Monthly Labor Review October 2006 35

‘

Trends in labor force participation

in the United States

After a long-term increase, the overall labor force participation rate

has declined in recent years; although there was a sharp rise

in participation among individuals aged 55 years and older,

this increase did not offset declines in the participation rates

of younger persons

Abraham Mosisa

and

Steven Hipple

Abraham Mosisa and

Steven Hipple are

economists in the

Division of Labor Force

Statistics, Bureau of

Labor Statistics.

The labor force participation rate—the pro-

 portion of the working-age population

 either working or actively looking for

work—is an important labor market measure

because it represents the relative size of labor

resources available in the production of the

Nation’s goods and services.1 After rising fairly

steadily for more than five decades, the labor

force participation rate peaked at 67.1 percent in

the late 1990s. However, since 1999, the rate has

receded—to 66.0 percent in 2004–05. (See chart

1 and table 1.)

The decrease in labor force participation in

recent years occurred across most of the major agesex groups. (See chart 2 and table 1.) The participation rate for persons aged 16 to 24 years—

especially teenagers aged 16 to 19 years—dropped

sharply. Among individuals aged 25 to 54 years,

the rate for women decreased after rising steadily

for more than a half century. The rate for men aged

25 to 54 years continued its long-term decline,

reaching an all-time low in 2005. Since about 1995,

however, a dramatic increase in labor force

participation among individuals aged 55 years and

older bucked these trends.

In the short term, the participation rate is

procyclical. That is, the rate increases during

economic expansions, when more individuals join

the labor force because jobs are easier to find, and

falls during economic downturns, as individuals

leave the labor force altogether in response to

relatively fewer job opportunities. In addition to

cyclical influences, longer term structural factors

have had an important impact on labor force

participation. Among these factors are changes in

the age composition of the population, changes in

the propensity of women to participate in the labor

force, a rise in school enrollment, and changes to

employer-provided private pensions and Social

Security.

Using labor force estimates from the Current

Population Survey (CPS), this article analyzes

historical trends in labor force participation,

focusing primarily on recent trends.2 The analysis

highlights changes in labor force participation

among various demographic groups, discusses

possible reasons for those changes, and explains

how the changes affected the overall participation

rate.

Population change

For nearly six decades, an event that has had a profound effect on the population’s size and composition has been the aging of the “baby-boom”

generation—those born between 1946 and 1964.3

The baby-boom generation—and the concomitant

rise in participation of women—have had an

enormous impact on overall participation. Table 2

shows the change in the noninstitutional civilian

population by age group since 1950. During the

1970s and 1980s, baby boomers moved into age

cohorts typically exhibiting very high levels of labor

force participation—for example, 25 to 34 years and

35 to 44 years. Indeed, after being stagnant over

the 1950s and 1960s, the aggregate labor force

Trends in labor Force Participation
36 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

Labor force participation rates by age and sex, selected years, annual averages, 1948–2005

1948 ................. 58.8 59.2 96.6 35.0 43.3

1950 ................. 59.2 59.9 96.5 36.8 43.0

1955 ................. 59.3 56.1 97.4 39.8 42.1

1960 ................. 59.4 56.4 97.0 42.9 40.9

1965 ................. 58.9 55.8 96.7 45.2 39.4

1970 ................. 60.4 59.8 95.8 50.1 38.9

1975 ................. 61.2 64.6 94.4 55.1 34.7

1980 ................. 63.8 68.1 94.2 64.0 32.8

1985 ................. 64.8 68.3 93.9 69.6 30.3

1990 ................. 66.5 67.3 93.4 74.0 30.1

1994 ................. 66.6 66.4 91.7 75.3 30.1

1995 ................. 66.6 66.3 91.6 75.6 30.0

1996 ................. 66.8 65.5 91.8 76.1 30.3

1997 ................. 67.1 65.4 91.8 76.7 30.9

1998 ................. 67.1 65.9 91.8 76.5 31.3

1999 ................. 67.1 65.5 91.7 76.8 31.8

2000 ................. 67.1 65.8 91.6 76.7 32.4

2001 ................. 66.8 64.5 91.3 76.4 33.2

2002 ................. 66.6 63.3 91.0 75.9 34.5

2003 ................. 66.2 61.6 90.6 75.6 35.7

2004 ................. 66.0 61.1 90.5 75.3 36.2

2005 ................. 66.0 60.8 90.5 75.3 37.2

Year Both sexes, 16 years

and older

 Both sexes,

 16 to 24 years

Both sexes,

55 years and older

Table 1.

Men,

25 to 54 years

Women,

25 to 54 years

1948 1951 1954 1957 1960 1963 1966 1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005

50

60

70

50

60

70

Percent Percent

Chart 1. Civilian labor force participation rate of persons 16 years and older, seasonally adjusted,

 1948–2006

 NOTE: Shaded areas represent recessions. Beginning in 1994, data reflect the introduction of a major redesign of the Current

Population Survey. Additional adjustments to population controls were incorporated into the data in January of various years.

These changes can affect comparability with data for previous periods.
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 37

participation rate during the 1970s and 1980s rose rapidly,

primarily because of the movement of baby boomers into these

high-participation-rate ages and the increase in participation

among women. However, in recent years, downward pressure

has been exerted on overall participation due to the movement of

the baby-boom generation into the 55-years-and-older age

group, which traditionally has lower participation rates. In

particular, the first of the baby boomers (those born in 1946)

reached age 55 in 2001.4

 Also, the labor force participation rate of

women has flattened out in recent years.

Labor force participation after 2001

The longest postwar expansion in the Nation’s history ended when

the economy entered the most recent recession, which began in

March 2001 and ended in November of that year.5 March 2006 marked

60 months since the onset of that recession. The performance of the

labor market during the recent recession and the subsequent

expansionary period that followed has been unusual compared with

the average performance during the previous five recessions over

similar 60-month subsequent time spans.6

After the economy entered the recession in March 2001, the

labor force participation rate fell, with declines occurring among

individuals aged 16 to 24 years and 25 to 54 years. These declines

were in contrast to average changes for the previous five

recessions. (See chart 3.) The largest decline in labor force

participation between March 2001 and March 2006 occurred for

persons aged 16 to 24 years.7 During that period, the participation

rate for this group fell by 5.3 percentage points. (The decline

among 16- to 24-year-olds was particularly sharp for teens.8)

Participation rates during the most recent labor market downturn

also decreased among both women (by 1.6 percentage points)

and men (by 0.8 percentage point) aged 25 to 54 years. In contrast,

during the previous five recessions, the rate for women in that

age group increased, rising 2.0 percentage points, on average,

while the rate for their male counterparts edged downward.

The recent performance of women’s labor force participation

reflects an apparent shift in its long-term secular increase. Of

late, women’s participation has appeared to be more sensitive to

cyclical downturns. In fact, in the 2001 recession and through

much of the recovery to date, the rate trended down, to 75.3

percent by March 2006.

Partially offsetting the declines in participation among the other

age groups, the labor force participation rate for individuals aged

55 years and older rose sharply (by 4.7 percentage points) over

the most recent recession and the 41⁄2 years that followed. During

1948 1951 1954 1957 1960 1963 1966 1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 2002 2005

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Chart 2. Labor force participation rates for major age-sex groups, seasonally adjusted, 1948–2006

Percent

NOTE: Shaded areas represent recessions. Befinning in 1994, data reflect the introduction of a major redesign of the Current 

Population Survey. Additional adjustments to population controsl were incorporated into the data in January of various years. These 

changes can affect comparability with data for previous periods.

Percent

Men, 25 to 54 years

Women, 25 to 54 years

Both sexes, 16 to 24 years

Both sexes, 55 years and older

 NOTE: Shaded areas represent recessions. Beginning in 1994, data reflect the introduction of a major redesign of the Current

Population Survey. Additional adjustments to population controls were incorporated into the data in January of various years.

These changes can affect comparability with data for previous periods.
38 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

Annual growth rates of the civilian noninstitutional population, by sex and age, 1950–2005

 Total, 16 years and older ............. 1.1 1.6 2.0 1.2 1.2 1.2

Men ..................................................... .9 1.5 2.1 1.3 1.2 1.4

Women ................................................ 1.3 1.7 2.0 1.1 1.1 1.1

16 to 19 years .................................... 2.3 3.6 1.3 –1.3 .9 .6

20 to 24 years .................................... –.8 4.1 3.0 –.9 –.3 2.1

25 to 34 years .................................... –.5 1.1 4.1 1.6 –1.0 .2

35 to 44 years .................................... 1.3 –.4 1.3 4.0 1.6 –.6

45 to 54 years .................................... 1.8 1.1 –.2 1.1 4.1 2.3

55 years and older ............................. 2.2 1.9 2.1 .9 1.4 2.5

55 to 59 years ............................... – – 1.5 –1.1 2.7 5.1

60 to 64 years ............................... – – 1.9 .4 .3 3.7

65 years and older ........................ 3.0 2.2 2.5 1.8 1.4 .9

Age of oldest (1946) baby boomers .. 4 to 14 years 14 to 24 years 24 to 34 years 34 to 44 years 44 to 54 years 54 to 59 years

the previous five recessions, the participation rate for this group

fell on average by 0.8 percentage point.

Participation of younger individuals

Teenagers. In 2005, the labor force participation rate for teens

(aged 16 to 19 years) was the lowest on record, 43.7 percent.

From 2000 to 2005, the teen labor force participation rate declined

sharply by 8.3 percentage points, far exceeding the decline in the

rates of the other major age groups. The rate for male teens

declined by 9.6 percentage points over the 2000–05 period, while

that for their female counterparts was down by 7.0 percentage

points. (See table 3.) Historically, male teens have been more

likely than female teens to participate in the labor force. By 2005,

however, the rates for the two groups had converged. (See chart

4.)

The labor force participation rates of teens vary considerably by race and ethnicity. In 2005, rates ranged from a low of

26.0 percent for Asians to a high of 46.9 percent for whites.

Between 2000 and 2005, teenagers in each of the four major

racial or ethnic groups—whites, blacks, Asians, and Hispanics—

exhibited sharp drops in their labor force participation rates. (See

table 3.) The decline in labor force participation was larger among

male teens than among female teens in all the race and ethnic

groups.

One explanation for the decline in teen labor force participation

is that teens are staying in school in larger proportions. The

increase in the enrollment rate most likely reflects a recognition

of the positive impact that education has on labor market success.

Increasing school enrollment puts downward pressure on overall

teen labor force participation because teens enrolled in school

are much less likely than those not enrolled in school to be labor

force participants. (See chart 5.) Between 2000 and 2005, the teen

school enrollment rate rose by 5.6 percentage points, from 76.9

percent to 82.5 percent. Over the same period, the labor force

participation rate of teens enrolled in school declined by 6.7

percentage points, from 43.0 percent to 36.3 percent. (See table

4.) It is uncertain whether low labor force participation rates

among teens is the cause, rather than the effect, of rising school

enrollment rates. Increasing school enrollment may be only a

partial cause of the decline in teen labor force participation. Other

factors are a decline in economic conditions, the changing

structure of the job market, globalization9

 (the most likely cause),

competition from the immigrant population, and increased

demand for workers with higher education.

Although teens who are not enrolled in school are more likely

to participate in the labor force than their counterparts who

are enrolled in school, labor force participation rates for outof-school teens also declined, from 76.2 percent to 71.8 percent

from 2000 to 2005. The decline in labor force participation

among all teens may include other factors, such as personal

choice, rising family incomes, and competition for available

jobs.10

Data show that teenagers have been facing competition for

available jobs from a variety of demographic groups, including

recent immigrants.11 During labor market downturns, older

workers with more experience or skills compete for available jobs

in industries that employ predominately teens. In such cases,

employers may prefer older persons with more experience than

inexperienced teens.12 Moreover, native-born youths—

particularly, teens—face competition from foreign-born with low

levels of education. In 2005, foreign-born persons 25 years and

older who had not completed high school had far higher

participation rates (61.2 percent) than their native-born persons

counterparts (37.9 percent). Over the 2000–05 period, the labor

force participation rate for native-born youths declined, while

the rate was up for foreign-born individuals 25 years and older

with less than a high school diploma. The following tabulation

Age group 1950–60 1960–70 2000–05

Table 2.

1970–80 1990–2000

[In percent]

1980–90

NOTE: Dash indicates data not available.

–
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 39

shows that, in 2005, older foreign-born workers with low levels

of educational attainment and skills worked in occupations similar

to those of native-born younger workers:

Foreign born,

25 years and

older with less

Native born, than a high

 Occupation aged 16 to 24 school diploma

Total employed (thousands) ..... 17,352 5,868

Percent distribution ................... 100.0 100.0

Management, business, and

financial ............................... 4.3 2.1

Professional and related ........ 10.8 1.1

Service ................................... 29.1 32.9

Sales and related .................... 18.2 5.1

Office and administrative

support ............................... 16.6 4.0

Farming, fishing, and forestry 1.0 4.8

Construction and extraction .. 5.6 18.9

Installation, maintenance, and

repair ................................... 2.9 3.5

Production ............................. 4.8 17.0

Transportation and material

moving ................................. 6.7 10.6

In 2005, roughly 1 in every 3 workers in both groups was

employed in a service occupation. However, older less educated

foreign-born workers were much more likely than younger nativeborn workers to hold construction, production, transportation,

and farming jobs.

Young adults. The trend in labor force participation from 2000

to 2005 among young adults (that is, individuals aged 20 to 24

years) is somewhat similar to the trend for 16- to 19-year-olds.

However, in relative terms, the decline in participation of

young adults was not as steep as it was for teenagers. Over the

2000–05 period, the participation rate for young adults fell by 3.2

percentage points, compared with a decline of 8.3 percentage

points for teens. (See table 3.)

The decrease in labor force participation from 2000 to 2005

was about the same for young men and young women: 3.5 and

3.0 percentage points, respectively. Unlike the situation with

teens, the labor force participation rate of young men was still

higher than that of young women in 2005. Nonetheless, over

the past half century, the gap in labor force participation

among young men and young women has narrowed

dramatically. For example, in 1959, the labor force participation

rate of young men was 87.8 percent, compared with 45.1 percent

for young women—a difference of 42.7 percentage points. By

-6

-4

-2

0

2

4

6

-6

-4

-2

0

2

4

6

Total, 16 years

and older

Chart 3. Change in labor force participation rates around economic downturns, by age and sex

0

2

4

6

–2

–4

–6

0

–2

–4

–6

6

4

2

Men, 25 to 54

years

Women, 25 to 54

years

Total, 55 years

and older

Total, 16 to 24

years

Change, March 2001 to March 2006

 Average for previous five recessions
40 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

2005, the difference in participation between the two groups had

narrowed to just 9.0 percentage points.

As was the case with teens, the labor force participation rate

of young adults who were enrolled in school was lower than that

of their counterparts who were not in school. The labor force

participation rate of the former group declined from 64.7 percent

in 2000 to 61.5 percent in 2005. (See table 5.) Over the same

period, the proportion of these individuals who were enrolled in

school grew from 32.5 percent to 36.1 percent. (See table 6.) Some

young adults may have decided to enroll in school primarily

because they had difficulty finding work, while others may have

chosen to stop work in order to devote more time to school

activities. In 2000, just prior to the onset of the most recent

recession, the unemployment rate for young adults was 7.2

percent. The rate for this group continued to rise after the official

end of the recession in November 2001, peaking at 10.0 percent

in 2003. The rate edged down to 8.8 percent in 2005. Again, it is

difficult to determine whether increasing school enrollment is

the cause or the effect of lower participation rates among young

adults.

Although school enrollment rates for teens and young adults

have increased substantially over the past several decades,

enrollment rates for 20- to 24-year olds, not surprisingly, are lower

than those for 16- to 19-year olds, because many of the former

group have completed their formal education. As table 6 shows,

only 36.1 percent of young adults were enrolled in school in

2005, compared with 82.5 percent of teens. That same year, 13.0

million 20- to 24-year-olds were not enrolled in school, and of this

number, 83.5 percent were in the labor force. Between 2000 and

2005, the labor force participation rate of both 20- to 24-year-olds

enrolled in school and those not enrolled in school was down by

3.2 percentage points and 1.1 percentage points, respectively.

(See table 5.) The decline in the participation rate of 20- to 24-

year-olds not enrolled in school is of concern because of the

negative economic and social consequences associated with

being young, not in school, and jobless.13 Of these nonparticipants, slightly more than 2 in 3 were women. Nearly 1 out of 3

young men and women who were neither enrolled in school nor

participating in the labor force was a high school dropout.

At all levels of educational attainment, the labor force

participation rate of young men who were not enrolled in school

was higher than that of their female counterparts. (See table 7.)

Among young adults (particularly women), the least likely to

participate in the labor force were those without a high school

diploma. In 2005, the labor force participation rate of young

women not enrolled in school and with less than a high school

diploma was only 50.8 percent—32.6 percentage points lower

than that of their male counterparts. The lower participation

among young adult women partly reflects the fact that some of

these women are caring for young children. The gap in particLabor force participation rates of youths 16 to 19 years and 20 to 24 years, by sex, race, and Hispanic

or Latino ethnicity, annual averages, 2000–05

 Total

16 to 19 years .................................... 52.0 49.6 47.4 44.5 43.9 43.7 –8.3

20 to 24 years .................................... 77.8 77.1 76.4 75.4 75.0 74.6 –3.2

 Men

16 to 19 years .................................... 52.8 50.2 47.5 44.3 43.9 43.2 –9.6

20 to 24 years .................................... 82.6 81.6 80.7 80.0 79.6 79.1 –3.5

 Women

16 to 19 years .................................... 51.2 49.0 47.3 44.8 43.8 44.2 –7.0

20 to 24 years .................................... 73.1 72.7 72.1 70.8 70.5 70.1 –3.0

 White

16 to 19 years .................................... 55.5 53.1 50.5 47.7 47.1 46.9 –8.6

20 to 24 years .................................... 79.9 79.2 78.6 77.7 77.1 76.3 –3.6

 Black

16 to 19 years .................................... 39.4 37.6 36.0 32.4 31.4 32.6 –6.8

20 to 24 years .................................... 71.8 69.9 68.6 68.2 68.3 70.1 –1.7

 Asian

16 to 19 years .................................... 35.8 32.0 33.3 29.6 28.4 26.0 –9.8

20 to 24 years .................................... 63.0 64.6 64.1 61.4 61.5 62.1 –.9

 Hispanic or Latino

16 to 19 years .................................... 46.3 46.9 44.0 37.7 38.2 38.6 –7.7

20 to 24 years .................................... 78.2 76.6 76.3 75.6 74.5 72.7 –5.5

Age 2000 2001 2005

Table 3.

2002 2003 2004 Change,

2000–05
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 41

1948 1952 1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004

30

40

50

60

70

30

40

50

60

70

Chart 4. Labor force participation rates for 16- to 19-year-olds, by sex, seasonally adjusted, 

 1948—2006

Percent

NOTE: Shaded areas represent recessions. Beginning in 1994, data reflect the introduction of a major redesign of the Current 

Population Survey. Additional adjustments to population controls were incorporated into the data in January of various years. These 

changes can affect comparability with data for previous periods.

Percent

Male

Female

1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

Chart 5. Labor force participation rates for 16- to 19-year-olds, 1984—2005

Percent Percent

Enrolled in school

Labor force participation rate

 NOTE: Shaded areas represent recessions. Beginning in 1994, data reflect the introduction of a major redesign of the Current

Population Survey. Additional adjustments to population controls were incorporated into the data in January of various years.

 These changes can affect comparability with data for previous periods.

School enrollment rate

Labor force participation rate

Labor force participation rates and school enrollment rate for 16- to 19-years olds, 1984—2005
42 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

ipation rates between young men and young women narrows

with higher levels of educational attainment. Among those with

college degrees or higher, for instance, the labor force participation rate of young women not enrolled was 91.0 percent,

compared with 94.9 percent for their male counterparts.

As is the case with teens, less educated 20- to 24-year-olds

compete for jobs with many of the foreign born of all ages and

experience levels. For the most part, foreign-born workers are

concentrated in similar low-paying, low-skilled occupations,

including service jobs and production, transportation, and

material-moving occupations.

During poor labor market conditions, some 20- to 24-year-olds

choose to attend school rather than search for jobs, because

greater competition for jobs makes finding employment even

more difficult. Young women—especially those with low levels

of educational attainment—may choose to stay at home and

take on family responsibilities.14

Labor force participation of adults

Women aged 25 to 54 years. One of the most striking labor

market developments of the post-World War II period has been

the dramatic rise in the participation rate of women. The increase

in participation among women was the driving force behind the

rise in the overall participation rate during the latter half of the

20th century.

Although the labor force participation of women aged 25 to 54

years grew steadily over this period, the pace of the increase

varied. The largest increase in women’s labor force participation

occurred in the 1970s (13.9 percentage points), followed by the

Labor force participation rates and school enrollment status of persons aged 16 to 19 years, October 1970–

October 2005

1970 ........................................ 3,825 37.3 3,101 70.4

1971 ........................................ 3,979 37.3 3,115 70.1

1972 ........................................ 4,081 38.4 3,588 73.2

1973 ........................................ 4,360 41.5 3,949 74.1

1974 ........................................ 4,434 41.6 4,155 76.2

1975 ........................................ 4,551 40.8 3,867 74.7

1976 ........................................ 4,640 41.5 3,980 75.4

1977 ........................................ 4,875 43.7 4,116 77.4

1978 ........................................ 5,066 45.7 4,200 78.5

1979 ........................................ 4,883 44.5 4,220 78.2

1980 ........................................ 4,760 43.6 4,076 77.5

1981 ........................................ 4,706 42.0 3,776 77.3

1982 ........................................ 4,398 41.0 3,710 75.7

1983 ........................................ 4,233 39.8 3,387 75.5

1984 ........................................ 4,193 40.8 3,283 76.1

1985 ........................................ 4,364 42.1 3,144 76.8

1986 ........................................ 4,723 43.8 2,874 76.9

1987 ........................................ 4,831 44.5 2,876 75.7

1988 ........................................ 4,685 44.1 2,913 76.0

1989 ........................................ 4,740 45.7 2,875 77.1

1990 ........................................ 4,244 41.9 2,706 76.8

1991 ........................................ 4,330 42.8 2,250 71.5

1992 ........................................ 4,318 42.0 2,111 72.0

1993 ........................................ 4,363 42.0 2,177 74.1

1994 ........................................ 4,986 45.0 2,275 71.6

1995 ........................................ 4,931 43.7 2,491 73.2

1996 ........................................ 5,232 44.5 2,439 71.8

1997 ........................................ 5,087 41.8 2,431 72.6

1998 ........................................ 5,533 44.7 2,531 72.9

1999 ........................................ 5,510 44.3 2,736 74.5

2000 ........................................ 5,273 43.0 2,812 76.2

2001 ........................................ 5,016 40.6 2,758 75.7

2002 ........................................ 4,957 39.1 2,490 74.1

2003 ........................................ 4,662 35.8 2,264 72.8

2004 ........................................ 4,810 36.9 2,322 72.3

2005 ........................................ 4,937 36.3 2,070 71.8

Year

Labor force

Enrolled in school

Labor force

Table 4.

Labor force

participation rate

Not enrolled in school

Labor force

participation rate

[Numbers in thousands]
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 43

1980s (10.0 percentage points). During most of the 1990s, the

participation rate for women aged 25 to 54 years continued to

rise, peaking at 76.8 percent in 1999; in the years soon after,

however, the rate abruptly flattened out. By 2005, the labor force

participation rate of women aged 25 to 54 years receded slightly,

to 75.3 percent—still well above the rates witnessed throughout

the 1970s, 1980s, and much of the 1990s. (See table 1 and chart 6.)

This recent reversal of the long-term trend has raised a great deal

of speculation regarding its cause as well as its impact.

The labor force participation of women differs by age. As

table 8 shows, the overall decline in women’s labor force

participation began in 2000, and the rates for all the 5-year age

groups have declined. The youngest age cohort—25- to 29-

year-olds—exhibited the largest decline (2.7 percentage points)

over the 2000–05 period. The rate for women aged 50 to 54 years

was about unchanged during the same period.

The participation rate for white, black, Asian, and Hispanic

women has decreased in recent years. From 1972 until the late

1990s, labor force participation increased for all the race and

ethnic groups, but since 1999, the rates have declined.15 (See

table 9.)

In earlier generations, full-time homemaking was considered

the norm for mothers, but, apparently, the current generation

views labor force participation as playing an integral role in

mothers’ lives. (See table 10.) Indeed, during the past half century,

much of the increase in women’s labor force participation can be

attributed to the rising participation rates of women (both married

and unmarried) with children. Most of these gains occurred in

the late 1970s and the 1980s. Although there were small gains in

the 1990s, the labor force participation rates of women aged 25 to

54 years have declined since 1999. (See table 1.)

Changes in the labor force participation pattern of mothers by

Labor force participation rates and school enrollment status of persons aged 20 to 24 years, October 1970—

October 2005

1970 ........................................ 1,710 50.9 9,068 74.1

1971 ........................................ 1,822 50.5 9,583 74.7

1972 ........................................ 1,918 51.9 10,292 76.7

1973 ........................................ 1,933 52.8 10,872 78.0

1974 ........................................ 2,128 55.8 11,101 79.1

1975 ........................................ 2,179 52.9 11,236 78.9

1976 ........................................ 2,403 54.9 11,568 80.4

1977 ........................................ 2,416 55.0 12,047 81.5

1978 ........................................ 2,409 56.7 12,603 82.6

1979 ........................................ 2,458 57.3 12,779 82.6

1980 ........................................ 2,696 56.2 13,387 83.0

 1981 ........................................ 2,650 56.4 13,455 83.3

1982 ........................................ 2,800 57.2 13,172 82.7

1983 ........................................ 2,653 56.2 13,286 82.8

1984 ........................................ 2,824 57.8 13,152 83.7

1985 ........................................ 2,854 59.8 12,812 84.6

1986 ........................................ 2,759 59.4 12,510 84.7

1987 ........................................ 2,889 60.3 11,795 84.3

1988 ........................................ 3,029 62.9 11,461 84.1

1989 ........................................ 2,945 60.9 10,892 83.4

1990 ........................................ 3,057 60.0 10,673 84.1

1991 ........................................ 3,335 61.7 10,333 82.5

1992 ........................................ 3,419 61.1 10,102 83.0

1993 ........................................ 3,329 61.7 10,030 82.8

 1994 ........................................ 3,711 63.4 10,368 83.3

1995 ........................................ 3,370 60.5 10,002 82.4

1996 ........................................ 3,517 62.6 9,802 84.0

1997 ........................................ 3,754 62.7 9,721 84.7

1998 ........................................ 3,674 63.3 9,953 84.3

1999 ........................................ 3,689 62.3 10,200 84.1

2000 ........................................ 3,910 64.7 10,632 84.6

2001 ........................................ 3,897 61.2 10,658 84.5

2002 ........................................ 4,027 60.1 10,654 83.5

2003 ........................................ 4,270 60.3 10,662 83.4

2004 ........................................ 4,483 62.9 10,868 82.8

2005 ........................................ 4,505 61.5 10,826 83.5

Year

Labor force

Enrolled in school

Labor force

Table 5.

Labor force

participation rate

Not enrolled in school

Labor force

participation rate

[Numbers in thousands]
44 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

Proportion of 16- to 19-year-olds and 20- to 24-year-olds enrolled in school, by age, October 1984–October 2005

1984 .................................................... 35,204 14,601 20,603 43.1 70.5 23.7

1985 .................................................... 34,382 14,464 19,918 44.1 71.7 24.0

1986 .................................................... 33,942 14,526 19,416 45.5 74.3 23.9

1987 .................................................... 33,452 14,661 18,791 46.8 74.1 25.5

1988 .................................................... 32,893 14,454 18,439 46.9 73.5 26.1

1989 .................................................... 31,990 14,099 17,891 47.5 73.6 27.0

1990 .................................................... 31,420 13,643 17,777 48.4 74.2 28.6

1991 .................................................... 31,188 13,262 17,926 49.8 76.3 30.1

1992 .................................................... 30,969 13,206 17,763 51.2 77.8 31.5

1993 .................................................... 30,844 13,333 17,511 51.2 78.0 30.8

1994 .................................................... 32,561 14,253 18,308 52.0 77.7 32.0

1995 .................................................... 32,379 14,677 17,702 52.0 76.8 31.5

1996 .................................................... 32,452 15,157 17,295 53.6 77.6 32.5

1997 .................................................... 32,965 15,503 17,462 55.0 78.4 34.3

1998 .................................................... 33,445 15,841 17,604 54.3 78.1 33.0

1999 .................................................... 34,172 16,122 18,050 53.8 77.2 32.8

2000 .................................................... 34,568 15,955 18,613 53.0 76.9 32.5

2001 .................................................... 34,977 15,997 18,980 53.5 77.2 33.6

2002 .................................................... 35,498 16,034 19,464 54.6 79.0 34.4

2003 .................................................... 36,017 16,115 19,902 55.8 80.9 35.6

2004 .................................................... 36,504 16,257 20,246 55.3 80.3 35.2

2005 .................................................... 36,761 16,466 20,296 56.9 82.5 36.1

Year

16 to 24 years 16 to 19 years 20 to 24 years

Table 6.

20 to 24 years 16 to 19 years

[Numbers in thousands]

16 to 24 years

Total civilian population Percent enrolled in school

Labor force participation rates of 20- to 24-year-olds not enrolled in school, by educational attainment

and sex, annual averages, 1994–2005

 Men

1994 ...................................... 84.5 91.9 93.4 96.4 95.2

1995 ...................................... 83.5 92.1 92.9 96.4 95.0

1996 ...................................... 83.3 92.5 92.2 97.4 95.4

1997 ...................................... 85.0 92.1 93.1 96.5 96.3

1998 ...................................... 84.0 92.3 92.9 95.3 95.4

1999 ...................................... 84.0 91.5 93.3 96.3 96.2

2000 ...................................... 86.7 91.0 92.8 97.4 95.6

2001 ...................................... 85.2 90.6 91.6 95.3 94.4

2002 ...................................... 85.6 90.4 90.9 95.9 94.7

2003 ...................................... 85.4 88.9 90.5 95.3 94.1

2004 ...................................... 84.5 89.1 90.4 96.0 95.4

2005 ...................................... 83.4 88.7 89.3 94.7 94.9

 Women

1994 ...................................... 43.6 73.1 83.7 89.9 93.5

1995 ...................................... 43.2 72.6 82.9 90.6 92.7

1996 ...................................... 44.3 75.4 84.5 89.8 94.2

1997 ...................................... 51.4 76.3 84.1 89.0 92.9

1998 ...................................... 51.9 76.0 84.7 91.0 92.9

1999 ...................................... 53.9 76.6 84.7 90.5 92.0

2000 ...................................... 53.3 77.2 84.1 88.0 90.1

2001 ...................................... 56.9 75.4 83.0 86.8 92.0

2002 ...................................... 55.5 75.2 84.2 88.5 90.1

2003 ...................................... 52.9 74.1 83.3 88.5 90.5

2004 ...................................... 53.2 72.5 81.7 87.7 91.0

2005 ...................................... 50.8 71.9 82.0 86.3 91.0

Year

Less than a

high school

diploma

High school

graduate,

no college

Table 7.

Some

college, no

degree

Bachelor's

degree or

higher

Associate's

degree
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 45

the presence and age of children and by the educational

attainment level of the mother might shed some light on the

decline in women’s labor force participation. From 1994 to 2005,

the labor force participation rate of married mothers with higher

levels of educational attainment—those with a bachelor’s degree

or beyond—declined by 3.2 percentage points. This drop

compares with declines of 2.6 percentage points and 2.8

percentage points, respectively, for those with some college or

an associate’s degree and for those with a high school diploma

(and no college). (See table 11.) The decline in labor force

participation among married mothers with a bachelor’s degree or

higher was pronounced among mothers with preschool children.

The labor force participation of married mothers without a high

school diploma was little changed from 1994 to 2005. (See chart

7.) Apparently, some highly educated professional married

women are dropping out of the labor force to care for their young

children, either for the short term or until their children reach

school age. These mothers who decide to stay home and care for

their young children may rely on other sources of income, such

as earnings of their spouses or returns on investments.

The trend in labor force participation among unmarried

mothers during the past decade differs from that of their married

counterparts. Between 1994 and 2005, the labor force participation

rate of married women with children under 18 years was little

changed, while that of their unmarried counterparts increased

by 8.8 percentage points. There were differences by the

educational attainment of the mother, however. Specifically, the

participation rate of unmarried mothers who were high school

dropouts rose by 13.3 percentage points over the 1994–2005

period, while the rate for their married counterparts was about

unchanged. It is possible that this increase in the labor force

participation of single mothers with low levels of educational

attainment was due at least in part to the stringent work

requirements of welfare reform legislation enacted at both the

State and Federal levels during the 1990s.16 Studies of the impact

of welfare reform show that there has been dramatic growth in

the importance of employment for those in the welfare system.

Most obvious is the resulting increase in the labor supply of

single mothers. The studies reveal that a precipitous decline

in welfare caseloads accompanied the dramatic increase in

labor force participation rates of single mothers, particularly

those with lower levels of education.17 Not only are those

leaving welfare more likely to be working than in the past, but

so are welfare recipients and those entering welfare.18

The trend since the 2001 recession in the labor force participation of mothers by their educational attainment differs from

the 1994–2000 trend. Overall, the decline in labor force participation since the 2001 recession was pronounced among single

1950–60 1960–70 1970–80 1980–90 1990–2000 2000–05

-2

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

0

-2

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

Women ages 25–54

Women ages 16 and over

Chart 6. Change in labor force participation rate of women, by age, selected intervals, 1950–2005

Percent 

change

Percent 

change

– –
46 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

Labor force participation rates of women, by age, annual averages, 1989–2005

1989 ....................... 73.6 73.9 73.1 75.0 77.2 74.3 65.9

1990 ....................... 74.0 73.6 73.3 75.5 77.5 74.7 66.9

1991 ....................... 74.1 73.2 73.0 75.6 77.6 75.4 67.8

1992 ....................... 74.6 74.1 73.7 75.5 78.1 75.7 68.7

1993 ....................... 74.6 73.6 73.3 75.3 78.0 76.4 69.8

1994 ....................... 75.3 74.3 73.7 76.0 78.3 77.6 70.7

1995 ....................... 75.6 74.9 75.0 76.3 78.1 77.2 70.7

1996 ....................... 76.1 75.8 74.7 76.5 78.6 78.0 71.9

1997 ....................... 76.7 77.3 74.9 76.6 78.9 78.1 73.5

1998 ....................... 76.5 77.3 75.4 75.6 78.6 78.8 73.0

1999 ....................... 76.8 76.9 75.9 76.2 78.2 78.9 74.0

2000 ....................... 76.7 76.7 75.5 75.7 78.7 79.1 74.1

2001 ....................... 76.4 75.7 75.3 76.1 78.1 78.5 74.1

2002 ....................... 75.9 75.7 74.6 75.3 77.5 77.8 74.0

2003 ....................... 75.6 74.4 73.8 74.5 77.4 78.6 74.7

2004 ....................... 75.3 73.1 74.0 74.5 76.7 78.2 74.5

2005 ....................... 75.3 74.0 73.9 74.6 76.8 77.7 74.0

Year 25 to 54

 years

25 to 29

years

Table 8.

30 to 34

years

40 to 44

years

35 to 39

years

50 to 54

years

45 to 49

years

Labor force participation rates of women aged 25 to 54 years, by race and Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, annual

averages, 1972–2005

1972 ...................................... 51.0 49.9 60.0 – –

1973 ...................................... 52.3 51.3 60.6 – –

1974 ...................................... 53.9 53.0 60.7 – –

1975 ...................................... 55.1 54.3 60.9 – –

1976 ...................................... 56.8 55.9 63.0 – –

1977 ...................................... 58.5 57.7 64.4 – –

1978 ...................................... 60.6 59.7 66.6 – –

1979 ...................................... 62.3 61.6 66.8 – –

1980 ...................................... 64.0 63.4 67.6 – 54.5

1981 ...................................... 65.3 64.9 68.0 – 55.4

1982 ...................................... 66.3 66.1 68.8 – 55.4

1983 ...................................... 67.1 66.8 70.1 – 54.9

1984 ...................................... 68.2 68.0 70.6 – 57.1

1985 ...................................... 69.6 69.4 71.7 – 57.3

1986 ...................................... 70.8 70.7 72.1 – 59.2

1987 ...................................... 71.9 71.8 73.6 – 60.7

1988 ...................................... 72.7 72.7 73.9 – 60.7

1989 ...................................... 73.6 73.8 74.3 – 62.5

1990 ...................................... 74.0 74.3 73.8 – 62.3

1991 ...................................... 74.1 74.6 73.2 – 61.8

1992 ...................................... 74.6 74.9 74.2 – 62.3

1993 ...................................... 74.6 75.2 73.1 – 62.1

1994 ...................................... 75.3 76.0 73.5 – 62.7

1995 ...................................... 75.6 76.3 74.4 – 62.9

1996 ...................................... 76.1 76.5 75.8 – 64.0

1997 ...................................... 76.7 77.0 77.0 – 65.7

1998 ...................................... 76.5 76.6 78.3 – 65.8

1999 ...................................... 76.8 76.8 79.4 – 66.3

 2000 ..................................... 76.7 76.8 78.9 71.3 67.6

 2001 ..................................... 76.4 76.4 78.5 71.6 67.7

 2002 ..................................... 75.9 76.0 77.6 71.1 67.2

 2003 ..................................... 75.6 75.6 78.1 71.0 65.4

 2004 ..................................... 75.3 75.4 77.5 69.9 66.1

 2005 ..................................... 75.3 75.4 77.3 69.7 65.4

Year Total White

Table 9.

Black Hispanic

or Latino Asian

NOTE: Dash indicates data not available.
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 47

mothers without a high school diploma (5.1 percentage

points). Irrespective of the marital status of the mother, the

decline in labor force participation since the 2001 recession

was highest for mothers with less than a high school education and lowest for mothers with a bachelor’s degree or

beyond. From 2000 to 2005, the labor force participation of

mothers (both married and unmarried) with children under 18

years declined by 3.3 percentage points for those without a

high school diploma, while it was about unchanged for those

with bachelor’s degree or higher. This difference is not surprising, considering that persons with less educational attainment and skills are more sensitive to business cycles, increasing

their participation during expansions and substituting other

activities for paid work during recessions. Among unmarried

mothers (or single mothers), the decline in labor force

participation was highest for mothers with less than a high

school diploma and was lowest for mothers with a bachelor’s

degree or beyond. (See table 11.) (Labor force participation

patterns of 5-year cohorts of women and men who were between

ages of 20 and 69 years in 2005 are discussed in the appendix.)

Men aged 25 to 54 years. A significant development in the

labor force over the past 50 years has been the steady decline in

labor force participation among men aged 25 to 54 years. After

peaking at 97.4 percent in the mid-1950s, the participation rate for

these men has fallen steadily, reaching a low of 90.5 percent in

2005. (See table 1.) Dropping by an average of 0.8 percentage

point each decade between 1950 and 1990, the labor force

participation rate for men aged 25 to 54 years has declined much

more since the 1990s. For example, between 1990 and 2000 the

rate fell by 1.8 percentage points, and since 2000 it has dropped

by 1.1 percentage points.

Within the 25- to 54-year age group, men aged 50 to 54 years

are somewhat less likely to participate in the labor force than men

in other 5-year age groups, all of which had fairly similar rates.

Labor force participation rates of all of these groups declined

after 2000. (See table 12.)

The participation rate of men in all the major categories declined in recent years. Over the past quarter century, white and

black men experienced a decrease in their labor force participation. The decline was particularly steep among black men,

Labor force participation rates of mothers, by age of youngest child, March 1975–2005

1975 ................................... 47.4 54.9 39.0 34.3

1976 ................................... 48.8 56.2 40.1 34.1

1977 ................................... 50.8 58.3 41.2 35.4

1978 ................................... 53.0 60.0 44.0 39.4

1979 ................................... 54.5 61.6 45.7 41.1

1980 ................................... 56.6 64.3 46.8 41.9

1981 ................................... 58.1 65.5 48.9 44.3

1982 ................................... 58.5 65.8 49.9 45.6

1983 ................................... 58.9 66.3 50.5 46.0

1984 ................................... 60.5 68.1 52.1 47.6

1985 ................................... 62.1 69.9 53.5 49.5

1986 ................................... 62.8 70.4 54.4 50.8

1987 ................................... 64.7 72.0 56.7 52.9

1988 ................................... 65.1 73.3 56.1 52.4

1989 ................................... 65.7 74.2 56.7 52.4

1990 ................................... 66.7 74.7 58.2 53.6

1991 ................................... 66.6 74.4 58.4 54.5

1992 ................................... 67.2 75.9 58.0 54.5

1993 ................................... 66.9 75.4 57.9 53.9

1994 ................................... 68.4 76.0 60.3 57.1

1995 ................................... 69.7 76.4 62.3 58.7

1996 ................................... 70.2 77.2 62.3 59.0

1997 ................................... 72.1 78.1 65.0 61.8

1998 ................................... 72.3 78.4 65.2 62.2

1999 ................................... 72.1 78.5 64.4 60.7

2000 ................................... 72.9 79.0 65.3 61.0

2001 ................................... 72.7 79.4 64.4 60.7

2002 ................................... 72.2 78.6 64.1 60.5

2003 ................................... 71.7 78.7 62.9 58.7

2004 ................................... 70.7 77.5 62.2 57.3

2005 ................................... 70.5 76.9 62.6 59.0

Year Mothers with children

under 18 years

Mothers with chldren

6 to 17 years

Table 10.

Mothers with children

under 6 years

Mothers with children

under 3 years
48 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

Labor force participation rates of women with children under 18 years, by educational attainment and marital

status, annual averages, 1994–2005

 College graduates

Total, with children

 under 18 years ................ 78.6 78.4 78.5 78.7 77.6 77.6 76.2 75.5 75.6 75.7 75.3 75.9 –2.4 –2.7 –0.3

Married, spouse present .. 76.9 76.7 76.7 76.8 75.5 75.3 74.1 73.1 72.9 73.3 72.9 73.7 –2.8 –3.2 –.4

Not married ..................... 90.9 90.7 91.4 91.0 91.7 92.2 90.9 91.6 91.4 90.5 90.1 89.2 .0 –1.7 –1.7

 Some college or

 associate’s degree

Total, with children under

 18 years ......................... 75.5 75.5 76.5 76.7 76.9 76.9 77.2 76.8 76.2 75.9 75.2 75 1.7 –.5 –2.2

Married, spouse present .. 74.4 74.0 74.7 74.2 74.0 73.4 74 73.6 72.7 72.6 72 71.8 –.4 –2.6 –2.2

Not married ..................... 78.2 79.4 80.9 82.9 84.1 85.4 85.3 84.5 84.6 83.4 82.3 81.9 7.1 3.7 –3.4

 High school graduates,

 no college

Total, with children under

 18 years ......................... 68.9 70.1 71.2 72.4 71.7 72.2 72.4 72.2 72.1 71.2 70.0 69.7 3.5 .8 –2.7

Married, spouse present . 69.0 69.5 70.0 70.1 68.9 69.0 69.2 69.1 68.9 68.0 66.3 66.2 .2 –2.8 –3.0

Not married ..................... 68.8 71.5 74.2 77.7 78.4 79.5 79.5 79.1 79.0 78.0 77.7 76.4 10.7 7.6 –3.1

 Less than high

 school diploma

Total, with children under

 18 years ......................... 44.5 46.0 47.6 50.5 52.2 52.7 53.9 54.4 53.6 51.5 50.7 50.6 9.4 6.1 –3.3

Married, spouse present .. 45.7 47.1 47.5 49.3 49.2 48.8 48.9 50.2 48.8 47.1 46.1 46.8 3.2 1.1 –2.1

Not married ..................... 42.8 44.6 47.8 52.2 56.4 58.3 61.2 60.6 60.9 58.3 57.7 56.1 18.4 13.3 –5.1

Educational attainment

and marital status 1994 1995

Table 11.

1996 1994–

2005

1997 2000–

2005

2005 1994–

2000

1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Change

1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

Chart 7. Labor force participation of married women with spouse present and children under 18 

 years, by educational attainment, 1994–2005

Percent Percent 

College graduates

Some college or associate's degree

High school graduate, no college

Less than high school diploma
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 49

whose rate over the period fell by 7.0 percentage points since

1973, compared with a 3.9-percentage-point decline for their white

counterparts. Participation rates for Asian men declined by 1.7

percentage points in recent years, while the rate among

Hispanic men was little changed. (See table 13.)

Several factors contributed to the decrease in participation

of men. The following tabulation shows labor force

participation rates for men aged 25 to 54 years, by educational

attainment, for 1970 and 2005:

Change

1970–

1970 2005 2005

Total ............................................ 96.4 89.6 – 6.9

Less than a high school

diploma ........................................ 93.6 81.5 –12.1

High school graduate, no

 college .......................................... 97.6 87.5 –10.1

Some college, no degree ................. 97.1 90.8 – 6.3

College graduate ............................. 97.1 94.6 – 2.5

As might be expected, men with more education are more likely

to be labor force participants. The largest decline since 1970 was

among those with less education: the participation rate for men

with less than a high school diploma fell by 12.1 percentage

points, in contrast to a drop of 2.5 percentage points for those

with a college degree. In 1970, the gap between less and more

educated men was 3.5 percentage points; by 2005, it had widened

to 13.1 percentage points.

One cause of the large decline in participation among the less

educated could be that the types of jobs available to these

individuals have become less desirable over the past several

Labor force participation rates of men, by age, annual averages, 1989–2005

1989 ....................... 93.7 93.7 95.1 94.7 94.3 92.7 89.3

1990 ....................... 93.4 93.7 94.5 94.8 93.9 92.2 88.8

1991 ....................... 93.1 93.3 93.9 94.4 93.8 92.2 88.4

1992 ....................... 93.0 93.1 94.4 94.1 93.2 92.1 89.0

1993 ....................... 92.6 92.9 93.8 93.7 93.1 91.6 88.1

1994 ....................... 91.7 91.9 93.2 92.8 92.7 91.0 86.7

1995 ....................... 91.6 92.3 93.6 92.5 92.0 90.7 86.4

1996 ....................... 91.8 92.9 93.4 92.7 92.0 90.8 86.9

1997 ....................... 91.8 92.5 93.4 93.0 92.1 90.8 87.8

1998 ....................... 91.8 92.8 93.6 93.0 92.2 90.8 87.3

1999 ....................... 91.7 92.7 93.8 93.3 92.3 90.3 87.0

2000 ....................... 91.6 92.5 94.2 93.2 92.1 90.2 86.8

2001 ....................... 91.3 91.7 93.7 92.9 92.1 90.2 86.6

2002 ....................... 91.0 91.4 93.4 92.7 91.6 90.2 86.5

2003 ....................... 90.6 90.6 92.9 92.8 91.4 89.2 86.0

2004 ....................... 90.5 90.9 92.9 92.7 91.2 89.3 85.4

2005 ....................... 90.5 90.8 92.7 92.6 91.6 89.3 85.9

Year Total,

25 to 54 years

25 to 29

years

Table 12.

30 to 34

years

40 to 44

years

35 to 39

years

50 to 54

years

45 to 49

years

decades. Indeed, inflation-adjusted wages for men with less than

a high school diploma fell by 27 percent over the past quarter

century; in contrast, wages for college graduates rose by 20

percent over the same period.19 Less educated men may not

participate because the types of jobs available to them pay low

wages. Alternatively, they may choose to drop out of the labor

force for other reasons.20

Another cause of the decline in labor force participation among

men aged 25 to 54 years could be increased access to Social

Security disability benefits. The Social Security Disability (SSD)

program was enacted into law in 1956 and was meant to provide

income for the totally disabled.21 Over time, however, a number

of liberalizations of the eligibility requirements for SSD benefits

has caused the number of beneficiaries to increase dramatically.

Indeed, between 1980 and 2004, the number of beneficiaries more

than doubled, from 2.9 million to 6.2 million. The decline in labor

force participation of men over this period coincides with the

rise in disability benefits.22

Individuals aged 55 years and older. Over the latter half of the

20th century, one of the most striking labor market trends was the

exit of individuals aged 55 and older from the labor force. From

1948 to 1995, the labor force participation of individuals in that

age group declined by 13.3 percentage points. In recent years,

however, this trend has reversed. (See chart 2 and table 1.)

Beginning in 1996, the participation rate began to rise, and in

2000, the pace of the increase began to accelerate. Between

2000 and 2005, the participation rate rose from 32.4 percent to

37.2 percent. (See chart 8.) The long-term trend in the labor force

participation of men and women aged 55 years and older is similar.

As table 14 shows, the participation rate for both groups has

risen in recent years.23
50 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

For women, all ages 55 years and older experienced an increase

in participation since 2000. (See table 15.)

Several factors may have contributed to the recent rise in

labor force participation among older individuals.24 One was

the passage of the Senior Citizens Freedom to Work Act, which

removed the earnings test, or “earnings penalty,” for workers

aged 65 to 70 years who earned wages; the removal of the

earnings test may have influenced the retirement decisions of

some older individuals, especially those employed full time.25

Another factor was the gradual increase, beginning in 2000, in

the normal retirement age for receiving Social Security benefits;

this legislation may have induced some individuals to stay in the

labor force longer than they had originally planned.26 Traditionally, retirement benefits are first available at age 62, with a

reduction for each month that benefits are received before age

65, the age at which individuals are eligible for full Social Security

benefits. The normal retirement age was raised as part of the 1983

Labor force participation rates of men aged 25 to 54 years, by race and Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, annual

averages, 1972–2005

1972 ...................................... 95.1 95.7 90.0 – –

1973 ...................................... 95.0 95.5 90.3 – –

1974 ...................................... 94.7 95.4 89.4 – –

1975 ...................................... 94.4 95.1 88.6 – –

1976 ...................................... 94.2 94.9 88.3 – –

1977 ...................................... 94.2 95.0 88.4 – –

1978 ...................................... 94.3 95.0 88.8 – –

1979 ...................................... 94.4 95.1 89.1 – –

1980 ...................................... 94.2 95.0 88.4 – 93.0

1981 ...................................... 94.1 95.0 87.5 – 92.7

1982 ...................................... 94.0 94.9 87.7 – 92.7

1983 ...................................... 93.8 94.6 88.2 – 92.5

1984 ...................................... 93.9 94.8 88.1 – 92.6

1985 ...................................... 93.9 94.8 87.8 – 92.2

1986 ...................................... 93.8 94.6 88.4 – 92.7

1987 ...................................... 93.7 94.5 87.9 – 92.3

1988 ...................................... 93.6 94.5 87.7 – 92.6

1989 ...................................... 93.7 94.6 87.8 – 92.8

1990 ...................................... 93.4 94.4 87.4 – 92.4

1991 ...................................... 93.1 94.1 86.6 – 91.2

1992 ...................................... 93.0 94.0 86.1 – 91.5

1993 ...................................... 92.6 93.7 85.3 – 91.7

1994 ...................................... 91.7 92.9 84.5 – 90.9

1995 ...................................... 91.6 92.7 84.1 – 90.9

1996 ...................................... 91.8 93.0 84.1 – 91.5

1997 ...................................... 91.8 93.0 84.4 – 91.8

1998 ...................................... 91.8 92.9 84.4 – 91.6

1999 ...................................... 91.7 92.8 85.1 – 91.6

2000 ...................................... 91.6 92.7 84.4 91.7 92.5

2001 ...................................... 91.3 92.4 83.6 91.3 91.7

2002 ...................................... 91.0 92.2 83.5 90.5 91.5

 2003 ..................................... 90.6 91.7 82.9 89.7 91.6

2004 ...................................... 90.5 91.6 82.5 90.7 92.1

2005 ...................................... 90.5 91.6 83.3 90.0 92.0

Year Total White

Table 13.

Black Asian Hispanic

Table 15 shows data for 2000 and 2005 on participation rates

by age and sex for individuals approaching or who have reached

retirement age. Labor force participation trends closely track age

requirements for receiving Social Security earnings benefits. Data

show a steep decline in labor force participation when individuals

reach age 62—the age they first become eligible for Social

Security benefits—and again at age 65—the age they become

eligible for full Social Security benefits. In 2005, the rate for men

fell by 5.8 percentage points at age 62 and 7.8 percentage points

at age 65; for women, the decreases at age 62 and 65 were 7.1

percentage points and 6.8 percentage points, respectively.

Although men aged 55 years and older are much more likely

than their female counterparts to participate in the labor force,

the increase in the participation rate for women was slightly

higher than that for men between 2000 and 2005 (5.3 percentage

points compared with 4.1 percentage points). For men, the rise in

participation was mostly among those aged 59 years and older.

NOTE: Dash indicates data not available.
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 51

Social Security reform legislation. The age rises gradually for

individuals born in 1937 or later. Currently, the highest normal

retirement age will be 67 years, for those born in 1960 or later.

In addition to changes to Social Security, fundamental

changes to private retirement plans have coincided with the

rise in participation of older workers. In one of these changes,

in recent decades there has been a decline in the number of

individuals covered by defined-benefit pension plans and an

increase in the number covered by defined-contribution plans,

with most of the growth attributable to an increase in the

number of 401(k) plans.27 For instance, in the early 1990s,

defined-benefit pensions and defined-contribution plans each

covered about a third of private-industry workers. By 2005,

defined-contribution plans covered about twice as many

private-sector workers as did defined-benefit pensions—42

percent and 21 percent, respectively.

The main impact of the rise in the prevalence of definedcontribution plans has been the placement of more responsibility

for accumulating retirement assets onto individuals, a responsibility that may have caused some to participate in the

labor force longer.28 Retirement income from a definedcontribution plan depends on the decision of workers to

participate in the plan, the share of their income they choose to

save, and the rate of return on their account balances. Because

investment risk in a defined-contribution plan is borne by

workers, an extended stock market downturn, for example, may

have a detrimental effect on account balances and cause some

individuals to delay their decision to exit the labor force.29

The rise in labor force participation rates among older workers

also may reflect improvement in the health status of older

individuals. Research has shown that health is clearly an

important determinant of whether a person will exit the labor

force.30 Older workers today have longer life expectancies

because of improvements in their health. For instance, according

to data from the National Center for Health Statistics, individuals

born between 1939 and 1941 could expect to live 64 years, on

average; for individuals born 10 years later, the average rose to

68 years.31

Another factor that probably affects the labor force participation of older workers is access to retiree health benefits. In

1997, 22 percent of private-sector employers offered retiree health

benefits to individuals who retired prior to age 65; by 2002, the

proportion had declined to 13 percent.32 For individuals eligible

for Medicare—those aged 65 years and older—the proportion

of private-sector employers offering retiree health benefits

declined from 20 percent in 1997 to 13 percent in 2002.33 These

changes may influence the retirement decisions of individuals

approaching retirement age. Specifically, workers near retirement

1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006

25

30

35

40

25

30

35

40

Chart 8. Civilian labor force participation rate of persons 55 years and older, seasonally adjusted, 

 1990–2006

Percent Percent
52 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

age may postpone their exit from the labor force because they

may not be able to obtain health insurance coverage or may not

be able to afford health insurance premiums and out-of-pocket

expenses.

In addition to diminishing access to employer-provided retiree

benefits, rising health care costs may affect the retirement

decisions of older workers because many must pay large out-ofpocket expenses for health care.34 Indeed, over the past two

decades, there has been a steep increase in the cost of medical

care.35 Between 1984 and 2005, the Consumer Price Index (CPI-U)

for medical care rose at an annual rate of 5.5 percent, nearly

double the 3.0-percent annual rate of increase of the CPI-U for all

items. Over the same period, the index for prescription drugs and

medical supplies increased at an annual rate of 5.8 percent.

OVERALL LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION HAS DECLINED in

recent years after rising steadily for more than half a century.

The decline occurred across most of the major demographic

Labor force participation rates of persons aged 55 years and older, by sex, selected years, 1976–2005

 Men

1976 ....................... 47.8 83.5 74.3 56.1 29.3 14.2

1980 ....................... 45.6 81.7 71.8 52.6 28.5 13.1

1985 ....................... 41.0 79.6 68.9 46.1 24.4 10.5

1990 ....................... 39.4 79.9 68.8 46.5 26.0 10.7

1994 ....................... 37.8 76.9 64.8 45.1 26.8 11.7

1995 ....................... 37.9 77.4 65.6 45.0 27.0 11.6

1996 ....................... 38.3 77.9 66.3 45.7 27.5 11.5

1997 ....................... 38.9 78.7 66.0 46.2 28.4 11.6

1998 ....................... 39.1 78.4 67.0 47.3 28.0 11.1

1999 ....................... 39.6 78.4 66.3 46.9 28.5 11.7

2000 ....................... 40.1 77.0 66.0 47.0 30.3 12.0

2001 ....................... 40.9 77.2 67.7 48.2 30.2 12.1

2002 ....................... 42.0 78.0 67.3 50.4 32.2 11.5

2003 ....................... 42.6 77.6 67.0 49.6 32.8 12.3

2004 ....................... 43.2 77.6 64.9 50.8 32.6 12.8

2005 ....................... 44.2 77.6 65.6 52.5 33.6 13.5

 Women

1976 ....................... 23.0 48.1 39.9 28.3 14.9 4.6

1980 ....................... 22.8 48.5 39.6 28.5 15.1 4.5

1985 ....................... 22.0 50.3 40.3 28.7 13.5 4.3

1990 ....................... 22.9 55.3 42.9 30.7 17.0 4.7

1994 ....................... 24.0 59.2 45.3 33.1 17.9 5.5

1995 ....................... 23.9 59.5 46.1 32.5 17.5 5.3

1996 ....................... 23.9 59.8 47.2 31.8 17.2 5.2

1997 ....................... 24.6 60.7 47.9 33.6 17.6 5.1

1998 ....................... 25.0 61.3 47.3 33.3 17.8 5.2

1999 ....................... 25.6 61.8 46.2 33.7 18.4 5.5

2000 ....................... 26.1 61.4 49.0 34.1 19.5 5.8

2001 ....................... 27.0 61.7 50.5 36.7 20.0 5.9

2002 ....................... 28.5 63.8 52.8 37.6 20.7 6.0

2003 ....................... 30.0 65.5 53.9 38.6 22.7 6.4

2004 ....................... 30.5 65.0 54.0 38.7 23.3 6.7

2005 ....................... 31.4 65.6 53.8 40.0 23.7 7.1

Year Total

55 years and older

55 to 59

years

Table 14.

60 to 61

years

65 to 69

years

62 to 64

years

70 years

and older

groups. The largest drop was among teenagers. Increased school

enrollment, a slower-than-average labor market recovery, and

higher competition for available jobs from older workers as well

as from recent immigrants are considered the major factors that

contributed to the decline in teen participation.

The labor force participation of young adults—individuals

aged 20 to 24 years—also declined; however, in relative terms,

the decrease was not as steep as that for teenagers. Among

young adults, those least likely to be labor force participants

were high school dropouts; in particular, young women without

high school diplomas were least likely to be working or looking

for work. As was the case with teenagers, increased school

enrollment and the sluggish labor market recovery may be partly

responsible for the decline in participation of young adults.

The labor force participation of women aged 25 to 54 years

also declined in recent years, following a steady increase over

the previous five decades. Women in the younger age cohorts—

especially those aged 25 to 29 years—registered the largest
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 53

decreases in participation. Changes in the labor force participation pattern of mothers over the past decade show that the

decrease in labor force participation of mothers with more

education was greater than that of those with less education.

The decline in labor force participation among married mothers

with a bachelor’s degree or higher was more pronounced among

mothers with preschool children.

The labor force participation of men aged 25 to 54 years

edged down fairly steadily between 1950 and 1990. Since 1990,

the decline has been much sharper. Over the past quarter

century, the decrease in participation among less educated

men has been much larger than that of their more educated

counterparts.

Finally, one group has bucked the overall trend in recent years:

persons aged 55 years and older. Beginning in 1995, the labor

force participation rate of older workers began to rise, after falling

for about 50 years; since 2000, the pace of the increase has

accelerated.

Age

2000 2005

Table 15.

Change

2000–05 2000 2005 Change

2000–05

Men Women

Labor force participation rates of persons aged 55 years and older, by age and sex, annual averages, 2000

and 2005

 Total, 55 years

 and older .......... 40.1 44.2 4.1 26.1 31.4 5.3

55 years ............... 79.8 80.6 .8 65.2 69.8 4.6

56 years ............... 79.7 79.6 –.1 64.9 66.8 1.9

57 years ............... 77.9 77.6 –.3 61.8 66.7 4.9

58 years ............... 75.6 75.8 .2 58.4 64.3 5.9

59 years ............... 71.0 73.6 2.6 55.6 59.1 3.5

60 years ............... 66.2 67.7 1.5 51.5 55.7 4.2

61 years ............... 65.9 63.5 –2.4 46.4 51.7 5.3

62 years ............... 53.0 57.7 4.7 38.7 44.6 5.9

63 years ............... 44.0 51.1 7.1 33.6 39.4 5.8

64 years ............... 43.2 47.5 4.3 29.9 35.1 5.2

65 years ............... 35.9 39.7 3.8 23.2 28.3 5.1

66 years ............... 32.7 34.8 2.1 21.6 25.4 3.8

67 years ............... 30.3 31.6 1.3 19.3 24.6 5.3

68 years ............... 28.1 32.2 4.1 16.6 20.6 4.0

69 years ............... 23.8 28.3 4.5 16.4 18.6 2.2

70 years ............... 20.2 23.8 3.6 10.9 16.7 5.8

71 years ............... 18.0 23.4 5.4 11.6 14.5 2.9

72 years ............... 18.5 21.6 3.1 10.8 11.8 1.0

73 years ............... 18.7 17.9 –.8 9.6 11.4 1.8

74 years ............... 14.1 16.0 1.9 7.0 9.2 2.2

75 years and

 older ................... 8.1 9.4 1.3 3.6 4.5 .9

Notes

ACKNOWLEDGMENT: The authors thank Kenneth W. Robertson and

Bernard Altschuler for tabulating data on the educational attainment of

women by presence and age of children.

1

 The working-age population consists of the civilian noninstitutional population aged 16 years and older who reside in the 50

States and the District of Columbia. This group excludes inmates of

institutions (for example, mental and penal institutions, and homes

for the aged) and persons who are on active duty in the Armed Forces.

2

 The Current Population Survey (CPS) is a monthly sample survey of

about 60,000 households that provides information on the demographic

characteristics of the labor force and employment status of the

noninstitutional population aged 16 years and older.

3

 In a recent study, Mitra Toossi provides a detailed analysis of the

impact of the baby-boom generation on the labor force, examining

changes projected to take place over the 2004–14 period. (See Mitra

Toossi, “Labor force projections to 2014: retiring boomers,” Monthly

Labor Review, November 2005, pp. 25–44.)

4

 A recent report by the Government Accountability Office (GAO)

provides a comprehensive analysis of the problems that the economy,

employers, and older individuals might face from future demographic

changes. At the conclusion of the report, the GAO proposes a number

of recommendations, including designing a “comprehensive and highly

visible public awareness campaign,” to the Secretary of Labor to

address the problems associated with the aging of the population. (See

Older Workers: Labor Can Help Employers and Employees Plan Better

for the Future, GAO–06–80 (U.S. Government Accountability Office,

December 2005).)

5 The National Bureau of Economic Research, the generally

recognized arbiter of business cycle turning points, designated

Table 15.
54 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

November 2001 as the trough of the recession which began in March

of that year.

6

 For this analysis, only five previous recessions were used, to

minimize any overlap of recessionary periods. Although the most

recent recession officially ended in November 2001, the labor market

continued to be somewhat sluggish.

7

 Note, however, that labor force participation rates of younger

workers are highly sensitive to cyclical changes in labor market

conditions.

8

 In general, the movement in the teen labor force participation rate

parallels the business cycle, growing during periods of economic expansion

and shrinking during periods of economic contraction. However, in the 5

years following the onset of the March 2001 recession, the labor force

participation rate of teenagers trended downward, falling by 7.0 percentage

points, from 50.9 percent in March 2001 to 43.9 percent in March 2006.

In contrast, in the 60 months that followed the onset of the previous

8 recessions, the labor force participation rate for teens was, on

average, essentially unchanged.

9

 The authors examine the recent decline in teen work activity, offering

explanations for both the long secular decline since the late 1970s and the

recent acceleration in this decline since 2000. They argue that much of

this pattern is due to a significant increase in the rewards to formal

education. They also explore the importance of changes to labor demand,

crowding out by substitutable workers, the increased work activity of

mothers, and increases in wealth. Daniel Aaronson, Kyung-Hong Park,

and Daniel G. Sullivan, “The Decline in Teen Labor Force Participation,”

Economic Perspectives, Quarter I, 2006 Available on the Internet at

ssrn.com/abstract=888529, visited October 30, 2006.

10 The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) of 2001 may have forced

some teens who were enrolled in school to pull out of the labor force.

The Act, the latest revision of the 1965 Elementary and Secondary

Education Act, was signed into law in early 2002 and is a Statemandated testing requirement imposed on schools. To help schools

and districts meet the goals required by the NCLB, the law provides a

blend of requirements, incentives, and resources. Because teens may

have to work harder and, probably, longer hours to pass the Act’s

requirements, many may substitute schoolwork for paid work.

11 According to George J. Borjas, “Even though the average native

gains somewhat from immigration, this does not mean that everyone in

the country gains. There are distinct groups of winners and losers. The

winners are the people who employ or use immigrant services, and achieve

their economic goals at lower costs. The losers are the people who compete

with immigrant workers, and experience a corresponding reduction in

their income.” (See George J. Borjas, Heaven’s Door: Immigration Policy

and the American Economy (Princeton University Press, 1999), p. 103.)

12 One group of researchers suggests that low-skilled women who entered

the labor force in response to welfare reform may have crowded out jobs

for inexperienced teenagers and young adults. However, these same

researchers conclude that the decline in youth participation has been due

largely to increases in family wealth and higher returns to schooling,

rather than to factors related to the demand for labor. (See Daniel

Aaronson, Kyung-Hong Park, and Daniel G. Sullivan, “The Decline in

Teen Labor Force Participation,” Economic Perspectives, 2006, on the

Internet at ssrn.com/abstract=888529, visited October 30, 2006.)

13 See Rima Shore, Reducing the Number of Disconnected Youth,

(Baltimore, The Annie E. Casey Foundation, July 2005); and Thomas

A. Mroz and Timothy H. Savage, The Long-term Effects of Youth

Unemployment, (Washington, DC, Employment Policies Institute,

October 2001).

14 Note, however, that the lack of available jobs is not necessarily

the only reason young adults choose to enroll in school. Individuals

aged 20 to 24 years may stay in school because education is an

investment that can lead to higher paying jobs with greater access to

employee benefits. In addition, persons with higher education are less

likely to be unemployed and more likely to be employed. Likewise,

weak labor market conditions may not necessarily be the main reason

young mothers withdraw from school and the labor force to care for

their children.

15 Data for Asians are available only since 2000.

16 The 1996 Welfare Reform Bill, The Personal Responsibility and

Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, changed the Nation’s

welfare system into one that requires work in exchange for time-limited

assistance. The bill contains strong work requirements, a performance

bonus to reward States for moving welfare recipients into jobs, State

maintenance-of-effort requirements, comprehensive child support

enforcement, and supports for families moving from welfare to work—

including increased funding for childcare and guaranteed health care

coverage. These changes encourage single mothers to enter the labor

force. For more information on the impact of welfare reform, see The

National Evaluation of the Welfare-to-Work Grants Program: Final Report

(Princeton, MI, Washington, DC, and Cambridge, MA, Mathematica Policy

Research, Inc., September 2004); and Robert F. Schoeni and Rebecca M.

Blank, “What Has Welfare Reform Accomplished? Impacts of Welfare

Participation, Employment, Income, Poverty, and Family Structure,”

Working Paper No. 7627, (National Bureau of Economic Research, March

2000).

17 See Timothy J. Bartik, Instrumental Variable Estimates of the

Labor Market Spillover Effects of Welfare Reform, Working Paper No.

02–078 (Kalamazoo, MI, The W.E Upjohn Institute for Employment

Research, April 2002), pp. 2, 47.

18 See William J. Carrington, Peter R. Mueser, and Kenneth R. Troske,

The Impact of Welfare Reform on Leaver Characteristics, Employment

and Recidivism, Discussion Paper No. 561 (Bonn, Germany, IZA, August

2002).

19 “Wages” refers to median weekly earnings of men aged 25 years

and older, in constant 2004 dollars. The change in wages is that between

1979 and 2004.

20 See Chinhui Juhn and Simon Potter’s recent study, “Changes in

Labor Force Participation in the United States,” Journal of Economic

Perspectives, summer 2006, pp. 27–46. The authors find that over the

past three decades profound changes have occurred in the U.S. labor

market, with one recurring theme being a decline in demand for less skilled

workers. The authors conclude that the result has been both a decline in

wages among less skilled men and a sharp fall in the employment of less

educated men.

21 For more information on the history of Social Security Disability

programs, see A History of the Social Security Disability Programs

(Social Security Administration, January 1986).

22 A study conducted in 2001 concluded that the increase in the

liberalization of disability benefits may have caused less educated individuals

to exit the labor force. ( See David H. Author and Mark G. Duggan, “The

Rise in the Disability Rolls and the Decline in Unemployment,” Quarterly

Journal of Economics, February 2003, pp. 157–205.) Research conducted

by Jonathan S. Leonard found that nearly half of the decline in labor force

participation rates among “prime-age” men during the 1960s and 1970s

was due to the growth of the Social Security Disability program. (See

Jonathan S. Leonard, The Social Security Disability Program and Labor

Force Participation, Working Paper No. 392 (National Bureau of

Economic Research, August 1979).

23 The long-term trends in labor force participation for men and

women aged 55 years and older are similar to those of men and women

aged 25 to 54 years. That is, the rate for older men has declined, while

that for older women has increased.

24 In a recent paper, Kevin E. Cahill, Michael D. Giandrea, and Joseph

F. Quinn discuss the concept of “bridge jobs,” or jobs that older individuals
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 55

take in moving from full-time “career” employment to complete

withdrawal from the labor force. The authors argue that bridge jobs have

become more prevalent in recent years due to a number of changes in the

retirement environment. (See Kevin E. Cahill, Michael D. Giandrea, and

Joseph F. Quinn, Are Traditional Retirements a Thing of the Past? New

Evidence on Retirement Patterns and Bridge Jobs, Working Paper 384,

(Bureau of Labor Statistics, September 2005).) For an analysis of the

impact of Social Security on the labor force participation of older workers,

see David A. Wise, “Social Security Provisions and the Labor Force

Participation of Older Workers,” in Linda J. Waite, ed., Aging, Health,

and Public Policy: Demographic and Economic Perspectives (New York,

Population Council, 2005), pp. 176–204. An analysis carried out by Gary

Burtless and Joseph F. Quinn examines long-term trends in retirement

among older individuals and discusses policies that might increase the

labor force participation of older workers. (See Gary Burtless and Joseph

F. Quinn, “Retirement Trends and Policies to Encourage Work Among

Older Americans,” in Peter Budetti, Richard Burkhauser, Janice Gregory,

and Allan Hunt, eds., Ensuring Health and Income Security for an Aging

Workforce (Kalamazoo, MI, W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment

Research, 2001), pp. 375–415.)

25 See Steven J. Haider and David S. Loughran, Do the Elderly

Respond to Taxes on Earnings? Evidence from the Social Security

Retirement Earnings Test, RAND Working Paper WP 223 (Santa Monica,

CA, RAND Corporation, January 2005). The authors found that removal

of the earnings test had little influence on the labor supply decisions

of women; there was evidence, however, that eliminating the earnings

test may have had an impact on the labor supply decisions of men.

26 Courtney Coile and Jonathan Gruber found that Social Security

policies which increase incentives to work at older ages can significantly

reduce the exit rate of older workers from the labor force. (See Courtney

Coile and Jonathan Gruber, Social Security and Retirement, Working

Paper No. 7830 (National Bureau of Economic Research, August 2000).)

27 For more information on trends in retirement plan coverage, see

Dallas L. Salisbury, ed., The Future of Private Retirement Plans

(Washington, DC, Employee Benefit Research Institute, 2000).

28 See Leora Freidberg and Anthony Webb, Retirement and the

Evolution of Pension Structure, Working Paper No. 9999 (National

Bureau of Economic Research, September 2003).

29 Some researchers have speculated that the performance of the

stock market may influence retirement decisions of older workers. For

example, the poor performance of equities over the 2000–02 period

may have caused some older individuals to delay their exit from the

labor force, thus raising their labor force participation rates. (See

Andrew D. Eschtruth and Jonathan Gemus, “Are Older Workers

Responding to the Bear Market?” Just the Facts on Retirement Issues

(Chestnut Hill, MA, Center for Retirement Research at Boston College,

September 2002).) However, in a recent study, Courtney Coile and

Phillip Levine found scant evidence that the stock market affects

retirement decisions or reentry into the labor force. (See Courtney C.

Coile and Phillip B. Levine, Bulls, Bears, and Retirement Behavior,

Working Paper No. 10779 (National Bureau of Economic Research,

September 2004).)

30 For example, research has found that poor health leads to an exit

from the labor force for many older workers. (See John Bound, Michael

Schoenbaum, Todd R. Stinebrickner, and Timothy Waidmann, “The

Dynamic Effects of Health on the Labor Force Transitions of Older

Workers,” Labor Economics, June 1999, pp. 179–202.)

31 See United States Life Tables, 2002 (U.S. Department of Health

and Human Services, National Center for Health Statistics, November

2004).

32 See The Impact of the Erosion of Retiree Health Benefits on

Workers and Retirees, Issue Brief No. 279 (Washington, DC, Employee

Benefit Research Institute, March 2005).

33 Ibid.

34 See Richard W. Johnson and Rudolph G. Penner, Will Health Care

Costs Erode Retirement Security? Issue In Brief No. 23, (Chestnut

Hill, MA, Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, October

2004); and Richard W. Johnson, Amy J. Davidoff, and Kevin Perese,

“Health Insurance Costs and Early Retirement Decisions,” Industrial

and Labor Relations Review, July 2003, pp. 716–29.

35 According to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services,

national health expenditures accounted for about 9 percent of total

gross domestic product in the late 1970s; by 2004, the proportion had

risen to 16 percent.
56 Monthly Labor Review October 2006

Trends in Labor force Participation

APPENDIX: Worklife patterns

Women born at different times have had dramatically different

worklife patterns. That women at or near retirement ages have

much lower participation rates than young women is only partly

due to an aging effect. More so, it reflects differences between

cohorts of women. For instance, many women aged 50 years and

older in 2005 first reached the age at which they entered the labor

force in the 1960s and 1970s, when women were not usually

expected or encouraged to work and when employment

opportunities were somewhat limited.

In more recent decades, changes in social norms regarding

women’s workforce participation affected young women

dramatically, and the effect has been lasting. As a result, women in

their late thirties in 2005 are far more likely to be labor force

participants than were their mothers or grandmothers at any age.

Chart A–1 shows differences in the labor force participation

patterns of 5-year cohorts of women who were between the ages of 20

and 69 years in 2005. By linking together the participation rates of

these cohorts as they passed through successive ages (for example,

women aged 65 to 69 years in 2005 were aged 50 to 54 years in 1990,

55 to 59 years in 1995, and so forth), a longitudinal perspective is

derived from cross-sectional CPS data. As the chart illustrates, even

between groups born as little as 5 years apart, differences in labor

force participation are striking. At every age, each successive cohort

was more likely to work than the preceding one. Part of the rise in

participation of women probably reflects a delay in marriage and in the

birth of the first child. A comparison of the oldest and youngest groups

of women illustrates the cumulative effect of that trend. For instance,

more than 70 percent of women in their thirties in 2005 were in the

labor force, nearly twice as many as in 1975.

Not only have participation rates increased with each successive

group of women, but, as chart A–1 illustrates, worklife patterns

have changed fundamentally over time. The older cohorts followed

a pattern in which about half of women were in the labor force in

their early twenties. Their participation rates dropped sharply

during their childbearing years and then increased to a peak in their

late forties. The peak rose higher and higher for each successive

group, but the pattern began to change with the cohort entering the

labor force in the late1960s.

In the last several decades, the latter pattern has been replaced by

one in which participation rates start much higher and continue to

rise, with no dropoff during childbearing years. Note, however,

that, instead of rising steadily, the labor force participation pattern

for the cohort currently in its early thirties has fallen over the past

5 years.1

 Chart A–2 shows current labor force patterns for men at

each age. Although women’s participation rates are lower than men’s

at each age, the current labor force patterns of young women

resemble those of their fathers more closely than those of their

mothers. Until the mid-1960s, women’s participation rates by age

dipped during the main childbearing years of the twenties. That

pattern is now shifted to an inverted “U” and thus is similar to that

of men.

Note to Appendix

1

 The decline in labor force participation of the youngest cohort could

reflect, in part, a rise in the number of births among women aged 30 to 34

years. For example, in 1976, there were 56.4 births per 1,000 women in

this cohort; by 2004, the number rose to 93.8 births per 1,000 women.

(See U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, June 2004.)
Monthly Labor Review October 2006 57

20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

Chart A-1. Labor force participation rates for selected 5-year cohorts of women, by age in 2005

Percent Percent 

65–69

60–64

55–59

50–54

45–49

40–44

35–39

30–34

20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100

Chart A-2. Labor force participation rates for selected 5-year cohorts of men, by age in 2005

Percent Percent 

50–54

55–59

65–69

60–64