1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 293 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

TUESDAY, Deoember 19, 1876. 

The House met at twelve o'clock m, Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev·. 

I. L. TOWNSE~'D. 

The Journal of yesterday wa'S read and approved. 

CLERK OF COilliTTTEE ON COINAGE, WEIGHTS, A....'{l) MEASURES. 

Mr. O'BRIEN. I ask consent to submit for consideration and adoption at this time the resolution which I send to the Clerk's desk. 

T~e Clerk read as follows : 

Resolved, That the clerk to the Committoo on Coinage, Weights, and Measures 

be, and he is hereby, allowed the same compensation per diem now allowed to the 

clerks of the other standing committees. 

Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Has that resolution the indorsement of 

the Committee of Accounts T • The SPEAKER. The Chair is not able to answer that question. 

Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I ask the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. 

O'BRIEN] if the resolution bas bad the indorsement of the Committee of Accounts T 

Mr. O'BRIEN. I have no doubt it would be indorsed by that committee if necessary. Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I think it bad better be referred to the 

Committee of Accotmts. 

Mr. O'BRIEN. I do not think it at all necessary to refer it. 

Mr. KELLEY. I object to the resolution. . :Mr. O'BRIEN. Then I ask that it be referred to the Committee of 

Accounts. · Mr. KELLEY. I have no objection to that. 

There being no objection, the resolution was received and referred 

to the Committee of Accounts. 

REPORT ON MINING STATISTICS. 

Mr. V .ANCE, of Ohio, from the Committee on Printing, reported back 

the following resolution, with a recommendation that it be adopted: 

.Resolved by the House of Representatives, (the Senate concurring,) That there be 

printed of the report of R. W. Raymond on mining statistics for 1875, with the ac- companying engravings, 2,500 cop1es for the use of the Honse of Representatives, 

1,000 for the Senate, and 500 for the Sooretary of the Treasury and Commissioners. 

The resolution was adopted. , Mr. VANCE, of Ohio, moved to reconsider the vote by which the 

resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider 

be laid on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ELECTION L"i LOUISIANA. 

Mr. VANCE, of Ohio. I ask unanimous consent that a CQncurrent 

resolution from the Senate providin~ for printing extra copies of the 

President's message and accompanymg documents in regard to the 

Louisiana election be taken from the Speaker's table and referred to 

the CommHtee on Printing. 

There being no objection, the following resolution was taken from 

the Speaker's table, read, and referred to the Committee on Printing: 

llesolved by the Senate, (the House of Representatives concurring,) That 10,000 additional copies of the letter of the President, with the accompanying documents, on the election in Louisiana be printed; of which 3,000 shall be for the use of the Sen. ate and 7,000 shall be for the use of the House of Representatives ; and that there 

be also printed and stitched or bound with the same the memorial of Messrs. BOGY 

McDONALD, and STEVENSON and the papers referred to therein on the same· subject.• 

FRANCIS A. PAGE. 

·Mr. MUTCHLER, by unanimous consent, submitted the following 

resolution; whl ch was read and referred to the Committee of Accounts: 

l?.esolved, That the Clerk of the House of Representatives be, and be is hereby, authorized and directed to pay out of the contingent fund to Francis A. Page, an employ6 of this Honse on the" soldiers' roll," theamonnt of his salary as di.Sabled 

solp.iar from J nly 15, 1876, the date when he .was last paid, to December 1, 1876. 

CHARLES F. CHA..."'DLER. 

'Mr. VANCE, of Ohio. I ask unanimous consent that the bill (S. 

No. 722) for the relief of Charles F. Chandler be taken from the 

Speaker's table and referred to the Committee on Patents. 

There being no objection, the bill was taken from the table, read a :first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Patents. 

Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Let it be understood that this bill shall 

not be brought back on a motion to reconsider. · The SPEAKER. It cannot be brought back except by unanimous 

consent. 

:Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I believe that the rule refers only to the 

introduction of House bills. • · Mr. VANCE, of Ohlo, moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill 

was referred; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid 

on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ADMTI\,.STRATOR OF WII.LIA..\1 A. LLOYD. 

Mr. WILLIAMS, of Wisconsin. I ask unanimous consent that the 

bill (S. No. 784) for the relief of Enoch Totten, administrator of the 

estate of William A. Lloyd, deceased, be taken from the Speaker's 

table for reference to the Committee of Claims. • There being no objection, the bill was taken from the table, read a first and SeJ!Oud time, and referred to the Committee of Claims. 

The SPEAKER. The motion to reconsider the reference of this bill 

will be laid on the table. 

ORDER OF BUSL"aSS. 

Mr. WILLIAMS, of Wisconsin. I ask unanimous consent to inake - a report from the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair suggests that the Committee on Foreign Affairs will probably be called during the morning hour. 

Mr. BLAND. I call for the regular order. · The SPEAKER. The regular order being called for, the morning 

hour begins at twenty-two minutes after twelve o'clock; and the first 

business in order is the calling of committees for reports. 

U~"'TED STATES COURT IN MICIDGAN. 

Mr. HURD, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was re- ferred the bill (H. R; No. 966) to provide for the· holding of terms of 

the district and circuit court of the United States at Bay City, Michigan, reported a substitute therefor, (H. R. No. 4246 ;) which was read a first and SflCOnd time. 

The substitute provides that there shall be two terms of the United 

States district and circuit court for the eastern district of Michigan 

held at Bay City, Michigaill, in said district, each year from and after 

the passage of the act, the time and length of the terms to be fixed 

by the judges of said court respectively. 

The second section provides that the clerk of the district court of 

the eastern district of Michigan, the marshal, and the district attorney for said district, shall perform the duties appertaining to their 

offices, respectively, for said courts; and the clerk and marshal are each authorized to appoint a deputy to reside and keep their offices 

at Bay City, and who shall in the absence of their principals do and 

perform all the duties appertaining to those offices respectively; provided that the local authorities shall furnish a suitable court-room 

where the court shall be held without cost or expense therefor to the 

United States. 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time ; and it was accordingly read the third time, and passed. 

Mr. HURD moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

PAYMENT FOR INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 

Mr. SEELYE, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported back 

adversely the bill (H. R.No. 346) authorizing payment to certainciti- ~ens of New Mexico for Indian depredations; which was laid on the 

table, and the accompanyin~ report ordered to be printed. 

SUPPLIES TO SIOUX INDIA..~S OF 1\ITNNESOTA. 

Mr. SEE~YE. I am also directed by the Committee on Indian 

Affairs to report back, with an adverse recommendation, the bill (H. 

R. No. 325) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to ascertain the 

amount due to cit~ens of the United States for supplies furnished to 

the Sioux or Dakota Indians of Minnesota subsequent to August, 1860, 

and prior to the massacre of August, 1862, and providing for the payment thereof. .A.s there is a minority as well as a majority report in 

this case, I move that this bill instead of being laid on the table be · placed on the Private Calendar. 

Mr. MORGAN. I desire to present the views of the minority on the 

billjustreported by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. SEELD:.] 

The SPEAKER. The bill will be referred to the Committee of the 

Whole on the Private Calendar, and the majority and minority re- ports printed. · JOHN H. PICKERING. e 

Mr. VAN VORHES, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, reported 

b;wk favorably a joint resolution (H. R. No. 149) for the relief of John 

H. Pickering; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to 

be printed. HILLBOR..~ C. MILLER. 

Mr. COOK, ·from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported back 

adversely a bill (H: R. No. 1687) to change the date of muster-in as second lieutenant of Hillborn C. Miller, late of Company G, First Ohio 

Heavy Artillery; which wa.a laid on the table, and the report ordered 

to be printed. 

GEORGE G. GUSTIN. 

Mr. COOK also, from the same committee, reported back adversely 

the petition of George G. Gustin; which was laid on the table, and 

the report ordered to be printed. 

PATRICK NOONA...'If. 

Mr. COOK also, from the same committee, reported joint resolution 

(H. R. No. 174) authorizing the issue of clothing to Private Patrick 

Noonan, Company G, Fifth United States Infantry; which was read a first and second time. 

The resolution, which was read, authorizes the Secretary of Wart(} 

issue to Private Patrick Noonan, Company G, Fifth United States Infantry, clothing in lieu of and equal in amount to that lost by him at 

the burning of the stables at Fort Leavenworth, Kansa.s; on the 23d 

day of January, 1875, as shown and recommended in the report of the 

board of survey convened under :provisions of General Order ~o. 13, 
294 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. DECEMBER 19, 

War Department, by Special Order No. 29, headquarters Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, of date of :March 9, 1875. 

The joint resolution wa ordered to be engros&ed for a third reading; "aDd being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and 

passed. 

Mr. COOK moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed ; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsider on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ISSUE OF CLOTHING TO UNITED STATES CAVALRY. 

1\Ir. COOK also, from the same committee, reported joint resolution 

(H. R. No. 175) authorizing the issue of clothing to Company A, Second Regiment United States Cavalry; which was read a first and 

second time. . The joint resolution, which was read, autho~es the Secretary of 

War to issue to fifty enlisted men of Company A, Second Regiment 

United States Cavalry, clothing in lieu of and equal in amount to 

that lost by them at the fire which occurred in the Calillp of Company A, Second Cavalry, on the 16th day of July, 1874, as shown and 

recommended in the report of the board of survey, convened under 

Special Order No. 138, headquarters Fort Laramie, Wyoming Territory, of date of July 17, 1874. 1 The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read a third 

time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and 

paMed. 

Mr. COOK moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint reso- lution was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be 

laid on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ISSUE OF CLOTHING TO PRIVATES HEGNER AND COLLINS. 

Mr. COOK also, from the same committee, reported a joint resolution (H. R. No. 176) a.uthorizing the issue of clothing to Private Francis Hegner, Company F, Seventh Cavalry, and Private John C. Collins, 

Company G, Seventh Cavalry; which was read a first and second time. 

The joint resolution, which waa read, authorizes the Secretary of 

War to issue to Private Francis Hegner, Company F, Seventh United 

States Cavalry, and Private John C. Collins, of Company G, Seventh 

United States Cavalry, clothing in lieu of and equal in amount to that 

lost by them respectively at the burning of. the cavalry stable at 

Fort Abraham Lincolnt Dakota Territory, November 10, 187 4, as shown 

and recommended in the report of the board of survey, convened by 

Special Orders No. 213, headquarters Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota 

Territory, of the date November 11, 1874. 1 Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Are these join~ resolutions accompanied by 

reports! 

Mr. COOK. They are. ' Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. One of the reports, then, should be read, so it may al?pear of record upon what grounds the Committee on Military Affrurs reports for action at this time these joint resolutions. 1 ·Mr. COOK. These cases are all ba.sed upon communications from 

the War Department, which set forth all the facts, inclosing thereport of the board of survey in each case. The executive documents . are numbers 52, 53, 54, and 55 of the last session of Congress. The 

Committee on Military Affairs have examined the evidence in each 

case, and are satisfied that the resolutions should pass. 1 The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and rea-d a third 

time ; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and 

passed. . Mr. COOK moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid o~hetable. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

SERGEANT HERMAN THEUNE. 

Mr. COOK also, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported a joint resolution (H. R. No. 177) authorizing the issue of clothing to Sergeant Herman Theune, Company I, Twenty-third United States Infantry; which was read a first and second time. · The joint resolution, which was read, authorizes the Secretary of 

War to issue to Sergeant Herman Theune, Company Ii Twenty-third United States Infantry, clothing in lieu of and equa in amount to 

that lost by him at the burning of the old post-hospital at Fort Whipple, Arizona Territory, on the 13th day of November, 1874. 

The joint resolution wa~ ordered to be engrossed and read a third 

time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, 

and passed. 

Mr. COOK moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed ; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

FORT READING MILITARY RESERVATIO~. 

1t1r. JOHN REILLY, from the Committee on Military Affairs, re- ported as a substitute for House billNo.1950 a bill (H. R. No. 4247) for 

thetransferoftheFortReadingmilitaryreservationinShastaCounty, 

California, to the Interior Department, and authorizing the sale of the 

same; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be 

printed. 

DONATIONS OF CONDEMNED CANNON. 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the same committee, reported back, 

with an adverse recommendation, the bill (H. R. No. 976) authorizing 

the Secretary of War to deliver to the city of Port Huron, Michigan, 

certain condemned cannon and balls for a soldiers' monument in Lake 

Side Cemetery; and moved that the. committee be discharged from the 

further consideration of the same and that it be laid on the table. 

Mr. CONGER. I ask thatthat bill may berecommitted thatlmay 

have an opportunity to appear before the committee. 

Mr. JOHN REILLY. I have no objection to that. 

The bill was accordingly recommitted to the Committee on Military 

Affairs. · Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the Committee on Military Affairs, .. reported back, with an adverse recommendation, the bill (H. R. No. 

849) granting four condemned cannon and sixteen cannon-balls to the 

Soldiers' Monumental Association of Salem, Ohio, for monumental 

purposes ; and moved that the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the same, and that it be laid on the table. 

Mr. 'VOODWORTH. I ask that that bill be put upon the Private 

Calendar. · The SPEAKER. That is the gentleman's right. 

The bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole Honse on the 

Private Calendar, and the accompanying report ordered to be printed. 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the Committee on Military Affairs, 

reported back, with an adverse recommendation, the bill (H. R. No. 

1996) donating condemned cannon to Post No. 71, Grand Army of the 

Republic, at Holyoke, .Massachusetts; and moved that the committee 

be discharged from the further consideration of the same, and that it 

be laid on the table. • Mr. SEELYE. I move that that bill be referred to the Committee 

of the Whole on the Private Calendar. 

The motion of Mr. SEELYE was agreed t.o; and the bill was referred 

to the Committee of the Whole on the Private Calendar, and the ac- companying report ordered to be printed. 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the Committee on Military Affairs, 

reported back, with an adverse recommendation, the bill (H. R. No. 

2911) donating certain condemned cannon to the soldiers' monument 

at Muscatine, Iowa; and moved that the committee be discharged 

from the further consideration of the same, and that it be laid on the table. 

Mr. TID'TS. I mGve that the bill be referred to the Committee of 

the Whole on the Private Calendar. 

The motion of :Mr. TUFTs was agreed to; and the bill was' referred 

to the Committee of the Whole on the Private Calendar, and the ac- companying report ordered to be printed. 1 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the Committee on Military Affairs, 

reported back the following bills, and the same were severally ordered 

to lie on the table, and the accompanying reports ordered to be printed: 

The bill (H. R. No. 3935) authorizing the Secretary of War to deliver certain condemned ordnance to the municipal authorities of 

Boston, Massachusetts ; 

The bill (H. R. No. 3938) donating condemned cannon for soldiers' 

monuments to be erected at Yonkers and Sing Sing, and by The 

Battle of White Plains Monument Association of West Chester County, 

State of New York; 

The bill (H. R. No. 698) donating condemned cannon and cannon- balls to the Colchester Monument .Association of Colchester, Connecticut, for monumental purposes; 

The bill (H. R. No. 845) condemning two pieces of brass ordnance 

for a soldiers' monument at Caldwell, Ohio; 

The bill (H. R. No. 697) donating condemned cannon and cannon- balls to Ledyard Monumental Association of Ledyard, Connecticut, 

for monumental purposes ; 

The bill (H. R. No. 1228) donating condemned cannon and cannon- balls to Sa.muel Orr and Philip Harnbrook; 

The bill (H. R. No. 3661) donating condemned cannon for monu- mental purposes to Post No. 3, Grand Army of the Republic, of Taunton, MacSsa.chusetts; 

The bill (H. R. No. 3697) authorizing the Secretary of War to deliver to the commissioners of Forest Park, Saint Louis, Missouri, eight 

condemned cannon to be nsed in constructing the base of the statue 

of Ex-Attorney-General Edward Bates; 

The bill (H. R. No. 848) donating condemned cannon and cannon- balls to the corporate authorities of the town of Oberlin, Ohio, for 

monumental purposes ; 

The bill (H. R. No. 1831) to authorize the Secretary of War to appropriate condemned ordnance for the erection of a monument to the 

memory of the soldiers and sailors of Orange County, New York, who 

fell during the late war ; 

The bill (H. R. No. 3286) donating condemned cannon and cannon- balls to monumental purposes of the Grand Army of the Republic 

post organization at Lawrence, Massachusetts; and 

The bill (H. R. No. 3353) donating condemned cannon to the town 

of Winchester, Massachusetts, for monumental purposes. , ~1r. JOHN REILLY also, from the Committee on Military Affairs. 

reported back, with an adverse recommendation, the petition of Jonas 

A. Champney and 60 others, for one condemned cannon and two can- non-balls for ornamenting the burial ground, South Adams, Massachusetts; and the same was laid on the table, and the accompanying 

report. ordered to be printed. • 
f876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE .. ~ 295 \'1 \ , r7j Jt 

EXPID.TDITURES FOR CAl\IP AND GARRISON EQUIPAGE.. the following cases; which were ~everally laid on the table and the 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the same committee, to whom was . reports ?rdered to be pr~ted:1 • • • • 

referred Executive Document No. 788, relating to expenditures for ' The bill qr. R. No.1~) authm;.zmg and directing the Sec~etary 

camp and garrison equipage, reported that the legislation referred to of War to JSIVe Joh~ Krrk, late lieutenant of Company ~' Nmety: 

therein having passed the House, it is returned with the recomm.en- second ~eg1ment Oh10 Volunteer Inf_antry, al?- honora~le ~charge, 

dn,tion that it lie on the table. The b~ (H. R. No. 760) for the reli~f of Hiyam B. R1ddl~ ,, . ~ The committee was discharged from the further consideration of The b.Ill (H. R. No. 1568) for the rel.tef of RICe M. Brown, 

th d the executive document was ordered to lie on the table The bill (H. R. No.1007) for the relief of officers of the Fourth and e same, an · Fifth Indian Regiments; 

EQUALIZATION BOUNTIES. The memorial of the city of Boston, Massachusetts, that Congress 

Mr. JOHN REILLY also, from the same committee, to whom was re- will fulfill its pledge to erect at Yorktown, Virginia, a marble column 

fer red the preamble and resolutions adopted by a mass meeting of sol- commemorative of the last grand battle of the Revolution; 

diers ofA.lleghenyCounty,Pennsylvania,infavorofthebillequalizing Resolution of the Legislature of Texas, in relation to the claims of 

bounties, reported that the legislation asked for having already passed soldiers and sailors of the late war with Mexico; 

the House, they are returned with the recommendation that they lie The bill (H. R. No. 1338) for the relief of Adelbert C. Fassett; - ou the table. The bill (H. R. No. 3094) for the relief of Calvin B. Hinkley, late 

The committee wasdischargedfrom the further considerationofthe captain in the Nineteenth Maine Volunteers and First Maine Heavy 

same, and they were ordered to lie on_the table. Artillery; 

ADVERSE REPORTS. 

Mr. BANNING, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported 

back, with adverse recommendations, the following papers; and the same were severally laid on the table, and the accompanying reports 

ordered to be printed : · Resolutions of the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce, requesting the 

President and Secretary of War to haveN ewport Barracks, Kentucky, 

again occupied as a. military post, and that the troops and military 

band be returned to said post. . Letter from the Secretary of War, with reports from chiefs of bureau 

of War Department, from Lieutenant-General Sheridan, wit.hindorsement of General of the Army on the House bill No. 2935 ; 

Resolutions and petitions of the city council of Covington, Kentucky, for there-occupancy of the military post at Newport as formerly used by the Government; 

The petition of Cincinnati physicians, asking the passage of Senator LOGAN'S bill for the re-organization of the medical staff of the 

Army; . The petition of George H. Ewing, praying to be favorably discharged 

from the military service ; and · The petition of Capt. Reuben M. Potter, United States Army, asking the passage of a law retiring officers over seventy years of age., 

when they desire it. 

SETTLERS ON THE SAN JUAN ORCAS. 

Mr. BANNING also, from the same committee, reported back House 

bill No. 3878 for the relief of settlers on the SanJuan Orcas and other 

islands lately in dispute between the United States and Great Britain; and moved that the committee be discharged from the further consid- eration of the same, and that it be referred to the Com:rhittee on Public Lands. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. BANNING moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was referred to the Committee on Public Lands; and also moved that the 

motion to reconsider be laid ou the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

ADVERSE REPORTS. 

Mr. BANNING also, from the same committee, reported adversely 

upon the following bills, &c.; which were severally laid upon thetable and the accompanying reports ordered to be printed : The bill (H. R. No. 2257) for the relief of J. T. McGinniss, captain 

of the Thirteenth Infantry United States Army; 

The petition of soldiers of the late war, to receive one hundred and 

sixty acres of land and $200 in money; 

Executive document relating to the testimony of Lieutenant-Colonel Jones; 

Concurrent resolutions of the State of Kansas, against the reduction of the Army and for the defense of the frontiers ; 

The petition of D. W. Bliss, president of the Soldiers and Sailors' 

National Beneficial Association, and 1,060 of the members of said as- sociation, asking for the passage of a bill for the equ.alization of soldiers' bounties; 

The memorial of the heirs of Benjamin Moore, asking compensation for the services of said Moore in perfecting certain improvements in the manufacture of small-arms; 

Executive Document No. 184, relating to the military expedition against the Sioux Indians; 

Executive Document No. 5125,transmitting the letter of LieutenantColonel Roger Jones, Inspectbr-General United States Army, and 

Executive document transmitting a letter from the Secretary of the 

Iuterior, asking the return of papers in the claim of Carter & Crary. 

Mr. HARDENBERGH, from the same committee, made adverse reports in the following cases; which were .severally laid on thetable and the accompanying reports ordered to be printed: The petition of H. S. Lathe; . The memorial of A. Watson; and 

The bill (H. R. No. 1762) declaring the land ceded to Fort Crook 

military reservation, in Shasta. County, California, subject to pre- emption and homestead entry. 

Mr. GLOVER, from the same committee, made adverse reports in 

The bill (H. R. No. 761) for the relief of Anson B. Sams; 

A letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, with disapproval, a plan for a change in the present system of. paying enlisted men, by 

Captain Pollock, Twenty-third Infantry, United States Ar~y ;, 

A petition for the relief of Francis B. Thompson, of lllino1s, late 

surgeon Fifty-sixth Regiment lllinois Volnnteers; 

The petition of 84 soldiers in the Union Army for the equalizing 

of bounties; and 

The petition of William M. Burnett, late chaplain of the Third Ten- nessee Cavalrv, for pay. · lli. A. S. wiLLIAMS, from the same committee, reported adversely 

upon the following; which were laid on the table, and the reports 

ordered to be printed : The bill (H. R. No. 388'2) to authorize the President of the United 

States to enlist recruits for the Army of the United States, to serve not more than six months, to aid in suppressing the hostilities of certain 

bands of Sioux Indians ; 

Joint resolution (H. R. No. 150) to authorize the President of the 

United States to accept the services of volunteers to aid in suppressing Sioux Indian hostilities in the Northwest; 

A bill (H. R. No. 2901) for the payment of non -commissioned officers 

according to duties discharged by them ; 

Executive Document No. 861, relative to a chief of artillery; 

A bill (H. R. No. 3794) to retire an Army officer from active duty on account of age and distinguished services; r 

A bill (H. R. No. 2446) to correct the date of commission of a certain 

officer of the Army ; 

A bill (H. R. No. 3253) to change the position in the Army RegiBMr 

of the name of Walter F. Halleck, first lieutenant, retired; 

A letter from the Secretary of War relative to the loan of tents to 

Mexican war veterans; and 

A bill (S. No. 73) to extend the time for filing claims for additional 

bounty under the act of July 28, 1866. 

Mr. STRAIT, from the same committee, reported adversely upon the 

following; which were laid on the table, and the accompanying re- ports ordered to be printed: 

A bill (H. R. No. 389) for the relief of William Carruthers; 

The petition of Captain J. C. Bacon and Lieutenant R. A. Davis, 

late of the Seventeenth Regiment Kentucky Cavalry; 

The petition of Louis Sontagg, of Company I, Third New Jersey Cavalry; · · fJ bT 1 f . . t. C The petition o aco ay or, or serviCes as pnva e m ompany 

K, First Missouri Volunteer Cavalry; , ' 

The petition of WilliamP. Inness, colonelFirstMichigan Engineers 

and Mechanics, for pay from date of commission to the date of muster; 

The petition of Nelson Shelton, private Company E, Fourth Regi~ 

ment Tennessee Volunteer Cavalry, for commutation of rations, &c; 

A bill (H. R. No. 2151) to compensate JeanLouis Comeaux for serv- ices in the late war; , A bill (H. R. No. 2597) for the relief of Herman Mann, ofRochester, 

NewYork; · The petiti~m of Adam Berg, private Company C, Twenty-eighth Ohio Infantry Volunteers ; 

A bill (H. R. No. 2154) for the relief of the heirs at law of John W. 

Cameron; 

A bill (H. R. No. 206) to amend·the record of military service of 

Seth Bonney ; and 

A bill (H. R. No. 2056) dii:ecting the Second Auditor of the Treasury to settle the pay and bounty accounts of Moses Lord. 

EMANUEL KLAUSER. 

Mr. STRAIT also, from the same committee, reported a bill (H. R. 

No. 4248) for the relief of Emanuel Klauser, late corporal Company R, Fifty-fourth Regiment Illinois Volunteers; which was read a first and 

second time. 

The question WaB upon ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time. 

The bill directs the Secretary of War to remove the charge of mu- tiny against Emanuel Klauser, late corporal Company H, Fifty-fourth 

lllinois Infantry Volunteers, and to grant him an honorable discharge. 

The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and passed.' 
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. DECEMBER 19, 

Mr. STRAIT moved to reconsid~r the vote by which the bill was passed ; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

CATHERINE HARRIS. 

Mr. STRAIT also, from the same con1mittee, reported back with a favorable·recommendationHouse bill No. 2606, for the relief of Catharine Harris. . The question was upon ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a thiid time. 

The bill directs the Secretary of the Treasury to pay to Catherine 

Hanis, widow of Matthias Harris, late a chaplain in the United States 

Army, the amount of pay and allowances due him as a chaplain from 

the 5th day of February, 1864, to the lOth day of October, 1864. 

.Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Let us have read the report accompanying 

that bill. 

The report waa read. _ The bill was orG.ered to be engros"ed and read a third time ; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time, and passed. 

Mr. STRAIT moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to :reconsider be laid on the 

table. The latter motion was agreed to. 

FORT DODGE MILITAIW RESERVATIO:N. 

. 1\lr. TERRY, from the same committee, r.eported, as a substitute for 

House bill No. 1540, a bill (H. R. No. 4249) authorizing the Secretary 

of War to sell a portion of the Fort Dodge military reservation in 

Kansas to the Dodge City Town Company; which was read a :first and 

second time. 

The question was upon ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time. 

The bill authorizes the Secretary of War to sell at public auction 

to the highest bidder, after duly advertising time, place, and terms of 

sale in two newspapers that will give fair notice of the sale, all that 

part of the Fort Dodge military reservation in Kansas lying west of a north and south line extending from the southeast corner of the 

southwest quarter of section 25, Township 26 south, range 25 west, 

due south to the Arkansas River, and containing one hundred and 

ninety-four acres more or le s; and before exposing said tra~t of land 

for sale the Secretary of War shall cause the land to .be duly appraised by three disinterested and competent persons, and shall not 

sell said tract of land for less than its appraised value. 

Mr. FORT. I make the point of order that that bill should receive 

its :first consideration in Committee of the Whole. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the point of order. 

The bill was accordingly referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed. · 

FORT CAl\!ERO:N MILITARY RESERVATIOX. 

Mr. TERRY, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported, as a substitute for House bill No. 2248, a bill (H. R. No. 4258) to provide for 

the payment for certain improvements on lands now embraced in the 

military reservation of Fort Cameron, in the Territory of Utah; which was rea<l a :first and second time. 

The bill authorizes the Secretary of War to appoint a commission, 

composed of three Armyofficers, whose duty it shall be to investigate 

the claim of W. J. AllredandAlonzo A. Noon for improvements made 

upon lands now embraced in the military reservation at Fort Cameron, in the Tenitory of Utah, and to estimate and report upon the 

value of said improvements. In making such estimate of value ofimprovements, the board of officers may take i.J:tto consideration the proceedings of a board of officers who assembled at Fort Cameron Febuary 15, 1875, and such other evidence as may be brought before them, 

and report also upon the title of the claimants to the land embraced 

in the resen·ation. 

Mr. HOLMAN. The morning hour, I believe, has expired. 

The SPEAKER. lthas. The bill goes over as unfinished busi- ness. 

Mr. CONGER. I desire to make a point of order upon the bill. 

The SPEAKER. What point of order! 

Mr. CONGER. That the bill proposes to dispose of public property. 

The SPEAKER. The point of order will be regarded a-s pending; 

and the decision of the Chair will be reserved till the bill comes up 

again. ADJOUR..~MENT FOR THE HOLIDAYS. 

Mr. WOQD,ofNewYork. TheCollllJlitteeof WaysandMeanshave 

directed me to report the following resolution; upon whioh I ask the 

preyjous question: 

Resolved, That wben the House adjourns on Saturday, the 23d instant, it shall adjourn to moot on Wednesday, the 27th instant; and when it adjom-ns on Saturday, the 30th instant, it shall adjourn to meet on Wednesday, January 3, 1877. 

Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Allow me to suggest to the gentleman from 

New York [Mr. WooD] that this proposition iB not fair play toward 

the western members who may desire to go home. An adjournment 

of the kind proposed will interfere very serioul:lly with any work that 

may be intended to be done~ the Ho\lse, while at the same time it 

' ' 

will keep members here who may not desire to be absent if there is a possibility of any public business being done. The gentleman from 

New York must see at once that under this resolution we cannot go . home; and at the same time he is intenupting the business of the 

Honse to such an extent that little can be done. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York. The Committee of Ways and Me~s 

gave very mature consideration to this question, and considered the 

very points which my friend from Iowa suggests. But in view of the 

exigency of the times and the condition of the country, it was supposed that the duty of the House was to remain in session with the 

exception of two brief adjournments for Christmas and New Year's, 

which, of course, we all expect. This is the unanimous report of the 

committee. 

Mr. BURCHARD, of Dlinois. 0 no. Mr. WOOD, of New York. So I understood. The gentleman from 

lllinois [Mr. BURCHARD] says "0 no." I believe we ha{l one dissenting vote. 

The question being taken on seconding the demand for the previous 

question, there were-ayes uo; noes 57. 

!Ir. WILSON, of Iowa. I call for tellers. 

Tellers were ordered; and Mr. WooD, of New York, and 1\lr. WIL- so~, of Iowa, were appointed. · The House divided; and the tellers reported-ayes 100, noes 62. 

So the previous question was seconded. 

The question then recurred on ordering the main question. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York. I desire to say that it is the understanding of the committee that on Satur(Jay the House will simply meet 

and adjourn without transacting any business. 

The SPEAKER. That will be within the province of the House on that day to determine. · 

1\Ir. WOOD, of New York. But I think that is gen~ralty understood; so that if gentlemen desire to leave on Friday it probably will 

not be necessary for them to remain here. 1 

Mr. BURCHARD, of Illinois. As the gentleman from New York 

[!lr. WooD] has alluded to the action of the committee, I desire to say 

that some members of the committee were of the opinion that if the 

Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred the other day the 

matter of privilege, should report within the next few days on that 

subject the House might take its usual adjournment, and that until 

the committee shall report it is rather premature to undertake to 

settle the question of adjournment. 

The main question was ordered. 

The question being on the adoption of the resolution, Mr~ WILSON, of Iowa, called for the yea-s and nays. 

The yeas and nays were ordered. 

The question was taken; and there were-yeas 121, nays 92, not 

voting 76; as follows : 

YEAS-Messrs. Ashe,'Atkins, John H. Bagley,jr.,Banning,Bland, Bliss, Blount, 

Boone, Bradford, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, John H. Ualdwell, William P. Caldwell, 

Campbell, Candler, Cate, Caulfield, Uhittenden, John B. Clarke of Kentucky, John - B. Clark, jr., of Mis onri, Clymer, Cook, Cowan, Davis, Dibrell, Douglas, I>urand, 

Durham, E~bert, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, Finley, Forney, Fuller, Ganse1 Glover, 

Goocte, Gooain, Gunter, Andrew H. Hamilton, Robert Hamilton, HancocK, Henry 

R. Harris, John T. Hams, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Henkle, Here· 

ford, Abram S. Hewitt, ~ldsmith W. Hewitt, Hill, Holman, Hooker, Humphreys, 

Hunton, Hurd, Kehr, Knott, Lamar, Franklin Landers, G~{'Df:M. Landers, Lewis, L~de, Mackey, Maish, McFarland, Metcalfe, Milliken, · , Money, Mutchler, 

0 Brien, Payne, Pierce, Powell, Rea, Reagan, John Reilly, James B. Reilly, Riddle, 

John Robbins, William M. Robbins, Roberts, Scales, Schleicher, Sheakley, Singleton, Slemons, William E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Spencer, Stenger, Stone, Swann, 

Teese,. Terry, Thomas, Throckmorton, Tucker, Turney, Robert B. Vance, Gilbert 

C. Walker, Warner, Warren, Watterson, Erastus Wells, Whitthorne, Willard, AI· 

phens S. Williams, James Williams, Jeremiah N. Williams, Willis, Wilshire, Benjamin Wilson, Fernando Wood, and Young-121. 1 

NAYS-Messrs. Ainsworth, Anderson, Bagby, George A. Bagley, John H. Baker, 

WilliamH.Ba.ker, Ballou, Bell, Blair, Bradley, William R. Brown,Horatio C. Burchard, Cannon, Carr, Cason, Collins, Conger, Crounse, Culberson, Cutler, Davy, Denison, Dobbins, Eames, Evans, Flye. Fort, Foster, Franklin, Freeman, Frye, Haralson, Hardenbergh, Benjamin W. Harris, Hathorn, Hendee, Henderson, Hoskins, Hunter, ~as~oEl. Kelley, Leavenworth, LeMoyne, Luttrell, Lynch, Map:oon, McCrary, McDill, .l\Uiler, Monroe, Mor~an, Nash, Neal, Norton, Oliver, O'Neill, 

Packer, Pap:e, William A. Phillips. Piper, Plaisted, Platt, Poppleton, Potter, Rainey, Samp on, Sava.,.e, Seelye, Sinnickson, A. Herr Smith, Springer, Stanton, Strait, 

Stevenson, Tar~x, Thornburgh, Martin I. Townsend, Tufts, Van Vorhes, John 

L. Vance, Wait, .Alexander S. Wallace, John W. Wallooe, Whitehouse, Whiting, .Andrew Williams, Charles G. Williams, William B. Williams, James Wilson, .Alan· Wood, jr., Wood worth, and Yeates-92. 1 

NOT VOTING-Messrs . .Abbott, Adams, Banks, Bass, Beebe, Blaokbnrn, John 

Young Brown, Samuel D. Burchard, Burleigh, Caawell, Chapin, Cochrane, Cox, 

Crapo, Danford, DarraH, De Bolt, Dunnell, Eden, Garfield, Gibson, Hale, Haymond, Hays, Hoar, Hoge, Hopkins. House, Hubbell, Hurlbut, Hyman, Jenks, Frank Jones, 

Thomas L. Jones, Joyce, Kimball, King, Lane, Lapham, Lawrence, Levy, Lord, 

MacDougall, McMahon, Meade, Morrison, New, Odell, Phelps, John F. Philip, 

Pratt, Pnrman, Rice, Robinson, Miles Ross, Sobieski Ross, Rusk, Sayler; Schn. 

maker, Smalls, Stephens, Stowell, Thompson, Washington Town end, Waddell, Waldon, Charles C. B. Walker, Walling, Walsh, Ward, G. Wiley Wells, Wheeler, 

White, Wigginton, Wike,and Woodburn-76. . 

So the resolution was adopted. During the vote, 

Mr. GOODIN stated that the ~entleman from Oregon, Mr. LANE, was absent at the bed-side of a swk friend. 

The vote was then announced as above recorded. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York, moved to reconsider the vote by which 

the resolution was adopted ; and also movecl that the motion to re· consider be laid on the table. _ The latter motion was agreed to. 

. 
1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 297 

FRA..I.~ C. HOPKINS. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York, also, by unanimous consent, from the 

Committee of WaysandMeans,submitted the following resolution; 

which was read, considered, and agreed to: 

Resolved, ·That the Clerk of the House be, an~ he is h~reby, directed to ~ay from 

the contingent fund of the House to Frank C. Hopkins the sum of $600 fol" serv- ices rendered as clerk to the Committee of Ways and Means in the absence of the 

clerk of that committee during the Forty-fourth Congress. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York, moved to reconsider the vote by which 

the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion toreconsider be laid on the table. 'I'h~ latter motion was agreed to. 

TO:NNAGE .AND IMPORTS OVERCHARGE. 

Mr. WOOD, of New York, also, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill 

(H. R. No. 4250) to provide remedies for overcharge of duties on tonnage or imports; which was read a first and second time, referred to 

the Committee of W~:!>YS and Means, and ordered to be printed. 

SOUTH PASS, MISSISSIPPI RIVER. . 

The SPEAKER, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of War, transmitting the report of 

Major Comstock, of the Engineer Corps, on the condition of the works on the South Pass of the Mississippi; which, on motion of Mr. CoNGER, was referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be 

printed. 

JOHN B. Mmi'TEITH. 

The SPEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting a letter from 

the CoiiUllissioner of Indian .Affairs recommending an appropriation 

for the relief of John B. Monteith; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. 

CONSULAR OFFICERS. 

T~PEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a statement of the names of consular officers, not citizens of the United States, to whom 

salaries have been paid during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1876; 

which was referred to the Committee on Foreign .Affairs. 

CLAIM: OF R. R. WALLER. 

The SPEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a. letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, from the AdjutantGeneral, a report of the claim of R. R. Waller, late lieutenant Twentieth Kentucky Volunteers; which was referred to the Committee on 

Military .Affairs. 

LEAVE OF ABSENCE. 

By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted in the followin~ cases: 

To Mr. Ross, of Pennsylvania, indefinitely on account of illness. 

To Mr. WILLIAl\I B. WILLIAMs, for two weeks on account of important business. · To Mr. BALLOu, from the 28th instant to the 3d of January. 

To Mr. CANNON, of Illinois, from the 20th instant to the 5th of January. 

To Mr. MILLER, from the 22d instant to January 4 on account of 

important bnsine s. To Mr. BRADLEY, for two weeks from to-morrow. 

To Mr. BROWN, for ten days on account of important business. 

To Mr. BAGBY_, until the 1st of January on account of important 

business. 

To Mr. SAVAGE, from the 20th instant to January 5 on account of 

important business. 

To Mr. HENDERSON, for ten days from the 22d instant on account 

of important business. - To Mr. KELLEY, indefinitely, from the 22d instant. 

To Mr. BAKER, of New York, from the 22d instant until January 

10 on account of important business. 

To Mr. TEEBE, from the 21st instant until the 3d of January on account of important business. 

To Mr. NASH, for twenty days on account of important business. 

To Mr. LEAVENWORTH, for two weeks. 

To Mr. 'fUID\''EY, for two days from Thursday next on account of 

important business. 

To Mr. MoRGAN, from December Z7 to December 30, inclusive, on account of important business. 

To Mr. WAIT, for ten days from the 21st instant on account of important business. 

To Mr. DAVIS, for ten days from Thursday next on account of important business. 

'l;'o Mr. HARDENBERGH, for ten days from December 22. 

To Mr. JoHN REILLY, from to-day until Monday next on account 

of important business. 

'fo Mr. Al>Al\18, for one week from the 26th instant on account of 

important business. 

To Mr. GEORGE A. BAGLEY, for ten days from the 27th instant. 

Mr. HOLMAN. If these are all granted, it will leave this llouse 

without a quorum dnring that period of time. 

The SPEAKER. It is within the power of the House to refuse 

them. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I do not object, but that is the fact. 

The SPEAKER. The leave has been granted as requested. 

CO~I'3Ul-AR AND DIPLOMATIC APPROPRIATION BILL. 

Mr. SINGLETON, from the Committee on Appropriations, reported a bill (H. R. No. 4251) making appropriations for the consular and 

diplomatic service of the Government for the year en din~ J nne 30, 

1878, and fJn: other purposes; wbich was read a first and second time. 

Mr. SINGLETON. I move that the bill be printed and that it be 

referred to the Committee of the Whole Honse on the atate of the 

Union, and that it be made a special order for consideration therein 

to-morrow after the morning hour. 

Mr. CONGER. I ask if the bill can be printed so that members can have it in time for consideration to-morrow' 

Mr. SINGLETON. Yes, sir. 

Mr. HOLMAN. It will be on our desks to-morrow morning. 

Mr. CONGER. I reserve all points of order on the bill. 

The motion of Mr. SINGLETON was agreed to. 

PAY OF HOUSE EMPLOYES. 

Mr. SPRINGER. I ask unanimous consent to offer the following 

resolution in reference to the pay of the employes of the House for 

action at this time : 

Resolved, That the Clerk be authorized to issue ro the officers and ·employes of 

this House on the 23d instant checks for their salaries for the month of December. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I do not understand the effect of this proposition. 

The SPEAKER. The effect would be to pay the officers their 

month's salaries prior to the adjournment over Christmas. 

There was no objection, and the resolution was adopted. 

Mr. SP.RINGER moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be 

laid on the table. 

The. latter motion was agreed to. 

. CO'I'I'DITION OF THE SOUTH. 

Mr. SPRINGER. I ask unanimous consent to submit the resolution 

which I send to the desk for reference to the Committee on Printing. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

Resolved, That there be printed for the use of the House 1, 900 copies each of re- port No. 261 of the House select committee at the second session of the Forty-third 

Congress, on that portion of the President's measage relating to the condition of the 

South, together with the views of GEORGE F. HOAR, W. A. WHEELER, and WILLIAM 

P. FRYE, of the said committee; also the views of S. S. Marshall, of the said com- D,littee, and report No.lOl, of Mr. GEORGE F. HOAR, ro the Honse of Representatives at the second session of the Forty-third Congress, on behalf of the special com- mittee on that portion of the Pl"esident's message relating to the condition of the 

South, robe bound in one volume. 

Mr. CONGER. I object. 

Mr. SPRINGER. My motion is to refer the resolution to the Committee on Printing. 

Mr. CONGER. I object to that. 

Mr. FORT. We might_as well print the whole history of the w.ar. The SPEAKER. Objection being made, the resolution is not before the Honse. 

JOHN W. DODD & CO. 

Mr. LANDERS, of Indiana, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill 

(H. R. No. 4252) for the relief of John W. Dodd & Co., of Indianapolis, Indiana; which was read a first and second timez referred to the 

Committee of Ways and Means, and ordered to be pnnted. 

LEA. VH OF ABSENCE. 

The SPEAKER. The Chair lays before the House the following 

additional requests for leave of absence: 

From :Mr. WooD, of Pennsylvania, from Friday, 22d inst., to Jannary 3. 

From Mr. EVA...~s, for ten days from the 23d to attend to important 

business. · From Mr. WARNER, for ten days from the 21st instant on account 

of important business. 

From Mr. WILLIAMS, of Delaware, for one week from the 22d instant. 

From Mr. SINNICKSON, for two weeks from the 20th instant. 

Mr. HOLMAN. For the present I must object to any further leaves 

of absence. 

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Indiana object to these Y 

Mr. JIOLMA.N. I do for the present. 

Some time subsequently, 

Mr.HOLM.A.Nwithdrewhisobjection, and the requests were granted. 

VENEZUELA MIXED CO:Ml\fiSSION. 

Mr. MONROE, by unanimous consent, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported the following resolution; which was read, con- sidered, and agreed to: 

Resolved, That the Preaident of the United Sta.tes be requested, if not incompatible with the public interest.a, to transmit to this House all correspondence between 

this Government and the republic of Venezuela., since the 15th day of May last, 

in reference to the Venezuela. mixed commission, beltl nnder the convention of 

April 25, 1 66. 

Mr. MONROE moveu to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was auopted; and also moved .that the motion to reconsider be 

laid on the table. • 'fhe latter motion was agreed to. 
298 90NGRESSIQ~4~ l{EQQRD-HOUSE. DECEMBER 19, 

DENVER AND RIO GRANDE RAn. WAY. 

Mr. JOHN REILLY, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. 

R. No. 4253) to amend an act entitled "An act granting the right of 

way through the public lands· to the Denver and Rio i-ran de Rail way 

Company;" which was read a first and second time, referred to the 

Committee on the Pacific Railroad, and ordered to be printed. 

MINERAL LANDS. 

Mr. WILSHIRE, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 

4254) to. exempt the State of Arkansas from the provisions of certain 

ections of chapter 6 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, 

entitled "Mineral Lands and Mining Resources;" which was read a first 

and second time, referred to the Committee on Mines and Mining, and 

ordered to be printed. MARY J, SHEPHERD. 

Mr. HUNTER, by unanimous consent,. introduce a bill (H. R. No. 

4255) for the relief of Mary J. Shepherd; which was read a first and 

second time, referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and or- dered to he printed. A. W. GREELY. 

Mr. HUNTER also, (by request,) by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. No. 4256) for the relief of A. W. Greely, Fifth Cavalry; 

which was read a :first and second time, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. 

E. K. DOUGLASS. 

Mr. SPENCER, by unanimous consent, submitted the following 

resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to: ·_ Resolved, That the Clerk of the House be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed 

to pay out of the contingent fund to E. K. Douglass, from June 1 to August 16, inclusive, at the rate of $3 per day for services renuered as a messenger. 

1 Mr. SPENCER moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be 

laid on the table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

SURVEY OF THE DISTRICT. 

Mr. LEAVENWORTH, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee for the District of Coluntbia : 

1 Resolved, That the Committee on theDil!trictofColumbia be, and thilare hereby, 

instructed to inquire into the necessity of causing, at an early day, a that part of 

the Dil!trict of Columbia lying north of the cities of Washington and Georgetown to be surveyed, laid out, and mapped, and the necessary monuments set to each 

lJlock and public square; and also into the propriety of laying out the same in gen- eral conformity to the manner in which the city of Washington is laid out; and that 

said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise. 

FORTIFICATIONS APPROPRIATION BILL. 

Mr. HALE. I move thattherulesbesuspendedand thattheHouse 

resolve itself into Committee of the Whole for the consideration of the 

fortifications appropriation bill; and pending that motion I move that 

all·general debate on the bill in Committee of the Whole be limited 

to five minutes. 

The motion to limit debate was agreed to. . The motion that the House resolve itself into Committee of the 

Whole was ~greed to. 

The House accordingly resolved itself into Committee of the Whole 

House on the state of the Union (Mr. DURHAM in the chair) and proceeded to consider the special order, being the bill (H. R. No. 4188) 

making appropriations for forti:ficatio:o.s and for other works of defense, and for the armament thereof, for the :fiscal year ending June 

30, 1878, and for other purposes. 

The CHAIRMAN. By order of the House all general debate on this bill is to be closed in five minutes. 

Mr. HALE. I ask unanimous consent that the first reading of the 

bill be dispensed with. 

Mr. DOUGLAS. I object. 

The Clerk read the bill, and then proceeded to read the bill by 

clauses for amendment. 

Mr. REAGAN. Mr. Speaker, I offer the following to come in as an additional clause to the bill: 

For the commencement of a fortification at such place aa may be selected on Gal- veston Island by the Secretary of War, 1100,000. 

.Mr. HALE. I must raise the point of order that that provides for 

anewwork. 

Mr. REAGAN. I do not know the extent to which the point of order 

might influence our action. We are engaged in appropriations for 

fortifications, and I desire to say a word in reference to the amendment which I have offered. 

Mr. HOLMAN.. Let the point of order be reserved. 

Mr. REAGAN. I see by the bill that no appropriation is made for new works. The amendment which I propose here is for the purpose of commencing a new fortification on Galveston Island. Upon that 

island is the proper seaport of the State of Texas, and a city of some forty 

thousand inhabitants, with a very considerable commerce, a commerce of more than $30,000,000 annually. It is the port through which the ex- ports and'imports of the State of Texas pass, and the trade also of other 

States and Territories to some extent passes through that seaport and 

city. That seaportandcityis sosituatedatthistime,in view of the great 

range which is given to artillery by improvements and experience in 

I 

the laat few years, that the city might be at any time bombarded , nd 

destroyed by a vessel outside the bar. There is no protection of any 

description for it. I venture the suggestion that there is no city on the seacoast of the United States of such magnitude and importance, 

and no place where so great a commerce exists, where there is such imminent danger to the city ant! its commerce in ca e of war by a hostile power. No provision has yet been made heretofore for the fortification of this place and the protection of its people and commerce. The city lies immediately upen the open gulf. It is the gateway to 

the commerce of a single State of more than :fifteen hundred thousand population; it is the gateway also to the commerce of addi-' 

tiona! people, the number of whom I am not able to state at this mo-~ 

ment. It is certainly the policy of the Government to see that its 

great commerce is protected. This is one which requires attention and 

consideration from the Government. A single man-of-war, in case of 

hostility with a foreign power, can now destroy that city and it& com- merce without entermg the harbor at all. 

I have not time in :five minutes to elaborate the subject and state 

the necessities for action, which I might state if I had more time to. 

It is sufficient to say that the city of Galveston is a city of considerable size and commerce, with a rapidly ~owing population in accord- ance with the growth of the State and 1ts contiguous territory. 

It seems to me that, if in time of peace we should prepare for war, 

there is no more necessary and appropriate provision that could be 

ma.P,e than this for the defense of the seacoast and the protection of 

the commerce and people at this point, who would be exposed in case of war to destruction by a hostile naval force. 

I trust therefore that, although I am not able to state enough facts 

to enable the House to judge as fnlly as they should do, the House 

will consent to do this act of justice and necessity for the protection 

of the commerce and population of one of our most important sea- ports. 

Mr. GARFIEI.AD. I desire to ask the gentlemen if his amendment 

asks for an appropriation that will be available for the protection of 

the seacoast against Mexico, in case of any difficulty with that 1t'Public. I simply wish to say that anything that looks to conferring 

strength on our seacoast and preparation for any possible trouble with 

Mexico ought to be carefully considered by the, House, and, althou~h 

I was not in to hear all the gentleman said, I ask the gentleman wno has charge of this bill to oppose no meaaure that gives reasonable protection to the· coast of Texas in case of Mexican hostilities. 

Mr. REAGAN. I do not know that Mexico is particularly formidable by sea. Our contiguity to Mexico is upon the line of the Rio 

Grande. My object is to give security to this important seacoast town: 

I have stated that it is acityof more than forty thousand inhabitants; 

that it is the principal seaport of a State of more than a million and a half of population, rapidly growing, and that it is also ~he seaport 

of a portion of the adjoining territory. I state further that the com- merce amounts to more than 30,000,000 a year; and I further state 

that the city of Galveston might be bombarded and destroyed by a foreign vessel without its entering the harbor. 

Mr. KASSON. What are the present defenses of the city f 

Mr. REAGAN. It has no defenses of any kind at this time. The · object of this defense is not with reference to Mexico particularly, or any other power. I offered the amendment with a view to the 

protection of the city, to save it and its commerce from destruction 

in caae of hostilities with any foreign power. 

Mr. HANCOCK. I have here a communication from the War Department upon this subject which I would like to have read in con- nection with the amendment offered by my colleague. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

The Secretary of War has the honor to transmit to the House of Representatives, 

for the information of the Committee on Military .Affairs, in response to letter 

from the chairman of said committee, report of Chief of Engineers on House bill 

No. 2089, to "provide for the erection of military fortifications on Galveston Island, 

in the State of Texas." 

The attention of the Military Committee is respectfully invited to the amend- ment suggested by the Chief of Engineers. , ALPHONSO TAFT, 

WAR DEPARTMENT, 

March 18, 1876. 

Secretary of War. 

OFFICE OF 'IRE CHIEF OF ENGINEERS, 

Washington, March.15, 1876. 

Sm: I have the honor to inclose a letter and bill (H. R. No. 2089) received from 

Ron. H. B. BANNING, chairman Military Committee, House of Representatives, 

asking the views of this Department as to the necessity of fortifications for the 

harbor of Galveston, Texas. 

The harbor and city of Galveston are not provided with any defenses against an enemy's operations from the decks of his vessels, and are within a few days' steam- ing from the West Indian ports of maritime nations. 

The fortifications proposed by the Department for that cit~ and harbor are an eight-gun battery on Pelican Spit, at au estimated cost of 40,000; an eight-gun pattery on Bolivar Point, at an estimated cost of 23,000; and a two-gun battery on Galveston Island, at an estimated cost of $17,000. 

The bill, in my judgment, should be passed into a. law, first striking out in lines 

four and five the words "on Galveston Island, in the State of Taxa ." 

It is respectfully suggested that this communicatioo be transmitted to the chair- man of the Military Committee of the House. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, • 

Hon. ALPHONSO T.AFI', 

Secretary of War. 

A. A. HUMPHREYS, 

.Brigadwr-General ana Ohiej of Engineers. 
1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 299 

OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF ENGINEERS, 

Washington, D. 0., DecembeT 12, 1876. 

Sm : In reply to your communication of the 11th instant, I have the honor to in: close herewith copies of the correspondence of March last respecting House bill 

No. 2089. No further suggestions upon the matter of this bill occur to me at the 

present moment. 

Very respectfnlly, your obedient servant,• 

Hon. H. B. BANll'lNG, 

A. A. HUMPHREYS, Brigadier-Gen.eral and Chief of EngineeTs. 

Chairman Military Oommittee,Hott.se of Representatives. 

HOUSE OF RE RESE..~.A.TIVES, 

Washington, D. 0., March 15, 1876. 

DE.A..R Sm: I send you a bill introtluced by General HANCOCK '' to provide for 

the erection of military fortifications on Galveston Island, in the State of Texas." 

Pleaae advise me of the necessity for such fortifications (if any) and reasons therefor. 

Very respectfully, &o., 

H.B BA...~GGeneral HUMPHREYS, 

United States Engineer. 

Mr. HANCOCK. This subject has been considered by the Committee on Military Affairs, and I believe the members of that committee are unanimously in favor of the fortification indicated by the corre- spondence just read. The commercial importance of the city of Galveston is second only to New Orleans on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. 

It is a. place rapidly increasing in population and business. It has no defensive fortifications whatever, and is entirely exposed to depredations, if there should be any war between the United States Government and any other government, however feeble, it might be. It is so much exposed that it might in a single hour be destroyed. 

The amount contemplated by the report of the Chief of Engineer 

Corps is comparatively insignificant in comparison to the great importance that is apparent for some protection to that rapidly increasing commercial emporium for a vast district of country. This subject 

has received the full and careful consideration of the Committee on Military Affairs, and this committee is in poesession of all the facts 

necessary to enable them to act understandingly in reference to the 

al_)propriation of the small amount here asked for, for a fortification 

that is deemed important both by the committee and by theW ar Department, as shown by the document just read. 

I trust there will be no objection to appropriating the small sum asked, and that it may be incorporated in this bill in such phraseology as will enable the Engineer Department to make the fortification in 

the manner indicated, that being no doubt best for the purpose desired. 

Mr. STEVENSON. What is the amount asked for Y 

Mr. HANCOCK. The amount named in the amendment is $100,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary. I trust the amendment will 

be adopted. 

Mr. GARFIELD. I desire to say a single word only. 

Mr. BANNING. I desire merely to suggest that the amount asked 

for in the bill which was introduced by the gentleman from Texas 

[Mr. HANcocK] was so;ooo. That was the amount recommended by 

the Chief of Engineers and the amount that was agreed to by the 

Committee on Military Affairs. I suggest to the gentleman from 

Texas [Mr. REAGAN] to modify his amendment so as to make the 

appropriation $50,000 instead of $100,000, as that was the amount 

agreed to. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I believe the point of order is not disposed of as yet. 

The CHAIRMAN. It is not. 

Mr. BANNING. I desire to say that $50,000 was the amount recom- mended both by the Secretary of War and by the Chief of Engineers, 

when the sut.ject was brought to the attention of the committee by 

the bill introduced bythegentleman fromTexas, [Mr. HANcocK,] and 

sent to that committee. 

Mr. GARFIELD. A single word. I hope that not an extravagant 

appropriation will be asked for this purpose. I desire to make this 

single remark in furtherance of what the gentlemen from Texas have 

said. I must say I have felt a sense of being personally rebuked for 

my ignorance and inattention to one class of national interests when 

I saw in the city of New Orleans a line of shipping that I was informed by gentlemen competent to speak npon the subject far ex- ceeded in amount the shipping ordinarily lying in the harbor of New 

York, not only home shipping but foreign shipping. Visiting as I did 

the month of the Mississippi, and seeing the enormous commerce that 

sweeps down that river and out into the Gulf, I felt that there had not 

been sufficient attention paid to the protection of that part of on.r coast. 

I do not know that this particular island of Galveston is the place 

where the most protection is needed. But I resolved within myself 

that, whenever the opportunity wa-s presented of turning the current 

of our national thoughts in the way of defense and of protection of 

that Gulf and coast, I would not again lose the opportunity of doing so. Without having any special knowledge whether this is the place 

where the fortification ought to be erected, I will only say that the 

tnotion to put a fortification anywhere on the waters of that Gulf, es- . pecially those waters looking toward the Mexican line, meets with . my concurrence, provided the engineers of the Army say that such a work is needed and reasonable. The papers which have been read at 

the Clerk's desk seem to indicate that t.hey have thus given their as- sent. I trust therefore that the point of order will not be pressed; 

hot I hope also that the gentleman from Texas [Mr. REAGAN] will 

reduce the amount proposed in his amendment, for perhaps a consid· 

arable smaller sum may be sufficient to begin the work. 

Mr. HOLMAN. I wish to say in regard to the point of order that a bill is now pending in the House to authorize this work, that bill 

has never passed, and as yet there is no law authorizing this work. 

This is, therefore, an appropriation not authorized by law. That is the 

ground upon which this pqint of order rests. 

Mr. HALE. I am very desirous that this bill should be got out of 

the way because it is hindering the gentleman from Massachusetts, 

[Mr. HoAR,] who wishes to bring up another matter. But if no one else renews the point of order I would have no objection to allowing a vote to be taken on this amendment. But I must remind the gentleman from Texas [Mr. REAGAN] that when he seeks to put npon 

this bill this appropriation, which may be meritorious, he should re-· fleet that this House last year adopted in regard to fortifications the 

sweeping rule that whatever might be the need or the menace there 

shonld be no money appropriated for any new works whatever; so that in pressing this amendment he is opposing the policy that was adopted last year and the policy which the Committee on Appropriations, acting on that basis, have adopted this year. 

I have no objection to withdrawing the point of order so that, if 

no other gentlemen renews it, a. -vote shall be taken at once upon this 

proposition. 

Mr. BANNING. But let the amount of the appropriation be re- duced to 50,000. . Mr. HOLMAN. I must insist on the point of order. 

Mr. HALE. If the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] re- news the point of order, then of course it is good. 

Mr. REAGAN rose. The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Texas rise to discuss 

the point of order Y 

Mr. REAGAN. Yes, sir. Mr. Chairman, I am not so familiar with 

the rnles a.s the gentleman from Indiana or the gentleman from Maine. 

But amendments like this, looking to the public defense, the carrying on of the public service, and making an appropriation for a specific 

object, have been very common in the history of our legislation ; noth · ing has been more common. I have not had my attention turned to 

the particular rnle now in question, and therefore I am not able to say 

that there may not exist a rnle which is conclusive upon this subject; 

but I rely upon the general history of our legislation as to appropriation bills to establish the fact that it has been common to insert )n 

such bills provisions for maintaining the public defense and specifying what is not specified in any existing law, the particular portion 

of the public service for which the appropriation is made. 

I trust very much that the gentleman from Indiana will consent to 

withdraw the point of order; and if he does I am prepared to accept an amendment which will be offered by the gentleman from Ohio, 

[Mr.BAIDUNG,] conforming to the ideaof the Committee on Military 

Affairs as to the amount of the appropriation, and which would also 

carry out the particular recommendations of the War Department ill 

relation to the location of the fortifications at that place. Certainly 

this is a work of very great necessity; and to interpose an opjection 

of possibly doubtful authority to prevent the appropriation for this 

necessary part of the public service, it seems to me, would operate 

somewhat harshly. We have the judgment of the War Department 

and also of the Committee on Military Affairs as to t.he necessity for 

this work. My colleague [Mr. HANcocK] and I have stated some of 

the facts in regard to the necessity for this work of public defense; 

and surely an appropriation of 50,000 cannot be complained of un- less the objection is that this proposed work is to be done in Texas 

and not somewhere on the Northern or Pacific coast. 

Mr. BANNING. As the gentleman from Indiana makes his point 

of order for the purpose of saving money, I propose that the gentle- man from Texa-s accept the following amendment, reducing the amount 

$50,000: 

That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to ~ve 

erected suitable military fortifications for the defense of the commerce of the City of Galveston; and the sum of $50,000 is hereby appropriated therefor. 

The CHAIRMAN. The point of order must be disposed of before 

any further proceedings can be had upon the amendment. 

Mr. BANNING. I was going to say in regard to the point of order 

that the gentleman from Indiana makes the point for the purpose of 

saving money, and this amendment, which will save ~0,000, will 

probably be satisfactory to him. _ Mr. HOLMAN. Without withdrawing the point of. order, I w1 ·h 

to answer the gentleman from Texas- [Mr. REAGAN] by saying that 

the action of the House at the last session accords with the provi ion~ 

of this bill in applying the same rule to the northern coast that " e apply to the southern. My friend from Texas cannot pretend to ay 

that there is any discrimination in this respect. This is a new work 

not authorized by law. I insist that the rule, which is so valuable 

and important, shall be adhered to. 

The CHAIRMAN. As the Chair understands, the point of order i8 

not withdrawn. 

Mr. HOLMAN. It is not. 

The CHAIRMAN. The Chair sustains the point of order, and rules out the amendment. 

Mr. HALE. I move that the committee rise and report the bill to 

the House. 

The motion was agreed to. 
300 CONGRESSIONAL · RECORD-HOUSE. DECE~IBER 19, 

The committee accordingly rose; and the Speaker having resumed 

the chair, Mr. DURHAM reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had had under consideration the Union generally, and particularly the bill (H. R. No. 4188) making appropriations 

for fortifications and for other works of defense, and for the arma- ment thereof, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1878, and for other 

purposes, and had directed the same to be reported w.ithout amendment and with a recommendation that it be passed. 

The question being on ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time, 

Mr. HALE called for the previous question. 

The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered; 

and onder the operation thereof the bill was ordered to be engrossed 

and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read 

the third time, and passed. 

}fr. HALE moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be ]aid on the 

table. 

The latter motion was agreed to. 

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE. 

A message from the Senate, by Mr. SYMPSON, one of their clerks, informed the House that the Senate had passed, without amendment, bills 

of the House of the following titles : A bill (H. R.No. 97) directing the Commissioner of the Genera] Land 

Office to issue a certificate of relocation for six hundred and forty acres of land in the Territory of Missouri to the legal represep.tatives 

of Samuel Ware; and . A bill (H. R. No. 3504) for the relief of Thomas Day. 

The message further announced that the Senate had pa-ssed, with 

amendments, in which the concurrence of the House was requested, 

bills of the following titles: 

A bill (H. R. No. 732) for the relief of Mrs. Catherine Thrush, and 

'Villiam B. Stone, owners of the schooner Flight; 

A bill (H. R. No. 735) for the relief of Philip Pendleton; and 

A bill (H. R. No. 2736) to remove the political disabilities of N. H. 

Van Zandt, of Virginia. 

The message further announced that the Senate had passed and 

requested the concurrence of the House in bills of the following 

titles: 

A bill (S.No. 946}forthe relief of Gibbes & Co., of Charleston, South 

Carolina; and 

A bill (S. No. 991) for the relief of Edwin Rogers. 

The message further announced that the Senate had passed and re- quested the concurrence of the House in resolutions in relation to the 

statues of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams from the State of Massachusetts. 

STATUES OF JOH..."i w:r;nHROP AND SAMUEL ADA¥8. 

Mr. HOAR. I now call up the special order fixed for to-day. 

The SPEAKER. The resolution of the Senate will be read. · The qerk read as follows: 

L'f THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 

December 19, 18i6. 

Resplved by the &nate, (the House of Representatives concurring,) L That the statues of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams are accepted in the name of the 

United States, and that the thanks of Con~ess are given to the Sta.te of Massachu- setts for these memorials of two of her euunent citizens whose names are indissolubly associated with the foundation of the Republic. 2. That a copy of these resolutions, engrossed upon parchment and duly authenticated, be transmitted to the governor of the State of Massachnsetts. 

Attest: 

GEO. C. GORHAM, 

By W. J, McDONALD, 

Ohief Oterk. 

1\lr. HOAR. Mr. Speaker, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in 

obedience to the invitation of Congress, presents to the United States 

the statues of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams, to be placed in the 

old Hall of the House of Representatives, and to be kept reverently in 

that beautiful and stately Chamber so long as its columns shall en- dure. 

. ' Different kinds of public service, various manifestations of intellectual and moral greatness, have been held by different nations and 

ages to constitute the chief title to their regard. With all her wealth 

in other departments of glory, England chiefly values the men who 

have done goQd fighting in her great wars. Marlborough and Nelson 

and Wellington crown the stateliest columns in the squares and 

streets of her chief cities. When we would picture to ourselves the 

republics o.f Italy, four laureled heads of famous poets stand out upon 

the canvass. The statue of Erasmus, the great scholar of Holland, 

with a book in his hand, looks down upon the busy market-place of Ro~terdam. The judgment of mankind has probably determined that 

through the great jurists of the days of the empire Rome has made 

her deepest impression on the world. The names of great soldiers, 

founders of nations, jurists, ministers of state, men of science, inventors, historians, poets, orators, philanthropists, reformers, teachers, are found in turn on the columns by which the gratitude of nations seeks 

to give immortality to their benefactors. 

In deciding which of these classes should be represented or who of 

her children in each ia worthiest of this honor, Massachusetts has not 

been driven to choose of her poverty. Is 'the choice to fall upon a 

soldier f Sturdy Miles Standish, earliest of the famous captains of 

America-" in small room large heart inclosed" -Sir William Pepperell, 

the conqueror of Louisburg, may vie with each other for the glory 

of standing by the ever youthful and majestic figure of Wauen. 

Would the reverence of the nation commemorate its founders' To 

the State made up of the blended cplonies founded by Endicott and 

Winthrop and the men who, on board the Mayflower, signed the first 

written constitution that ever existed among men, more than one-thi.r(l 

of the people of the United States to-day trace their lineage. 

No American state, no civilized nation, has contributed more illustrious names to jurisprudence than Parsons and Ma,son ::tnd Story and 

Shaw. 

The long roll of her statesmen begins with those who laid the foundation of the little colony deep and strong enough for an empire. It 

will end when the love of liberty dies out from the soul of man. Bradford and Carver; Endicott and Winthrop; Vane, the friend of Milton 

and counselor of Croi:n well; Otis and Samuel Adams and Q oincv .and 

Haw ley, the men who conducted on the side of the people that great debate by which the Revolution was accomplished before the first gun 

was fired; John Adams andhisson, whose biographies almost make up 

the history of the country for eighty years ; Pickering, who :filled in 

turn every seat in the cabinet; Webster, the greatest teacher of con- stitutional law, save Marshall; Andrew, the great war governor; 

Sumner, the echoes of whose voice seem yet audible in the Senate 

Chamber, by no means make up the whole of the familiar catalogue. 

Science will not disdain to look for :fitting representatives to the 

State of Bowditch and John Pickering and Wyman and Pierce, and 

which contains the birth-place of Franklin and the home and grave of AgassiZ. · . Are we to hold with Franklin that the world owes more to great 

inventors than to all its warriors and statesmen f The inventor of 

the cotton-gin, who doubled the value of every acre of cotton-producing land in the South; the inventor of the telegraph, at whose 

funeral obsequies the sorrow of all nations throbbing simultaneously 

around the globe was manifested; the discoverer of the uses of ether 

in surgery, who ha,s disarmed sickness of half its pain and death of 

half its terrors, may dispute with each other a palm for which there 

will be no other competitors. 

Among historians the names of Bancroft and Sparks and Motley 

and Prescott and Palfrey and Parkman will endure till the deeds 

they celebrate are forgotten. "Worthy deeds," said John Milton, 

"are not often destitute of worthy relators, as by a certain fate 

great acts and great eloquence have commonly gone hand in hand.'' 

Native to famous wits 

And hospitable, in her sweet rece s, 

Massachusetts contributes to the list of poets who have delighted 

the world the names of Bryant and Emerson and Whittier and Longfellow and Lowell and Holmes. 

Among the foremost of Americans in oratory, that foremost of arts, .stand Quincy, the Cicero of the Revolution; Otis, that ":fl::tme of 

fire;" the persuasive Choate, the silver-tongued Everett, the majestic Webster. 

Of the great lovers of their race, whose pure fame is gained by 

unselfish devotion of their lives to lessening suffering or reforming 

vice, Massachusetts has furnished conspicuous examples. Among 

these great benefactors who have now gone to their reward, it is hard 

to determine the palm of excellence. To the labors of Horace Mann 

is due the excellence of the common schools in America, wi thoot which 

liberty must perish, despite of constitution or statute. 

If an archangel should come down from heaven among men, I can- not conceive that he could give utterance to a loftier virtue or clothe 

his message in more fitting phrase than are found in the pore eloquence 

in which Channing arraigned slavery, that giant crime of all ages, 

before the bar of public opinion, and held up the selfish ambition of 

Napoleon to the condemnation of mankind. "Never before," says 

the eulogist of Channing, " in the name of humanity and freedom, was grand offender arraigned by such a voice. The sentence of degradation which Channing .nas passed, confirmed by coming generations, 

will darken the fame of the warrior more than any defeat of his arms, or compelled abdication of his power." 

Dr. Howe, whose youthful service in the war for the independence 

of Greece, recalling the stories of. knight-errantry, has endeared his name to two hemispheres, is yet better known by-what he has done for • tbose unfol'tnnate classes of our fellow-men whom God has deprived 

of intellect or of sense. He gave eyes to the fingers of the blind, he 

taught the deaf and dumb articulate speech, waked the slumbering intellect in the darkened soul of the idiot, brought comfort, quiet, hope, 

courage, to the wretched cell of the insane. 

To each of these the people of Massachusetts have in their own way, 

paid their tribute of honor and reverence. The statue of Horace Mann 

stands by the portal of the State Honse. The muse of Whittier and 

Holmes, the lips of our most distinguished living orators, the genius 

of his gifted wife, have united in a worthy memorial of Howe. Th._, 

stately eloquence of Sumner, in his great oration at Cambridge, has 

built a monument to Channing more enduring than marble or granite, but Channing's published writings, eager1y read wherever the 

English language prevails, are better than a,ny monument. 

Yet I believe Channing and Howe and Mann, wero they living today, would themselves yield precedence to the constant and cour-
1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 301 

ageous heroism of him who said," I am in earnest; I will not equivocate; I will not retreat a single inch; and I will be heard;" whose fame 

Over his living head, like heaven is bent 

An early and eternal monument. 

The act of Congress limits the~ selection to deceased persons not ex- ceeding two in number for each State. Massachusetts baa chosen 

those who while they seemed the fittest representatives of what is peculiar in her own character and history have impressed that ~haractflr on important pub"H.c events which have been benefits to the nation 

at large. 

That peculiarity is what is called Puritanism. To that principle, 

which I will try to define presently, I think it would not be difficult 

to. trace nearly everything which Massachusetts has been able to 

achieve in any department of excellence. But it has a direct national 

importance in three conspicuous eras. One of them is too recent to 

allow of dispassionate consideration. The others are the eras of the 

foundation of the State and of the American Revolution. 

Of the first, John Winthrop, twelve times governor of Massachu-, 

setts, from 1630 to 1649, is the best type. Of the second she has se- lected Samuel .Adams, sometimes called" the last of the Puritans," as the representative. 

"The true marshaling," says Lord Bacon, "of the degrees of sover- eign honor are these : In the first place are conditores imperiorunt, 

founders of states and commonwealths, such as were Romulus, Cyrus, 

Cresar, Ottoman, Ismael." Whatever rank shall be assigned · to our Commonwealth by history compared with the states of Romulus and 

Cyrus and the rest, the same "degree of sove1·eign honor" must be 

awarded to the man who founded it as compared with those named 

by Lord Bacon. 

When you look upon the statue of John Winthrop yon see the foremost man of that little company of Englishmen who abandoned 

wealth, comfort, rank, to found a Christian church and a republi- can State in the wilderness of New England. He was born in Suffolk on the 12th day of January, 1587. He was a gentlt'man of good 

estate and descent, and of wide and powerful family connection. He was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, bred to the bar, and had a considerable practice as an attorney of the court of wards and liveries. .A large portion of his private papers and letters to his family 

and friends have been preserved. I know of no other man of his time 

of whose mental and spiritual life from his childhood up we have such 

full particulars. He was a man industrious, modest, wise, brave, 

generous, affectionate, a lover of .home, of kindred, and friends, tolerant, religious, moderate, chaste, temperate, self-sacrificing. He had 

studied the laws of England, and thought deeply and clearly upon 

the principles of civil liberty. He was a member and comm11nicant 

of the Church of England. From his early youth his letters to his 

family and near friends and numerous private matmscripts reveal 

his most secret religious meditations and aspirations. · They breathe a sincere, liberal, catholic spirit of love to God and man, uttered in 

forms in which religious men of all.denominations could unite. . If 

these simp}e and eloquent utterances were found in a meditation of 

Pascal or .A Kempis, in a confession of Saint .Augustine, in a sermon of Jeremy Taylor, in a journal of John Wesley, or an, essay of Channing, I do not think that any disciple of either would deem them out 

of place. His style is simple and serious, rising sometimes to a grave 

and majestic eloquence. There are passages in his letters of exquisite 

beauty and "in the loftiest strain of religious faith and devotional 

fervor." There was probably no man in England with tastes less inclined to the part of an adventurer, and with less personal ambition. 

Such, in the year 1629, at the age of forty-three, was this model English gentleman, dwelling on his own landed estate, surrounded by 

affluence, engaged in honorable public employments, happy in home, 

friends, honor. Hehadheardofa rocky and·ice-boundregion, the gloom 

of whose eternal forests was tenanted by savage beasts and men more savage. He had heard of a little company of Englishmen, who had 

landed on that coast ten years before, at mid-winter, half of whom 

had perished before spring, "at one time only six or seven having 

strength enough left to nurse the dying and bury the dead," and who 

for ten years had maintained a precarious and doubtful struggle with 

famine and pestilence and the rigorous climate. But what should 

drive him, of all mankind, to leave the delights of rich and luxurious England, to abandon the plea,sant vales of Suffolk, for the rocks 

and sands of Massachusetts ¥ " Founders of states, such as were Romulus, Cyrus, Cresar, Ottoman, Isma.el." .A founder of states 

szwh as these were no was John Winthrop. No legions flushed with 

foreign conquest demanded that he should lead them across the 

Rubicon to found an empire on th.e ruins of his country. No milk of 

the she-wolf mingling with the streams of his blood made him 

the fit founder of an asylum for a clan of banditti. No fanatical 

passion for conquest, no dream of sensual paradise, no restless no- madic habit, disturbed the even tenor of his life. But he was one of 

those men to whose happiness civil and religious liberty were absolutely essential. The third Parliament of Charles 1 had just been 

dissolved. England was entering upon a period of ten years of absolute monarchy, her civil and military administration in the hands of 

Strafford, her spiritual affairs in the hands of Laud. Winthrop agreed 

in opinion with those who were disposed to submit to neither. . .A charter had been earlier obtained. .A few colonists had gone over to New England and esta"blished a government in subordination to 

tJ:!.e company in En~land. On the 26th day of .Au~st, 1629, Winthrop 

and eleven others mgned an agreement at Cambndge ''to embark for 

the said plantation, to the end to pass the seas (under God's protection) to inhabit and cont.inue inN ew England; provided always, that 

the whole government, together with the patent for the said plantation, be first by an order of court legally transferred and established to 

remain with us and others which ~:~hall inhabit upon the said plantation." This condition was performed. In October thereafter the 

record of the company recites "the court having received extraordinary great commendations of Mr. John Winthrop both for his integrity and sufficiency, as being one every way well fitted and accom- plished for the place, the said Mr. Winthrop was with a general vote 

chosen to be governor for the ensuing year." 

It is more than probable that the accession of Winthrop to their 

society was the condition of the whole emigration. It is more than 

probable that the coming over of Winthrop and his fleet of ships saved 

the whole Puritan settlement from being abandoned. It is certain 

that for the nineteen years for which he was chief director of the 

affairs of the colony he impressed upon it his own character and qualities. He took farewell of England ''in a flood of tears." He begged 

his brethren of the English church for their prayers, "which will be a most prosperous gale in our sails." To narrate his remaining life 

would be only to tell again the well-known tale of the history of 

Massachusetts for its first nineteen years. 

The qualities which the greatest rulers of free States have displayed in the most difficult times were all needed in the governor of 

the infant Commonwealth. No other American so nearly resembles 

Washington. '' He was, indeed," says the old annalist, " a governor 

who had most exactly studied that book, which, pretending to teach 

politics, did only contain three leaves, and but one word on each of 

those leaves, which word was 'moderation.'" .Another Puritan writer 

calls him ''that famous pattern of piety and justice." He wa.s re- proved by the clergy of the colony for his " overmuch lenity," in the 

month Roger Williams was banished: He preserved unbroken his 

friendship with Williams, who wished him. to be the governor of his 

own plantation in Rhode Island. He poured out his estate in charity, 

leaving but £100 at his death. He gave his last measure of meal to a poor woman, when the colony was starving, a ship laden with provisions from England arriving just in time for their safety. 

When impeached for an act of necessary authority, e took hispla.ce 

modestly and meekly at the bar of the court of which he had been 

head, where he defended himself in a discourse defining the true :p.ature of civil liberty which for grave and majestic eloquence ha.s been 

pronounced by high authority "equal to anything of antiquity.". The questions which divided the Roundhead from the Cavalier, the 

Puritan from the high churchman, are not yet at rest. Until they are, men will differ in their estimate of the generation to which John 

Winthrop belonged and of the Commonwealth of which he was the 

chief founder. But the concurrent judgment of all lovers of .America now accepts the estimate which has been eloquently expressed by his 

distinguished biographer and descendant, your accomplished prede- cessor in ~at chair: ''.A great example of private virtue and public 

usefulness; of moderation in counsel and energy in action; of stern 

self-denial and unsparing self-devotion; of child-like trpst in God and 

implicit faith in the gospel of Christ, united with courage enough for 

conducting a colony across the ocean and wisdom enough for building 

up a state in the wilderness." . When John Winthrop died, in 1649, the colony of which he had been 

the foremost planter waa firmly established as a Christian state. 

Thirty :flourishing towns, in which every freeman had an equal vote, were represented in the Legislature. The college, the schools, the 

churches, agriculture, and trade and fisheries were prospering. The 

little Commonwealth did its full share to keep up the glory of the 

English flag at Louisburg, at Quebec, at Martinique, and the Havanna, and many another well-fought field. But the people kept a wary 

lookout for any encroachment by King, Parliament, or governor on the natural and inalienable rights of Englishmen, as declared by their 

charter. In 1763 the great drama was fairly opened which ended 

with the separation from England and the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. The Legislature hesitated a good while 

whether Samuel .Adams, or his illustrious kinsman, John Adams, 

should be chosen as the representative o£ the revolutionary age. I 

think the even-hanging balance was inclined at last by the thought 

of the ample compensations which life brought to the latter for his 

services and sacrifices in his country's cause. I can conceive of nothing which the human heart can desire in satisfaction of a pure ambition which did not fall to the lot of John 

.Adams. .As was well said by Mr. Webster, "he was attended through 

life by a great and fortunate genius. He had written his name where 

all nations should behold it, and where all time should not efface it." 

He lived to see the independence of his country achieved. His was the rare good. fortune to take part in a great revolution from its beginning to its successful issue. The proscribed rebel was received by 

the sovereign who had hated him as the representativ~ of a great and 

free people. He was deemed by his countrymen worthy to be asso- ciated with Washington in the inauguration of the Government, and 

succeeded him in the great office of the Presidency. He was the 

foremost champion of the Declaration of Independence on the floor 

of Congress, and his famous prophecy will cause his name to be re- membered by his countrymen as its anniversary returns until time 
302 CONGRESSIONAL: RECORD-HOUSE. DECE~IBER 19, 

. . . . . shall be no more~ He was the chief author of the constitution of his iron hand of Adams. With his own lips he gave the signal for the 

native State, He rejoiced in the congenial companionship of one of movement of the tea party. With his own hand he carried to the conn- the most affectionate of wives and most intellectual of women. His cil the impeachm~t of Oliver.. On the day of the Boston massacre life ended on the spot where it began, at the great age of ninety, in Adams intrusted no other messenger with the demand for the removal a strong, vigorous old age, made happybyprivate affection and pub- of the regiments. Yonder statue represents the great popular leader 

lie reverence. By a coincidence almost miraculous, his death took and chieftain, king of men, the genius of American liberty speaking 

place when millions of his countrymen, happy and at peace, under through his lips, as he stood in the presence of the royalty of Englanil 

the Presidency of his son, were celebrating the great day he had made represented by Governor Hutchinson: "If you have the power to re- famoUB. "If the chariot and horses of fire had been vouchsafed to move one regiment you have power to remove both. It is at your 

him, he could scarcely have had a more splendid translation or de- peril if you refuse; night is approaching; an immediate answer is ex- parted in a brighter blaze of glory." · pected. Both reo'iments or none." "It was then," said Adams afterSamuel Adams, on the other hand, lived and died poor. His only ward, "if fancy deceived me not, that I observed his lmees to tremble. son preceded him to the grave, leaving none to inherit his name. He I thought I saw his face grow pale, and I enjoyed the si~ht." 

held no considerable pu uBc office, except that of delegate to the Con- He was nmon g the earliest of American advocates, I thmk in nearly 

tinental Congress, until he succeeded Hancock as governor in his every case the earliest, of doctrines which, when he first uttered 

seventy-second year, when in his own opinion the weight of years and them, were deemed para-doxes or utopian dreams, but to-day are the 

infirmities was beginning to unfit him for further service. accepted maxims of constitutional liberty. Among these he mainBut for more than thirty years, beginning when most of the great tained that 'the right to life, liberty, and property are essential and 

actors in the Revolution were unborn or were children, he was the ;\inalienable rights of human nature; 

unquestioned lea-der of the contest for liberty in Ma-ssachusetts. I That Magna Charta is irrepealable by Parliament, (citing in supshall not repeat the familiar story. Samuel Adams was, I think, the port of this view the curse pronounced by the church in presence of 

greatest of our American public men in civil life; greatest, if we judge King Henry ill and the estates of the realm upon all who should 

him by the soundness and sureness of his opinions on the great ques- make statutes or observe them contrary to it;) 

tiona of his time and of all time ; greatest, as shown by the strength That representation of America in Parliament was impossible; 

of original argument by which he persuaded the people to its good; That King or Parliament, together or separately, had no right to 

greatest in the imperial power of personal will by which he iDBpired affect the liberties of the colonies; 

and compelled and subdued the statesmen of his day who were his That, therefore, Parliament had no power to legislate for the colocompanions; greatest in the sublime self-denial which contented it- nies in any case; 

self with accomplishing public results without seeking personal re- That the union of the several powers of government in one person 

ward either of fame or office.. is dangerous to liberty; · "If there was any Palinnrus to the Revolution," said Thomas Jef- That the Crown had no right to grant salaries to colonial judges or ferson, "Samuel Adams waa that man." From the day when on tak- governors; 

ing his degree at Harvar(\in 1743 he maintained that it is lawful to That kings and governors may be guilty of treason and rebellion, 

resist the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth cannot otherwise and have in general been more guilty of them than their subjects; 

be preserved, down to -the time when the Declaration severed the tie rhat the welfare and safety of the people are paramount to all 

between England and the colonies, he conducted the great debate of other law; 

liberty. In the achievement of great revolutions which mark andse- That governments are founded on equal rights; cure the progress of liberty, three kinds of leaders are alike indispen- That the people have natural right to change a bad constitution 

sable: the philosopher, who establishes great principles; the states- whenever it is in their power; 

man, who frames great measures, fills great executive offices, leads That American manufactures should be a constant theme 

popular and legislative assemblies; the politician, without . whose He wa.s never weary, 

marshaling of political forces civil contests must be carried on by Says his biographer- mobs, and not by parties. Adams was all three. With clear logic he 

derived his great argument from its foundations in the immmuta- of promotingawidelydiffnsed common-school system,wherebythepoorestmi~ht educate his children to a point where talent might win its way on equal terms With ble laws of ethics and the inalienable rights of human nature. With their more wealthy n~ighbors. This was democratic doctrine in its purest form 

consummate wisdom, he directed all the measures of the Massachn- and, aa Mr. Adams conceived it, was the principle on which the Revolution had 

setts Assembly, never driven from his position or taking a false step. been accomplished. 

He was the most dextrous politician that ever planned an election or The instinct of Hutchinson did not err when it pronounced him 

managed a caucus. He laid down the pen in the midst of a profound the first man in America who advocated independence. 

treatise which Locke or Hooker might have envied to mingle with The first public denial of the right of Parliament to tax America, 

the workmen at the rope-walk or the crowd at the street corner to the first public opposition to the stamp-act, the first suggestion of a plan the conduct of the coming town-meeting. I know nd'second in- general union of the colonies, are in the instruction of the town of Boastance in history where these three characters have been so wonder- ton to its representatives, adopted in 1764 and drafted by Samuel 

fully combined. Yet, what is more wonderful still, Adams wa-s free Adams. This preceded by twelve months Patrick Henry's resolution 

from the faults which commonly beset each. A profound political. in the Virginia House of Burgesses of May, 1765. In that life of inphilosopher, his feet always touched the ground. He was never led cessant activity, constantly engaged in debate in the assembly, in con- astray by his theory. A statesman, he was without personal ambi- troversy in the press, a writer of such originality that the doctrines 

tion. A politician, he was without a wile. There is no more hurtful must have seemed to the men of his day paradoxes, having to meet a error than the notion of our doctrina.ires that the function performed powerful and unscrupulous government by combining popular forces, in free states by men who are termed politicians is not dignified, hon- no instance can be found·of his advancing a doctrine which is not toorable, serviceable, and honest. When wars are brought to successful day accepted, or of his proposing a measure from which he was com- is ue without planning the campaigns; when battles are won without pelled to recede. 

generals, disposition of forces, or discipline, good results will come It has been charged that the "glittering generalities" of the Declato pass under popular governments without po1itici~ns. But whether ration of Independence were the result of the French tastes of J efferconcerting his plans in the caucus or addressing the people in Faneuil son, and were acquiesced in-not believed in-by his associates in the 

Hall, which was called his "throne," the absolute truth and simple Continental Congress to conciliate his supposed influence in Virginia. 

honesty o£ Sa.muel A.d.a.ms were unstained. He would not have de- The criticism has been made by Mazzini, I think repeated by Biscei ved that people i£ thereby he could have redeemed a world from marck, that it asserts that the security of rights, not the performance 

bondage. of duties, is the object of the state. The statement and the criticism 

With unerring wisdom earlier than any other person in his own are unlike unfounded. Every sentiment of the Declaration can be 

State, he saw the principles on which the American cause was based, found anticipated in the writings of Samuel Adams. It contains the 

and the means by which public opinion should be convincd, combined, matured opinions of the most 1·eligious race of men that ever lived at 

and made effective in their support. He saw the power of the news- tbe most religions period of their history. The men who believed that 

paper when it was almost unused as a political force. He wa-s the au- "the chief end of man is to ~lorify God and enjoy him forever" did not 

thor of the most important state papers, the instructions of the town lightly put on record their creed aa to the object of the state and the 1 

of Boston to its representatives, of the assembly to its agents m Eng- purpose for which governments are instituted among men. They knew 

land, its answers to the royal governors, wherein the natural rights of that to add a political sanction to religious or moral duty, or to enlist 

men, the chartered privileges of the people, and the limits of executive the forces of the state for its performance is impossible without trenchand legislative power were established on foundations from which ing upon that liberty of conscience, which they valued even more they have never been removed. It was said of him that he had the eyes than their political rights. 

of Argus and as many hands as Briareus, and in each hand a pen. Burke, in his famous delineation of the character of the colonists 

His style was simple, severe, chaste, restrained, as became the great iu his great speech on conciliation with America mentions as among themes he ha{l to discuss. But it conveyed his weighty meaning the marvels of history the formation of voluntary government by the 

alike to the understandin~ of the people and the apprehension of people when the ancient government of Massachusetts was abrogated 

his antagonists. "Everyaip of his pen," said Bernard," stung1ike a llyGreatBritain. Thatvoluntary government,obeyed, as Lord Dunhorned snake." more said of that in Virginia, "infinitely better than the ancient ever He always put other men forward when glory wa-s to be gained or was in its most fortunate periods," was largely the work of Samuel 

de irable public office to be filled-never when responsibility or peril Adams. was to be encountered. Behind the conspicuous presence of Hancock, His respect for law and horror of lawle s violence were remarkathc brilliant rhetoric of Otis, the British governors felt and dreaded tho ble in the leader of a revolution. When the mob attacked the honse 
'. 

1876. OONGRESSIONAL . REOORD-liOUSE. 303 

of Hutchinson he declared he would rather have lost his right ha.nd. 

It was through his influence that Quincy and John Adams defended 

Captain Preston, and the soldiers who had fired on the people and se- cured their acquittal. He restrained the impatience of the people, 

waiting patiently for eight years till the time should come when his 

opponents should be put clearly in the wrong by first resorting to 

force. 

He had a marvelous personal magnetism which few men could re- sjst, by which he attracted many brilliant and able men to the cause of his country. John Adams declares in his diary that" to my cer- tain knowledge from 1758 to 1775, that is, for seventeen years, he made 

it his constant rule to watch the rise of every brilliant genius, to seek 

his acquaintance, to court his friendship, to cultivate his natural 

feelings in favor of his native country, to warn him a~ainst the hos 

tile designs of Great Britain." He gives us a few names out of many 

thus brought to the cause of America, Hancock, Warren, and Quincy. 

To these names he might have added his own, as abundant passages 

in his diary bear witness. 

Samuel Adams seems to have been a man without a selfish personal 

desire. You cannot trace in him the slightest evidence of the passions 

that so commonly beset the path of men in public life. The love of 

fame, the love of money, the love of pleasure, the love of ease, the 

love of. power, the love of office, were alike without influence on that 

heart in which the love of liberty burned with a perpetual flame. 

The authorship of many of his ablest papers remained unknown till 

long after he died. The agents of the King more than once tried to 

tempt him with money or office. Most of his companions in the public service found means to gain competent fortunes by their own industry. Adams once declared that a guinea never glistened in his eyes. 

But for a small inheritance received late in life from his son, he must 

have been supported in his old age by charity and buried at the public charge. His only relaxation from his unrepaid public cares was in conversation, especially with little children, of whose society he was passionately fond, and sometimes in listening to or joining in 

sacred music, in which he especially delighted. 

The judgment of historians, the voice of the people, the praises of 

friends, the anger of enemies, bear concurrent witness to the great 

qualities of Samuel Adams. 

Bancroft calls him "the chief of the Revolution." He says "his 

vigorous, manly will resembled in its tenacity well-tempered steel 

which may ply a little but will not break." 

Sir James Grahame says "Samuel Adams was one of the most perfect models of disinterested patriotism, and of republican genius and 

character, that any age or country has produced." 

J effersol'}. called him " the Palinurus of the Revolution." He declared "he was truly a great man, wise in counsel, fertile in his re- sources, immovable in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater share 

than any other member in advising and directing our measures in the 

northern war. I always considered him more than any other man the fountain of our important measures." 

Patrick Henry writes from Williams burgh, when Vir~ia was about 

to frame her constitution, " Would to God you ana your Samuel 

Adams were here." 

James Warren said he was "the man who had the greatest hand in 

the greatest revolution in the world." . John Adams exhausts the language of eulogy in his praise: "He 

has the most thorough understanding of liberty and her resources in 

the temper and character of the people. He was born and tempered a wedge of steel." 

Stephen Sayre calls him "the Father of America." 

Josiah Quincy says "many in England esteem him the first politician in the world." 

A distinguished clergyman of his time calls him "one of Plutarch's 

men." • · Hutchinson, the tory governor, calls him "the all in all," "the great 

incendiary leader of Boston." 'Vhen the ministry wrote to Hutchinson "Why has not Mr. Adams been taken off from his opposition by an office T" he replied, "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man that he never would be conciliated by any office or gift whatever." When Hutchinson went ba~k to England he was received to an audience by Kin~ George in his closet, where king and 

governor vied with each other m denunciation of Sam. Adams. 

Galloway, the Philadelphia tory, declared in his examination before 

the Honse of Commons that "the lower ranks in Philadelphia were governed in a great degree by Mr. Adams." 

Gage, in June, 1775, excepts from thegeneralofferofpardon "Samuel 

Adams and John Hancock, whose offenses are of too flagitious ana- ture to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." 

And so, Mr. Speaker, it has come to pass that in the centennial year, 

Massachusetts brings the first and the last of her great Puritans to 

represent her in the nation's gallery of heroes and patriots. Two hunrlred and forty-six years have gone by since John Winthrop landed at 

Salem. It is a hundred years since Samuel Adams set his name at 

Philadelphia to the charter of that independence which it had been 

the great purpose of his life to accomplish. Their characters, public and private, have been the subject of an intense historic scrutiny, 

both hostile and friendly. But the State, not, we hope, having failed 

to learn whatever new lessons these centuries have brought, still 

adopts them as tho best she has to offer. 

I do not use the word Puritan in a restricted sense. I do not mean the bigots or zealots who were the caricature of their generation. I 

do not discuss the place in history of the men of the English common- wealth. Whether the hypocritical buffoon of Hndib.ras or the re- ligious enthusiaBt of Macaulay be the fit type of that generation of 

Englishmen before whom Europe trembled, we do not need to inquire. 

I use the word in a large sense, as comprehending t.he men who led 

the emigration, made up the bulk of the numbers, established the institutions of MaBsachusetts, Connecticut, and Plymouth, and administered their fdfa,irs asself-governingrepublicsinall but name for more than a century and a half. . Through the vMt spaces of human history there have resounded 

but a few heroic strains. Unl~ss the judgment of those writers who 

have best conceived and pictured heroism-Milton, Burke, Carlyle, 

Froude-be at fault, among these there has been none loftier than the 

Puritanism of New England. The impress which a man makes upon 

mankind depends upon what he believes, what he loves, what are his 

qualities of intellectandoftemper. You must consider aU these to form a just estimate of the great generations with which we are dealing. 

The Puritan loved liberty, religions and civil; he l.:>ved home and 

family and friends and country with a love never surpassed, and he 

loved God. He did not love pleasure or luxury or mirth. He dwelt 

with the delight of absolute certainty on the anticipation of a life beyond the grave. His intellect was fit for exact ethical discussion, 

clear in seeing general truths, active, unresting, fond of inquiry and 

debate, but penetrated and restrained by a shrewd common sense. He saw with absolute clearness the true boundary which separates liberty 

and authority in the state. He had a genius for making constitutions and statutes. He had a tenacity of purpose, a ~ofty and inflexible courage, an unbending will, which never quailed or flinched before 

human antagonist, or be~ore exile, torture, or death. The Puritan was a thorough gentleman, of dignified, noble, stately bearing, as becomes men who bear weighty responsibilities, deal with the greatest interests, and meditate on the loftiest themes. Read John Winthrop's 

definition of civil liberty or his reasons for settling in New England1 

and judge of the temper of those men, who, of free choice, made him 

twelve times their governor. 

The Puritan believed that the law of God is the rule of life for states as for men. He believed in the independence of the individual con- science and in self-government according to the precedents of English liberty, because he believed that both were according to the will 

of God. "It is the glory of the 13ritish constitution," said Samuel 

Adams, "that it hath its foundation in the law of God." "The magistrate is the servant," said John Adams, "not of his own desires, not even of the people, but of his God." He derived the knowledge of that 

will from a literal interpretation of Scripture, which he thought furnished precepts or examples for every occasion. Yet it is wonderful how soon the common sense of the Puritan wrought out the principles of 

sound administration, and freed him fr,pm the errors into which other men fell. He interpreted literally the ilivine command, "Thou shalt 

not suffer a witch to live." Yet the witchcraft delusion, disgrace of 

all Christian nations, never reached Plymouth or Connecticut, and 

touched Massachusetts but lightly. In England, from 1600 to 1680, 

40,000 persons were put to death as witches, and in Scotland nearly as many. On the continent of Europe the victims were numbered by 

hundreds of thousands. In MaBSachusettsthe numberneverreached a score. The little Swiss city of Geneva. put to death five hundred per- sons for this crime ,in a single year. A child of nine years old was ex- ecuted for witchcraft in Huntingdon, England, in 1719. The laws 

against witchcraft remained in force in England till1736, and in Scotland till1738, fifty years after the time when, first of all mankind, 

Massachusetts repented of the delusion, the opinion of her whole people being uttered in the ever memorable confession of Sewall, the Puritan chief justice. They had sa-Crificed almost every thing else 

that man values to enjoy the worship of God after their own fashion. 

Yet they were among the first of mankind to establish complete re- ligious toleration. I have heard the Puritans of New England taunted 

for religious bigotry by the representatives of States who, as late as 1741, put men to death for the crime of being Catholics. 

The Puritan believed in a future life, where just men were to enjoy 

immoriality with those whom they had loved here; and this belief was his comfort and support in all the sorrow and suffering which he 

encountered. But he believed also in the coming of God's kingdom 

here. He had a firm faith that the state he had builded w~ to con- tinue and grow, a community of men living together in the practice 

of virtue, in the worship of God, in the pursuit of truth. It has been 

said of each of two great Puritan leaders, "Hope shone like a fiery 

pillar in him when it had gone out in all others. His mind is firmly 

fixed on the future; his face is radiant with the sunrise he intently 

watches." 

LMtly, the Puritan believed in the law of ri~hteous retribution i; 

the affairs of nations. No departure from God s law of absolute jus- tice, of absolute honesty, of absolute righteousness, could escape, so it 

seemed to him, its certain and terrible punishment. The oppressor 

who deprived the poorest or weakest of mankind of the equal right with which God had endowed him, the promise-breaker, who juggled 

with public obligation, the man who gained power by violence or fralfd, brought down, as he believed, the vengeance of God upon himself and upon his children, and upon the nation which permitted him, 

to tho third and fourth generation. · 
304 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. DECEMBER 19, 

Mr. Speaker, the State that the Puritan planted has opened her gates 

to men of other lineage and of other creed. It may be that in the 

coming centuries his descendants are to yield to another race the dominion of his beloved New England and that only in gentler climes 

and on the shores of a more pacific sea men will delight to remember 

that their fathers were of the company of Winthrop or sat in connell 

with Adams. But the title of the Puritan to remembrance will not 

depend upon locality. In that mightier national life, drawn from so manysources~of many, oile; of many States, one nation; of many 

races, one people ; of many creeds, one faith-the element~ he has con- tributed are elements of perpetual power: his courage; his constancy ; 

his belief in God; his reverence for law; his love of liberty; his serene and lofty hope. [Applause.] . Mr. WARREN. Massachusetts :presents to the United States the 

statues of two of her representative men. She has selected for her 

heroes no brilliant bnt erratic genius, general, orator, or poet, for a time the wonder of mankind, but two men, each of whom owes his 

fame to the unselfish devotion .of a life-time to the cause in which his 

youth embarked. Not that they were either of them common men. Both were born leaders. They were men of unusual firmness and persistency; both men who scorned to be turned aside from the work to 

which they had dedicated their.lives by any thought of personal gain or office or honor. But their right to leadership was built upon the 

fact that in them elves they embodied and illustrated the most powerful moving sentiments of the time in which they each of them lived. 

We must leave out of view, when we would aacertain what !J>t a given epoch is the most powerful influence that is operating to shape or transform the political or religious life of a conntry, all that large 

cla-ss, the majority in fact of its people, who give no time to thought 

and readily subscribe to whatever dogmas in politics or religion may 

be current, so long as the trade in silks or woolens, in corn or cotton, 

is active and remunerative. Such are not ihe men whose acts and 

whose will overturn empires, reform religions, and lead ,mankind 

in new paths of progress. Such are not the men who are troubled 

about the shortcomings of the dominant church, or who tremble at 

the first insidious attacks made by power upon liberty. But we, who are of English stock, may make it our boast that in each succeeding 

age a large body of the people, in all classes in society, have acknowledged the duty they o.wed to the church and to the State, to keep the 

first pure and the second true to the great charter of our liberties. 

The leaders of thought and afterward in action must clearly perceive the danger to be overcome, whether it arises from the perversity of those intrusted with power or the indifference of the people; 

must devise the remedy and combine and marshal the forces necessary 

to up,root the prevailing wrong, and create or renew correct opinions 

and practices in religion or politics. ·we need not be reminded that from the time when John Winthrop 

attained his manhood down to the day of his death one strong purpose 

animated and controlled the serious and solid men of England. I do 

full justice to the manly and c!ivalrous devotion ofthe cavaliers to the 

throne, to the zeal and love of the churchmen for the established re- ligion. But the men who beheaded a Strafford, who overthrew a Land, who conquered a monarch and established two commonwealths, one at home, ill-conditioned and short-lived, the other, esto perpetua, on these shores, were the men who impressed themselves on their age 

and have left their impress upon all future generations. They were the men who saw and believed that their liberties, civil and religious, were in danger; who knew no duty but in attempting to recover their ri~hts. In the mind and character of some the religious element 

predommated i in others, the determination to recover ·the ancient 

rights and privileges of the BritiBh subject was the ruling motive. 

But among all who were active on the side of the people in the stirring 

events of that time both motives combined. 

I know how unsafe it is to generalize on any historical subject. 

What is gained in point and effect is lost in accuracy. But it is not 

too much to assert that the revolution against the.kingly power owed 

its commencement to those who, while sufficiently religious, yet felt 

most keenly the wrong done by the king to the civil and political 

rights of the subject; while on the other hand the fonnding of the 

Massachusetts Commonwealth was due to those who, not unmindful 

of the danger to political liberty, were impelled primarily by their belief that their foremost duty was to bring their lives into absolute 

subjection to the will of God. 'fhe latter subordinated their duty to 

the state, yes, and the state itself, t-o what they conceived to be the· law of God. The former had, from education, from family, and from 

tradition, that almost superstitious ~eneration for what was termed 

the coMtitutional rights of Englishmen which made them start at any 

infraction of the provisions of that constitution and eventually take arms in defense of its integrity. And it is a singular fact that when 

the revolution against the power of the King, commenced by the 

triends of civil liberty, was well-nigh failing, it owed its revival and 

ultimate success to the strength that was imparted to it by those 

whose ruling motive was the religious one. For it was Cromwell and 

Ireton and the men who prepared for the fight by prayer who proved 

invincible to all the dash and impetuosityQf Rupert and his squadrons. 

On the other hand-I trust it is not. a fanciful comparison-our colony founded by John Winthrop, and for over a century sustained by 

the influence of him and men like him, who would use the state its~lf only as a means to glorify God and make all men keep his com- mnndments, never reach d its full tatureas a perfect common,wealth 

until new encroachments upon politica 1 rights caused the descendants 

of the Puritans to turn their whole attention to the preservation of 

their liberties. Then, as John Winthrop, the representative man of 

his day, was chosen by his peculiar fitness to lead a devoted band to 

build up the church in the wilderness, so Samuel Adams, equally the 

representative of the men of his time, wa-S at once recognized as the one man fitted to lead in the work of the new revolution against royal 

aggression. 

It derogates nothing from the merit of Winthrop or Adams that each was the product of the time 'in which he lived. It rather heightens 

their claim to the gratitude and reverent regard of their contempora- ri~s and of posterity that they possessed the clearness of vision to un- derstand and the forgetfulness of self and firmness of purpose to carry 

into execution the best if not the only measures which would secure in the earlier fune the religions independence and in the later period 

the civil and political fre'edom which of right belonged to all freeborn Englishmen. 

As in the mother-country the love of freedom needed the aid of re- ligious zeal before it could succeed in its struggle against power, so on the other hancl in New England its religious zeal and constancy needed 

the liberalizing aid of the spirit of democracy in order that full freedom of conscience in things religious might be guaranteed to all men. And so Massachusetts regards herself to-day as built upon the two 

fonndations of religion and of liberty. In her belief one cannot exist 

apart from the other. Religion is the main reliance to prevent liberty 

from degenerating into license. A devotion to liberty and the equal • rights of all will alone guarantee that toleration without which re- ligion itself becomes either a matter of form or an engine of oppression. 

It is most fitting, then, that Massachusetts should present to the 

United States the statues of Winthrop and of Samuel Adams. The · one is the true type of the religious element; the other, the full embodiment of the spirit of liberty; both together represent the Commonwealth itself, the perfect result of the full blending of religion and 

liberty, working in harmony in the cause of human progress. 

It is not for me to present to you an analysis of the characteristics 

of t)le Puritans or to show in what manner and by the possession of 

what qualities they have exerted so great an influence upon the fortunes of our country. If I desired I could add nothing to the com- pleteness of the picture drawn by my colleague who has preceded me. I should only mar the beauty and symmetry of his portraiture were I to add so much as a single touch. Let me rather say that w hatevermay have been the rivalries between Puritans and Pilgrims or petween the early settlers of the New England and those of more south- ern colonies; the differences between them bear no comparison to the 

points of similarity. Wherever we turn in the history of Ma-ssachusetts or Virginia, we shall find all through its pages the evidence that 

the people of both States descended from a common stock, that both 

made it their chief boast that the ancient rights and privileges oi Englishmen were theirs; that when freedom was assailed both sprang 

with equal alacrity to its defense; that, when both had shaken o:ff the 

shackles of colonial dependence and came to adopt a declaration of 

rights and a frame of gov~rnment suited to a free people, the constitutions of Massachusetts and of Virginia differed in no essential particular; and that in the task of establishing the Federal Union for the common defense against forei~ enemies and the common security 

against domestic violence, while at the same time the States and the 

people were guaranteed the rights essential to the preservation of 

liberty, Samuel Adams of Massachusetts and Thomas Jefferson of Vh·-

ginia fonnd themselves in perfect accord. 

In the next place I do not dwell upon the contrasts that may be 

discovered between the colonists of 1630 and the revolutionists of 1775. 

There was never a time when religious zeal was powerful enough in 

the colony to cause the people or the magistrates to lose sight of the 

great bulwarks of civil freedom. The principles and forms of the common law were constantly followed. The Parliament was supported in its contest with the King. And from first to last there waa manifested a firm determination to insist on all the rights and the 

substantial independence conferred by the original charter of the 

company. · On the other hap.d", at the time of the Revolution and long after, the 

power and the influence of the clergy were felt in state as well aa church, and the habit of referring to the words of Scripture as authority in things temporal as well as in things spiritual was almost universal. For two centuries at least after the first settlement of Boston, 

the lmilp.ing up of the church and the preservation of their liberties 

were the prime motives that inspired the conduct of the men of Massachusetts. At one time one motive predominated, at another the other, 

but both were always active. 

I have said that these men owe their fame not to any single brilliant 

exploit. It is on the other hand only by the well-rounded work of a life-time that they so truly represent two centuries of .Massachusetts 

history. But not only because they best illustrate the times in which 

they live, but also because they most clearly foresaw what was needed 

in the future of their countcy, it is proper that their statues should have an honorable place among those contlibuted to our National Gallery. 

In these days when office is without honor, when the possession o.f 

wealth is almost of itself a gronnd of suspicion against its poss sor, 

and when culture instead of conferring strength is too often only a badge of inefficiency, one can but be struck by the contrast which the 

~ . 
1876. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 305 

first and second centuries of our history present to the present 

time. 

In John Winthrop were united social station, official rank, refined 

culture, and, until late in life, a sufficient fortune. Adams was un- doubtedly a man most democratic in his tendencies; yet in his day 

due respect was rendered to the magistrates ; honor to the man of 

learning, and wealth was esteemed as the fair reward of honest and 

patient endeavor. In these respects Winthrop and Adams but reflect 

the habit of their own times. But a public man's influence upon posterity depends upon what he has thought ont and wisely said in the 

way of solving the political, religious, or social problems, with which 

the future must deal. 

In Winthrop's time it was hoped and believed that the colonial 

charter contained a sufficient guarantee for the substantial independ- ence of the colony. It was not then deemed either desirable or practicable to bring about a complete separation from the mother coun- try ; yet every step taken by Winthrop and his contemporaries was preparatory to the actual and complete independence which was to follow. Before his death Winthrop witnessed the entire success of his enterprise, and he bad been mainly instrumental in giving 

such· a foundation and such a direction to the public sentiment of the 

people as would keep the rising stat-e always in the path which h~ 

had marked out for it when he determined on removing to the New 

World. 

A<L<tms, when he came upon the stage, had another century of the 

experience of England and the colony on which to draw for instruction. He could also lea.rn from the development of the country and 

from its constant disputes with the home government what its future 

must be and what the basis on which government he~e must rest. 

His views were always singularly clear, and those of his earlier years 

required little modification even in his old age. Hear him at the age 

of twenty-six, discussing what is true loyalty: 

The true object of loyalty is a good, legal constitution, which, aa it condemns ev~ry instance of oppression and lawless power, derives a certain remedy t{) the 

sufferer by allowing him to remonstrate his grievances, and pointing out methods 

of relief when the gentle arts of persuasion have lost their efficacy. · Whoever, 

therefore insinuates notions of government contrary to the Constitution, or in any degree winks at any measure to suppress or even to weaken it, is not a loyal man. Whoever acquaints us that we ·have no right to examine into the conduct of those 

who, though they.derive their power from us to serve the common interests, make use of it to impoverish and ruin us, is in a degree a rebel-to the undoubted rights and liberties of the people. 

This was in 1748. Twenty years later, when troops were stationed 

in Boston and their removal was demanded by the citizens, Adams 

thus wrote to the Boston Gazette : 

'Yhere ~itaqpoweri~ introduced, milita.rym~xims are propagated and adopted wh1ch are mcons1steut w1th, and most soon eradicate, every Idea of civil govern- ment. Do we not already find some persons weak enough to believe that an officer is 

obliged to obey the order of his superior though it oe even against the law ~ And 

let any one ~nsider whether this doctrine does not directly lead even to the setting 

up of that officer, whoever he may be, as a tyrant¥ 

I may not go on with quotations. 

For over a quarter of a century after this he continued in public 

life, and so long he continued to repeat -and enforce his arguments in 

favor of a constitutional government, based upon universal liberty 

and secured by the safeguards of religion and popular education. 

So Massachusetts, in presenting their statues, presents herself aa-ain 

to the United States. She claims for her people th:tt, recognizing the 

merita of these two men, she recognizes the truths for the sake of 

which they spent their lives, and she promises for herself that she 

will not fail in religiously performing every constitutional duty. 

Whenever an attempt shall be made to subvert our institutions, 

whether by the reckless employment of force or by a resort to the 

subtler method of deception and fraud practiced on the people, Massachusetts must forget her traditions and her memories if she faild to 

be first in the field to resist all illegal conduct and protect the rights 

of her citizens. 

She bas placed these statues on either side of the entrance to that 

Hall· where in a later day another Adams fell at his post of duty, so that we, who in these busy and perhaps most critical times are sent 

here to do what in us lies to preserve and transmit unimpaired that co~stitutionallibertY: which .is an inheritance, mu~t in going out· from 

th1s Hall after our daily service pass between the Silent forms of Winthrop a.nd of Adams. 

Whatever son of Massachusetts can leave this Hall with the con- sciousness that in act or vote or speech he has been true to the an- ci~nt .renown of .his State, bas resisted every attempt to subvert the 

prm01ples on which the _permanence of our liberties depends, has re- ligiously held his allegiance to trt;tth and firmly opposed all falsehood and fraud and trickery, ha.s not forgotten his country in his 

zeal for ~arty ?-Or forfeited his self-respe~t and the respect of good 

men by h1s desue for office and personal gam, finally who bas imitated 

~h~ lif~ and conduct of these two men whose example we offer to the 

Imitation of a;lllovers of free government, may hol<.l his head erect, 

ancl look full m the face those almost speaking statues, and feel as if 

a blessing were resting upon his pathway. 

llut if at any time any recreant son of the old Commonwealth should 

dare to use his position here to undermine the institutions of his coun- try, to stifle the voice of a free people /through the instrumenta.lit.y 

of fraud or force, or both combined, should use his office for personal 

gain or to ~Jecure a party triumph at the sacrifice of truth and of jusV-20 

tice, then I fancy I see that man, as he passes out of yonder portal, 

crouching between the stately images at which he dares nat look, and as if expecting the marble lips to part and utter the curse which bo so well would merit. [Applause.] 

Mr. Speaker, up to this day, as the virtues and merits of John Winthrop and Samuel AdaJDS have never been unrecognized, so in each 

generation since his death some descendant ofWinthrop and forfonr 

generations some kinsman of Adams has filled an honorable place in 

the service of the State. Far distant be the day when any future 

generation in the old Commonwealth shall be deprived of the service 

of a Winthrop or an Adams. Far distant be the day when there shall 

be wanting many, many descendants of the early Puritans who will 

be prompt to do honor to the memory and imitate the unselfish devotion to duty of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams. [Applause.] 

Mr. GARFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I regret that illness has made it 

impossible for me to keep the promise which I made a few days since 

to offer some re1lections appropriate to this very interesting occasion. 

But I cannot let the moment pass withput expressing my great satisfaction with the fitting and instructive choice which the State of 

Massachusetts has made, and the manner in which her Representatives have discharged their duty in presenting these beautiful works 

of art to. the Congress of the nation. 

As, from time to time, our venerable and beautiful Hall has been 

peopled with statues of the elect of the States, it has seemed to me that a. third house was being organized within the walls of the Capitol-a house whose members have received the:ii' bigh credentials at 

the hands of history, and whose term of office will outlast the ages. 

Year by year, we see the circle of its immortal membership enlarging; 

year by year, we se~ the elect of their country, in eloquent silence, 

taking their places in this American Pantheon, bringing within its 

sacred circle the wealth of those immortal memories which made their 

lives illustrious; and, year by year, that august assembly is teaching a deeper and grander lesson to all who serve their brief hour in these more ephemeral Houses of Congress. And now, two places of great 

honor have just been most nobly filled. 

I can well understand that the State of Massachusetts, embarrasse(l 

by. her wealth of historic glory, found it difficult to make the selection. And while the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts 

[Mr. HoAR] was so fittingly honoring his State by portraying that 

happy embarrassment., I wa-s reflecting that the sister-State of Virginia will encounter, if possible, a still greater difficulty when she comes to make the selection of her immortals. One name I venture to 

hope she will not select; a name too great for the glory of any one State. I trust she will allow us to claim Washington as belonging to 

all the States, for all time. If she shall pass over the gre:tt distance that separates Washington from all others, I can hardly imagine 

bow she will make the choice from her crowded rolL But I have no doubt that she will be able to select two who will represent the great 

phases of her history as happily and worthily as Maasachusetts is represented in the choi~e she has to-day announced. It is difficult to im-

:tgine a happier combination of weat and beneficent forces than will 

be presented by the representattve heroes of these two groat States. . Virginia and Massachusetts were the two focal centers from which 

sprang the life-forces of this Republic. They were, in many ways, 

complements of each other, each supplying what tho other lacked, 

and both uniting to endow the Republic with its noblest and most 

enduring qualities. . To-day, the House has listened with the deepest interest to the statement of those elements of priceless value contributed by the State 

of 1\Iassachusetts. We have been instructed by the clear and mas- terly analysis of the spirit and character of that 'Puritan civilization, so fully embodied in the lives of Winthrop and Adams. I will ven- ture to add, that notwithstanding all t.he neglect and contempt with 

which England regarded her Puritans two hundred years ago, the tendency of thought in modern En.gland is to do justice to that great force 

which created the Common wealth, and finally made the British Islands a land of liberty and law. Even the great historian Harne w_as com- pelled reluctantly to declare that- -

The precious spark of liberty had been kinill.ed and was preserved by the Puri- tans :tl.Qne; and It was to this sect that the English owe thew hole freedom of their 

constitution. 

What higher praise can posterity bestow upon any people than to 

make such a confession 7 Having done so much to save liberty alive 

in the mother-country, the Puritans planted, upon the shores of this 

New World, that remarkable civilization whose growth is the great- ness and glqry of our Republic. 

Indeed, before Winthrop and his company landed at S~lem, the 

Pilgrims were laying the foundations of civil liberty. While the 

Mayflower was passing Cape Cod and seeking an anchorage, in the 

midst of tbe storm, her brave paasengers sat down in the little cabin 

and drafted and signed a covenant which contains the germ of American liberty. How familiar to the American habit of mind aro these 

declarations of the Pilgrim covenant of 1620 : 

That no act, imposition, law, or ordinance be made or imposed upon ns at present or to come but sucq as has been or shall bo enacted bv the consent of the body of 

freemen or associates, or their repre.senta.tiveslegallyuassembled. 

The New England town was the model, t he primary cell, from which our Republic was evolved. The town meet.ing was the gel'm of all the 

parliamentary life and habits of Americans. 

John.Winthrop brought with him the more formal organization of 
306 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. DECEMBEU 20, 

Now England society; and, in his long and useful life, did more than 

perhap!.i any other to direct and strengthen its growth. 

Nothing, therefore, could be more fitting, than for Massachusetts 

to place in our Memorial Hall the sta,tue of the first of the Puritans, 

representing him at the moment when he was stepping on shore from 

the ship tthat brought him from England, and bearing with him the 

charter of that first political society which laid the foundations of our country; and that near him should stand that Puritan embodiment of 

the logic of the Revolution, SamuolAtlams. I am glad to see this decisive, though tardy, acknowledgment of his great and signal serv- ices to America. I doubt if any man eqna,led Samuel Adams in 

formulating and uttering the fierce, clear, and inexorable logic of the 

Revolution. \Vith our present habits of thought, we can ha.rdly re- ali7.e· how great were the obstacles to overcome. Not the least was the religions belief of the fathers-that allegiance to rulers was obedience to God. The thirteenth chapter of Romans was to many minds a barrier against revolution stronger than the battalions of George 

III: 

Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power bnt of 

God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the 

power, resisteth the ordinance of God. 

And it was not until the people of that religious age were led to see that they might obey God and still establish liberty, in spite of 

kingly despotism, that they were willing to engage in war against one who called himself" king by the grace of God." The men who 

pointed out the pathway to freedom by the light of religion as well as of law, were the foremost promoters of American Independence. 

And of these, Adams was unquestionably chief. 

It must not be forgotten that while Samuel Adams was writing the 

great argument of liberty in Boston, almost at the sarue time, Patrick 

Henry was formulating the same doctrines in Virginia. It is one of 

the grandest facta of that grand time that the Colonies were thus 

trought, by an almost universal consent, to tread the same pathway, 

and reach the same great conclusions. 

But most remarkable of all is the fact that, throughout all that 

period, filled as it was with the revolutionary spirit, the great men who guided the storm, exhibited the most wonderful power of self-restraint. If I were to-day to state the single quality that appears to me most admirable am on~ the fathersof the Revolution, I should say it was this: that amidst all the passions of war, waged against a perfidious 

enemy from beyond the sea, aided by a savage enemy on our own shores, onr fathers exhibited so wonderful a restraint, so great a care to observe the forms of law, to protect the rights of the minority, to 

preserve all those great rights that had come down to them from the common law, so that when they had achieved their independence they were still a law-abiding people. 

In that fiery meeting in the old South church, after the Boston 

massacre, when, as the gentleman from Massachusetts has said, 

three tb.ousand voices almost lifted the roof from the church in demanding the removal of the regiments, it is noted by the historian 

that tbere wag one, solitary, sturdy "nay" m the vast assemblage; and 

Samuel Adams scrupulously recorded the fa,ct that there was one dissentient. It would have been a mortal offense against his notions of 

justice and good order, if that one dissentient had not had hls place 

in the record. And, after the regiments had been removed, and after 

the demand had been acceded to that the soldiers who had fired upon 

citizens should be delivered over to the civil authorities to be dealt 

with according to law, Adams was the first to insist and demand 

that the best legal talent in the Colony should be put forward to defend those murderers; andJ ohn Adams andJ osiah Quincy were detailed 

for the purpose of defending them. Men were detailed whose hearts 

and souls were on fire with the love of the popular cause; but the men of Massachusetts would have despised the two advocatE>s, if 

they bad not given their whole strength to the defense of the soldiers. 

Mr. Speaker, this great lesson of self-restraint is taught in the whole 

history of the Revolution; and it is this lesson that to-day, more perhaps, than any other we have seen, we ought to take most to heart. 

Let us seek liberty and peace, under the law; and, following the pathway of our fathers, preserve the great legacy they have committed 

to our keeping. 

The question being taken, the resolutions of the Senate were unanimously concurred in. 

And then, on motion of :Mr. REAGAN, (at four o'clock and thirtyfive minutes p.m.,) the House adjourned. 

The following petitions, &c., were presented at the Clerk's desk 

under the rule, and refeiTed as stated: 

By Mr. BAKER, of Indiana: The petition of Mary Barr, widow of 

Martin Barr, late a private in the One hundred and forty-second 

Regiment Indiana Volunteers, for a pension, to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

By Mr. BRADFORD: The petition of citizens of Clay County, Alar 

bama, for the establishment of a post-route from Delta, by way of ·Flint Hill to Union, Clay County, Alabama, to the Committee on the 

Post-Office antl Post-Roads. 

By ::\Ir. CALDWELL, of Alabama: The petition of citizens of Jack- son County, Alabama, for tho extension of route No. 17115, Alabama 

service, from- Paint Rock Station to Princeton in said county, so ~ to 

connect with route 17 from La,rkinsville to Hunt's Station, in the State 

of Tennessee, to the same committee. 

By Mr. CHITTENDEN : The petition of Baldwin Cann, late first 

lieutenant Fourth New York Volunteer Cavalry, for a pension, to the 

Committee on Im-alid Pensions. 

By .Mr. FELTON: The petition of Isaac Sewell, of Cobb County, 

Georgia, who remained loyal to the Government of the United States 

during the late war, for a rehearing of his claim for $1,380 for property taken and used by the Unite<l States Army, rejected by the 

southern claims commission, to the Committee on War Claims. 

Also, the petition of Charles J. Shepard, of Cobb County, Georgia, 

who remained loyal to the Government of the United States during 

the late war, for a rehearing of his claim for $1,695.50 for property 

taken and used by the United States Army, rejected by the southern 

claims commission, to the same committee. 

By Mr. GARFIELD: The petition of Sarah Howells, widow of 

Thomas Howells, dec~ased, late a private in Company C, Nineteenth 

Regiment Ohio Infantry Volunteers, to the Committee on Invalid 

Pensions. . By Mr. GLOVER: The petition of John M. Butler, of Washington, 

District of Columbia, for compensation for work done for the Committee on Jay Cooke Indebtedness and Real-Estate Pool during the recess of Congress, to the Committee of Accounts. 

By Mr. HOAR: The petition ofT. L. Nelson, president of the board 

of directors of the Free Public Library of ·worcester, Massachusetts, 

and of the officers of other libraries in various sections of the Union, 

for the purchase by Congress of the papers of the General Count do 

Rochambeau, the commander of the French forces sent to aid Washington in our revolutionary struggle for national independence, to the 

Joint Committee on the Library. 

By Mr. HOLMAN: The petition of H. M. Beadle, of Indiana, for the 

printing by the order of the House of the reports on the Louisiana. 

troubles made to the Forty-third Congress, to the Committee on Printing. 

IN SENATE. 

WEDNESD..A.Y, December 20, 1876. 

Prayer by the Chaplain; Rev. BYRON SUNDERLAND, D. D. 

The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved. 

EXECUTIVE COmiUNICATION. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a letter from 

the Secretary of War, transmitting, in compliance with the provisions 

of paragraph 10, of the fourth section of the river and harbor bill 

of March 3, 1875, the fifth report on the improvement of the South 

Pass of the Mississippi River, showing the condition of the works on November 18, 1876, by C. B. Comstock, major of engineers; which was ordered to lie on the table and be printed. 

HOUSE BILLS REFERRED. 

The following bills and joint resolutions from the House of Representatives were severally read twice by their titles, and referred to 

the Committee on Military Affairs: 

A bill (H. R. No. 2606) for the relief of Catharine Harris; 

A bill (H. R. No. 4248) for the relief of Emanuel Klauser, late cor· poral of Company H, Fifty-fourth Regiment Illinois Volunteers; 

A joint resolution (H. R. No. 174) authorizing the issue of clothing 

to PrivatePatrickNoonan,Comp::myG,Fifth United States Infantry; 

A joint resolution (H. R. No. 175) authorizing the issue of clothing 

to Company A, Second Regiment United States Cavalry; 

.A. joint resolution (H. R. No. 176) authorizing the i s11e of clothing 

to Private F~ancis Hegner, Company F, Seventh Cavalry, and Private 

John C. Collins, Company G, Seventh Cavalry; and 

A joint resolution (H. R. No. 177) authorizing the issue of clothing 

to Sergeant Herman Theune, Company I, Twenty-third United States 

Infant:ry. · The bill (H. R. No. 4188) making appropriations for fortifications 

and for other works of defense, and for the armam·eut thereof, for the 

fiscal year endingJuue 30, 1878, and for other purposes, was read twice 

by its title, and referred to the Committee on Appropriations. 

The bill (H. R. No. 4246) to provide for the holtling of terms of the 

district and circuit courts of the United States at Bay City, Michi~an, 

was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the'" Judiciary. . REPORT ON MINING STATISTICS. 

The PRESIDENT pto tempore laid before the Senate the following 

concurrent resolution from the House of Representatives; which was referred to the Committee on Printing: 

Resolved by the House o.f Representatives, (the Senate concurring,) That there be 

printed of the report of R. W. lla,YIDond on mining statiRtics for 1875, with the a.c- companyio_g engravings, 2,500 cop1es for the use of the Honse of Representatives, 

1,000 for the Senate, and 500 for the Secretary of the Treasury and commissioners. 

PETITIOYS AND MJDIORIALS. 

Mr.lliTCHELL. I present a joint memorial of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Oregon, in which it is represented that "several years sin~e the lJnited States authorized and directed a. geological survey of the then Territory of Oregon, an~ made a. limited ap-