Senate. 

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business. 

After one hour and twenty-eight minutes spent in executive session 

the doors were reopened, and (at 5 o'clock and 20 minutes p. m.) the 

Senate adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, February 16, 1888, at 12 

o'clock m. ' 

NOMINATIONS. 

Executive nominations received bJL the Senate the 15th day of Feb1·ua1·y, 1888. 

RECEIVER OF PUBLIC MONEYS. 

J. H. Craddock, of Marysville, Cal., to be receiver of public moneys 

at Marysville, Cal., vice Thomas J. Sherwood, term expired. 

REGISTER OF LAND OFFICE. 

Lewis C. Granger, of Oroville, Cal., to be register of the land office 

at Marysville, Cal., vice John C. Bra-dley, term expired. 

ASSISTANT COLLECTOR OF CUSTOMS. 

Thomas H. Kelly, of New Jersey, as assistant collector of customs for 

the port of Jersey City, N.J., in the district of New York, to succeed 

Asa W. Dickinson, whose term of office has expired by limitation. 

CONFIRMATIONS. 

Exeetttive nominations confirmed by tlle Senate February 9, 1888. 

UNITED STATES CONSUL. 

Henry Vincent Lamantia, of New Orleans, La., to be consul of the 

United States at Catania. 

UNITED STATES MARSHALS. 

Andrew H. Dill, of Pennsylvania, to be marshal of the United States 

for the eastern district of Pennsylvania. 

Samuel L. Blaisdell, of Rhode Island, to be marshal of the United 

States for the district of Rhode Island. 

REGISTER OF LAND OFFICE. 

Jared A.. Van Auken, of Georgetown, Colo., to be register of the land 

office at Central City, Colo. 

INDIAN AGENT. 

William W. Dougherty, of Liberty, Mo., to be agent for the Indians 

of the Warm Springs agency in Oregon. 

FOR PRO~OTION IN THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

First Regiment of Artillery. 

Capt. William L. Haskin, to be major, August 11, 1887. 

First Lieut. Frederic C. Nichols, to be captain, August 11, 1887. 

First Lieut. Abner H. Merrill, to be captain, August 14, 1887. 

Second Lieut. William C. Rafferty, to be :first lieutenant, August 11, 

1887. 

Second Lieut. John L. Chamberlin, to be first lieutenant, August14, 

1887. 

Additional Second Lieut. Oscar I. Stmub, to be second lieutenant, 

August 11, 1887. 

Additional Second Lieut. Fremont P. Peek, of the Fourth Artillery, 

to be second lieutenant, August 14, 1887. 

Tenth Regiment of Cavab·y. 

Second Lieut. Percy E. Trippe, to be first lieutenant, January 17, 

1888. 

First Regiment of A1·tillery. 

First Lieut. John M. K. Davis, to be captain, January 14, 1888. 

Second Lieut. Charles J. Bailey, to be first lieutenant, January 14, 

1888. POSTMASTERS. 1 Fred Dutton, to be postmaster at Murray, in the county of Shoshone 

and Territory of Idaho. 

J. Guy Hammer, to be postmaster at Hailey, in the county of Altu- ras and Territory of Idaho. 

Joseph J. M:cBride, to be postmaster at Livingston, in the county of 

Gallatin and Territory of Montana. 

D. 0. Corcoran, to be postmaster at Oxford, in the county of Butler 

and State of Ohio. 

Maurice Fitzgerald, to be postmaster at Conneautville, in the county. of Crawford and State of Pennsylvania. 

George Horton, to be postmaster at Sheffield, in the county of War- ren and State of Pennsylvania. 

Joseph F. Woodrow, to be postmaster at Havre de Grace, in the county 

of Harford and State of 1\.faryland. 

Charles B. Durland, to be postmaster at Norfolk, in the county of 

Madison and State of Nebraska. 

Charles C. Ellis, to be postmaster at Sterling, in the county of John- son and State of Nebraska. 

William J. Keller, to be postmaster at Sutton, in the county of Clay 

and State of Nebraska. · Lafayette Myers, to be postmaster at Grand Island, in the county of 

Hall and State of Nebraska. 

Oliver H. Scott, to be postmaster at Hebron, in the county of Thayer 

and State of Nebraska. 

Bertha Kleven, to be postmaster at Culbertson, in the county of 

Hit-chcock and State of Nebraska. 

H. Fred Wiley, to be postmaster at Kearney, in the county of Buffalo and State of Nebraska. 

George F. Lewis, to be postmaster at Saginaw, in the county of Saginaw and State of Michigan. 

Benjamin F. Osgood, to be postmaster at Mendon, in the county of 

St. Joseph and State of Michigttn. 

R. B. Henderson, to be postmaster at Henderson, in the county of 

Vance and State of North Carolina . . Michael E. Lennon, to be postmaster at Hurley, in the couuty of 

Ashland and State of Wisconsin. . Joseph W. Goodwin, to be postmaster at Wolfborough, in the county 

of Carroll and State of New Hampshire. 

Jennie B. Hosley, to be postmaster at West Lebanon, in the county 

of Grafton and State of New Hampshire. 

Theodore S. Bassett, to be postmaster at Birmingham, in the county 

of New Haven and State of Connecticut. _ William H. Macartney, to be postmaster at Oakland, in the county 

of Kennebec and State of Maine. 

George R. Smith, to be postmaster at Kennebunk, in the county of 

York and State of Maine. 

William Barton, to be postmaster at Dalton, in the county of Berkshire and State of Massachusetts. 

James B. Lowrie, to be postmaster at Portland, in the county of J ay 

and State of Indiana. 

1\iarion H. Ingrim, to be postmaster at Winama-c, in the county of 

Pulaski and Stalie of Indiana. 

Lodah T. Alexander, to be postmaster at Monticello, in the conn ty ot' 

Jones and State of Iowa. 

Richard Burke, to be postmaster at What Cheer, in the county of 

Keokuk and State of Iowa. 
\ 

1888. -cONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 122~ 

Sena Gidley, to be postmaster at Malvern, in the county of Mills 

and State of Iowa. 

Hull Hoagland, to be postmaster at Emmetsburgh, in the county of 

Palo Alto and State of Iowa. 

Amos H. Kisner, to be postmaster at Mason City, in the county of 

Cerro Gordo and State of Iowa. 

Thomas C. Medary, to be postmaster at Waukon, in the county of 

Alamakee and State of Iowa. 

Newton S. Noble, to be postmaster at Anamosa, in the county of 

Jones and State of Iowa. 

William C. Swigart, to be postmaster at Maquoketa., in the county of 

Jackson and State of Iowa. 

Henry Slikkerveer, to be postmaster at Orange City, in the county 

of Sioux and State of Iowa. 

Jonathan B. Stutsman, to be postmaster at Harlan, in the county of 

Shelby and State of Iowa. 

JosephS. Lake, to be postmaster at Marion, in the county of Linn 

and State of low~. 

Emory J. Landers, to be postmaster at Imlay City, in the county of 

Lapeer and State of Michigan. 

J. I. McConnell, to be postmaster at Woodland, in the county ofYolo 

and State of California. 

Charles P. Bilderback, to be postmaster at Boise City, in the county 

of Ada and Territory of Idaho. 

Dennis O'Brien, to be postmaster at Willmar, in the county of Kandiyohi and State of Minnesota. 

0. A. Traugh, to be postmaster at Hollidaysburgh, in the county of 

Elair and State of Pennsylvania. 

Charles J. Harrison, to be postmaster at Wahoo, in the county of 

Saunders and State of Nebraska. 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

WEDNESDAY, February 15, 1888. 

The Clerk, Hon. JOHN B. CLARK, called the House to order and 

directed the reading of the following letter: 

Bon. JoHN B. CLARK, 

WASHINGTON, Febn.w.1-y 15, 1888. 

Clerk of House of Representatives: 

Sm: Mr. S. S. Cox is designated to ad as Speaker for this day. 

JOHN G. CARLISLE, Speaker. 

Hon. S. S. Cox took the chair as Speaker pro tempore. 

Prayer by Rev. Dr. BRUSH, president of Dakota University. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedin~ was read and approved. 

. ,BAGADUCE RIVER. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore laid before the House a letter from the 

Secretary of War, transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, a report of the examination and survey ofBagaduce River Maine· 

which was referred to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors' and or~ dered to be printed. ' 

LOTS IN DULUTH. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore also laid before the House a letter from 

the Secretary of War, with inclosures, in relation to the proposed accept- ance by the United States of a deed tendered by the city of Duluth of 

certain lots in that city for purposes of navigation and commerce· which was referred to the Committee on .Rivers and Harbors, and ord~red to 

be printed. 

SURVEYS OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore also laid before the House a letter from 

the Secretary of War, transmitting, with a letter from the Chief of Engineers, reports of examinations and surveys of the Mississippi River 

between St. Paul and St. Anthony's Falls, and of the Red River of the 

North from Morehead to Fergus Falls; which was referred to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, and ordered to be printed. 

PUBLIC BUILDING, PORTLAND, OREGON. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore also laid before the House the following 

Senate bills; which were severally referred as follows: 

The bill (S. 20) to provide for the construction of a public building at 

Portland, Oregon-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. 

The bill (S. 416) for the relief of Mrs. Harriet H. Robinson-to the 

Committee on Claims. 

The bill (S. 424) rela:ting ~ lands in ~lorado lately occupied by the 

Uncompahgre and Wh1te R1ver Ute Indians-to the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

The bll! (S .. 601) to authorize purchasing additional ground inN ewark, 

~· J., adJolDlllg the cu~to?I-house and post-office building, and forthe 

unprovement of the building thereon, and for the erection of additions 

thereto-to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. 

A. B. NORTON. 

The SPJ<?AKER pro tempore also laid before the House a bill (S. 1071) for the rehef of A. B. Norton. ' 

Mr. ABBOTT. M:r. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that that bill 

be taken up and put upon its passage. It has been favorably and 

unanimously reported by the Committee on Claims. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I suggest that the bill and the report be read. 

The bill was read, as follows: 

Be it enacted, etc., That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, au- thorized to pay, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to A.. B. Norton, late postmaster at Dallas, Tex., the sum of $1,853, being the amount paid by him involuntarily, under protest and moral duress, to the inspectors of the Post-Office Department in the year lf!l7, on account of certain 

money-order remittances made by the postmasters at Cleburne and Granbury, 

Tex. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 

gentleman from Texas? 

Mr. HOLMAN. I should like to hear the report read, Mr. Speaker, 

reserving the right to object. 

Mr. ABBOTT. I should be pleased to have the report read. 

Mr. LANHAM. The report is quite long. 

Mr. HOL1t1AN. If the report is long perhaps the gentleman from 

Texas had better make a statement of the case. Mr. ABBOTT. Tbecircumstancesofthe case are these. During the 

summer of 1876 Air. Norton, who was postmaster at Dallas, Tex., obtained leave of absence from the Postmaster-General and was traveling 

in theN orth, and during his absence certain registered packages passing 

through his office were lost-at least one of them was traced to his office; 

the other two were not. Those packages were lost. The Post· Office inspectors were sent down and they examined into the matter, and Mr. 

Norton paid over this money to the inspectors, but he made the payment 

under protest, and he received a receipt which is set forth in the report, 

and which I shall be glad to have the Clerk read. That receipt shows 

that the payment was a conditional one. Ur. LANHAM. In addition to what my colleague has stat-ed, I desire to say that this bill passed the Senate at the last Congress, and 

was favorably reported from the Committee on Cla.ims in that Congress. It has been unanimously reported by the same committee this 

Congress. I have very fully and thoroughly investigated the case, and 

I have no doubt whatever that the bill is a meritorious one. The SPEAKER Jlro tempore. Is there objection to the present consideration of this bill? 

There was no objection. 

The bill was ordered to a third reading; and it was accordingly read 

the third time, and passed. 

Mr. ABBOTT moved to reconsider the vote by wliich the bill was 

passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsitl_er be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

SENATE BILLS REFERRED. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore also laid before the House the following 

Senate bills; which were severally referred, as follows: 

The bill (8.1103) to provide for an Indian school at Carson City, Nev.-

to the Committee on Indian Affairs. - The bill {S. 937) for the relief of David L. Brainard and others-to the 

Committee on Military Affairs; and -

The joint resolution (S. 35) appropriating $10,000 for the subtropical 

exposition at Jacksonville, Fla.-to the Committee on Appropriations. 

LEAVE OF .ABSENCE. 

By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to Mr. CARUTH 

for :five days, on accountofimportant business. 

WITHDRAW .AL OF PAPERS. 

By unanimous consent, Mr. PHELAN obtained leave to withdraw 

from the :files of the House the papers filed by Mrs. E. E. Carter in 

connection with the bills H. R. 5493 and 5492, one granting a pension 

and ·the other for her relief. 

BEET-SUGAR CULTURE IN CALIFORNIA. 

1rir. MORROW presented the report of a committee on beet-sugar 

culture in California, adopted by the Chamber of Commerce of San 

Francisco; which, by unanimous consent, was ordered to be print-ed in 

the RECORD. _ 

It is as follows: 

Report of committee on beet-sugar culture in California, adopted by the Chamber of Commerce of San Francisco, in special session, February 2, 1888. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Wher~as ~he P';lblic mind is now directed t~ the possibilities of beet-root sugar pr?ducho~ m th1.s col!-ntry, and c.onfidence lS ~xpressed in the adaptability of 

BOll and climate m th1s State particularly to th1s culture, and large expectation is excited in respect to the benefits that would accrue by development of this 

industry, the fa~t remains that it is .still in an experimental stage, and can not therefore be relied on as an ascerta.med source of sugar supply for immediate 

requirements, either for loca.l consumption or for shipment; and · Whereas it has been suggested that a.n appeal to Congress for a. bounty on beet-root sugar would tend to largely stimulate beet-root producers and en- courage capital to invest in beet-root sugar factories in California. and through- out the country; and _ 

Whereas this is a. step in the reduction of the duty on importations into the 

United State.s of foreign sugar, and therefore points in the direction of free trade 

which w~ regard as da~gerous to the best i?terests of the country at this time: 

!lnd partic~ly ~ena.crng to .the commercuu growth of San Francisco, in that It would senously mterfere w1th the large trade that has been built up between 

this port and the Hawaiian Kingdom; and 

Whereas we believe the introduction of a. free-trade policy would be an act of 

bad faith to the country now enjoying the benefits of a. treaty of reciprocity with