Way Station to Space 

A History of the John C. Stennis Space Center 

by 

Mack R. Herring 

The NASA History Series 

National Aeronautics and Space Administration 

NASA History Office 

Office of Policy and Plans 

Washington, DC 1997 
Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data 

Herring, Mack R., 1935-

Way Station to Space: A History of the John C. Stennis Space Center by Mack R. Herring. 

p. cm.-{The NASA History Series) (NASA SP: 4310) 

Includes bibliographical references and index. 

1. John C. Stennis Space Center-History I. Title. II. Series. III. Series: NASA SP: 4310 

TL682.J65H47 1997 

629.4'0720762'14-dc21 

97-27290 

CIP 

For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office 

Superintendent of Documents, Mail Stop: SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328 

ISBN 0-16-049252-1 
To Robert E. Herring (1927-1993), my brother, mentor and friend; 

to my family, who never stopped believing; 

and to my friends and co-workers at the 

NASA John C. Stennis Space Center, 

who I had the honor of sharing a common dream 

and the history of our part 

of America's adventure in space. 

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Chapter 1 Decision for Mississippi 1 

Chapter 2 A Sense of Place 17 

Chapter 3 The Thorn Before the Rose 27 

Chapter 4 Temples in the Swamp 45 

Chapter 5 In Mississippi Mud 71 

Chapter 6 Testing Saturn 93 

Chapter 7 The Winds of Change 123 

Chapter 8 Growing Pains 153 

Chapter 9 Toward Full Utilization 187 

Chapter 10 In Search of a Role 225 

Chapter 11 Acceptance and Trust 255 

Chapter 12 Of Triumph and Tragedy 293 

Chapter 13 Testing the Way 325 

Chapter 14 Bigger Dreams 359 

Chapter 15 For Future Generations 407 

Epilogue 433 

Acronyms 439 

Chronology of Significant Events 441 

Charts and Graphs 443 

Index 451 

About the Author 4 79 
"The mastery of space is man's greatest adventure 

and his most inspiring undertaking. It should spur 

us to maximum effort. The nation which mastered 

all man's earthly environment-land, sea, and 

air-owes to its destiny the mastery of the 

limitless environment of space. " 

Wernher von Braun 

1960 
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5. Area Map of Mississippi and Louisiana Area 29 

6. Flag Raising at Rouchon 40 

7. Captain Fortune Meets with Corps 54 

8. First Tree Felled 60 

9. Aerial of Harbor and Waterway 63 

10. Von Braun Studies Construction 66 

11. Von Braun Greets Picayune Admirers 68 

12. Excavation for Test Stand 73 

13. Navigation Lock and Bascule Bridge 75 

14. Webb Inspects Site 81 

15. Foundation Laid for S-11 Stand 87 

16. Jackson M. Balch 99 

17. First Test. 114 

18. Stennis in Test Control Center 120 

19. S-IC Booster Test Fired 128 

20. S-11 Flight Booster Hoisted into Stand 138 

21. BOMEX Computer 146 

22. Apollo 11 Launch 148 

23. Camille Damage 155 

24. Astronauts Visit 157 

25. Coast Guard Welcomed 178 

26. Balch Leads the Way 183 

27. Army Ammunition Plant 200 

28. Remote Camera Catches SSME Firing 221 

29. Henry F. Auter 227 

30. Stennis Welcomed Aboard 246 

31. Fuel Afloat for Shuttle Engines 275 

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0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

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0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 

390 Testing the Way 351 

400 Discovery Launch 354 

41. Stennis Enjoys Old Timers' Day 361 

420 Estess Talks with SSC Engineers 390 

430 Commercial Hybrid Engine Firing 391 

440 Daniel So Goldin 412 

450 Deer Pauses During Firing 422 

460 SSC Propulsion Facilities 423 

470 Senator Lott and Roy Estess 429 

iv 
Apollo lunar landing program. With an eye to the future, the facility was 

planned as a national testing site for large propulsion systems that NASA 

might use for 25 to 50 years. 

This book provides the reader with a study of the Apollo era when NASA 

engineers, technicians, and managers were engaged in that fantastic mission. 

It captures a sense of the excitement and determination of the NASA team as 

it prepared for those historic journeys to our nearest planetary neighbor. This 

book, however, also illustrates the evolution of the south Mississippi facility 

beyond the Apollo era. 

The development of the traditions and pride of the NASA Government and 

contractor teams, formulated during those early years, is likewise portrayed. As 

is indicated in the text, few of the men and women of that time are still actively 

working with us, but their tradition of excellence and hard work lives on. 

As the Apollo program began to ebb, the Nation's focus shifted away 

from the most ambitious plans for space exploration-to colonize the Moon, 

construct a Space Station, and mount a human mission to Mars-to less costly 

endeavors. Under creative management, the Mississippi team began to study 

the Nation's new priorities with the intention of becoming an integral part of 

the changing times. The Mississippi Test Facility (MTF-former name of 

SSC) diversified and brought in other Federal and State agencies to help share 

the cost of the Center and use of the developing technology. MTF personnel 

began looking for other customers, private and commercial, in addition to 

their new Government tenants. The men and women of the MTF were, in a 

real sense, "reinventing" Government over 25 years ago, long before that concept came into vogue. 

Way Station to Space takes the reader back through those interesting 

times and relates the story of how the small team evolved into a paradigm of 

v 
vi 

not only preserved their installation, but they built a new foundation for the 

future. As a result in 1996, the Stennis Space Center was officially designated 

as NASA's Lead Center for rocket propulsion testing and in 1997 as the Lead 

Center for Commercial Remote Sensing. 

Way Station to Space is not only the history of one of NASA's Centers, it 

is also an allegory of the Center's relationship to the local communities in 

Mississippi and Louisiana, its sister Centers, and to NASA Headquarters. 

It was written by an award-winning author, Mack R. Herring, a 33-year 

veteran of NASA. Mr. Herring spent most of his career as a public affairs officer, historian, and writer for NASA at the Stennis Space Center. He has spent 

the last 6 years gathering information and writing this history. His corporate 

memory is noted, but the reader will find this history well documented with 

interviews, letters, and a variety of other sources. 

Not only does this book tell an interesting story about the Stennis Space 

Center and NASA's first decades of space exploration, it also offers a guide 

to the changing times ahead as we approach the new millennium. Perhaps just 

as importantly, Way Station to Space captures the true spirit of NASA that 

abides with us today as we meet the challenges of tomorrow. 

Daniel S. Goldin 

NASA Administrator 
contributed to these pages. Like myself, most lived the story. 

Of those people, I now acknowledge some whom I had the opportunity of 

working with on a day-to-day basis, or who gave large chunks of their time 

to this book. I must tell the readers how much Virginia A. Butler, a University 

of Southern Mississippi (USM) graduate student, had to do with researching, 

editing, and, more importantly, helping me with the tricky turns one encounters when putting a book together. Sometimes this process involved long and 

tedious discussions with the author, who hated to see his chopped-up prose hit 

the cutting room floor. I believe Virginia understood the team concept better 

than most anyone involved. In fact, she came to fiercely defend our work and 

exercised her ownership at every tum. Toward the end, you could hardly tell 

who the author was. She took her editorship very seriously. Virginia's stubbornness and refusal to give in to me when she felt she was right added a 

fourth dimension to "our" book. 

Very special thanks go to Myron Webb, NASA Stennis Space Center's 

(SSC) public affairs officer, friend, and long-time colleague. Myron was 

one of our first-line readers. She also deserves recognition for cheering me 

on during the lonely hours of research and writing when the "poor me's" 

would sink in. Her words of encouragement provided an antidote for the 

harsh, but sometimes necessary, derision from the scholarly critics. In 

addition to moral support, Myron's help in suggesting and arranging interviews was critical in order for us to obtain the appropriate information and 

meet publishing deadlines. She often accompanied me on the interviews 

and asked just the right questions to keep the sessions moving in a productive manner. 

I also want to thank Lanee Cobb, SSC's news chief and in-house grammarian. Lanee's expertise added confidence with our knowledge that her 

vii 
viii 

the University of Alabama and spent my entire professional career writing in 

some manner for newpapers, magazines, and for NASA. I must admit, however, that this book offered a special challenge. Chuck helped me bridge that 

gap in my literary career. 

On behalf of the "SSC history team," it is an honor to express our appreciation to Dr. Roger D. Launius, NASA's Chief Historian, and his staff for 

their assistance in research and their efforts in helping keep this book historically correct. We especially want to thank Roger for his faith in our team and 

his support in adding our story to the prestigious NASA collection. 

We extend our appreciation to Dr. John Ray Skates, noted military historian and retired USM professor, who served on our peer review team. Dr. 

Skates offered a number of helpful recommendations that we know increased 

the readability and acceptability of our book. 

I want to thank Christine "Chris" Harvey, Stennis Space Center 

Information Services Specialist, for providing research and logistical support. 

In addition, her high-tech expertise in keeping my old computer on the road 

was greatly appreciated. Along this line, I want to thank the USM graduate 

students working in the Stennis History Office who assisted with our project 

by pulling specific titles from our newly developed database. 

Toward the end of the project, we solicited the professional help of SSC's 

expert and veteran editor, Ruth Carlson. Although Ruth and I have been friends 

for years, she set aside that relationship and gave the book a thorough review 

to make sure we submitted a tight and readable product to the final editor in 

Washington, D.C. On behalf of our Stennis team, I also want to express our 

appreciation to Louise Alstork, NASA Headquarters, who put the final editing 

touches to our manuscript, giving all who participated in the project a special 

confidence that we had a good product. 
ix 

was due." 

Jerry Hlass, former director, and Arthur J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., former 

director of SSC Center Operations, read most of the manuscript and provided 

numerous comments and recommendations. In addition, Jerry spent several 

sessions with me providing informative and interesting interviews that 

proved to be invaluable in developing the Stennis Space Center story. In 

addition, he carefully explained several technical issues so that I could digest 

them and translate them into the book. 

E. W. "Van" King, a former assistant director of the SSC and personal 

friend of Jackson Balch, also gave hours of his precious time filling in the 

blank spots of Mr. Balch's tenure as director. Van also graciously read the 

"Balch" chapters for accuracy. Janet Balch was most helpful with personal 

notes associated with her late husband's life and work on the Mississippi 

Gulf Coast. 

During the course of researching this text, we conducted scores of interviews with sse people and others who were knowledgeable of the center's 

history. It would be unwieldy to mention each and everyone, but I will cite 

several who gave us great assistance with reading the manuscript and spent 

hours in interviews. They were Gordon Artley; Tom Baggette; Roy Baxter; 

Marv Carpenter; Aaron Cohen; Jim Coward; Mark Craig; Steve Dick; Ken 

Human; Lon Miller; Boyce Mix; Pat Mooney; Wayne Mooneyhan; Renay 

Nelson; Roscoe Nicholson; Wayne Roberts; Pat Scheuermann; George 

Schloegel; Leo Seal, Jr.; Gerald Smith; Bill Tate; and Jim Taylor. There were, 

however, many others who unselfishly shared their stories, thoughts, and 

materials with us. 

In addition to these past and present employees and community leaders, 

I would be greatly remiss if I did not give proper credit to my family who 
X 

Robert was unfortunately killed in a traffic accident. I wish he were here to 

share this history that he did so much to inspire. 

I could not leave these acknowledgments without also honoring my parents, the late Robert Lee and Lillie Ray Herring, for providing a home and 

family filled with the love and values necessary for the development of any 

worthwhile contribution to the world. I hope and pray that this book will be a 

useful and lasting legacy. 

My brother Paul Jackson Herring and my sister Mildred Herring Maddox 

were also great influences in my life and especially during the time I was writing this book. They both called regularly and asked, "How's the book 

coming?" or even more to the point, "What chapter are you on now?" 

Needless to say, their persistent coaxing kept me at the computer many times 

when I would have rather been somewhere else playing hooky! 

To those wonderful people who supported every endeavor I ever undertook, I am most grateful. Other family members who contributed time, 

talents, and inspiration were my two sons, Steven Lee and Kyle Jackson. Both 

of these young men are terrific and expressive writers who have earned their 

own recognitions. I hope someday to read their books. For now, I thank them 

for sticking with their "old dad" through this project. I must also thank Joan 

Herring, my first wife, who has continued to offer praise and encouragement 

when many others held their tongues. 

Last, but surely not least, I must mention my wife, Faye, who gave her 

total and unswerving support during the writing process of this manuscript. 

Faye was at my side through the 21 months I spent writing this book. She has 

been a close friend for 35 years and shared much of the Stennis Space Center 

history with me, adding a special inspiration. 
xi 

porch swing during hot afternoons reading colorfully illustrated pulp fiction 

sci-fi rags such as Amazing Stories. 

Later, when I was learning the ropes as a newspaper reporter, I watched 

the launch of Lieutenant Commander Alan Shepard, Jr., on his MercuryRedstone suborbital spaceflight in 1961. No, I wasn't at Cape Canaveral. I 

would have missed that flight and maybe even the whole space "thing," had 

it not been for my four-year-old son, Steven, who excitedly called my attention to our black and white TV to watch that signature event. From that time 

on, I was hooked. 

Like many science writers and reporters of that day, I had a gut feeling that 

the new NASA space odyssey was going to be the biggest story in my lifetime and I had to get close to it. Shortly after that historic day in 1961, a close 

friend of mine, Zack Strickland, told me that NASA needed a writer at the 

Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) in Huntsville, Alabama. Zack put in a 

good word for me at the Marshall Public Affairs Office and I was on my way. 

Another long-time friend, Jim Funkhouser, was already with NASA and 

escorted me all around the MSFC. Jim gave me a most informative and inspiring orientation that I carried in the back of my mind throughout my career 

with NASA. 

At Huntsville, I had to pinch myself sometimes when I would wind up in the 

presence of Dr. Wernher von Braun, listening to astonishing plans for colonizing 

the Moon and flying out to Mars with an armada of electric-powered spaceships. 

Von Braun used to quip, "Electric propulsion is the best way to travel to Mars, 

but where are we going to find an extension cord that long!" Because of his 

unbelievable charisma, none of us doubted that he would someday come up with 

that magical connection. To say the least, I was awed by the whole experience, 

and to this day I sometimes find the entire space encounter as unbelievable as the 

xiii 
xiv 

Aerospace Engineering at Mississippi State University. 

It has been my most sincere wish that we sustain the sse tradition of 

excellence with this book so that it will prove useful as it demonstrates that 

"what is past is prologue" to those who come after us at Stennis Space 

Center. Also, I am one of those cursed people, forced since birth to "save" 

everything that ever touched my fingers. During the 35 years I have been 

associated with NASA, I have packed away letters, memos, flight-plans, 

agendas, patches, pictures, notes, speeches, astronaut recovery maps, and literally hundreds of pounds of other assorted space-related documents. They 

had to be used somewhere! 

These materials provided a beginning for our pursuit of acceptable archives 

at the SSC in 1990. Since its inception, Roy has supported the effort to establish an official historical records collection. In addition to Roy's desire to 

preserve the "rich history of the Stennis Center," there is a NASA directive 

charging all center directors to ensure the safe-keeping of historical documents and materials. By October 1994, when I finally answered the call to 

write this book, we had at least 5,000 documents in our computer database. I 

can conservatively say that about 80 percent of the primary and secondary 

evidence in this volume came from the SSC Historical Records Collection. 

Our research did not rest, however, with locally accessed research material. Documents from the Library of Congress, National Defense Library, the 

history offices at NASA Headquarters, Johnson Space Center, Kennedy 

Space Center, and Marshall Space Flight Center were also examined. In 

addition, we personally interviewed more than 100 people who were knowledgeable of NASA programs and the Stennis Center. Also at our disposal 

was a 21-volume oral history collection developed by the University of 

Southern Mississippi that proved an excellent source to help document our 
XV 

perform an important function. I used that knowledge as a moving guide from 

the past to take me through the historical roads and seductive side-paths in my 

mind leading to the materials and people that could help keep the record 

straight. In fact there were many surprises for me as I attempted to untangle 

the quagmire of data often created in historical research. One thing about this 

book that the reader can count on: it is accurate to the very best of my ability 

and that of the many Stennis Space Center past and present employees who 

helped with the interviews and readings of the chapters. 

What should the reader look for in the methodology and structure of this 

book? I tried to follow Lewis Carroll's advice from Alice In Wonderland. 

When Alice was trying to tell the Red Queen what has happened but found herself confused, the Queen advised, "Start at the beginning, go through to the end 

and then stop" What I have done here is start at "A beginning," go through to 

"An end" and then stop! Since Way Station ... brings the reader right up to the 

present time, the last chapter and epilogue were more like reporting the news, 

real time, than writing history. Fun, but very difficult. 

Dr. von Braun, in a 1966 letter to George Alexander of Aviation Week, 

stated: "The real purpose of MTF [Stennis Space Center] in its broadest context is to provide the United States with a capability during the next twenty to 

fifty years for captive test-firing large space vehicle systems." The famed 

rocket scientist said that the construction of the test facility was an "act of 

faith" that the nation wanted a preeminent spaceflight capability for "the 

indefinite future." 

The relentless pursuit of the von Braun dream and the efforts of the small 

NASA "can do" team to fulfill the destiny of the Stennis Space Center to 

become NASA's "Center of Excellence" for rocket propulsion testing are 

illustrated. Indeed, the reader follows the Stennis Center under the leadership 
xvi 

sister field installations. For instance, the SSC was conceived and built from 

the ground up, during the early phases of the Apollo program in the early 

1960s. Since the Stennis Space Center had virtually no roots before the 

Apollo era, save that of an offspring or component of the MSFC, the reader 

will find it interesting to follow the growth of the facility from its birth from 

Mother Marshall, through adolescence, and into rebellious teenage years as 

Stennis Space Center grew into full-blown adulthood. Sometimes, too, these 

growing pains and the quest for independence produced conflict within the 

NASA family. 

A study of the Stennis Space Center will give the reader an understanding of the numerous types of engineers, technicians, and other personnel it 

took to make America's space program successful. Every discipline of engineering came together to build the Stennis Space Center and test the giant 

Saturn V boosters. In fact, many of these men and women have stayed at the 

facility and continue to test the Space Shuttle Main Engines, and the commercial, reusable, and expendable vehicles presently under development. In 

addition to the "smoke and fire" rocket test people, another breed of scientists 

and researchers came in during the 1970s to establish the multiagency complex, unique to the United States government. How this transition was carried 

off by Jackson Bach, then director of the SSC, and his small staff as they 

began to "reinvent" government is a different and interesting story. 

Finally, as the reader moves from "A to Z," he or she will no doubt discover that the Stennis Space Center was blessed with what I refer to as 

"superb leadership." Senator John C. Stennis, who walks the pages of this history from beginning to end, was an ardent supporter of the facility. Captain 

Bill Fortune came to south Mississippi and rallied the troops and the community to get it all going. Jackson Balch added a new dimension with his 
xvii 

These people, who are rarely mentioned in the printed pages of this book, are 

the real heroes of the SSC. It is my greatest regret that the hundreds and thousands of employees, government and contractor, are not each mentioned in 

this work. Von Braun often commented during the early years: "I don't know 

yet what method we will use to get to the Moon, but I do know that we have 

to go through Mississippi to get there!" Way Station to Space is about that part 

of America's space story that did happen at a "way station," along the route to 

space, called the John C. Stennis Space Center. 

I fully realize that my long association with the SSC has been a rare 

opportunity for a historian. Most scholars have to rely on bits and pieces of 

letters and documents to complete their work. "Being there" is no doubt a 

great advantage and I am appreciative of that opportunity. 

Let us now roll back the clock to a past time when America was about to 

set out on the world's greatest journey, and the pastoral communities along the 

Pearl River in Mississippi were about to be swept up into the epoch that 

changed forever the destiny of the human race. 

Decision for Mississippi 

The Challenge 

B efore 25 October 1961, few people in America knew that the piney 

woods and cypress swamps along the Pearl River in Hancock 

County, Mississippi, would be transformed into a futuristic rockettesting facility and become a vital part of America's Apollo lunar landing 

program. People living along this river received the news in disbelief when 

the announcement came over the radio, and again later as stark headlines 

in morning newspapers proclaimed, "Uncle Sam to Testfire Moon Rockets 

in State." 1 

The rocket-testing facility was a part of President John F. Kennedy's 

space exploration challenge to the American people. Just five months to the 

day before the announcement to build the test facility in Mississippi, 

President Kennedy (1917-1963) stood before a joint session of Congress 

and delivered what has been billed as his second State of the Union 

Address-this one entitled "Urgent National Needs"-exclaiming support 

for freedom around the world, and casting the Apollo program as a battle 

I. "Uncle Sam To Testfire Moon Rockets In State," The (Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as 

The Clarion-Ledger), 26 October 1961. 

1 
on 4 October 1957, struck at the heart of American pride, causing a rise in 

national ire and an apparent will to respond no matter what the cost? 

Mississippi Senator John C. Stennis (1901-1995)(D-Mississippi), 

aroused by Sputnik, was an early supporter of the American space program. 

Filled with national pride, and believing that his home state had the ability to 

answer the President's call, Stennis gave America's space program high priority. President Kennedy called on Stennis to encourage congressional 

passage of increases for space-related spending. Senator Stennis became an 

ardent advocate of the space program and a steadfast defender of the testing 

facility established in his home state. Recognition of his dedication came 

when President Ronald Reagan (1911- ) honored him in 1988 by renaming 

the Mississippi facility the NASA John C. Stennis Space Center (SSC).4 

A Distinguished Lineage 

The roots of the SSC can be traced to the earliest days of modern rocketry 

in pre-World War II Germany, and in this country to the red-clay bottom land 

at the foot of Green Mountain along the Tennessee River in northern Alabama. 

The Apollo program fulfilled the dreams of famed rocket scientist Dr. Wernher 

2. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1962), pp. 

403-405; Also see Daily Journal ofWemher von Braun, 1962 "Telephone Conversation Dr. von Braun/Or. 

Holmes," 21 November 1962. 

3. Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History of the U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing Co., 

1994),pp.24-26,56. 

4. Roger E. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn: A Technological History of the Saturn Launch Vehicle (Washington, DC: 

NASA SP-4206, 1980), pp. 70-74; "NASA Dedicates John C. Stennis Space Center," Lagniappe, 29 August 

1988, located in the Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection at Stennis Space Center, MS 

(henceforth referred to as SSCHRC). 

2 
Braun and his German colleagues learned from their very earliest experiments 

in Germany that much time, energy, and cost could be saved by thoroughly 

testing the rocket booster hardware before sending it skyward.6 

It was this philosophy of rocket testing that dictated the absolute need for 

the rocket-testing facilities in Mississippi, which would become a national 

proving ground for the first and second stages of the giant Saturn V Moon 

rockets. The managers of the rocket-testing program in Alabama and in 

Mississippi were members of the "original von Braun team" of German 

rocket technicians who pioneered modem rocketry during the 1930s at 

Hitler's facility at Peenemunde on the Baltic Sea.7 

Von Braun, born in Wirsitz, Germany, on 23 March 1912, conducted his 

first practical rocket experiment when he was a youngster living in Berlin. By 

age 13, von Braun developed a genuine interest in rockets and space travel. In 

1932, he earned a bachelor's degree in mechanical engineering at the Berlin 

Institute of Technology, and at age 20 entered the University of Berlin. In 

1937, von Braun became technical director of the Peenemunde Rocket Center. 8 

At Peenemunde, von Braun's organization concentrated on developing 

the A-4long-range ballistic missile, which later saw operational use under the 

better known designation "V-2." In the closing days of World War II in 1945, 

5. Erik Bergaust, Wernher von Braun (Binghampton, NY: Vail-Ballou, 1976), pp. 48, 146, 200; For additional 

information see Ruth G. Saurma, Dr. Wernher von Braun Biographical Data and the German Rocket Team: 

A Chronology 1927-1980 (Huntsville, AL: MSFC Historical Records Collection, 1990). For information 

regarding transfer of the Development Operations Division of the ABMA to NASA, see "U.S. Congress and 

Senate Committee on Aeronautical and Space Science," 86th Congress, 2nd Session, Transfer of von Braun 

Team To NASA (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1960). 

6. Ibid. 

7. Bergaust, Wernher von Braun, pp. 62, 204; For biographical information of von Braun, see John Martin Scott, 

Countdown to Encounter: von Braun and the Astronauts (Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, 1979); Willy 

Ley, Rockets, Missiles, and Men in Space (New York: Viking Press, 1968). 

8. Ibid.; Paul O'Neil, "The Splendid Anachronism of Huntsville," Fortune, June 1962. 

3 
States in what was known as "Project" or "Operation Paperclip." The American 

Army was at a loss as to what to do with the captured rocket scientists. 

Consequently, the Germans were settled at Fort Bliss, Texas, where, for the 

next few years, they shot off old V-2s, played soccer, and dreamed of putting a 

satellite into orbit. 10 

While the Germans were in Texas, the Soviets were busy developing 

boosters and other hardware for use in a missile and space program. In 

describing this period of inactivity in Texas, von Braun said: "The United 

States had no ballistic missile program worth mentioning between 1945 and 

1951. Those six years during which the Russians obviously laid the groundwork for their large rocket program were irretrievably lost." 11 

The Army used the advent of the Korean War in 1950 to gain support for 

a missile program and the von Braun team was moved to Huntsville, 

Alabama, as part of that expanded effort. Once in Huntsville, the Germans 

began working with American scientists, engineers, and technicians on a 

familiar task-developing missiles for military use. 12 

Von Braun's leadership qualities and his abilities as a team builder helped 

develop the working relationships needed to mold the Germans and the 

Americans into one cohesive team. Von Braun was a tall, muscular man who 

stood out in a crowd with a natural charisma that seemed to draw the atten9. Walter Wiesman, interview by Mack Herring, Huntsville, AL, January 1962, notes in "Mack Herring's 

Journal," p. 16, SSCHRC. For a description of "Project" or "Operation Paperclip," see Clarence G. Las by, 

Project Paperclip (New York: Antheneum, 1971); Bill Winterstein, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, 

MS, Aprill963, notes in "Mack Herring Journal," p. 22, SSCHRC. 

10. O'Neil, "The Splendid Anachronism of Huntsville." 

11. Ibid.; Roger Launius, interview by Mack Herring, telephone, December 1994. The author learned additional 

information about the von Braun team in Texas during a telephone conversation with Roger Launius, 

December 1994. 

12. Bergaust, Wernher von Braun, p. 177. 

4 
g py

(1908-1973)(D-Texas) emerged as a key figure in the planning and development of American space policy. He called for a congressional review of the 

American space program and spearheaded a drive in Congress to create 

NASA out of the old National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA). 

President Eisenhower signed a bill into law on 29 July 1958, supporting this 

change and creating the powerful new civilian space agency. The conversion 

officially took place 1 October 1958. 14 

With NASA up and going, additional resources were needed to conduct 

the proposed space program. NASA first set out to acquire the highly successful von Braun rocket development team at Redstone Arsenal. Initially, the 

Army balked and offered a counterproposal that would allow the team to work 

for NASA on an as-needed basis. The Army's proposal was not acceptable to 

NASA. A firmer commitment to fulfill its mission as an organization dedicated to the "peaceful exploration of space" was needed at NASA. Finally, the 

Army transferred the 4,000-person Army Ballistic Missile Agency (ABMA) 

Development Operations Division at Redstone Arsenal, along with the Saturn 

program, to NASA in July 1960. President Eisenhower christened the new 

NASA George C. Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC), in Huntsville, 

Alabama, named after the respected general who had been Secretary of State 

and Secretary of Defense, and author of the Marshall Plan. 15 

With the transfer, NASA acquired the big booster capabilities it sought, 

and von Braun and his colleagues at the ABMA Redstone Arsenal prepared 

elaborate plans for the development of large rockets for spaceflight. Von 

Braun was a consistent advocate of an accelerated program to land an 

13. Launius, NASA: A History, pp. 32-35; Doris Kearns, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York: 

Harper and Row, 1976), pp. 144-45. 

14. Launius, NASA: A History, pp. 29-32. 

15. Launius, NASA: A History, p. 34; John M. Logsdon, "The Decision," Look, special edition, 1969. 

5 
address, which included, "! believe th

nation should commit itself to achieving t

goal, before this decade is out, of landing 

man on the moon and returning him safe

to the Earth." (SSC Portrait File) 

In his 1960 presidential campaign, John F. Kennedy criticized th

Eisenhower Administration's lack of attention to the space program. In h

campaign speeches, Kennedy stressed the "missile gap," and in his 1961 ina

gural address, the new President promised bold, new initiatives "to get th

country moving again." Kennedy assigned Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnso

the responsibility for space activities and James E. Webb was named NAS

Administrator. Webb possessed strong leadership qualities, business savv

and experience in governmental affairs. 17 

Kennedy might have continued a conservative approach to space matter

but Sputnik and the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba raised the stakes 

the Cold War. Eager to restore America's prestige, Kennedy admitted his mi

take in not being better prepared for the Cuban invasion, and he met wi

people who asked tough questions about how to shift the space program in

high gear. Following one such meeting in April 1961, Kennedy drafted a mem

16. Launius, NASA: A History, pp. 34-35. 

17. Ibid. , p. 55 

6 
completing a trip around the Moon, landing a rocket on the Moon, or sending 

a man to the Moon and back to Earth. Kennedy left no doubt that he believed 

the nation should mobilize in order to beat the Soviets to the Moon. 18 

Indeed, the memorandum to Johnson placed executive expediency on 

the development of "rockets and boosters," and it stressed that increased 

effort, strict timetables, and total commitment to a lunar landing mission 

should be made. Kennedy's memorandum was used in the years to come to 

justify the monumental decisions by scientists and engineers to plan, build, 

and operate giant new facilities for the manufacture, test, and launch of 

Apollo program rockets. 19 

After receiving the President's memorandum, Johnson conferred with 

scientific, political, and business leaders about a response to the President. 

He consulted Wernher von Braun, who responded that the country had an 

"excellent chance" of beating the Soviets to the Moon. Von Braun even predicted optimistic target dates of 1967 or 1968. 20 

Johnson then polled political leaders and searched for supporters. The 

Vice-President relied on Senator Robert Kerr (D-Oklahoma), chairman of 

the Senate Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee, to help calm concerns of other congressional leaders about the usefulness of the lunar landing 

program. Meanwhile, Johnson responded to the President's memorandum 

with an "interim" report recommending a lunar landing. As President 

Kennedy studied Johnson's report, the nation was lifted by the successful 

18. William Manchester, One Brief Shining Moment (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1983), pp. 227 and 

233; John Barbour, Footprints on the Moon (USA: American Book-Stratford Press, Inc., 1969), p. 6; 

Launius, "Memorandum for the Vice-President, 20 April 1961," NASA: A History, pp. 173-74; Nancy Gager 

Clinch, The Kennedy Neurosis (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1973), pp. 185-86. 

19. Launius, NASA: A History, pp. 60-63. 

20. Ibid. 

7 
was the Shepard flight that convinced Kennedy the nation was ready for this 

bold new endeavor. Kennedy announced on 25 May 1961 that the time had 

come to go to the Moon. The countdown began for a landing on the Moon 

before the end of the decade. 22 

The Space Crescent 

The lunar landing program breathed life into the "New South" notion 

first proposed by southern newspaper editors and businessmen following the 

Civil War. Prior to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's (1882-1945) New 

Deal, economic change in the New South was non-existent, except for the 

emergence of textile and steel mills and the enlargement of a few Gulf of 

Mexico and Atlantic Ocean ports. For all practical purposes, World War II 

was, for the New South and especially Mississippi, a "watershed" in terms 

of industrialization and economic growth. 23 

During World War II, the tripartite partnership that developed between 

the aviation industry, the military air arm, and NACA continued into the jet 

and guided-missile age. Many military airfields built in the South during the 

1930s became permanent fixtures. These military installations attracted 

aerospace industries from California and the eastern seaboard states. The 

21. W. Henry Lambright, Powering Apollo: James E. Webb of NASA (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1995), 

p. 182; AI Hall, ed., A Giant Leap for Mankind, vol. 4 of Man in Space (Los Angeles: Petersen Publishing 

Company, 1974), pp. 128-29; Lawrence Suid, "Kennedy, Apollo, and the Columbus Factor" (paper presented at American University, Washington, DC, October 1993), pp. 15-16, SSCHRC. 

22. Hall, A Giant Leap, pp. 128-29. 

23. George B. Tindall, The Emergence of the New South 1913-1945, vol. 13 of A History of the South (Baton 

Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967), pp. 70-71, 730-31; John R. Skates, Jr., "World War II as a 

Watershed in Mississippi History," Journal of Mississippi History, vol. 37 (May 1975), pp. 131-42. 

8 
control, and launch facilities would be needed for the giant space vehicles. 

When the decision was made to implement the Apollo program and go to the 

Moon, work was under way in Huntsville on a 1.5-million-pound-thrust 

Saturn I booster. Plans were also being drawn for a much larger booster called 

the "Advanced Saturn." The new booster, which became known as the Saturn 

V, was designed to produce 7.5-million pounds of thrust. Conceptual studies 

were being made for a super rocket, with 12- to 20-million pounds of thrust, 

known as Nova. Such a rocket could be used for a direct, round-trip mission 

to the Moon. 25 

To land on the Moon, scientists at several NASA Centers studied three 

basic schemes: (1) Direct ascent using Nova (go to the Moon and return without orbital rendezvous either in Earth or Moon orbits); (2) Earth-Orbit 

Rendezvous (EOR) (scheme whereby the major components would be assembled in Earth orbit, with a launch to the Moon from the orbit); and (3) 

Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous (LOR) (maneuver whereby the craft travels into 

orbit around the Moon, lands on the Moon's surface, and returns to dock with 

a mothercraft orbiting around the Moon for the return trip to Earth). After two 

years of study and debate, LOR was chosen as the method for the lunar mission and Saturn V as the launch vehicle. 26 

It was soon apparent that even the extensive Huntsville MSFC missiletesting facilities were not adequate for testing a Nova-class rocket. 

Furthermore, Huntsville could not support the rocket booster production 

schedules required by the rigid timetable of a Moon mission. Serious 

24. Loyd S. Swenson, Jr., "The Fertile Crescent: The South's Role in the National Space Program," Southwestern 

Historical Quarterly, vol. 71 (January 1968), pp. 382-87; Edward R. Ling, Sr., The Space Crescent: The 

Untold Story (Huntsville, AL: The Strode Publishers, 1984), p. 24. 

25. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn, pp. 60-74. 

26. Ibid. 

9 
announcement to that effect on 21 August 1961. First c

Operations Complex, in late 1963 the Cape Canaveral site 

John F. Kennedy Space Center (KSC), commemorating th

devotion to space exploration.28 

On 7 September 1961, NASA selected the governmen

defense plant near New Orleans, Louisiana, for manufa

space-vehicle stages. The complex spread over 846 acres, 

inland waterways, and provided 1,869,020 square feet of f

beginning of World War II, the Michoud site was selecte

build cargo vessels, and a deep-water channel was dredge

yard with the intracoastal waterway. The shipyard plan wa

the type of ship to be built was replaced by another design

NASA then announced the "space flight laboratory" w

Houston, Texas, on 1,000 acres of land made available by 

The new Texas laboratory would house the Space Task 

located at Langley Field, Virginia. The Texas location, only 

Gulf of Mexico, became the Manned Spacecraft Center (M

sibility for development of the spacecraft, mission contr

training. In 1973, the MSC was renamed the Lyndon B. Joh

(JSC) to honor the man that many considered one of the fo

America's space program.30 

27. Ibid. 

28. Kennedy Space Center, Kennedy Space Center Story (NASA Kennedy Space C

Center Publications, 1972), p. 4. 

29. NASA-MSFC News Release, 21 June 1961, SSCHRC. 

30. Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came. . . A History of the Johnson Space 

NASA, SP-4307, 1993), pp. 39-43; Swenson, "The Fertile Crescent," pp. 386-8

10 
pp, py ppppg

solid reasoning. A great number of airbases had been located in t

states to take advantage of the warm climate and longer perio

weather flying. These same conditions were needed for testing an

rockets. The great size of the rockets dictated that they be tran

water along interconnected routes, and the South possessed the

dance.\Finally, powerful southern Democrats with seniority in th

obviously had a political bearing on the development of military 

enterprises in the South. 32 

The Space Crescent was to have far-reaching effects on th

region for many years to come. Money and jobs flowing into the 

fiscal years 1962 and 1963 amounted to almost $2.5 billion, which 

for one-fourth of America's space budget. During these same two 

$260 million were committed to construction of the Mississippi te

new Mississippi facility created approximately 9,000 new jobs, g

total annual income of $65 million in southern Mississippi and L

Search For the Test Site 

The search for a site to test rockets for the Apollo lunar landi

was complex and difficult, but speedily executed. An ad hoc site sel

mittee was assembled at the MSFC to evaluate possible areas in w

Saturn and Nova-class rockets. The committee was comprised of tw

from NASA Headquarters, with the rest of the members from vario

31. Swenson, "The Fertile Crescent," p. 388. 

32. Ibid; Ad Hoc Selection Committee, "Launch Vehicle Test Site Evaluation," 26 August 196

33. Swenson, "The Fertile Crescent," p. 388. 
gp

program schedules would have the highest national priority; and the transportation of related materiel would be by water.35 

The site selection committee also determined that the ideal test site had to 

meet these requirements: isolation from populated communities (because of 

the noise associated with the boosters); accessibility by water and highway; 

availability of utilities; supporting communities within 50 miles; and a climate permitting year-round testing. The committee screened all existing 

government facilities fitting the selection guidelines and then eliminated several hundred by map studies. When the committee considered water 

transportation and isolation criteria, the list was further reduced to 33 potential sites. Additional investigation cut the proposed list to six finalists: New 

Orleans (at a site 34 miles southeast of the city on the Bayou La Loutre peninsula); Brownsville and Corpus Christi, Texas; Cumberland Island, Georgia; 

Eglin Air Force Base, Florida; and the Pearl River site in Mississippi.36 

Members of the committee made some onsite inspections between 9 August 

and 17 August 1961 in order to improve their existing evaluations. The Pearl 

River site was among those designated for closer examination. Although not 

a member of the selection team, von Braun appointed Bernard Tessman, a 

German colleague at Peenemunde and Deputy Director of the MSFC Test 

Laboratory, to go on the site evaluation trip to Mississippi. Tessman recalled 

how unsuspecting the residents were of the intentions of the investigating 

team. "We made some trips through the Pearl River [site] by boat with the district engineers. We met some people, but they were all so friendly and invited 

us for a cup of coffee and would ask questions." Tessman said he was 

34. Ad Hoc Committee, "Test Site Evaluation." 

35. Ibid. 

36. Ibid. 

12 
6Yacht Club 

A MISSISSIPPI 

A 1961 map shows the location of the Mississippi rocket testing site, 45 miles east of 

New Orleans, along the East Pearl River in Hancock County, MS. The 13,800-acre 

"fee" area, or the fenced-in main portion of the rocket site, is shown in the center. 

The 125,071-acre acoustic buffer zone extends outward about six miles. (Originally 

published in the Mississippi Monitor) 

13 
best because of its location on navigable water, proximity to the Michaud 

plant in New Orleans (35 miles), sparsely populated area, and closeness to 

support communities. These findings were forwarded to NASA Administrator 

Webb on 26 August 1961.38 

NASA maintained the decision was based purely on the merits of the 

Pearl River location. Not everyone agreed, and some suggested that Senator 

Stennis exerted influence on NASA. Stennis's former press secretary and 

assistant, Rex Buffington, verified that Stennis often spoke of how he asked 

Senator Kerr, a powerful supporter of the space program, to consider locating 

some space enterprises in Mississippi. 39 

A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., who later became Chief of Operations at the SSC, 

remembered yet another version of the site selection process. Rogers, a native 

of Gulfport, Mississippi, recounted an incident that occurred at the MSFC 

when he was a young engineer. Rogers occupied an office near the conference 

room where the meeting of the site evaluation committee transpired. During 

a coffeebreak, Rogers talked to an acquaintance who served on the committee and showed him the Pearl River site on an old Standard Oil roadmap, an 

area Rogers traveled as a youngster. Rogers believed the coffeebreak incident 

caused the Pearl River site to be added to the list of six finalists. All of these 

stories regarding the selection could be true. Stennis certainly had the political clout to influence the decision, and the Rogers incident could have 

pinpointed the setting along the Pearl River. In any event, the choice proved 

to be a sound one.40 

37. Heimburg and Bernard R. Tessman, interview by Charles Bolton, Huntsville, AL, Mississippi Oral History 

Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 399, 6 March 1992, SSCHRC. 

38. Ad Hoc Committee, "Test Site Evaluation." 

39. Rex Buffington, telephone interview by Mack Herring, Starkville, MS, December 1994, notes in SSCHRC. 

40. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, December 1994, SSCHRC. 

14 
cept not fully discarded until 1962. Such a rocket could not be tested in the 

heavily populated Huntsville area. Moreover, without a new site, future production testing would be limited.41 

In the face of Heimburg's dissenting view, Tessman defended the 

Mississippi choice. He stated that he was " ... personally happy ... that we 

have the facilities in Mississippi because, after our time, there are some others 

to come." Tessman then said, "I still hear Wernher von Braun say, 'Tess, don't 

plan only for today; plan for the future generations."' Indeed, von Braun, in a 

letter to George Alexander of Aviation Week, revealed that the real purpose of 

the Mississippi facility was to provide the United States with the capability 

for captive test firing large space vehicles for "the next 25-50 years."42 

With the discussions and evaluations finished, the committee concluded its 

work, forwarding a report to NASA Administrator Webb on 26 August 1961. 

The public release on 25 October 1961 announcing selection of the Pearl 

River site came as a surprise to practically everyone. NASA confirmed that it 

"had moved" to acquire 13,500 acres in southwest Mississippi as a test site 

for Saturn V and Nova-class vehicles. People in the Pearl River area were 

shocked to learn that NASA intended to acquire easement rights to about 

128,000 acres surrounding the test site, taking in 103,000 acres in Pearl River 

and Hancock Counties, Mississippi, and 25,000 acres in St. Tammany Parish, 

Louisiana. The announcement awakened the residents of the sleepy communities along the Pearl River, and left them in a quandary of momentous 

proportions. 43 

41. Heimburg and Tessman, interview. 

42. Ibid.; Wemher von Braun to George Alexander, 23 December 1965, SSCHRC. 

43. NASA-MSFC News Release, 25 October 1961, SSCHRC. It is important to note that the NASA News 

Release dated 25 October 1961 reflected "round" numbers when it stated: "The National Aeronautics and 

15 
16 

NASA officials in public speeches and statements. Because of the differing accounting of the acreage, 

SSC officials conducted a survey of the fee area and buffer zone land in 1996. The results of this survey, 

found in the Environmental Impact Statement for Engine Technology Support for NASA's Advanced 

Transportation Program, which states that the fee area is 13,800 acres and that the buffer zone is 125,071 

acres. However, the SSC NASA Chief Counsel's office obtained a slightly different version of these 

acreages from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in February 1997. According to the Corps of Engineers 

the acreage in the fee area is 13,800.15 and in the buffer zone the acreage is 125,001.26. 
A Sense of Place 

The Setting 

Native Mississippian and Nobel laureate William Faulkner described 

the Mississippi Gulf Coast as an area in which "the pine barrens and 

moss-hung live oaks give way to grassy marshes so flat and low and 

treeless that they seem less of earth than water. More of a beginning of the sea 

than an end to the land." Indeed, the Pearl River meanders like a sluggish 

water moccasin through the seaboard of Mississippi, creeping by the high 

bluffs at the site that is now Stennis Space Center. This deep river flows on 

through pristine cypress swamps, merging downstream with prairies of salt 

marsh before emptying its dark currents into the sparkling waters of the Gulf 

of Mexico.' 

Likewise, the land that borders the Pearl River is part of a low-lying region 

extending 10 to 20 miles inland from the coastline, aptly named the Coastal 

Plain Meadows. Because of the region's distinct topography, its streams flow 

toward the Gulf with only moderate force and become tepid toward the coastline. The soil is gray and sandy, but in the low swampy meadows, where water 

1. James B. Meriwether, ed., Mississippi Essays, Speeches, and Public Letters by William Faulkner (New York: 

Random House, 1965), p. 11. 

17 
, p, pp

the Gulf Coast in 1969. Its howling winds, clocked at over 200 miles per hour, 

created a 27-foot tidal wave that killed hundreds and left thousands homeless. 

In 1965, however, Hurricane Betsy brought death and destruction to New 

Orleans and Bay St. Louis, and an unnamed 194 7 hurricane left the entire 

Mississippi coastline in shambles. If it were not for a chain of low, sandy 

keys, or barrier islands, that serve as a buffer, the coast would fall prey to even 

more storms and squalls swept toward shore from the deeper waters of the 

Gulf. The calm, shallow water between the barrier islands and the shoreline, 

known as the Mississippi Sound, offers a lagoon of modest protection.4 

Along The Pearl 

Indians were the first people to inhabit the lands along the Pearl River, as 

the natural resources along the river were a lure and a virtual paradise. 

Evidence indicates they settled in the area 4,000 years before the arrival of 

European explorers. The Acolapissas, an offshoot of the Choctaws, were 

living on the banks of the Pearl during the early 1600s. In 1699, Pierre 

LeMoyne Sieur d'Iberbille, a French-Canadian explorer, sailed up the river 

from the Gulf of Mexico. He discovered large oysters on its banks and optimistically christened it the "Pearl River."5 

2. Mississippi, the WPA Guide to The Magnolia State (New York: Viking Press, 1938), pp. 34-35, 40, 50; For a 

history of the State of Mississippi, see John R. Skates's Mississippi, a Bicentennial History (New York: 

Norton, 1979). 

3. Caroline Keifer, "Hancock County," Coast Area Mississippi Monitor 1961-1962, Bay St. Louis, MS, 1962, p. 19. 

4. Ibid.; Staff of The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald, "The Story of Hurricane Camille" (Gulfport, MS: Gulf 

Publishing Company, 1969). 

5. "Mississippi Will Test The Rocket That Will Put A Man On The Moon," Mississippi Magic, Jackson, MS, May 

1963, pp. 3-5. 

18 
Territory. Eventually, the area became known for its large sawmills fed by 

timber from the vast pine forests of southern Mississippi and Louisiana.7 

The town of Gainesville received its name from Dr. Ambrose Gaines. In 

1810, he came to the area, known then as Cottonport, and found most of the 

choice property along the Pearl River still available. As a result, he petitioned 

Spanish authorities for a land grant of more than 500 acres. After acquiring 

the grant, Gaines laid out a new town he first called Gaines Bluff, but changed 

later to Gainesville. 8 

An industrious young man, J.W. Poitevent moved to Gainesville in 1832 

and established the Pearl River Lumber Company. This sawmill proved to be 

very successful and Poitevent later moved downriver and opened another mill 

in Pearlington. 9 

As the logging and timber business boomed, a small sawmill was erected 

five miles downriver from Gainesville at Logtown. Logtown, originally an 

Indian site, was settled by early French pioneers who named it Chalons after 

a city in France; the town was later renamed Logtown by English-speaking 

settlers. E.G. Goddard of Michigan constructed the first good-sized sawmill 

in Logtown; and, in 1848, Henry Weston founded the H. Weston Lumber 

Company, which helped turn Logtown into one of the largest lumbering centers in the United States. At its peak, Logtown had approximately 3,000 

residents, and most of them were associated with the lumber business. 10 

6. "Historical Resume, Mississippi Test Operations," George C. Marshall Space Flight Center, Stennis Space 

Center Historical Record Collection at Stennis Space Center, MS (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC), p. 2. 

7. Suzanne Grafton, "Formation of the John C. Stennis Space Center" (unpublished paper, University of Southern 

Mississippi, no date), SSCHRC. 

8. S.G. Thigpen, Pearl River: Highway To Glory Land (Kingsport, TN: Kingsport Press, 1966), pp. 27-28. 

9. Carol Fox, "Gaines Bluff: 19th Century Town" (unpublished paper, University of New Orleans, 1994), 

SSCHRC. 

10. Ibid. 

19 
The H. Weston Lumber Co. sawmill, founded in 1848, was said to be the largest in the Unit

States. The sawmill was the hub of activity and employment in the community of Logtown, o

of five communities that existed where Stennis Space Center is now located. (SSC Roll Negativ

The prosperity of the river towns continued until the coming of the ra

roads in the latter half of the 1800s. Ironically, the sawmills along the Pea

River furnished most of the timber for the construction of the railroads. The

railroads contributed heavily toward the demise of the Pearl River commun

ties and toward the growth of the towns along the Mississippi Gu

Coast-Waveland, Bay St. Louis, Pass Christian, Mississippi City, Bilox

and Ocean Springs. Sawmills located in Gainesville moved north to loca

along the railroad. The town of Picayune was built on the railroad, two mil

north of Nicholson, and named after the Daily Picayune, a New Orlea

newspaper that sold for "one Picayune," the equivalent of a Spanish co

worth 6-114 cents. 11 

II. Charles L. Sullivan, The Mississippi Gulf Coast: Portrait of a People (Northridge, CA: Windsor Publicatio

1985), p. 105; Fact Sheet, "History of Pearl River County" (Picayune, MS: Picayune Chamber 

Commerce, ud.), SSCHRC. 

20 
gg

y y, 

of the Great Depression of the 1930s compounded their problems. 13 

Logtown, with 3,000 residents at the peak of the timber boom, could claim 

only 250 residents in 1961. Gainesville, once the county seat and economic 

center for the entire area, had only one store left to serve its 35 families and 

100 residents. The hotels, stores, taverns, and most of the homes of 

Gainesville had vanished. The streets and roads that had once been the arteries of a carefully planned town were barely visible in the dense forest on the 

Pearl River. 14 

Roy Baxter, Jr., was among those in the Logtown area at the time NASA 

arrived in 1961. Baxter often flew fishermen out to the barrier islands in the 

Gulf of Mexico on a Cessna 180 seaplane that he co-owned with a friend. On 

25 October, he had been to New Orleans to gas up his plane for a fishing trip 

the next day. While flying home, he looked at his watch and noticed it was 

time for the five o'clock news from the radio station WWL in New Orleans. 

Missing some of the report, Baxter heard enough to be alarmed and puzzled 

as he learned that the federal government was going to acquire vast amounts 

of land by eminent domain along the Pearl River and build a facility to test 

rockets bound for the Moon. When he landed and taxied the plane up to its 

dock, his mother met him on the banks of the river and said, "We've got some 

bad news." 15 

At first, many people in the Logtown area did not comprehend the full 

extent of the federal government's plan. Baxter himself looked up the term 

12. Grafton, "Formation of the John C. Stennis Space Center." 

13. Ibid. 

14. Ron Bailey, Life Magazine, 26 September 1964, p. 3; William R. Matkin, interview by Johnny Mann, video 

tape, SSC, MS, October 1991, SSCHRC. 

15. Roy Baxter, Jr., interview by Henry Dethloff, Pearlington, MS, Mississippi Oral History Program, University 

of Southern Mississippi, vol. 422, 24 July 1991, SSCHRC. 

21 
p, , yg

g

ment condemns a place like this." His father replied, "Well, you go on." A 

year later, the senior Kellar died of a heart attack, even as the movers came to 

jack up his house. 17 

Other longtime residents received the news with mixed emotions. On the 

one hand, they felt confused and saddened about the prospects of being displaced. On the other hand, they looked to the future and pictured the NASA 

operation as a positive, economic force for the Gulf Coast. Leo Seal, Jr., president and chairman of the board of Hancock Bank, was one of these 

individuals. Seal, born and raised in Bay St. Louis, spent most of his adult life 

in Hancock County and recalled that people in the county received the news 

in "disbelief." Seal found it difficult to comprehend in 1961 that NASA proposed to spend such an enormous amount of money on the Mississippi 

project. An ardent supporter of the NASA project from the very beginning, 

Seal welcomed the test facility with "open arms." 18 

The (New Orleans) Times-Picayune carried a big headline that read "660 

La.-Miss. Families Must Leave Testing Site." Without delay, the federal government began the legal action necessary to acquire land for a Moon rocket 

testing site. The families that had to be relocated lived in St. Tammany Parish, 

Louisiana, and Hancock and Pearl River Counties in Mississippi. Therefore, 

the condemnation suits were filed in U.S. Courts in New Orleans, Louisiana, 

and Jackson, Mississippi, and a timetable of 2-112 years was established to 

complete the removal process. 19 

16. bid. 

17. Alton D. Kellar. interview by Charles Bolton, Hancock County, MS, Mississippi Oral History Program, 

University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 454, 16 July 1993, SSCHRC. 

18. Leo Seal, Jr., interview by Henry Dethloff, Gulfport, MS, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 482, 23 July 1991, SSCHRC. 

19. "660 La.-Miss. Families Must Leave Test Site," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune, 26 October 1961. 

22 
g

the area. This aspect of the project concerned the Senator for the rest of his 

career and played a major role in all of his dealings with NASA. 20 

Soon after the effects of dismay and excitement were being felt by residents along the Pearl River and by the state's politicians, news media 

representatives from Jackson, Mississippi; New Orleans, Lousisiana; and the 

local area descended on south Mississippi to obtain firsthand reactions. 

Emotions churned. Some people were ready "to take up arms" to defend 

their land. Roy Baxter of Logtown drove to Bay St. Louis to confer with Leo 

Seal, Sr., an influential community leader and personal friend of Senator 

Stennis. They decided to ask the Senator to meet with the people. Seal telephoned Stennis, and the Senator agreed to a meeting at Logtown on All 

Saints Day, 1 November 196U1 

If anyone had the ability to allay the people's fears and explain the need 

for the huge new project, it was John Stennis, the junior Senator from 

Mississippi. In Washington, Stennis projected the characteristics of national 

pride, self-respect, sincerity, and extreme honesty. In his home state, Stennis 

exhibited these same qualities. In fact, Stennis's childhood years on the farm, 

his education in and practice of the law, and a political career dedicated to 

judicial and patriotic endeavors prepared him to be eminently qualified to 

help the people of south Mississippi deal with their relocation problems.22 

John Cornelius Stennis, born 3 August 1901 in the Kipling community 

located about eight miles south of DeKalb, Mississippi, was educated first 

at the Mississippi Agriculture and Mechanical (A&M) College (known 

today as Mississippi State University) and then at the University of Virginia 

20. "Uncle Sam To Testfire Moon Rockets In State," The Jackson (MS) Clarion-Ledger, 26 October 1961. 

21. Roy Baxter, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, Pearlington, MS, December 1994. 

22. Biographical Sketch, "John C. Stennis, United States Senator," SSCHRC. 

23 
Law School. Stennis was elected to the U.S. Senate in a special election 

194 7 after service as a circuit judge, district prosecuting attorney, and sta

legislator. By the 1960s, his national reputation was such that Preside

Eisenhower considered him to be a man who possessed presidential-lik

qualities. Others suggested that the Senator's sound judgement and fin

legal mind qualified him for the U.S. Supreme Court. Stennis never encou

aged these recommendations. Instead, he simply affirmed his desire to serv

as Mississippi's "battling lawyer" in Washington. He brought all of the

qualities to the Logtown meeting, an event that in many ways defined h

senatorial career. 23 

A Promise At Logtown 

An estimated 1,500 people congregated on the grounds of the elementa

school at Logtown to hear Senator Stennis's speech. Local radio stations h

previously announced that Stennis and representatives from NASA and th

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers would be present to answer questions abo

the project. When Senator Stennis and the NASA and Corps representativ

23. Ibid. 

24 
in like situations by the federal government, it has worked out very well."25 

Stennis assured the land owners that the government would try to lighten 

their burden as much as possible. Moreover, Stennis solemnly declared that 

he was "under personal obligation" to help in the readjustment process. He 

then called on the patriotism of his fellow Mississippians to help in the 

nation's fight against Communism. He argued that the world situation was 

such that the "entire nation must arm to the teeth although there [was] no 

shooting war" and cited the vital nature of the space race to the success of the 

Cold War. 26 

"America's superiority of a few years ago with the atom bomb was lost 

when the Russians got a vehicle into orbit first," Stennis said. "General 

Medaris's predictions of things to come when the Commies launched Sputnik 

seemed like fantasy. But developments have shown since, that who controls 

outer space will control the Free World." Stennis explained that the static 

engine-testing operation would not be dangerous to area residents and predicted that the benefits from the installation would far outweigh any 

liabilities. 27 

Perhaps the best-remembered quotation from Stennis's rhetorical appeal 

to his fellow citizens came when he said, "There is always the thorn before 

the rose ... you have got to make some sacrifices but you will be taking part 

in greatness."28 

The courtly Senator's speech on All Saint's Day 1961 was a powerful 

"call to arms" for the residents along the Pearl River. He asked them to give 

24. "Watch For Speculators,'" Rural Electric News, December 1961, Mississippi edition. 

25. Ibid. 

26. Ibid. 

27. Ibid.; Baxter, interview by Mack Herring. 

28. "Watch For Speculators,'' Rural Electric News. 

25 
29. Ibid. 

26 
The Thorn Before the Rose 

The Corps 

With its own engineers and scientists preoccupied with the development of the space vehicles needed for the Apollo lunar 

landing mission, NASA secured the U.S. Army Corps of 

Engineers to be its agent for land acquisition and construction. Proud of its 

reputation as the "nation's builder," the Corps brought 200 years of construction experience with it when helping to build the facilities needed by 

NASA for the Apollo program.' 

One of the most formidable projects in building the NASA infrastructure 

to support the lunar landing program was the awesome task of obtaining 

over 200 square miles of land in Mississippi and Louisiana, and then constructing a unique static-testing facility in the midst of a boggy swamp and 

a desolate forest. 2 

The Mississippi project fell under the purview of the Corps located in the 

Mobile, Alabama, District, 105 miles directly east of the Pearl River site. The 

I. Historical Division, "The History of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers," Essayons (Washington, DC: U.S. 

Army Corps of Engineers EP-360-1-22, 1991), pp. 1-7. 

2. NASA-MSFC News Release, 25 October 1961, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection at Stennis 

Space Center, MS (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC). 

27 
other test site locations considered because the Pearl River site was located on 

land, whereas, the other sites included acoustic-buffer zones over water. The 

information regarding land values was gathered quietly by the Corps and provided to NASA for use in its classified test site evaluation.3 

In October 1961, Colonel D.A. Raymond, the Corps district engineer, 

announced that the Mobile District would be in charge of acquiring the land 

for the static-testing facility. He explained that the "filing" of proceedings 

with the federal courts in Jackson, Mississippi, and New Orleans, Louisiana, 

did not give the government title or possession of the land, but served to 

inform the public of the eventual operational requirements so further development in the area could not occur prior to acquisition. The filing procedure 

"froze" real estate values at their fair market price as of 25 October 1961, the 

day of the NASA press release.4 

The Corps also notified the public that representatives would soon contact landowners for permission to perform survey work and make subsurface 

explorations. The Corps of Engineers, of course, had not informed the people 

of their purpose when they sent agents to conduct the survey during the 

summer of 1961. Some residents remembered "suspicious" persons in the 

area at that time, but did not know what they were doing. One Bay St. Louis 

resident recalled renting a boat to "some strange men" who said they were 

looking for a site to test rockets. The explanation seemed so "absurd" that the 

scuttlebutt was discarded.5 

Colonel Raymond described the borders of the test site for the first time 

in his October announcement. The first land to be obtained, the "fee simple" 

3. Ad Hoc Site Selection Committee, "Launch Vehicle Test Site Evaluation," p. 67, SSCHRC. 

4. "Big Moon Shot Test Job for Mobile Engineers," The Mobile (AL) Press-Register (henceforth referred to as 

The Mobile Press-Register), 29 October 1961. 

5. Bob Torgerson, interview by Mack Herring, Bay St. Louis, MS, 8 January 1995, notes, SSCHRC. 

28 
LOUISIANA 

GULF OF MEXICO 

In reality, the fee simple area and acoustic-buffer zone were drawn 

originally as two circles. The smaller circle represented the fee area where 

the main facilities would be located, with the larger concentric circle representing the boundaries of the acoustic-buffer zone. The circles were 

shaped with "irregular" edges, to fit land-surveyed section lines, and geometrically straight lines, usually in half-sections. Mr. C.L.H. "Horton" 

Webb, secretary and recorder of the ad hoc site selection committee, drew 

This current Stennis Space Center directional map shows the main complex or "fee area," the 

buffer zone, and the center's geographical relationship to the surrounding LA and MS areas. 

Interstate Highways 10 and 59, which were not built when the site was selected in 1961, are 

clearly shown in this map. 

6. "Big Moon Shot Test Job For Mobile Engineers," The Mobile Press-Register, 29 October 1961. 

29 
gpj

could receive 125 decibels during a test. The larger circle (buffer zone) could 

receive approximately 110 decibels. Both of these sound levels could be hazardous to humans and cause structural damage to buildings not constructed 

to withstand low-frequency sound waves. The buffer zone was also designed 

to absorb the sound reverberations of approximately 20 million pounds of 

thrust, sound levels equivalent to the proposed maximum output of a Novaclass rocket. 8 

Construction of facilities for the static-testing facility was scheduled for 

the area where the government planned to acquire fee simple title. The 

landowners were told the easement area would be an adjunct to the fee area. 

The Corps also announced that a project office in the area would handle all 

phases of the real estate program. Title ownership information would be 

recorded at the same time appraisals were made for each individual tract of 

land within the fee area. After the appraisals, the plan called for negotiators 

from the Corps real estate project office to contact the landowners and reach 

a monetary agreement. Payment would be made when a settlement was 

reached. The Corps expected that real estate offers for the fee area would be 

completed before July 1962, and the residents were told that the real estate 

policy for the buffer zone would follow the same guidelines. The Corps engineers prepared a booklet describing in detail the steps in the acquisition of the 

13,500 acres in Hancock County.9 

The first real estate booklet was issued in November 1961. The booklets 

contained basic information, but did not answer the tougher legal questions 

that would arise during property negotiations. The booklets stated that further 

7. C.L.H. "Horton'' Webb, interview by Mack Herring, Huntsville, AL, 10 October 1994, notes, SSCHRC. 

8. Le1yn Nybo, interview by Mack Herring, Bay St. Louis, MS, 12 January 1995, notes, SSCHRC; Director's 

Files, "Launch Vehicle Test Site Evaluation," nd., SSCHRC. 

9. "Big Moon Shot Test Job for Mobile Engineers," The Mobile Press-Register, 29 October 1961. 

30 
y 

pg gg

The mood of the landowners in the communities had improved greatly 

after Stennis's Logtown speech and his promise of fair compensation, as 

most residents believed that Stennis would protect their rights in the negotiations. At the same time, NASA began a program of "community 

relations" with visits by Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) officials. 

Indeed, the proposed test site became the major topic of conversation in the 

communities and towns of south Mississippi. U.S. Representative William 

C. Colmer (1890-1980)(D-Mississippi), chair of the powerful House Rules 

Committee and representative of the district in which the test site was 

located, escorted a number of officials from the MSFC on a whirlwind tour 

of the area. The "get acquainted" visit was intended to promote good relations between the government and the leaders of the communities located 

around the test site. The group had lunch in Waveland, Mississippi, and 

inspected the area by motor caravan. 12 

In December, Colonel Raymond named Orrell B. "O.B." Moore as manager of the land acquisition program. In mid-January 1962, Moore opened a 

real estate project office in Bay St. Louis, Mississippi, that eventually 

employed 25-30 people. Now with many of the main players in place, the 

drama of acquiring the land and moving the people of Hancock County to 

new homes outside the buffer zone began to unfold. 13 

10. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Mobile District, "Information Concerning Land Acquisition Program for 

NASA Centralized Testing Site, Mississippi and Louisiana," 23 November 1961, SSCHRC. 

II. Ibid.; For further information regarding the moving of the cemeteries, see "MSFC/NASA Seek To Save MTF 

Cemeteries," Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as the Picayune Item), 31 January 1963. 

12. "NASA Officials Visit Here," The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 14 December 1961. 

13. "Moore to Get Land for Missile Testing Facility," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred 

to as The Daily Herald), 12 December 1961. 

31 
qp, y 

1968. Matkin developed a camraderie with the landowners, and he remembers 

how "traumatic" the experience was for people to face the Corps negotiating 

agents. "A lot of people just didn't want to leave," Matkin said. "Some of these 

people were born and raised right here in this area, maybe in the same house.'* 

Indeed, sentimental attachment to the land was a major problem the Corps 

encountered, but another more tangible dilemma hampered negotiationsland merchants who moved into the area. Senator Stennis warned landowners 

of "speculators" in his Logtown speech, and his warning soon proved true. 

Speculators moved in almost immediately, buying land in communities surrounding the borders of the test site. As a result, landowners who sold their 

property at values frozen 25 October 1961 often encountered higher prices 

when seeking to buy homes and land outside the NASA-designated area. 

Matkin and other Corps agents understood the dilemma, but the law prevented them from doing anything to compensate the residents. 15 

Land speculators flocking to the area from as far away as Houston, Texas, 

lacked any attachment to the local landowners or the communities. The speculators were ultimately hoping to sell land to the well-paid NASA employees, 

whose salaries greatly exceeded the local average. The incoming workers at 

the NASA site faced a real estate market with inflated prices. 16 

The people of Hancock and Pearl River Counties turned to Senator Stennis 

many times during the next few years as conflicts arose over land deals, negotiations, and relocation. They were faced with leaving their homes and land 

14. William R. Matkin, interview by Charles Bolton, SSC, MS, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 393,4 December 1991, SSCHRC. 

15. "Watch for Speculators," Rural Electric News, Mississippi Edition, December 1961, p. 9, SSCHRC; William 

R. Matkin, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 14 January 1995, notes, SSCHRC. 

16. "600 Beautiful Lots," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as The TimesPicayune), 27 November 1962. 

32 
of Gainesville, which included 91 residences, 2 churches, 2 stores, a nightclub, and a school, fell wholly within the area taken over by NASA. 18 

In the buffer zone, the Corps identified 97,600 acres held in large parcels by 

owners primarily interested in timber growing, which left 30,800 acres in small 

farms and homesteads. Acquisition of these easements for the acoustic-buffer 

zone involved some 2,600 property owners. The buffer zone contained 695 

homes, 14 churches, 2 schools, 17 stores, several other commercial buildings, 

and platted subdivisions containing about 7,600 building lots, of which a 

number had been sold. The buffer territory also included the romantic old community of Logtown on the Pearl River. Other smaller communities in the buffer 

zone were Santa Rosa, Napoleon, and Westonia. The estimated total cost of 

land acquisition then, excluding resettlement and road relocation costs, was 

$13,800,000. In March 1962, the NASA Headquarters Office of Manned Space 

Flight (OMSF) instructed the Corps to proceed with its land acquisition plan. 19 

In less than a month, the first real estate settlement was reached between 

the Corps and a landowner. On 12 April, Mr. and Mrs. Conley Carver of Santa 

Rosa signed an option at the real estate project office in Bay St. Louis to sell 

their home to the government. The settlement "satisfied" the Carvers. They 

described the deal as reasonable and fair, but expressed mixed emotions about 

leaving their place of birth.20 

17. Matkin, interview by Herring. 

18. Mobile District Corps of Engineers, "Mississippi Test Facility Real Estate Planning Report," 12 January 1962, 

SSCHRC. 

19. Ibid.; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996, notes, SSCHRC. 

According to Mr. Jerry Hlass, who at the time of the land acquisition was the NASA Headquarters person 

for the construction of the MTF, "The total cost that NASA paid for the land including the Administrative 

cost by the Corps of Engineers totaled $21.5 million for both the Fee Area and the Buffer Zone." 

20. "First Option Signed," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as The Sea Coast 

Echo), 19 April1962. 

33 
to voice their protest at a meeting of the Board of Supervisors. The landowners at the mass meeting elected Dr. James Fargason as president of the 

"Mississippi Test Facility Landowners' Committee." Named to serve with 

him on a standing committee were Asa McQueen, Sylvester Moran, Oscar 

Gelpi, August Holden, Cody Isbell, and Charles Aker. Mrs. Isbell agreed to 

22 

serve as secretary, and Cornelius J. Ladner volunteered to assist as attorney.

The committee gave the residents a collective voice that captured the attention of politicians, the Corps, and NASA bureaucrats. Perhaps, most 

importantly, its members kept Senator Stennis in the thick of the fray. Members 

of the association found that newspaper coverage in Picayune, Bay St. Louis, 

Gulfport, and New Orleans helped attract attention to their situation. The (Bay 

St. Louis) Sea Coast Echo ran a lengthy editorial siding with the government's 

land policies, concluding that the landowners were being offered a fair price. 

The editorial argued that "John Stennis, irrespective of pressure," should not 

play politics in an attempt to get more money for the property than was being 

offered as a result of appraisals made by "qualified Mississippians.'m 

Offering a different perspective, The Hancock County (MS) Eagle expressed 

hope that "displaced citizens" would receive just compensation for the 

"supreme sacrifice" that many were making in giving up their land and family 

homes. Conversely, the Picayune Item took a broader view in an editorial entitled "Don't Wait for Uncle Santa Claus," which urged citizens of Picayune to 

look to the future and get busy building satellite industries and improving their 24 city's infrastructure in order to capitalize on the new space facility.

21. "Mrs. Kellar 1st to Sell," The Sea Coast Echo, 3 May 1962. 

22. "Land Owners Body Formed," The Sea Coast Echo, 24 May 1962. For further information, see "Property 

Owners Report Concern By Senator Stennis," Picayune Item, 8 February 1963. 

23. Editorial, The Sea Coast Echo, 24 May 1962. 

24. Editorial, The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 31 May 1962; Editorial, Picayune Item, 7 June 1962. 

34 
g

The two main issues troubling the landowners, who had to move because 

they had sold or encumbered their property, were ( 1) relocation costs, and 

(2) desire by some to sell buffer zone property to the government rather than 

encumbering it. They maintained the land would be useless to them if they 

were not present to farm or take care of their holdings. Many residents also 

wanted to take "the old home place" with them when they moved. 

Relocation costs became one of the most important demands the landowners expressed through their committee and in letters and direct talks with 

Senator Stennis. 26 

Troubled by continuing reports that landowners were being exploited, 

Stennis used the power of his office to help displaced citizens at every turn. 

The issues of relocation costs and payment options for buffer zone lands 

were significant, tangible matters that Stennis could do something about. 

On 2 August 1962, Stennis announced that he had channeled funds into a 

NASA appropriations bill, which included moving expenses for persons 

displaced by construction of the static-testing facility. Stennis explained 

that "this bill authorizes the landowners to be reimbursed ... even if the 

people have already moved. "27 

In early September, Stennis persuaded NASA and the Corps of Engineers 

to change their policy and allow the displaced landowners the option of selling their property to the government. Originally, the policy only provided for 

a perpetual restrictive easement for all who owned land in the great expanse 

25. "Full, Adequate, Just," Picayune Item, 17 May 1962; "Senator Stennis Interested In Test Zone Prices," 

Picayune Item, 24 May 1962; "Stennis, Colmer Co-operate," The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 26 July 

1962. 

26. "Hancock Landowners Complain of NASA Offers," The Daily Herald, 12 May 1962. 

27. "Stennis Says Moving Expenses Assured," The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 2 August 1962; "Government to 

Refund Expenses of Moving Incurred by Landowners," The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 15 November 1962. 

35 
pggy 

evacuation was set for 1 October 1962, but a few residents lingered on in the 

Gainesville area until the end of the year. In early January 1963 some rushed 

to get out, just ahead of the crushing blades of bulldozers and the noisy reverberations of heavy-duty chain saws.Z9 

State Highway 43, running through the middle of the future test site, 

became known during those climactic days as the "Mississippi Trail of 

Tears." A Native American resident of Gainesville likened the process to the 

infamous "Trail of Tears" in which the Cherokee nation was all but destroyed 

on a government-forced march from their lush hunting grounds in the Smoky 

Mountains of the Carolinas and Georgia to the plains of Oklahoma. After 

Senator Stennis secured moving costs, large companies with elaborate 

moving equipment came in to jack up the old homes and move them out. The 

residents, for the most part, lacked the financial resources to move their 

dwellings until this action was taken by Stennis. Then, not a day went by that 

did not see a line of big trucks hauling houses, awkwardly jerking and swaying on trailers, slowly rolling down old Highway 43.3° 

The case of Cora Blue Davis serves as an example of the difficulty experienced during this removal. Ms. Davis refused to leave her home and 

remained on the front porch in a rocking chair as the movers towed her house 

to its new destination. Daley Dronet, a housemover from Picayune, personally moved 50 houses out of the fee area and estimated that "about 75 

percent" of all the existing houses in the test site were movedY 

28. "Senator Stennis Announces New Policy for Buffer Zone," Picayune Item, 6 September 1962; "Senator 

Stennis Announces New Policy," The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 6 September 1962. 

29. "Gainesville Gets Another 60 Days to Move," Picayune Item, 21 June 1962. 

30. Ibid. 

31. "Houses In Test Area May Be Moved Along Highways," Picayune Item, 24 May 1962; "Biggest Housemoving 

Project In History Of State Coming In MTO," Picayune Item, 14 February 1963; Pauline Whitehead, interview by Mack Herring, Hancock County, MS, 26 August 1994, notes, SSCHRC. 

36 
by Crosby Forest Products of Picayune and leased to another large timber 

concern, the St. Regis Paper Company. The Corps, however, obtained a "right 

of entry permit" that allowed it to complete survey work, establish offices, 

and begin construction. Temporary workspace was established by the Corps 

and NASA personnel in some of the abandoned houses. 32 

In the end, the beauty, dignity, and good times of Gainesville were preserved in the memories of those who participated in the farewell church 

services, parties, and visits to favorite places of the heart. Both churches in 

Gainesville, the Gainesville Baptist Church and the First Baptist Church of 

Gainesville, held all-day Sunday services on 26 August 1962. Hundreds came 

to wish each other Godspeed and to take part in the final chapter of the town's 

history. The services ended at noon and were followed by a "dinner on the 

grounds," provided by the women of Gainesville who brought their best 

"dishes." The crowd, estimated to be the largest to gather in Gainesville in 50 

years, milled around the old town visiting sentimental landmarks. Many paid 

their respects at the two cemeteries marked for removal. Here, they saw the 

graves of Dr. Ambrose Gaines, founder of the town, and L.K. Nicholson, who 

established the New Orleans newspaper, The Times-Picayune. Some walked 

down toward the Pearl River and took cuttings from the huge wisteria vine 

touted by a local newspaper as the "world's largest." The giant vine wound its 

way to the top of a large live oak beside Dr. Rouchon's rustic fishing lodge, soon 

to house the NASA center's headquarters. Picayune Mayor Granville Williams 

proclaimed the affair "Gainesville Good Neighbor Day." He was joined by 

Picayune Chamber of Commerce President Louis McGehee, who extended a 

"warm and friendly" welcome to all who would migrate north to Picayune.33 

32. "International Paper Signs Pact To Sell Land To NASA," The Sea Coast Echo, 25 October 1962. 

33. "Hundreds Jam Gainesville To Say Last Goodbyes To Town," Picayune Item, 30 August 1962. 

37 
Officially, Gainesville vanished on 10 January 1962. The town's last 48 

hours were marked by feverish activity among the families that stayed on 

until the end. All property not taken out by nightfall of that day passed to the 

government. 35 

The last residents to leave the area slept on the premises to prevent pilferage of their property. Journalists, television crews, and curious spectators 

flooded the busy roads on the final day, while the sun set behind the mosscovered oaks and cypress trees across the river in Honey Island Swamp. A 

big, white moon came up over the tall pines, lighting the narrow road as the 

last of the residents made their way up the hill leaving Gainesville and their 

roots behind. 36 

Anxious to proceed with construction of its rocket testing facility, NASA 

began moving its own pioneers to the scene, even before the original owners 

cleared the area. One of the first administrative tasks of the new organization 

was to deal with the official name of the test site. In those early years, the 

small "resident" NASA organization stationed in Mississippi used the name 

"Mississippi Test Operations (MTO)." Later, NASA engineers, who were stationed in Huntsville, and drawing up plans for the structures, called the new 

site the "Mississippi Test Facility (MTF)." In an effort to settle the confusion, 

the leaders at the MSFC asked Dr. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., Associate 

Administrator NASA Headquarters, to settle the issue. Seamans answered by 

unofficially naming the new facility the "NASA Mississippi Test Operations" 

34. "Shorty's Place Might Become Engineers' Base," Picayune Item, 26 July 1962; Mrs. Elwood Andrews, 

interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 16 January 1995, notes, SSCHRC. Electric power became 

scarce and disruptions common in the last days with most of the Coast Electric Power Association's customers moving out. 

35. "Last Families Leave Gainesville as Government Technicians Move in to Launch Great Saturn Job," 

Picayune Item, I October 1962. 

36. "Television Tells Story of Ending for Gainesville," Picayune Item, 17 January 1963. 

38 
commanding officer of the Naval Air Test Facility at Lakehurst, New Jersey. 

A graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, this amiable officer had wide experience in research and development operations, mainly in aeronautics and 

rocketry. He helped design the launcher for a V-2 that was fired from the carrier U.S.S. Midway in 1946, the first large rocket to be launched from the 

deck of a ship at sea. He was one of the principal proponents of the 1954 

Project Orbiter, a joint Army-Navy proposal to launch a small Earth satellite 

using the von Braun-developed Redstone rocket. 38 

Fortune quickly earned the respect of both the personnel who served 

under him and local community leaders. Even though he was allowed to wear 

civilian clothing by terms of the agreement with NASA, Fortune usually wore 

his Navy uniforms, something that pleased the military-minded people of the 

Gulf Coast. According to those who knew him, Fortune epitomized the phrase 

"an officer and a gentleman. "39 

Captain Fortune arrived just in time to participate in the first NASA ceremony held at the MTO, the raising of the American flag and NASA's own 

colors over the new facility on 20 November 1962. Von Braun and several 

key members of his Huntsville staff joined Fortune for the event in front of 

the newly obtained Rouchon House headquarters. Fortune, in good Navy tradition, prepared a special flagpole for the affair, complete with yardarm. Von 

Braun insisted that Fortune raise the American flag, while von Braun hoisted 

37. Robert C. Seamans, Jr., to Harry H. Gorman, 10 December 1961, SSCHRC. See also MSFC, Management 

Manual, "Charter, Mississippi Test Operations," 10 December 1963, SSCHRC. 

38. For transcript of conversation during which von Braun offered Fortune the position as the MTO's first facil· 

ity manager, see Daily Journal of Werhner von Braun, 1962, "Telephone Conversation Dr. von 

Braun/Captain Fortune," 2 February 1962, SSCHRC; MSFC Biographical Sketch, "William C. Fortune 

Manager of MTF," I November 1962, SSCHRC. 

39. Leo Seal, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 27 September 1994, notes, SSCHRC; Roy Baxter, 

Jr., interview by Mack Herring, 5 January 1995, notes, SSCHRC. 

39 
Government officials of the NASA George C. Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) raise 

American flag for the first time in front of the Rouchon House in 1962 at the Mississippi T

Operations, denoting NASA's presence in south Mississippi. Pictured, from left, are: B

Slattery, public affairs officer; Dr. Wernher von Braun, MSFC director; Capt. Willia

Fortune, MTO first site manager; Dr. George Constan, Michaud Assembly Facility (MA

manager; Dr. Oswald Lange, chief, Saturn Program Office; Dr. Hermann Weidner, ch

Structures and Mechanics Laboratory ; Mr. Karl Heimburg, director, Test Laboratory; and D

Driscoll, Test Laboratory. (SSC-97 -031) 

the blue and gold NASA colors himself. Refreshments were prepared 

Margaret (Tingle) McCormick, the first employee hired at the site. M

McCormick's first full day on the job was a busy one as she scurried to me

the needs of the Huntsville dignitaries and local press.40 

At this gathering, local media and community leaders received their fi

impression of von Braun. The energetic, renowned rocket scientist gave 

40. "Von Braun Here, Ups NASA Flag," The Sea Coast Echo, 21 November 1962; "America's Renowned Sp

Chief and Aides Inaugurate NASA Test Facility Headquarters," Picayune Item, 22 November 1962; D

Journal of Werhner von Braun, 1962, "Von Braun Itinerary" 12-20 November 1962, SSCHRC; "NAS

Office In Charge of Woman With Local Kin," Picayune Item, 21 November 1962. 

40 
g, y g

down from Huntsville to aid scientists in studies of sound propagation in the 

vicinity of test operations. The giant hom, installed during November, began 

full-scale operations on 1 December 1962. This hom became part of an 

advanced atmospheric sounding station, and brought the first wave of NASA 

technicians into the area. NASA contracted with the Raytheon Co. of 

Burlington, Massachusetts, to operate the sounding device. As part of the 

operation, an agreement was signed with the U.S. Weather Bureau to furnish 

atmospheric data at the times of the soundings. Tulane University was chosen 

to evaluate, analyze, and correlate data from both sources. The sounding station employed 14 persons from Raytheon and the Weather Bureau.42 

The Last Of Logtown 

The big hom's mournful reverberations were heard all around the NASA 

site and in the nearby towns. The hom sounded the death knell for the old 

communities that were sacrificed in the name of progress. As the Corps agents 

went about their methodical duties of acquiring the 125,442 acres needed to 

buffer the noise of NASA's rocket testing, the weary landowners continued to 

meet and share the problems they faced in the land transactions. The restraint 

of the easement area property owners who met at the Logtown school, and 

their approach to the final land acquisitions, drew praise on the editorial page 

of the Picayune Item. The 31 May 1962 issue of the paper stated, "We believe 

41. "Countdown at MTF," The Sea Coast Echo, 21 November 1962. 

42. MSFC Press Release, 31 October 1962, SSCHRC; "Weatber, Sound Tests," The Sea Coast Echo, 27 

September 1962. For good discussion of acoustic facility work at the MTO, see Lee Paul, interview by 

Steven Patterson, Bay St. Louis, MS, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 393, 4 december, 1991, SSCHRC. 

41 
wCpw

Scivique of Bay St. Louis. The Sciviques sold the easement rights for their 

Star Route Farm, a well-known picnic-catering establishment on Bayou 

LaCroix, for $370,000.44 

Of all the land obtained by the government in the easement area, probably the most scenic property was "Parade Rest," on the banks of the Pearl 

River at Napoleon, home and gardens of Colonel and Mrs. John Wheeler. 

Parade Rest was such a beautiful estate that it was chosen as the site for a 

social event held for Senator Stennis on one of his many visits to the area. The 

Wheelers sold their home and property, in a complex transaction that involved 45 both an easement and a fee simple sale, for a total of $123,000.

Acquisition of the buffer zone required the elimination of the towns of 

Napoleon, Logtown, Westonia, and Santa Rosa. Approximately 150 landowners were affected, but of the people involved in the land acquisition, probably 

none were more visibly shaken than the residents of the placid community of 

Logtown. The town's last day came when the one-room Logtown Post Office 

was retired on 30 September 1963. Mrs. Lollie Wright, postmistress in the 

tiny frame building for 36 years, pulled down the American flag and Logtown 46 

was no more. All that was left of the once-famous town was its cemetery.

Mrs. Roy Baxter, Sr., one of the residents who went often to the cemetery 

to reminisce and tend her loved ones' graves paused, just before leaving, and 

43. Baxter, interview by Herring; "Buffer Property Owners Will Discuss Problems At Logtown," Picayune Item, 

25 April 1962; Editorial, "Owners Act Restrained," Picayune Item, 31 May 1962. 

44. "Roberson Sites Sold for $20,000 To Government," Picayune Item, 31 May 1962; "Star Route Farm Easement 

Brings $370,000," Picayune Item, 22 August 1963. 

45. "Parade Rest at Napoleon Will Live as Beautiful Garden for Tourists," Picayune Item, 19 March 1964. Author 

attended the social gathering held at Parade Rest in honor of the Senator during a visit that Stennis made to 

the area in the spring of 1963. 

46. "Logtown PO End Noted," The Sea Coast Echo, 30 September 1963; NASA-MTF Press Release, 30 

September 1963, SSCHRC. 

42 
47. Baxter, interview by Herring; Ronald Bailey, "Moon Race Blots Out a Town," Life Magazine, 26 September 

1964, p. 4. 

43 

Temples in the Swamp 

The Task 

The challenge of building a Moon-rocket testing facility in the 

Mississippi mud required a vivid imagination and modem machinery. 

The promise of unlimited financial resources lessened the difficulty 

only moderately. The beguiling beauty of the primeval swamp along the peaceful Pearl River presented real problems for both contractors and civil servants 

who previously worked wonders in Mother Nature's most formidable bastions. 

Indeed, for the nation's top engineers, the mosquito-ridden, snake-infested 

quagmire of Devil's Swamp and Dead Tiger Creek proved almost as unconquerable as the jungles of Southern Asia and the desert sands of Saudi Arabia. 1 

Aside from the obstacles of nature, engineers involved in the Mississippi 

project faced an assortment of design and construction problems. Despite a 

firm commitment to go to the Moon, NASA officials had not finalized decisions regarding the size and power of the big boosters to be used for the lunar 

landing mission. The lead engineers at the Marshall Space Flight Center 

I. "MTO, Special Report,'• Construction News, vol. 31, no. 10, Special Works Issue (Memphis, TN, 4 March 

1964), pp. 16-22, 92-94; Roger E. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn, A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn 

Launch Vehicles (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4206, 1980), pp. 72-74. 

45 
modate second- and third-generation space exploration programs.2 

The mission was to construct test stands capable of static firing the first two 

stages of the Saturn V. The stands had to be built in time to meet the ambitious 

launch schedules envisioning landing a man on the Moon in the decade of the 

1960s. The first-stage booster, called the S-IC, had a thrust of 7.5-million 

pounds and each of its five F-1 engines burned for 2.5 minutes-the actual 

flight time required to place the Apollo Saturn V space vehicle at a 36-mile altitude. The second-stage rocket, the S-II, had a thrust of 1-million pounds. This 

stage had five J-2 engines that burned for 6.5 minutes, which enabled the vehicle to ascend to an altitude of 108 miles. Both rockets presented special 

problems for the builders. The first stage, the most powerful rocket ever built in 

the United States and the larger of the two, was 33 feet in diameter and 138 feet 

in length. The second stage was also 33 feet in diameter, but only 81.5 feet in 

length. These rockets, the S-IC manufactured by the Boeing Company at 

Michaud and the S-11 manufactured by North American Aviation (NAA) at Seal 

Beach, California, were too large to be transported by road or highway, and 

their sizes also ruled out shipment by air. Specially designed, heavy-duty roads 

were considered and then discounted for short distances on the test site. 

Through a process of elimination, water transportation became the only feasible means of transporting the mammoth rockets from the assembly station at 

Michaud to the test stands in Mississippi. To further complicate design and construction of the test facilities, the second stage, a liquid hydrogen-fueled rocket, 

required unique ground-support equipment, fuel barges, and piping systems. 3 

2. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn, pp. 39, 50-53, 58--{;7. 

3. NASA Educational Publication, Saturn V Manned Flight to the Moon [Washington, DC: NASA NF-331, vol. 

IV, no. 5., 1967, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection at Stennis Space Center, MS (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC); Leo L. Jones, "A Brief History of Mississippi Test Facility, 1961-1966," 

comment draft (Huntsville, AL: MSFC History Office, 24 March 1967)], pp. 34-35, SSCHRC. 

46 
three facilities, the government relied on manufacturing and test facilities at 

contractor-owned sites. Consequently, von Braun saw the new acquisitions as 

"tantamount to an act of faith that the nation wanted a preeminent spaceflight 

capability, not only until Apollo [program] was completed, but into the indefinite future. "4 

Von Braun's philosophy was in step with the long-range vision of many 

scientists and political leaders in the country who supported a substantial 

space exploration program as both scientifically rewarding and as a Cold War 

necessity. President Kennedy alluded to such a plan in his noted "Urgent 

National Needs" address in May 1961. Lyndon Johnson harbored such ideas 

when he first began his work as architect of the civilian space agency (NASA) 

in the late 1950s. And Senator Stennis echoed these sentiments in his 

Logtown speech of 1961.5 

Management, Organization, And Planning 

In order to meet the lunar landing objective, NASA developed a complex, but highly effective, management system, which drew on the strengths 

and experiences of the government's space and aeronautical elements and on 

private industry. The chain of command at the MTO began in the Office of 

Manned Space Flight (OMSF) at NASA Headquarters in Washington, D.C., 

and down through the MSFC at Huntsville. The OMSF set NASA's overall 

agenda and coordinated the schedules of the various space flight centers. 

4. Wernher von Braun to George Alexander, 23 December 1968, SSCHRC. 

5. Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History of the U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing Co., 

1994),pp. 29-30,175-184. 

47 
pated in the early planning stages. In early 1962, the MSFC made its first 

formal attempt to establish absolute control over the Mississippi project by 

proposing a Gulf Operations organization to manage both the Michoud operations and the Mississippi facility. The plan, which included a detailed 

organizational structure and elaborate statement of purpose, was never officially accepted.7 

The MSFC's desire to assert sovereignty over the new test facility led 

Heimburg to organize within the MSFC Test Division an MTO Planning 

Office to oversee the construction and operation of the Mississippi facility. 

Later, von Braun created a Mississippi Test Facility (MTF) Planning Board to 

serve as managerial arm of the new testing center. On 14 December 1962, von 

Braun issued a formal charter empowering the MTF Planning Board to "initiate policy and technical direction in the planning, design, construction, and 

preparation for activation of all portions of the proposed Mississippi Test 

Facility." Von Braun named Heimburg as chair of the MTF Planning Board, 

and included Captain Fortune, newly appointed MTO manager, on the board. 

Fortune answered directly to von Braun on "institutional matters," but was 

charged with assisting the Planning Board on planning and construction 

issues. Von Braun also encouraged Fortune to cultivate "community support" 

for the project. 8 

An MTF Working Group was organized to implement the MTF Planning 

Board's plans and policies. Bernard Tessman, Heimburg's Test Division 

deputy director, was named chair of the group. Most of the 46 people associ6. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn, pp. 261-64. 

7. Linda M. Martin, "Historical Origins of the NASA Mississippi Test Facility" (Huntsville, AL: MSFC History 

Office, ud.), pp. 3-6, SSCHRC; Jones, "Brief History of Mississippi Test Facility," pp. 18-19, SSCHRC. 

8. Linda M. Martin, "Historical Origins of MTF," p. 7; Charter, MSFC "Mississippi Test Facility Planning Board," 

14 December 1962, pp. 1-2, SSCHRC. 

48 
$250 million.9 

The Huntsville planners retained the firm of Sverdrup and Parcel and 

Associates of St. Louis, Missouri, for architectural and master planning services. NASA Headquarters approved the selection in March 1962, and in 

April the contract, valued at $1,342,820, was signed. In consonance with various MSFC elements, Sverdrup and Parcel conducted studies to establish the 

basic requirements for the MTF. They presented their master test site plan to 

von Braun in July 1962. With von Braun's approval, the planners continued 

their work with several modifications, providing site plans, design criteria, 

and expansion of the support facilities. NASA presented these findings to the 

Corps of Engineers and instructed them to begin construction. The Corps, in 

turn, contracted with a number of private firms to design the individual components, about 60 different structures in all, including the huge test stands and 

the many supporting facilities. 10 

Early conceptual plans for the Mississippi site included facilities capable of 

supporting a national rocket-testing program well into the future. The preliminary plan provided for test stands for the S-I stage (manufactured by Chrysler 

Corporation at Michoud), S-IC, S-II, Reactor-In-Flight-Test (RIFT) nuclear 

stage, and Nova-class stages, in addition to M-1 (liquid hydrogen) and F-1 

(RP-1) engines. However, the grandiose plans were scaled down to meet only 

the testing needs of the Apollo program, using a Saturn V rocket on a LunarOrbital Rendezvous (LOR) mission. This verdict eliminated the need for 

Nova-class rocket facilities. The S-I-stage test facilities remained in the picture 

until October 1963 when the Saturn I program was canceled, leaving only the 

9. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Charles Bolton and Steve Patterson, SSC, MS, Mississippi Oral History 

Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 386, 4, October 1991, p. 6, SSCHRC; Jones, "Brief 

History of MTF," p. 31. 

10. Jones, "Brief History of MTF," pp. 30-34, 42, 45-46. 

49 
the Michoud plant in New Orleans to the test stands in Mississippi. These 

plans included dredging 15 miles of the East Pearl River, from the 

Intracoastal Waterway to the test site; digging 7.5 miles of canals within the 

main complex; and building a Panama Canal-sized lock system to connect the 

river with the interior canal system. Development of these waterways was 

given first priority because of the urgent need to bring heavy construction 

materials to the site by water. 12 

The plans for the MTO encompassed just about every type of construction 

that any builder could imagine, from deep excavations in the mud to high-elevation steel work, usually performed on tall buildings and bridges. The major 

structures included two test stands for the S-II stage and a dual-position stand 

for the S-IC stage. Plans also called for 20 support and service buildings to 

sustain all future programs envisioned for the test site. 13 

On the front lines of the construction was the small NASA onsite team 

headed by Captain Fortune. The team was charged with making the new 

facility functional and operational. Once the MTO construction and activation were completed, the management team was to serve in a similar, but 

expanded, role as contractor monitor of the plants manufacturing the rocket 

engines and stages for the MSFC. The task of assisting in construction surveillance at the MTO was not an overbearing assignment for the small 

Mississippi team, since the Corps of Engineers had primary responsibility 

for monitoring the numerous construction contractors involved in building 

the MTO. Fortune and his group were also expected to plan and carry out a 

program of community, congressional, and public relations; determine and 

11. Ibid., pp. 32-33. 

12. Ibid., pp. 34-36. 

13. A.R. Sorrells, "Mississippi Show Me," Skyline, vol. 24, no. 2 (1966), pp. 1-7. 

50 
In the spring of 1963, NASA officials began arriving in Hancock County 

and quickly established their headquarters in the Rouchon House, a vestige of 

the old town of Gainesville. At first glance, this setting along the banks of the 

Pearl River seemed a most unlikely place to begin a space age project. Indeed, 

the building of the test facility-the largest construction project in the history 

of Mississippi and one of the largest of its kind in U.S. history-was destined 

to change the landscape forever. 15 

The early NASA and Corps of Engineers personnel were captivated by the 

mysterious beauty of the Pearl River and its surrounding areas. The big wisteria vine at the Rouch on House, with its hundreds of lavender blossoms, was 

in full bloom. The wild magnolias were clearly visible from the narrow Lower 

Gainesville Road, and an odor of honeysuckle and verbena was prevalent in 

the fresh air. 16 

Occasional alligators still swam slowly across the river. Smaller water 

trails were left by numerous cottonmouth moccasins with only their shiny 

black heads sticking out of the dark, blue-brown river. A distinct "blup" broke 

the late-evening silence as a largemouthed bass rolled in the river to snap up 

a falling willow fly. The huge wild pigs, offspring of those living at the time 

of the Spanish land grants some 200 years before NASA's arrival, were the 

most dominant daytime creatures. Because of Mississippi's open-range tradition, these boars continued to roam the countryside. Sometimes, the shrill 

scream of a panther could be heard in the night. 17 

14. Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) Management Manual, "Charter, Mississippi Test Operations," 

I December 1962, SSCHRC. 

15. Sorrells, "Mississippi Show Me," p. 3. 

16. Ibid. 

17. Mississippi, the WPA Guide to the Magnolia State (New York: Viking Press, 1938), pp. 31,40-45. 

51 
pp

gg ppy q

that NASA provide more information about the number of people expected to 

move to the area. In February 1963, Captain Fortune appointed Mack 

Herring, author of this book, as public information officer (PIO). Herring, 

who served in a similar capacity at the MSFC, was charged with using every 

public relations tool available to "inform the public of the coming of NASA." 

Working closely with McCormick, the new PIO gave speeches to civic and 

church groups, wrote press releases announcing construction of facilities, and 

met with community leaders to help them understand the impact of the NASA 

installation. During the early months of 1963, McCormick and Mack Herring 

received approximately 100 visitors a day. They came to the Rouchon House 

looking for jobs and in search of business opportunities.19 

The first NASA engineer to report to Mississippi was Obed E. "Dusty" 

Batson. Fortune asked Batson, a native Mississippian, to "explore the area" 

and become familiar with "every inch" of the 13,500-acre site. Fortune obviously wanted to have a more intimate knowledge of the site, over and above 

what could be derived from the maps, drawings, and journal information 

gathered earlier by Corps and Sverdrup personnel. "There were no roads then, 

just State Highway 43 that ran through the area, and the Upper and Lower 

Gainesville Roads," Batson said, "I would drive as far as I could and get out 

and walk the rest of the way." After Batson finished his initial exploratory 

mission, he also assisted the MTF Working Group in determining the exact 

locations of the numerous buildings and support equipment. Another engineer 

who was one of the early pioneers of the Mississippi Test Operations was also 

18. "NASA's Office in Charge of Woman with Local Kin," Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as the 

Picayune Item), 21 November 1962. 

19. The PIO referred to in this chapter is the author. Recollections about events and people are reinforced by conversations with persons who were present in 1963. O.E. Batson and Margaret McCormick were consulted 

on matters referenced here to ensure accuracy. 

52 
g

y

New employees included Chester P. Lawless, administrative assistant for 

property accounting, transportation, and custodial services; Wilmer C. Mabry 

and B.U. Jones, community relations; William Winterstein, administrative 

officer; Mary M. Dobson, personnel assistant; Yvonne Loveless, administrative services; and Wilda Stephens and Joyce Owston, assistants to the PI0.21 

During this evolutionary process, the small group developed a personality of its own. Although the Fortune team had ties to the MSFC, a strong 

familial bond formed among the members of the Mississippi outpost. Part of 

this new esprit de corps materialized when members of the Mississippi unit 

severed ties with the MSFC, moving their families and staking their professional futures at the "outpost" in Mississippi. Conversely, members of the 

MTF Working Group, and other MSFC elements that exercised management 

control over the MTO team, remained within the security of their Huntsville 

positions and chose to keep their families and homes in Huntsville. These 

decisions apparently planted the seeds for a family rivalry that continues until 

this day. Indeed, the sibling space centers mused over such mundane issues as 

official designations. For example, the Mississippi group favored the name 

Mississippi Test Operations, which was assigned by NASA Headquarters in 

December 1961. The MTF Working Group, however, continued to refer to the 

Mississippi development as the Mississippi Test Facility, implying that the 

facility was simply an auxiliary of the MSFC. 22 

The Corps of Engineers set up their first headquarters in a converted fishing lodge, the Cypress House, located near the NASA Headquarters in the 

20. Obed E. "Dusty" Batson, interview by Mack Herring, Wiggins, MS, 7 April 1995, notes, SSCHRC. 

21. "Key Management Choices Made," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as The 

Sea Coast Echo), 21 March 1963; NASA Mississippi Test Operations Personnel Report, 9 January 1964, 

SSCHRC. 

22. Batson, interview. 

53 
From left are NASNs Capt. William C. Fortune, manager of the Mississippi Test Operati

(MTO); Charles Jackson, area engineer; Col. Robert C. Marshall, Mobile Corps district en

neer; Col. Dave Roberts, deputy district engineer for NASA support; and Col. Charles Palm

special assistant to the chief of the Facilities Engineering Office; review construction schedules 

the Mississippi Test Operations in July 1963. (SSC-63-108) 

Rouchon House. As design work progressed and construction starts neare

the Corps named Charles A. Jackson, a veteran engineer with 35 years s

vice, as area engineer in charge of all work at the Mississippi installatio

Jackson, a native of South Carolina, started his career as a levee work s

veyor and became an expert in heavy construction.23 

To meet the initial construction and institutional costs of the Mississip

project, NASA proposed a $52,066,896 budget for fiscal year 1963. Mo

than one-half of this sum went to Base Support Facilities and Utilities. 

fiscal year 1964, funding had been increased to $111,690,000. The Saturn 

First Stage (S-IC) Test Facilities consumed $35,983,000 of the total appr

23. "MTF Manager, Engineers Are Announced This Week," The Sea Coast Echo, 4 October 1962; U.S. A

Corps of Engineers News Release, 2 June 1962, SSCHRC. 

54 
and the need to protect government property. To supervise the fence project, 

Fortune hired Harry Guin, a young graduate of the University of Alabama, who 

became one of the leaders helping to shape the future of the Mississippi project. 

Guin soon learned that even the fence job, which used ordinary pine poles and 

barbed wire, was a harbinger of construction woes for the builders working in 

the swamp. Indeed, the workers, mostly locals from south Mississippi, were 

stymied by a m~or attack of swarming salt marsh mosquitos. 25 

Signs Of Progress 

When the workmen on the fence project entered the swampy areas, they 

found the bites of the salt marsh mosquitos unbearable. Fence workers wore 

long-sleeved shirts, gloves, and mosquito nets over their heads and tried all the 

conventional mosquito repellents, but to no avail. Guin heard that an inexpensive perfume manufactured in New Orleans would ward off the pesky insects. 

He bought some of the perfume and provided it to the laborers, but the perfume 

did little to overcome the problem. Around the complex, survey workers walked 

off the job because they could not tolerate the stinging bites of the flying pests. 

Two experts from the U.S. Public Health Service, Clyde F. Fehn and Leslie D. 

Beadle, investigated the mosquito problem and estimated that an exposed 

person on the complex received 110 bites per minute. The problem, one of the 

worst mosquito plagues in years, was widespread along the Gulf Coast.26 

24. C. W. Huth, "Chronological History of the Mississippi Test Facility" (Huntsville, AL: MSFC, 23 June I 966), 

pp. 11-12, SSCHRC. 

25. NASA News Release, 18 March 1963, SSCHRC; Harry Guin, interview by Johnny Mann, October 1991, 

video history Way Station to Space, SSCHRC; See also Guin biography, SSCHRC. 

26. NASA News Release, 24 July 1963, SSCHRC; Guin, interview. 

55 
q

invasion and lauded praise on NASA for its first community "good will" program. Captain Fortune used the occasion to begin organizing a two-state 7 

Mosquito Control Commission that continues to serve the Gulf Coast today.2

The enthusiasm generated by the arrival of the first train in Gainesville surpassed the excitement of the mosquito conquest. A NASA news release 

proclaimed that "the first train pulled into old Gainesville today ... too late to 

alter history, but just in time to play a big role in the future." Southern Railway 

System received the contract to bring the 10.5-rnile rail-line into the construction site. The railroad company laid the track at no cost to the government for 

the privilege of serving the construction and operation needs of the test facility. NASA requested that the project be completed by 1 June 1963. Southern 

Railway started work on 19 March, and the last spike was driven on 10 May52 days ahead of schedule. Most of the onsite workers gathered at the end of 

the line to cheer and wave "welcomes" to the train when it rolled to a stop at 

its new destination. The L-S Construction Company of New Orleans did the 

grading, drainage, and structures for the track, and the Southern Railway 

workers laid the track and operated the line. NASA and Corps builders were 

impressed by the quality and speed of this first big project. The railroad workers went through two large swamp areas. Many predicted that the job could 

not be finished before the June deadline. Luck, however, was with the workers. Evidence of their good fortune carne when they lost only two days to 28 

rain-during one of the driest seasons in the area's history.

While the excitement of the record-breaking work on the railroad was a 

topic of discussion in south Mississippi, another development added to the 

prestige of the new space installation. NASA announced that it was negotiat27. Ibid. 

28. Ibid.; NASA News Release, 19 March 1963, SSCHRC; NASA News Release, 10 May 1963, SSCHRC. 

56 
Billed as a "preventive" labor-relations conference, the meeting was called at 

the recommendation of President Kennedy's Missile Site Labor Committee, 

the first such conference ever held. The underlying purpose was to work out 

advance agreements on wages, hours, and working conditions to ensure that 

the vital test facility would be built economically, and with labor peace. The 

committee sought a three-year labor-industry agreement. 30 

Over 100 persons attended the conference, which was held in Gulfport, 

Mississippi. Representing labor at the conference were delegations from the 

Building and Construction Trades Department of the American Federation of 

Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). Representatives of 

most of the major building contractors in America attended the conference, 

e.g., Kaiser Industries, American Bridge Company, Paul Hardeman Company, 

Blount Brothers Construction Company, International Telephone and 

Telegraph, Peter Keiwit Company, Rust Engineering Company, Bechtel 

Corporation, and Morrison Knudson. Most of these large companies were 

successful in obtaining contracts for work at the Mississippi site.31 

The lead negotiator for NASA was Paul Styles, a former union representative and NASA industrial-relations officer at the MSFC. Styles, respected and 

popular with labor as well as industry, brought a colorful, old-fashioned horsetrader's mentality to the bargaining table. Styles used every tool at his disposal 

to get the job done, including leaking information to the newspapers.32 

The labor negotiations went on nonstop, shifting from the Mississippi 

Gulf Coast to New Orleans. Styles had the MTO announce that a three29. NASA News Release, 18 April 1963, SSCHRC. 

30. Ibid., NASA News Release. 28 April 1963, SSCHRC. 

31. Ibid., NASA News Release, 2 May 1963, SSCHRC. 

32. Mack Herring, the PIO, was assigned by Fortune to assist Styles with labor negotiations and was with him 

during talks on the Gulf Coast and in New Orleans. 

57 
involved in the civil rights struggle. The report immediately focused national 

attention on Mississippi and drew sharp responses from Mississippi Senators 

Stennis and Eastland. In separate statements, the Senators described the recommendation of the "meddling, busy-body Commission" as "utterly 

ridiculous and preposterous."38 

Senator Stennis asserted that members of the two races (AfricanAmerican and white) lived side-by-side in peace and harmony. He blamed 

the problems in the state on "paid, organized agitators and headline seekers 

imported from outside the state." According to Richard Reeves in Profile of 

Power, Kennedy himself was embarrassed and aggravated by the Civil 

Rights Commission report. Kennedy was getting ready for the 1964 election 

and knew that he would again need the South in his re-election bid. He was 

not anxious to lose either the southern white or the African-American votes. 

At a press conference following the release of the Commission's report, 

Kennedy said he had been advised that "every case [of civil rights violations] 

but one" was resolved. According to Reeves the statement was far from the 

truth, but the press bought it. Kennedy also told reporters that he questioned 

whether the commissioners were serious people, and he emphasized the 

unreality of singling out one state for punishment, radical punishment at 

that-the cutting of federal funding. 39 

After the flurry of news about withholding federal funds from 

Mississippi, NASA began to hedge on setting a firm date for the site's open37. NASA Headquarters issued a directive to all field center Public Affairs Offices prohibiting speakers, public 

appearances, exhibits, and educational programs for segregated audiences. This directive was extended to 

the MTO. In 1963, most civic clubs and schools were segregated in Mississippi and throughout the South. 

38. "Federal Funds Halt Suggested For Mississippi," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred 

to as The Times-Picayune), 18 April 1963; "Proposal Is Hit By Mississippi Solons," The Times-Picayune, 

18 April 1963. 

39. Ibid.; Richard Reeves, Profile of Power (New York: Simon & Shuster, 1993), pp. 468-470. 

59 
basin of the man-made canal system

(SSC-63-021) 

ing ceremony. The newspapers around the state carried stories that th

ground-breaking ceremony might be postponed.40 

The ceremony was planned in connection with the first big constructio

project, involving a construction dock and dredging of a barge harbor an

channel to the site from the Pearl River. T.L. James and Company of Rusto

Louisiana, was awarded a $668,340 contract for this project. Guy Stockst

of Picayune received a subcontract from T.L. James for the clearing wor

Without fanfare, pictures, or visiting dignitaries, Stockstill and his men bega

clearing in the vicinity of Devil's Swamp on 15 May. Captain Fortune, wh

was in Huntsville at the time, sent a photographer to Mississippi to take pi

tures of the event two days after it actually occurred. The fact that the massiv

project got under way without formal ceremony did not seem to both

anyone. On the contrary, the workers were visibly anxious to tackle what the

knew to be a very difficult task.41 

In spite of snakes, mosquitos, and watery sloughs, the clearing project we

ahead during May, an unusually dry month. Stockstill's crew leveled 15

acres ofDevil's Swamp, using crosscut and chain saws and piling up the stu

born cypresses, oaks, and tall pines with backhoes and tractors. Seve

varieties of poisonous snakes, with the deadly cottonmouth moccasins th

most numerous, crawled out of the swamp.42 

40. "Set MTO Dig Date," The Sea Coast Echo, II April 1963; "MTO Groundbreaking Date Is Big Question," T

Sea Coast Echo, 25 April 1963. 

41. NASA News Release, 17 May 1963, SSCHRC; "Army Engineers Invite Bids for Dredging Section of E

Pearl," Picayune Item, 23 May 1963. 

42. Sorrels, "Mississippi Show Me," p. 3; "Confucius Say 'Longest Journey Starts With Single Step'," Picayu

Item, 30 May 1963. 

60 
pgy pyg pyp

one specimen from each of the seven varieties of poisonous snakes, which 

included the cottonmouth moccasin, copperhead, diamondback rattlesnake, 

canebrake rattlesnake, two pygmy species of rattlesnakes, and the coral 

snake. Morrison displayed them in cages where growing numbers of employees could learn to identify them, in case they were bitten. Pictures were taken 

of the snakes, and the photos were placed in the emergency rooms of local 

hospitals to assist doctors and patients in identification. Snakebite kits were 

placed in strategic locations around the site. Despite all the talk and activity 

regarding the snakes, only two persons on the complex were bitten by poisonous snakes. Although one man was hospitalized, no fatalities occurred.43 

With the clearing, dredging, and construction under way, on 13 June, von 

Braun named Henry F. Auter as Deputy Manager to help Fortune guide the 

massive project. Auter was an experienced rocket engineer and chief of the 

Electrical Systems Engineering Branch of the MSFC Test Division. This 

astute engineer had the confidence of Karl Heimburg and Bernard Tessman, 

and easily gained the respect of all the technical personnel he worked with at 

the MSFC.44 

As deputy manager, Auter served as chief of the planning and activation 

effort with the MTF Working Group and was instrumental in recruiting many 

key MTO personnel. Because of his impeccable honesty and absolute devotion 

to the ideals of the space program, Auter only recruited topflight personnel.45 

Auter agreed with those individuals who advocated the "Mississippi Test 

Facility" name and consequently worked to instill its use. He pointed out that 

the test stands, buildings, and grounds comprised the "facility," while the 

43./bid. 

44. NASA News Release, 13 June 1963, SSCHRC. 

45. Ibid.; Auter, interview; Edwin R. Ling, Sr., The Space Crescent: The Untold Story (Huntsville, AL: Strode 

Publishers, 1984), pp. 421-424; NASA Lagniappe (NASA/SSC Newsletter), 26 February 1980, SSCHRC. 

61 
No Turning Back 

Nearly every day during the spring of 1963, the Corps of Engineers 

announced the awarding of a new construction contract and the roads became 

cluttered with every imaginable piece of heavy equipment. As a result, people 

in surrounding communities became more and more aware of the MTO presence. The most significant sign of awareness came when the Mississippi Deep 

Sea Fishing Rodeo, held annually during the Fourth of July holiday at 

Gulfport, dedicated its annual event to NASA. To NASA's delight, the Rodeo 

proclaimed that the dedication would serve as the "official" welcome of 

NASA to the state. Since NASA had not staged its own ceremony, the fishing 

rodeo presented an excellent opportunity for NASA to associate itself with the 

immediate area and the state.47 

The fishing rodeo was a big event, with over 75,000 persons from 

Mississippi, Louisiana, and Alabama attending. Hundreds of fishermen ventured out into the Gulf of Mexico to try and land prize catches. NASA set up a 

large "Space Age" exhibit, which included models and mockups of spacecraft 

and rockets used, or planned, for the Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo programs.48 

Governor Barnett, as principal speaker at the Rodeo, embarked on a 45-

minute tirade against the federal government for "overstepping its bounds" by 

encroaching on the sovereignty of Mississippi. Fortunately, the Governor also 

acknowledged that NASA would be spending "about a half-billion dollars" on 

its project in Hancock County.49 

46. Ibid. 

47. NASA News Release, 12 June 1963, SSCHRC; "Deep Sea Rodeo to be Dedicated to NASA in '63," Picayune 

Item, 30 May 1963. 

48. Ibid. 

49. Ibid. 

62 
An aerial view shows early construction of the Mississippi Test Operations in 1963. The waterway shown is the first leg of the 7 and 1/2 mile long canal system. The East Pearl River is shown 

at extreme bottom of photo. (SSC-64- 174C) 

Captain Fortune took advantage of the July holidays to make his permanent move from Alabama to Mississippi, with new headquarters in the 

Rouchon House. The NASA Information Center became the temporary home 

and laboratory for test site photographers, directed by Terry Malone. A NASA 

photographer, Malone gained notoriety for his pictures while working with 

the Navy combat photographers. Malone's group was responsible for documenting construction activities. These photographs were valuable to the 

MSFC engineers and NASA Headquarters' personnel for the task of justifying the huge budget before Congress. Some pictures were forwarded to 

Senator Stennis, whose keen interest in the project was demonstrated by his 

personal request for biweekly reports on the installation's progress. 5° 

50. Ling, The Space Crescent, p. 80; Hlass, interview. 

63 
Administration Complex, with engineering and administ

well as laboratories; and the Test Complex, which function

lection point. The 66-million-gallon water reservoir 

phenomenal engineering feats of the project. Indeed, the 

dual-position stand, rising 264 feet above the ground lik

swamp, with an overhead crane reaching well over 300 fee

tallest structures in the state. 51 

The Technical Systems work packages were among the 

associated with the construction. These contracts, fo

installing the technical systems in the S-II and S-IC test c

various laboratories on the installation, amounted to approx

lion. The work, managed by the MSFC, was divided into 

Instrumentation and Control Systems (ICS) for the first 

and the preliminary design of the S-IC ICS; (II) ICS for the 

S-II test stand; and (III) Technical Systems for a number of 

including the Instrumentation and Materials Laboratory, 

Facility, and the Acoustics and the Meteorological Laborat

Division of Aerojet-General was responsible for Phase 

responsible for Phases II and III. Contracts for the first of t

negotiated on 3 July 1963. W.L. "Willie" Shippey was the N

the vast and extraordinarily important Phase I Technical Sy

project. Summers Taylor, who remained at the MSFC, was 

Phase II and Phase III Technical Systems installation. 52 

51. "MTO Special Report," Construction News, pp. 16-22; I. Jerry Hlass, "Search 

Government Test Facility" (master's thesis, George Washington University, 1971

52. NASA-MSFC Progress Status Report, "Mississippi Test Operations, Attachment 3," 

SSCHRC. 

64 
Lake and Pearl River; and the jet-powered tug was christened the Clermont. 

The construction of these vessels presented special problems that required 

personnel and contractors with nautical backgrounds. 3 5

Major construction firms from all parts of the country came to Mississippi 

to help build the massive and unique structures that were needed. The big contractor names included C.H. Leavell Company and Peter Kiewit & Sons of El 

Paso, Texas; Morrison-Knudsen Company, South Gate, California; and 

Broadway Maintenance Corporation and Glantz Contracting Corporation, 

Long Island City, New York. Several smaller contractors, many located on the 

Mississippi Gulf Coast and in nearby Louisiana, joined in the project as subcontractors-supplying services and equipment for the large builders. The 

building trades unions along the Gulf Coast and in New Orleans exhausted their 

rolls of available workers and sent out "help wanted" announcements to union 

halls around the nation. Free-lance workers heard of the project and came to the 

area to join the builders. Joe Moran, a sheet metal specialist from Gulfport, 

remembered the MTO project as "the best work many of us ever had."54 

As the project progressed, more and more workers from across the nation 

flocked to the area to join in construction of the test facility. New people 

arrived every day in need of homes, apartments, and other facilities. 

Construction workers searched for housing close to the MTO site. Many of 

these temporary workers settled in Picayune and Bay St. Louis, Mississippi, in 

hastily prepared villages of house trailers. NASA, Corps of Engineers, and GE 

employees also took up residences in Picayune and Bay St. Louis, while others 

gravitated to the Pass Christian and Long Beach areas on the Gulf Coast. 5 5

53. Hlass, "Search for a Role," pp. 10--24. 

54. "MTO Special Report," Construction News, pp. 10--22; Moran, interview. 

55. Mary Holman, "Economic Impact of NASA's Mississippi Test Facility on Hancock and Pearl River Counties, 

Mississippi" (Washington, DC: NASA, 1958), SSCHRC. 

65 
Highway 10 was completed years later.56 

From left, Capt. 

manager of the M

Operations, looks 

plans with Dr. W

Col. D. A Raym

for the Mobile Co

engineer Charles 

many visits von B

ity while construc

(SSC-63-443) 

With the large influx of new residents, community 

management officials began to anticipate potential prob

accelerated growth of the communities. To give the co

growing number of workers a boost in morale, von Brau

Huntsville for a series of speeches and meetings. On 27 Se

Braun used the dedication of the Corps of Engineers new 

ing as an opening for his good will visit. 7 5

56. Ibid. 

57. "MTO Will Affect Area Immediately," Picayune Item, 20 June 1963; NASA News 

SSCHRC; "Dr. von Braun Raises Colors Over Area Engineer's Office," Picayu

66 
MSFC who crafted von Braun's remarks, confided that he fabricated the 

Twain quotation, but he felt it was appropriate due to the river-town atmosphere of the site's location. 8 5

Later on that same September day, von Braun dined with one of south 

Mississippi's most noted and successful business persons, L.O. Crosby of 

Picayune. Crosby, who was in the lumber and timber business, was concerned 

that the higher wages paid to workers at the NASA project might attract his 

company's best employees. Nevertheless, Crosby was a gracious host, sharing many stories with von Braun. Others attending the luncheon with von 

Braun included the Picayune (Mississippi) Item editor and publisher Charlie 

Nutter, Captain Fortune, and Mack Herring (PI0).59 

After the luncheon, von Braun addressed the First Annual Gulf South 

Livestock and Space Fair in south Picayune. Thousands jammed the grounds 

to hear von Braun speak. NASA had erected a modest exhibit of models and 

space hardware for the crowd's inspection. "You have to throw the book away 

when you are planning your future," von Braun said, "Look to Huntsville for 

an example. Its growth far exceeded anything anyone would dare predict." 

Von Braun urged the people to get busy developing new housing, adding new 

streets, and building new schools for the "thousands" arriving as part of the 

NASA family. The people in the Picayune area were so excited by the 

prospects for economic growth, they were soon predicting that the city's population would exceed "20,000 people" in the next few years. The population 

at the time of the von Braun visit was approximately 7 ,000. When the installation became fully operational in 1966, the population was about 10,000.60 

58. Ibid 

59. The author attended the private meeting with Dr. von Braun, Crosby, Nutter, and Fortune. 

60. "Dr. von Braun Raises Colors," 3 October 1963. 

67 
Dr. Wemher von Braun greets an enthusiastic crowd of admirers at th

and Space Fair in Picayune, MS, in October 1963. During this busy visi

to NASA and Corps of Engineers employees, met with local citizens, 

Electrification Administration (REA) Convention in Biloxi, MS. (SSC

After the speech, von Braun was rushing to a waiting 

him to Biloxi for a full evening of public appearances when 

following him called out, "Dr. von Braun! Dr. von Braun! P

program!" He stopped and signed her program, and then 

her and chatted with the woman for two or three minutes b

Von Braun enjoyed an aerial tour by helicopter of the t

struction site. The helicopter then flew him to Biloxi w

members of the Rural Electric Cooperative Association. V

to the gathering how the nation would achieve the luna

urged support for the program. While in Biloxi, the scienti

ference and said, "Mississippi is now a full-fledged partner 

of Space Age states."62 

61. NASA News Release, 6 November 1963, SSCHRC; Mack Herring Journal, 24 O

62. Ibid. 

68 
Hancock Bank branch. The small "trailer bank" has since grown into one of 

Hancock Bank's most active branches. Employees of the bank are wellknown and appreciated by the installation's workforce and accepted as 

members of the "space team. "63 

By the end of the year, the second anniversary of NASA's presence on the 

Gulf Coast, over 800 persons were working at the test site. Communities prepared for the upcoming impact of 6,000 more site employees, who would 

complete the construction phase. NASA raised its earlier projections of 1,000 

permanent personnel to 2,500. That figure would be raised to 3,000 in the 

final stages of the project. 64 

With the construction project beginning to bustle, the MTF Working 

Group was assigned a much-needed legal counsel in November 1963. Edwin 

R. "Ed" Ling, Sr., was appointed by NASA to handle legal matters at the 

MTO and at the Michoud operations in New Orleans. Ling became a popular 

member of the MTO staff. 65 

A most unusual occurrence for south Mississippi signaled trouble for the 

builders when a six-inch snow fell on New Year's Eve 1963. As workers 

returned after the holidays, they found the construction site grounds soggy 

and many excavations filled with water from the melting snow. This episode 

was only the beginning of a long, wet, record-breaking rainy season that 

stopped construction and raised doubts as to whether the project would be 

completed in time for NASA to meet its planned lunar landing target date. 

Indeed, the construction of the test site and the readiness of its Saturn V test 

stands became the "pacing item" for the Apollo program. 66 

63. NASA-MTO News Release, 2 August 1963, SSCHRC. 

64. NASA Fact Sheet, "Mississippi Test Facility Economic Impact," July 1965, SSCHRC. 

65. NASA-MTO News Release, 8 November 1963, SSCHRC. 

66. Jones, "A Brief History," pp. 26-29. 

69 

In Mississippi Mud 

Draining the Swamp 

A merica's rocketeers recognized an astronomical fact on their way to 

the Moon-they had to travel through Mississippi to get there. And 

on that boggy road leading to outer space, engineers first had to 

drain a swamp before they could see the fires in the deflector buckets of the 

monolithic test stands. After achieving great success, the bottom literally fell 

out of the sky in south Mississippi in 1964. The great craters the workers dug 

for foundations filled with rainwater and slush. 1 

The Mississippi Test Operations (MTO) employees left work to enjoy the 

1963 Christmas holidays, with visions of soon testing shiny aluminum 

Moon rockets; instead, they returned after New Year's day to find the construction site covered with 6 inches of snow. The big oaks and lesser brush 

covered with the unexpected, fluffy crystals were an unusually beautiful 

sight to see. The few makeshift roads forged by the workers and the rutted 

dirt trails the paper companies used for their skidders were impassable. The 

giant holes dug to encase the reinforced concrete and steel foundations for 

I. "Weather Stalls MTO,"' The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as The Sea Coast 

Echo), 2 January 1964. 

71 
their draglines, tractors, and trucks in over their axles. NASA had to use surplus 

Army halftrack troop carriers to transport employees to the work sites. Pumps 

chugged at full-throttle to pull giant puddles of water out of the excavations? 

The engineers and managers, who were to put the giant Saturn V first- and 

second-stage rockets to the test, shook their heads in dismay when they 

reported back to work after the holidays and surveyed the dripping wetness. 

By month's end, 9.5 inches of rain had fallen, and most work was completely 

halted. Several feet of water stood in the bottoms of the excavations for the 

navigation lock and in the giant holes dug for the foundations of the A-2 and 

B-1/B-2 static test stands. The bosses at the Greenhut Construction Company, 

contractor for the test stand foundations, wondered when they could continue 

their work. They had excavated 410,000 cubic yards of dirt, but they still had 

1,670 steel and concrete pilings to drive before they could begin pouring the 

huge concrete and reinforced steel substructures. Indeed, Greenhut's March 

completion date was in jeopardy.4 

The bleak outlook for contractors facing more rain and work slowdowns 

contrasted sharply with a 1963 year-end summary given by Captain Fortune, 

who was "satisfied with the progress" of the project. The gentleman observed, 

"The work is moving along fine. The dry weather has been to our advantage, 

and we are really moving dirt out there in the harbor, the canal, the lock, and 

the big missile site. We are moving as fast as the funds are made available." 

In a humorous postscript, Fortune quipped, "We have dug a lot of big holes, 

now we have to fill 'em up!"5 

2. "Operation Mudhole," The Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as the Picayune Item), 23 January 1964. 

3. "9.5 Inches of Rain Bog MTO Work," Picayune Item, 30 January 1964; "Significant Problems Encountered," 

Henry Auter working papers, pp. 1-2, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection at Stennis Space 

Center, MS (henceforth referred to as the SSCHRC). 

4. "MTO, The Big Year," Construction News, vol. 31, no. 10 (4 March 1964), pp. 17-23. 

5. "Fortune Satisfied with MTO Progress," Picayune Item, 21 November 1963. 

72 
An enormous crater marks the site where the A-2 test stand was being built in 1964 at the 

Mississippi Test Operations. The dark rim of gumbo mud around the excavation is the remains 

of an oUl river bed , which some geologists believed was the ancient path of the Mississippi River. 

(SSC-64-652C) 

One of the first NASA visitors to see the muddy mess was Jerry Hlass, an 

engineer dispatched from NASA Headquarters to manage the construction in 

Mississippi. Hlass later reflected, "Members of a congressional committee 

were puzzled by a photograph we had supplied them .... They asked what 

the huge hole was in the picture with cars and trucks parked all around the 

outer edge. It turned out the picture was of the excavation for the S-IC test 

stand and the cars and trucks were stuck in the mud!"6 

6. NASA News Release, "Biography of Jerry Hlass," 1976, SSCHRC; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, 

Long Beach, MS, 2 August 1995. 

73 
The Work Quickens 

Even the great rains of 1964 did not dampen the spirits of NASA and 

Corps of Engineers personnel and the growing number of construction contractors at work all over the 13,500-acre construction site. One count showed 

30 draglines at work at one time. Foundation work began to take place where 

the giant test stands would rise in the Saturn V Test Complex. The "clangclank" sound of pile drivers could be heard a mile away from the area as they 

hammered hundreds of steel beams, some 110 feet long, into the mushy, peatlike soil, pounding through thousands of years of geologic history. 8 

Taking full advantage of a lull in the rainfall, builders worked around 

the clock trying to recover the time lost earlier. Over 851 cubic yards (abou

3-million pounds) of concrete were poured during a 16-hour period to form 

one of the piers for the bascule bridge (a balanced drawbridge) crossing over 

the navigation lock at the south end of the site. Workers and community residents called the job "Operation Big Pour." Three concrete hatching plants 

operated seven days a week to handle the demands of the builders, who were 

taking advantage of the rare Mississippi winter sunshine.9 

Structures began rising all over the site, as the bright orange-painted stee

frames of the buildings appeared in the clearings. Trucks, tractors, and a wide 

variety of earth-moving machines groaned along muddy roads and trails

hauling concrete, dirt, and steel. Tractors strained to pull trucks and othe

7. Hlass, interview. 

8. "MTO Progress is Evident to Eye," Picayune Item, 13 February 1964; "MTO, The Big Year," Constructio

News, pp. 17-23. 

9. "Pour Pier for Bridge at MTO Between Rains," The Sea Coast Echo, 6 February 1964; "Operation Big Pour See

851 Yards of Concrete Dumped to Form 1st Step ofMTO Bascule Bridge," Picayune Item, 6 February 196

74 
These large concrete walls were erected as part of the navigation lock and bascule bridge which 

was and is part of the waterway system used to transport propellants and rocket stages on barges. 

The navigation lock portion of the canal system is located at the south entrance into the SSe. 

(sse -64-666e) 

vehicles out of the soggy morass, and the blue glow of welding torches flickered in the forest like fireflies. Floodlights lit up the work areas so the workers 

could work around the clock. At dawn, workers huddled around shiny, silverbodied food trucks, affectionately called "roach coaches," clutching 

styrofoam cups of steaming-hot New Orleans blended coffee, excitedly talking about "the damn rain" and the impossible schedules laid down by "them 

crazy NASA cats." The workers exchanged "see ya's" as the shifts changed, 

sending craftsmen to their homes in Picayune, Slidell, or on the Gulf Coast. 10 

10. "MTO Progress Is Evident To Eye," Picayune Item, 13 February 1964; Audrey Faye Bufkin, interview by 

Mack Herring, Bay St. Louis, MS, 5 July 1995. 

75 
y gpgy g

would be part of the project. NASA requested that a bascule-type bridge be 

built, so the large rocket boosters could be transported up the river to the tes

site and back down the river after testing. NASA placed $4.5 million into the 

federal-state road fund to cover the special span across the Pearl River. 11 

Boom Towns 

NASA was keenly interested in the development of the towns around th

test site, for they would become the future homes of their site employees. Th

construction workers were looking for temporary homes in the surroundin

communities, while the NASA and Corps of Engineers personnel sought per

manent homes. 12 

At the urging and with the assistance of NASA, a Regional Plannin

Commission was organized in hopes of ensuring an orderly growth of th

area. The first meeting of community leaders was hosted by NASA at it

Information Center. B.U. Jones and Bill Mabry helped leaders in the commu

nities organize the commission. The Planning Commission was comprised o

representatives from the Pearl River, Hancock, and Harrison Counties i

Mississippi and St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana. Special legislation wa

passed in Mississippi and Louisiana allowing the county and parish represen

tatives to participate as a "regional" two-state commission. 13 

11. "Agencies Agree On Location Of Interstate Bridge."' Picayune Item, 19 March 1964. 

12. Roy L. Bullock, "Mississippi Test Facility Utilization Data," executive study, NASA Headquarters, attachm

3, 1968, pp. 1-5, SSCHRC; Michael Kent, "Space Activity In An Agrarian Economy," MSFC managem

study, 1963, p. 9, SSCHRC. 

13. "MTO Planning Unit Appointed," The Slidell-St. Tammany (IA) Times (henceforth referred to as The Slid

Times), 6 February 1964. 

76 
two-state commission. Meanwhile, Joseph V. Colson, Waveland realtor and merchant, was elected the Planning Commission's first president. Other officers were 

chosen to represent the three Mississippi counties and the Louisiana parish. 15 

NASA's strong interest in community affairs increased as the site began to 

dig out of the mud and show signs of dramatic growth. As the rains subsided, 

contractors at the site added more workers in hopes of making up lost time. 

NASA announced on 1 April1964 that more than 1,000 workers were on the 

site-683 of them engaged in construction. The small NASA cadre was 34; 

General Electric (GE) and its subcontractors, 109; Corps of Engineers onsite, 

126; Corps of Engineers, Bay St. Louis, 37; Raytheon, 6; Weather Bureau, 8; 

Hancock County Security Patrol, 6; and 1 each with North American Aviation 

(NAA), Boeing Company, and Sverdrup and Parcel. 16 

Marion Kent, of the MSFC, had great influence on the community leaders during the MTO's early growth. Kent came down to Mississippi to help 

coordinate community programs with local area officials. He prepared several 

reports and studies on the impact of the new space installation in Mississippi. 

These reports proved helpful in later years, serving as a "baseline" guide in 

developing new programs. Leo Seal, Jr., Hancock Bank president and CEO, 

remembers Kent as a man with authority and responsibility; someone who 

would "answer questions" from local residents and listen to the community 

leaders as they all prepared for the NASA impact. 17 

14. "Official Status Will Be Sought For Commission," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth 

referred to as The Daily Herald), 27 February 1964; "NASA-MTO Area Planning Group Elects Officers," 

Picayune Item, 27 February 1964; "Planning Unit For MTO Asked," The Daily Herald, 4 March 1964. 

15. "NASA-MTO Area Planning Group Elects Officers," Picayune Item, 27 February 1964; "Planning Unit For 

MTO Asked," The Daily Herald, 4 March 1964. 

16. "Workers At Mississippi Test Operations Pass 1000 Mark For First Time," Picayune Item, 2 March 1994. 

17. Edward R. Ling, Sr., The Space Crescent: The Untold Story (Huntsville, AL: The Strode Publishers, 1984), 

pp. 58-64; Leo Seal, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 27 September 1994. 

77 
The NASA model city plan for Pearlington included zoning for residential 

and business areas, plus motel, hospital, small industry, park, high school, and 

elementary school locations. The design even called for a civic center along 

the banks of the Pearl River. A similarly planned community was under construction in Clearlake, Texas, near the NASA Manned Spacecraft Cente

(known today as the Johnson Space Center). The Pearlington plan was pre

sented by NASA officials to community leaders in Hancock County, and the 

concept did stimulate some serious thought. The plan, however, never materi

alized, and the planned city was never built. Employees generally selected th

existing communities, with schools and municipal assets already in place.19 

As giant structures slowly arose at the test site, more and more worker

arrived to rush the project along. The presence of new workers provide

encouragement to local community and business leaders, who awaited th

promised prosperity. Captain Fortune announced on 18 June 1964 that ove

2,000 persons were working at the site, an astounding increase of 1,000 work

ers in just over two months. Even with the slight break in the rainy weathe

and the increase in construction personnel, the lagging schedule began t

worry Corps of Engineers officials, who quietly issued warnings that the pro

ject was falling behind.20 

The increased activity, however, brought NASA and other governmen

officials down to south Mississippi to see the landmark construction projec

in full swing. Senator Stennis made trips during the summer to survey th

work and meet with local community leaders. Fortune briefed the Senator o

18. MSFC Master Planning Office, Pearlington As A Planned Community, map, color artist concept, SSCHRC

19. Ibid. 

20. "Total of 2,000 Persons Now Are Working At MTO Site," Picayune Item, 18 June 1964; Leo L. Jones, 

Brief History Of The Mississippi Test Facility 1961-1966," comment draft, (Huntsville, AL: MS

Historical Office, 1967), p. 57, SSCHRC. 

78 
the MSFC. 21 

Von Braun, during a visit to the area, said that the testing facility would 

grow and become more important "as time goes on." He linked his observation to an appeal for Mississippi to develop both its schools and citizens for 

the "great space program," so Mississippi talent could be used as much as 

possible. "It is so important that the youth of this area develop themselves in 

science and mathematics for the great future that awaits them here," von 

Braun said. He also stated the need for qualified minority individuals to fill 

positions in the technical community at the installation. "There is a strong 

need to get rid of some old traditions and face the future and its challenge, and 

the need for men of both the black and white races to develop," von Braun 

advised. Commenting on the task at hand, Von Braun said the work was "very 

nearly" on schedule and not delayed "much" by the unusual rains. 22 

Fortune deserved his boss's praise. His efforts to lay a foundation for community support paid off when Mississippi Governor Paul B. Johnson, 

Lieutenant Governor Carrol Gartin, and members of the state legislature visited the test site. Fortune briefed the group outdoors on the bank of the Pearl 

River behind the Rouchon House at old Gainesville. Fortune, in his calm and 

reassuring manner, advised the Governor and the state lawmakers that the test 

site would have a "dramatic [economic] impact" on the state. The friendly 

Navy captain was well received by the state government officials.23 

21. "Senator Stennis Pays Visit To MTO Test Site," Picayune Item, 14 May 1964; "Dr. von Braun Makes Tour Of 

Gainesville Site," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as The Times-Picayune), 

3 May 1964. 

22. "Schools Big Need," The Sea Coast Echo, 14 May 1964; "Von Braun Pleased With MTO Progress," Picayune 

Item, 14 May 1964. 

23. "Lawmakers Wind Up Two Days On Coast Tonight," The Daily Herald, II April 1964; "Johnson, Gartin, And 

Solons In Tour Of NASA Operation," The (Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The 

Clarion-Ledger), 11 April 1964. 

79 
homes and investing their taxes and payroll checks in the communities.24 

Early predictions by von Braun that the NASA space center was the kind 

of activity Chamber of Commerce people "dream of' seemed to become a reality. A "cover story" in the 20 July 1964 U.S. News & World Report entitled 

"Space Billions-Now a Boom" further stimulated the expansion of towns and 

cities in the area. The article was reprinted in local newspapers and described 

the space program as a new industry in the southern states worth "billions." The 

article also referred to the "Space Crescent" and stated that money for the space 

facilities was being spent at the rate of "one-million dollars every two hours."2

"Whole areas are undergoing drastic alteration in appearance and in thei

way of life," the article said. "A boom is predicted for three cities near the 

test ground in Mississippi-Picayune, Bay St. Louis in Mississippi, and 

Slidell, just over the border in Louisiana." The U.S. News & World Repor

article predicted final cost of the Mississippi facility at $750 million. Th

only way such a cost could be incurred would have been with the full impac

of a Nova-class rocket, which never came to pass. Adding even more high

powered economic fuel, area newspapers followed with editorial comments

The New Orleans States-Item carried an editorial headlined "Awesom

Space-Age Impact Seen" that elaborated on the U.S. News & World Repor

article and stated, "Merely witnessing the industrial and economic change

will be an exciting adventure."26 

On the heels of the boost from the national magazine, NASA Administrato

James Webb, dynamic leader of the nation's lunar landing program, paid a vis

to the test site and requested a "private" meeting with community busines

24. Bullock, "Utilization Data," attachment 3, pp. 1-3. 

25. "Space Billions-Now A Boom?", U.S. News & World Report, 20 July 1964, pp. 24-29. 

26. Ibid.; "Awesome Space-Age Impact Seen," editorial, The Times-Picayune, 25 July 1964. 

80 
]ames E. Webb, NASA administrator (center), talks to Harold Mullins, U.S. Army Corps of 

Engineers (left), and O.L. "Dusty" Rhodes, NASA, of the Mississippi Test Operations during 

the early days of construction. (SSC-64-600A) 

leaders. At Webb's direction, Fortune's PIO (Herring) and community relations staff hastily invited about 20 businessmen from the Gulf Coast, and they 

assembled in Captain Fortune's office at the Rouchon House. News reporters 

were invited, too, but they were held outside until the closed-door session was 

over. Inside, James Webb charmed his south Mississippi audience. He took off 

his coat, displaying his red, wide-band suspenders, and he opened the meeting 

by telling the select group, "I'm just a country businessman from North 

Carolina. I was surprised when President Kennedy called me up on the telephone and asked me to head up the space program." With the audience relaxed 

by Webb's "down-home" demeanor, he made himself comfortable by sitting 

on Captain Fortune's desk, thumbs latched under his red suspenders.27 

27. "Space Program Beginning," Picayune Item, 17 September 1964; Leo Seal, Jr. , interview; W. Henry 

Lambright, Powering Apollo, James E. Webb Of NASA (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 

1995), pp. 1- 14. 

81 
y pgg p 

meet any community half-way in providing help to bridge the gap," Webb 

answered emphatically. 28 

After the executive meeting, Webb told waiting reporters on the porch 

that the projected MTO payroll would be $20 million when the facility was in 

full operation. The NASA Administrator cited a survey made of the impacts 

of the MTO and the Michoud plant, in eastern New Orleans, on the general 

area. The survey showed 70 new apartment buildings under way, 36 new residential subdivisions started, 1,346 new homes erected, and 176 new 

businesses started. Webb emphasized that these figures included St. Tammany 

Parish, Louisiana, which was largely influenced by the huge Michoud plant 

already employing 11,505 people. Webb stated that "community relations in 

the area are very good."29 

Webb's visit provided reassurance to business and community leaders, who 

were feeling "growing pains" from the impact of more than 2,500 workers 

crowding their towns. In addition to providing a much-needed cash-flow to 

the area, one of the many side benefits from the space facility was its firs

United Fund drive, conducted in 1964. The proceeds from the drive went to 

the communities on the Gulf Coast and to the Greater New Orleans Area 

United Fund. As a result, NASA became a leader among coast communitie

with its charitable donations.J0 

28. "On The Moon By 1969, Webb Forecast," The Times-Picayune, 15 September 1964. 

29. Ibid. 

30. "Joint Fund Drives At MTO Agreed To," The Sea Coast Echo, 10 September 1964. 

82 
pgyg

the city into trouble. The city worked tirelessly from 1961 until 1968 in 

attempts to wade through a bureaucratic maze, imposed by the Federal Area 

Redevelopment Administration and the Federal Housing and Home Finance 

Administration, to obtain grants. After all, NASA was urging communities to 

"upgrade" to meet the standards required by incoming NASA families. 31 

Harry Gorman, the MSFC deputy director, endorsed the Bay St. Louis 

"upgrade" with a letter and his representatives urged Mayor Scafide to pursue 

the project. However, even Senator Stennis failed to move the sluggish bureaucracies in Atlanta and Washington, and Bay St. Louis had 40 miles of torn-up 

streets, many impassable, for newcomers to view while looking for homes. 

Needless to say, many chose to live in Picayune, Pass Christian, or Slidell, as 

Bay St. Louis struggled to pay for its well-intended efforts to upgrade.32 

Even with the growing pains of Bay St. Louis, the county seat, Hancock 

County employment doubled to over 8,000 workers between 1960 and 1965. 

One old industry had some problems with the progress taking place in southwest Mississippi. The making of illegal whiskey was big business in the area 

around Kiln, Mississippi, on the Jourdan River, and there were stills located 

in the lands attached to the NASA "fee area and buffer zone." The presence 

of these stills was not a major concern for NASA officials, as they viewed the 

moonshiners and their stills as a humorous topic of conversation, rather than 

a source of legal concern. In turn, the location of the NASA site proved only 

a passing problem for the moonshiners because they simply moved their stills 

outside the fenced NASA perimeter.33 

31. "Scafide Tells Test Operation Impact In Area,'' Picayune Item, 8 October 1964; Bullock, "Utilization Data,'' 

1968, attachment 5, pp. 1-3. 

32. Bullock, "Utilization Data,'' 1968, attachment 5, pp. 1-3. 

33. Ibid.; "Moonshine May Fuel Hancock Rocketships,'' The (Jackson, MS) States-Times (henceforth referred to 

as The States-Times), 2 November 1961. 

83 
Leadership Changes 

With communities changing before the very eyes of newcomers and natives, 

the landscape at the construction site was taking on a new look, with towering 

steel structures rising high above the cypresses, oaks, and pines. And, with these 

changes, NASA, the Corps of Engineers, and the new contractors began sending in a new team of leaders. Superb leaders were emerging during the Apollo 

program; many had proven their merit during World War II, the Korean War, and 

in private industry during the pioneering days of modem rocketry.35 

Colonel Robert C. Marshall was named as district engineer for the Corps 

of Engineers in midsummer 1964, replacing Colonel D.A. Raymond. Colone

Marshall directed the Mississippi construction from his offices in Mobile

Alabama. One of Marshall's first appointments was Colonel Roy P. Beatty a

area engineer, replacing William R. Coryell, acting area engineer. Colone

David Roberts was deputy district engineer for NASA support. Thes

appointments placed military men in all but one of the Corps of Engineers

key management positions. To that position, Colonel Marshall named 

Coryell, a civilian, deputy area engineer under Colonel Beatty.36 

Experienced veterans in the growing aerospace industry joined Captai

Fortune in top management positions to activate and operate the test facility

Frequently referred to as the "big four," these managers were Fortune, NASA

William R. Eaton, GE; John J. Cully, Boeing; and Harry C. Cox, NAA. 37 

34. "Still Destroyed Near Santa Rosa,'' Picayune Item, 1 October 1964; "The Boom Is On,'' Picayune Item, 

November 1964. 

35. News Release, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (henceforth referred to as COE), 7 February 1964, SSCHRC

News Release, COE, 2 August 1964, SSCHRC; "Corps of Engineers Has Vital MTO Role,'' The Clario

Ledger, 1 April 1965; News Release, COE, 2 June 1963, SSCHRC. 

36. Ibid. 

37. Ibid. 

84 
A Turning Point 

Artley's arrival and the ending of 1964 marked a turning point in preparing the test facility for the Saturn rocket stages. The Corps issued an earlier 

warning that "more money and people" would be needed to recover the time 

lost, due to heavy rains and shortages of critical building materials. In addition, evidence of construction schedule slippages became apparent during late 

1964, when fixed-price contracts awarded by the Corps of Engineers were not 

completed. Coupled with weather conditions and technical problems, it 

became necessary for NASA to re-evaluate its position and to establish a 

recovery program to meet the Saturn V schedule requirements for stage 

acceptance tests. 39 

The Corps of Engineers assembled about 80 leaders, including their own, 

from NASA, construction contractors, and labor organizations for a one-day 

"seminar" on 29 November 1964 to "stress the national importance of the 

lunar landing program." Major General A.C. Welling, of the Corps South 

Atlantic Division, Mobile District, arranged for von Braun to be keynote 

speaker at the meeting held in Biloxi, Mississippi. Discussions during the 

seminar centered around completion of the S-II Test Complex, which would 

be the only place in the country that the Saturn V second-stage rocket could 

be tested.40 

Von Braun stressed the critical nature of the work at hand, noting that, 

"It will be at the S-II stand now under construction that [the stage] will 

receive its only full-duration firing before a lunar mission." In a somber 

voice von Braun pointed out that "If our program slips one year it would 

38. Leo Seal, Jr., interview by Henry Dethloff; "Summary Working Papers," Executive Directors Collection, 

SSCHRC; "Big Four For MTO Highly Experienced," Picayune Item, 30 April 1964. 

39. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 7 April 1995. 

40. Gordon Artley, interview by Mack Herring, Merritt Island, FL, August 1995. 

85 
construction, (2) activation, and (3) operation.

The construction phase overlapped the activation phase in that it inte

grated construction, equipment installation, checkout, and demonstration 

readiness testing. NASA critically studied its position in Mississippi as acti

vation work began in earnest during 1964 and early 1965.43 

An official estimate published by the MTF Working Group in Huntsvill

placed the S-II second-stage rocket schedule 17 months behind the origina

contract date. The schedule was designed to have a flight stage on the dock a

Kennedy Space Center in time to meet Apollo lunar landing schedules. Artle

said his studies actually put the work 22 months behind schedule. The sched

ule slippage caused alarms to go off all the way to NASA Headquarters

where managers were mindful of the country's commitment, while closel

monitoring the Apollo program's progress.44 

Completion of the S-II-stage test facilities emerged as the "pacing item

in the Apollo program, since there was no other place in the country bein

prepared to test the new, Saturn V second-stage, liquid hydrogen rocke

The Apollo era decision makers knew the facilities in Mississippi had to b

virtually complete in order to test and flight-certify an S-II rocket in time 

meet the launch schedules. In other words, the lunar landing program wa

in jeopardy.45 

Earlier plans, allowing the Corps of Engineers to proceed with a conve

tional and orderly construction and then to turn the brick and mortar facilitie

41. "Significant Problems Encountered," Auter working papers, SSCHRC; "Stresses Test Stand Importance," T

Daily Herald, 30 November 1964. 

42. Ibid. 

43. "Sequence Of Mississippi Test Facility Development," Auter working papers, SSCHRC. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Roger E. Bilstein, Stages to Saturn, A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn V Launch Veh

(Washington, DC: National Aeronautics and Space Administration SP-4206, 1980), p. 74; "Mississi

Test Facility Development Plans And Schedules," Auter working papers, SSCHRC. 

86 
Construction crews install steel reinforcing rods at the base of what became the A-2 test stand. 

The excavation for the stand went down some 50 feet with steel H-beams driven approximately 

95-100 feet deeper to form a foundation for the huge piers of the test stands. (SSC-64-134C) 

over to NASA and its contractors for installation and activation, were no 

longer possible. Drastic actions had to be initiated. In order to achieve the S11 activation, the navigation lock; canal system; A-2 test stand; and all 

instrumentation, data, and propellant systems had to be completed. 46 

Artley's Alligators 

Von Braun assigned Gordon Artley the task of overseeing the critical activation phase and bringing the test facility on line. He decided to give Artley 

the job of recovering the lost time. Artley was strongly recommended by 

Brigadier General Edmund F.L. O'Connor, head of the MFSC's recently organized Industrial Operations; Dr. Herman K. Weidner, Chief, Structures and 

46. Artley, interview. 

87 
tremendous task ahead. After he introduced himself in December 1964 to th

NASA and contractor crews, he was easily recognized. He dressed in a whit

shirt with an open collar, cuffs turned up, casual slacks, and black ankle boots

He wore his hardhat everywhere, a part of his "uniform" that added to his spe

cial charisma. 48 

Hardhats were required protection for everyone as construction wa

under way almost everywhere on the 13,500-acre installation. The "Artle

look" was soon imitated by his lieutenants and others involved in the activa

tion phase who wanted to be identified with the team.49 

Artley set about putting together an extraordinary activation team of gov

ernment and contractor employees to meet the Apollo program test schedule

His first action was to set up activation headquarters in the Rouchon Hous

Fortune and most of his staff moved into the partially finished three-sto

Engineering and Administration Building (Bldg. 1100). The GE employe

occupied office spaces at the opposite end of Building 1100 from Fortune an

his NASA crew. Fortune busied himself with recruiting and organizing 

operating staff, while Artley began recruiting experienced personnel. 5° 

Artley found that only a handful of engineers and technicians onboard 

Mississippi had the specialized experience needed for activation of the te

stands. InApril1965, there were over 3,000 workers on the site. GE, the su

port contractor from which Artley would have to draw most of his help, h

443 employees, with subcontractor personnel numbering 179. NAA, the co

pany that would be testing the Saturn V second stage, had 97 workers, mos

from California, to begin the job of getting ready for the static engine testin

47. Ibid. 

48. Artley, interview; O.J. Howe, interview by Mack Herring, August 1995. 

49. Howe, interview; James Boyland, interview by Mack Herring, August 1995; Charles Swan, interview 

Mack Herring, August 1995. 

50. Howe, interview; Swan, interview. 

88 
were strongly loyal to the Martin Company, with a reverence for Gordon 

Artley as their leader. 52 

One of these former activation experts was O.J. Howe, hired by GE at 

Artley's request and put in charge of Work Control for the entire base, with 

19 contractor personnel from the Parsons Company helping him direct the 

work traffic. 53 

Another activation expert recruited was Tom Flynn, a quiet, capable westerner who helped Artley with other missile projects. Artley said he also 

depended heavily on Fred Kohl, one of his most valued assistants, who was 

named head of the activation efforts by GE. Jim Boyland, another missileman, had worked for Artley at a Titan site near Sacramento, California. 

Boyland answered Artley's summons and came to Mississippi to "straighten 

out the warehouse mess." Howe, Flynn, Boyland, and Kohl all remained 

through the activation and operation phase and eventually retired in the Gulf 

Coast area. 54 

In a further move to strengthen the activation work, the MTF Working 

Group in Huntsville was disbanded and its capable engineers transferred to 

Mississippi on "continuing temporary duty." Some of the engineers that transferred were A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Tom Edwards, Kenneth Riggs, Henry 

Dyer, W.L. "Willie" Shippey, Summers Taylor, and Colonel Charles Palmer. 

Having key members of the Working Group on the construction site was 

especially valuable, since they were instrumental in the design of the facilities and technical systems being installed. For example, as Artley said, "some 

detailed drawings showed cryogenic pipe connections joining in a certain 

51. Artley, interview. 

52. Ibid. 

53. Ibid. 

54. Howe, interview. 

89 
Artley used a management technique that worked for him on the Titan sites 

to organize and track the activation work. He called the technique "Complex 

Operational Group" (COG), and he divided all the work projects into COGs

"I liked the acronym," Artley recalled, "because it spelled cogs, which are 

what keep a wheel moving." There were six COGs; the S-II complex wa

COG 1 because of its immediate importance. The other COGs included the S

IC stand, test support, data operations, propellant operations, and waterways

A tried-and-proven management tracking concept, called Performanc

Evaluation and Review Technique (PERT), was used to keep track of and giv

visibility to every project on the site. The PERT system employed a maste

control room, with smaller control rooms located in various COGs. Th

smaller control rooms electronically tied back to the Building 1100 maste

control room. All work status was posted daily, and work managers could se

at a glance the status of their work and the exact locations of their problems. 

According to many who worked for Artley, motivating others was Artley

strongest suit. He held a meeting ("Sunrise Service") every day at 6:30 a.m

and assembled his lead personnel and supervisors to review the work statu

and determine the next step. Anyone who attended one of Artley's Sunris

Services never forgot his high-pitched "sermons." George Beasley, a NAS

engineer from Alabama, once called Artley's attention to an article in th

morning newspaper. Gordon Artley said in his high-pitched voice, "Georg

when do you have time to read the newspaper?" Beasley meekly replie

"Early in the morning, Gordon, on the way to work." Gordon retorte

55. Artley, interview; Boyland, interview; Howe, interview. 

56. Artley, interview. 

57. Ibid. 

90 
91 

a ferocious reptile that abounded in the rivers and swamps around the NASA 

site. Artley said, "The armadillo is too harmless, we need something strong 

and powerful like the alligator." Swan drew a cartoon of an alligator that 

became the symbol of the activation team. As one of Artley's motivational 

awards, the activator of the month won the "Alligator Award" certificate, 

which entitled the recipient to a free trip to Huntsville to witness a static 

firing. The fired-up "Alligators" worked day and night and went to all lengths 

to win the simple certificate and a trip to Huntsville. Later, Henry Auter 

revived the Alligator Award and presented it to those retiring from the test 

facility. The Artley-inspired, Swan-original cartoon is still held dear in the 

hearts of the oldtimers who remember the Artley era. 59 

58. Ibid.; Jones, "Brief History Of Mississippi Test Facility," pp. 23-24. 

59. Howe, interview; Boyland, interview; Swan, interview. 

Testing Saturn 

A New Task Force 

The final push toward readiness for static-testing the big Saturn V 

rocket stages was well under way in early 1965. New leaders and 

thousands of additional helpers arrived to rush the lunar landing project through its Mississippi way station. Long before the last booster rocket's 

red glare was seen, the new space complex began changing direction. This 

change was led by innovative NASA test site manager Jackson Balch, who 

teamed with concerned politicians to take drastic steps to save the testing 

installation from oblivion in the Hancock County swamp. 1 

Shifting Into High Gear 

The schedule slippages in both the Mississippi test site construction 

phase and the manufacturing of the Saturn V second stage (S-II) at Seal 

1. Maria Watson, "Balch Recalls Progress At Hancock Test Facility Site," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald 

(henceforth referred to as The Daily Herald), 24 July 1975; "Ellender Proposes Science Setup To Operate At 

NASA Mississippi Test Facility," Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as Picayune Item), 2 Aprill970. 

93 
ggpg

These shortcuts caused significant changes at the Mississippi facility, including transfer of the All-Systems Test Stage (S-Il-T) with its Ground Support 

Equipment (GSE) from Seal Beach to the facility. 3 

In order to slingshot the test facility into operation, the MSFC decided to 

accelerate the entire program in Mississippi. Marion Kent was sent down from 

the MSFC by von Braun to inform the local residents of the NASA change of 

plans. A well-known and respected administrator, Kent advised local community 

leaders of an increase in new personnel as the test site moved into a "new phase 

of operation." Captain Fortune invited community leaders from Picayune, Bay 

St. Louis, Waveland, Pass Christian, Long Beach, and Gulfport, Mississippi, and 

from Slidell, Louisiana, and members of the local media to a meeting in the 

unfinished Engineering and Administration Building (Bldg. 1100).4 

Rumors that a big acceleration was in the making increased interest in and 

attendance at the community meeting. A few days before, NASA held a "technical meeting" to review the S-II situation and get "their ducks in a row." 

Eberhard Rees, Karl Heimburg, Captain Fortune, and other MSFC officials 

were present at the technical meeting, as were some 90 persons representing 

GE, North American Aviation (NAA), Boeing, the Corps of Engineers, and 

several subcontractors.5 

2. Leo L. Jones, "A Brief History of the Mississippi Test Facility, 1961-1966, comment draft (Huntsville, AL

MSFC History Department, 1967), pp. 48-50, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection a

Stennis Space Center, MS (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC); See also Roger E. Bilstein's Stages To 

Saturn, A Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn Launch Vehicles, for excellent discussion of technica

development of the S-II and S-IC rocket stages and management interchanges between NAA and MSFC 

officials. For specific references to this part, see "Crisis At Seal Beach," pp. 222-233. 

3. NASA News Release, 8 April 1965, SSCHRC; "Coast Towns Near Test Site Experiencing Booms," The 

(Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The Clarion-Ledger). 

4. "Mississippi Test Facility Development Plans And Schedules," Auter Working Papers, unnumbered, SSCHRC

"It's Go, Go, Go At MTO," Picayune Item, 15 April 1965; NASA News Release, 8 April 1965, pp. 1-2

SSCHRC. 

5. "Coast Groups Invited To Test Site For Report," The Daily Herald, 5 April 1965. 

94 
y, gy 

von Braun's MSFC group and NASA Headquarters managers. Certainly, the 

long-range objective was to beat the Soviets to the Moon, but the recent 

Soviet progress was not the reason for the rush to get the Mississippi site into 

operation. Instead, the immediate rush was an attempt to get the lunar landing program back on schedule. The community leaders anticipated the 

meeting with great apprehension, because they were already experiencing a 

boom of immense proportions, with 40 new permanent families arriving 

every day. The possibility of an even greater population acceleration was a 

matter of deep concern. 7 

Captain Fortune's community meeting at the bustling test facility was 

intended to announce one of the fastest community expansions in the country, similar to those experienced in and around cities housing defense plants 

during World War II. At the last minute, however, NASA Headquarters had 

not completed its review of the new MSFC activation plan that outlined 

when the influx of new personnel would begin arriving. The community 

meeting went ahead as planned, with Kent and Captain Fortune "winging it" 

with the data they had. 8 

Most of the community leaders and local media came to the meeting 

believing they would learn reliable details of the rumored acceleration 

timetable. Some even anticipated that new programs beyond Apollo, such as 

"Nova," might be announced by Kent. An accomplished speaker with a pleasing personality, Kent acknowledged that plans were not quite complete, and 

6. Ibid. 

7. "MTO Official Predicts Hike In Personnel,"' The Hancock County (MS) Eagle, 22 Aprill965; "Alert Given For 

Big Upward Push At Mississippi Test Site," The Slidell (IA) Times, 22 Aprill965. 

8. "Speed-Up," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as The Sea Coast Echo), 22 April 

1965; "Step-Up In MTO Personnel Seen To Close Schedule Gap," The (New Orleans, lA) Times-Picayune 

(henceforth referred to as The Times-Picayune), 17 April 1965. 

95 
ppg 

was under way and said that he wanted to "dispel rumors in the communitie

about further land acquisitions." He stated that the government paid more 

than $16 million for purchase of the fee area land and the buffer zone ease

ment, a figure higher than had been anticipated. In fact, the total land 

acquisition cost was $21.5 million. Area residents continued to remain sensi

tive about additional lands that NASA might seek to meet the needs of an 

accelerated program. 10 

NASA announced on 6 May 1965 the initiation of an accelerated program 

for testing the S-II rocket. The readiness of the Mississippi facility, and, specif

ically, the first of the two S-II test stands (A-2), was considered by NASA 

"pacing item" for the entire Apollo/Saturn V program. The new employmen

projections were also announced. Fifteen-hundred new engineers and techni

cians would arrive for work at the facility within two months, placing the tota

population at 5,501 by 1 July 1965-a 37 percent increase in personnel. NASA 

also stated that it was reorganizing several groups at the MSFC that wer

involved with planning, construction, and general activation of the Mississipp

site. With this reorganization, however, there came an unexpected, majo

shakeup in the management of the developing installation.n 

NASA was careful in its news release not to highlight the significant slip

pages that led to a newly developed management program. Rather, NASA 

emphasized that the Mississippi facility had "[entered] the final phase o

preparation" and thought that an increase in the number of persons workin

at the site "[would] result mainly from the movement into the area of a greate

9. NASA News Release, 6 May 1965, SSCHRC. 

10. Ibid.; "Manpower/Population Trend (1963-1991)," February 1991, SSCHRC; "MSFC-MTF Personn

Strength," Management Support Office, 27 December 1965, SSCHRC. 

II. NASA News Release, 6 May 1965, SSCHRC; See also Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, for discussion of t

MSFC's Industrial Operations Division, p. 269. 

96 
,pp

y , y 

in a state of shock when they heard they must prepare for hundreds of additional "permanent" residents coming to their communities. However, NASA 

did promise some relief. Their projections suggested that the A&O and C&I 

workloads would hit their peaks by 30 December 1965. Then there would be a 

steady drop of C&I employees after that, until the base stabilized with 3,165 

A&O personnel by 30 June 1967. By that date, the S-II and S-IC rocket testing would be routine. NASA's projection proved to be extremely accurate. The 

total site population hit its peak a bit earlier than predicted, with 6,114 workers 

on site in August 1965 and 4, 701 actual workers onsite in December 1965.13 

NASA announced that Fortune would continue as manager of the 

Mississippi Test Operations (MTO), "pending organizational arrangements" 

necessary to carry out the increased scope of activation and operations. 

NASA also assigned Jackson Balch, assistant to the MSFC assistant deputy 

director, (technical) to the MSFC Industrial Operations organization and gave 

him the dual titles of MTO Site Manager and head of the MTO Task Force. 14 

However, on 10 June 1965, von Braun announced that Fortune had been 

assigned the task of "[evaluating] modes of cooperation between the main 

elements of the government-industry Saturn rocket team." Von Braun said, 

"Captain Fortune's task in Mississippi has been rewarding and challenging. 

His new mission, to point out areas where the cooperation within the successful government team can be made even more effective for future uses of 

our Saturn super-rocket, is equally as challenging." 15 

Von Braun was accurate in his assessment of Fortune, but perhaps 

Fortune's greatest contribution came as an excellent good will ambassador for 

12. Ibid. 

13. Ibid. 

14. "MTF Chief Awarded New Appointment,'' The Daily Herald, 10 June 1965. 

15. Ibid. 

97 
The Balch Era Begins 

The appointment of Jackson Balch as NASA's MTO site manager and 

head of the new MTO Task Force ushered in a unique era in NASA's bureaucratic history. Balch's tenure was one of great triumphs and grim tragedies, 

described by his closest associates as "the best of times ... the worst of times." 

From the testing of giant Saturn rocket stages that sent Americans to the 

Moon, Balch led men and women on a 10-year quest to accomplish an 

"impossible dream" by creating a crossroads of science that became respected 

across the country and as far away as the Soviet Union. 17 

Before Balch retired, as many as 18 federal and state s~ientific agencies were 

sharing ideas, projects, and laboratories at the testing facility. These agencies were 

engaged in exploration of sciences dealing with space, oceans, and the Earth

Governmental, political, and scientific leaders came to study and participate in the 

new-wave research and development facility on the Mississippi Gulf Coast. Before 

the multiagency installation could be born, Balch and his staff resorted to extraor

dinary measures. They enlisted the aid of Senator Stennis and other powerfu

politicians, community leaders, and members of the press to help accomplish thei

goal of a multiagency installation.18 

Balch, born in Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, Canada, the son of a prominen

educator and diplomat, was invariably seen at the Mississippi site wearin

one of his favorite, conservative, multicolored school ties. Balch grew up an

16. Leo W. Seal, Jr., interview by Henry C. Dethloff, Gulfport, MS, 23 July 1991; Leo Seal, Jr., interview b

Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 27 September 1994; Roy Baxter, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, Pearlingto

MS, 5 January 1995; Maria Watson, "Balch Recalls Progress At Hancock Test Facility," The Daily Heral

24 July 1975. 

17. Watson, "Balch Recalls Progress," 24 July 1975. 

18. NASA-MSFC Public Affairs, "Balch Biography," ud.; NASA-NSTL "Balch Biography," SSCHRC. 

98 
was educated in several foreign countries, giving him an international flair in 

his mannerisms and his thought processes. He received a bachelor of arts 

degree with a major in civil engineering from Trinity College in Dublin, 

Ireland. He was very proud of his undergraduate degree and said Trinity provided him access to a "liberal education" with an emphasis in engineering. He 

then received a master of arts degree from the University of North Carolina 

and completed graduate studies in industrial engineering at the Massachusetts 

Institute of Technology. Most NASA managers of his era held degrees in 

engineering, with a smaller number having majors in the various sciences. 

Few, however, had as broad (liberal) an education as Balch. 19 

Balch was well-prepared for the formidable task as MTO manager. He had 

served as an aide-de-camp to General Douglas McArthur near the end of 

World War II. At the time von Braun named him to the post in Mississippi, he 

was a colonel in the Alabama National Guard and a Commanding Officer of 

the 142nd Signal Group in Huntsville. He was proud of his military education, especially his studies at the War College at Maxwell Air Force Base in 

Montgomery, Alabama. Balch said he learned a great deal about "intelligence" work at Maxwell. 20 

19. Ibid. 

20. Ibid. 

99 
these things, and all of a sudden one day he'd push them over, and every one 

of them would fall down." Further evidence of Balch's military approach can 

be found in the fact that he heavily relied on Major General John Medaris, one 

of his military mentors, whom he asked to serve as a management consultan

on several occasionsY 

In addition to Balch's cosmopolitan education and his military background

he gained invaluable experience serving in top management positions wit

the Army and with NASA at Huntsville. Balch served under Medaris a

deputy chief of the Research Projects Office at the Army Ordnance Missil

Command. He joined NASA as an assistant to Heimburg in MSFC's Te

Division and was appointed assistant deputy director, Technical Division

under von Braun.22 

Balch moved his wife Janet and their six children from Huntsville to a

antebellum home overlooking the Gulf of Mexico in historic Pass Christian

Mississippi. This move represented a big step for Balch and his family. As 

result, he brought a new, determined commitment to the MTO that was de

tined to play a significant role in the direction and history of the Mississip

space center.23 

The need to ready the Mississippi facility for Apollo testing was so cruci

to America's lunar landing program, NASA pulled out all stops and auth

rized von Braun to temporarily send his finest personnel to Mississippi as pa

of the new MTO Task Force. This included the chiefs and directors of co

tracts, legal, labor relations, communications, administration, facilities, a

21. Roy Estess, interview by Henry L. Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program of the University of South

Mississippi, vol. 444, 18 June 1991, SSCHRC; Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. My

Webb, SSC, 7 July 1995, on audio tape awaiting transcription, SSCHRC. 

22. NASA-MSFC Biography. 

23. NASA-MSFC Biography. 

100 
Unique MTF Organization Created 

At the same time, activation phase manager Gordon Artley, who accomplished similar tasks for the Air Force, continued to move out with his 

organization, using innovative techniques in contracting and budgeting to 

bring in the hundreds of new personnel needed by the support and stage contractors-GE, NAA, and Boeing-to complete installation and activation of 

the test stands and to begin testing the S-II and S-IC Saturn rocket stages. In 

the new organization, Artley was named assistant to the manager for activation, but, for all practical purposes, Artley was "in charge" of the activation 

phase. The first charter, developed in 1965, stated that Artley was to "[activate] the Mississippi Test Facility within approved policies and management 

decision of the manager." Balch, in conjunction with the MTO Task Force and 

General O'Connor, the MSFC Head of Industrial Operations, and with von 

Braun's constant attention, directed most of his efforts into structuring an 

operational organization. 25 

Balch told historian Roger Bilstein that during the activation phase, the 

construction and testing activities merged to the point that the first test firings 

were conducted while construction was still under way. At the time, Balch 

observed that "we're sure this is the only way to do it, but for the next year 

we'll be riding with one foot on each of two galloping horses."26 

24. "Balch Meets Press,'" The Sea Coast Echo, 12 August 1965. 

25. Leo L. Jones, "A Brief History Of The Mississippi Test Facility, 1961-1966,'' comment draft, 24 March 1967, 

MSFC History Office; Wemher von Braun, "Charter Mississippi Test Facility, Industrial Operations," 

MSFC Management Manual, 27 October 1965, SSCHRC. 

26. Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, p. 74. 

101 
ment of the official name change also included a name change for the 

Michoud plant, changing it to the Michoud Assembly Facility (MAP) to mak

the sister components compatible in name, as well as organizational channels

However, many other changes of greater significance were in the making with 

the new onsite Task Force deeply engaged in its mission.27 

As the Corps turned over more facilities to Artley's activation team, th

installation and checkout of the technical systems needed for testing th

Saturn rocket stages increased the team's workload. Hundreds of engineer

and technicians began arriving to swell the MTF workforce. In June 1965

NASA announced that 4,619 workers were on site, a number that was "o

schedule" with the projections made in the 6 May 1965 announcement. A 

breakdown of personnel figures showed GE, most involved with activatio

work, with 1,146 employees. NAA, with more S-II test team members on site

had 333 people. NASA, with Balch and his onsite Task Force, had 84 civ

service workers on its permanent employee list. 28 

The activation and operation personnel came in so fast that NASA simpl

had no place for them. The buildings on the site were being rapidly com

pleted, but the large numbers of personnel were not expected when NAS

planned its administrative and laboratory space. As it turned out, th

dilemma for NASA proved to be a plus for the business sections of at lea

three nearby communities. GE leased a garment plant in Picayune and place

450 management and clerical workers in the 50,000-square-foot facilit

27. NASA-MTF News Release, I July 1965, SSCHRC; "Name for Static Testing Site About As Long As Trip 

The Moon," The Daily Herald, 15 June 1965. The name "Mississippi Test Facility" would continue u

the installation was renamed the "NASA National Space Technology Laboratories," and given full fi

installation status on 14 June 1974. The "Mississippi Test Operations" name was dropped for good on I J

1965, eliminating a great deal of administrative confusion. 

28. "Picayune Continues To Lead As Preference For MTO Employees," Picayune Item, 15 June 1965; "Projec

Personnel Count Met At MTF," The Sea Coast Echo, 24 June 1965. 

102 
The new employees formed an unusual team, with members coming from 

all walks of life and all parts of the country. The NASA employees were 

largely from the Deep South and the majority of personnel in the NASA-MTF 

group had roots in Mississippi and returned to their home state when given 

the opportunity. Many had been employed at the MSFC in Huntsville, and 

they kept their eyes on the Mississippi project when it first materialized.30 

GE brought together technical and managerial personnel from such areas 

as Lynn, Massachusetts, and Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. NAA imported most 

of its test people from their West Coast aerospace complex near Los Angeles. 

Many of these employees were reluctant to leave their California lifestyle and 

had to be lured to Mississippi with special bonuses referred to as "Swamp 

Pay." Boeing brought engineers from the Seattle, Washington, vicinity. These 

personnel were joined by numerous local hires from Louisiana and 

Mississippi. Senator Stennis insisted that local people be hired for as many 

jobs as possible. When this diverse crew began working together, a professional respect for each other developed and helped forge an unusual and 

highly effective space team. 31 

The small NASA civil service management group that directed the hybrid 

government-contractor team was never expected to become a large organization similar to the MSFC, the Johnson Space Center, or the Kennedy Space 

Center, but an "extension" of the MSFC Test Division, with support from various offices and laboratories in Huntsville. Heimburg never wanted another 

test organization to compete with the MSFC. In addition, NASA was pleased 

29. "GE Moves One Group To Picayune Plant," Picayune Item, 17 June 1965; "MTF Opens New Opportunities 

For State Education, Youth," Picayune Item, 17 June 1965. 

30. Harry H. Gorman to John C. Stennis, "Background and Economic Impact Of The NASA Mississippi Test 

Facility," ud., SSCHRC. 

31. Gilda Perkins, "Swamp Pay Lured Workers," The Slidell (IA) Times, 27 April1975. 

103 
tors' performance of assignment, developmental, and acceptance testing, 

checkout, refurbishment, and service support programs." The directions contained in the charter clearly placed the management of the MTF under Balch 

and his new NASA-MTF organization. Furthermore, the document gave the 

MTF control of "the complete activation of the site to include its initial integrated operations.'m 

Balch went to the chalkboard on numerous occasions to brief official visitors on his version of the MTF management concept. He lectured that "We 

have provided a government-owned, contractor-operated place [the MTF] for 

the stage contractors [NAA and Boeing] to bring their product and demonstrate 

it to NASA, according to strict, government contract specifications. The 

General Electric Company, our stage contractor, furnishes technical and base 

support and gathers the data. NASA monitors these tests, analyzes the data, and 

issues flight worthiness certificates if the stage performs according to its contract specifications. It is at this point that NASA, on behalf of the government, 

accepts the product. This is why we call what we do acceptance testing.''34 

In addition to NASA and its support and stage contractors, there were 30 

prime- and 250 sub-contractor companies during the summer of 1965 getting 

ready for the first test. On the critical A-2 test stand, where the S-II rocket was 

to be tested, there were 20 different companies engaged in a variety of work. 35 

The workers, toiling both day and night on the construction and activation 

of the facility, were not the only personnel with a keen interest in timely completion of the MTF. NASA Administrator Webb brought his advisory 

32. Karl Heirnburg, interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 399, 6 March 1992, pp. 15-16, SSCHRC. 

33. Von Braun, "Charter Mississippi Test Facility." 

34. Jackson Balch, audio tape, 6 June 1967, SSCHRC. 

35. NASA-MTF News Release, 19 June 1965, SSCHRC. 

104 
qp

Headquarters; Harry Gorman, deputy director, MSFC Administration; and 

Bart J. Slattery, Jr., director of Public Affairs, MSFC. Others who joined the 

important visitors were Dr. George Mueller, associate administrator for the 

Office of Manned Space Flight (OMSF); von Braun; and General O'Connor.36 

As the prestigious group was about to walk out to an open area atop the 

300-foot-tall S-IC test stand, a typical coastal thunderstorm produced a 

shower of lightning bolts all around the structure. The ominous display from 

the heavens prompted von Braun to quip, "Maybe we shouldn't all go out 

together with all this lightning around-the leadership of America's space 

program is up here!"37 

The focus of the space flight program was on the work frantically under 

way at the MTF. The pressure was felt by the workers, as well as the managers, as they pushed on toward the first rocket test to prove the site's 

operational status. In missile program terminology, the first static engine test 

was referred to as the "long pole" or the principal structure supporting the 

schedule for the lunar landing program. 38 

Hardware Arrives, Countdown Starts 

NASA-MTF Manager Jackson Balch went public in a press conference 

on 10 August 1965 and set 2 January 1966 as the date for the first static firing 

of a Saturn rocket stage at the site. Balch qualified the date of the first firing 

36. NASA-MTF News Release, 5 August 1965, SSCHRC; NASA-MTF News Release, 26 August 1965. 

SSCHRC. 

37. Von Braun related the humorous quip to the author as the group was about to walk out into the open atop the 

S-IC test stand on 10 August 1965. 

38. I. Jerry Hlass, "Way Station To Space," video, 25 October 1991, SSCHRC. 

105 
"real" S-II rocket stage. For use to check out the test stand operational capability, it would also be used for a dress rehearsal by the workers to prepare for 

the Saturn rocket test-stage arrival. Indeed, the simulator's arrival by barge 

was the first use of the huge navigation lock, and it proved the feasibility of 

the 7.5-mile canal system. The NASA "Navy" personnel operating the marine 

systems-tugs, propellant and stage barges, lock, and canal-proved they had 

the expertise they needed.40 

Two setbacks from the "school of hard knocks" occurred in the late 

summer and fall of 1965-Hurricane Betsy slammed into the MississippiLouisiana Gulf Coast on 10 September 1965, and a fixed crane on theA-2 test 

stand was ripped off during a load test, even before the S-II simulator could 

be mounted for checkout. 41 

Hurricane Betsy caused major damage and killed 76 people. Although the 

MTF escaped the wrath of the storm, 100-mile-per-hour winds scattered any 

construction equipment not tied down. The MTF was used as a shelter by 

some 350 Hancock County residents who found their NASA hosts accommodating and the strongly built facilities a safe haven from the hurricane. The 

NASA-MTF became a valued member of the Gulf Coast Civil Defense Team 

with its availability of communications and heavy emergency equipment.42 

Shortly after Hurricane Betsy blew inland, leaving destruction, death, and 

debris in her wake, the first Saturn stage rocket arrived. The NAA all-systems, 

39. "Balch Hints At Great Growth In Test Facility General Area," The Sea Coast Echo, 12 August 1965; Don 

Brown, "A Giant Stirs To Life," The Birmingham (AL) News (henceforth referred to as The Birmingham 

News)," 8 August 1965; "Saturn Test Stand A-2," photo, The Birmingham News, 8 August 1965. 

40. NASA-MTF News Release, 28 June 1965, SSCHRC; Missiles And Rockets, vol. 7, Washington, DC, 12 July 

1965, p. 24, SSCHRC; "Space Hardware Arrives at MTF," The Marshall (Huntsville, AL) Star (henceforth 

referred to as The Marshall Star), vol. 6, no. 7, July 1965. 

41. "Damage Reported Slight At MTF," The Sea Coast Echo, 23 September 1965. 

42. NASA-MTF News Release, 17 October 1965, SSCHRC. 

106 
A harbinger of hard times ahead for the NASA-contractor team involved 

the S-Il-T when it was placed on the dock at the MTF for the first inspection. 

The rocket was rotated in its towing carriage as part of a rudimentary preliminary test. Workmen standing around could hear "clanks and clinks" as 

foreign objects sealed within the rocket stage were loosely tossed about. 

When the stage was opened and inspected, over 400 foreign objects were 

found, sealed inside at the manufacturing plant. This discovery signaled additional work ahead before the rocket stage could be tested.44 

The jet-powered tugboat, the Clermont, was completed just in time to push 

the S-II-T the two miles from the stage storage and checkout dock to the A-2 

test stand. Designed at the MSFC Test Laboratory and built for NASA at 

Southern Shipbuilding Corporation in Slidell, Louisiana, the tug was 69 feet 

long and provided a steady push for its expensive cargoes with a 1 ,000-horsepower turbine engine weighing only 450 pounds. The unique tugboat was also 

designed to serve as a fireboat for the test stands, propellant barges, and storage tanks. The Clermont was named after Robert Fulton's first successful 

steamboat built 200 years earlier.45 

Test Managers 

With the S-Il-T safely installed in the test stand, NASA began recruiting 

key personnel to direct the testing of the Saturn V stages and to be MTF managers. On 4 November 1965, Balch announced six key appointments to his 

43. Baggette, interview by Herring. 

44./bid. 

45. NASA-MTF News Release, 21 October 1965, SSCHRC; NASA-MTF Press Release, 3 January 1965, 

SSCHRC; "Tugboat In Service At Test Site," The Daily Herald, 21 October 1965. 

107 
y p

ggg p

Tullahoma, Tennessee. Waldo H. Dearing brought an impressive Army management background as credentials to head up the NASA-MTF Management 

Support Office. Two engineers familiar with the MTF were selected to direct 

the Mississippi rocket-testing project offices, Robert A. Bush and Myron L. 

Myers. Bush was the S-11 facilities manager in Huntsville, and Myers was the 

S-IC facilities manager at the MSFC. Both men guided the testing at the MTF 

through many difficult moments during the Saturn V testing years.47 

Roy Estess was another engineer who joined the Balch organization during 

the winter months before the first static-firing test. Estess, a native 

Mississippian from Tylertown, was working for the Air Force at Warner 

Robbins Air Force Base in Georgia. Glade Woods, a college acquaintance, 

announced that he was going to work for NASA at the MTF and suggested 

that Estess, too, should "take a look." As an enticement to recruit Estess, 

Woods volunteered that NASA was "going to the Moon." The excitement of 

the lunar voyage was intriguing during the Apollo era and served as a recruiting tool for numerous engineers and technicians who joined the group.48 

Estess visited the site and talked to Robert "Bob" Bush, Myrl Sanders, and 

Doug Howard. Estess then volunteered with two other Air Force employees, 

John Ivey and James Coward, to take "transfers" to join the MTF quality engineering organization. Furthermore, James Taylor, a former Air Force employee 

working forGE, also went to work for NASA in quality engineering.49 

46. NASA-MTF News Release, 4 November 1965, SSCHRC. Henry Auter was included in Balch's personne

announcement, although Auter had worked with the facility since its inception.; NASA News Release, 4 

November 1965, SSCHRC. 

47. Ibid.; Robert "Bob" Bush had the difficult task of serving as S-II stage program manager at the MTF dealing 

with the technical and administrative problems that arose during the test period. 

48. Estess, interview by Dethloff; E.G. "Glade" Woods, interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History 

Program of the University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 435, I December 1992, p. 5, SSCHRC. 

49. Estess, interview by Dethloff. 

108 
were often spent discussing problems from work. These informal dialogues 

promoted individual respect and mutual understanding. 50 

Such close government-contractor relationships did not exist at the larger 

space flight centers where large civil service staffs controlled and directed 

contractor work. William Eaton, the MTF GE manager, once observed, "We 

are all focused on the Moon-we can look up and see it. The Moon is a tangible object for everyone to rally around." These relationships improved with 

the adverse circumstances the team experienced while preparing for and testing the Saturn stages.51 

This egalitarian organization helped expedite the work and solve many 

technical problems that arose before the first S-II-T static test. However, 

relationships at top management levels were not always genial. Beyond the 

slippages and schedule changes affecting the S-II program, the MSFC 

believed technical and managerial problems were festering at NAA 

Headquarters and at the manufacturing plant at Seal Beach. True, the S-II 

presented major challenges: reduction of stage weight, new welding techniques, and solving persistent problems associated with the insulation of the 

stage's liquid hydrogen tank. These problems, according to top MSFC management, were on a collision course leading right to the A-2 test stand. Von 

Braun, obviously deeply concerned, extracted promises from NAA 

President J.L. Atwood to make major managerial changes at the highest 

levels of his company. 52 

The tenacious General O'Connor did not end his crusade to correct the 

S-II situation by simply alerting his MSFC bosses. He elevated the problem 

50. Woods, interview, p. 5. 

51. Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, pp. 222-225. 

52. Ibid., p. 227. 

109 
Eberhard Rees, the MSFC deputy director, apparently even more alarmed 

by the crisis at Seal Beach, prepared to take drastic steps to correct the S-11 

problem. He wrote a blistering 13-page memorandum on 8 December 1965 

that stated, "the first manned lunar landing may slip out of this decade, considering, for instance, the present status of the S-11 program." In an additional 

seven-page memo marked "sensitive" that was limited to only von Braun, 

Phillips, and Rees's own personal file, Rees prophetically wrote, "I do not 

want to elaborate on the possibility that we might lose the S-11-T stage by 

explosion and heavy damage to the only [S-11] test [stand] we have so 

far ... time delay in this case would be exorbitant." Rees advised that if NAA's 

performance did not improve in 1966, "NASA [would have] to resort to very 

drastic measures." He pointed out that the government owned the plant at Seal 

Beach, and serious consideration should be given as to whether further S-lls 

should be contracted with NAA.54 

No doubt all of this upper management turbulence affected the broad picture and ultimate performance of the S-11 stage. But, the MTF engineers 

were not aware of most of their boss's bickerings, and they plunged ahead 

to accomplish the immediate goal-static-testing the S-11-T. Glade Woods, 

NASA engineer said, "The NASA team was pulling for a common cause, as 

well as the contractors. There was certainly a sense of teamwork and mission that motivated everyone ... we were doing everything we could to stay 

on schedule."55 

Since the NASA-MTF engineers and their contractor counterparts were 

engaged in the same endeavor, the demanding task was equally arduous for 

53. Woods, interview, p. 5; Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, pp. 222-225. 

54. Ibid. 

55. Roscoe Nicholson, interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program of the University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 404, 20 April 1992, pp. 5, II, SSCHRC; Woods, interview, p. 5. 

110 
The long, "ungodly" hours took their toll on the workers and their families, and tempers got a "little short." Nicholson recalled, "You just had to go 

home and get a good night's sleep and come back and forget it the next day." 

The motivation factor that Gordon Artley believed was so important, and the 

sense of national pride to beat the Soviets to the Moon that William Eaton 

spoke of, were major reasons for the ultimate success of the MTF team. 

Woods said that the feeling of patriotism associated with the "Moon race" was 

foremost on everyone's mind. 57 

Fire In The Bucket 

Engineers on the MTF test team uncovered numerous technical problems while preparing the S-II-T for its first test. Correcting these problems 

delayed the static firing months beyond the previously announced 2 January 

1966 date. Some problems were traced back to the manufacturing plant at 

Seal Beach where workers had trouble with the unusually long welding runs 

and the exterior insulation for the liquid hydrogen tank. Artley recalled that 

much of the work preparing the stage for testing at the MTF was accomplished in severe adverse conditions while the rocket was erected on the A-2 

test stand. The workers tried to protect the rocket from the weather during 

the Mississippi winter by covering their work areas on the stand with huge 

sheets of plastic. They erected arc lights and portable heaters to allow 

around-the-clock work in cold temperatures. "The kind of work we were 

doing was supposed to have been completed in the environmentally con56. Nicholson, interview. 

57. Ibid.; Woods, interview by Bolton, pp. 5-6. 

111 
final checkout of insulation repairs and pressurization of the liquid hydrogen 

and liquid oxygen tanks were finished the last week in March 1965. Trial 

tanking and detanking using liquid nitrogen occurred 29-30 March. 

Personnel completed the liquid hydrogen tanking test 16 April with only 

minor problems. With the final checkouts complete, excitement was building 

all over the test facility, at the MSFC, NASA Headquarters, and on the West 

Coast, where the builders ofthe S-II rocket were anxiously following the lastminute progress.59 

The day of the first static test approached and Robert Bush, NASA S-II 

stage manager, remembered that the site was a "beehive" of activity. "They 

[the manufacturers] had put so many interlocks into the ground control 

system to protect us, we had a hard time getting by them to conduct the test," 

Bush observed. Tom Baggette, the NAA S-II test conductor, remembered that 

the test team was very tired, "running around the clock" preparing for the test. 

"Our management was concerned and wanted to limit our work," he said, 

"but we wanted to get started, to get the firing off."60 

The long-awaited countdown began in the early morning hours of 22 April 

with a planned countdown of seven hours leading to a 2:00 p.m. ignition of 

the one-million-pound-thrust rocket. The Central Control Building (Bldg. 

1200) with its 90-foot observation tower was the center of activity for those 

outside the Test Control Center (TCC), where the NAA team was conducting 

its countdown. The TCC blockhouse was only 1,200 feet from the A-2 test 

58. Bilstein. Stages To Saturn, p. 222; Jack Manerian, interview by Mack Herring, Bay St. Louis, MS, 1 October 

1995; Artley, interview by Herring. Manerian told the author that a number of the workers at the Seal Beach 

plant "were cooking hamburgers" before they were hired by North American to work in the plant that was 

building the S-II rocket, indicating that they lacked experience in missile manufacturing. 

59. Jones, "A Brief History Of The Mississippi Test Facility," pp. 74-75. 

60. Robert "Bob" Bush, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 25 October 1991; Baggette, interview. 

112 
that the S-II was the pacing item in America's lunar landing plans, and that 

the MTF held the key. Television monitors were installed in the 90-foot observation tower of the Central Control Building.62 

The many glitches the engineers feared began to crop up, causing hold after 

hold in the countdown. Roy Estess recalled that the test crew was locked inside 

the TCC for 25 hours during the test. As the countdown extended into the 

night, many visitors gave up and left. The visiting engineers, who had vested 

interests in the design and manufacture or in the test procedures, stayed on, 

catching a few minutes sleep during the holds on couches in the Central 

Control Building. "Red Crews," made up of expert engineers and technicians, 

were called to go out on the test stand to work on components. The work was 

performed under very hazardous conditions, as the test stage was loaded with 

371,000 gallons of volatile liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen.63 

The test team worked all night trying to complete the first test. Dawn came 

on 23 April with a heavy mist seeping in from the river and hanging over the 

test site. The A-2 test stand was barely visible from atop the Central Control 

Building tower. Finally, Baggette was heard calling out the terminal count "5-

4-3-2-1-Ignition!" At 7:33a.m., a loud "crack" burst the still air and a bright 

red and orange flame lit up the stand as the flammables in the engine area 

ignited. An NAA observer called out, "We have fire in the bucket!" The ignition noise was followed by a low rumble, similar to a freight train. 64 

A loud cheer went up in the blockhouse as the tired workers heard 

Baggette clearly counting upward, "Mainstage 4-5 ... 10-ll-12-13-14-15," as 

61. I. Jerry Hlass, "Search For A Role For A Large Government Test Facility" (master's thesis, George 

Washington University, June 1971), pp. 7-13, 18. 

62. Baggette, interview. 

63. NASA-MTF News Release, 23 April 1966, SSCHRC; Baggette, interview. 

64. Ibid. 

113 
A giant plume of vapor billows skyward during the first static firing of the Saturn V second 

prototype (S-II-T) on 23 April1966 at the Mississippi Test Facility. The test duration wa

seconds. (SSC-66-1556) 

the big rocket stage rumbled through 15 seconds of mainstage static-test

The S-II-T performed well on its first run; the A-2 test stand and the 

porting facilities demonstrated their readiness; and Mississippi offici

entered the Space Age. 65 

Seven other tests were conducted with the S-Il-T, including one 3

second, full-duration static firing on 20 May. More than 1,100 measurem

were recorded by the GE data team during the May test, and the S-Il-T's 

outboard engines were gimballed during the firing. Von Braun joined the t

for the test, proclaiming it "vital" to the Apollo program.66 

Von Braun was also present for another test, but was disappointed w

the firing was postponed and he had to leave at midnight. While waiting 

65. Edwin R. Ling, Sr., The Space Crescent: The Untold Story (Huntsville, AL: The Strode Publishers, 19

146; WE. Howard and Barney Arender, S-II MTF Stage History Summary, II December 1970; N

MTF News Release, 20 May 1966, SSCHRC. 

66. Ibid.; Gimballing of the engines gave directional control to the Saturn V vehicle during flight. 

114 
pgypy

Shortly afterward, von Braun sent his best artists and modelmakers down to 

the MTF to design and build exhibits for the Central Control Building. 

Several thousand dollars were spent for the public benefit in extending the 

wiring that carried the countdown voice to all parts of the building. Von 

Braun's efforts in 1966 were the beginnings of a public visitor's center in the 

Central Control Building.68 

Just as the new test team was beginning to enjoy some success in the 

static firing of the S-II-T, a terrible accident occurred, injuring six workmen, destroying the rocket stage, damaging the test stand, and threatening 

the entire Apollo program. After a 196-second test on 25 May, the NAA 

test team put the S-II-T through a series of tests, checking anomalies that 

were observed during the static firings. As part of the postfiring checkouts, 

several subsystem tests were conducted involving pressurizing liquid 

hydrogen tanks with helium. On 28 May, at the conclusion of one of these 

tests, a tank pressure-sensing line, disconnected for purposes of the test, 

was not reconnected by the NAA crew. Another crew came on duty and 

pressurized the tank for the next test. As a result of undetected overpressure, the tank ruptured and was demolished. Six NAA technicians on the 

stand received minor injuries and were treated at Crosby Memorial 

Hospital in Picayune, Mississippi. Another workman on the stand escaped 

injury. Damage to the test stand was considered minor, occurring mostly to 

the metal siding and the propellant and instrumentation lines. The accident 

67. Wemher von Braun was a most observant man. He noticed the antiquated speaker systems in the Central 

Control Building; the cold, opera-house appearance of the big lobby; and most of all the lack of "Space 

Age" displays and artwork. Von Braun, known for his knack for communications and public relations, 

promised to "put a bug in Jack Balch's ear" to spiffy up the Central Control Building because a large 

number of influential visitors were entertained there. He sent Gerd Debeek, his chief modelmaker, and 

Harry Lange, a talented artist, to design and build exhibits for the building and the observation tower. 68. Ibid. 

115 
pg 

pg 

the long weekend at a lake resort near Huntsville. The next day von Braun 

told Robert Gilruth, director of the Manned Spacecraft Center at Houston, 

that he saw nothing basically wrong in the S-II design, but that the S-II problems could be traced to management, procedure, and human error. Von Braun 

blamed the accident on NAA's Space and Information Systems Division 

(SISD), saying, "The whole thing is NAA-SISD."70 

The S-Il-T accident may have proved to be a blessing in disguise, since 

the tank ruptured at a pressure well below design limits. It could have happened later while the Saturn V vehicle was in flight. Von Braun asked Dr. 

Kurt Debus, director of Kennedy Space Center, to head up an investigative 

board to study the S-Il-T rupture. The board released its findings on 1 

September 1965 with a number of recommendations. The board found that 

the tank ruptured at a pressure of 23 psia. That degree of pressure alone 

should not have burst the tank-it was, according to the report, "well below 

the design-allowed pressure of 38 psia, as verified by previous pneumostatic and proof tests." This conclusion led to the investigation of other areas 

of possible weakness, establishing that the tankage was already under considerable strain from a structural viewpoint due to an ill-fitting, liquid 

hydrogen fill-and-drain line connection to the stage. Tiny cracks were 

revealed in the liquid hydrogen feedlines near the rupture area. Inspection 

of other manufactured stages in production revealed additional minute 

cracks, leading to considerable delays because of repair and modification 

work. The good news from the investigation revealed that the basic design 

of the S-II stage was sound. The report read, "Evidence does not indicate 

that the failure of the S-Il-T resulted from an overall structural design defi69. NASA-MTF News Release, 28 May 1966, SSCHRC. 

70. Ibid.; Ling, The Space Crescent, pp. 150--153; Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, pp. 229-230; Manerian, interview. 

116 
py 

"overexposed" in the media and community. He strongly objected to the practice of issuing frequent reports of workforce buildup and where personnel 

were living. He referred to this public information release as "the body 

count." Even though the local media demanded these reports, Balch directed 

Mack Herring (PIO) to give the reports "only when you absolutely have to." 

Bay St. Louis continued to lag behind Picayune in the number of employees 

choosing to live there. Only 4 70 of the 3,200 MTF permanent personnel lived 

in Hancock County. Civic leaders complained to Balch and Stennis that 

Hancock County and Bay St. Louis were not getting a "fair shake." Leo Seal, 

Jr., a strong supporter of NASA and a lifetime Bay St. Louis resident, urged 

Balch to give a "straightforward" talk to the people of his hometown. Seal, 

president of Hancock Bank, was a member of the Hancock County Chamber 

of Commerce and the NASA-originated Mississippi-Louisiana Planning 

Commission. Balch scheduled what he called a "town meeting" at the Bay 

High School gymnasium. It was obvious that Balch felt a strong sense of 

responsibility for the communities surrounding the MTF site, and he 

expressed this responsibility many times. In fact, he stressed the federal government's duty to live up to its "promises."72 

Seal served as master of ceremonies for the town meeting, and Balch told 

of the "growing pains" of his hometown of Huntsville. Balch explained the 

problems the town suffered from its long relationship with the government, 

dating from the location of a chemical arsenal there in 1941. He pointed out 

that the current local population was 11,000 and that Huntsville's population 

was 150,000.73 

71. Ibid.; Baggette, interview. 

72. "Balch Tells Bay Needs And Risks," The Sea Coast Echo, 24 March 1966. 

73. Ibid. 

117 
y gy p 

streets. "I had to call a garage wrecker [tow truck], and then we both got stuck. 

Finally, we got a bulldozer to get us out." He also made note of the citizens' 

foresight in building the Stennis International Airport in Hancock County. He 

promised stable growth "during the next three or four years of rocket testing." 

Balch said NASA felt considerable responsibility for Hancock County, 

observing that the site was built on "your land," and "we are living on your 

tax dollars." Much of Balch's guiding philosophy was expressed in the town 

meeting. Indeed, his sincere feeling of responsibility for the people of 

Hancock County and the other communities was one the major reasons for his 

untiring efforts to search for future missions for the MTF.74 

Propulsion And Power Politics 

The ripples of the town meeting and the S-11-Ttank rupture continued to dominate the thoughts of NASA and its community friends as the MTF prepared 

for arrival of the S-11-1, the first "real" flight stage to be tested at the developing site. Balch found that he had many helpers handling the problems 

associated with the S-II. The S-11-T incident sent shock waves all the way to 

the top echelons of the space program, with NASA and NAA managers giving 

the situation their highest priority. Artley was in charge of activation, which 

included testing the S-11-T. After Artley moved from the MTF to Kennedy 

Space Center to continue his work in activation, Auter took over the test manager's job. Auter knew that he had capable leadership in his program 

managers, Bush for the S-11 and Myers for the S-IC. Auter, Bush, and Myers 

were supported by the best rocket-testing personnel in the country from the 

74. Ibid. 

118 
g, (

ager) and Balch for a comprehensive community impact study. The document 

contained educational as well as economic impact information. The impact 

data illustrated that the MTF represented a "$315 million public investment," 

a dollar figure higher than any previously released by the Fortune or Balch 

NASA-MTF management groups. The report to Stennis also stated the installation became "operational" with the first testing of the S-Il-T on 23 April 

1966. Balch forwarded the document to Stennis through Harry Gorman 

(MSFC). This chain of command was required by MSFC management 

instructions for all congressional correspondence. Balch wanted his MSFC 

bosses to know of Stennis's strong MTF interest. Stennis proudly released the 

information to newspapers all over his home state. The study included data on 

contracts, personnel, technical data, educational profiles, and public information on taxes and municipal spending.76 

While the "good news" about the NASA facility was spreading around the 

state, and the testing operations were beginning to start, Balch invited Stennis 

for an "inspection visit" to show the site's readiness to participate in 

America's space program. The S-Il-l arrived at the MTF dock on 13 August 

1966, but numerous modifications were needed before installing it in the A-2 

test stand on 17 October. The rocket stage was test-fired on 1 December for 

363 seconds, a full-duration test since this was the length of time it would 

operate in flight. 77 

75. Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, pp. 229-230; Artley, interview. 

76. Balch to Gorman/Gorman to Stennis; "Background and Economic Impact of the NASA Mississippi Test 

Facility," undated economic study; "Stennis Reports Test Site Impact," The Daily Herald, 12 July 1966. 

77. Howard and Arender, "S-II MTF Stage History," 11 December 1970. The S-Il-T incident focused the entire 

space agency's attention on the S-II-1. With the MTF alive with experts in rocketry, Balch began turning his 

attention to the future of the MTF. NASA had "dreams" but no concrete plans beyond the Apollo program. 

The fact that no new programs were scheduled for the MTF beyond the last rocket test in 1970 was disturbing for Balch. 

119 
U.S. Sen. John C. Stennis (left) is captured in a moment of levity in the S-II Test Co

Center with officials of the Mississippi Test Facility in December 1966. Pictured with Ste

from left, are Tom Baggette and Gerry Wilson of North American Aviation, MTF Dir

Jackson Balch, and Meryl Sanders of NASA. (SSC-66-4691) 

On 6 December 1966, Senator Stennis visited the MTF. This visit marked 

beginning of a unique relationship between Balch and Stennis that resulted 

change in the direction of the MTF-from a purely rocket-stage testing fac

into a multiagency scientific research center. Behind closed doors, Balch 

Stennis that "NASA [had] no plans for the facility beyond the Apollo progra

William "Bill" Spell, Stennis's aide for military affairs, had accompa

Stennis to the MTF, and Stennis directed him to release pictures and televi

clips to the state news media showing the Senator visiting the test comp

Balch arranged for a number of Mississippi engineers to greet the Senato

several workstations. These engineers included Henry Auter, Myrl Sanders, 

Wayne Mooneyhan, NASA; Will Barrentine, GE; and Tom Baggette, N

Seeing fellow Mississippians in important positions pleased the Senator.78 

78. NASA-MTF News Release, 6 December 1966, SSCHRC. 

120 
the test site and complimented the workers, declaring them "some of the best 

trained and most conscientious workers I have ever met at any installation." 

Stennis also promised that he would discuss the future of the MTF with the 

"highest NASA officials" to make sure "the investment we have made in this 

fine installation is used fully and completely." The theme of "full utilization" 

was to become the battle cry of Balch and Stennis as they jointly pursued 

future programs for the site. 79 

79. "Significant Actions Changing MTF Utilization," Balch files, 1966. 

121 

The Winds of Change 

While his engineers were focused on testing Saturn rockets bound 

for the Moon, Jackson Balch set out on a journey in search of a 

new mission for the Mississippi Test Facility (MTF). Before the 

search was completed, the expedition extended beyond the hills of Huntsville, 

through the halls of the Congress, and past the closed doors of the Nixon 

White House. To the consternation of his bosses, the pied piper of Devil's 

Swamp lured prospects from all over the world to window-shop at the new 

crossroads of science in Mississippi. 1 

As the MTF engineers were celebrating America's first lunar landing, an 

ill wind was brewing in the Caribbean Sea that would change many of their 

lives forever. On 17 August 1969, a powerful hurricane named Camille 

struck the Gulf Coast with a devastating blow that left hundreds dead and 

thousands homeless. The morning after, the NASA-MTF team raised 

American flags on site in a symbolic gesture of determined solidarity with 

their coastal neighbors. The Gulf Coast residents set out to rebuild their 

homes and NASA employees began a search for new MTF missions. 2 

1. Edmund R. Gray and Herbert G. Hicks, "The Mississippi Test Facility: A Study In Organizational Viability," occasional papers, no. 4, College of Business Administration, Louisiana State University, May 1971, pp. 20-24. 

2. Alice Etheridge, "Least We Forget, Camille and MTF," GE MTSD Booster, vol. 7, no. 16, 17 August 1970, Stennis 

Space Center Historical Records Collection, Stennis Space Center, MS, (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC). 

123 
operation phase as projects were finished and workers began leaving the site. 

The giant S-IC-T, a test version of the Saturn V first-stage booster, arrived on 

site and was installed in the dual B-1/B-2 test stand on 23 October 1966. The 

huge first-stage booster was the free-world's largest and most powerful 

rocket. Designed to lift the 6-million-pound Apollo/Saturn V space vehicle 

off the pad and send it to the Moon, the S-IC was 138 feet long and 33 feet in 

diameter. The booster stage generated 7.5 million pounds of thrust and was 

the most powerful rocket ever built in America. The first-stage booster was 

test-fired at Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) 15 times and later brought 

to the MTF to check out the massive B-1/B-2 test stand and its supporting 

systems. By the end of 1966, the "big Bertha" was being put through prestatic test checkouts by a Boeing Company aerospace team. A research and 

development stand at the MSFC static-fired the first three Saturn flight stages. 

The Saturn V rocket stages were tested by both NASA and Boeing personnel 

in the MSFC Test Division's facilities. At the same time, the big dual stand in 

Mississippi was being scheduled for acceptance testing of these flight stages.4 

With three Saturn V stage test stands in Mississippi, a sense of ownership 

in America's space program prevailed at the MTF within the teams representing NASA, General Electric (GE), North American Aviation (NAA), and 

Boeing. As in any program of such great magnitude, moments of sadness 

were experienced, along with feelings of triumph. For example, the MTF 

workers were saddened by the accidental deaths of seven workers during construction of the facility. The MTF team also shared in a national tragedy 27 

January 1967, when an accidental fire broke out in the Apollo 1 spacecraft 

3. AI Hall, ed., Man In Space: A New Environment, vol. 2 (Los Angeles: Peterson Publishing Co., 1974), 

pp. 128-137. 

4. Test & Quality Evaluation Office, MSFC-MTF, "Test Program Summary For Saturn VI Apollo Program S-IC 

Stage," 29 October 1970, pp. 1-5, 22, SSCHRC. 

124 
gpg

lunar-bound craft.5 

Meanwhile, the Boeing test team was anxious to get its program at the 

MTF under way. The team approached the first flight-stage test with the high 

degree of confidence they developed while working with Heimburg's experienced MSFC rocket crews. The main purpose of the first S-IC-T tests was 

to check out the big B-1/B-2 test stand and its supporting facilities. Only the 

B-2 position (east side) of the test stand was activated for testing, leaving the 

B-1 available for use in case of an accident on the B-2 side. 6 

In addition to using the giant test stand for the first time, NASA and the 

Boeing team were concerned about the noise the big S-IC would produce with 

its 7 .5-million-pound thrust. The MTF acoustic-buffer zone extended six 

miles from the test stand in every direction, and NASA did not expect the 

sound would be excessively loud beyond the buffer zone. The flame-deflector bucket on the B-2 side of the dual position S-IC test stand was pointed due 

north, with the nearest community of any size, Picayune, located north by 

northwest of the test complex. NASA knew, however, that the monstrous SIC booster was as noisy as it was powerful, producing 211 decibels of sound 

at the base of the test stand. 7 

Knowing that its testing program depended on public acceptance, NASA 

continued its acoustic studies, which were initiated in December 1962. The 

U.S. Weather Bureau and GE personnel operated the MTF Acoustics 

Laboratory, where data were recorded and analyzed for prediction of sound 

5. AI Hall, ed., Man In Space: The Power And The Glory, vol. 3 (Los Angeles: Peterson Publishing Co., 1974), 

pp. 52--{)3. 

6. Mike Wright, "Saturn V Project Posed Monumental Challenge To Center," The (MSFC) Marshall Star, 25 April 

1990, p. 3, SSCHRC; I. Jerry Hlass, "Search For A Role For A Large Government Test Facility" (master's 

thesis, George Washington University, June 1971). 

7. NASA-MTF Press Release, 13 March 1967, SSCHRC. 

125 
pg p

ers to determine a sound profile of the area. These tests were done because 

atmospheric conditions have a direct and major effect on sound travel and 

intensity. A temperature inversion can cause sound, which normally goes up 

into the atmosphere, to bounce back to the ground.9 

The MTF initiated an additional acoustics study before the first test-firing 

of the S-IC-T. This study was to determine how far away from the test stand 

observers should be when exposed to the noise of the static firing. The resulting statistical data enabled acoustics experts to determine the effects on 

human hearing of long-term exposure to rocket-testing noise levels. The 

viewing area was 5,200 feet from the test stand, and 20 volunteer employees 

were accepted for testing. The MTF medical clinic, operated by GE, tested the 

hearing levels of the volunteers before the S-IC-T test to form a baseline. On 

the day of the static-firing, volunteers were in the viewing area, along with a 

doctor and nurses from the clinic in case any employee felt undue discomfort. 

The volunteers were the only employees whose ears were unprotected the day 

of the firing. Other unprotected observers were located over 7,500 feet from 

the S-IC-T test stand at the Central Control Building.10 

Despite precautions taken by NASA, local concerns about the noise levels 

persisted, partially caused by media misinformation. A national newspaper 

even ran a story that read, "During test runs, the 7 .5-million-pound-thrust first 

[test] stand will generate screaming torrents of noise strong enough to kill or 

maim unprotected persons within five miles." Newspaper reports such as this 

helped justify the large buffer zone, but did nothing to allay fears of those who 

had true concern for rocket test-firing noise. NASA wanted people in the area 

8. Ibid. 

9. Lelyn Nybo, interview by Mack Herring, Waveland, MS, 2 October 1995. 

10. NASA-MTF News Release, 13 March 1967, SSCHRC. 

126 
pg g 

office with Lelyn "Lee" Nybo, MTF's meteorologist and acoustics expert

giving staff members a briefing on predicted sound propagation in the area

Heimburg, down from Huntsville to view the firing, attended the briefing

Nybo told Balch that noise from the short test-firing would not be a major 

concern in the communities because of the short duration of the test. With the 

benefit of data gathered by the Weather Bureau and Acoustics Laboratory, 

Nybo did point out that weather conditions on that March day were not 

"ideal." Heimburg wanted to go ahead with the test, citing his "all-weather" 

testing experiences in Huntsville. 12 

With Boeing's test conductor James Dezzo at the console, the giant rocket 

roared to life at 5:21 p.m., and the sound thundered across the piney woods 

for 15 seconds. A brilliant red and orange flame streaked out from the base of 

the flame-deflector bucket into the air. Unlike the invisible S-II liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen flame, the RP-1 kerosene and liquid oxygen flame was 

so bright it produced huge flashes of light as the five F-1 engines rumbled and 

clattered. The low-frequency sound produced by the test-firing was heard as 

far away as Picayune, Mississippi, and the sound waves shattered a plateglass window in a downtown Picayune bank building. 13 

Even though the first firing was only 15 seconds, the test lasted long 

enough for engineers to record approximately 850 measurements of the 

rocket-stage performance, and it proved the dual B-1/B-2 test stand's operational readiness. These measurements included aspects such as stress, engine 

temperatures and thrust, propellant tank temperatures and pressures, vibrations, and propellant flow rates. The test stand's giant flame-deflector bucket 

11. William E. Howard, "Mississippi Moon Base," The New York Times, 8 November 1963. 

12. Myron L. "Mike" Myers, interview by Mack Herring, Waveland, MS, 2 October 1995; Nybo, interview. 

13. NASA-MTF News Release, 13 March 1967, SSCHRC; Myers, interview. 

127 
The first stage of the huge Saturn V rocket undergoes a hot firing on the B-2 stand in suppor

America's lunar landing mission during the Apollo program in the 1960s. The first stage was p

ered by five F-1 engines that produced more than 7-1/2 miUion pounds of thrust. (SSC-67-2537

proved efficient, with water rushing through its systems at the rate of 300,0

gallons of water per minute. Postfiring checkouts evaluated the overall eff

of the static test on the rocket stage. These checkouts, similar to prestatic te

firing checkouts, indicated that few overall changes were observed. A seco

and final test of the S-IC-T at the MTF was planned. 14 

The second S-1 C-T test was conducted by Boeing on 17 March 1967 

60 seconds, giving NASA the confidence to pronounce the MTF "fully" op

ational. With this designation, the facility was ready to begin its appoin

task of acceptance testing of the first and second stages of the Apollo/Satu

V space vehicle, a process that was to go by all too quickly.

15 

14. Test & Quality Evaluation Office, S-IC Branch, "Test Program Summary, Saturn V/Apollo Program, 

Stage," 29 October 1970, pp. 22-23, SSCHRC. 

15. Ibid. 

128 
December 1966 warning to Stennis that NASA had no plans for the MTF afte

the Saturn V test programs were completed. 16 

Von Braun had his hands full directing the launch vehicle program for the 

Apollo program and had little time left to worry about the future beyond the 

lunar landing. He not only had the MTF development and operational testing 

to worry about, but the versatile scientist-manager also was deeply concerned 

with the S-IV-B third stage of the giant Saturn V, with its intricate instrumen

unit, and the integration of the entire vehicle. 17 

Balch was relieved of a great deal of pressure when the S-II and S-IC 

stages were static-fired, signaling the MTF's operational readiness. He and 

his staff spent hundreds of hours in meetings devising a tight, quality- and 

product-reliability program, utilizing the combined expertise of NASA, Air 

Force, and contractor personnel. At the same time, Balch was faced with the 

loss of one of his close advisors, Gordon Artley. As the activation phase 

drew to a close, Artley moved on to head up a similar activation program at 

the KSC. 18 

With Artley leaving, Balch placed his capable deputy, Henry Auter, in 

charge of the Test and Quality Evaluation Office. Balch appointed Auter 

because he was an experienced and competent MSFC test engineer. At the 

MSFC, he helped build the Interim Test Stand that was the site for testing the 

Jupiter-C that launched the free world's first satellite. Auter was also a key 

member of the test team that tested the Mercury-Redstone rocket that 

launched the first American into space. Henry Auter not only had the support 

16. NASA-MTF Director's Office Files, "Significant Actions, Changing MTF Utilization," 22 March 1967, 

SSCHRC, p. 1. 

17. Edgar M. Cortright, ed., Apollo Expeditions To The Moon; Wernher von Braun, "Saturn The Giant" 

(Washington, DC: NASA SP-350, 1975), pp. 41-57; See also Roger Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, A 

Technological History Of The Apollo Saturn Launch Vehicles, pp. 347-377; Jackson Balch briefing to Gen. 

Sam Phillips, NASA-MTF transcript, August 1966, SSCHRC. 

18. Jackson Balch briefing. 

129 
Myrl Sanders, chief of the Engine Branch; and William L. Hopkins, chief of 

the Evaluation Engineering office. Other talented engineers who went on to 

become MTF leaders were James E. "Jim" Coward, Kenneth R. "Ken" 

Daughtrey, Roy Estess, James H. "Harry" Guin, Robert B. "Bobby" 

Hegwood, Floyd C. Herbert, William D. "Doug" Howard, Teddy M. "Ted" 

LaMunyon, Darden W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, William G. "Bill" Spradlin, 

James L. "Jim" Taylor, and Earl G. "Glade" Woods. 20 

The Search 

Once the strong test organization was in place and the North American 

Rockwell and Boeing test teams gained even more experience static firing the 

rocket stages, Balch found his task as manager becoming more "routine." The 

restless manager now had time to explore the future of the budding MTF. 

Although there was nothing "secret" about the long-range threat of the MTF's 

inability to survive beyond the Apollo program, Balch was apparently the 

only official within the NASA hierarchy who perceived this threatY 

Two factors became apparent to Balch when he studied the future viability of the MTF: (1) static-testing the Apollo/Saturn V stages was scheduled to 

terminate in December 1970, and (2) the MTF was operating considerably 

below full capacity and would likely continue to do so. Balch perceived these 

factors as detrimental to his organization's survival, and he saw no funded 

NASA programs in the immediate future that would bring work to the MTF. 

19. NASA-MTF Manager, Memorandum To All Employees, "Provisional Personnel Assignments," 1967, 

SSCHRC. 

20. NASA-MTF Manager, Memorandum To All Employees; Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational 

Viability," pp. 24-25. 

21. Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational Viability," pp. 20-21. 

130 
having a mission beyond testing the Saturn V stages in 1970. Balch's colleagues at the MSFC were reluctant to assist because they wanted future 

programs to be located there. The MSFC managers were so caught up in the 

Apollo program, they were planning extended lunar exploration and other 

deep-space programs such as a Mars mission, and they were not concerned 

with Balch's immediate plight. Besides, most NASA Headquarters planners 

felt that a lunar landing would herald future space programs and funding 

would then be generated for the Agency. 23 

Balch, however, felt the lunar landing would be the "beginning of the end" 

of a major national effort in space exploration. He believed the escalation of 

the Vietnam War and the threat of rising inflation would change the nation's 

priorities, shifting attention and focus away from the space program. Balch 

also recognized that a growing concern over degradation of the environment 

existed in the United States. Many Americans saw a need for national measures to preserve the country's natural resources. Balch became an early 

advocate for the revival of a national conservation program, and he gained support from prominent regional and national conservationists.24 

Once Balch recognized that no future mission was planned for the MTF, 

he began a search for new missions for the facility. Balch's motivation apparently came from his intense desire to succeed as a manager and his moral and 

patriotic desire to continue the MTF's usefulness. He wanted the MTF to be 

perceived as beneficial to (1) America's taxpayers, who furnished the funding; (2) the people of the local area, who gave up their land and funded the 

22. Ibid., pp. 22-24. 

23. Eberhard Rees, speech to Huntsville, AL, Chamber of Commerce, 14 October 1966. 

24. E.W. "Van" King, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 5 October 1995; "NASA Chief Issues 

Christmas Message," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred to as The Daily Herald), 

23 December 1966. 

131 
When Balch could not find allies at the MSFC or NASA Headquarters to 

help promote his cause, he called his staff together to inform them of the postApollo dilemma facing the MTF. He rented a suite of rooms at the Ramada 

Inn in Waveland, Mississippi, (the Holiday Inn in 1997) for an "all day" meeting in December 1967. At the meeting, Balch asked his staff to join him in 

brainstorming future plans for their organization. At the beginning of the 

meeting, Balch told the assembled staff members (about 15 people) that no 

new programs were planned for the MTF beyond the lunar landing. To some, 

the lack of future plans at the MTF was surprising and shocking news. On a 

portable chalkboard, he recorded the ideas the group proposed to keep the 

base viable after the Apollo program testing ended. Most of the ideas included 

new rocket-testing missions. In keeping with the brainstorming nature of the 

meeting, the ideas also included such radical proposals as withdrawing from 

the MSFC and forming a separate NASA field center. The idea of a separate 

center, however, was discarded by Balch and most of the staff, because the 

majority of those present thought the MSFC was needed to furnish funding 

for future basic operations. 27 

The December meeting was the first act in Balch's offensive to gain new 

missions for the MTF, and it was an introduction to his tenacious planning 

ability. The session, which many mark as the beginning of the search for a 

new mission for the MTF, started at 8:00 a.m. and went on until midnight. 

After the offsite staff meeting, Balch held another meeting with the NASA 

employees in the big conference room of the Engineering and Administration 

Building. He told the standing-room-only crowd that "nothing" was planned 

25. Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational Viability," pp. 26-30; King, interview. 

26. King, interview. 

27. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Mack Herring; Ted LaMunyon, interview by Steve Paterson, Mississippi 

Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 409, June 1992. 

132 
py g, jyg g

py 

national attention by the news media. The Mercury and Gemini program

ended successfully, and the mammoth undertaking of the Apollo program ha

captured the public's imagination. Balch used this attention to open doors in 

his search for new MTF business. His position as manager of a major NASA 

installation gave him an instant introduction to heads of federal and state tech

nical organizations, university presidents, and to politicians seeking to help 

their constituencies. 29 

At first, Balch sought to find future missions within the NASA organization, hoping that von Braun would be sympathetic to the MTF cause. Having 

already been rebuffed by lower ranking members of the MSFC management, 

Balch hoped von Braun would want to preserve the MTF for future rocket 

testing and other propulsion development projects. The MTF manager found 

the idea of "[walking] away" from the multimillion dollar MTF facility an 

unacceptable action for NASA. Unfortunately, the MSFC engineers looked at 

the MTF as a "mass of brick and mortar" to be managed and operated as a 

"blue collar" test plant with a handful of engineers. Balch, on the other hand, 

saw the facility as a "living, breathing" scientific center with the potential to 

conduct almost any sophisticated technical program. 30 

Balch thought the open-minded von Braun would see his viewpoint. To this 

end, Balch presented a proposal in 1967 to von Braun and his staff that involved 

the consolidation of all rocket testing, including the J-2 engine, the F-1 engine, 

and the S-IV-B third stage, at the MTF. He further recommended that all post28./bid. 

29. See Loyd S. Swenson, Jr., James M. Grimwood, and Charles C. Alexander, This New Ocean, and John 

Barbour's Footprints On The Moon for accounts of Project Mercury; See Henry C. Dethloff Suddenly 

Tomorrow Came ... A History Of The Johnson Space Center (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4307, 1993) for 

evidence of success of Projects Mercury and Gemini. 

30. Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational Viability, p. 31; King, interview; Roy L. Bullock, "Mississippi 

Test Facility Utilization Data," NASA Headquarters executive study, attachment 2, 1968, SSCHRC. 

133 
g g

"sympathetic" to the MTF cause and "looked the other way" so Balch could 

pursue new missions without any hinderance. Balch came to realize that his 

MSFC colleagues wanted to ensure their own survival and had little interest 

in saving NASA $17 million per year, if in doing so, the plan threatened the 

future of MSFC. Most of the MSFC and NASA Headquarters personnel felt 

the public would rally around NASA, after the first lunar landing, with funding for future programs. 32 

Balch's response to the apathetic attitude regarding the future of the MTF 

was to solicit advice from E.W. "Van" King, a man he brought from Huntsville 

to work at the MTF. Balch knew that King was successful in obtaining new 

missions for the Army Rocket and Guided Missile Agency at Redstone 

Arsenal. Balch told King he wanted him to first head up the MTF Site 

Operations Office as a "temporary move" and that the office would be a "holding place" for King until a more formal Future Projects Office could be set up. 33 

The MTF Site Operations Office was similar to an Army post's 

Engineering Office. In King's words, the office "ran itself," due to the experienced people selected for management positions. Heading up the branch 

functions were Eugene A. Burke, Safety Office; Waldo Dearing, Base 

Operations Branch; W.L. "Willie" Shippey, Range Operations Branch; and 

A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Facilities Engineering Branch. King devoted most of 

his time to studying the technical market nationwide to see which functions 

and agencies would be suitable for the MTF. The capable staff in the Site 

Operations Office also provided logistical support to help Balch analyze the 

potential of future prospects.34 

31. King, interview; Jackson Balch to distribution, "Provisional Personnel Assignments," 1966. 

32. King, interview; Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational Viability." 

33. Gray and Hicks, "A Study In Organizational Viabiltiy"; King, interview. 

34. King, interview; Bullock, "MTF Utilization Data," attachment 3. 

134 
new missions outside of NASA, Senator Stennis was drawn more and more 

into the struggles occurring at the MTF. King remembered working closely 

with William "Bill" Spell, Stennis's pointman for the Department of Defense 

(DoD) and for the MTF. Spell, an attorney, was an excellent political public 

relations man. Balch described him as Stennis's "Machiavellian aide." Spell 

and Balch quickly became close friends, sharing a dream to see the new MTF 

emerge as a fully utilized scientific utopia. 36 

The Community Joins Balch 

By mid-1968, with a few members of his staff and the office of Senator 

Stennis on his marketing team, Balch moved to recruit key community leaders to help in the push for new business. After all, the investments for 

expansion and improvements that the local communities made to meet the 

massive influx of the MTF personnel were in danger as the site population 

began to decline in 1968. The towns in the immediate area had increased 

their bonded indebtedness from less than one-half million dollars to more 

than $25 million in less than five years. With the installation's construction 

and activation phases completed and the test teams becoming more proficient in their work, the employee population dropped from 6,401 in the 

summer of 1965 to 2,970 operations phase personnel in mid-1968. The occupancy rate of new apartment buildings in the towns around the MTF dropped 

to 50 percent. The whopping $72 million payroll in 1965 also dropped 

accordingly. The community leaders, who worked so hard to accommodate 

35. Bullock, "MTF Utilization Data," attachment 3. 

36. King, interview. 

135 
attention of local investors, as well as their national lenders and counterparts. 

For example, an article in The Wall Street Journal generated serious anxiety 

within the local business community, at NASA Headquarters, and, to NASA's 

chagrin, in the office of Senator Stennis. The pessimistic article was exactly 

what Stennis did not want to read in such a prestigious national publication.39 

The noted business and financial journal carried a headline that read "No 

Work Slated After '69 for NASA Base In Lower Mississippi That Cost $315 

Million." The part most remembered by readers was the line that referred to 

the MTF as a Space Age "white elephant."40 

The "story behind the story" regarding the "white elephant" article beautifully illustrates how Balch searched for new assignments. He used every tool 

available to him as a manager. Since Balch knew that Stennis and his bosses at 

NASA Headquarters read The Wall Street Journal every day, Balch told Mack 

Herring, MTF PAO, that he would like to read a big headline in The Wall Street 

Journal about the underutilized condition of the MTF. Herring discussed the 

matter with his GE counterparts onsite and at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. GE, 

through its public relations staff, "leaked" the news tip to The Wall Street 

Journal and enticed a reporter to come to the MTF to do a story. The 

Component Test Facility was built but never used. One of the largest MTF support facilities, it was planned and built by the MSFC for testing Saturn and other 

rocket components. Balch made sure a big padlock with chains was placed on 

37. "Space Age: Boom Or Bust," U.S. News & World Report, 27 September 1967; James C. Tauner, "No Work 

Slated After 1969 For NASA Base In Lower Mississippi," The Wall Street Journal, 10 Jauuary 1968. 

38. NASA-MTF Staff, "Key Press Announcements Tell MTF Story," SSCHRC, briefing book prepared for Sen. 

Stennis by Balch aud his staff. 

39. Tanner, "No Work Slated ... ," The Wall Street Journal. 

40. Ibid.; Balch wanted to call attention to underutilized facilities at the MTF. Since he was prohibited from talking to NASA Heaquarters managers and Sen. Stennis by his MSFC bosses, Balch knew a "leaked" story in 

The Wall Street Journal would inform those that he wanted to know about the situation at the MTF. 

136 
y , gg

ing him with evidence of the decline of the NASA project in his home state. I

response, Stennis sent a strong letter to NASA Headquarters urging them to tak

steps to secure future work for the MTF beyond the Apollo era.42 

MTF Busy Testing, Planning Future 

Despite the commotion in the media predicting a bleak future for the tes

facility, employees charged with static test-firing the mighty rocket stages for th

Apollo program continued their tests. Roscoe Nicholson, an NAA engine expert

said, "The test complex was another world. We left all of the politics up to th

guys in the E&A [Engineering and Administration] Building." And Nicholso

was right. With the pressure to test the rocket stages and ship them to the KSC 

for launch, the MTF test crews had little time to worry about the future.43 

The work situation at the MTF was like two different worlds, with th

buildup of testing for the Apollo program and Balch's quest for new missions

The NAA and Boeing test teams conducted six static firings in 1967, nine in 

1968, and eleven in 1969. These tests included eleven S-11 and nine S-IC fligh

stages. Newspapers around the state noted the bustle with front page new

stories in March 1968, saying that all three test positions were "filled" with 

three Saturn V stages.44 

41. Ibid. 

42. "Chamber Seeks New Uses For Test Site," The Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as Picayune Item)

7 March 1968. 

43. Nicholson, interview. 

44. Test and Quality Evaluation Office, "S-II Stage History Summary," p. 13, SSCHRC; "S-IC Stage History 

Summary," II December 1970, p. II, SSCHRC; "StartofBusiestYear At MTF Signaled By 18-Second Tes

Firing," The Slidell (LA) Times (henceforth referred to as The Slidell Times), I February 1968; "First Ful

House Reported In Test Stands At Test Site," Picayune Item, 7 March 1968. 

137 
An S-11 stage of the Saturn V rocket is hoisted into the A-2 test stand at the Mississippi 

Facility. This was the second stage of the 365-foot-tall rocket which was powered by five 

engines. (SSC-67-701C) 

138 
pp

with Dr. Mary Holman, a professor at George Washington University, to assis

him with a study and recommendation of a future path for the MTF. Holman, 

with the help of NASA Headquarters and the MTF personnel, prepared Webb 

for the meeting with Stennis. In her report, Holman observed, "If the nation 

decides that it wants to drastically reduce its resource allocation for the exploration of space, the level and structure of employment in the area (around the 

MTF) can be expected to return to the posture that existed there in 1960." 

Holman further commented that this economic reversal would not happen if 

"alternative employment opportunities were provided."46 

Webb, not wanting to lose the support of Stennis in the Congress, began 

to make plans to assist in the search for other MTF missions. The Senator 

wrote Webb following a spring meeting and requested that monthly meetings 

be set up to evaluate the "serious" situation at the MTF. Somewhat satisfied, 

Stennis released a statement to the press indicating that Webb had assured 

him NASA was "diligently searching" for other government business and 

work for the MTF. 47 

With the Stennis announcement and NASA's early success with an MTFtested stage on the Saturn V vehicle-the Apollo 4 flight on 9 November 

1967-spirits of the Balch organization were boosted. Work was apparently 

progressing well for the MTF on both of its fronts of endeavor: in the test 

complex and in its search for a new mission. Balch continued his correspondence with Stennis and added other important political friends to his 

cause. A close ally of Stennis, U.S. Representative William Meyers "Bill" 

45. John C. Stennis to Jackson M. Balch, 15 March 1968, SSCHRC. 

46. NASA-MTF Director's Office Files, "Significant Events, Changing Utilization," SSCHRC; James E. Webb to 

Jackson M. Balch, SSCHRC; Dr. Mary Holman, "Economic Impact Study," 1968, SSCHRC. 

47. John C. Stennis to James E. Webb, 19 July 1968, SSCHRC. Letter requesting Harry Finger, NASA 

Headquarters, meet monthly with Bill Spell of Stennis's office to evaluate the "serious" situation at the MTF. 

139 
p

1967. As Governor, he made use of his experiences and friendships to encourage the MTF's future. After taking office, Williams launched an ambitious 

program through the state legislature. His administration is credited with phenomenal growth in business, commerce, and manufacturing, unequalled in 

any other period in the state's history.49 

Balch's plans for new programs at the MTF fit perfectly into Williams's 

own economic schemes for the state of Mississippi, and they developed a special relationship, becoming friends. Williams appreciated the technical 

expertise of NASA and became a "space buff," visiting the MTF to view 

static firings and traveling to Florida to see Saturn launches.50 

Van King, acting on behalf of Balch, was the first MTF staff member to 

get Governor Williams's attention; consequently, King was responsible for 

bringing a major oceanographic program to Mississippi. He was studying the 

U.S. scientific market, looking for future MTF projects, when he began to 

realize the country seemed infatuated with the study of oceanography. He felt 

that the MTF, located on navigable water leading to the Gulf, had the potential to host agencies and programs involved in oceanography. When Williams 

was elected Governor, King solicited the help of Mack Herring, PAO, to gain 

an introduction to the Governor.51 

48. William Meyers Colmer, Biographical Directory Of The United States Congress, 1774-1989 (Washington, 

DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989) p. 811; The Almanac Of American Politics, p. 424. 

49. Cecil L. Sumners, The Governors Of Mississippi (Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing Company, 1980), pp. 

136-138; Ann Westendorf, interview by Mack Herring, Huntsville, AL, 31 August 1995. 

50. Ibid. 

51. King, interview; E.G. "Glade" Woods, interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program, 

University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 435, 1993, pp. 7-8, SSCHRC; For further information regarding 

Colmer's connection to the MTF, see the William Colmer Papers (1963-1970), McCain Archives, 

University of Southern Mississippi, 2nd accession, boxes 100, 109, 117, 127, 139, 150,205, 206. 

140 
form an advisory group on "oceanography, geological industries, and envi

ronmental sciences." Although Williams did not use much of the material i

his address, the thought was planted in his mind, and he did take action, alon

with the MTF, in implementing many of the suggestions. The move to brin

Williams closer to the MTF paid off as Balch's search continued. 2 5

BOMEX 

Van King's belief that oceanography held promise for the MTF prove

to be right on target in 1968 when he discovered that a former MSFC bos

and associate was organizing a major oceanographic study in the Atlantic 

Ocean. Dr. Joachim P. Kuettner of the Environmental Science Service

Administration (ESSA) was former chief of the MSFC Saturn Project

Office, where King served as his deputy before joining Balch at the MTF

Kuettner was named by ESSA as director of a large-scale oceanographic 

and meteorological experiment called Barbados Oceanographic and 

Meteorological Experiment (BOMEX). The experiment was the most inten

sive scientific investigation over a large ocean area ever undertaken

BOMEX served as a pilot project to provide better understanding of the 

world's atmosphere and oceans, concentrating on the interaction of air-sea 

energies in the oceans. 53 

52. "Governor Williams Dies," The Jackson (MS) Daily News, 27 March 1983; King, interview; E.W. King

Jackson Balch, and Mack Herring, "Mississippi's New Frontier," draft remarks for Governor John Bel

Williams's inaugural address, January 1968. 

53. Ben Davidson, "The Barbados Oceanographic And Meteorological Experiment," Bulletin Of The American 

Meteorological Society, voi. 49, no. 9, September 1968. See Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New 

Ocean, for good biography of Joachim P. Kuettner, Van King's mentor, Wernher von Braun associate, and 

scientific director of BOMEX, pp. 171-172. 

141 
King as BOMEX project manager. GE, with its expertise in data systems and 

data reduction, was given the contract to provide the data systems. The initial 

announcement was made 24 October 1968, launching the MTF on its first significant new mission and giving it a "foot in the door" in the scientific world 

of oceanography. 4 5

Apollo Journey Begins 

While part of the MTF was gearing up for its role in BOMEX, the rocket 

test teams began seeing their work come to fruition with Apollo/Saturn V 

flights into space. The first unmanned Saturn V flight, Apollo 4 (AS-501), 

took place 9 November 1967. That flight was followed by another unmanned 

mission, Apollo 6 on 4 April 1968. The first manned Apollo mission came on 

11 October 1968, when the orbital flight of Apollo 7 proved the reliability of 

a spacecraft that had undergone major redesign and modifications since the 

tragic fire of Apollo 1 on 27 January 1967. Astronauts Walter M. Schirra, Don 

F. Eisele, and Walter Cunningham became the first Americans to fly in the 

new craft. These flights provided satisfaction and confidence for thousands of 

Americans involved in the Apollo program since its inception in 1961.55 

NASA went through months of study and serious deliberations before a 

decision was made to go "all up" and send astronauts on the Apollo/Saturn V 

54. NASA-MTF News Release. 24 October 1968, SSCHRC; NASA-MTF News Release, 15 November 1968, 

SSCHRC. 

55. Cortright, ed., Apollo Expeditions To The Moon; Wernher von Braun, "Saturn The Giant," p. 55; George M. 

Low, "The Spaceships;" AI Hall, Man In Space, vol. 3, pp. 96--144; "MSFC Role in Orbital OperationsAgenda: Items for Discussion, Technical Staff Meeting," Daily Journal of Dr. Wernher Von Braun, 13 

December 1961. 

142 
Indeed, the MTF test crews watched the proceedings at Cape Kenned

closely. They felt their reputations were at stake when the countdown for th

Apollo 8 mission began on 15 December 1968 as electrical power bega

flowing into the giant Saturn AS-503 vehicle. About 200 members of th

launch team began going over their checklists in the firing room. A million 

gallons of liquid oxygen, liquid hydrogen, and other propellants were pumpe

aboard. Astronauts Frank Borman, James A. Lovell, Jr., and William A

Anders entered the command module, and the hatch was closed at 5:34a.m

on 21 December. They were ready, and the world was watching as the fina

minutes ticked down to liftoff. 57 

Balch, accompanied by Terry Malone, senior photographer and protoco

officer, traveled to Florida to witness the launch. Malone remembers tha

dawn was breaking when the mighty Saturn V roared to life at 7:51 a.m.

and seconds later was thundering past the service tower. Shock waves rever

berated across the sandy, palmetto beaches as the 365-foot-tall space 

vehicle left the launch pad and began its roll program to escape the Earth's 

atmosphere. "I saw all of the Saturn V launches," Malone said, "but none 

were [sic] as beautiful as Apollo 8." The first- and second-stage rockets 

tested at the MTF performed flawlessly during the ascent phase of the mission, placing the Apollo crew in parking orbit around the Earth. During the 

second orbit, CapCom Mike Collins (at the Houston Control Center at 

Johnson Space Center) gave the command, "you are go for TLI [translunar 

injection]." Lovell calmly said, "Ignition," and the S-IV-B ignited for its 

second bum, sending the Apollo 8 crew on their way to the Moon. The crew 

56. Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History of the U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing 

Company, 1994), pp. 89-90, 207-210. 

57. Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came ... (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4307, 1993), pp. 171-173. 

143 
of the Earth rising across the lunar landscape. In contrast to the bluish-white 

colors of the Earth, astronaut Lovell said, "The vast loneliness is awe-inspiring, and it makes you realize just what you have back there on Earth." Color 

photographs of the "Earthrise" brought back by the crew became a symbol of 

the growing worldwide environmental movement.59 

The scenes televised to an estimated half-billion people aroused great 

wonder, giving people on Earth an opportunity to vicariously explore what no 

one had ever seen before. Before going off the air, astronaut Bill Anders 

began sending a Christmas message to the people on Earth when he said, "In 

the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth." At the conclusion of 

the biblical creation story, Commander Borman added, "And from the crew 

of Apollo 8, we close with good night, good luck, a Merry Christmas, and 

God bless all of you-all of you on the good Earth."60 

Jackson Balch witnessed the launch and returned from Cape Kennedy to 

follow the mission at his Southern colonial home nestled under huge live oaks 

on the beach at Pass Christian, Mississippi. Balch released a message to the 

local press stating "It is hard for us who have worked so closely to this fascinating program for so many years to really comprehend just what Apollo 8 

means now, or what it will mean in generations to come. But one thing is for 

sure. We are all very humble to have had a part in such a prominent moment 

in the history of man." Balch thanked the people of the Mississippi Gulf Coast 

for their support, referring to them as "part of the team."61 

58. Roger E. Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude, A History of the NACA and NASA, I9I5-I990 (Washington, DC: 

NASA SP-4408, 1983), pp. 88-91. 

59. John Barbour, Footprints On The Moon (USA: American Book-Stratford Press, Inc., 1969), pp. 139-155; 

Peter Ryan, The Invasion Of The Moon, The Story Of Apollo 11 (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd., 

1969), pp. 33-34. 

60. Hall, Man In Space, vol. 2, pp. 40-57; Barbour, Footprints On The Moon, pp. 139-155. 

61. Jackson Balch, "Flight To The Moon Truly The Efforts Of Thousands," The Daily Herald, 3! December 1968. 

144 
p

p

BOMEX was the largest geophysical experiment ever conducted in terms o

data collected, the project drew some of the most noted scientists to the MTF 

conference. They included Dr. Kuettner, BOMEX director; Dr. Joshua Holland

chief scientist for Air-Sea Interaction Experiments; Dr. Robert Fleagle, chair

man of the National Academy of Science; Dr. Arnold Glaser, BOMEX scientific 

coordinator; and William Maloney, Naval Oceanographic Projects scientific 

coordinator. BOMEX was indeed what Van King envisioned when he brough

the project to Balch's attention-an opportunity to display the MTF to the 

nation's most prominent and influential scientists. In addition, Balch was 

assured that the MTF would get its share of credit when given the assignment to 

handle public information for the program. As the BOMEX project progressed, 

Balch made many contacts in the worlds of oceanography and environmental 

science; many later took up residence at the MTF for permanent studies. 62 

As the time neared for the start of BOMEX, the MTF organization for the 

project began to take shape. Working with GE and other NASA-MTF elements, King recruited a number of qualified personnel. Balch assigned three 

of his best technical personnel to assist King: E.G. "Glade" Woods, Alex 

Peresich, and Dan Blenis. All three were engineers in the Saturn V Test 

Complex. Paul T. Mowery, manager of the MTF data processing and handling 

facilities, was named by GE to head the company's support effort-about 50 

engineers and technicians. 63 

Governor Williams, cognizant of the possibility of future business in 

oceanographic research, worked with the MTF and BOMEX in a number of 

ways. With the Governor's unqualified support, King arranged for the state 

62. NASA-MTF News Release, "News From BOMEX," 27 March 1969, SSCHRC. 

63. NASA-MTF News Release, 15 November 1968, SSCHRC; GE MTSD News Release, 22 October 1968, SSCHRC. 

145 
Facility (MTF) to record data f

sensor inputs during the larul

multiagency project corulucte

1969. (SSC-69-5811) 

port at Gulfport to be the staging area for installation of data acquisi

equipment for five BOMEX scientific vessels. The nearby Navy Sea

Center in Gulfport was used to store equipment and furnish logistical sup

for the vessels.64 

Even more news came when Mississippi State University announced 

NASA had awarded the institution a $300,000 grant for space and envir

mental studies to be performed on campus and at the MTF. All of this plea

Stennis, who commented that BOMEX was a forerunner to even larger oc

projects from which the entire state and its universities would benefit. As 

dicted by Van King, BOMEX had its intended result-the MTF had foun

least one new mission. 65 

With many MTF personnel scattered over 90,000 square miles of 

Atlantic Ocean gathering data for BOMEX, space engineers on shore tur

their eyes to the east coast of Florida and the NASA launch facility-C

Kennedy. There, on 16 July 1969 at Launch Complex 39, stood the g

64. "Oceanography Conference In State April 10," The Daily Herald, 27 March 1969; "NASA Makes 

Research Grants," The Natchez (MS) Democrat; "Gulfport Seabees Store Material For BOMEX,

(Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The Clarion-Ledger); Editorial, "Ocean Res

Program Offers Vast Potential For Mississippi," The Clarion-Ledger, 14 April 1969. 

65. "Mayor, Governor Authorize Holiday," The Clarion-Ledger, 18 July 1969; Malone, interview; Hall, M

Space, vol. 2, pp. 124-129. 

146 
p

The day of the launch, all eyes were riveted on the gleaming 365-foot-tall

white Saturn V rocket. Atop the 36-story space vehicle were three astronauts

Neil Armstrong, Edwin Aldrin, and Michael Collins. Armstrong described 

their feelings, "As we ascended in the elevator to the top of the Saturn tha

morning, we knew that hundreds of thousands of Americans had given thei

best effort to give us this chance. Now it was time for us to give our best.

Armstrong's remarks were illustrative of the appreciation felt by the astronauts toward the men and women who prepared the vehicles for their flights. 67 

Apollo 11 lifted off for the Moon in classic style at 9:32 a.m., just milliseconds past its scheduled time. After the launch, Balch said, "Nothing less 

than perfection could have launched Apollo 11 on its history-making voyage 

with such flawless precision. The dramatic flight is especially significant to all 

of us because two of the major elements of the Saturn V vehicle-the S-IC and 

the S-11 stages-were checked out and proven flightworthy at the MTF." Four 

days later the astronauts were circling the Moon in the command module 

Columbia. Armstrong and Aldrin entered the lunar module Eagle, and a few 

minutes later Armstrong announced, "The Eagle has wings," and he began his 

descent to the Moon's surface.68 

The lunar landing provided high drama unequaled in the history of flight. 

People all over the world listened as the astronauts descended to the surface. 

Eagle skimmed across a cluster of large boulders, and its spidery legs seemed 

to reach out and trip over the obstacles. In the Eagle's cramped cabin, 

Armstrong steered the lunar module toward an open, flat patch of moonscape, 

while Aldrin called out velocities and heights as surface dust swirled into 

66. John Noble Wilford, "Apollo 11: On The Moon," Look Magazine, 1969, unnumbered pages. 

67. Ibid. 

68. Ibid. 

147 
On 16 July 1969 , American astronauts Neil Armstrong, Edwin "Buzz" Aldrin, and Mic

Collins lift off from the Kennedy Space Center atop the mammoth Saturn V rocket on their 

to the Moon during the Apollo 11 mission. Apollo/Saturn V booster stages were tested and 

tified for flight at Mississippi Test Facility. (SSC-94- 202-8) 

148 
A few hours later, at 10:56:19 p.m., Armstrong cautiously placed his foo

on the Moon as he stepped off the lunar module and said, "That's one smal

step for man, one giant leap for mankind."70 

Back on Earth, the MTF employees and their neighbors followed the lunar 

expedition on television and celebrated the victory they shared with the astronauts on the Moon. Bob Bush, Saturn S-II manager, invited a number of his 

friends and fellow workers to share the experience. Among those at the Bush 

residence were A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Harry Guin, and Mike Myers, all major 

contributors to the testing and flight certification of the Saturn V launch vehicle. As the night wore on, the MTF crew even wrote their own tribute to Apollo 

11 in the form of a poem that chronicled their exploits at the MTF while testing Saturn. The next day, upon "sober" reflection of their literary work, the 

Mississippi crew declared that the poem was not ready for publication.71 

From The Gulf: An Ill Wind 

The astronauts emerged from their quarantine, after returning to Earth, to 

a "Salute to the Team" luncheon celebration at the Rice Hotel in Houston, 

Texas. The 14 August 1969 luncheon preceded planned parades, banquets, 

and other celebrations in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and Washington, 

D.C. The Houston affair was requested by the crew for the NASA and contractor employees and was attended by 750 people. Frank Borman, Apollo 8 

commander, served as master of ceremonies. NASA Administrator Thomas 

Paine, Wernher von Braun, Robert Gilruth, Kurt Debus, George Mueller, Sam 

69. Ibid. 

70. Ibid.; Barbour, Footprints On The Moon, pp. 204-205; Michael Collins, Liftoff, The Story Of America's 

Adventure In Space (New York: Grove Press, 1988), p. 8. 

71. Robert "Bob" Bush, "30th Anniversary History Roundtable," SSC video history, 25 October 1991, SSCHRC. 

149 
Center in Miami. Gene Burke, MTFs safety officer, declared Condition 

IV" at 9:20 a.m. and initiated the early preparations called for in the site's 

emergency plan. By Sunday morning, 17 August at 9:00 a.m., the hurricane 

was 200 miles southeast of New Orleans with windspeeds of 160 miles per 

hour-making the storm a category 5 hurricane. The MTF emergency crews 

were working as fast as they could, securing the hydrogen and oxygen barges 

and tying down loose objects. A steady stream of evacuees from the Gulf 

Coast began arriving at the MTF's south gate, seeking shelter from the 

approaching hurricane. 73 

By 10:00 p.m. Sunday, 1,063 evacuees were registered with Bud Lovell, 

GE emergency coordinator; they were bedded down in the empty offices and 

hallways of Building 1100. At 11:05 p.m. Hurricane Camille roared ashore, 

with its eye passing over the Bay of St. Louis. The MTF employees, who did 

not evacuate the Gulf Coast, described the evening hours in nightmarish fashion, with stories of howling winds, tearing lumber, flying bricks, and rushing, 

thunderous waves of seawater crashing down on their homes. All communications to and from the Gulf Coast were blown out by the 200-mile-per-hour 

winds or washed away by a terrifying 27-foot tidal wave.74 

The NASA and contractor MTF employees watched for dawn to see 

what wrath Camille wrought to their homes and to family members who 

"rode out" the hurricane along the Mississippi Gulf Coast. Jackson Balch 

brought most of his family to the MTF for safety, while he remained at 

home in Pass Christian with two sons in order to protect his property. The 

morning after Camille, Balch and his sons crawled through the rubble of 

their once beautiful home and made their way over a mountain of debris 

72. Edwin E. "Buzz" Aldrin, Return To Earth (New York: Bantam Books, 1974), pp. 25-51. 

73. NASA-MTF Emergency Coordinator, "Hurricane Log: Camille," 15-18 August 1969, SSCHRC. 

74. Jackson Balch to Howard Slayden, "MTF Activities Related to Hurricane Camille," 18 September 1969. 

150 
75. Reporters of The (Biloxi/GulfPort, MS) Daily Herald, "The Story of Hurricane Camille" (Gulfport, MS: Gulf 

Publishing Company, 1969); John C. Tullett, Camille (Biloxi, MS: Lorna Enterprises, 1969). Jackson Balch 

told author of experiences during the night of 17 August and early morning hours of 18 August 1969. Many 

other employees related stories to the author of instances of injury, damage, and death suffered in their families as a result of Camille. In fact, the author's home in Long Beach, MS, was demolished. 

151 

Growing Pains 

Recovery 

The morning after Hurricane Camille, Mississippi Test Facility (MTF) 

employees opened their eyes and saw that their worst nightmares had 

come true. But the wreckage of the killer storm could not dampen their 

spirits. And Jackson Balch and his crew continued to reach for the "impossible dream" of securing the future of the MTF, while helping local citizens 

recover from the hurricane. Before the fruits of their labors were realized, however, the NASA crew and their community friends had to win the fight of their 

lives and suffer growing pains of great proportions as their empty office and 

laboratory spaces were filled with new and unfamiliar residents. 1 

Indeed, Balch's optimistic observation, "It's an ill-wind that blows no 

good," had a ring of truth. Help came from all quarters to lift the NASA 

employees and their Gulf Coast neighbors out of the 26-mile-long pile of 

debris. The bond between the NASA-MTF employees and local citizens 

I. Staff, The (Biloxi/Gu/jjJort, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred to as The Daily Herald), "The Story Of 

Camille" (Gulport, MS: Gulf Publishing Company, 1969); E.W. "Van" King, interview by Mack Herring, 

Pass Christian, MS, 9 November 1995; Janet Balch, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 9 

November 1995, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection, Stennis Space Center, MS (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC). 

153 
ery process. Senator John C. Stennis, Governor John B. Williams, Wernher 

von Braun, NASA Administrator Thomas Paine, and even President Richard 

M. Nixon ( 1913-1994) looked to Balch and the MTF organization to lead the 

way. Although a large number of the MTF government and contractor workers suffered severe losses, even deaths in their families, their proven expertise 

3 

qualified them to oversee the rebuilding on the Coast.

At dawn on 18 August 1969, when he came out of his Pass Christian 

home, Balch could see the extent of the hurricane damage. Balch stated, " .. .I 

could see the awesome destruction surrounding what was left of my home. 

Other homes, belonging to neighbors, were completely gone. I immediately 

started searching and found that many had lost their lives." Just a few blocks 

from his shattered residence, Balch discovered that 29 residents died during 

the total destruction of the Richelieu Apartments. Balch remembered that by 

midmorning no help came, nor was any apparently forthcoming. He decided 

the only help available was at the NASA-MTF. Walking about two miles to 

the Bay of St. Louis bridge, he climbed over the "mountain of debris" left by 

the 27-foot tidal wave. On the west (Bay St. Louis) side of the bridge, he bor- 4 

rowed a car and drove 24 miles to the MTF for help.

2. "Marshall Center Donates $35,744," The (Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The ClarionLedger), 12 September 1969; "Dr. Debus Thanks Spaceport Employees For Camille Help," Spacepor

News, 11 September 1969; "President Nixon Praises MTF Employees For Efforts," The (Bay St. Louis, MS

Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as The Sea Coast Echo) 30 October 1969. 

3. Special Task Force Of The Office of Emergency Preparedness and The Mississippi R&D Center, "Recovery O

The Mississippi Gulf Coast, A Special Report," Gulfport, MS, 5 December 1969, SSCHRC. 

4. Janie Jones, MTF Public Affairs Office, "Hurricane Camille And Aftermath," unpublished papers drafte

immediately after Hurricane Camille, 18-26 August 1969, SSCHRC; Janet Balch, interview; E.W. "Van

King, interview; Jackson Balch, transcript, "Testimony To Special Committee On Disaster Relief, Senat

Committee On Public Works, 7-8 January 1969, SSCHRC. For additional information, specifically photo

graphic information, regarding condition of the Mississippi Gulf Coast following the hurricane, se

"Camille," A Hurricane, August 17-18, 1969 (Biloxi, MS: Graphic Press, 1969). 

154 
This scene of destruction was typical of the damage left by Hurricane Camille when it ravaged 

the Mississippi Gulf Coast in August 1969. The eye of the storm passed directly over the Bay of 

St. Louis and killed or injured hundreds of Gulf Coast residents. (SSC-97-032) 

Balch arrived at the site at approximately 2:30p.m. and immediately called 

Wernher von Braun. He described the disaster in graphic detail, and he told 

von Braun the devastation on the Gulf Coast was much like that suffered by 

German cities following massive Allied bombing raids in World War II. Von 

Braun stayed up all that night, helping pack one of the first truckloads of 

emergency equipment for the people on the Gulf Coast.5 

Using NASA security vehicles, Balch led a caravan with supplies, such as 

water, medical equipment, and basic personal items, to the west end of the 

Bay of St. Louis bridge, which was impassable by vehicle. Balch and his 

helpers then carried the heavy, 10-gallon jugs of water and other supplies to 

the east end (Pass Christian side) of the bridge for distribution. The arduous 

path over the debris, piled several feet high, was difficult and dangerous. 

Balch then took Wayne Mooneyhan, Roy Estess, and others on an assessment 

5. Ibid.; Janet Balch, interview. 

155 
pose of attending to the needs of the MTF employee victims of the hurricane. 

The task force included government and contractor managers, who were 

responsible for providing the MTF personnel with housing, schooling, counseling, household goods, transportation, and community support. Of the total 

number of MTF employees, seven either lost their lives or suffered a death in 

the family; 632 had extensive or total property loss; and 440 required emergency financial aid. The estimated property loss to the MTF employees was 

$7.6 million.7 

The MTF task force worked around the clock in Waveland, Bay St. Louis, 

Pass Christian, and Long Beach. The MTF served as a communications center 

for the entire Mississippi coast because 90 percent of the communications 

lines were down. Hundreds of MTF employees reported to work and volunteered for the disaster relief work crews. Dr. Jim Howell, MTF medical 

director, worked long hours with his staff during the week following Camille, 

treating 1, 7 48 employees and evacuees. Ted LaMunyon later observed that 

Balch's emergency organization did a "remarkable job."8 

Governor Williams declared martial law for the entire Mississippi Gulf 

Coast, an order that included all aspects of the government, except the court 

system. He quickly formed the Governor's Emergency Council (GEC), an 

agency responsible for overseeing all forms of federal, state, and local assistance. Recognizing the expertise and facilities available at the MTF, Williams 

called on Balch and his workers to continue their critical role in the recovery 

6. Jones, MTF-PAO "Hurricane Camille Aftermath." 

7. Ibid.; For complete statistical account of property damage caused by Camille, see Report on Hurricane Camille, 

I 4-22 August 1969 (Mobile, AL: United States Army Engineer District, Mobile, Corps of Engineers, 1969); 

and R.D. Dikker, R.D. Marshall, and H.C.S. Thompson, Hurricane Camille, August 1969 (Washington, DC: 

Bureau of Standards, 1971). 

8. Etheridge, "Least We Forget," MTSD Booster newsletter. 

156 
~ 

The MTF was not alone as it faced the crisis after Camille. He

from sister NASA installations, from NASA Headquarters, and from 

corporate organizations. Kennedy Space Center (KSC) employee

truckloads of food and clothing and $1,200 for the MTF employe

Space Flight Center (MSFC) employees raised $35,744 to help N

workers, with von Braun personally organizing the fund-raising dr

Henry Auter briefs vis

John Young (left) and 

(center) high atop the S

during their 1969 "mo

visit to the Mississippi 

(MTF) shortly after H

Camille. The astronau

many notables who cam

cheer up the workforce 

munity neighbors after 

struck 17 August 1969

National leaders arrived on the Gulf Coast to offer their mora

Camille's victims. The President flew into Gulfport on Air Force O

with Governor Williams and the entire Mississippi congressional 

Nixon promised that the nation would support the recovery eff

dicted "that the people of Mississippi, particularly in the ar

9. Special Task Force of the Office of Emergency Preparedness, "Recovery of the Mississi

5 December 1969. 

10. "KSC Quick Aid," The Marshall (MSFC) Star, 10 September 1969; "Marshall Center Rais

Daily Herald, 10 September 1969. 
wpygw

of grateful appreciation from the President and the NASA Headquarters 

bosses. Nixon, in a letter to NASA Administrator Paine, expressed his appreciation of the MTF employees. "The record of what has been done is one 

which the entire nation greatly admires and deeply appreciates," Nixon said. 

Astronauts John Young and Charles Duke came to the MTF to thank the 

workers for their attention to the space mission, even while recovering from 

losses that the hurricane incurred. 13 

A Blow From Huntsville 

While the MTF employees were still recovering from the hurricane, the 

MSFC managers announced on 28 September 1969 that future Saturn V 

static tests at the MTF would be eliminated "because of dwindling budgets 

and to make way for advanced programs." The announcement was made following a 2-1/2-hour MSFC "administrative" meeting and was made public 

in The Huntsville (Alabama) Times. William Tier, MSFC deputy director for 

program management, said that NASA was eliminating static firings in an 

effort to "push the Saturn V program away from research and development 

toward a 'production mode'."14 

11. "NASA Officials In Storm Damage Inspection Trip," The Huntsville (AL) News; Staff, The Story Of Camille, 

1969. 

12. Ibid.; Etheridge, "Least We Forget," MTSD Booster. 

13. "President Nixon Praises MTF Employees For Efforts," The Sea Coast Echo, 30 October 1969; "NASA 

Officials in Storm Damage Inspection Trip," The Huntsville (AL) News, 2 November 1969. 

14. Jack Hartsfield, "Launch Would Be First Firing, Saturn Testing To End," The Huntsville (AL) Times, 28 

September 1969; Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came . .. A History Of The Johnson Space Center 

(Washington, DC: NASA SP-4307, 1993), pp. 195-197. 

158 
Os) sy

ppy 

May Be Erased-Space Engineers Feel It Is No Longer Needed." Other 

newspapers ran headlines that read "Future of Hancock Test Facility Eyed," 

"MTF May Be Closed Says Paper," and "NASA To Abandon Facility." 

Senator Stennis was placed in an awkward position with his constituency, and 

President Nixon and high-ranking NASA officials seemed to be portrayed as 

"callous and insensitive." 15 

The MSFC announcement that the MTF would be "erased" hit the streets 

while Jackson Balch and Van King were dining with Bill Spell, Senator 

Stennis's aide, at a Washington, D.C., restaurant. King said they were all 

"shocked" as they heard the news. Balch had just finished observing that 

NASA "would not close [the] MTF in the face of Camille." Stennis reacted to 

the news by issuing a strong statement the following day, 29 September 1969, 

discounting the report that the MTF would be closed. He said that activity 

would continue on a "high level." 16 

Balch's early work in contacting other federal and state agencies in an 

effort to attract them to the MTF gave Stennis some ammunition to answer the 

negative news of a possible closing of the test site. Stennis said in his statement that the MTF "would not only operate as part of the space program, but 

that other programs from other federal agencies are certain to be located [at 

the MTF]." The Mississippi Senator stated that NASA Administrator Paine 

had assured the MTF employees and citizens of the Gulf Coast, immediately 

after Camille, that the MTF had a "long-term future." Paine told the MTF 

15. "Mississippi Test Facility May Be Erased," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune, 28 September 1969; 

"Future of Hancock Test Facility," The Daily Herald, 29 September 1969; "MTF May Be Closed Says 

Paper," The Enterprise (MS) Journal, 29 September 1969; "NASA To Abandon Facility," The West Point 

(MS) Times-Leader, 29 September 1969. 

16. Ibid.; John C. Stennis, "Statement Concerning Future Of MTF," 30 October 1969, SSCHRC; Thomas 0. 

Paine, remarks after Camille, August 1969, SSCHRC. 

159 
g,Sp

Huntsville area about the MTF's future. B.J. Riche wrote 

(Alabama) News on 8 October that NASA was laying out 

MTF employees would keep their jobs "at least throug

Riche said that the MSFC officials were "considerin

engines and stages of the proposed reusable Space Shuttl

however, pointed out a strong drawback to the MTF Spa

tion-Congress had not yet approved the funds for it. The 

article pointed out that NASA had invited other agencies 

see if they could put their programs there. Only the Env

Services Administration (ESSA), however, had made use 

The controversy following the 28 September 1969 M

that the MTF would be "erased" can now be seen as a "t

but it did attract the swift attention of Senator Stennis

NASA Headquarters to the MTF plight. Why the possible 

was discussed in such bleak times, immediately following 

clear. Possibly, the individuals who made the stateme

naive, or the tragedy of Camille had not yet reg

Nevertheless, the fracas was an omen of "things to come" 

with even keener insight into the ways the political pow

NASA could and would be manipulated. Consequently, 

the future of the MTF around, since he seemed to have 

powerful allies. 19 

17. Stennis. "Statement Concerning Future of MTF"; Paine remarks. 

18. B.J. Richey, "Space Agency Acting To Keep Jobs At MTF," 8 October 1969, S

Testing," The Huntsville (AL) Times, 8 October 1969. 

19. Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program (Malaba

1994), pp. 107-108. 

160 
SpSC; S

0, 

senior Senator from Mississippi, was chairman of the Judiciary Committee and 

third-ranking member of the Agriculture and Forestry Committee; and 

Representative William M. Colmer of Mississippi, Fifth Congressional District 

(home of the MTF), was chairman of the Rules Committee.20 

In addition, to strong Mississippi support, Balch found an equally impressive congressional delegation across the Pearl River in Louisiana. The 

proximity and connection of the MTF to the Michoud Assembly Facility 

(MAF) in New Orleans and the Slidell Computer Complex provided major 

reasons for Louisiana congressional support. The strong Louisiana delegation 

included Senator Allen Ellender, chairman of the Appropriations Committee; 

Senator Russell Long, vice chairman of the Joint Committee On Revenue 

Taxation; Representative F. Edward Herbert, chairman of the House Armed 

Services Committee; and Representative Hale Boggs, the Democratic Whip. 21 

Although the powerful delegations of Mississippi and Louisiana provided 

sufficient congressional influence, Balch found another friend in U.S. Senator 

John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Government Operations 

Committee. In addition, Governor Dale Bumpers, also of Arkansas, was interested in joining his state's technical forces with the new MTF environmental 

movement. With Mississippi Governor John B. Williams and Louisiana 

Governor John J. McKeithen supportive of the MTF, Balch had political backing during his search for new missions. Thanks was in part due to the fact that 

both Mississippi and Louisiana had offices representing their universities and 

state governments located at the facility. Balch made sure his political friends 

were fully informed and aware of what the "new MTF" had to offer in eco20. Michael Barone, Grant Ujifusa, and Douglas Matthews, The Almanac Of American Politics (New York City: 

Gambit Publishing Co., 1972), pp. 297-312,413-425. 

21. Ibid. 

161 
, 

gp

Headquarters, the Mississippi outpost held one of the keys, through Stennis, to 

the funding success in the Congress of the Space Shuttle program.23 

Before Hurricane Camille, Balch and his group sought new missions and 

new tenants in random fashion, with a basic concentration on agencies with 

interests similar to the MTF's own pursuits. Generally, Balch considered his 

thrust to be in the environmental and oceanographic disciplines. His strategy 

was to work, as much as possible, within the NASA structure, and not be prohibited from going outside the chain of command. Most of his "outside" 

efforts were through the office of Senator Stennis. After scoring some success 

immediately after Camille, and gaining recognition for the MTF's work in 

assisting the devastated communities, Balch began to develop a strategy to 

broaden his reach and influence.24 

After Hurricane Camille, Balch became selective about the type of disciplines he wanted at the MTF. For instance, he developed a concept that 

satellite-based technology could be a panacea for oceanographic and environmental research. He believed the development of satellites was the most 

important contribution NASA made to the world of science. Lecturing his 

staff and potential tenants he would hold his hands up in a level position and 

graphically depict "satellites," claiming that, "The place to study the interactions of the weather, the oceans, and the land masses on Earth is from this new 

platform of space provided to us by the use of satellites. We can learn more 

22. John Clements, Taylor's Encyclopedia of Government Officials, Federal and State (Dallas, TX: Political 

Research, Inc., 1969-1970), vol. II, pp. 59, 92-93, 106-107; Herman Glazier, interview by Mack Herring, 

SSC, November 1995, SSCHRC. 

23. Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program, pp. 104-105, 107; Bryce Harlow to John Stennis, 

22 October 1969, SSCHRC. 

24. King, interview; Edmund R. Gray and Herbert G. Hicks, 'The Mississippi Test Facility: A Study In 

Organizational Viability," occasional papers, no. 4, May 1971, Division Of Research, College Of Business 

Administration, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA, pp. 39-51. 

162 
neers, discovered an important phenomenon during their support of the 

Barbados Oceanographic Meteorological Experiment (BOMEX). The many 

scientific entities shared a common, technical weakness. They were fairly 

adept at acquiring data, but were unable to reduce the data into a format that 

could be analyzed and studied. When King, Estess, and other members of the 

MTF team began their marketing endeavors, they found this common weakness existed within technical agencies all across the country. This discovery 

offered the MTF the chance to "sell" its services and facilities to other agencies. After all, a major strength at the MTF was the ability to acquire 

thousands of bits of data from a rocket static firing and reduce the information to a format that could be studied to certify a rocket flightworthy. The 

proven track record of the MTF in the Apollo program was well known to 

potential customers looking for expertise and for facilities in which to conduct their research. 26 

Balch committed himself and his staff to a rigorous study of government 

manuals, almanacs, trade publications, congressional directories, and popular 

books and magazines. He also encouraged his "marketeers" to read advertisements in trade magazines to "get the flavor" of a particular science such as 

oceanography. He recommended such books as Rachel Carson's The Silent 

Spring, Alvin Toffler's Future Shock, and Desmond Morris's The Naked Ape. 

Part of his own reading diet was the encyclopedia, which he devoured with the 

same zest some readers have for a popular adventure novel. His goal was to tum 

"smoke and fire" rocket engineers into hybrid-type scientists of many disci25. Jackson Balch, briefing transcript, 14 November 1969, SSCHRC; Jackson Balch, interview by Gateway 

Productions, 10 December 1974, SSCHRC. 

26. King, interview; NASA-MTF News Release, "BOMEX," 22 May 1969, SSCHRC; MTF Manager's Office, 

"MTF Management Plan For Evolving Mission," presented to Dr. George Low, 22 December 1970, 

SSCHRC. 

163 
renowned think-tank Technical Military Planning Operation (TEMPO), which 

had a national reputation for technical planning and management research. Dr. 

Paine, NASA Administrator, was a former vice president of GE and was 

pleased that Balch secured a study contract with TEMPO that further focused 

a mission concept for the MTF. Balch later confided he was disappointed that 

Paine did not take a more active role in assisting the MTF in its endeavors?8 

The GE TEMPO report proposed several alternative uses of the MTF (1) 

a nuclear power-generation complex, (2) an aviation-oriented complex, and 

(3) a co-located environmental sciences, education development, and metrosystems management support base. The first two alternatives had some merit, 

but the lead-time for their establishment was five to ten years. The Balch 

group felt the third recommended mission, the environmental complex, best 

fit with the MTF marketing group's own findings and the national need for 

coordination of the fragmented environmental efforts of government agencies 

and private activities. And, the MTF could pursue the environmental goal 

immediately.29 

Finding few to assist him within the NASA leadership, Balch developed 

his own contacts in the scientific world. In the process, he cultivated relationships and even friendships with some of the nation's foremost scientists 

and technical managers. Balch corresponded and met with such notables as 

Dr. H. Guyford Stever, director, National Science Foundation; Dr. James 

Wakelin, chairman of the President's Commission on Oceanography; Dr. 

27. King. interview. 

28. GE Center for Advanced Studies at Santa Barbara, CA, "The Future Use Of NASA's Mississippi Test Facility

A Preliminary Study For Economic Growth," December 1969, SSCHRC. 

29. Ibid.; NASA Administrator's Office, "A Proposal For Future Utilization Of MTF, 10 March 1969, SSCHRC

Copy also at the NASA Historical Reference Collection in Washington, DC (henceforth referred to a

NHRC). 

164 
allowed him to work outside the NASA chain of command, which greatly 

aggravated his bosses at the MSFC and the Headquarters. Once he found the 

proper person to contact, he would draft a letter for Stennis, Ellender, Colmer, 

or others and "introduce himself' through the politician. His political allies 

would sign the letter and forward it to the person Balch wanted to visit or contact. When Balch received an answer, he would take the correspondence to his 

NASA superiors and point out that "someone must react." After many embarrassments, NASA officials stopped accompanying Balch and let him and his 

staff go about their businessY 

Balch's political connections, however, extended beyond simple letter 

writing. Many of Balch's closest associates at the MTF were able to exert 

unusual pressure on the MSFC and the Headquarters's officials. For example, 

King remembered one instance when he was briefing a Headquarters's official in Washington. King kept getting interrupted by an MSFC person who 

was sent to "monitor" his presentation. After awhile, King yelled "Shut up!" 

at the monitor. The Headquarters's officials chuckled and encouraged King to 

continue. On more than one occasion during meetings in Washington with the 

Administrator and other high-ranking NASA officials, Stennis put an arm 

around Balch's shoulders in an affectionate hug and said, "This is my man." 

The NASA leadership received the powerful Senator's message. 32 

With interest stimulated by BOMEX and contacts by Stennis, Balch, and 

his staff, some elements began showing an interest in the MTF toward the 

30. See MTF Manager's office journal, "Significant Actions--Changing Utilization," to get a feel for the large 

number of high-ranking scientists and government officials Balch corresponded and met with from 

1967-1975. 

31. Ibid., 1969; Gray and Hicks, " ... A Study In Organizational Viability." 

32. Ann Westendorf, interview; Roy Estess, interview by Henry Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, 

University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 444, 18 June 1991, p. 12, SSCHRC; Estess, interview. 

165 
"Don't come down to the Gulf Coast, it's gone!" Balch's troubling opinion 

of the state of the Mississippi Gulf Coast proved to be the description of a 

temporary condition.33 

Although devastating at first, the long-term results of the hurricane had a 

positive influence on the MTF employees. The storm functioned as a catalyst for the renewal of a commitment to excellence. A source of 

encouragement serving to strengthen the MTF employee dedication came 

just before Christmas in 1969. ESSA Administrator Robert M. White 

awarded a plaque and citation to the MTF and the MSFC for "outstanding 

contributions to the success of BOMEX, the most extensive study ever conducted on energy exchanges between ocean and atmosphere." Balch 

received the plaque from Dr. White on behalf of his NASA-MTF organization and the MSFC. Von Braun, obviously pleased at the success of Jackson 

Balch and the MTF, stated that "this excellent demonstration of significant 

contributions in fields other than rocket testing certainly enhances the position of the MTF, as well as NASA." As a result, the decade of the 1960s 

ended on a positive note for Balch and his MTF team. The years were, 

indeed, a time of "triumph and tragedy," building the giant center in the 

swamps, testing for the Moon mission, destruction by Camille, and venturing into the scientific world in search for new missions. 34 

33. Captain Peter A. Morrill, interview by Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 442,4 March 1993, p. 5, SSCHRC; Chronology, "Significant Actions Leading to 

Coast Guard Location at MTF," 1969, SSCHRC. 

34. "BOMEX Citation Goes To Balch, The Daily Herald, 24 December 1969. The citation, or "award," given to 

Balch for the MTF achievements during Project BOMEX was the first such commendation for work done 

outside of NASA's organization. 

166 
ditures in a number of desirable areas." In answering a question asked about 

the fate of the MTF, Culbertson replied, "You have already seen one result 

of these decisions in the announcement of the shutdown of our Electronics 

Research Center in Boston. There will very possibly be other areas which 

are similarly affected. Whether or not the MTF will be among them I have 

no way of knowing, but we are going to have to be very careful in these 

considerations and arrive at a decision which will preserve the capability to 

move forward. "35 

NASA Administrator Paine announced on 14 January 1970 that huge cutbacks in the number of space workers nationwide and massive budget cuts 

would be included in Nixon's 27 January budget message to Congress. Paine 

said the shrinking workforce would be cut by an additional 50,000 people. 

And the former NASA budget of $5.176 billion in 1966 would not be more 

than $3.6 billion in fiscal year 1971. Even though his plans to conserve the 

space agency's funds included stretching out Saturn V flights, Paine said there 

were no plans to shut down the Michaud plant in New Orleans or the MTF, 

where the Saturn V stages were tested. 36 

The lean diet had already begun to take its toll at the MTF with its workforce down to just under 2,000 workers. North American Rockwell at the 

MTF, for instance, had reduced its force to 400 people working 40 hours to 

one shift, five days a week. During its peak Apollo testing at MTF, North 

American employed over 600 workers on three shifts, seven days a week. 

Senator Stennis remained optimistic, saying, "It is not hopeless for MTF; 

there will be more testing at the site, perhaps in connection with some new 

programs." Apparently, Stennis believed that the MTF would play a major 

35. Harry F. Rosenthal, "Space Agency Plans To Draw Purse Strings," AP, The Daily Herald, 14 January 1970. 

36./bid. 

167 
Oceanography, and more than a dozen noted scientists spent the day with 

Balch and his staff. Balch took time to inform members of the media that he 

could not comment on Paine's statement about the "slowing down of the 

NASA program." He also said that testing the Saturn V stages would "involve 

MTF throughout 1970." It is interesting to note that Balch's search for new 

missions, as early as 1967, was not initiated any too soon. 38 

Culbertson's remarks in 1970 concerning the unknown fate of the MTF 

were overshadowed by Paine's appointment on 20 January of a special task 

force, with Jackson Balch as head, to study the MTF utilization. Balch immediately called his staff together, giving the lead role to Van King. King divided 

his report on the MTF's "two-year search" for new business into three categories: active, dormant, and possible. The federal and state agencies in King's 

findings included several that came to the MTF as residents in some type of 

organization. These agencies included NASA's Earth Resources Technology 

Satellite Program and the Earth Resources Aircraft Program; Federal Water 

Pollution Control Administration; USGS's Oil Pollution Control and Survey 

program and the Earth Resources Observation Systems program; National 

Oceanographic Instrumentation Center; Naval Weather Command; U.S. 

Coast Guard's National Data Buoy program; and Bureau of Commercial 

Fisheries. In his report to Balch, King pointed out there was confusion due to 

the Headquarters, MSFC, and MTF personnel contacting the same agency. 

This was harming the search for new business and slowed commitments from 

potential tenants. At this time, the MTF was still working under the MSFC 

Industrial Operations; therefore, representatives from that organization, and 

its director's office, and Headquarters could all become involved in negotiating with a prospective agency. Through this lack of coordination, King felt 

that interested parties were confused and uninformed. 39 

37. "Balch Sees Rocket Testings Throughout 1970," The Daily Herald, 15 January 1970. 

38. Paine to Balch, 20 January 1970, SSCHRC. 

39. King to Balch, 20 May 1970, SSCHRC. 

168 
ppy 

workers" would be reduced at the MSFC. At the time, the MTF had nearl

2,000 employees, and Low's continued employment prediction of 150-20

meant that 1,800 MTF employees would be without jobs. This was seen as 

catalyst for economic disaster in an already ailing community that had not really 

begun to recover from Camille. The Tupelo (Mississippi) Daily Journa

explained that the "economy of Hancock County, Bay St. Louis, Waveland

Slidell, Picayune, and, to a lesser degree, other communities in the coast area 

are closely tied to [the] MTF and the 2,000 employees of that facility."40 

The Low announcement provided a "deja vu" experience for all con

cerned with the facility. Congressmen from Mississippi and Louisiana began 

immediately to protest the "planned mothballing of MTF." Senators Eastland 

and Stennis of Mississippi and Long and Ellender of Louisiana, plus 

Representatives Gillespie "Sonny" Montgomery and William "Bill" Colmer 

of Mississippi and Hale Boggs of Louisiana all pledged to work for future 

business for the MTF. The White House issued a statement that the federal 

government would make "every effort to locate other sources of employment 

during this phaseout period and have them ready to move in when the mothballing time arrives." The political forces backing the MTF picked up 

additional support from Senator Birch Bayh of Indiana, chairman of the 

Senate Public Works Disaster Relief Committee. Bayh was on the Gulf Coast 

conducting hearings when Dr. Low's announcement was made. Bayh said 

"Every consideration will be made to help relieve problems which may be 

caused locally by such [national] NASA cutbacks."41 

The Low announcement resulted in a focused effort of congressional and 

executive support for new and expanded missions for the MTF. The reality of 

40. "Manned Program Suspension Rocket Tests,'" The Tupelo (MS) Daily Journal, 3 February 1970. 

41. "Congressmen Protest NASA-MTF Mothballing," The Sea Coast Echo, 10 February 1970. 

169 
stated, "I am exerting all possible efforts to see that this facility will continue 

to operate with some active federal program."42 

NASA officials knew that the powerful Senator from Mississippi was 

extremely supportive of the MTF and was always vocal on affairs that 

affected the site. In addition, the Headquarters's managers knew the forwardthinking solon was one of NASA's most potent and consistent backers. With 

the support of such a strong ally, it is difficult to see why "dire announcements" concerning the MTF kept coming from the MSFC and Headquarters. 

In all fairness to NASA Headquarters's officials, the Agency was faced with 

its most difficult budget crisis. Occurring in January 1970 during the Nixon 

administration, the crisis followed the first lunar landing in the midst of 

changing national priorities.43 

The total budget outlay proposed for NASA in fiscal year 1971 was $3.4 

billion, which was $436 million less than in fiscal year 1970-a 12 percent 

decrease. Actually, the budget wound up at a lower figure-$3.381 billion. 

Thousands of contractor and civil service personnel were cut back nationwide. The Agency was trying to stay afloat in the waning days of the Apollo 

program and, at the same time, start anew with the Space Shuttle program. 

During the buildup of the Apollo program, NASA built a massive infrastructure to support its programs. With the Vietnam War continuing to escalate and 

increasing national inflation, money for space exploration was decreasing 

dramatically. In response to expected reductions in funding, Paine and his 

budget managers had to make severe and unpopular decisions. In many cases, 

popular programs and installations fully funded a few years earlier were cut 

42. "Strong Pressure Being Exerted To Avoid Mothballing.'" The Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as 

Picayune Item), 26 February 1970. 

43. Ibid. 

170 
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tiagency center for environmental and oceanographic studies, his stronges

competition from sibling NASA elements existed in the Test Complex at the 

MTF, where the big rocket propulsion hardware was tested. Although Balch 

was both preoccupied and fascinated by the science agencies, he knew the 

MTF needed to remain a NASA facility-with rocket testing as its main 

focus-in order to sustain the huge $350 million installation. Thus, Balch's 

thrust for new missions continued outside NASA, while, at the same time, he 

kept an eye on the Space Shuttle program developments. Balch did so because 

he recognized the shuttle program as a sustaining project, until the environmental-oceanographic centers at the MTF developed to the point the facility 

could be self-sustaining. Administrator Paine knew Balch's strategy from discussions with Balch and from his own contacts at GE. The Administrator 

worked hard to help Balch in his search for new programs, as the other NASA 

centers were not similarly self-driven and they wanted continued funding from 

the dwindling NASA budget. A healthy respect was earned for the MTF for 

their efforts during the "hard times" of the early 1970s.45 

A War Of Words 

As the MTF Balch-driven scheme heated up, a flurry of executive correspondence was exchanged between Balch, Stennis, Ellender, Paine, and the 

White House. Because of NASA correspondence staffing procedures, the letters 

44. "New U.S. Budget Reduces MTF To Caretaker Status," The Clarion-Ledger, 27 February 1970; Gray and 

Hicks, "The Mississippi Test Facility: A Study In Organizational Viability, pp. 38-52; NASA Pocket 

Statistics (Washington, DC: NASA SP 033-000-01150-4, 1995); Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. 

Civil Space Program, p. 104. 

45. Gray and Hicks, " ... A Study In Organizational Viability," pp. 49-51. 

171 
ppp 

gg 

strength of the fighting "Balchites" in Mississippi.46 

The first half of 1970 represented a major offensive in Balch's battle for 

new MTF missions, and in the evolving concept of an "environmental center" 

for southwest Mississippi. A break in the unrelenting campaign waged by 

Balch and his MTF team came on 11 February 1970, when Dr. Lee DuB ridge, 

Nixon's science advisor, endorsed the prospect of using the MTF as a "dedicated facility for the Earth resources and environmental programs." In a letter 

to Paine, DuB ridge said a dedicated center for these programs appeared to be 

essential to the solution of the many problems encountered in acquisition and 

reduction of data gathered by NASA and the federal and state agencies 

involved in environmental research. DuBridge mentioned several advantages 

to having a center capable of supporting "coastal and marine environmental 

programs which would include massive amounts of data from surface, airborne, and spaceborne collection systems." His letter to Paine echoed Balch's 

concept for the "new MTF' that he had been trying to communicate for about 

three years.47 

In an effort to bring the MTF situation to a head, Stennis wrote a powerful letter to President Nixon on 16 March 1970 "urgently requesting" that 

(1) an environmental center be set up at the MTF, (2) a National Earth 

Resources and Environmental Data Program be established at the 

Mississippi site, and (3) an examination be conducted of all applicable agencies budgeted, with a high-ranking body composed of the heads of all entities 

46. Balch to J.T. Shepherd, 19 May 1970, SSCHRC. 

47. Jackson Balch, "Significant Actions Changing Utilization," Director's Office Files: Correspondence Log, 20 

January-9 July 1970, SSCHRC; DuB ridge to Paine. From the content of his correspondence, Dubridge obviously felt the MTF was an excellent choice to locate an environmental center in a move to protect the 

environment and make better use of existing resources. Although Nixon needed Stennis's support in the Senate, 

the DuBridge letters and his expressed feelings about the MTF appeared to be above expedient politics. 

172 
pp

regional "Gulf Coast Environmental Center" be established at the MTF, along 

with a "Mississippi Gulf Coast Recovery Program" also at the MTF to assis

the Governor's Emergency Council. Paine possibly felt a "regional" cente

would be easier to develop, or perhaps less costly to set up. The regional envi

ronmental center suggested by Paine consisted of several agencies Balch had 

been working with, such as the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries's water pollution program for the Gulf region. Included also were the Coast Guard data 

buoy program, an environmental program proposed by the Gulf Universities 

Research Corporation; a meteorological and air pollution studies center for 

ESSA; and NASA's Earth resources facility, with the Gulf Coast region as the 

main focus. 49 

Paine's proposal to the President was obviously an earnest attempt to 

settle the MTF situation for NASA, Senators Stennis and Ellender, and the 

MTF Manager Balch. Paine's plan fell short, however, because it limited the 

proposed MTF program to a regional operation, when the President's advisors 

and Balch were aiming for a national enterprise. Balch later said that the programs at the MTF were "national in scope" and insisted they be named and 

referred to as such. 50 

As the battle over the future of the MTF continued, the Mississippi test 

team carried on with its Saturn V flight-certification tests, getting nearer with 

each static firing to the end of its mission. The test engineers and people across 

the nation and around the world stopped everything they were doing and held 

their breath when an explosion in space curtailed the flight of Apollo 13. With 

a Gulf Coast native, Fred Raise of Biloxi, as lunar module pilot, the lift-off 

48. Stennis to Nixon, 16 March 1970, SSCHRC. 

49. Paine to Nixon, 17 March 1970, SSCHRC. 

50. Paine to Nixon, 10 March 1970, SSCHRC. Paine's letter to the President expressed a willingness for NASA 

to move to achieve Stennis's and Ellender's goals to locate an environmental center at the MTF. 

173 
On the same day Apollo 13 lifted off, Bryce Harlow, Nixon's aide and 

counsel, wrote to Stennis and assured him that the "MTF offices, its laboratories, and the Slidell Computer Complex would remain open." Harlow's letter 

of assurance was not enough to satisfy Stennis, who was becoming increasingly impatient and tired of the promises made to him by the White House and 

NASA. In the midst of the promises and aggravation, The Los Angeles Times 

news service ran a nationwide lengthy analysis entitled, "How NASA Lowered 

The Boom: The Rape Of Bay St. Louis." The article chronicled the sad story 

of Bay St. Louis's investment in the Space Age and how the MTF would be cut 

from 2,000 employees to 200, spelling ruin to the local communities already 

devastated by Hurricane Camille. Stennis made promises at Logtown in 1961 

to "protect and defend" the people who gave up their land for the NASA-MTF 

project. And, as a conservative and frugal man, Stennis could not tolerate being 

party to the government waste of a $350 million facility by "walking off and 

leaving the investment." In a real sense, the negotiations Stennis had with 

NASA about the MTF were personal, not political in nature as some imagined. 

Stennis had made a personal commitment that he intended to keep at all costs. 2 5

Keeping the pressure on NASA and the White House, Stennis, chairman of 

the Armed Services Committee, and Ellender, chairman of the Appropriations 

Committee, sent strong messages to the NASA Administrator. Stennis told 

Paine on 19 May 1970 that he "continued to be concerned" and requested that 

Paine furnish him Agency names, status of actions, and the NASA personnel 

responsible for establishing the new programs in Mississippi. Paine again 

51. NASA-PAO Press Release, "20th Anniversary Press Kit," Release No. 78-133, 1978, SSCHRC. The Insertion 

Phase is the portion of the flight immediately following the launch and systems checkout in Earth's orbit. 

During this phase of the flight, the spacecraft is propelled from Earth's orbit into a trajectory that will take 

the craft to the vicinity of the Moon. 

52. Harlow to Stennis, 11 April1970, SSCHRC; Baxter, interview; See Chapter 3, "The Thorn Before The Rose." 

174 
ggp

g, , p

haps, an even more important job to do." Furthermore, Senators Stennis

Ellender, Long, and Eastland notified the President of their regrets that no sig

nificant action as to the future of the MTF was realized as a result of all thei

efforts. Nixon immediately informed Stennis that (1) an Earth Resource

Laboratory (ERL) would be established at the MTF and (2) that agreement

had been reached with the National Data Buoy Project and the Bureau o

Commercial Fisheries to relocate to the MTF. 53 

The Data Buoy and the Fisheries programs named by the White House to 

be relocated to the MTF had begun taking shape back in 1968, at the very 

beginning of Balch's and King's searches for new missions. The MTF learned 

from BOMEX of the need for satellite and airborne observations for ocean 

and environmental research. Through BOMEX, the MTF also learned of the 

early work under way by ESSA and the Coast Guard on instrumented data 

buoys, used to help measure ocean dynamics. The MTF search for new projects led to the discovery of offices involved in Earth resources research under 

way at the MSFC and Goddard Space Flight Center, and by the USGS. The 

MTF also learned the USGS wanted to establish a center to use space and airborne information. Balch firmly believed that using satellites for "looking 

down at the Earth" and as communications links for data were the most 

important finds in the new space program. He and King felt that satellites constituted the very heart of their new center, which would specialize in 

gathering and reducing space-derived data. The "synergistic relationship" of 

the agencies, in Balch's words, "would make their collective information 

more usable to the decision makers of the country."54 

53. Stennis to Paine, 19 May 1970, SSCHRC; Paine to Stennis, 22 May 1970, SSCHRC; Paine to Stennis, I June 

1970, SSCHRC; Stennis, Ellender, Long, and Eastland to Nixon, 12 June 1970, SSCHRC; Eberhard Rees 

to Jackson Balch, 14 June 1970, SSCHRC. 

54. Balch to Governor John Bell Williams, 28 June 1971, SSCHRC. 

175 
p

pp g

nificance of the bill by explaining that "until now, financial means have been 

lacking to make a truly attractive offer to many of the other federal agencies 

which are being encouraged to locate major activities at the MTF-Slidell." 

Ellender also explained that "the $10 million in the NASA appropriations earmarked for [the] MTF and Slidell [Complex] will allow NASA to offer 

technological services on a cost-free basis to other research agencies which 

otherwise would have to pay for these services." The funds, which came to be 

known as the "$10 million set-aside" funds, elevated the MTF from a relatively obscure sibling at the NASA family table to a rowdy "child" taking food 

from everyone's plate. Balch's political shenanigans now became known 

throughout NASA, especially by those who juggled daily operating funds 

during the lean, post-Apollo years.55 

New Agencies Arrive 

With a firm promise of funds for the multiagency environmental center, 

Balch and his victorious band welcomed the announcement of the first tenant, 

or "resident agency" as Balch preferred to call the gathering environmental 

and oceanographic researchers. After at least 35 official contacts, meetings, 

and executive letters of remark, the Coast Guard's National Data Buoy Project 

announced its relocation to the MTF on 9 July 1970. King and Alex Peresich 

of the MTF group first made contact with the Coast Guard to discuss the fledgling data buoy program on 1 October 1968 when they were "fishing around" 

during the formative days of BOMEX. On Stennis's return to the MTF, King 

and Balch informed him about the program, and the Senator immediately took 

55. "Funds For New Center Slated," The Times-Picayune, 26 June 1970. 

176 
g gpp

other federal and state agencies that came aboard the MTF ship.56 

No doubt, Administrator Paine was "relieved" when he and Admiral T.R

Sargent, acting commandant of the United States Coast Guard (USCG

signed an agreement in Washington, whereby the USCG would conduct it

National Data Buoy Project at the MTF. The agreement established basi

operation support and a reimbursement relationship between the two agen

cies. The Coast Guard agreed to fund its program and reimburse NASA fo

additional, identifiable costs. 57 

The establishment of the data buoy project provided a precedent and cred

ibility for the MTF to use in its negotiations. In addition, the National Dat

Buoy/NASA agreement provided the "blueprint" for other agencies to com

and share in knowledge, as well as costs, as they pursued their own indepen

dent projects. Most importantly, however, prospective agencies knew they 

would have a certain amount of protection from severe budget cuts with 

Senators Stennis, Ellender, Long, Eastland, and Representatives Colmer

Hebert, Boggs, and even the White House watching over their pocketbooks.5

With a sense that their National Data Buoy Project was "special" to the new 

MTF environmental concept, the Coast Guard stationed an extremely capable 

manager, Commander Peter Morrill, to head the operation. Later promoted to 

Captain, Morrill opened shop at the MTF with 23 people and "a very large 

budget." Balch gave Morrill the office suite just above his own on the third floor 

of Building 1100. In front of the building, Balch and Morrill raised the first of 

several "resident agency" flags when they hoisted the Coast Guard colors. The 

56. U.S. Coast Guard, "U.S. Coast Guard Sequence Of Events Leading To Location Of National Data Buoy 

Development Program, and Summary," 1970, SSCHRC; Morrill, interview. 

57. NASA Headquarters News Release, Release No. 70-114, "Coast Guard To Use Mississippi Test Facility," 

9 July 1970, NASA Historical Reference Collection (henceforth referred to as NHRC). 

58. Gray and Hicks, "The Mississippi Test Facility: A Study In Organizational Viability," pp. 50-51. 

177 
The first federal government agency to join NASA at the Mississippi Test Facility (MTF) wa

U.S. Coast Guard's Data Buoy Project in 1970. Capt. Peter Morrill, first Coast Guard o

manager, at podium, is joined by Henry Auter, Jackson Balch, and visiting Coast Guard off

for an official welcome in front of Building 11 00. The Data Buoy Project later becam

NOAA National Data Buoy Center and in 1997 was under the direction of Dr. Jerry 

McCall. (SSC-70-449-3) 

flamboyant Jackson Balch and colorful Peter Morrill became close friend

was following many hours spent relaxing on the porch of Balch's new reside

built after Hurricane Camille, that Morrill observed and later commented, "

man had more feeling ... he was totally dedicated to this area."59 

Stennis was more than pleased with the Coast Guard's location at 

MTF. Bringing the historic and prestigious Coast Guard in as the MTF's 

new agency was a special coup for Stennis. Immediately after the agreem

was signed, Stennis issued a statement that said the USCG project bu

would reach $100 million as headquarters for a program to develop a

mated data buoys. Furthermore, he predicted the project would eventu

employ 90 people. With the knowledge of other agencies contemplating r

cation to the MTF site, the proud Senator stated that the Coast Guard was 

"first of several projects expected to be established at [the] MTF."60 

59. Morrill, interview. 

60. "Data Buoy System Assigned To MTF," The Daily Herald, 9 July 1970; "$1 00 Million MTF Deal," Pic

Item, 16 July 1970. 

178 
p pp

g q

Laboratory used data generated by ERL aircraft flying out of Houston, an

later from Stennis International Airport in Hancock County, and by th

Technology Satellite and the manned orbiting Skylab spacecraft-both wer

set for launch in 1972. The data gathered by aircraft and spacecraft were to b

correlated with data gathered on the surface and then analyzed for potentia

benefits to interests such as the seafood industry, forestry concerns, and agr

culture. The scientific unit would employ 75 people who were experts i

physics, geoscience, instrumentation, and data handling. These specialist

were the kind of people Balch wanted for his new "crossroads of science." Th

growth potential was expected to reach as many as 185 people "within tw

years." This possible growth was especially good news to Stennis and Balch

because the MTF population in September 1970 had dropped to about 1,60

and was on a fast, steep, downward plunge. And the bottom was expected t

fall out when all rocket testing was completed later in the fall. 61 

Piland had done an outstanding job putting the remote sensing program 

together in Texas, and he enticed a number of experienced scientists to mak

the adventurous move to Mississippi. Piland also asked Balch for a stron

person to be his deputy for the new laboratory. The two managers agreed o

Darden W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, one of Balch's best engineers. Thrilled b

the prospect of obtaining a major element of his "environmental center,

Balch provided Piland with another engineer, Alex Peresich, to help th

Houston team get the Laboratory started. NASA Headquarters stopped short

however, of giving Balch control of this organization. Organizationally, th

ERL, located under Balch's nose at the MTF, remained under NASA-JSC 

61. NASA Headquarters News Release, "Earth Resources Facility," no. 70-147, 9 September 1970, NHRC

"NASA Facility To House Earth Project," The Hattiesburg (MS) American, 9 September 1970; "Eart

Resource Program Starts At MTF Today," MSFC Marshall Star, 9 September 1970. 

179 
y gy 

toward "full utilization." In addition, the ERL was an important building 

block in constructing the "environmental center" on the Gulf Coast.63 

On the surface, NASA's search for new missions was gaining momentum, 

and the local communities felt somewhat relieved with the USCG and ERL 

announcements. But behind closed doors at the MTF, Henry Auter and a few 

selected engineers were quietly preparing a response to the NASA-MSFC 

"Downmoding Plan" to mothball the Saturn V Test Complex, including all SII and S-IC facilities and their supporting infrastructure. The plan was being 

carried out by a joint committee-the MTF Downmoding Planning Group 

headed by Jim Shepherd of MSFC and Auter at the MTF. The intent of the 

plan was to ready the site for a standby mode no later than 1 April 1971. When 

talk of downmoding first hit the press back in January 1970, some hope 

existed that uses would be found in the future for Saturn vehicles. But, as the 

months wore on and production at Michaud was curtailed, the MTF personnel recognized that their test mission would end with the static firing of the 

final stages for the first 15 vehicles. The downmoding plan had provisions to 

"retest" the remaining stages that would be stored in inventory, "with 12-

months' notice" if they needed to support additional programs. The plan called 

for only 235 people to perform simple maintenance, building upkeep, and 

security patrol. With such a drastic cutback in the rocket business, the pressure 

remained on the Balch-MTF organization to move with haste toward attracting new agencies and finding new missions for the people left onsite. 64 

62. Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, SSC, 7 July 1995, SSCHRC. 

63. Ibid. 

64. Henry Auter for Jackson M. Balch, Memorandum For Record, "Prepare Downmoding Plan," 13 August 1970, 

SSCHRC; NASA-MTF Test & Quality Evaluation Office, "Standby Plan," 8 September 1970, SSCHRC; 

Roy Estess, interview by Henry Dethloff, 18 June 1991, p. 11. Estess gave rich descriptions of the downmode process in this interview. 

180 
gyg

Guard, ERL, and Bureau of Marine Fisheries, provided for an interrelated 

working environment involving space, Earth, and ocean studies at the MTF.6

The "new MTF" was materializing, even as the deep, thundering rum

blings of the giant Saturn V rockets were about to be silenced. The final S-IC 

booster test took place at 6: 17 p.m. on 30 September 1970. The successful tes

lasted a few seconds over two minutes. The S-IC-15 was the last of the 

booster stages manufactured by Boeing at Michoud. Only one test remained 

for the MTF, scheduled one month later on the same A-2 test stand where 

static firings first began on 23 April1966. As far as anyone knew at the time, 

the S-II-15 static firing would be the last rocket tested at the short-lived, 

national rocket-testing site.66 

One month after the final S-IC booster-stage static firing shook the 

Mississippi coastal plain for the last time, the final, Saturn V, second-stage SII-15 was tested for its full duration of six minutes, thirteen seconds, on 30 

October 1970. The North American Rockwell test team ignited the powerful 

hydrogen rocket at 3:15 p.m., following a countdown that went "without a 

hitch." In fact, the test was actually 30 minutes ahead of schedule. With the test 

completed, and the last echo of the sucking sound produced at engine cutoff 

faded, a stillness returned to the forest around the complex that had not been 

felt since the first chain saws broke the silence of the swamp on 17 May 1963. 

Hundreds of employees, NASA officials, and community visitors attended the 

65. NASA-MTF News Release, 26 August 1970, SSCHRC; "Fish Studies Set At NASA Test Site," The (New 

Orleans, LA) States-Item, 27 August 1970. See description of Bureau of Commercial Fisheries activity proposed for the MTF in memorandum from E.W. "Van" King to Jackson Balch dated 19 May 1970. This 

activity became part of NOAA and was renamed "National Marine Fisheries." They worked closely with 

NASA's Earth Resources Laboratory, DOl's Earth Resources Observation Systems office, and Gulf Coast 

commercial fishermen. 

66. MSFC Test Program Summary For Saturn V/Apollo S-IC Stage, October 1970, SSCHRC; See Bilstein's 

Stages To Saturn for in-depth discussion of Saturn V test program. 

181 
Black Monday 

With the last sounds of the big Saturn boosters silenced, the rocket-testing business at the MTF was in for some unexpected "loud noise" by 

NASA's top brass who came to the test site for a "final" awards ceremony. 

Since the 9 November 1970 ceremony heralded the end of testing at the 

MTF, as well as a "pat on the back" to the employees, the day was called 

"Black Monday" by The Huntsville Times. Few of the employees who lost 

their jobs at the MTF disagreed with the ominous tag. Acting NASA 

Administrator George M. Low was accompanied to the MTF by a host of 

NASA's top managers from the Headquarters and the MSFC. Balch and his 

staff members did not view the ceremony as a "special honor." Instead, they 

felt their NASA-MSFC bosses were coming down to say "Thanks for a good 

job; now get busy and shut this place down." And Balch conveyed the message to the entire Mississippi congressional delegation. The Balch invitation 

list did not stop with Stennis and Colmer. He added Governor Williams, 

community leaders from the entire area, and top officials from at least 10 

federal agencies that were either onsite or considering locating at the MTF.68 

On the other hand, Low brought practically the entire NASA hierarchy to 

pay tribute to the MTF rocket test team. With the Administrator were Dale D. 

Myers, associate administrator for Manned Space Flight; Eberhard Rees, 

director, MSFC; and Lee B. James, director, MSFC Program Management. In 

67. Space Divi~ion, Mississippi Test Operations, "S-ll Stages Static Firing Summary," November 1970, 

SSCHRC; Richard Glazier and Ted O'Boyle, "Last Rocket Tested: MTF's Mission Ended," The Daily 

Herald, 31 October 1970; Bilstein's Stages To Saturn, pp. 232-233,74. 

68. "Final Awards Ceremony 'Black Monday' For MTF Employees," The Huntsville (AL) Times, 9 November 

1970; NASA-MTF News Release, 6 November 1970, SSCHRC; NASA-MTF News Release, 9 November 

1970, SSCHRC; Balch to Dr. Charles C. Bates, 23 October 1970. 

182 
y g

tions hookup. Special plaques were given to representatives of NASA's MTF 

prime contractors for their contributions to the successful completion of the 

Saturn static firing program. Many smaller MTF government and contractor 

agencies also received plaques. In addition, a special "honor roll" was 

engraved in gold and it hung for many years in the Building 1100 lobby and 

then, later, in the MTF Visitors Center.70 

Jackson Balch (left) hurries Sen. Stennis 

(center) and NASA Acting Administrator George Low during a busy and 

well-remembered day at the Mississippi 

Test Facility (MTF) in November 

1970. A host of NASA Headquarters 

officials, agency heads, and members of 

Congress came to MTF for an "Apollo 

Awards Ceremony" that turned into an 

all-day business session with the future 

of the installation being the main topic of 

conversation. (SSC-70-571-2) 

69. NASA-MTF News Release, 9 November 1970, SSCHRC. 

70. Ibid.; "Final Awards Ceremony ... ,"The Huntsville Times. 

183 
tance of NASA supporting activities at the MTF. Colmer, according to Henry 

Auter, told Low that "Senator Stennis is noted to be a gentleman, and you 

may not understand his message, but I am telling you now that if NASA fails 

to support [the] MTF, we will withdraw our support from NASA." Colmer's 

blunt words were especially threatening to Low and the NASA officials who 

were already facing serious budget reductions in the near future. All those in 

attendance knew that the support of Stennis, Colmer, and their friends in the 

Congress was absolutely necessary, not only for the Agency to survive, but 

also to fund future programs such as the Space Shuttle.71 

With rocket testing now officially over, the MTF turned its attention to its 

new environmental and oceanographic missions. On 19 November 1970, the 

Coast Guard brought its first vessel, the cutter Pointe Estero, to the MTF to 

begin work that the crew would be performing in conjunction with the data 

buoy project. The cutter was brought up the Pearl River and tied up at the 

dock where the buoy project was located. The Estero, originally stationed at 

Gulfport, was the support vessel for the worldwide, automated data buoy project. The Estero's maiden and subsequent voyages highlighted the fact that 

the MTF's harbor had access to the oceans of the world. A crowd of new 

Coast Guard employees, along with fellow MTF personnel attached to 

NASA, gathered at the dock to welcome the Coast Guard vesse1.72 

The coming of the Coast Guard with the cutter Estero to the Mississippi 

facility, however, was not the only new agency joining the "MTF community." Balch formed a Planning Task Force to handle liaison activities with 

agencies already in residence and ones that were anticipated to locate at the 

new environmental center. Balch intended to organize the site to advance the 

71. Ibid. 

72. NASA-MTF News Release, 19 November 1970, SSCHRC. 

184 
Army (DOA) Munitions Command; Kenneth R. Daughtrey to work with the 

Department of the Interior (DOl); William G. Spradlin to assist the instrumentation and laboratory analysis services; and Lelyn "Lee" Nybo, assisted 

by James Taylor, to coordinate the data support services.73 

Further appointments by Balch ushered in the beginnings of a "new" marketing function for the MTF-NASA that continued for years. A coordination 

role was now emphasized, as well as a marketing function, when Balch named 

Roy Estess, John Ivey, and Ken Daughtrey to "pursue opportunities" in their 

liaison positions with their respective agencies. They were to (1) keep the new 

ERL organization informed; (2) study all background material available and 

become "imaginatively" conversant with new agencies and opportunities; and 

(3) focus on the interagency concept, promoting synergistic interfaces with 

potential new agencies. The plan also called for Estess, Ivey, and Daughtrey to 

keep Balch informed through "constant" contacts and meetings. All three coordinators were to work closely with Dearing and Rogers of the MTF Planning 

Task Force, in addition to their coordination efforts with the MSFC and the 

Headquarters. Balch also directed the new "marketeers" to become involved in 

the "scoping out of requirements for the technical services contract." It is 

important to note, however, that few organizations in government or industry 

would have asked its marketing division to also be responsible for developing 

new programs and contracts requirements.74 

New onsite business provided jobs for some NASA and contractor 

employees, but even the best of plans could not provide MTF employment for 

the 652 Boeing, North American, and Rocketdyne engineers and technicians. 

More than 200 GE personnel were also unemployed after the last Saturn V 

73. Memorandum for the Record, "Balch to distribution list, 30 November 1970," SSCHRC 

74. Ibid. 

185 
and continued fitness-testing programs were considered an asset to any site, 

because of the long-range testing that would go on as long as the shuttle flew. 

NASA's Julian Sheer, assistant administrator for Public Affairs, said that 

before the site selections were made, "The program could go up to $20 billion-and we'd never build any more." The Wall Street Journal commented 

on the site selections for the shuttle in an article entitled, "Roll out the Pork 

Barrel," and pointed out that NASA could launch from one site, test at 

another, and land at yet another location. The Wall Street Journal also noted 

that the MTF was well-suited for testing the engines, but could also be used 

as a launch site.75 

Knowing that he needed a "bread and butter" program in the test complex, Balch asked Mooneyhan to prepare a proposal for the Space Shuttle 

engine testing to be done at the MTF. When Piland asked for Mooneyhan's 

services, Balch assigned Roy Estess, an engineer, to work on preparing the 

pitch scheduled at NASA Headquarters on 12 December 1970, before a committee headed by Floyd Thompson, director of Langley Research Center. 

Balch later quietly admitted that he was not personally committed to the 

Space Shuttle program, but he knew that the MTF, still on life-support systems, needed the propulsion test project to survive.76 

75. MTF Personnel Reports, 1970; Jonathan Spivak, "Roll Out The Pork Barrel: Space Agency May Shun Cape 

Kennedy Site, Launch $6 Billion Space Shuttle Elsewhere," The Wall Street Journal, 3 December 1970; 

Wemher von Braun, "Crossing the Last Frontier," Colliers, 22 March 1952, p. 24; NASA Headquarters 

PAO, "Space Shuttle Decision," 15 March 1972, SSCHRC; Roger D. Launius, "NASA And The Decision 

To Build The Space Shuttle, 1969-72," The Historian, vol. 57 (Autumn 1994), pp. 103. 

76. Estess, interview; Estess, interview by Dethloff. 

186 
Toward Full Utilization 

TheNewMTF 

The Mississippi Test Facility (MTF) continued its free fall from the 

Moon despite progress toward becoming a multiagency space and 

environmental center. But, before the MTF hit mud-bottom and was 

reduced to caretaker status, Stennis, Balch, and the scrappy little NASA-contractor organization packed up their dwindling resources and started climbing 

out of the deep post-Apollo program budget hole. The climb out was not easy, 

because the pit was dug for them by others also trying to save their hides from 

early extinction. 1 

Indeed, the MTF competed with the Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) 

engineers and Edwards Air Force Base (EAFB) backers to snag the prized 

Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME) test program, a sustaining propulsion 

project that would last for decades. Jackson Balch, who developed new and 

far-reaching interests in the environmental and oceanographic scientific 

world, knew the Space Shuttle test program was critical to the MTF. It was a 

I. James R. Hansen, Spaceflight Revolution, NASA Langley Research Center From Sputnik To Apollo (Washington

DC: NASA SP-4308, 1995), pp. 429-431; Jackson M. Balch, Memorandum for the Record, "Prepar

Downmoding Plan," 13 August 1970; Maria Watson, "Balch Recalls Progress At Hancock Test Facility Site,

The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred to as The Daily Herald), 24 July 1975. 

187 
Balch felt helpless in controlling the march toward full utilization.3 

The Shuttle Decision 

Upon joining the MTF team, Roy Estess was assigned the task of putting 

together and presenting a proposal to perform developmental and proof testing 

of the SSME at the MTF. Even more importantly, Estess had the personal goal 

of doing a good job to please Balch, his tough boss. As many who worked for 

Balch knew, there was no greater pressure than to have their boss watching and 

waiting impatiently for a "perfect outcome" of an assigned task.4 

Nevertheless, Estess took his assignment with confident determination 

born out of his role in the most recent successful testing of the Saturn V 

second-stage S-II rocket. As an aerospace engineer, Estess had a hard time 

understanding Balch's lack of enthusiasm for what was destined to be the 

nation's next major rocket program.5 

After all, the giant test complex was built, and von Braun had promised to 

"captive fire large space vehicle systems ... for the next 25-50 years." If all 

2. Roy Estess, interview by Henry C. Dethloff, SSC, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 444, 1991, p. 7, SSCHRC; NASA George C. Marshall Space Flight Center, America's 

Space Transportation System, "The Shuttle Era," and "The Space Shuttle Main Engine" (Washington, DC: 

U.S. Government Printing Office 740--049/144 Region No. 4, 1977), Stennis Space Center Historical 

Records Collection, Stennis Space Center, MS, (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC); John Seiley, interview 

by Johnny Mann and Rex Cooksey, video history, October 1991, SSCHRC. 

3. "MTF-Reports Of Its Death Grossly Exaggerated," The Daily Herald, 20 August 1972; "Stennis Pledges 

Greater Utilization For MTF," The (Jackson, MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The ClarionLedger) 20 February 1974; "Balch Leaving NASA, Auter Assumes Post," The Daily Herald, 21 July 1975; 

Kenneth Reich, "Promise Dies-Space Cutback: Instant Poverty For Boom Town," The Los Angeles Times, 

22 April1970; John C. Stennis to Bryce Harlow, 4 February 1970, SSCHRC. 

4. Estess, interview by Dethloff. 

5. Estess, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 7 July 1995, audio tape in SSCHRC. 

188 
flight to Washington, Balch asked Estess, "What have you been doing the past 

year?" Estess replied, "We've put together this presentation," trying to hand 

a copy to his boss. "I'm not interested," Balch dramatically replied. After a 

few minutes, Balch asked for a copy and began to read it.7 

As Balch thumbed the pages of the proposal, he began to "grunt," signaling that he was displeased. When he reached the meat of the presentation, he 

"shuddered" and shook his head. Balch asked, "What is this?" and "Why do 

you say this?" During the flight to Washington, Balch's mood got worse. 8 

When the pair arrived at their hotel, Balch declared that the presentation the 

next day was "going to be a disaster." After being thoroughly shaken by his 

boss, Estess joined Balch for breakfast the next day in the hotel coffee shop. 

Not a word passed between Estess and Balch, who was intently reading The 

Washington Post. At the Headquarters, they waited in an anteroom while their 

bosses from the MSFC gave their pitch. The MSFC presenters emerged from 

the conference room and glared at Balch and Estess, who were preparing to go 

in. The MSFC delegation was angry because they asked the Headquarters officials for permission to review the MTF pitch and were denied, nor were they 

allowed to sit in the conference room while Estess presented his proposaP 

Inside, Estess suffered further intimidation, when Balch, taking a chair at 

the rear of the room, left Estess alone before the formidable NASA managers 

and their engineering staff at the long, horseshoe-shaped, walnut conference 

table. Floyd L. Thompson, Site Evaluation Board chairman, came over to 

6. Estess, interview by Dethloff; NASA-SSC Public Affairs Office, "Roy Estess Biography," 1995, SSCHRC; 

Roger E. Bilstein, Stages To Saturn, A Technological History Of The Apollo/Saturn Launch Vehicles 

(Washington, DC: NASA SP-4206, 1980), pp. 222-233. 

7. Estess, interview by Dethloff. 

8. Ibid. 

9. Ibid. 

189 
p

stands already equipped for liquid hydrogen fuel. Although exact costs were 

not available at the time of the presentation, the study estimated that the MTF 

overall costs would be lower than at the MSFC or EAFB sites. Essentially, the 

MTF test stands needed to be modified "down" to accommodate single 

engines, since they were used during the Apollo program to test an entire 

rocket stage with approximately twice the thrust capability of the SSMEs. 

Estess estimated the test stand modifications at $7.9 millionY 

The MTF's extensive supporting facilities, test experience, existing acousticbuffer zone, and community support were factors Estess also pointed to as 

giving the MTF advantage over the other two sites. In his pitch, the importance 

of the propellant barges used for transportation and storage; the cryogenic facility; and the high-pressure gas facility were also stressed. The MTF's test 

experience was another factor Estess highlighted. He reminded board members 

of the 43 test firings during the Apollo program, with only five aborts. This 

experience amounted to 2,475 man-years of rocket test experience accumulated 

by MTF personnel, and no test delays ever occurred due to lack of support services. The 125,442-acre acoustic-buffer zone provided the land needed to 

absorb the noise and sound-pressure levels that shuttle engines generate. 12 

Estess provided detailed data that dramatically demonstrated the local communities' willingness to support the NASA program. Important to the NASA 

decision makers were the changes that were made in local area municipal and 

commercial facilities. For example, the bonded indebtedness in the towns surrounding the Mississippi NASA site increased from $1 million in 1962 to $20 

10. Ibid.; Estess, interview; See Hansen's Spaceflight Revolution, pp. 81-85, for biographical description of Floyd 

L. Thompson. Hansen's sketch does not, however, delve into tbe Langley director's old-fashioned "gentlemanly" demeanor. 

11. Estess, interview by Dethloff; Estess, interview; Roy Estess, "NASA Mississippi Test Facility Shuttle Engine 

Test Presentation," 11 December 1970, SSCHRC. 

12. Ibid. 

190 
but Estess confined his presentation to the allotted time, a little over an hour. 

At the conclusion, Thompson approached Estess and said, "You've obviously 

done a great job. We might just tell you we think it's the best presentation 

we've had out of the three places." Relieved, Estess headed for the door. 

Balch came up from his seat in the rear of the room and exchanged pleasant 

good-byes with the members, beaming as if he had given the presentation 

himself. Balch then slapped Estess on the back and said, "You did a good 

job." Balch had given Estess the supreme tribute, and that was all the young 

engineer ever wished to receive. 14 

Unbeknownst to Balch and Estess, they had a "friend" in Washington, one 

who had the ear of the Site Evaluation Board. Jerry Hlass, the Headquarters 

manager responsible for construction of the MTF, was working on his 

master's thesis at George Washington University. His study, "Search For A 

Role For A Large Government Facility," addressed the question of "what to 

do about [the] MTF." Hlass, like many others within NASA, knew the Space 

Shuttle program was the Agency's best chance at a long-range propulsion program. He also knew the site selection process was under way to perform the 

sea-level testing of the SSME, with a possible adjunct program to static-test 

a cluster of engines that would power the shuttle orbiter. Although Hlass's 

thesis included alternative uses of the MTF, such as environmental endeavors

a major portion of his study dealt with his own research on why the MTF 

should be utilized for shuttle engine testing. 15 

13. Ibid. 

14. Estess, interview. 

15. I. Jerry Hlass, interview by Henry C. Dethloff, The Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 437, 1991, pp. 15-22, SSCHRC; I. Jerry Hlass, "Search For A Role For A Large 

Government Test Facility" (master's thesis, George Washington University, June 1971), pp. 60--75; I. Jerry 

Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 14 December 1995. 

191 
ities at the MTF and elsewhere, Hlass's Headquarters colleagues on the board 

asked for his advice during the selection process. Ultimately, Hlass was named 

to head the construction program for Space Shuttle facilities nationwide. 16 

On 1 March 1971, the Board announced that the MTF was selected for the 

"sea-level testing of the rocket engines to power the Space Shuttle." The 

announcement said that some 1,200 development and acceptance tests, beginning in 1973 and continuing through 1979, would be done at the MTF. After 

1979, an estimated 45-50 sustaining engineering tests per year would be conducted on the engines. The announcement was obviously good news, as the 

Space Shuttle program had a longevity not bounded by a particular mission, 

such as Apollo. The fact that the shuttle was reusable provided a plus for those 

who remembered the "throw-away" aspects of the big Saturn V rocket stages, 

which fell into the oceans after they were spent. 17 

The MTF was now assured of a future in propulsion testing for decades, if 

President Nixon and the Congress agreed with the NASA planners who were 

proposing the Space Shuttle as the next logical step after the Apollo program. 

Another year would pass before the Nixon Administration made a firm decision for NASA to go ahead with the Space Shuttle. In retrospect, it is clear that 

Nixon's support of the shuttle program was directly connected to his need for 

support by powerful southern congressional leaders. Their support was needed 

for obtaining the critical funding for tens of thousands of jobs connected to 

Nixon's other programs in Congress. After all, the shuttle program would 

mean some 7,000 jobs, many in the "Deep South" at the same locations that 

proved so politically rewarding during the Apollo program. The huge aero16. Hlass, interview. 

17. Joe Jones, NASA-MSFC News Release, I March 1971, SSCHRC; NASA-MSFC Public Affairs Office, 

"Space Shuttle Decisions," Response to Queries (RTQ), 15 March 1972, SSCHRC. 

192 
y g pg

1971 was the most crucial single event in the center's entire history. 

According to Roy Estess, in the end, the MTF " ... was the best place to do 

the job." Furthermore, Estess maintained that one could not" ... discount politics; John C. Stennis cast a long shadow in those days." 19 

$10 Million Set-Aside 

While awaiting the outcome of the Space Shuttle site-location decision, 

the eyes ofNASA-MTF and the Headquarters managers turned to Capitol Hill, 

as debate over a $10 million set-aside fund heated up. Senator Ellender of 

Louisiana and Senator Stennis introduced a bill in the Appropriations 

Committee in the summer of 1970 to "set aside" funds from NASA's appropriations for research and program management (R&PM). The funds would be 

used at the MTF and the Slidell Computer Complex preparing the facilities to 

accommodate environmental programs. Actual use of the funds was held up in 

1971 when Nixon vetoed the entire Independent Offices and Department of 

Housing and Urban Development Act-the source for NASA's funding. 20 

18. Roger Launius, "NASA And The Decision To Build The Space Shuttle, 1969-1972," The Historian, p. 57 

(Autumn 1994); Wilbur B. Breuer, Race To The Moon, America's Duel With The Soviets (Westpoint, CT: 

Praeger Publishers, 1993), p. 202; Frank Macomber, Copley News Service, "Ford Defended Space 

Program," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as The Times-Picayune), 19 

October 1974; Ted O'Boyle, "Space Shuttle Plan To Help Test Facility," The Daily Herald, 6 January 1972; 

Jonathan Spivak, "Space Agency May Shun Cape Kennedy Site, Launch $6 Billion Space Shuttle 

Elsewhere," The Wall Street Journal, 3 December 1970. 

19. Boyce Mix, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 16 January 1996; NASA-MSFC News Release, "Shuttle Facts," 

1974, SSCHRC; Estess, interview. 

20. NASA Headquarters, Office Of Legislative Affairs, "Senate Debates 1971 Second Supplemental 

Appropriations," vol. X, no. 46, 18 May 1971; Congressional Record Senate (Washington, DC: S-7052, 17 

May 1971), pp. 3-6; "Bill Would Give MTF $10 Million," The Clarion-Ledger, 10 December 1970; "Bill 

Will Provide Test Facility Funds," The Birmingham (AL) News, 9 December 1970. 

193 
y q

y, 

Manned Space Flight (OMSF) comptroller. The set-aside funding bill of 

Ellender and Stennis angered NASA managers nationwide, since the funds 

were taken from salaries and operating costs Agencywide. Low's memorandum attempted to dictate use of the funds, saying that monies included in the 

MTF proposal represented increases in capital assets at the MTF, and, as such, 

fell outside congressional intent. In truth, the MTF did plan to use most of the 

funds to build specialized laboratories and facilities to accommodate and 

attract environmentally oriented agencies. Among the projects planned were 

an indoor hydroscience facility, outdoor flood plain, chemical laboratory, and 

giant fish tank. These projects were designed to help the MTF and Slidell 

Computer Complex prepare for environmental workY 

When the Low memorandum dictating use of the set-aside funds was 

received, an unknown recipient forwarded copies to Stennis and Ellender, who 

were angered at the actions of NASA Headquarters and, most especially, 

George Low. In fact, the Senators were so upset they fired off an "official night 

letter" telegram on 20 February 1972 to Low. The telegram began, "To our 

dismay we have just learned that NASA decided to re-examine and to redesign 

several aspects of the plan for expenditure of the $10 million set-aside for 

movement of various environmental and space missions to MTF/Slidell." The 

message then went on in terse and brawny terms saying, "It would be a tragedy 

if, as a matter of policy, NASA were to place so severe a straitjacket on the 

funds as to forestall the very alterations by which the basic institutional and 

technical services of which the legislation speaks can be offered to the 

21. Memorandum. George M. Low to Associate Administrator For Manned Space Flight. "NASA Policy On The 

$10 Million Set Aside For The Mississippi Test Facility," 18 February 1971; Telegram, Harry H. Gorman 

to Eberhard F.M. Rees, "$1 0 Million Set Aside For The Mississippi Test Facility," 18 February 1971; 

Telegram, Allen Ellender and John C. Stennis to George M. Low, 20 February 1971; Memorandum, Willis 

H. Shapley to Associate Administrator for Manned Space Flight, 21 February 1971. 

194 
gpp

pp

the proposed MTF environmental projects. Shapley directed that the requests 

be processed through channels as "expeditiously as possible." NASA seemed 

caught between trying to deal with the maverick MTF organization, within its 

traditional chain of command, and Senators Ellender and Stennis. NASA's 

urgent need to secure support in the Congress for the proposed Space Shuttle 

and other programs that faced possible elimination or serious cuts, complicated their resolution of the "MTF problem."23 

To make sure no further delays, restrictions, or misinterpretations of their 

legislation occurred, Ellender and Stennis added "clarifying language" in the 

set-aside appropriations bill to remove any question regarding NASA's 

authority to accomplish the projects needed at the MTF. In addition to the new 

language, the Senators also extended the time constrictions during which the 

funds could be obligated for the facility to 30 September 1971.24 

Recycling The Missile Base 

Once the set-aside controversy was settled, Balch and the MTF engineers 

used their skills to help the new research scientists build the promised laboratories. The engineers and scientists formed an interesting team. The 

government agency scientists knew the kinds of laboratories they needed, but 

had no idea how to build them. On the other hand, the NASA engineers had 

proven themselves by building the unique test facilities in the Mississippi 

22. Ibid. 

23. Memorandum, Willis H. Shapley to Associate Administrator for Manned Space Flight, 21 February 1971. 

24. Senator Ellender, May 1971, on the Senate floor read letters, detailing plans and projects needed at the MTF, 

from Robert M. White, NOAA administrator, and William D. Ruckelshaus, EPA administrator, 

Congressional Record, S7052, 17 May 1971, pp. 3-5. 

195 
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isfying as testing the giant Saturn rockets. Doug McLauglin, North American 

Rockwell test engineer, found himself building boat docks for use by 

Mississippi State University and Louisiana State University personnel to perform ecological studies along the Pearl River. Boyce Mix, assistant manager 

for the S-IC test program, studied environmental science and made trips to the 

Atchafalaya Swamp, Louisiana, to tend ground-truth data platforms. Ted 

LaMunyon stayed busy going on "acquisition trips" around the country, 

which included going to the Kennedy Space Center (KSC) for pipe and railroad tracks and to the University of Miami for a surplus boat that was traded 

for a much-needed satellite receiving dish.26 

Several test engineers found employment with the new onsite scientific 

agencies, contributing their firsthand knowledge of the MTF and expertise in 

engineering. Robert Piland appointed Wayne Mooneyhan as deputy of the 

new Earth Resources Laboratory, and Alex Peresich joined the laboratory's 

staff. Glade Woods and Walt Gandy joined the National Marine Fisheries 

Service (NMFS). O.J. Howe, General Electric (GE) engineer, went to work 

for the National Data Buoy Program office. Many other skilled and talented 

GE contractor personnel assisted the new agencies.Z7 

25. Boyce Mix, interview; A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 8 December 1994; Jackson 

M. Balch, interview by Gateway Productions, 10 December 1974, audio tape in SSCHRC; Jackson M. 

Balch to Governor John Bell Williams, 28 June 1971, SSCHRC; Jackson M. Balch to James T. Shepherd, 

"New MTF Charter," 14 January 1971; Jackson M. Balch, testimony before the Senate Judiciary 

Committee, S-9007, "A bill to consent to the Interstate Environment Compact," 21 Aprill971, SSCHRC. 

26. Mix, interview; Ted LaMunyon, interview by Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University 

of Southern Mississippi, vol. 409, 1992, pp. 20-22, SSCHRC; Ted LaMunyon, interview by Mack Herring, 

Picayune, MS, 16 January 1996. 

27. E.G. "Glade" Woods, interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 435, I December 1992, pp. 7-8, SSCHRC; O.J. Howe, interview by Mack Herring, 

Waveland, MS; NSTL Capabilities Document, "Configuration of NSTL, and Earth Resources Laboratory," 

SSCHRC, pp. 6, 46. 

196 
programmatic pursuits of the agencies. Balch, however, did exercise his 

landlord rights when issues involved the entire facility. 28 

On numerous occasions, Balch called the heads of the agencies to the main 

conference room to host and impress a "prospective" newcomer. Balch would 

proudly go around the table introducing the agency heads, calling out their 

titles, "This is Dr. Han Tai, director of the [onsite EPA] office ... and this is 

Mr. Stevenson, director of the National Marine Fisheries Laboratory." If 

Balch did not think a title was sufficient to impress a guest, he embellished it. 

He was well known for conferring advanced degrees on people "on the spot." 

He did not think twice about escorting an important visitor into the laboratories or offices of the agency chiefs to show off the new MTF environmental 

cooperative. When he was tied up, Balch delegated the task to people in his 

organization who he believed had good technical knowledge, but more importantly, had "social graces" and were able to impress and dazzle visitors with 

their personality. When they were escorting visitors, Balch admonished his 

lieutenants to "just flash the office, step into the door, wave your arms, and 

move on. Don't let them see inactivity or question you about details. Make 

them believe there is a lot of diverse and important work going on."29 

In truth there was a lot of work going on, as the transition from "a singlemission, space-dedicated, production-type installation into one having many 

missions of research, development, and operations in both space and environmental activity" accelerated at the MTF. In fact, Balch proudly boasted to 

Mississippi Governor John Bell Williams in June 1971 that the "new MTF" 

concept was still in an experimental phase, but its validity was being "demonstrated each day." In Balch's battle cry for "full utilization," he called on the 

28. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 386, 1991, pp. 16-18, SSCHRC; Director's Office Files, "Activities In Residence 

At Mississippi Test Facility," meeting agenda on overall situation at MTF, ud., circa 1973. 

29. Estess, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 7 July 1995. 

197 
p

USGS OvSy

(EROS) regional office; the Department of Commerce's NOAA National 

Data Buoy Program Office, Remote Sensing Engineering Development 

Office, the Experimental Field Test and Integration Center, and the National 

Oceanographic Instrumentation Center.31 

Also committed to the MTF consortium were the EPA's National Pesticide 

Monitoring Laboratory, National Pesticide Chemical Regulation Laboratory, 

and the Water Quality Laboratory for the Lower Mississippi River Basin; 

NASA's Earth Resources Experimental Laboratory, MTF (host agency), 

Manned Spacecraft Center, and the MSFC; the Department of the Army's 

Munitions Command Hazards Evaluation Office; and Mississippi State 

University and Louisiana State University (both under contract or grant).32 

Although the new agencies began sending advance personnel to the MTF, 

the total population of the site, which was more than 6,000 in the summer of 

1965, had dropped to slightly more than 900. Most testing personnel went to 

work for the site support contractors, the new agencies, or sought employment in the local communities. Jobs in the aerospace industry were scarce 

everywhere because of the nationwide cutbacks occurring in the NASA program. Many rocket engineers were unable to find jobs even when they 

presented their specialty experiences and credentials obtained while testing 

rockets at the MTF. 33 

30. Jackson Balch to Governor John Bell Williams, 28 June 1971. This letter, authored by Balch, contained a good 

explanation of Balch's philosophy and an account of activities under way at the MTF. The letter to Williams 

is a valuable document because Balch explained his intentions for the space-environmental complex in a 

written document rather than at a chalkboard, where it could be erased. 

31. Ibid. 

32. Ibid. 

33. Blanch R. Robinson, "NSTL Personnel Strength," 1975, SSCHRC. Of all records pertaining to the roller 

coaster fortunes of the MTF, actual personnel records tell the story most accurately. One can trace a high of 

over 6,000 people working at the MTF, summer of 1965, to a low of about 900 employees in 1971. Portions 

of these personnel records can be found in SSCHRC. 

198 
of the Senate Armed Services Committee, heard about the Army program and 

learned that the plans called for a large ammunition manufacturing complex.34 

Stennis suggested the Army consider locating at Camp Shelby, an Army 

installation south of Hattiesburg, Mississippi-about 60 miles north of the 

MTF. However, the Army Corps of Engineers, advised the Army site-selection 

personnel to look at the NASA installation. On 16 April1971, when the Army 

advance team was escorted to the MTF by the Corps of Engineers, a "lovehate" relationship began between NASA, Senator Stennis, and the U.S. Army 

ammunition plant. 35 

With the new space and environmental concept beginning to flourish at 

the MTF, Balch felt his "marketeers" could be "selective" in their search. He 

wanted agencies that were compatible and would not overwhelm the smaller 

agencies with size or federal funding. The Army's Steel City complex, with 

its main mission to manufacture a modem version of the !55-millimeter 

artillery round, was clearly not compatible with organizations trying to save 

the planet from environmental pollution and those conducting science "for the 

benefit of mankind."36 

The Army envisioned the huge manufacturing complex costs at $500 

million, with employment of approximately 1,200 people, a mammoth 

undertaking that Balch thought could easily "overwhelm" the work of the 

smaller onsite MTF agencies. Privately, Balch feared that once Stennis 

landed the big Army plant for the MTF, the Senator would lose interest in 

34. Department of the Army. memorandum, "Availability of Land and Facilities at NASA Mississippi Test 

Facility," 23 July 1971, SSCHRC; R.H. Curtin, Memorandum for the Record, "Possible Use Of MTF For 

Army's Steel City," 14 February 1973. 

35. NASA-MTF Director's Files, "Factors Concerning Steel City At Mississippi Facility, I February 1973, 

SSCHRC. 

36. Harry Owen to Governor Bill Waller, 29 December 1972, SSCHRC. 

199 
Aerial view of the Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant (MSAAP) at the National 

Technology Laboratories (NSTL) just prior to the plant's dedication on 31 March 1

(SSC-88-350-134) 

supporting the MTF space and environmental concept. Balch also felt 

plant would bring "blue collar" jobs, which would not be a good mix 

the advanced-degree scientists working for the smaller onsite agencies. 3

The Army found the MTF location attractive, especially since the n

em half (7,000 acres) of the "fee" area was available. The Army would 

preferred to "swallow up" the MTF activities and even said the SSME te

program could "possibly" be moved to Merritt Island, Florida. NASA, h

ever, had already made its decision to test the SSMEs at the MTF. The A

wanted to obtain Stennis's blessing and locate its plant at the MTF an

doing so, secure necessary funding from the Senate Armed Serv

Committee-chaired by Stennis. 38 

37. Ibid.; Also see "Factors Concerning Steel City At Mississippi Test Facility," point "10," where severa

tive reasons are listed regarding construction of the Army plant at the MTF. 

38. U.S. Army Munitions Command, "Feasibility Study, Mississippi Ammunition Complex, Mississipp

Coast," 28 May 1971, SSCHRC. 

200 
Managing The Change 

As the MTF environmental complex materialized, Balch made his own 

organization more compatible with the multiagency concept. Although his 

personnel often made light of Balch's many organizational changes, adjustments were necessary for meeting the demands placed on NASA by the many 

diverse tenants.40 

One of the first adjustments was to change the contractual nature of the 

installation. During the rocket-testing years, GE was the only MTF support 

contractor, handling both technical support and site maintenance chores. 

Balch and members of his staff thought the $64 million GE contract during 

the Apollo program was too big and expensive for the new multiagency 

arrangement. They felt that multiple contractors might be more attentive to 

the new agencies.41 

Since Balch was happy with the superior technical support available from 

GE, he decided to just split the GE contract into two parts, a general site maintenance contractor and a technical support contractor, to assist NASA and the 

new agencies. The two contracts were intended to minimize GE's responsibilities, and, therefore, allow for certain needs to be met by means of "specific 

task" contracts. The site maintenace (institutional) contractor was "site operator," supporting facility maintenance and plant engineering. The MSFC 

agreed to the overall concept and encouraged the MTF to make these changes. 

In many instances, Balch favored the sophisticated contractors over his own 

39. When Jackson Balch found that Senator Stennis was determined to support the Army's plans to build an 

ammunition plant on the northern part of the MTF, he supported the move. To do so, Balch helped develop 

an environmental impact study and encouraged community and media support. 

40. Jackson Balch, Memorandum to Office Chiefs, "Reorganization Planning," 28 December 1971, SSCHRC. 

41. Ibid. 

201 
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agencies, as well as NASA.43 

During this period of readjustment, the MSFC elevated the MTF's position, 

giving Balch a direct line to the MSFC director and changing Balch's title from 

manager to director. This move was done partially because the MSFC felt the 

MTF needed the new status designation to better cope with its new concept; 

also, the MSFC acted at the insistence of Senator Stennis, who wrote to NASA 

complaining that the "MTF was inhibited to function properly" because of 

"layers of bureaucracy." MSFC Director Eberhard Rees wrote to NASA 

Administrator Fletcher, recommending the change in status and asking 

Fletcher to call on other federal agencies to join the MTF consortium. Rees, 

Balch's former MSFC boss and his friend, recognized the political as well as 

the scientific possibilities of the growing complex. Rees also had an idea that 

the SSME testing would occur at the MTF in the not-too-distant future. Prior 

to 11 May 1972 and the approval of the MTF's new charter, Balch would communicate with the MSFC Industrial Operations office on most issues, but some 

were reserved for direct communication with the MSFC director.44 

With the new charter, Balch styled the space and environmental complex 

to interact with the resident agencies and operate with its own "project 

office," which he called Applications Engineering (AE). He also formed an 

"Installations Operations" office. Balch asked William L. "Bill" Grafton, a 

respected engineer, to help organize the AE project office, and Waldo 

Dearing, Balch's chief administrator, to help organize the Installation 

Operations office.45 

42. Ibid.; Dr. F.S. Schultz to Jackson Balch, 3 January 1972, SSCHRC. 

43. W.H. "Waldo" Dearing to J.N. Foster, "Revised Summary Listing OfMTF Contract Activities," 21 November 

1972, SSCHRC. 

44. MSFC, "MTF Charter 0501," 28 December 1971, SSCHRC. 

45. MSFC, "MTF Charter 0502," 11 May 1972; Balch, Memorandum to Office Chiefs, 28 December 1971. 

202 
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bureaucratic, governmental, and disciplinary lines.46 

Indeed, the AE mission was to (1) engage in projects to demonstrate space 

applications of NASA technology; (2) manage accomplishment of selected 

tenant-assigned projects and experiments; and (3) seek appropriate arrangements with other NASA centers to involve NASA-wide experience at the 

MTF. Balch felt so strongly about the AE mission that he assigned Henry 

Auter to serve as AE director and several of his best engineers and NASA 

"university-educated" scientists to work in the office. As a result, AE was 

divided into three elements: Technology Transfer and Utilization, headed by 

Roy Estess; Technology Applications, led by Larry Hopkins; and the 

Environmental Systems Development Team, directed by Dr. William "Billy" 

Wolverton. Others assigned to AE were Ken Daughtrey, John Ivey, Robert 

"Bobby" Hegwood, Robert "Bobby" Junkin, Lelyn Nybo, Rebecca "Becky" 

McDonald, and William "Bill" Montgomery. 47 

An innovative management tool devised by the Balch team was the MTF 

method of recovering costs incurred by the resident agencies. NASA 

Headquarters was concerned about the "accounting" process from the very 

beginning. Although all federal agencies, and even state agencies to some 

extent, were part of the same federal system, congressional funding, in addition to national and state laws, applied to the accountability of public funds 

used at the MTF. The managers of the new onsite agencies were promised that 

their tenancy at the MTF would "save money," and they could put most of their 

funding into scientific programs and not into expensive facility operations.48 

46. Ibid.; Applications Engineering, NSTL Capabilities Document, "Configuration of NSTL," p. 6, and "NSTL 

Industrial Community," p. 10; November 1975. 

47. Ibid.; Applications Engineering, NSTL Capabilities Document, 10 November 1975. 

48. I. Jerry Hlass, Management Concept and Structure of the John C. Stennis Space Center, a Multiagency 

Federal Laboratory, (SSC, MS: Graphic Arts Department, 1995), pp. 10--16. 

203 
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fire from other agencies, NASA Headquarters, and even a congressional 

investigative committee.49 

The Restless Warrior 

One of Balch's personality quirks did not allow him to ever let business 

matters "settle down" for long. One might argue, however, that the creation 

of the multiagency governmental complex in remote Hancock County in 

southwest Mississippi required the continuous and arduous work of Balch. 

After all, the experiment was undertaken far from any technological complex, 

such as the Research Triangle Park in North Carolina.50 

Balch cultivated yet another political ally, Senator John L. McClellan 

(D-Arkansas), chairman of the Committee of Governmental Operations and 

a ranking member of the Appropriations and Judiciary Committees. 

McClellan extended an invitation to Balch to come to Washington and give 

testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee in reference to a bill 

allowing for an Interstate Environment Compact. Balch seized the opportunity, hoping that exposure before the senate committee would further the 

cause of the MTF. Arkansas was part of the MTF federal-state structure 

because of "shared interests" with Mississippi and Louisiana. Arkansas 

Governor Dale Bumpers took a special interest and introduced the programs 

to his political allies. 51 

49. Ibid. 

50. Senator John L. McClellan to Jackson Balch, 27 Apri11971; Congressional Record. 92nd Congress, vol. 117, 

23 February 1971; Michael Barone, Grant Ujifusa, and Douglas Matthews, The Almanac Of American 

Politics, 1972, pp. 31-33; 

51. Ibid. 

204 
Balch went on with his presentation to the Committee, using the chalkboard just as he had many times in his own office. He pointed out the need to 

monitor and inventory the environment, and he alerted the Senators to the 

problems government agencies addressing these environmental matters had 

in "communicating" with each other. He also used the opportunity to explain 

to the congressional panel how well the various agencies at the MTF worked 

together in sharing information. He emphasized the point that the same 

system of cooperation could be applied in other parts of the country, covering 

the nation with installations that could exchange useful information. Balch 

stressed that environmental information needed to be developed in an atmosphere where an "alderman in Pass Christian, Mississippi," could use data 

produced from technology developed by federal and state agencies to make 

decisions in his own hometown. The most important aspect of his appearance 

before the Judiciary Committee came from the realization of his critics that 

he would take his case to the highest places in the land.53 

After the Washington presentation, Balch brought in state officials from 

Arkansas as part of what became a tri-state consortium for environmental 

research. He gained assistance from another new political supporter, U.S. Representative Trent Lott, a Republican elected to the House of Representatives to 

fill a vacancy left by the retirement of Bill Colmer in 1972. Lott was no 

stranger to the MTF, becoming familiar with it as Colmer's administrative 

assistant. Lott had personal friendships with a number of the federal agency 

heads and employees, and he shared "ownership" status of the MTF since his 

hometown was on the Mississippi Gulf Coast in Pascagoula. 4 5

52. Congressional Transcript, The Senate Judiciary Committee, "Statement of Jackson Balch, Manager, 

Mississippi Test Facility, National Aeronautics and Space Administration," 21 April 1971, SSCHRC. 

53. Ibid. 

54. Office of Senator Trent Lott, "Trent Lott Biography," Washington, DC, 1995, SSCHRC. 

205 
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engines were scheduled to be static-fired. NASA had already made an internal decision in March 1970 to perform the shuttle testing at the MTF. Nixon's 

decision also meant that the giant external Space Shuttle fuel tanks could be 

manufactured at the Michoud Assembly Facility (MAF) in New Orleans, a 

super economic boost for the Gulf Coast area. 55 

As plans for the new Space Shuttle unfolded, NASA Administrator 

Fletcher visited the MTF in March of 1972, met with Balch, and commented 

on the MTF's future as a shuttle test site and on the importance of the environmental research under way. In a speech at Stennis International Airport in 

Hancock County, Fletcher predicted that shuttle testing would only bring in 

about 200 new jobs, a smaller number than the previous projections of 

approximately 800-1,000 jobs. He said space would not be "de-emphasized" 

by NASA, but he observed that a main purpose of the MTF would be to 

explore the Earth's resources for new uses by man. 6 5

Less than a month following Fletcher's March visit, NASA Headquarters 

announced on 20 April 1972 that the Space Shuttle would be powered by 

solid rocket motors, as well as liquid-fueled engines. The decision meant that 

the boost phase of the shuttle would be propelled by simultaneous operation 

of its solid propellant motors and the high-pressure, liquid-oxygen and liquidhydrogen main engines attached to the orbiter craft. Since NASA's internal 

selection of the MTF for testing the main engines, the Space Shuttle's engine 

configuration definition ensured a good piece of the reusable spacecraft 

55. "Nixon Orders Go For Space Shuttle," The Clarion-Ledger, 4 January 1972; NASA-MSFC News Release, 

1 March 1972, SSCHRC; "Ford Defended Space Program," The Times-Picayune, 9 October 1974. All the 

testing plans were subject to congressional approval and funding. See Roger Launius's article, "NASA And 

The Decision To Build The Space Shuttle," The Historian, vol. 57 (Autumn 1994), for an excellent presentation of the political and economic ramifications of the Space Shuttle decision. 

56. "Engine Testing Next On Test Site Agenda," Picayune Item, 24 April 1972; "Environmental Research Seen 

For MTF," The Times-Picayune, 25 April 1972. 

206 
content to have the program managed by the Shuttle Engine Program Office 

in Hunstsville, Alabama, with the MTF playing a lesser, but important, test 

support role. Robert "Bob" Bush, who successfully managed the S-11 test program during the 1960s, was named the MTF test program resident manager. 

Boyce Mix, who served as assistant S-IC manager during the Saturn V testing, was Bush's deputy. Joining Bush and Mix were Ted LaMunyon, Bill 

Spradlin, Jim Taylor, and Doug Howard. The office officially began operations on 17 July 1972.58 

An important part of the MTF facility maintenance support contract with 

Global Associates was a special Space Shuttle support element headed by 

Doug McLaughlin, formerly in charge of the North American Rockwell group 

at the MTF. Other experienced Saturn test program engineers on McLaughlin's 

staff were Patrick "Pat" Mooney, J. Stephens "Steve" Dick, and David 

Caldarelli. The Global organization responded directly to Bush and the MSFC 

resident office and was responsible for activation, maintenance, and test support operations. The group received high marks for its performance from the 

MTF management organization, as well as from the MSFC resident office. 59 

Two "different worlds" existed at the MTF when the shuttle program 

began in the early 1970s. Colorful signs went up at the gates to the test complex that read "NASA's George C. Marshall Space Flight Center, Shuttle Test 

57. Jim Lambert, Jr., "Viewpoint," Picayune Item, 24 Aprill972; Eberhard Rees to Dale Myers, "Selection of Test 

Sites For Inclusion in the Space Shuttle RFP," II February 1972. 

58. Jackson M. Balch and J.T. Shepherd, "Memorandum of Agreement Between The Mississippi Test Facility and 

Program Management (MSFC)," 8 October 1971; Henry F. Auter, Memorandum for the Record, "Meeting 

With William Brown, Engine Program Manager," 28 October 1971; Boyce Mix, interview by Mack 

Herring, SSC, 19 January 1996; Jackson M. Balch, Memorandum for the Record, "NSTL-MSFC Readiness 

Review," 18 November 1974, SSCHRC; Jackson M. Balch to James T. Shepherd, "New MTF Charter," 14 

January 1971. 

59. Doug McLauglin, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 18 January 1996; Bill Spradlin, interview by Mack 

Herring, SSC, 19 January 1996. 

207 
Synergism At Work 

After years of waging an unrelenting campaign to establish a "scientific 

utopia," Jackson Balch's impossible dream became a reality. By the end of 

1972, a number of federal and state agencies were at the MTF, pooling their 

talents and resources on programs of mutual interest. Although relatively 

small in employee numbers, the resident offices at the MTF were national and 

regional in scope, and most were engaged in scientific research to study and 

protect the environment, a prominent issue on the nation's agenda.61 

By spring 1973, in addition to NASA, 16 federal and state agencies and a 

universities were in residence at the MTF. They represented the Department of 

Commerce (DOC), the Department of Defense (DoD), the EPA, the 

Department of the Interior (DOl), State of Mississippi, Louisiana State 

University, and Mississippi State University. These cabinet-level agencies and 

state institutions had located elements at the MTF and were using satellite data, 

airborne sensors, automated ocean buoys, laboratory instruments, computers, 

and other scientific devices especially designed and built at the Mississippi 

facility to study their space-, ocean-, and Earth-oriented projects.62 

As Balch predicted, during his struggle to bring the varied elements to the 

MTF, both chiefs and employees spent many hours discussing the possibili60. Roscoe Nicholson told the author during informal discussion in the SSC barber shop just before Nicholson 

retired in 1988, "We have two different worlds here [on site]; we don't keep up with the politics. We leave 

that up to you guys over there." Nicholson was speaking of the great differences in the preoccupations of 

rocket testing personnel in the Test Complex and the daily administrative work carried on in the Laboratory 

and Engineering Complex. This division of work at the SSC was even more apparent when the oceanographic and environmental agencies were in their infant stages in the 1970s.; NASA MTF, "Pocket Wallet 

Facts, ud., circa 1972. 

61. See "The New MTF," 1973, from the Auter Collection at SSCHRC for an excellent study of the MTF 

philosophy. 

62. Executive/Directors Files, "MTF Mission Assignments Of Agencies In Residence," 23 April 1973, SSCHRC. 

208 
NASA and NOAA in August 1973. The purpose of the oceanographic fact

finding mission was to relate stocks of sport fish, such as marlin and sailfish, 

to ocean features detected by advanced sensors carried aboard orbiting satellites and specially equipped aircraft. NASA's ERL and NOAA's National 

Marine Fisheries Service Engineering Laboratory, both located at the MTF, 

collaborated on the highly visible project. Skylab was America's first space 

station, using a spent S-IVB stage as a laboratory housing the astronauts and 

approximately 50 experiments. An advanced multispectral scanner onboard 

the Skylab conducted a number of Earth resources experiments in agriculture, 

oceanography, hydrology, geology, and geography. William "Bill" 

Stephenson, head of the NOAA fisheries laboratory, was principal investigator for the project. The mission was launched by a Saturn V rocket using S-IC 

and S-II boosters static-fired at the MTF. For the first time, the MTF had a 

role in a spaceborne mission.64 

The project was conducted in the northeastern Gulf of Mexico with NASA 

and NOAA directing over 100 volunteer charter fishing boats. "Sea truth" 

information was gathered by the boats as the big Skylab, with its sophisticated 

Earth resources sensor, recorded data as it flew over its Gulf of Mexico target. 

The Skylab measurements were complemented by data from the NOAA-2 

satellite, two NASA aircraft with sensors-flying at altitudes of 10,000 and 

20,000 feet, and nine instrumented research vessels operating in the Gulf. The 

Skylab Oceanic Gamefish Project demonstrated how elements of the federal 

government could work with private entities such as charter boat fishermen to 

gain useful scientific information for the "user" community. Studies con63. Captain Peter A. Morrill, interview by Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 442, 1993, pp. 9-11, SSCHRC. 

64. NASA-NOAA Joint News Release, "Skylab Astronauts, Fishermen Join In Ocean Game Fish Experiment," 

24 July 1973, SSCHRC; "Record Number Of Sport Fishing Boats Expected To Take Part In Skylab 

Project," The Daily Herald, 4 August 1973. 

209 
g

sensing. The "Lab," as the organization was called, also cooperated with the 

DOl Earth Resources Observation Systems (EROS) office at the MTF. The 

EROS office was directed by Gary North, a young manager who became a 

favorite of Jackson Balch. Robert Piland, having organized the ERL, turned 

the reins of the laboratory over to Wayne Mooneyhan. The National Park 

Service found satellite-derived information invaluable in its inventory programs of the national parks and its study of the stresses people inflict on park 

ecosystems. Dr. Garrett Smathers, director of the Park Service's element at the 

MTF, had as many as 33 onsite scientists. The National Weather Bureau's 

Lower Mississippi River Forecast Center, directed by the respected Clarence 

Vicroy, settled in the Slidell Computer Complex, using computerized digital 

simulation models and satellite and aircraft data to better predict flooding.66 

Some agencies at the MTF pursued projects that daily affected people and 

institutions around the nation. The EPA's Pesticide Monitoring Laboratory 

analyzed soils, agricultural crops, and wildlife samples from all 50 states. The 

laboratory also developed new techniques using aerial and satellite-observed 

data in its program. EPA Laboratory Director Dr. Han Tai was internationally 

known for his creative work in the field. The NOAA Data Buoy Program 

Office developed and deployed instrumented buoys to measure oceanographic 

and meteorologic parameters in the Gulf of Mexico and along the Atlantic and 

Pacific coastlines. These buoys telemetered data back to the mainland via communications satellites. Captain Peter Morrill, Data Buoy's first director at the 

MTF, and a later director, James "Jim" Winchester, were pioneers in the development of the automated buoys, or "ocean platforms," that provided early 

65. "Over 100 Fishing Boats Take Part In Skylab Space-Experiment," The Pensacola (FL) News-Journal, 

6 August 1973; "Astronauts Salute Gulf Fishermen," Mobile Press-Register, 8 August 1973. 

66. Gil Webre, "MTF's Role In The '70s: Space Technology," The Times-Picayune, 8 July 1973; "MTF Mission 

Assignments of Agencies In Residence, 1973," SSCHRC. 

210 
g ppg

This relationship was a binding agent when the various agencies began working together and sharing scientific knowledge in joint endeavors.68 

The synergism that Balch predicted came about with the multiagency 

arrangement. The combined knowledge gained was carried to all parts of the 

country. Indeed, knowledge gained by several agencies from their collective 

experiences in space and environmental matters at the MTF spread around the 

world. A Russian scientist and member of the USSR Academy of Sciences 

faculty, Yevgeniy Federof, brought his entire staff to the MTF to study the 

multiagency center in action. The Russians were especially interested in Jim 

Winchester's data buoy project, as were scientists around the world. They recognized that the project was more adept at measuring parameters "thousands 

of miles in space," than just a few feet beneath the ocean's surface.69 

Obviously pleased by the attention his multiagency "brainchild" received, 

Balch described the consortium's work in glowing terms. "We have something here that many university research centers do not have," Balch bragged. 

"We provide accountable services to our agencies so that they can go about 

their business, doing their own thing, tending to their own projects without 

interference." No one involved with the multiagency concept at the MTF 

doubted Balch's sincere devotion to its success.70 

67. Ibid.; MTF Director's Office Log, "Significant Events," 1971-1975, SSCHRC. 

68. The success of such projects as the Sky lab Oceanic Experiment, BOMEX, JSC-ERL satellite and airborne surveys in Louisiana, NOAA data buoy hurricane predictions, and successful projects conducted with the 

Mississippi State University and Louisiana State University attests to the competence of the engineers and 

scientists who have been involved in the work of the MTF-NSTL space-environmental complex. 

69. NASA Administrator James Fletcher lauded the work of the consortium on 14 June 1974 when he announced 

the change in name and status of the MTF to the NSTL. See also "MTF Reports Of Its Death Grossly 

Exaggerated," The Daily Herald, 20 August 1972. 

70. Jackson Balch, interview by Gateway Productions, 10 December 1974. Jackson Balch's management of the 

space-environmental complex comes very close to the classic study of American life in Democracy In 

America, by Alexis de Tocqueville. See the chapter of de Tocqueville's work entitled, "Why The Americans 

Are More Addicted to Practical Than To Theoretical Science." 

211 
ppppy , , 

was one of four companies entering bids on the project; specifying it would 

perform the work at the MAF and the MTF. To make their bid even more 

attractive, Lockheed proposed to use local subcontractors for 60 percent of 

the work. Other companies bidding for the solid rocket motor contract were 

Thiokol Chemical Corporation, Brigham City, Utah; Aerojet Solid Propulsion 

Company, Sacramento, California; and United Technology Center, 

Sunnyvale, California.71 

Even with the MTF work population showing modest growth to 1,127 

employees in October 1973, the workforce was far from its heady peaks of 

6,000 employees during the Apollo era. When officials in the local communities heard of the solid rocket motor manufacture and test program, they 

pulled out all stops in an effort to support their political delegations and sway 

NASA to make a decision favoring the MTF. After all, the new solid rocket 

motor program would bring about 800 new jobs, divided equally between the 

MAF and the MTF. The program would mean a boost of over $400 million 

for the southwest Mississippi and southeast Louisiana economies.72 

An impressive delegation of elected officials, business people, and community leaders from the Gulf Coast area organized a trip to Washington, D.C., 

in October 1973 to petition for "full utilization" of the MTF, Slidell Computer 

Complex, and the MAE The group was careful not to publicly pressure 

NASA or their congressional delegations into "choosing Lockheed" for the 

solid rocket motor contract. Mississippi Governor William "Bill" Waller and 

State Senator Martin Smith led the Mississippi group, while U.S. 

Representative Lyndy Boggs and Senator Russell Long led the Louisiana 

group. Others in the delegation included long-time NASA-MTF supporters 

71. "Officials Told Lockheed Proposal Will Be MTF Boom."' Picayune Item, 14 October 1973. 

72. "Officials Push Full Utilization," Picayune Item, 17 October 1973. 

212 
y y gg

protest the contract. After all, just a few years earlier NASA announced that 

the MTF was "the nation's foremost propulsion test site." Gulf Coast officials 

accused NASA of favoritism because Administrator Fletcher's home was in 

Utah. To add fuel to the fire, U.S. Senator Frank Moss, chairman of the 

Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee, was also from Utah. Governor 

Waller led the angry verbal protest. State Senator Martin Smith, who worked 

hard in the lobbying effort before the contract was awarded, also issued strong 

public statements against NASA. 74 

The National Space Technology Laboratories 

The reaction of the Mississippi-Louisiana congressional delegations was 

swift and angry, and, perhaps, helped set the stage for future favors for the 

MTF. The congressmen asked for a "full, detailed report on why NASA 

selected Thiokol Chemical Corporation for the solid rocket motor contract." 

The award was not overturned, but the calls for "full utilization" of the MTF 

by Stennis, Lott, and other political and community leaders kept the pressure 

on NASA to continue to keep the Gulf Coast complex on the front burner.75 

On another front opened by Balch in his campaign to expand the "new 

MTF," State Senator Martin Smith became closely associated with the move at 

the State capital to see the MTF reach its full potential. Smith introduced a resolution in March 1974 asking the Mississippi congressional delegation to seek 

73. Ibid. 

74. "Smith Blasts Von Braun," Picayune Item, 24 March 1974. 

75. "Thiokol Bid Explanation Urged," South Mississippi Sun, 30 November 1973; "GAO Space Pact Probe Urged," 

The Times-Picayune, 30 November 1973; "Job Given Utah Plant Opposed," Times-Picayune, 7 December 

1973; "Politics, Cost Juggling Alleged In Space Shuttle," The Clarion-Ledger, 6 December 1973. 

213 
g, y 

Mississippi legislature. He told NASA Administrator Fletcher that he was disappointed the MTF had not reached "full utilization" and even questioned 

NASA's overall management ability because of "mishandling" of the MTF situation. Fletcher responded to Stennis's criticism by commissioning a trusted, 

former associate administrator for Organization and Management, Richard 

McCurdy, to go to the MTF for an in-depth management survey. The 

"McCurdy Report," generally complimentary of the Balch management, made 

two recommendations to Fletcher: (1) publicly assure NASA's commitment to 

the MTF's long-term future, and (2) change its management relationship, 

allowing better access to NASA Headquarters. The report did not recommend 

the site's independent status, which Balch felt was needed. Instead, McCurdy 

suggested that the management chain of command be connected to the 

Johnson Space Center (JSC) in Houston, Texas, rather than to the MSFC.77 

Fletcher informed Stennis on 24 April 197 4 that he proposed to take immediate action to assist the MTF. The NASA Administrator went one step further 

when he told Stennis he was appointing a former astronaut, Russell L. 

"Rusty" Schweickart, director of User Affairs in the Applications Office at 

NASA Headquarters, where he would be charged to work closely with the 

MTF to develop full utilization.78 

Determined to get immediate action, Stennis did not wait for the bureaucratic process of assistance to take effect at the MTF. Even before hearing of 

Fletcher's intentions, Stennis on 19 Apri11974, in a stern letter to the NASA 

76. "Legislators Urge Use Of NASA Test Site," The Sun-Herald, 31 March 1974; NASA-MTF Public Affairs 

Office, "Newspapers Tell MTF Story," I March 1974, SSCHRC. 

77. "Stennis To Investigate Use Of NASA Facility," The Daily Herald, 2 Aprill974; John C. Stennis to James C. 

Fletcher, 19 April 1974; James C. Fletcher to John C. Stennis, 24 Aprill974; William D. Carey, "Getting 

on with it: a management study of the MTF," 31 January 1974, SSCHRC; James McCurdy, "Managemen

Survey of NASA Facilities in Mississippi and Louisiana," 22 April 1974, SSCHRC. 

78. Stennis to Fletcher, 19 April 1974. 

214 
ppp, pgy 

(NSTL)," was actually crafted in a joint effort between Balch and Stennis's 

staff members. Balch dreamed of the installation becoming "national" in 

scope. All parties concerned felt "space technology" must be used in the name 

because much of the work at the MTF was in the development and study of 

space technology. Finally, the new field installation was a "national laboratory," akin to the officially designated federallaboratories. 80 

On 14 June 1974, NASA announced the creation of the National Space 

Technology Laboratories (NSTL). Fletcher, obviously relieved to have the 

"MTF matter" finally over, said that the "NSTL has developed into an installation where highly qualified capabilities exist for conducting remote sensing, 

environmental, and related research through technology application. These 

capabilities have been enhanced in recent years by the location at [the] NSTL 

of research and technical activities of several other government agencies. The 

success of this expansion in relation to these mutually supporting activities 

has led me to decide that NSTL will have a permanent role in NASA's space 

applications."81 

Senator Stennis predicted that "efforts to increase the use of [the] NSTL 

by NASA and other federal agencies [would] now be more successful than 

ever before." He also noted that the installation would become an equal partner with other NASA installations and report directly to NASA Headquarters. 

Stennis said, "I have long been convinced that it was a major obstacle to the 

facility's growth to work through the [MSFC] in Huntsville, Alabama." At the 

79./bid.; Auter Collection, "The New MTF." 

80. Auter Collection, "The New MTF"; See also Eli Ginzberg, James W. Kuhn, Jerome Schnee, and Boris Yavitz, 

Economic Impact Of Large Federal Programs: The NASA Experience (Salt Lake City: Olympus Publishing 

Co., 1976), pp. 27--47, 153-172. 

81. NASA Headquarters Management Notice, 14 June 1974; NASA Headquarters News Release, 14 June 1974, 

SSCHRC. 

215 
pp

tion with a number of big items on its plate. Balch and his small NASA staff 

of 68 civil servants had to deal with all the administrative matters attached to 

becoming independent: chain of command channels, management relationships, legal, financial, personnel, public relations, and many other details. The 

role of "host agency" to the environmental family took on new meaning with 

new responsibilities. Activation of the Space Shuttle Test Complex was critical to NASA's space program. The Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant 

(MSAAP) was beginning to loom as a big ticket item for the Balch group to 

deal with. But no action was more consuming, or more important to the direction of the installation-which now numbered 1,370 people-than the 

coming of the Navy's oceanographic operations to the NSTL.83 

The early seeds of the Navy move dated back to 17 June 1968, when three 

technical project people from the Naval Oceanographic Office visited the site. 

The visit was to evaluate the MTF's facilities and capabilities to handle largescale scientific programming, as well as data analysis and reduction. The Navy 

was interested in using the Mississippi facilities for data reduction of information collected from numerous "points and sources." Many oceanographers 

became familiar with the MTF during the BOMEX project (1968 and 1969). 

Probably the most influential scientist was Dr. James Wake lin, Chairman of the 

President's Commission on Oceanography. Wakelin became a proponent of the 

MTF at the White House and in his associations with other Washington-based 

oceanographers. At the same time, then NASA Administrator James Webb had 

82. "Stennis Announces MTF Reclassification," (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo, 20 June 1974. 

83. George Low to Jackson Balch, 14 June 1974; Conference Notes, George Low, Jackson Balch, Rusty 

Schweickart, others, "Creation ofNSTL," 18 June 1974, NASA Historical Reference Collection (henceforth 

referred to as NHRC); Edgar C. Kilgore visit to NSTL, 27 June 1974; Jackson Balch, Edgar Kilgore, John 

Mathews, and Waldo Dearing Meeting Notes, "NASA Headquarters, Field Installations," 27 July 1974, 

NHRC; Acting U.S. Attorney General to George Low, "interest in use of NSTL," 16 July 1974, SSCHRC. 

216 
ations elements. By the early 1970s, these Navy elements were headquartered 

at Suitland, Maryland, and scattered about the Washington, D.C., area. As the 

second largest employer in the Washington area, with 38,000 employees, the 

Navy was looking for a place to relocate some of its people to comply with 

an overall decentralization move under way. When informed of the Navy's 

possible interest in relocating, Balch immediately became involved in attracting them to the growing MTF consortium. 85 

Balch was not interested in bringing the Navy's entire oceanographic program to Mississippi. The research group, later known as the Naval Ocean 

Research and Development Activity (NORDA), numbered approximately 

400 highly trained and educated researchers. Balch hoped to lure about 80 

"Navy headquarters and managers" personnel to his facility. He felt that 

approximately 800 members of the Naval Oceanographic Office, which was 

the operations element of the oceanographic program, could be housed at the 

MAF in nearby New Orleans. The Louisiana congressional delegation, especially Senator Long, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee; and 

Representative Herbert, chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, 

were highly supportive of the idea. Stennis was informed of these developments and elated to learn of the Navy's interest in relocating to Mississippi. 

Such a move could help in reaching the goal of "full utilization." At that time, 

Stennis was chairman of the powerful Senate Armed Services Committee and 

known to have the ability to "make things happen" in Washington.86 

84. Roy L. Bullock, "MTF Utilization Data," executive study, attachment 2, tab B, 1968; King, interview. 

85. Admiral J. Edward Snyder, Jr., interview by Texas A&M University, "Living History Series," circa 1977-78, 

pp. 64--65; Mike Causey, "Senators Split On Navy Shift," the Federal Diary, Washington (DC) Post, 8 April 

1975. 

86. Jackson M. Balch, Memorandum for the Record, 26 September 1975; "Ocean Lab May Come To Gulf Coast," 

Daily Herald, 14 November 1974. 

217 
congressional pressure existed for moving his agency's operation to the NSTL 

and the MAF. "Senator Stennis should get credit for lighting the fire," Ayers 

noted. Navy Secretary J. William Middendorf, II, said he would not make a 

decision on the move "based on politics"; instead, he wanted to study the 

financial aspects of the move.87 

Snyder quietly told associates that the NSTL was by far the best possible place in the country to relocate the oceanographic offices. "I could not in 

my wildest dreams find a place like [the] NSTL," he said. "The site is 

absolutely perfect." Snyder was especially pleased with the 125,442-acre 

acoustic-buffer zone that would form a protective barrier for oceanographic 

programs critical to national defense. "Without the buffer zone," Snyder 

said, "we would not be interested. " 88 

Admiral Snyder and Johnnie Stephens, an assistant, visited the NSTL 

21-22 May 1974 for a two-day planning session with Balch. At that time, the 

strategy was for the Navy to locate research and development personnel at the 

NSTL and operations employees at the MAF. Balch favored this plan, which 

obviously met with the approval of Senators Long and Hebert of Louisiana, 

as well as Senator Stennis and Representative Lott of Mississippi.89 

The first "official" announcement that the move was being considered 

was on 14 November 1974, when Lieutenant Commander Sandra Snodderly, 

Navy public affairs officer, said "a possible move of the office has been under 

study for five years." She noted that several sites were under consideration 

and that a decision would not be made until early 1975. Captain Ayres confirmed that the Navy was considering a move of its oceanographic elements 

87. Snyder, interview by Texas A&M; "Nothing Official On Navy Agency," Picayune Item, 17 November 1974. 

88. George Schloegel, interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 2 February 1996. 

89. NSTL Briefing Book, "Significant Actions;" King, interview; Jackson Balch, interview by Gateway 

Productions, circa 1974, audio tape in SSCHRC. 

218 
Washington decision makers and the 1,200 Navy oceanographic employees 

with the positive aspects of the area. Stennis, knowing how important community support was to any enterprise, privately asked George Schloegel, 

vice-president in charge of marketing for Hancock Bank, to assist the Navy 

in making its move. Schloegel made many contributions to the Gulf Coast 

through the Jaycees and other community-oriented organizations. At that 

time, Schloegel was president of the Gulfport School Board. He had worked 

closely with his boss, Leo Seal, Jr., as a strong advocate of the NSTL and 

other programs promoting progress on the Gulf Coast. Admiral Snyder, who 

was convinced that the NSTL was the best place in the country to consolidate 

the Navy's oceanographic program, met with Schloegel and worked closely 

with him and other Gulf Coast leaders for over a year during the relocation 

period. During the early months of planning, the Slidell Chamber of 

Commerce also worked hard to help bring about the Navy relocation.91 

A Shuttle Engine Ignites 

The Navy move almost overshadowed an important milestone at the 

NSTL. The first ignition test of an SSME occurred without fanfare. Just three 

days after Jackson Balch announced he was retiring on 24 June 1975, the new 

Rocketdyne test team counted the system down and ignited the engine. 

Although the test lasted no more than one second and was described as just a 

"sneeze," the short firing signalled a return to propulsion testing after four years 

and seven months. The reactivated Space Shuttle Test Complex was now ready 

90. Maria Watson, "Oceanographic Office May Locate At NSTL," Daily Herald, 14 November 1974. 

91. Schloegel, interview. 

219 
was joined later by David "Dave" Martin and Dianne Ezell. Rocketdyne had 

sent 24 experienced test engineers in December 1974 from the West Coast to 

augment its test team. Paul N. Fuller, a veteran rocket test manager, headed 

the capable Rocketdyne team as Resident Manager. Fuller began his career in 

rocket testing with the Redstone rocket program in 1953. Rocketdyne also 

shored up its experienced personnel by transferring Roscoe Nicholson, 

member of the Apollo/Soyuz launch vehicle team, from the KSC back to 

Mississippi. As head of Test Operations, Nicholson called on several of his 

former Saturn V colleagues. One of the "key guys" answering Nicholson's 

call was Leland "Lee" English, an experienced test engineer who became a 

stalwart for Rocketdyne. 93 

Engineers gained confidence for the "hot test" earlier in the month with a 

successful "fuel blow-down" on 3 June. In that test, the countdown marked 

one of a series of preliminary tests for the SSME prior to a main-stage testing 

planned later in the summer of 1975. The blow-down test involved a checking of the large, liquid-hydrogen engine's pumps and other components using 

the engine's actual propellants. The test was preceded by another liquid test 

using liquid nitrogen. A Countdown Demonstration Test (CDT), an important 

readiness check where crews complete all objectives except ignition, was 

accomplished before the first hot-test was done. The SSME test program went 

on from humble beginning in 1975 to become one of the premier rocket test 

92. NASA-SSC Test and Engineering Directorate, "A-1 Test History," 22 December 1994, p. 1; SSC History 

Office, History Outline, "Chronology," October 1991; "First Shuttle Engine Test Series Completed," The 

Times-Picayune, 25 June 1995. 

93. "Engineers Arrive To Activate Test Facilities," The Daily Herald, 19 December 1974; Jackson M. Balch and 

W.R. Lucas, "MSFC/NSTL Memorandum of Agreement For Space Shuttle Program," 20 February 1975; 

Steven Isakowitz, Space Shuttle Launch Systems, p. 253; Roscoe Nicholson, interview by Charles Bolton, 

Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 404, 1992, pp. 16-18, SSCHRC; 

Mix, interview. 

220 
A remote camera captures a close-up view of a Space Shuttle Main Engine during a static testfiring at the John C. Stennis Space Center. (SSC-81-201-1) 

221 
Jackson Balch ended his decade of leadership on 31 July 1975 during a 

period of action and change similar to the supercharged days of activation 

when he arrived in May 1965. The SSME program had begun, bringing the 

NSTL back into the rocket-testing business. The space and environmental 

consortium also continued to grow with additional agencies, and plans for 

the giant munitions complex were nearly completed. But, even more noteworthy to the future history of the installation, Balch's idea to bring part of 

the Navy's oceanographic element to the NSTL swiftly blossomed into a 

governmental upheaval of enormous proportions, far greater than even the 

"impossible dreamer" (Balch) imagined.95 

Balch saved the struggling MSFC stepchild during a near-death "moment 

of despair" in February 1970. When a weary Jackson Balch announced his 

retirement, the future of the space and environmental facility he had envisioned was ensured. 96 

When Balch and Admiral Snyder first met, they were of one accord on the 

"partial" Navy move to the Mississippi facility. But, when Snyder found that 

he had support for locating the entire oceanographic complex at the NSTL, he 

went for the whole deal. Balch feared the total naval contingency would 

"overpower" his multiagency space and environmental concept. "The military and the others [civilian agencies] don't mix," he said. Balch only wanted 

the research oceanographers to "share" in the consortium. Snyder, with much 

stronger political and governmental support, wanted complete consolidation 

of his oceanographic center. Balch contended, however, that the Navy move 

was not the reason for his retirement. For those who knew him personally, this 

94. A-1 Test History, SSCHRC. 

95. Maria Watson, "Balch Recalls Progress At Hancock Test Facility Site," The Daily Herald, 24 July 1975. 

96. Edmund R. Gray and Herbert G. Hicks, "The Mississippi Test Facility: A Study In Organizational 

Viability"(Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University, May 1971). 

222 
97. "Balch Leaving NASA; Auter Assumes Post," The Daily Herald, 21 July 1975. 

223 
224 
In Search of a Role 

Auter Takes Charge 

When Jackson Balch stepped down on 31 July 1975, the leadership 

of the new National Space Technology Laboratories (NSTL) was 

passed to Henry F. Auter, a true rocket pioneer of the Mississippi 

project since its inception in 1961. A dedicated, hard-working engineer from 

Vicksburg, Mississippi, Auter was a favorite of von Braun, Heimburg, and 

Fortune. Even the maverick Balch depended on this quiet "man behind the 

scenes" to master details and help shape the NSTL into a practical, working 

laboratory. From the beginning, Auter was faced with the difficult task of 

holding the fragile NSTL framework together, as powerful forces from 

Washington threatened to collapse it. 1 

In fact, at one point NASA Headquarters seemed ready to "walk away" 

from the hard-wrought consortium, leaving the entire site to the arriving 

United States Navy oceanographers, except for the "fenced-in" portion that 

the Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) engineers were using to static test 

I. "Balch Leaving NASA: Auter Assumes Post," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred to 

as The Daily Herald), 21 July 1975; Ted O'Boyle, "AuterNarnedActing ChiefatNASA-NSTL," The Daily 

Herald, 22 July 1975. 

225 
over a year, Auter served during a time of upheaval as ac

his best to continue flying the symbolic NASA flag. 3 

As the Navy move to the site accelerated and the Arm

began to materialize, NASA sent Jerry Hlass from its W

ters to size up the chaotic NSTL situation and to determ

was worth saving. True, the Space Shuttle Test Com

MSFC's hands, but the rest of the NASA-NSTL was ind

section. Hlass was faced with making a decision to di

hard work by his friends and colleagues in NASA who h

the new laboratory in south Mississippi.4 

Acting Manager Auter was recognized as a "no non

engineer. Von Braun, Heimburg, and a multitude of pr

knew Auter as a meticulous planner. This attention to de

Heimburg's thinking when he first placed Auter in a lead

the MTF Working Group in the early 1960s and later r

deputy of the early Mississippi Test Operations (MTO

Apollo program, von Braun and Heimburg relied on 

Electrical Systems Engineering Branch in the MSFC Te

capacity, Auter was instrumental in the test and launch o

2. Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 12 February 1996 

Auter, "Management Review," 27 August 1976, p. 18, Auter Collection, S

Records Collection (henceforth referred to as the SSCHRC). 

3. NASA-MTF Biography, Henry F. Auter, September 1965, SSCHRC; Biog

SSCHRC; Hlass, interview, 15 February 1996. 

4. NASA Personnel Notice, Headquarters, 18 August 1976; "Hlass to Become 

September," The (Biloxi-Gulfport, MS) South Mississippi Sun. Jackson Ba

in an interview for The Daily Herald, 24 July 1975, that a decision on the 

forthcoming "in about a week." The retiring manager said he feared the 

smaller environmental agencies and that he "hadn't realized the insensitivi

"the powers that be" directing NASA, the Navy, and the Army sit down and p

226 
Auter made critical decisions about which facilities to build with the contro

versial $10 million set-aside funds. 5 

Henry F. Auter, deputy manager of the Mississippi Test 

Facility/National Space Technology Laboratories from 

1963 until 1980, made many contributions to the 

installation as a manager, planner, and engineer. He 

was in charge of the testing of the Saturn V first and 

second stages and served as acting manager from 1975 

until1976. (SSC Portrait File) 

Although Auter was known for his practical engineering achievements, he 

was an idealist at heart. His father was a riverboat captain on the Mississippi 

River, and the young Auter's voyages at his father's side on the river from his 

Vicksburg, Mississippi, hometown stimulated a spirit of exploration and 

adventure. In fact, while working at Cape Canaveral, Florida, as an Air Force 

engineer, Auter was fascinated by a Wernher von Braun article in Collier's 

magazine dated 22 March 1952. The famous article, about giant rockets, 

space stations, and voyages to the Moon and the planets, ignited Auter's interest and imagination, and he became involved in space exploration. Auter 

5. NASA-NSTL, Auter Biography, 1975; Henry F. Auter, interview by Mack Herring, SSC History Office, 

December 1990; Eric Bergaust, Werhner von Braun (Bridghampton, NY: Vail-Ballou, 1976) pp. 276--277. 

Henry F. Auter was well-qualified to assume the acting manager's position. A recipient of NASA's 

Exceptional Service Medal and Special Achievement Award, Auter had proven his loyalty to NASA. 

227 
eastern quadrant of the fee area was progressing; and the SSME test program 

was cranking up. In addition, several onsite environmental agencies were also 

demanding more attention from their NASA host; and Auter found the morale 

of his small civil service staff sinking to an all-time low.7 

Auter had little time to settle into his NSTL Manager's chair before the 

Naval Oceanographic Office's arrival sent his plans awash. His first action, as 

prescribed by NASA on 1 August 1975, was to send a memorandum to a limited number of people announcing his position as acting manager of the NSTL. 

He appointed Waldo Dearing, who had served as an assistant to Balch, as 

acting deputy manager, and then invited all resident agency heads to a meeting on 4 August to "establish communications in the new relationship."8 

Arriving, Naval Oceanographic Office 

When Balch handed the reins of NSTL over to Auter, during a farewell 

press conference on 23 July 1975, the major decision on the Navy's move of 

its Oceanographic Office to the NSTL was "just days away." Secretary of 

6. NASA-NSTL, Auter Biography, 1975; Henry F. Auter, interview by Mack Herring, SSC History Office, 

December 1990; Wemher von Braun, "Crossing the Last Frontier," Collier's (New York: Collier's), 22 

March 1952, SSCHRC. 

7. Maria Watson, "Navy Office Decision Expected Within One Week," The Daily Herald, 24 July 1975; NSTL 

History Highlights, "Shuttle Era," NS13-8-005. When Auter assumed the acting manager's post, the SSME 

test firings had just begun, the Army Ammunition Plant was finalizing plans for its complex, a move of the 

ERL to Slidell, LA, was in the making, and the resident agencies were "nervous" about the Navy coming. 

The population of the NSTL was 1,370, with an additiona11,200 Navy employees scheduled to arrive when 

all legal issues were resolved. Henry Auter, "Continuity Strategy," July 1975, SSCHRC. 

8. Henry F. Auter, Memorandum to Distribution, "Assumption of Position, Acting Manager, NASA/NSTL," I 

August 1975; E.S. "Todd" Groo, NASA HQ Management Delegation, "Authority to Act for Manager, 

NSTL in the Event of an Attack on the United States and During Normal Conditions," 25 October 1974, 

NASA Historical Reference Collection, NASA Headquarters, Washington, DC (henceforth referred to as 

the NHRC). 

228 
p, ypg 

move. Several other NASA and Navy officials, including NASA's Waldo 

Dearing and the Naval Oceanographic Office's Captain James Ayers, were at 

the meeting. 10 

On 7 August, in an effort to get his organization ready to host its largest 

tenant to date, Auter appointed a "planning team" to coordinate the integration of the Naval Oceanographic Office. His objective was to provide for an 

orderly, efficient, and economical integration into the "family of cooperating 

agencies at NSTL." Auter named himself as team leader and selected as team 

members A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Facility and Equipment; A.M. "Mark" 

Payne, Cooperating Agency Interfaces and Supporting Services; D.L. "Dave" 

Johnson, Labor Relations and Determination; and Mack R. Herring, Public 

and Community Affairs and Protocol. 11 

Even though some of the new onsite agencies were small, they still 

demanded personal attention. The NSTL civil service employees, who wore 

several "hats," became adept at finding creative ways to work as engineerscontract monitors-administrative managers. The "can do" attitude known 

throughout the Agency grew during the many lean years at the NSTL. 12 

9. Maria Watson, "Navy Office Decision Expected," The Daily Herald, 24 July 1975. 

10. Henry F. Auter, Memorandum to Distribution, "Planning for Coordination of Navy Oceanographic Move," 7 

August 1975. 

11. Henry F. Auter, Memorandum, 7 August 1975; See Director's Files, "Chronology of Significant Events," 31 

July-27 August 1975. 

12. Balch assigned or transferred personnel to other onsite agencies, e.g., ERLand the SSME Resident Office. No 

doubt he felt these employees might help future endeavors. He also felt he could recall them when he needed 

their services. 

229 
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fears unfounded. These concerns included the question of adequate square 

footage at the NSTL to accommodate the new personnel, affordable housing on 

the Mississippi Gulf Coast, and quality schools in the communities. The GAO 

promised a final report in November 1975, but that study was not expected to 

reveal any new findings. Knowing this, NASA announced on 12 August that Ed 

Kilgore, deputy associate administrator for Center Operations, would continue 

to be responsible for overall "policy and management oversight" pertaining to 

the NASA-Navy planning. Director Robert Curtin, Office of Facilities, was 

appointed to oversee issues and agreements affecting the Navy move. 13 

The NSTL facility issues were important because at least one agency had 

to be relocated to make room for the Navy. Bill Lilly, NASA Headquarters 

comptroller, was responsible for setting up appropriate charges to recover 

NASA's costs and for reporting the costs to the Senate Appropriations 

Committee. The Committee required an accounting of all funding associated 

with the move, since part of the Navy relocation decision was based on saving 

the federal government money. 14 

Admiral Snyder and members of his staff not only became involved with 

logistical matters at the NSTL, but with establishing good relationships with 

13. E.S. "Todd" Groo to NASA Headquarters Distribution, "Responsibilities for NASA Activities Related to Navy 

Move to NSTL," 12 August 1975, NHRC. Action copies of this memorandum went to several officials at 

Headquarters, including Low, Shippey, Lilly, Kilgore, Curtin, and Madden. The memo placed Kilgore in 

charge of the Navy move at the Headquarters level and gave Henry Auter responsibility "on the ground" at 

the NSTL. 

14. William "Bill" Lilly stated in a civil action suit affidavit [(75-1437, court of review unknown) Washington, 

DC (12 December 1975), that "Eighty-five persons associated with the Earth Resources Laboratory are to 

relocate to Slidell Computer Complex, thereby making space available at NSTL for responding number of 

Navy employees to relocate to NSTL." NASA planned to move the ERL back to the JSC, but decided 

instead to consolidate the AE and ERL at the Slidell Complex, and later to move both to the JSC. See also 

"Navy's Hearing Footsteps," The Washington, DC, Evening Star (henceforth referred to as The Washington 

Evening Star), 11 June 1975, and Fred W. Bowen, Jr., to Rear Admiral J. Edward Snyder, 24 July 1975, for 

explanation of NASA plans concerning charges to Navy at NSTL, NHRC. 

230 
Hancock County Chamber gathering that the Mississippi Gulf Coast living 

conditions were "far superior" to those in the Washington, D.C., area. Snyder 

evoked some "ooh's and ah's" from the audience when he predicted the $223-

million budget for oceanographic research was only "the tip of the iceberg." 16 

The Admiral was often accompanied on his trips by Flag Lieutenant Paul 

Gaffney, II. He made his home in Diamondhead, Mississippi, and became a 

frequent speaker at civic clubs and special community events along the Gulf 

Coast and in nearby New Orleans. Years later, Gaffney was promoted to the 

rank of Rear Admiral and placed in command of the Naval Oceanographic 

Office headquartered at the SSC, where he was respected by employees and 

colleagues alike as he promoted "multiagency" cooperation. 17 

NASA and Navy officials breathed a sigh of relief on 21 November 1975 

when a memorandum of agreement was signed between NASA and the 

Department of the Navy "concerning Navy activities at the NSTL at Bay St. 

Louis, Mississippi." When the long-awaited GAO report was released 25 

November, it cleared the way for the move. Included in the memorandum of 

agreement was an allocation of 179,200 square feet of floor space; a discussion of recoverable costs; a schedule of occupancy; details about the use of 

a Univac 1108 computer; and terms detailing alterations and construction of 

real property. The agreement stated that the Navy would become a principal 

15. For account of Admiral Snyder's Gulf Coast activities see Director's Office files, "Significant Actions," 1975. 

George Schloegel, of Hancock Bank, told the author, 21 February 1996, that Admiral Snyder was a most 

impressive man, dedicated to his country and the Navy. 

16. Maria Watson, "Navy Undersecretary Lauds [Naval Oceanographic Office] Bay Shift," The Daily Herald, 13 

November 1975. 

17. Biography, Rear Admiral Paul G. Gaffney, II, USN, "Commander, Naval Oceanography Command," 

SSCHRC. Roy Estess, named director of the SSC in 1989, remembers Gaffney traveling to the NSTL with 

Snyder. Estess said he and Gaffney often spent time talking while waiting for their bosses to discuss business, and later found it ironic that they themselves became directors of their respective organizations. 

231 
Although most legal obstacles to the Navy migration to Mississippi were 

settled, or near resolution, opposition to the move by Naval Oceanographic 

Office personnel persisted. Admiral Snyder and Senator Stennis did not take 

employee resistance to the move lightly. The morale of the scientists, technicians, and military personnel was crucial to the success of the Navy's mission. 

The politicians did not want to bring the oceanographers to the Mississippi 

Gulf Coast "kicking and screaming." In Stennis's case, the judicious and compassionate Senator wanted to do "the right thing" for the new residents coming 

to his state. For this reason, Stennis asked George Schloegel of Hancock Bank 

to organize the Gulf Coast community and help promote the attributes of living 

and working on the Gulf Coast. U.S. Representative Trent Lott pointed out that 

the Maryland employees were stirred up by Representatives Marjorie Holt and 

Gladys Spellman, who did not want to lose their constituents with their $25-

million payroll to Mississippi. The representatives' chief criticisms focused on 

inadequate schools and lack of affordable housing. 19 

In fact, some in Washington predicted there would be a "reversal of the 

blatantly political transfer of the Navy's Oceanographic Office." Noting that 

a number of oceanographers were refusing to pack for the move, rumors circulated that Defense Secretary James Schlesinger would decide the issue just 

"wasn't worth the grief." As one Washington, D.C., paper noted: "This is not 

just a matter of one jurisdiction losing a federal payroll. It is a matter of politics being played as usual in a day when the country can't afford such 

foolishness." In order to counteract the hostile atmosphere in Maryland and 

allay the concerns of the Naval Oceanographic Office employees, Snyder 

arranged for Schloegel to bring a delegation of Gulf Coast community lead18. NASA Management Instruction, "NASA-Navy Agreement-Navy Activities at NSTL," NASA NMI-193, 21 

November 1975. 

19. George Sch1oegel, interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 21 February 1996; Maria Watson, "Navy Office 

Decision Expected Within Week," The Daily Herald, 24 July 1975. 

232 
an entire military element of some 1,200 people was moved at one time to a 

new location nearly halfway across the country. Schloegel called on educators, realtors, home builders, business people, recreation specialists, elected 

officials, and other civic leaders and asked them to travel with him 10-12 

August 1975 to the oceanographic office. Their mission was to help allay the 

fears of the oceanographers and entice them to Mississippi. Snyder promised 

Schloegel an airplane to transport the community leaders to Maryland on 10 

August 1975. Schloegel selected 30 people for the mission, representing a 

wide cross-section of Gulf Coast society. The group was called the "NSTL 

Oceanographic Task Force." The hand-picked community team, which also 

included representatives from Louisiana, gathered on the tarmac at the 

Mississippi Air National Guard hangar adjoining the public terminal at the 

Biloxi-Gulfport Regional Airport. The group became wary when they did not 

spot a suitable aircraft. Then, to their surprise, a presidential-type jet plane, 

identical to the famed Air Force One, appeared in the sky and began its 

approach. The excited Task Force travelers were flabbergasted, for they 

expected a plane similar to a DC-9, or even a military transport propeller 

plane. The Navy's use of such a fine airplane confirmed for Schloegel, once 

and for all, the importance of the Navy moveY 

After the NSTL task force landed at Andrews Air Force Base, they were 

hosted during their stay by a prestigious group that included J. William 

Middendorf, II, Secretary of the Navy; H. Tyler Marcy, Assistant Secretary of 

the Navy; Admiral Snyder; and Captain Ayers. Also joining the Washington 

delegation and extending a welcome to the community leaders were Johnnie 

20. Editorial, "Navy's Hearing ... " The Washington Evening Star, 11 June 1975; Mike Causey, The Federal Diary, 

"Senators Split On Navy Shift," The Washington (DC) Post, 18 April 1975. 

21. Schloegel, interview. 

233 
Suitland facility. At a previous hearing in the Suitland area, the major concerns expressed were about Mississippi education and housing. The education 

concerns included fears about inadequate school capacity, poor quality of 

education, inferior school curriculums, and lack of libraries in the area. 

Housing concerns ranged from inadequate units to accommodate the potential influx, the number of apartments available, and price ranges. Other 

questions asked were related to employment opportunities for dependents, 

availability of day-care centers, and cultural opportunities.23 

Another special line of questions involved racial segregation along the Gulf 

Coast. The concerns were stimulated by information the Navy employees 

heard, indicating at least one segregated movie theater existed; some doctors' 

offices contained separate waiting rooms for blacks and whites; segregated 

neighborhoods existed; and memberships in private recreational facilities 

were denied to blacks. Several black civic and business people were in the 

Mississippi group, and they answered these types of questions. For the most 

part, the problems brought up existed years earlier all over the South, including the Gulf Coast. 24 

In addition to the presentations in the NRL auditorium, the NSTL Task 

Force set up card tables in the lobby with specialists at each table covering 

topics of interest for the Navy workers. The Navy workers could also complete 

forms requesting further information about the Gulf Coast. In addition, all 

employees were given issues of the Biloxi-Gulfport daily newspaper to help 

22. Ibid. 

23. Private Papers in the possession of George Schloegel, Gulfport, MS. Schloegel's files on the community representative's visit to Suitland, Maryland, are an excellent record of what community planning, hard work, 

and spirit can accomplish. The files illustrate the thorough approach taken to inform and sell the Maryland 

Naval Oceanographic Office (NOO) personnel on the Gulf Coast. 

24. Schloegel, interview. 

234 
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ian and military employees.25 

Making Room For The Navy 

Although it was generally known and discussed quietly within management circles, the fact that NASA had to move the ERL from the NSTL to make 

room for the incoming Naval Oceanographic Office was not publicly known 

until15 August 1975. As early as 24April, A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., NSTLfacility chief, knew "NASA is going to bite the bullet and inform Wayne 

Mooneyhan (ERL director) that he can tell his people it is possible that ERL 

will move to Houston." In fact, early NASA planning was to send the ERL 

back to Houston before adequate space was found at the Slidell Computer 

Complex for the 110 civil service and contractor people associated with the 

Lab. When word got out that a move of ERL to Houston was being considered, 

many employees wrote to Stennis and Lott protesting the westward migration 

to Houston. NASA determined that a closer ERL relocation would be less 

expensive and disruptive for the ERL scientists and technicians, since most 

personnel lived in Slidell, Picayune, or on the Gulf Coast. NASA officials also 

recognized that much of the ERL work was carried out in conjunction with 

other environmental agencies collocated at the NSTL. A move was necessary, 

however, because the first floor of Building 1100, occupied by the ERL, was 

the best space on the installation to accommodate the first wave of the Navy 

relocation. As a result, the Slidell Computer Complex, located only 15 miles 

away was the logical choice for a new ERL location.26 

25. Ibid. 

26. A.J. "Jack" Rogers. Jr .• Daily Journal Record Book, 24 Aprill975. 

235 
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domino effect," public announcement of the move caused alarm among the 

employees. 27 

Although the Slidell move was considered "disruptive," the short commute was far better than moving some 400 miles to Houston. Organized in 

1970 at the insistence of Senators Ellender and Stennis, the ERL gained 

national attention for its research and its applications of remote sensing and 

space technology. The unique laboratory was especially attuned to the user 

needs of "the man on the street." At the time of the proposed relocation, the 

ERL was in the middle of several three- or four-year programs in conjunction with state agencies in Mississippi and Louisiana. Mooneyhan had a very 

well-educated and experienced scientific team with 40 to 50 percent of the 

civil service personnel holding doctoral degrees. With such special credentials in a wide range of disciplines, NASA did not relish the idea of losing 

any of these specialists.28 

As preparations progressed for the ERL relocation, E.S. "Todd" Groo, 

associate administrator for Center Management, met with Auter on 11 

December 1975 to discuss the ERL move and the transfer of all "programmatic" responsibilities to ERL. Such a transfer would have left the NSTL with 

only institutional "housekeeping" chores. Groo told Auter on 19 December 

that all work not transferred to ERL "shall be terminated" and the associated 

personnel positions "eliminated," resulting in a reduction of the NSTL personnel by fiscal year 1976. When Groo made these decisions, the NSTL civil 

service complement was 70, with one position in reserve. Groo set 15 January 

1976 as the date for a consolidation program to be reviewed and approved at 

the Headquarters and sternly warned Auter not to discuss any "shifting of 

27. Maria Watson, "Lab Plans Relocation Of Hancock Personnel," The Daily Herald, 15 August 1975. 

28. Ibid. 

236 
environmental complex, strongly opposed the Groo directive. Sadly, in his 

position as acting manager, Auter could do no more than voice his opposition. 30 

Meanwhile, the morale of the NASA-NSTL employees began declining as 

they sensed the powerlessness of their acting manager to secure a mission in 

the face of the massive Navy influx. Indeed, the NSTLNASAstaffbegan complaining at the Monday morning staff meetings and demanding answers from 

Auter on how to cope. Auter wanted to stabilize the organization, assign personnel to permanent positions, and develop a definitive mission statement.31 

Groo, however, told Auter he could not proceed with this action until the 

AE consolidation with the ERL and after an "institutional" NASA organization, without program responsibility, was forged. Most NSTL employees 

approached the Christmas holidays in a state of frustration, not knowing if 

their jobs were secure at the unsettled site. Several NSTL employees even sent 

resumes to the Navy; others, however, vowed to fight for their jobs.32 

With ERL making plans to relocate to the Slidell Computer Complex and 

the Navy measuring first-floor space of the NSTL NASA Administrative 

Building, 1976 rang in a bleak message for Auter and his struggling NSTL 

organization. With the activity of preparing for the ERL move and the AE 

consolidation, keeping Groo's grim secrets from the NSTL's weary crew was 

impossible. 33 

29. E.S. "Todd" Groo to Henry F. Auter, 19 December 1975. 

30. Ibid. 

31. Ibid., The author can recall numerous meetings during which staff members would complain of inaction. 

32. Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, 27 February 1996. Hlass related during 27 February interview that 

Henry Auter was deeply concerned about the morale of the NSTL civil service workforce. 

33. Larry Ciko, "ERL Moving From NSTL To Slidell," The Times-Picayune, 24 January 1976; Maria Watson, 

"NASA Begins Relocation Of Earth Resources Laboratory," The Daily Herald, 20 January 1976; NASAMSFC Facilities Document, "Description of Floor Space Available at NASA's Slidell Computer 

Complex," n.d., SSCHRC. 

237 
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Mooneyhan, ERL director, said the ERL Beech aircraft used in airborne 

remote sensing observations would remain at Stennis International Airport in 

Hancock County, because the Slidell Airport runways were too short. 

Mooneyhan said, on the other hand, that the ERL move was not being undertaken to make way for the Navy, but rather, to take better advantage of the 

NASA space available at the Slidell Complex.34 

A Matter Of "Guts" 

Even while moving vans were being loaded with office and laboratory 

equipment for the ERL relocation, news from New Orleans came in a surprise 

newspaper story, written by Larry Ciko in The (New Orleans, LA) TimesPicayune, that put a halt to the AE consolidation, perplexed Senator Stennis, 

and angered some NASA Headquarters managers. The headline in the popular morning newspaper in the area read, "NASA Will Move NSTL 'Guts' 

From Hancock to Slidell." The story, quoting an unnamed source, stated that 

NASA planned to consolidate the AE personnel and functions with the ERL 

and move them to Slidell, a move that would transfer "the guts of NSTL" 

from Hancock County to Slidell. 35 

Indeed, up until this point, NASA denied that the ERL move to Slidell was 

precipitated by the Navy's massive relocation to NSTL. The floor space agreed 

to by NASA and the Navy supposedly was enough to accommodate the Naval 

Oceanographic Office's needs. Balch and the Maryland congressional delegation contended the floor space allotted was not enough, indeed, the GAO even 

34. Ciko, "ERL Moving ... " Times-Picayune, 24 January 1976. 

35. Larry Ciko, "NASA Will Move NSTL 'Guts' From Hancock to Slidell," Times-Picayune, 29 January 1976. 

238 
pg qpy g 

Senator Stennis, who finally wanted to see "full utilization," without further 

embarrassment in the communities where his puzzled constituents were 

patiently awaiting their new Navy neighbors. The huge Navy influx was 

expected to solve the Gulf Coast community problems, but, at the same time, 

south Mississippians did not want to lose the solid NASA citizens who stood 

with them through "thick and thin," and bonded with them during the terrors 

of Hurricane Camille. 37 

The impromptu announcement on 29 January 1976 in The (New Orleans, 

LA) Times-Picayune also came at a time when the Navy was preparing a 

revised, environmental impact statement to comply with a federal court order, 

which was holding up the big Navy move to Mississippi. Although only 10 

civil servants were involved in the AE consolidation with ERL, their work 

was supported by 24 contractor personnel and the AE programs were the 

threads that attached the NSTL to the several onsite resident agencies and the 

states affected by their experiments and demonstration projects. 38 

The Times-Picayune story regarding the AE consolidation with ERL travelled far and fast; NASA's Groo found himself in Senator Stennis's office in 

Washington explaining the consolidation attempt to the Senator and William 

"Eph" Cresswell, Stennis's long-time administrative assistant. Stennis suggested to Groo that the timing of the consolidation move was "unfortunate" 

and he asked Groo to "reconsider" the decision and reverse it if possible. 

Stennis told Groo to "work the matter out with Mr. Cresswell," and he 

36. Because of the heavy opposition to the Navy's move by the Maryland congressional delegation and the 

Suitland. Maryland. community, the amount of space available at the NSTL became a major issue. 

Opponents claimed adequate floor space did not exist at the NSTL and the congressional delegation 

requested the GAO to investigate the matter. 

37. Larry Ciko, "Engineering Office and Lab Merger Plan Is Confirmed," Times-Picayune, 30 January 1976; 

NSTL Office of Applications Engineering, "Office of Applications Interim Management Plan," ud. 

38. Ibid.; Watson, "NASA Begins ... ," Daily Herald. 

239 
gpp

steps on the organizational change "without notifying [Groo]." With the 

Washington decisions regarding the ERL and AE consolidation move made, 

the implementation of the edict and answers to the media were referred to the 

NSTL staff. Waldo Dearing, deputy acting manager, referred several questions 

asked by reporter Ciko, to Washington and requested answers from them. On 

12 February, Groo forwarded to Dearing, through Richard "Dick" Weinstein, 

the following answers in talking with Ciko and other media representatives: 

"(1) The NSTL is not now fully utilized, so with the Navy move currently in 

the balance, it was concluded inappropriate to move the AE functions, (2) The 

length of the delay will depend on the time the court takes to finally decide on 

the Navy injunction, (3) It continues to be a goal of NASA Headquarters to 

consolidate the AE programmatic functions with ERL, and ( 4) Obviously in 

light of the above answers, the Navy move is involved with the delay."40 

NASA Headquarters managers decided to make the long-sought-after goal of 

"full utilization" the culprit in the consolidation of the ERL and AE organizations. A Response to Queries (RTQ) was developed on 6 February and made 

available to the press. The statement said, "Maximum utilization of the former 

Mississippi Test Facility was one of the underlying reasons for the formation of 

NSTL in 1974, and all decisions involving use of the site will continue to be 

weighed against that goal which remains unchanged. In the meantime, necessary 

mechanisms to assure effective programmatic coordination between the work of 

the ERLand the NSTLApplications Engineering group are being established."41 

39. Memorandum, E.S. "Todd" Groo to Dr. James C. Fletcher and George Low, "NSTL," 20 February 1976, 

NHRC. 

40. E.S. "Todd" Groo-Richard Weinstein to W.H. "Waldo" Dearing, 12 February 1976. 

41. W.H. "Waldo" Dearing, Memorandum for the Record, "Inquiry by Mr. Ciko, The (New Orleans, LA) Times· 

Picayune, NSTL Organizational Changes," 12 February 1976; Richard Weinstein to W.H. Dearing, 

"Response to Queries," 12 February 1976. 

240 
ing Maryland delegation that there really was not enough room at the NSTL 

for the oceanographers. The handling of the matter caused the press to keep a 

wary eye on the movements of the Navy and NASA, which proved to be an 

aggravation for some ofthe managers charged with the massive Navy move.42 

AE Continues Its Projects 

With the relocation of ERL and the consolidation of AE put to rest, the AE 

group continued its efforts in several new areas to demonstrate Earth use of 

space technology. Most of these pioneering projects involved use of satellite 

systems to collect data for the user community, a concept promoted during the 

infant days of the MTF/NSTL during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Many of 

these projects attracted the attention of other federal and state agencies, 

national organizations, the medical community, and private industry. For 

instance, AE devised a system for the Corps of Engineers to monitor the 

Mississippi River for flood control and weather forecasting. A data collection 

effort was designed to aid the National Park Service in inventory and land use 

in recreation park areas in Delaware, Utah, and the Great Smoky Mountains.43 

Another data collection system designed by AE demonstrated economic 

feasibility of the acquisition of continuous satellite data. These data were used 

for the measurement of subterranean hydrology and water quality by a 

number of federal and state agencies, including the United States Geological 

42. PAO Correspondence File, Telephone Request from Mack Dryden, reporter, The Sun-Herald, 29 January 

1976. Larry Ciko, Maria Watson, and another reporter asked penetrating questions concerning the Navy 

move, ERL relocation, and the AE consolidation. Dryden asked: (I) What are we not to believe about 

NSTL-will it be a host agency without a project function? and (2) How long can NASA last in a purely 

administrative capacity after the Navy moves in?; NASA-NSTL, "Statement on NSTL Organizational 

Changes," 6 February 1976. 

43. Henry F. Auter, "Management Review: NSTL Office of Application Engineering," 27 August 1976, p. 6. 

241 
eral, state, local, and private organizations. In this project, the AE team 

worked with the NASA Headquarters' Office of Technology Utilization, the 

Southern Regional Medical Consortium, the University of Southern 

Mississippi, the Mississippi Governor's Office of Science and Technology, 

the Southeast Air Ambulance Service District, and the General Electric 

Company. This diverse group succeeded in sending cardiac monitoring data 

from a speeding ambulance, helicopter, or ship to the emergency room of 

Forrest General Hospital in Hattiesburg, Mississippi. The experiment drew 

praise from national search and rescue associations, the medical community, 

and the news media. 45 

Another AE project that gained national and international notoriety was the 

use of vascular aquatic plants for pollution control, and as a source of energy 

in food products for humans and animals. In the early phases of the experiment, the water hyacinth plant was used to treat sewage on the NSTL 

installation. Later, the natural sewage treatment system was used by several 

local communities and in such places as San Diego, California, and Disney 

World's Epcot Center in Florida. The potential of treating a closed-ecological 

system in space showed merit and also attracted some attention at NASA 

Headquarters. The local and national news media publicized this project 

widely, largely because of its low cost and simplicity of use.46 

Several other applications, data, and technology projects were under way 

at the AE office, conducted in conjunction with the NASA Office of 

Applications and the Technology Utilization Office. Most were funded by 

Research and Technology Operating Plans (RTOPs), the method by which 

most scientific and engineering projects outside the Office of Space Flight 

44. Ibid., pp. 7-8. 

45. Ibid., p. 9. 

46. Ibid., p. 13. 

242 
Henry Auter was the chief of the office but ceded its operations to "teams." 

Roy Estess headed the Technology Transfer and Utilization Team comprised 

of John Ivey, K.R. "Ken" Daughtrey, and D.G. "Dewey" Little. W.L. "Larry" 

Hopkins led the Technology Applications Team, which included R.B. "Bobby" 

Hegwood, B.G. "Bobby" Junkin, and Lelyn "Lee" Nybo. William C. "Billy" 

Wolverton was chief of the Environmental Systems Development Team, 

including members Rebecca "Becky" McDonald, W.D. "Bill" Montgomery, 

and Robert "Bob" Barlow. All these people, with the exception of Wolverton, 

McDonald, Barlow, and acoustics expert Nybo, were former rocket test engineers and came to NSTL during the Apollo era.49 

The teams included the "converted" scientist-engineer cadre developed 

when the installation began to diversify and take on the space-environmental 

flavor in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In fact, several of these engineers 

comprised the "marketing department" that sought out other agencies and 

businesses during the early years of the drive toward "full utilization." In 

essence, they went out and discovered, recruited, and helped establish onsite 

the very agencies they later worked with for their space applications and technology utilization projects.50 

47. Ibid. 

48. Ibid.; Ken Daughtrey, interview by Mack Herring, Seminary, MS, 2 March 1996. Ken Daughtrey explained 

the work and status of the AE in the winter months of 1976, during the consolidation controversy. 

Daughtrey, along with Roy Estess and John Ivey, was one of the "engineer-scientists" whom Balch referred 

to as the "three marketeers." Others participated in marketing the MTF/NSTL, but these men were the ones 

Balch used as his "point" personnel. 

49. NASA-NSTL, "Briefing Book, Office of Applications Engineering," 1975. This document describes the AE 

group during its heyday in 1975-1976. 

50. Daughtrey, interview. 

243 
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agency and requested that NASA coordinate public affairs activities connected with the event. As a result, media and logistical details were arranged 

between Eph Cresswell and Mack Herring (NASA PAO). Snyder's request 

seemed somewhat strange at the time, but the arrangement helped establish 

NASA's role as host agency and tended to lessen the image that the Navy was 

"taking over," overpowering NASA and other government agencies. 2 5

In early May, Snyder's aide, Flag Lieutenant Paul Gaffney, II, contacted 

Auter to begin working out details of the flag-raising ceremony. They decided 

to stage the event in front of Building 1100, site of the American flag and the 

flags of NASA and several resident government agencies. 3 5

The well-planned Navy flag-raising ceremony did not come off without a 

few last-minute concerns. On 23 April, there was news that the Department 

of the Interior's Earth Resources Observation Systems (EROS) office was 

relocating to make way for the Navy arrival at NSTL. James Halsey, USGS 

assistant program director, said the reports had "no substance," but later confirmed that discussions were held at the "highest level" to explore such plans. 

A story by Maria Watson in The Daily Herald quoted sources at the NSTL as 

being concerned over the possible loss of the EROS office. The EROS affair 

blew over, but there was still more activity in the wind before the Navy flag 

would fly over the NSTL.54 

On 27 May, the day before the ceremony, Johnnie Stephens called a press 

conference to clarify a misunderstanding concerning the invitees to the cere51. J. Edward Snyder, Jr., to Henry F. Auter, 10 May 1976; J. Edward Snyder, Jr., Memorandum for Commanding 

Officer, Naval Ocean Research and Development Activity, "Flag Raising Ceremony Public Affairs 

Coordination," 17 May 1976. 

52. Ibid. 

53. J. Edward Snyder, Jr., to Henry F. Auter, 10 May 1976. 

54. Maria Watson, "Research Center May Be Moved From Hancock County," The Daily Herald, April23 1976. 

The USGS EROS office worked closely with NASA and several NSTL environmental agencies onsite. Gary 

244 
y 

gp

County was a "trade-off' between Admiral Snyder and Senator Stennis. 

Watson was referring to legislation pending in Washington that would allow 

Admiral Snyder, retired, to be recalled to active duty as the Navy 

Oceanographer. Stephens quickly replied, "to my knowledge, Senator Stennis 

has never met Admiral Snyder." Stephens continued to answer some difficult 

questions from the media. One reporter asked if the Navy planned to take over 

the site, and Stephens replied that the Navy had no intention "at [that] time" 

of taking over the NSTL site. However, Stephens did say "as to what happens 

down the pike, I can't answer that." He told reporters that 1,200-1,300 Navy 

personnel would be employed at the NSTL, with about 65 percent of the 

Navy's current oceanographic employees in the Washington, D.C., area 

making the transfer. 56 

On 28 May 1976, the gala flag-raising ceremony was held on schedule, an 

event long remembered by the estimated 2,000 NSTL employees, dignitaries, 

and general public who attended. But, of all of the people gathered at the permanent flagpoles in front of Building 1100, Senator John Stennis was most 

likely the proudest person. 7 5

The nationally recognized statesman and American patriot was a staunch 

supporter of a strong national defense. As chairman of the Armed Services 

Committee, Stennis was especially fond of the Navy and later became known 

as the "Father of America's Modem Navy," because of his special funding supNorth, a close friend of Jackson Balch, was an early participant in the space-environmental complex. 

Reporter Maria Watson covered the Navy relocation story from its very inception and NASA-NSTL employees felt comfortable talking with her. This story was carried across the top of page one, making it very visible 

for members of the congressional delegation. News of the possibility of EROS leaving the site was exactly 

what Senators Stennis and Lott did not want to read just before a big Navy welcoming ceremony. 

55. Maria Watson, "Navy Official Denies Senate Action Against Stennis 'Trade-Off'," The Daily Herald, 27 May 

1976. 

56. Ibid. 

57. NASA-NSTL Weekly Bulletin, Bay St. Louis, MS, no. 37, 4 June 1976, SSCHRC. 

245 
port in Congress. He was recognized with the Freedom Medal award as a to

for his work to establish a strong military and as a leader in the Cold 

against the Soviets. To be able to welcome such an important and prestig

organization as the Navy's oceanographic activity to his home state was of 

cial significance to Stennis. The proud Senator even predicted, years earli

his famous Logtown speech on All Saints Day in 1961, that the NASA 

would someday have an important role in national defense.58 

Other notables sharing the dais with Stennis included Secretary of the N

J. William Middendorf; U.S. Representatives Trent Lott and G.V. "Son

Montgomery; Rear Admiral J. Edward Snyder, special assistant to the U

Secretary of the Navy; Julian T. Burke, commandant, Sixth Naval Dist

Captain Charles G. Darrell, commanding officer, Naval Ocean Research 

Development Activity (NORDA); Captain James E. Ayers, comman

officer, Naval Oceanographic Office; Captain C.R. Ward, director, N

58. Office of John C. Stennis, "John C. Stennis Biography," ud., SSCHRC; Commissioning Brochure, Jo

Stennis CVN-74, SSCHRC; Mack R. Herring, "John C. Stennis, Father of America's Modem N

Lagniappe, 9 December 1995. 

246 
py p

render honors.60 

Members of the Gulf Coast community swelled with pride as Stennis 

stepped through the side-boy line of white uniforms to take his place on the 

dais. At the speaker's podium, the ever-dutiful Senator promised to "push for 

increased support" for the Navy activity now officially located in his state and 

for the people who were relocating from Maryland. Stennis felt a special 

obligation to the newcomers who left their homes in Maryland to become a 

part of the NSTL family in Mississippi. The conscientious Senator remembered the Navy employees' sacrifices and continued to ask about their wellbeing, even until his last visit to the Stennis Space Center (SSC) in 1989.61 

Taking Care Of Business 

With no definitive word from NASA Headquarters as to whether he 

would be named "manager" of the NSTL, or for that matter who Balch's successor might be, the dedicated Auter proceeded to manage the NSTL during 

the summer months of 1976. Among the business at hand was continued support for Space Shuttle engine testing, major contractual changes, and exciting 

successes in the AE program. By the end of July, Space Shuttle engine 

number 1 was tested 402.823 seconds on the A-1 test stand and engine 

number 2 was tested for 143.941 seconds on the A-2 test stand.62 

59. NSTL Weekly Bulletin, 4 June 1976. 

60. Ibid. 

61. Ibid. During his visits, Senator Stennis usually asked members of the SSC staff about the well-being of the 

Navy personnel. The fact that he was influential in effecting the Navy's oceanographic activity relocation 

to Mississippi, in spite of objections to the move, worried Senator Stennis. When he was told that most Navy 

personnel were satisfied, Stennis related that he was pleased and felt that the move had been for the best. 

62. A-1 andA-2 Test Stand History, 22 December 1994, pp. 1-2, SSCHRC. 

247 
Gorham, Jr., was appointed to manage Pan Ams range and test service divi

sion support team. Both managers were respected and popular with NASA 

and with their own employees. About 80 GE employees, some were at the 

site since 1963, elected to continue with either CSC or Pan Am. The contract change was to become effective 1 September 1976.63 

Jerry Hlass Accepts The Challenge 

Jerry Hlass, intimately associated with the NSTL since its very earliest 

days, felt destiny led him to become a permanent manager of the NSTL. 

Many weary NSTL employees, who knew and worked with Hlass through 

the years, were delighted when they learned on 18 August 1976 that he was 

to head their frustrated organization. An official NASA Headquarters 

announcement set 1 September as the effective date Hlass would take charge 

of the NSTL. The NSTL civil service team appreciated Auter's dedication 

and efforts to advance the cause of the NSTL, but they also felt purposely 

ignored by the NASA Headquarters managers. Indeed, some thought the 

shun was part of an overall scheme to let the NASA presence at the NSTL 

die a slow death of benign neglect. 64 

Speculation that the Headquarters might let part of the NSTL wither on 

the vine was not entertained by Hlass. As the NASA Headquarters man in 

charge of the MTF construction in 1963, Hlass was one of the early 

builders of the old MTF. He did not come to Mississippi to undo years of 

63. "CSC Assumes NSTL Support," The Sea Coast Echo, 2 September 1976; Gilda Perkins, "Smooth Transition 

for NSTL Program," The Slidell (LA) Times, 5 September 1976. 

64. Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996; NASA Notice, Key Personnel 

Change, "Jerry Hlass Appointed Manager of National Space Technology Laboratories," 18 August 1976, 

SSCHRC; Levi J. Odom, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 5 March 1996. 

248 
was responsible for building manufacturing, testing, launching, and landing 

facilities for the Space Shuttle.66 

Before reporting for work at NASA Headquarters in 1963, Hlass was head 

of the Data Acquisition Facility Section at Goddard Space Flight Center. He 

received a Bachelor of Mechanical Engineering degree in 1949 from North 

Carolina State University in Raleigh, North Carolina, and a Master of 

Engineering Administration degree from George Washington University in 

Washington, D.C. Almost as if he planned to be manager of the NSTL, Hlass 

selected his master's thesis on the study of the evolution of the Mississippi 

testing facility. In the thesis, Hlass recommended proposals for future site 

development, including expansion of propulsion testing and growth of the 

space and environmental consortium. Hlass did the study as part of a one-year 

65. NASA Headquarters, Key Personnel Change, "Jerry Hlass Appointed Manager of National Space Technology 

Laboratories," 18 August 1976, SSCHRC; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 

February 1996. 

66. Ibid. Jerry Hlass told the author, 27 February 1996, that he did survey work as a young engineer in northwest Florida, near Marianna, and helped build a satellite receiving station in North Carolina. In another 

engineering job, Hlass helped plan and construct shopping centers for a private firm. He also gained 

experience working for the National Park Service designing facilities throughout the Washington, DC, 

area. His experience even extended overseas where he worked for the Agency for International 

Development, building roads for Sudan in Africa. He carne to NASA in 1961 as an experienced engineer. 

As the NASA Headquarters man in charge of the construction of the MTF, Hlass made many trips to the 

site during the 1960s. In fact, he was in the area so much, he became well known by many community 

business people. The author became acquainted with Hlass while he was at the MTF on these early visits. 

During the crucial activation period, Hlass helped Heirnburg and Artley expedite the preparation of the 

facilities for testing the S-II Saturn V second stage. The project fell behind schedule because of problems at the plant in Seal Beach, CA, and at the MTF. The awful, record-breaking, rainy weather was the 

culprit for some of the lost time, but management and technical problems also contributed. At 

Headquarters, Hlass helped justify additional funds for use in the activation. He assisted the Working 

Group, Heimburg, and Artley to push the tight schedules. Hlass remembers many of the dedicated personnel involved with the construction and activation, especially Tom Edwards, the right arm of 

Heimburg and Tessman during the period. 

249 
Virginia, and their young son, George, as well as "Vroni," a Dachshund pet. 

They established their first Gulf Coast residence in Pass Christian, but soon 

made their permanent home in Long Beach.68 

Even before he officially reported to the NSTL on 1 September 1976, 

Hlass started on his new assignment. He met with Henry Auter on more than 

one occasion during August to learn more about the NSTL's status. At the 

first meeting, Auter told Hlass that morale among the NSTL employees was 

very low. Hlass was already aware of the morale problem at the Mississippi 

facility. Auter, a very conservative man of good judgement, suggested that 

Hlass give the NSTL employees a "pep talk," and an all-hands meeting in 

the Gainesville Room of Building 1100 was arranged. At the meeting, Hlass 

assured them he was reporting for work with an "open mind," and said he 

wanted to hear their opinions and recommendations. He also hoped to reassure them that they had a good future by stressing the importance of the 

extensive rocket testing facilities at the NSTL, which he called the best in 

the world. 69 

After the all-hands meeting, Hlass asked Auter to prepare an NSTL status 

briefing, a regular management practice employed by Hlass. He said he 

always wanted to know what he faced when reporting to a new assignment. 

On 27 August, Auter presented Hlass with an excellent NSTL management 

67. Mack Herring, NASA News Release, "Jerry Hlass Appointed Manager Of National Space Technology 

Laboratories," 18 An gust 1976, SSCHRC; I. Jerry Hlass, "Search For A Role For A Large Government Test 

Facility," (master's thesis, George Washington University, June 1971); Jerry Hlass, interview by Henry C. 

Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 437, 18 June 1991, 

pp. 1-3, SSCHRC; Helen Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 6 March 1996. 

68. Ibid. 

69. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1996; NSTL Office of Applications Engineering, "Management Review For 

Jerry Hlass," 27 August 1976. The Slidell meeting between Hlass and Auter illustrates the thoroughness and 

dedication of both men. They were concerned about their NASA organization and the welfare of the NSTL 

employees. 

250 
of these plans were of his own making, devised after years of close association with and study of the NSTL. Some, however, were given to him by his 

bosses at NASA Headquarters who wanted to see the infant field installation 

brought into the NASA fold or abandoned altogether. In the view of many at 

NASA Headquarters, the NSTL was never a real part of the NASA team as a 

separate field installation. Those Headquarters managers who held this view 

of the NSTL resented the methods Balch used to do business with politicians 

and felt that the NSTL held more of an allegiance to its environmental consortium than it did to the NASA organization. Some still felt resentment over 

the manner in which Stennis and Ellender took the $10 million set-aside from 

their Research & Program Management (R&PM) money to get the environmental arrangement started. 71 

During his early years as manager of the installation, Hlass used his goals 

as a guiding light for his new team to follow. Indeed, Hlass led the small NSTL 

group to many lasting successes, laying a strong foundation for establishing 

future programs. The patient Hlass did not initiate "jump starts" to make things 

happen quickly. Some goals he was able to accomplish in months, but others 

took years. The tenacious new manager, however, never lost sight of his ultimate aspiration until his original goals were accomplished.72 

Associate Administrator for Center Management Todd Groo was the first 

at NASA Headquarters to give Hlass an important assignment, which turned 

out to be his first management goal. Groo was concerned that the NSTL, over 

70. Hlass, interview. Hlass later had his staff and other elements at the NSTL give him individual briefings. He 

also asked the employees to assess the problems facing the organization and their recommendations for 

solutions. Such a management technique, of course, invited participation and a feeling of contribution by 

the employees. 

71. Hlass, interview by Dethloff, pp. 21-23. 

72. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1996; Hlass, interview by Dethloff, pp. 36--37. 

251 
December 1976 before the massive Navy transfer from Maryland.73 

A long-time friend and associate, NASA Comptroller William "Bill" Lilly, 

gave Hlass another important directive. Lilly and others at NASA Headquarters 

were concerned about the "reimbursable" policy the NSTL developed to 

recover funds spent on the resident agencies and assigned Hlass the task of 

devising a better policy. During the early 1970s when the environmental agencies first took up residence at the NSTL, a plan generous to potential tenants 

was developed. This was done largely to attract new tenants wanting to spend 

a majority of their funds on scientific programs, not on institutional matters 

such as rent and maintenance. In fact, Senator Ellender encouraged such a 

policy to get the consortium established. On the other hand, NASA was criticized by the GAO for its liberal reimbursable policy, and some rumblings from 

those who opposed the Navy relocation suggested that NASA was "giving 

space away" in Mississippi. In effect, the GAO report stated that NASA was 

subsidizing the tenants at the rate of $500,000 per year; and as the Navy program grew, this figure would, of course, rapidly multiply. The liberal NSTL 

policy, according to the GAO, would eventually leave the national taxpayers 

footing the bili.74 

Another problem Hlass faced was the relocation of some 1,200 Navy 

employees to the NSTL. Support for the Navy move and a smooth transfer of 

73. E.S. "Todd" Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 12 August 1976. Groo's letter combined his congratulations to the newly 

appointed manager and outlined directions for actions. Top priority in the directions was the need for an 

"implementation of the roles and responsibilities statement for the NSTL" and the prompt transfer of the 

people to new NSTL roles. 

74. See Chapter 8, "Growing Pains," for account of Senator Allen Ellender's work to get other agencies to come 

to the MTF and his suggestion for supplemental funds to help the agencies get started. For the best history 

and explanation of the reimbursable funding situation at the SSC, see Hlass's "Management Concept and 

Structure of the John C. Stennis Space Center, a [Multiagency] Federal Laboratory," Chapter II, ud., p. 10; 

Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976. 

252 
j, y g , 

Florida to California. Hlass knew the success of the new spaceflight program 

was imperative to the long-range NASA future. With this background, Hlass 

was determined to make sure that NSTL furnished superb institutional, facility, and technical support to the SSME and Main Propulsion Test Article 

(MPTA) programs. He set shuttle support as the priority item in his "roles and 

missions" statement. Indeed, Hlass's personal goal was that no shuttle test be 

held up or terminated due to facility or support failure. Such an attitude was 

a turnaround because Balch, in his preoccupation with the environmental consortium, was content to let the MSFC call most of the shots in the Space 

Shuttle Test Complex at the NSTL, even those directly associated with support matters that rightfully were the responsibility of the NSTL. 76 

Like many other problems Hlass tackled at the NSTL, he found the 

arrangement for support to Space Shuttle testing was especially difficult to 

solve. Hlass and his NSTL team found spare components woefully lacking for 

numerous critical testing support equipment. He called on Mark Payne, chief 

of Installations Operations and a veteran in the rocket business, and Payne's 

deputy, Dave Johnson, to help him work out test support issues.77 

Many of Hlass's goals could not wait for long-term resolution, nor be 

placed on a "to do" list. AE survived on RTOPS, grants, and agreements with 

other agencies. The once-proud and talented NSTL rocket test engineers had 

to be content with support roles to the MSFC Resident Office, or work in utility housekeeping jobs servicing the resident agencies. ERL was an 

independent organization, answering to JSC. The Houston lab had its own in75. E.S. "Todd" Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 12 August 1976. See Chapter 9 for more detailed information on the Navy 

relocation and the importance of the NSTL assisting the Navy in its move. The importance of keeping strict 

financial records of the process is also covered in earlier parts of this book. 

76. NASA Headquarters, Key Personnel Change; Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976. 

77. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976. 

253 
py y 

Headquarters dealt with it. Groo agreed to wait until December 1976, giving 

Hlass very little time to study the circumstances and make a recommendation 

to Headquarters. In 1975 the ERL issue was still simmering in the minds of 

Groo and others at NASA Headquarters, and they wanted the matter resolved 

once and for all. As new manager of the NSTL, the options placed before Hlass 

were, in his opinion, detrimental to the long-term goals of his organization.79 

In addition to the challenges facing Hlass, morale continued to sag on the 

site and in the local communities. But, in order to solve the problems faced 

by the new organization and accomplish his own goals, Hlass first determined 

he had to build a strong NASA team. He also recognized the need for the good 

will and support of the communities as a critical element in maintaining the 

integrity of the accoustic buffer zone. In a strong sense, the rehabilitation of 

the NASA organization, and the rekindling of the community's spirit, was a 

monumental goal in itself. 80 

With these thoughts in mind, a determined Jerry Hlass began a long, 13-

year odyssey, leading the NSTL civil servants with the hope of gaining 

acceptance and trust from NASA and the American public while searching 

for a role. 81 

78. Jerry Hlass, personal notes, SSCHRC.; Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976. 

79. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976; Groo to Hlass, 12 August 1976. 

80. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1976; Hlass personal notes. 

81. Roy Estess, interview by Dethloff, 22; A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Henry C. Dethloff, Mississippi 

Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, val. 386,4 October 1991, p. 22, SSCHRC. 

254 
Acceptance and Trust 

NASA Blue 

J

erry Hlass came to the National Space Technology Laboratories (NSTL) 

in 1976 with a challenging, long-range plan he hoped would help guide 

his organization from one "mountain peak" to another, until his team 

climbed high enough to place a "gold star" on the blue NASA flag. With the 

Navy moving into the middle of the site, the Army hovering on the northern 

border, and the Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) occupying the test 

complex, Hlass's troops had to find a toehole somewhere on the banks of the 

Pearl River before starting their upward journey. 1 

Hlass began his climb by reclaiming the Earth Resources Lab (ERL) from 

the Computer Complex in Slidell, Louisiana, and bringing it home to the 

NSTL. He continued his climb upward by claiming the NSTL's rightful place 

in the Space Shuttle Test Complex. Before the climb was over, Hlass's 

1. Roy Estess, interview by Henry C. Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 444, 18 June 1991, p. 19, Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection (henceforth 

referred to as SSCHRC). When Estess stated that Jerry Hlass "bleeds NASA blue," he was referring to 

Hlass's unwavering devotion to NASA and his defense of the NASA program. Hlass's dedication to the 

space agency is not unlike that of a U.S. Marine fresh out of boot camp.; E. C. "Ed" Kilgore to Jim Beggs

29 September 1981, NASA Historical Reference Collection (henceforth referred to as the NHRC); Jerry 

Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 November 1996, SSCHRC. 

255 
women of the NSTL pledged to continue their toil for future generations.3 

All who made the march did not reach the final victory dedication in 1988. 

Rocket pioneerWernher von Braun died of cancer in 1977, and Jackson Balch 

died of a heart attack in 1980. The deaths of these two respected men were 

mourned by their comrades and Gulf Coast friends, who remembered their 

compassion and valor during the Hurricane Camille tragedy of 1969.4 

The Foundation 

Hlass knew he had a tough time ahead. For this reason, he listed the early 

implementation of a Roles and Missions Statement, approved and signed by 

the NASA Administrator, as the number one goal on his agenda. Because of 

the everchanging status of the NSTL, Associate Administrator E.S. "Todd" 

Groo also saw the development of a Roles and Missions Statement as a top priority. During its evolution as a space and environmental complex, most of the 

NSTL employees had moved from one assignment to another, usually working in an ad hoc organization. Even after the NSTL was created on 14 June 

2. Ibid.; Accomplishment of Jerry Hlass's goals at the NSTL are best noted in his selection twice as recipient of tbe 

"Presidential Rank of Meritorious Executive," one of the highest awards given to a civil service manager. 

3. "John C. Stennis Space Center Dedication" Program Brochure, 3 August 1988, SSCHRC. President Ronald 

Reagan renamed the NSTL the NASA John C. Stennis Space Center at an impressive dedication ceremony 

on 3 August 1988. 

4. "Wemher von Braun, Rocket Pioneer, Dead," The (Biloxi/ Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald (henceforth referred to 

as The Daily Herald), 17 June 1977; "Graveside Service Today For Former NSTL Manager Balch," The 

(Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) South Mississippi Sun (henceforth referred to as The South Mississippi Sun), 26 

August 1980. The death ofWemher von Braun, on 16 June 1977, of cancer touched practically everyone at 

the NSTL. Many NSTL employees and citizens of the Mississippi Gulf Coast knew and loved the rocket 

pioneer. Jackson M. Balch, director of the MTF and tben the NSTL from 1965 until 1975, died of a heart 

attack on 25 August 1980. Referred to as a "Man For All Seasons" in an editorial at the time of his deatb, 

Balch is credited with founding the multiagency consortium still thriving at the Stennis Space Center. 

256 
achieved. For instance, the NSTL had no full-time personnel office. The personnel officer also served as a labor relations specialist and administrative 

officer. Personnel matters, such as promotions, awards, and important information on health and retirement, had been handled for years by the MSFC. A 

request for a promotion or award was forwarded to the MSFC personnel 

office where the request sometimes went to the bottom of the stack to await 

attention and action. The MSFC personnel actions, naturally, came first. 6 

Employees might be given a telephone number or address at Huntsville to 

call or write, but they could not receive personal assistance on personnel matters. In fact, all NSTL personnel records were stored at the MSFC and brought 

down to the NSTL every few years for employees to review, by appointment 

only. Functioning for years as an MSFC "stepchild," the morale of the NSTL 

workforce was harmed, even before the facility was designated a separate 

field installation. Later, before Hlass could secure a full-time personnel officer, the Kennedy Space Center (KSC) personnel office supported the NSTL 

personnel function. During the NSTL's first years under Balch and Auter, 

emphasis was placed on gaining new agencies for the consortium, including 

the Navy, and assisting the NSTL tenants as they settled into their work. 7 

The new Hlass organization was marked by simplicity, with only five functional elements and three staff offices answering to the manager. Auter and 

Ann Westendorf were included in the Office of the Manager. On the staff 

level, the new organization chart consisted of the following offices and their 

chiefs: the Chief Counsel, vacant at the time; the Executive Staff, which 

included the Assistant Manager, W.H. "Waldo" Dearing; Administrative 

5. E.S. "Todd" Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 12 August 1976, SSCHRC. 

6. H1ass, interview. 

7. Groo to H1ass; Jackson M. Balch to Eberhard Rees, 14 May 1974, SSCHRC. 

257 
The first action completed by Hlass after his appointment was a "Roles 

and Responsibilities Statement," approved by Deputy NASA Administrator 

A.M. Lovelace on 2 November 1976. The statement's first declaration of priority was the institutional, facility, and technical support of the Space Shuttle 

Main Engine (SSME) and Space Shuttle Main Propulsion Test Article 

(MPTA). Hlass also included a directive for the pursuit of applications and 

space technology programs, and institutional support for the resident agencies at the NSTL. The main function of the statement, in Hlass's view, was to 

get the approval and recognition from the NASA Administrator that the NSTL 

did indeed have a role and purpose in the overall NASA scheme.9 

The NSTL Gains First Program 

Hlass had little time to rest in the early days with Headquarters putting 

pressure on him to solve a number of outstanding issues at the NSTL. One of 

these issues was the ongoing consolidation dilemma of Applications 

Engineering (AE) and the ERL. Seizing the opportunity, Hlass saw the AEERL consolidation issue as a way to gain a meaningful program for his new 

NSTL organization. Hlass promised Groo that he would "study the situation" 

and make a recommendation on what to do with the AE office. Since Hlass 

included this dilemma as one of his five functional blocks in the NSTL 

organization chart approved by Headquarters, the space technology 

8. Jerry Hlass, Memorandum to all NSTL Personnel, "NASNNSTL Charter, Organization Chart, and Interim 

Personnel Assignments," 4 November 1976, SSCHRC. 

9. Hlass, interview; Hlass, interview by Dethloff. Hlass felt strongly that the NSTL's first priority was always the 

test mission. He even raised his voice to an employee who referred to the Space Shuttle program as a "tenant" 

at the NSTL. Hlass stated that "the shuttle is why we are here. That's us. They are not a tenant, that's us." 

258 
short time, while primarily tending to the whims of the 

tenants. Eventually, 

this scheme of drastically reducing the NSTL role would have resulted in the 

AE-ERL going back to Johnson Space Center (JSC) in Houston. Thankfully, 

by the time Jerry Hlass arrived, Senator Stennis had indefinitely postponed a 

consolidation of AE-ERL. Had the transfer occurred and the NSTL organization become a housekeeping element, the large Navy element and the other 

tenants might have engaged the General Services Administration (GSA) as 

their base housekeeper. Such a plan would have liberated NASA of its perceived problems and heavy burden at the Mississippi facility. After all, with 

the Navy oceanographic elements moving in and the Army getting ready to 

build a massive munitions plant, the installation was nearing the "full utilization" promised by Senator Stennis. 11 

Since Groo wanted Hlass to make a recommendation for an early decision on the consolidation plan, Hlass saw an opportunity to tender a bid to 

gain a substantial NASA program and reach one of his early goals for the 

NSTL. To ascertain if his plan to make the ERL a part of the NSTL was 

sound, Hlass asked Roy Estess and other AE members to convince him that 

their program was worth saving. Following briefings from Estess and AE 

colleagues, who were all dedicated to the applications role, Hlass was convinced that he should go after the ERL as a programmatic element of the 

NSTL. Consequently, Hlass came to the conclusion that his proposal would 

include the AE function (at that time an element of the NSTL organization) 

as part of a larger and enhanced ERL. He felt that the two components would 

10. E.S. "Todd" Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 26 May 1977. Groo summarized the decisions reached during meetings in 

a letter on 15 March in which he agreed to transfer ERL to the NSTL management "with approval from the 

Administrator's office"; Hlass, interview. 

11. E.S. "Todd" Groo to Fletcher and Low, "NSTL," 20 February 1976, SSCHRC; Larry Ciko, "NASA Will Move 

NSTL 'Guts' From Hancock To Slidell," The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as 

The Times-Picayune) 29 January 1976. 

259 
no one at Headquarters had previously thought the ERL should be brought 

under the NSTL's purview. After hearing Hlass's reasoning for transfer of the 

ERL, however, Groo agreed; but he told Hlass that the approval of JSC 

Director Christopher "Chris" Kraft had to be obtained first before the proposal could go to the Administrator's office for a final decision. 13 

As a result, Groo discussed the matter with Kraft. Hlass, however, played 

a supplementary and supporting role in convincing Dr. Kraft that transfer of 

the ERL to the NSTL jurisdiction was in NASA's best interest. In fact, Hlass 

expected to get a positive answer since he and the well-known JSC director 

had been close associates for years. Also Hlass had just helped Kraft justify 

facilities in Houston to support Space Shuttle operations. When Hlass posed 

the transfer to Kraft, the respected center director replied, "There's more 

than one way to get the job done, Jerry, but you must promise to take care of 

my people." Gaining Kraft's concurrence was not, however, the only backing Hlass needed to obtain. Groo also asked Hlass to inform ERL Director 

Wayne Mooneyhan of the decision and solicit his support. At first, 

Mooneyhan objected to the transfer. After all, as director of ERL, 

Mooneyhan was essentially his "own boss" with Kraft located in Houston. 

Hlass pointed out to Mooneyhan that the NSTL would take "better care" of 

the ERL because the Lab would be the NSTL's first new program. Hlass 

pledged that ERL's needs would be foremost in his mind and would, therefore, enjoy top priority in the support efforts of all elements of the NSTL 

organization. Hlass argued that because of his management of the dominating Space Shuttle program, Kraft could not heap the attention on the ERL 

that Hlass was prepared to do as manager of the NSTL. 14 

12. Hlass, interview. 

13. E.S. "Todd" Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 26 May 1977, SSCHRC; Hlass, interview; Personal Notes of Jerry Hlass, 

SSCHRC. 

14. Hlass, interview; Hlass, interview by Dethloff, p. 24. 

260 
the NSTL. In addition, Groo authorized Hlass to proceed with planning for a 

building at the NSTL to house a training facility for the regional program. The 

rest of the ERL remained at Slidell until physical space, which had become a 

premium with the Navy moving in, became available. The ultimate move of 

the entire ERL would come later. 15 

Of course, the transfer of the ERL to the NSTL, where the Lab could 

become a programmatic element of the Mississippi facility, was exceptionally 

good news for Hlass because he realized the "victory" would serve as a lift to 

the morale of the NSTL personnel. A smiling Hlass assembled all his employees at the Rouchon House for a meeting. He stood on a small balcony of the 

rustic lodge facing the employees, who stood under huge live oaks on the 

banks of the Pearl River, and told them of the ERL transfer to the NSTL. 

Many were stunned because victories for the small group had been few. But 

when the news sank in, the employees applauded, believing their future 

would be brighter. 16 

Senator Stennis, elated at the NSTL's acquisition of the ERL program, 

said the organizational change was "another recognition at the highest levels 

of NASA of the growing importance of [the] NSTL." Stennis also pointed out 

that the change would bring important programs such as the new Regional 

Applications Program (RAP) to the Mississippi facility. RAP was designed to 

provide training for state and local personnel in 17 "Sunbelt" states to apply 

and utilize remotely sensed data acquired from satellites for more efficient 

management of Earth's resources. Stennis beleived that "the practical application of space technology to down-to-earth problems and opportunities 

[was] one of the most promising aspects of NASA's activities." 17 

15. E.S. Groo to I. Jerry Hlass, 26 May 1977, SSCHRC. 

16. Hlass, interview. 

17. Neville "Jake" Jacobs, "Earth Resources Laboratory Consolidated At NASA-NSTL," The Sea Coast Echo, 

2 June 1977. 

261 
Curtin and their colleagues in Washington worked under a great deal of pres

sure from the Congress and NASA to see the Navy move through with as few 

bumps as possible. Certainly NASA Headquarters did not want further negotiations to occur in the newspapers or on television. For well over a year, 

headlines, columns, and editorials concerning the affair frequented the newspapers in Washington and on the Gulf Coast. 18 

With the decisions made and the move under way, many preparations still 

had to be made by NASA at the NSTL in order to receive and host the large 

Navy element. Providing office and laboratory working space, of course, was 

foremost on everyone's mind. But before anything could happen, NASA 

knew it had to develop a new policy for assessing the shared costs charged to 

the tenants at the NSTL. 19 

In fact, the GAO had previously criticized NASA for the method it used 

to charge reimbursable costs to its tenants for their floor space and services. 

An audit revealed that NASA was subsidizing the tenants by approximately 

$500,000 per year. In an earlier discussion with Admiral Snyder, Hlass 

found the Navy would not object to adjustments in the agreed-on reimbursable costs of $4.60 per square foot of office space. The rates generally 

were computed for laboratory, computer, and air-conditioned storage, with 

non-air-conditioned storage being offered at a lower rate of $2.00 per 

square foot. 20 

Coming up with a fair-share cost for all 17 tenants on the base was not an 

easy task. For instance, in November 1973, the investigative staff of the 

House Appropriations Committee reported that "all" tenants at the NSTL 

indicated the costs of the support services were unreasonable, and they had to 

18. E.S. "Todd" Groo to Administrator, "Status of Report on Proposed Move To NSTL," 22 April 1975, SSCHRC; 

H1ass, interview. 

19. Ibid. 

20. E. C. "Ed" Kilgore to Admiral J. Edward Snyder, Jr., 23 April1975, SSCHRC. 

262 
Hlass put together his first of many "teams" to tackle the reimbursable charge 

policy problem. R.V. "Bob" Callahan, Chief of the Resources and Financial 

Management Office, was the first member of the Hlass team called to start work 

on developing a new charge policy. Later, Hlass and Callahan asked Levi J. 

Odom, Theodore Franklin, Dave Hobgood, Morris Crowder, and Clarence 

Hudson to join in the search for a reimbursable policy that satisfied both NASA 

Headquarters and NSTL tenants. The Headquarters felt so strongly that the 

system needed immediate attention that Bill Lilly assigned personnel to join the 

NSTL finance team, with William "Bill" Waters as his lead man.Z2 

The group finally boiled their studies down to six options to consider for 

charging the tenants. The team settled on "Option Six," which basically contained two charges-per square foot of floor space used by each agency and 

a two-person occupancy charge based on personnel head-count. The team felt 

this combination would be "fair and equitable" for the small agencies, as well 

as for the Navy. The new policy, however, raised the rent for all tenants and 

resulted in a quadrupled rent increase for some of the smaller resident agencies. The only exception to the rule involved universities and state agencies. 

The team reasoned that universities provided essential higher education services to NASA and all resident agencies and should be encouraged to 

establish and enhance their services. Also, cooperation with state agencies in 

support of technology transfer was deemed to be an important goal and mission for NASA and the other agencies.23 

Another component developed by the "reimbursable team" was a refined 

policy for "demand" charges. The demand charges were for technical or facil21. Congressional Hearing, "Agricultural-Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations For 1975," 

Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, transcript, 93rd Congress, 2nd Session, Part 7, p. 82. 

22. Levi Odom, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 8 March 1996. 

23. Ibid.; Theodore "Ted" Franklin, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 13 March 1996. 

263 
test of the policy was simply, "Do we overcharge the agencies, or do we use 

NASA money to subsidize a tenant?" If the new system could answer these 

questions appropriately, the charge was considered fair. The policy was difficult to sell in Washington, D.C., because there was a perception, originating 

with a GAO report, that "those guys at NSTL worried more about the tenants 

than they did [about] NASA."24 

When the package was completed, Hlass presented the new reimbursable 

policy to Lilly and Groo for approval. Since both men had followed the new 

policy's development through the spring of 1977, they knew it met their standards as "fair and equitable" for both NASA and the NSTL tenants. The 

system was approved and scheduled to take effect 1 October 1977. Hlass then 

called his first meeting of all agency heads to announce the new reimbursable 

policy and, in effect, raise the tenants' rents. 25 

Hlass asked his wife Helen to bake a cake for the meeting with the agency 

heads. This down-to-earth, homey touch became a Jerry Hlass trademark. At 

the meeting, Hlass told agency chiefs that he "had good news and bad news." 

The good news was a commitment to provide the agencies with the highest 

level of institutional and technical support services. The bad news was that 

the rent had just been increased. 26 

The settling of the reimbursable policy problem, however, is only one 

example of the many projects and problems faced by Hlass and his NASANSTL team. At the top of the list was the task of helping the Navy's 

oceanographers find physical space at the NSTL to accommodate the 1,200 

people on their way to Mississippi. The move eventually took two years to 

24. SSC Management Handbook by Jerry Hlass, "Management Concept and Structure of the John C. Stennis Space 

Center, a Multiagency Federal Laboratory," pp. 11-14, SSCHRC; Franklin, interview; Hlass, interview. 

25. Hlass, "Management Concept..."; Hlass, interview. 

26. Hlass, interview. 

264 
Putting People First 

Hlass continued to check off items from his list of "actions" he had 

brought with him to the NSTL, laying a foundation for his renasafication program, which was intended to build a stronger NASA organization for future 

development at the Mississippi facility. With the completion of the roles and 

responsibilities statement, the acquisition of the ERL as an NSTL program, 

and the development of a "fair and equitable" reimbursable policy, the busy 

manager was well on his way toward completion of his initial goals. 28 

But Hlass knew that the lagging morale that Auter and Groo warned him 

of had received prompt attention, and the NSTL team began to blossom in the 

Mississippi spring of 1977. Major challenges lay ahead for his people, including overhauling the Space Shuttle support effort, helping the Navy with its 

relocation, and ensuring "tenant satisfaction" by applying sound management 

for the multiagency installation. The community around the sprawling site 

also needed a boost. Indeed, the populace in the surrounding towns and cities 

was beginning to tire in its support of the NASA installation after years of 

continued change and ups and downs that resembled a ride on the "Wild 

Mouse" rollercoaster in nearby New Orleans. It was time, the local citizens 

thought, that they should reap some of the benefits from the location of the 

NASA facility. 29 

Hlass began a two-prong attack to improve the morale of his small 

NASA civil servant team (which had grown to 92), their contract or support 

forces, and the community that had stood by the MTF/NSTL through thick 

and thin. As an avid participant and follower of sports activities, Hlass knew 

27. Ibid.; Jerry Hlass. interview by Dethloff, pp. 30-31. 

28. Ibid.; Groo to Hlass. 

29. Ibid.; David A. Farrell, "Hlass Says NSTL Big Boost For Area," Picayune (MS) Item, 25 August 1978. 

265 
gy 

of the approximately 125,000-acre buffer zone necessary for propulsion testing. Hlass instituted a "putting people first" program to gain support on both 

fronts-at the installation and in the towns surrounding the NSTL. The local 

communities, through their strong politicians, had the ability to help him 

defend the need for the buffer zone against those who wanted pieces of it back 

for commercial or personal endeavorsY 

An early effort to organize and reassign the NSTL personnel into a cohesive, efficient management organization involved the development of a 

personnel services plan between the NSTL management and the MSFC 

Management Office. In November 1976, after the Roles and Missions 

(responsibility) Statement and the new organization plan were approved by 

NASA's Deputy Administrator, Hlass solicited the MSFC to help in a reclassification of the NASA-NSTL employees to complete stabilization of his 

organization. To Hlass's chagrin, the MSFC Manpower Office recommended 

"downgrades" for 16 of the positions studied.32 

Since work levels had actually increased since development of the 

NASA-NSTL organization plan had its last "official" version approved in 

1972, and since the NSTL was by 1977 an independent field installation of 

NASA, Hlass deemed the findings by the MSFC experts "intolerable." In 

fact, he became furious and submitted a rebuttal to NASA Headquarters, 

telling Groo in March 1977 that he "could have the NSTL manager's job 

[back]" if the recommendations that the manpower study conducted by 

MSFC were carried out. Groo, obviously well-pleased with the accomplishments of the tenacious Hlass, agreed not to downgrade any positions and 

30. Jerry Hlass, personal notes, SSCHRC. 

31. Pamela Heinecke, "Buffer Zone Assures Future Of NSTL Site," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Sun-Herald (henceforth referred to as The Sun-Herald), 11 May 1980. 

32. Hlass, interview; Position Paper, "Reorganization And Reassignment," NSTL, 11 March 1977, SSCHRC. 

266 
ggpgpy

personnel transactions and day-to-day record keeping, however, were transferred to the KSC. Unfortunately, Hlass sent McWilliams to a NASA Human 

Resources Conference in Atlanta where his skills and talents were recognized, 

and he was offered a job with the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) 

which he accepted. When McWilliams left, Hlass recruited Ronnie E. Carter, 

another career professional personnel officer. Carter quickly gained the confidence of Hlass, but more importantly, he gained the trust of his fellow NSTL 

employees. Under the care of Carter, the Personnel Office began to function as 

a normal office for the very first time?4 

The neglected NSTL employees began to receive long-overdue promotions, joined the NASA Awards program, and finally had their own Personnel 

Office capable of answering questions and assisting employees with their 

NASA career decisions. Hlass even added a special touch to boost employee 

morale. He instituted a special "Awards Program," in which all employees 

were assembled on an annual basis in the auditorium of the Central Control 

Building where the awards and promotions were handed out.35 

Top NASA personnel from the Headquarters, such as the Administrator, 

were invited down to address the NSTL group and assist in the program. 

Adding the NSTL "family" touch, Hlass started a custom of staging an 

employee picnic down by the Pearl River after the ceremony, with employees 

and their families encouraged to participate. At the same time, several NSTL 

Financial Management Office employees, under the watchful guidance of 

33. Ibid. 

34. "McWilliams Named Personnel Officer," Lagniappe, 17 March 1978, SSCHRC; "Carter Selected Personnel 

Officer," Lagniappe, 22 October 1979, SSCHRC. Associate Administrator for Management Operations Ed 

Kilgore was one of the early Headquarters officials who came to the NSTL and presented awards. 

35. Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL Press Release, "NSTL Employees Receive Awards," 25 September 1981, 

SSCHRC. 

267 
wpSgSv

could join in the NASA-NSTL family celebration. NASA administrators, 

center directors, and astronauts became regulars at these picnics and helped pay 

tribute to the employees receiving recognition. This new policy of "publicly" 

recognizing the NASA-NSTL employee achievements was unusual for the 

employees who had previously been ushered into their supervisor's office and 

given a handshake "if' they were fortunate enough to receive a rare promotion 

or award. Their personnel records, maintained for years in Huntsville, were 

brought down and entered into the NSTL records systems. Employees for the 

first time had the ability to examine their service records, and information was 

available in a routine fashion, similar to any other government organizationY 

Hlass did not limit his morale-building program to the small NSTL civil 

servant group, which numbered only 65 people when he arrived. The new 

manager was aware that the success of the Mississippi facility and its programs lay with the approximately 1,100 contractor personnel. They not only 

conducted Space Shuttle engine tests but also actually operated the facility 

with their institutional, technical, and test support. Hlass made sure the contractor forces were represented in the awards programs and encouraged their 

managements to participate in employee-relations programs. Even more 

importantly, he often visited the shops and other work areas and, similar to 

von Braun, exhibited genuine interest in each contractor's work. 38 

Likewise, Hlass developed and maintained good relations with the Naval 

Oceanographic Office and the 17 other resident agencies at the NSTL. He 

called his policy for the cooperating agencies at the facility "tenant satisfaction." As part of this program, Hlass set regular meetings with the chiefs of 

36. Ibid. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Hlass, interview. 

268 
ness center for all NSTL employees. Hlass gained, as a direct response to this 

management style, the confidence and trust of most of the agency heads.39 

Good Will And Support 

Before being stationed at the NSTL, Hlass became very familiar with the 

communities surrounding the test site. During the early 1960s, he flew into 

New Orleans on several occasions, rented a car, and drove the winding, twolane U.S. Highway 90 through the marshes to the Gulf Coast. During these 

trips he cultivated a number of friends in the Pass Christian and Long Beach 

area and became acquainted with restaurants, motels, and other businesses he 

frequented. As chief of Space Flight Facilities in the early 1970s, Hlass reacquainted himself with the area, making trips to the site to follow modifications 

of the A-1 and A-2 test stands and support facilities in the Test Complex.40 

While working on his master's thesis in 1970-1971, he plunged into an 

in-depth study of the early history and the development and community 

impact of the testing facility on the Gulf Coast area. To accomplish the task, 

he consulted with Jackson Balch and with Dr. Mary Holman of George 

Washington University, who had by that time completed a community 

impact study for NASA. Consequently, the newly appointed manager 

brought a historical and current knowledge of the community situation on 

the Gulf Coast that he had gained as a result of his exposure to and study of 

the area while working on his graduate degree. Through his studies, Hlass 

39. "Medical Services Clinic Provides Employee Health Protection on Job," Lagniappe, 8 December 1978, 

SSCHRC. 

40. Hlass, interview. 

269 
returned, could lead to wholesale losses of land. Without the buffer zone, 

NASA's ability to test large propulsion systems would also be lost. Hlass was 

not the only official at the NSTL to recognize the potential damage that could 

result from buffer land loss. Admiral Snyder also confirmed that the Navy 

was "not interested" in the site without the buffer zone.42 

The encroachment of private and commercial developments on the MSFC 

in Huntsville was essentially the reason the giant propulsion center was 

extremely limited in their rocket-testing business by the early 1970s. Only 

small development engines could be tested for short durations at the MSFC, 

and larger engines were limited to short-duration runs because homes and 

businesses were built right up to the security fence. Hlass knew he had to 

maintain the good will and support of the surrounding communities in order 

to preserve the NSTL buffer zone for future test programs.43 

For this reason, Hlass immediately began to meet privately with such 

influential community leaders as Leo Seal, Jr., of Bay St. Louis, who was 

president of the Hancock Bank; Mayor Grady Thigpen of Picayune; and longtime Coast resident Roy Baxter, Jr., of Pearlington. Hlass sought their 

opinions concerning the NASA installation, and he listened to their recommendations for improving relations between the site and the communities.44 

Hlass asked for the advice of his own staff members and enlisted their 

help in working with the various communities in which they resided. For 

example, in the Mississippi communities, he depended on A.J. "Jack" Rogers, 

Jr., for the Gulfport area; Mark Payne for the Long Beach community; Mack 

41. I. Jerry Hlass, "Search For A Role For A Large Government Test Facility" (master's thesis, George Washington 

University, June 1971), pp. 1-10. 

42. "Outlook for Coast Bright," The Daily Herald, 24 February 1978. 

43. Heinecke, "Buffer Zone ... ," The Sun-Herald. 

44. Hlass, interview. 

270 
y gp

on the installation's progress. Hlass and members of his staff would spend 

weeks compiling the latest information on where personnel lived, annual 

salaries, and education levels. He would illustrate the total dollar impact of the 

facility in Mississippi and Louisiana, inclusive of the area within a "50-mile 

radius" of the NSTL. In addition, Hlass highlighted potential new programs 

and outlined the status of the joint NSTL/community programs, such as fire 

protection and mosquito control.46 

These meetings were very popular among the community leaders and 

attracted 70-100 people. Not only did the leaders appreciate the useful information, but they also enjoyed the warm Hlass hospitality.47 

Hlass called his first community gathering a "get acquainted" meeting 

and invited leaders from Harrison, Pearl River, and Hancock Counties in 

Mississippi, and St. Tammany Parish in Louisiana to the NSTL. Many of the 

invitees had already met the new manager, but the 2 August 1977 session was 

the first in which Hlass shared the status of the NSTL. He stressed the need 

to maintain the buffer zone, telling the leaders that the acoustic easement area 

around the site gave the NSTL a "competitive advantage" in testing rockets.48 

Hlass also told the group the population of the NSTL, as of 26 July 1977, 

was 2,600 employees and would climb to 3,100 in August 1978 when the 

Navy's first new building was completed and additional personnel arrived 

from Maryland. He proudly pointed out that the NSTL had pumped some $64 

million into the local economy the previous year. Hlass also told his community "friends" that NSTL employees set a goal in 1978 of $70,000 in 

45. Ibid.; Hlass frequently asked members of his staff to "speak with community leaders," and he listened to tbeir 

recommendations of key people in tbeir communities tbat he should contact personally. 

46. Neville "Jake" Jacob, "Buffer Zone is a Must," Sea Coast Echo, 4 August 1977. 

47. Ibid. 

48. Ibid. 

271 
yy 

locations, and 81 lived in other Mississippi areas. Hlass also went into great 

detail explaining the missions of NASA and the resident agencies, trying to 

make sure the community leaders left the meeting with a clear understanding 

of the work under way at the NSTL.50 

Hlass's first venture into the public domain with his "good neighbor" 

policy proved to be highly successful. The community briefing received positive write-ups in the Gulf Coast newspapers. Following the meeting, Maria 

Watson wrote an "analysis" of the NSTL that appeared in The (Gulfport, MS) 

Sun-Herald offering a "capsulized" view of the American space program's 

intricacies and its integration into the "everyday life of the average citizen." 

David Farrell wrote in a very positive Picayune (MS) Item editorial, entitled 

"A Good Neighbor Is NSTL Facility," that the NSTL was truly in the business 

of helping people and that Picayune was "very fortunate to have such a good 

neighbor." Later, Hlass took his positive message on the road, seeking "good 

will and support" at such meetings as the annual "Hancock Bank Economic 

Symposium," and the annual Chamber of Commerce banquets in Picayune 

and Hancock County. Indeed, the new manager quickly became a popular 

figure along the Gulf Coast. 1 5

Follow The Money 

Hlass was, according to at least one of his closest associates, a total 

"NASA man who would bleed NASA blue if he were cut." He shared the 

49. "Activities Diversified Now at NSTL," Picayune Item, 4 August 1977. 

50. Ibid. 

51. Ibid. 

272 
NSTL Space Shuttle testsupport team and developing a strong foundation for 

future propulsion programs. To accomplish this task, he had to guide his team 

through an equally determined MSFC effort to keep total control of the entire 

Space Shuttle Test Complex. In fact, the MSFC program office even hampered the NSTL from maintaining the quality and readiness of the test and 

support facilities within its own complex. 3 5

The idiom, "Follow the Money," was most applicable in solving the 

dilemma in which Hlass and his NSTL Space Shuttle support team found 

themselves. To be sure, Hlass's bosses at NASA Headquarters were expecting 

their new man in Mississippi to ensure support of the SSME development 

program and the MPTA. In addition, if something went wrong with a test that 

was deemed the fault of the complicated and extensive support effort, Hlass 

would be held responsible. 54 

The funding for the shuttle program, however, was not controlled by the 

NSTL. True, the funds came from the Office of Space Flight in Washington, 

passed through the MSFC program office, and were then placed in the NSTL 

Financial Management Office. With part of these funds, the NSTL provided 

shuttle test support through a contractual arrangement with Computer 

Sciences Corporation (CSC), its technical support contractor, and Pan Am's 

Range and Test Support Services Laboratory, which functioned as a subcontractor to CSC.55 

52. Maria Watson, "Effects of Space Program Becomes Evident on Coast," The Sun-Herald, 14 August 1977; 

David Farrell, "A Good Neighbor is NSTL," Picayune Item, 7 August 1977; David Farrell, "Hlass Says 

NSTL Big Boost for Area," Picayune Item, 25 August 1978; Jimmy Bell, "Outlook for Coast Bright," 

Picayune Item, 24 February 1978. 

53. Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996; Wayne Roberts, interview by Mack 

Herring, Long Beach, MS, 28 March 1996; Marvin Lee "Marv" Carpenter, interview by Mack Herring, Pass 

Christian, MS, 29 March 1996; J. Stephens "Steve" Dick, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 

28 March 1996. 

54. Ibid. 

55. Ibid. 

273 
NSTL was interested in the same scenario, but the Mississippi organization 

also had to consider the care and maintenance of the installation-including 

propellant barges, high-pressure gas and water systems, instrumentation, and 

even the NSTL test stands used by the MSFC. On the other hand, the MSFC 

wanted to use the funds for its current testing program, conducting the NSTL 

shuttle engine tests at the lowest possible cost.56 

The NSTL managers and engineers believed their MSFC counterparts did 

not share their interest or concern for maintenance and long-term care of the 

NSTL. Furthermore, Hlass contended that critical spare parts, such as exotic 

valves used on the barges and in the high-pressure gas facility, were not available to support the test program if an existing part failed. Some parts could 

take a year to replace, and the entire shuttle program could be held up.57 

Naturally, Hlass did not want his test team to be responsible for such an 

occurrence, especially if a better test support operating plan could be instituted 

that would prevent the delay of a shuttle test and launch. At the same time, however, the MSFC did not want to lose the testing "independence" it enjoyed at the 

NSTL. In order to fully achieve the goal of never holding up a test, Hlass and 

his team knew they had to control the money sent from NASA Headquarters to 

the MSFC for use in shuttle engine testing at the NSTL facility. 8 5

For instance, the hulls of the critical propellant barges were rusting and 

badly in need of repair, but the MSFC would not allow the NSTL support personnel to spend shuttle money on the task. That attitude was not acceptable to 

Hlass or his people, who were generally very frugal with their funding and 

56. "NASA Negotiates Pan American Services Contract," Picayune Item, 30 June 1978; Mack Herring, NASANSTL News Release, "NASA Extends CSC Technical Services Contract," I September 1979, SSCHRC; Pat 

Mooney, interview by Mack Herring, Slidell, LA, 30 March 1996; Briefing Notes, "Welcome to Pan Am's 

World in Southern Mississippi," circa September 1978, SSCHRC. 

57. Dick, interview; Hlass, interview; Roberts, interview. 

58. Hlass, interview. 

274 
The tugboat Apollo heads down river to New Orleans for another load of liquid hydrogen to 

support Space Shuttle Main Engine testing. (SSC-78-447-27) 

equipment. At the same time, however, the NSTL team was also interested in 

the proper care of their installation as well as the success of the Space Shuttle 

engine test program. 59 

Hlass worked very hard during his first few years as NSTL manager to 

secure the funds to provide first-class technical support to the SSME and 

MPTA test programs. He spent hours with Bill Lilly, Richard "Dick" 

Wisniewski, and Tommy Newman at the Headquarters, presenting the NSTL 

side of the funding story. Indeed, Hlass also "walked the walk" to strengthen 

the test support effort by using funds he helped secure for the upgrade of the 

laboratories and their services, as well as taking care of the big ticket components inside the Space Shuttle Test Complex.60 

59. NSTL Director's Office; "Technical Support to Shuttle Test Program," 1976, SSCHRC; Roberts, interview; 

Hlass, interview. 

60. Ibid.; Dick, interview. 

275 
y gg pp

control of its own destiny was the "right thing to do." Along the way, however, Hlass and his engineers, A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr.; Harry Guin; J. Stephens 

"Steve" Dick; Mark Payne; Dave Johnson; and Jim Coward; made their 

"pitch" several times.61 

Guin, with his subtle and persistent "sales" personality, "softened up" the 

Headquarters officials with informal chats. Hlass actually took the 

Headquarters personnel around the NSTL site, showing them the rusting propellant barge. The NSTL manager gained the confidence of Acting NASA 

Administrator Lovelace, who directed his staff to "work [out] the NSTL funding problem." The process was slowed by MSFC program officials, who 

presented a different view on how the money should be spent. The MSFC 

could not deny they received anything less than superb support from the 

NSTL test complex. In fact, no test had ever been held up due to the NSTL 

support efforts. The first R&PM funds for shuttle support to go directly to the 

NSTL totalled only $1 million. By 1984, that figure grew to about $7 million 

and remained at that level for several years. The most important aspect of 

obtaining the R&PM money, in Hlass's mind, was the recognition that the 

NSTL was now a permanent field installation and should be supported in a 

manner similar to other NASA sister installations, such as MSFC, JSC, and 

KSC, with appropriate R&PM and R&D funding. At that time, component 

facilities in the NASA scheme of field installations did not independently 

receive R&PM money. Once they got these funds, Hlass and his people could 

begin to upgrade their facilities and laboratories and purchase needed equipment to take care of their base for long-range shuttle testing and for future test 

programs. Similar and successful efforts eventually led to the NSTL receiving direct funding from shuttle R&D funds in support of the facility's shuttle 

61. Hlass, interview; Franklin, interview; Dick, interview. 

276 
had little, if any, effect on the day

today support of shuttle engine testing. 

Those involved in the support effort worked as a team, but came from several 

organizational elements. The engineers and technicians responsible were 

attached to the MSFC Resident Office, the NASA Facilities Engineering 

Office, Propulsion Test Support Division, the Pan Am Range and Test 

Services Laboratory, CSC's Laboratory and Field Services Branch, and Pan 

Am's Special Projects Division.63 

Most of the personnel had worked together in other organizations and on 

different projects for years. Many NSTL test complex employees had toiled 

through the construction and activation of the site in the 1960s, tested the 

Saturn stages, reactivated the test complex for the shuttle, and now had 

reunited for developmental and certification testing of the SSMEs and the 

MPT. Many shifted jobs with the changing of the various onsite contractorsGE, CSC, Global, and Pan Am. Only the small NASA civil service staff 

remained fairly constant. A few NASA employees, however, went to work 

with the onsite contractors during the declining years immediately after the 

Apollo program. Some left, but returned with the shuttle program. The support teams personally knew the Rocketdyne and Rockwell engineers and 

technicians who prepared the engines and conducted the static firings. 

Members of the test and support teams played golf, fished, and met together 

after work on a social basis.64 

The management negotiations conducted by their bosses up and down the 

chain of command had little effect on their job performance. As Roscoe 

62. NSTL Director's Office, "Technical Support to Shuttle Test Program," 1977, SSCHRC; Hlass, interview; 

Franklin, interview. 

63. NSTL Director's Office, "Technical Support to Shuttle Test Program," 1977; Hlass, interview. 

64. Marvin Lee "Marv" Carpenter, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 25-26 March 1996; Lewis 

B. "Lou" Nelson, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 25 March 1996; Roscoe Nicholson, interview by 

Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 404, 20 April 

1992, p. 21, SSCHRC. 

277 
Roberts, who followed Bob Gorham as head of the NSTL Range and Test 

Services Project for Pan Am. With a fluctuating number of about 50 engineers and technicians, Roberts's group was the largest of the support 

elements. Roberts, a graduate of the University of Southern Mississippi, was 

one of the first eight people to join the GE Apollo support group at the MSFC 

in 1962. As a native of the community of Daisy Vestry in Jackson County, 

Mississippi, coming to the MTF-NSTL was "coming home" for Roberts. He 

accepted five NASA Public Service Awards, the first of which was awarded 

in 1981 for the work he and his group, which included Bill George and Gary 

Lehr, accomplished. 66 

Roberts, however, was one of many competent and experienced NSTL 

engineers. Another engineer who worked alongside Roberts in the development of Space Shuttle support was Steve Dick, a graduate of West Point, who 

served as a senior test engineer with Boeing and as a project engineer with 

GE. Dick later became project manager for Global Associates' Base Projects 

Division. He helped reactivate the test stands and joined NASA's Facilities 

Engineering Office with A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., in 1978.67 

Pat Mooney, another experienced contributing engineer, was a long-time 

resident of Bay St. Louis and a Mississippi State University graduate, who 

headed up the Special Projects Division. Mooney, like many of his colleagues, had also worked with the team during the Apollo era. He had first 

worked for Boeing at Michoud on the S-IC program and then for North 

American Aviation (NAA) on the S-II test project.68 

65. Ibid.; NASA-NSTL News Release, "NASA Extends CSC Technical Services Contract," 1 September 1979, 

SSCHRC. When Roscoe Nicholson made this statement in 1988 he was referring to the intense focus of test 

personnel on only matters pertaining to testing of engines, as compared to the administrative and management support personnel outside the Space Shuttle Test Complex. 

66. Roberts, interview by Mack Herring, 30 March 1996. 

67. Dick, interview. 

68. Pat Mooney, interview by Mack Herring, 23 March 1996. 

278 
providing the variety of services required to conduct a static firing. A portion 

of their responsibility involved providing the liquid hydrogen and liquid 

oxygen propellants, gaseous hydrogen, helium, and nitrogen, and high-pressure air to the test stands; running the high-pressure water facility; 

maintaining selected electronics and electrical systems on the test stands and 

in the test control centers (TCCs); providing communications systems; maintaining the audio and video systems in the test complex; furnishing the 

instrumentation calibration and repair in the laboratory; performing all types 

of logistics services; and handling minor and major modifications in the test 

complex. In truth, these elements provided all of the services needed to run 

shuttle engine tests. The failure of any one of these many technical support 

services could delay or stop a static firing. To say the least, all of these engineers and technicians were highly respected by the managers of the MSFC 

Resident Office and the rocket test teams of Rocketdyne and Rockwell. 70 

The success or failure of a rocket test was dependent on the test support personnel. In many cases, their dedication and hard work often went unnoticed 

outside of the test complex. Media coverage usually focused on test conductors, who were like the quarterbacks on a football team, or on the NASA and 

contract managers who acted as spokespersons for their programs?' 

The people who really understood and recognized the support personnel for 

their work were people such as Admiral Richard Truly, NASA Administrator 

and astronaut; J.R. Thompson and his colleagues at the Headquarters and the 

MSFC; the many astronauts who often visited the NSTL and understandably 

69. Director•s Office, "Technical Support To Shuttle Test Program," 1977. For further information regarding the 

reactivation team, see Marvin Lee "Marv" Carpenter's Personal Notes, "Editorial Comments-Chapter 

11," SSCHRC. 

70. Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL News Release, "Shuttle Milestones Met at NSTL," 28 March 1980, SSCHRC; 

Nicholson, interview by Bolton, p. 21; Roberts, interview. 

71. Ibid.; Mack Herring and Johnny Mann, Way Station, video history, 25 October 1991. 

279 
on 12 April 1981 was an aweinspiring sight. Thousands of people on 

Florida's beaches gasped when they saw Columbia's engines ignite in a thunderous roar, sending the new space vehicle streaking skyward with a brilliant 

orange and white exhaust contrail pouring down hundreds of feet behind the 

bright white space vehicle.73 

But for many at the Mississippi facility, the fire was lit nearly seven years 

earlier with the long and tedious testing of the SSMEs and the full-power, 

three-engine blasts of the MPTA at the NSTL. Most propulsion engineers 

agreed that the SSME was the most sophisticated and efficient rocket engine 

ever built. The high-pressure engine's fuel pump revved up from "0" to 

47,000 rpm (revolutions per minute) in less than three seconds! Designed as 

a reusable engine for the Space Shuttle, the SSME was first static-fired at 

the NSTL on 19 May 1975. It is interesting to note that this first test of the 

SSME occurred approximately one year after the Mississippi Test Facility 

(MTF) was renamed the NSTL. In the two years after Hlass reported to the 

NSTL, Bob Bush, SSME Resident Manager, proclaimed the test program 

was going "full speed ahead" with engine tests occurring almost daily. On 

22 September 1978, Bush observed, "We're in business now, and plans are 

to continue full speed ahead averaging six tests a week." At that time, the 

main engines had been fired for 23,000 seconds on the A-1 and A-2 test 

stands. Nearly all tests conducted on the A-1 stand in 1978 were 520 seconds, the duration required in flight. Shorter duration tests of 300 seconds 

were fired on the A-2 stand.74 

72. Herring and Mann, Way Station, video history, 25 October 1991. 

73. "Columbia Performs Flawlessly," Lagniappe, 20 Apri11981, SSCHRC; NASA Mission Summaries, "Space 

Shuttle Mission Summary 1981-1983, STS-1 Mission," (Houston, TX: Johnson Space Center PMS-003, 

June 1986). 

74. "Space Shuttle Main Engine," Space Shuttle, NASA George C. Marshall Space Flight Center, 1977; 

Rocketdyne A-1 Test History: 19 May 1975 to Present (Stennis, MS: Rocketdyne, 1976); NASA-NSTL 

News Release, 22 September 1978, SSCHRC. 

280 
system before a launch could take place at the KSC. 75 

The MPTA program not only brought together the components of the simulated Orbiter Propulsion System, but also prompted managers to gather the 

best team of rocket test engineers and technicians ever assembled. Tom 

Baggette, one of the early S-II rocket stage test conductors in 1966 when the 

first Saturn V test rocket stage, the S-II-T, was test fired at the MTF and a test 

conductor on the Apollo spacecraft at the KSC, agreed with Pat Mooney that 

the MPT test program was the Stennis Space Center's "finest hour."76 

The MPTA effort actually dated back to activation of the B-2 side of the 

big S-IC test stand used during the 1960s to static fire the Boeing-built Saturn 

V first stage. The MPT modification and activation program at the NSTL was 

started in May 197 4 and at first followed the usual government construction 

process. But, when the time came to begin the complex and tedious process of 

installing the electronic instrumentation, fluid distribution system, and other 

technical systems, the NSTL team felt they could do the job better and more 

economically than outside contractors could. Harry Guin, representing Global 

Associates at the time, and Bob Bush, Manager of the MSFC Resident Office 

at the NSTL, with the help of their associates, put together a presentation illustrating that the NSTL could accomplish the task quicker and far cheaper than 

other contractors, such as Rockwell, who would be using the stand.77 

Bush and Guin made their pitch to the MFSC Shuttle Project Office. The 

two men asked that Global be allowed to pull together the final activation of 

75. "Twentieth Anniversary Edition," Lagniappe, 18 October 1978, SSCHRC; "MPTA Ready for Test Firing," 

Lagniappe, 17 March 1980, SSCHRC. 

76. Tom Baggette, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 24 March 1996; NASA National Space Transportation 

System, Overview, "SSME Flight Program," NASA Publications Series, September 1988; "Space Shuttle 

Main Engine," Space Shuttle, 1977; Mooney, interview. 

77. "SSME Testing Pace Quickens," Lagniappe, 22 September 1978, SSCHRC; Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL 

News Release, 22 September 1978, SSCHRC; Baggette, interview; Mooney, interview. 

281 
contractor proposal won the MSFC's confidence, and they landed the job. 

Actually, Guin knew he had an inside track because most of the personnel that 

would be doing the work were highly experienced veterans of the diverse 

NASA and contractor NSTL workforce. He also knew that his experienced 

workforce had the know-how and ability to cut comers and perform the task 

much cheaper than any outsider could that who did not know the people 

involved or the "ropes" at the Mississippi site. According to many, Doug 

McLauglin and his Global support group were the key to the fast-track and 

highly complicated project. In fact, a modest Pat Mooney, who succeeded 

McLaughlin as head of the support group, gave McLaughlin full credit for 

guiding the work. Among others who were instrumental in seeing the MPT 

test program to completion under budget and on time were Al Bush and Greg 

Ames, veteran engineers at the NSTL and employees of the Weaver 

Construction Company which did much of the activation work. 79 

The activation team finished their difficult job preparing the big test stand 

for its unique MPTA hardware just before the strange cargo was towed up the 

East Pearl River and arrived at the NSTL on 24 June 1977. The MPTA cargo 

came from California on the NASA covered-barge Poseidon to the Michaud 

Assembly Facility in New Orleans, Louisiana. Once at Michaud, the orbiter 

simulator was then transported to the NSTL on the river barge Pearl River, a 

50-mile trip up the winding East Pearl River. 80 

The portion of the MPTA that traveled to the NSTL to be tested consisted 

of a 121-ton steel trusswork that resembled an oil derrick or a bridge assembly 

78. Gilda Perkins, "NSTL Reactivated for Space Shuttle," Slidell Daily Times, 29 June 1977; Mooney interview; 

Dick, interview. For further information regarding Harry Guin's and Bob Bush's presentations, see Marvin 

Lee "Marv" Carpenter's Personal Notes, "Editorial Conunents--Chapter 11," SSCHRC. 

79. Mooney, interview; Carpenter, interview; Roberts, interview. 

80. Lloyd Gray, "Space Shuttle Equipment 'Milestone' For NASA Lab," The Sun-Herald, 25 June 1977. 

282 
at the NSTL. 81 

Harry Johnstone, the MSFC's MPTA resident manager, and Gerry 

Wilson, manager of the Rockwell Space Division Resident Office, met the 

barge. Johnstone commented that the arrival of the MPTA components was 

"the culmination of three years of hard work." He then teased Wilson, "And 

it arrived on time!" The serious-minded Wilson accepted the remark and said 

the funny-looking structure was like the "rear end of an airplane without the 

rudder and tail fins." The MPTA was installed in the B-2 position of the big 

test stand the next day, 25 June 1977, and preparations began to ready the 

MPTA for its critical firings before the first flight of the Space Shuttle 

Columbia. 82 

Bob Bush once commented that it was "the people more than anything" 

who were responsible for the success of the test programs. His words were 

never more true than in the case of the MPTA test program. Although each 

SSME would be thoroughly tested and certified, program managers believed 

it necessary to prove the Space Shuttle's entire propulsion system, complete 

with three hot-fired engines, before the vehicle's first launch. Another important part of the NSTL testing mission was to develop fueling and handling 

procedures for use by the KSC launch. This premise prompted the MSFC to 

put its best foot forward for the MPTA test series. 83 

As a result, the energetic and hard-driving Harry Johnstone was sent down 

from the MSFC to the NSTL in order to head up the MPTA program for 

NASA. Bush continued as manager of the MSFC "Shuttle Office" at the NSTL 

which conducted the MPTA and SSME testing. Bush, wearing two hats, late

81. "Shuttle One Step Closer To Reality."' The Daily Sentry-News, 30 June 1977; "Simulator Arrives At NSTL,

Picayune Item, 26 June 1977. 

82. Gray, "Space Shuttle Equipment...," The Sun-Herald. 

83. Robert "Bob" Bush, SSC History Roundtable, SSC video history series, SSC, 25 October 1991, SSCHRC. 

283 
served as the MPTA manager after Johnstone left. Boyce Mix continued 

manage the busy SSME program as the pace quickened with the developme

tal and certification programs. The MSFC Resident Office had strong supp

from the Quality Assurance Office's Doug Howard, a veteran of the old MT

whose leadership was greatly appreciated by the contractors. Another welcom

addition to the team was Bill Lindsey, who was an instrumentation and d

expert. The support cast in the Resident Office had matured while accumul

ing valuable test experience during the SSME test program.84 

Gerry Wilson "pulled some strings" to bring in the best test conducto

he could find for the project, Tom Baggette and John Plowden. At the sam

time, however, another senior test conductor, Tom Lyddon, who was a v

eran of the S-II program at the old MTF, was added to the team. Plowd

84. "Shuttle Test Crew-Veteran Team ... " Lagniappe. 16 December 1979, SSCHRC; "Shuttle Tanking 

Successful," Lagniappe, 23 January 1978, SSCHRC. 

284 
dated back to the beginning of America

s space program. He worked on the 

Saturn V second-stage S-II test program with NAA, but also was involved in 

the Jupiter and Atlas missile programs. 86 

Carpenter designed and developed the hardware instrumentation systems 

used on all three NSTL test stands. He was responsible for the installation 

and operation of the systems on A-1 and A-2 and the modification and operation of the instrumentation on the MPTA. This special knowledge gave him 

and others who brought that kind of personal data to the MPT program a leg 

up on solving problems in the test complex. In fact, his colleagues said 

Carpenter knew the complex instrumentation and electronics systems "like 

the palm of his hand." 87 

Another seasoned test engineer who joined Rockwell Corporation's 

Mississippi team was Lewis B. "Lou" Nelson, a veteran NAA employee. He 

was one of the original 18 engineers sent to the site in 1965 to get ready for 

the S-II buildup who were housed in the old "firehouse." Nelson and Doug 

McLaughlin were roommates in college at the North Dakota School of 

Mines, went in different directions with the missile program, and were 

reunited at the NSTL. Other proven test engineers joining the MPTA team 

included Jim Green, Mike Polka, Charlie Knott, John Brokowski, Roe 

Crowder, and Karl Briesackor.88 

The nucleus of the unusually well-qualified NSTL team was held together 

as a result of a decision made in the early 1970s by Doug Howard. In 1971, 

Howard decided to try and keep good engineers like Marv Carpenter, Doug 

McLaughlin, Curtis Campbell, Steve Dick, Joe Brown, Joel Estes, and Pat 

85. "Shuttle Test Crew-Veteran Team ... ," Lagniappe, 16 December 1977, SSCHRC; "MPTA Test Conductor 

Baggette Describes Role in Team Support," Lagniappe, 21 March 1980, SSCHRC; Carpenter interview. 

86. Carpenter, interview. 

87. Ibid. 

88. Nelson, interview. 

285 
NASA Headquarters and the MSFC recognition. 

By spring 1978, with the "right" people on board, the NSTL team focused 

efforts during the next several months toward getting the MPTA prepared for 

the first series of tests. Engineers and technicians working on the MPTA program remember the long, hard hours of work as they proceeded through a 

tanking test, simulated countdowns, and endlessly checked the electrical and 

mechanical systems. Johnstone, a bundle of energy, was all over the big test 

stand boosting worker morale with his well-known expression, "That ain't no 

hill for a stepper!"90 

The MPTA test team passed the Firing Readiness Review held by 

NASA's Review Board at the NSTL 6-7 March 1978. The Review brought a 

number of space notables to the site. In attendance were the members of 

NASA's Space Transportation Systems organization, including John Yardley, 

Associate Administrator for Space Transportation Systems; Christopher C. 

Kraft, JSC Director; Dr. William R. Lucas, MSFC Director; Lee R. Scherer, 

KSC Director, Dr. Walter C. Williams, NASA Chief Engineer; and Dr. Mike 

Malkin, Director, Space Shuttle Program. Other important officials involved 

in the Space Shuttle program from NASA Headquarters, the JSC, the MSFC, 

Rockwell, Rocketdyne and Martin Marietta also came. Gerry Wilson compared the review to a "jury;" although the MPTA group was not literally on 

trial, their work and status were.91 

The review began with an examination of the design and certification of 

hardware for each element of the test article, orbiter, external tank, and main 

engine. The members then reviewed the readiness of the prefiring test program 

89. Carpenter, interview; Roberts, interview. 

90. "Shuttle Tanking Test Successful," Lagniappe, 16 December 1977, SSCHRC. Harry Johnstone was a leader 

and an inspiration for the entire MPTA test crew. Technicians have said Johnstone would look over their 

shoulder during difficult tasks and say, "That ain't no hill for a stepper!" 

91. "MPTA Ready for Test Firing," Lagniappe, 17 March 1978, SSCHRC. 

286 
y ggpp

Smaller reviews were also held as the NSTL testing team proceeded toward 

the first MPTA test, because everyone at the Mississippi facility and at the 

Agency were anxious to prove the critical propulsion system. The first test 

came at 11:34 a.m. on 21 April 1978. Although the "hot" part of the test was 

only 1.90 seconds, the puff of smoke signaled the beginning. A number of the 

Technicians install Space Shuttle flight engine 2007 into the A-1 test stand 13 April 1979 . 

(SSC-79-116-7) 

92. "MPTA Achieves Requirement," Lagniappe, 20 February 1981 , SSCHRC. 

287 
dreds of employees, their families, local citizens, and members of the media.

With a dozen tests successfully completed at the NSTL by February 1981, 

more than one hour of firing time was accumulated on the test version of the 

Space Shuttle's main propulsion system. During that time, the system 

achieved all certification requirements for the first launch, as well as other 

objectives for later missions. Six of the 12 tests successfully conducted at the 

NSTL were programmed to meet or exceed the 520-second duration necessary to put a shuttle into orbit. The final test of the system, which took place 

17 January 1981, was deemed a "complete success" by Bob Bush.94 

The 629-second final firing was the longest test conducted on the MPTA 

and the first full-duration static firing using flight-type nozzles on the three 

main engines. Previous tests used a "stub nozzle." During the 17 January 

test, the engines were fired at 100 percent of rated power level for 239 seconds, at which time one engine was shut down. The early cutoff simulated 

the in-flight shutdown of an engine and an aborted mission in which the 

astronauts would return the orbiter to its launch site. This was the "Return To 

Launch Site" (RTLS) maneuver. Following the test, John Yardley, Associate 

Administrator for Space Transportation Systems, said the final test "demonstrated that the people down here [at the NSTL] really know how to make 

this thing work." Yardley added, "They've done a magnificent job, and I 

want to congratulate them."95 

Yardley's words were lagniappe to the people who conducted the highly 

successful MPTA test program and to the experienced support team that 

backed them up. All told, 18 MPTA firings were conducted at the NSTL 

between 21 April 1978 and 17 January 1981. The people of the NSTL team, 

93. SSC Test and Engineering Directorate, "MPTA Test History," 3 January 1995. 

94. Ibid.; "Final MPTA Test Completed," Lagniappe, January-February 1981, SSCHRC. 

95. Ibid. 

288 
pppy

program, stated, "I think the location here in southern Mississippi has helped 

us be more productive than we could have been in a more industrial area. 

We've got technicians, engineers, and support personnel who are very dedicated. If a job has to be done, they go out and do it. We've got a quality of 

employees far and above many other areas of the country."97 

Mix attributed the expertise of the workers to a "certain pride" among the 

team members. "People will say someday, 'My father worked on the shuttle 

engine testing program,' and [the members of the test team] are proud to be a 

part of something this big. It's not just another job to these people," Mix 

mused, "It's their life."98 

The kind of dedication and experience that Mix spoke of contributed to 

the successful launch of Space Shuttle Columbia from the KSC at 7:00 a.m. 

EST on 12 April 1981. The awesome, brute power shook buildings miles 

away at Cocoa Beach and was heard as far away as Orlando as it shot skyward on its maiden voyage. The hybrid mix of solid and liquid propellants 

had not been seen before in the skies over the Florida launch site.99 

Robert E. Herring, a space buff from St. Augustine, Florida, was among 

the approximately one million people viewing the lift-off at the launch site 

and along the beaches at Cape Canaveral. According to Herring, there was a 

"Wham! A buff of thunder," at which point he thought, "shake them up 

Columbia!" Next, he saw "the big fire [of brilliant red that was] twice as long 

as the rocket ship." He reported that "the vibration [caused his] telescope on 

96. Ibid. 

97. Douglas Nany, "NSTL's Future Rosy if Shuttle Successful," Picayune Item, 17 February 1981. 

98. Ibid. 

99. NASA-JSC, "Information Summaries, U.S. Manned Space-Flight Log, PMS-020 (JSC) August 1986; NASAJSC Information Summaries, Space Shuttle Mission Summary 1981-1983, STS Missions 1-9" (Houston, 

TX: Johnson Space Center PMS-003, June 1986); "Columbia Performs Flawlessly," Lagniappe, 20 April 

1981, SSCHRC. 

289 
gpp

Astronauts John Young and Robert Crippen guided the Columbia to a perfect touchdown at Edwards Air Force Base in California after a 54-hour, 

21-minute, 36-orbit "flawless shakedown" flight. Via worldwide television, 

millions watched the shuttle landing. The general populace, and the media for 

the most part, focused their spaceflight attention on the astronauts, their 

launchings, and landings. 102 

Most of the time support crews, who work out of the view of the TV cameras, go unnoticed by the general public. Such was the case of the NSTL test 

team and their support crews. But the people who knew of their contributions 

to flight were full of accolades after the mission. Without the perfect performance of the three main engines tested at the NSTL, the shuttle would have 

never made it into orbit. Boyce Mix, who literally lived with the engines for 

the previous eight years, stated, in an unusual display of excited emotion, "It 

was just super!" He proudly said, "The engines performed as planned. It was 

really remarkable!" Bob Bush observed that the maiden flight of the Space 

Shuttle gave him a "great sense of accomplishment," to know that "[we had] 

contributed in even a small part" to the success of the shuttle mission. 103 

A very proud Jerry Hlass, who traveled to the KSC to witness the launch 

with a number of NSTL employees, their families, and community friends, 

made sure that his team got part of the credit for the Space Shuttle's success. 

He said, "It is a tribute to our NASA and contractor personnel at the NSTL 

who worked very hard to do the developmental testing and certification of 

100. Robert E. Herring, Commentary, "A Postscript on Columbia," Lagniappe, 22 May 1981, SSCHRC. 

101. Howard Benedict, NASA: The Journey Continues (Houston, TX: Pioneer Publications, Inc. 1981 ), pp. 64-67; 

"Columbia Performs Flawlessly," Lagniappe, 20 April1981, SSCHRC. 

102. Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came ... A History Of The Johnson Space Center (Washington, DC: 

NASA SP-4307, 1993), p. 271. 

103. "Columbia Special Edition," Lagniappe, 15 April1986, SSCHRC. 

290 
we are so because we are free.

Of all the "thank you's" and accolades bestowed on the hundreds of 

employees at the NSTL, both inside and outside of the blockhouse, perhaps 

the most appreciated comments came from astronauts John Young and Robert 

Crippen. Young and Crippen chose the NSTL as their first postflight destination, paying a visit to thank the dedicated personnel for their contribution to 

the first shuttle flight. Young and Crippen, who had visited the site before the 

mission for a briefing and to witness a static firing from atop the A -1, A-2 Test 

Control Center, visited the NSTL on 8 May 1981, just 24 days after the flight 

of Columbia. Speaking to a jam-packed house at the Central Control 

Building, Crippen said, "You can't do this kind of program without running 

an extensive test program. The effort that you contributed made it possible for 

us to sit back and ride. We couldn't even make it look hard!" 106 

The wiley veteran Young went after the hearts of the NSTL workers when 

he said, "I am really proud to have been associated with you people because 

this vehicle is built for the future-the '80s and '90s." The NSTL employees 

in the audience, people in coats and ties, slack suits, and overalls, stood and 

applauded. Their pride and hard work continued to "support the shuttle" 

through the 1980s and 1990s. Throughout all those years, not one mission 

failed due to the engines developed and tested at the NSTL. 107 

104. Ibid. 

105. Ibid.; Roger D. Launius. NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Krieger 

Publishing Company, 1994), pp. 112-113. 

106. "Columbia Special Edition," Lagniappe, 15 Aprill986, SSCHRC. 

107. "Young, Crippen Commend Employees at NSTL," Lagniappe, 22 May 1981, SSCHRC 

291 

Of Triumph and Tragedy 

The Best of Times 

The early success of America's Space Shuttle program ushered in an 

era that was perhaps the "best of times and worst oftimes" for a resurgent NASA and most especially for the growing National Space 

Technology Laboratories (NSTL) in Hancock County, Mississippi. During 

the first half of the 1980s, NASA regained confidence and again savored the 

national reputation the Agency enjoyed when the Eagle soared and landed on 

the Moon in 1969. Indeed, NASA seemed to have the world, and even the 

heavens, by the tail and was not about to let go. 1 

Riding on the crest of success and popularity, Jerry Hlass's maturing 

NSTL team gained special recognition as NASA's newest and toughest "can 

do" organization. Most of Hlass's early goals were achieved, and the morale 

I. Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities (New York: Walter J. Black, Inc., 1969), p. I; Lovell Beaulieu, "NASA 

Rocketing Into the '80s," The New Orleans (LA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as The TimesPicayune), 20 January 1980; Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History of the U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, 

FL: Kreiger Publishing Company, 1994), p. 112; Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came . . . A History 

Of The Johnson Space Center, (Washington, DC: National Aeronautics And Space Administration SP-4307, 

1993), p. 285; William B. Breuer, Race to the Moon, America's Duel with the Soviets, (Westport, CT: 

Praeger Publishers, 1993), p. 196. 

293 
py, y 

placed on T-shirts, lapel pens, and even on milk cartons. Americans began to 

believe that civilians-school teachers and television commentators-should 

take a ride on the shuttle.4 

Alas! Even the best of times come to an end. The awful Space Shuttle 

Challenger tragedy dashed the spirits of a nation-crushing NASA's regained 

confidence when the spacecraft came crashing down in the blue Atlantic 

waters off Cape Canaveral. Sadly, all seven crew members perished, among 

them a space-struck social studies teacher from New Hampshire.5 

Gloom fell heavily as the grim news spread. Millions were stunned, 

frozen at their television sets on that cold January day in 1986. In south 

Mississippi, the NSTL employees and community supporters were devastated 

by the initial speculation that the accident could have been caused by a failed 

Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME) tested at the NSTL. Perhaps NASA's 

greatest triumph began on that frigid Florida morning, for from the 

Challenger's ashes there arose a NASA courage from the very guts of thousands of comrades across the nation who refused to let this beloved crew die 

in vain. Among that number were the men and women at the NSTL, who, following the tragedy, "tested the way" as NASA returned to space.6 

2. "NSTL Receives Good Notices in State, Area Press Coverage," Lagniappe, 17 August 1979, Stennis Space 

Center Historical Records Collection (henceforth referred to as the SSCHRC); "Accomplishments Receive 

Extensive Press Coverage," Lagniappe, 13 February 1981, SSCHRC; "NASA Employees Recognized for 

Outstanding Achievements," Lagniappe, 25 September 1980, SSCHRC. 

3. Ibid. 

4. "Journalists to Fly on Space Shuttle," Lagniappe, 20 November 1985, SSCHRC; Howard Benedict, The 

Journey Continues (Houston: Pioneer Publications, Inc., 1989), pp. 101-102. 

5. Benedict, The Journey Continues, pp. 104-1 06; William P. Rogers et al., Report of the Presidential Commission 

on the Space Shuttle Accident (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986), pp. 19-21. 

6. "NSTL Joins Nation in Tribute to Challenger Crew," Lagniappe, 20 February 1986, SSCHRC; "Jerry Hlass 

Speaks to NASA, Contractor Teams," Lagniappe, 21 April 1986, SSCHRC. 

294 
would soon be a productive addition to the nation's defense. And the Space 

Shuttle program that Senator Stennis "picked up off the cutting room floors" 

of Congress was providing NASA with routine access to space? 

Senator John C. Stennis never forgot his promises in 1961 to the original 

landowners at Logtown. By 1981, he had worked tirelessly for two decades to 

see the $350 million testing facility investment by the nation's taxpayers reach 

"full utilization." The steadfast statesman from Kemper County, Mississippi, 

was there for his people in south Mississippi and for their "space age" NSTL 

neighbors at every turn, whether the turn was for better or worse.8 

When the NSTL all but fell prey to rampant kudzu vines during the 

decline of the Apollo program in the early 1970s, Stennis helped guide 

potential tenants, such as environmental agencies, to the site. Again, when 

NASA was about to lose its Space Shuttle program in 1972, Stennis rallied 

his congressional colleagues to support the "new reusable" space vehicle. 

The Senator then helped relocate the Navy oceanographic program from the 

Washington, D.C., area to its new NSTL home in 1975. Stennis also helped 

NASA Headquarters find a way to avoid moving the ERL to Houston in 

1976. John Stennis was also there to provide the push to pick up the huge 

Army munitions manufacturing plant off the planning boards and place it on 

the site in 1978.9 

7. "Army Welcomed to NSTL Family."' Lagniappe, 23 January 1978, SSCHRC; "Senator Stennis Greatly 

Impressed During October Visit to NSTL," Lagnaippe, 3 November 1978, SSCHRC; Mack Herring, "U.S. 

Senator John C. Stennis: He Was A Giant In Every Way," Lagniappe, 25 May 1995, SSCHRC; "Stennis 

Tribute Dinner, June 23, 1988," Congressional Record, tOOth Congress, vol. 134, No. 105, Senate, 13 July 

1988. 

8. "Salute to Senator Stennis," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred to as the Sea Coast 

Echo), 30Apri11995. 

9. Ibid.; Nan Patton Ehrbright, "Stennis's Life, Work Saluted," The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Sun Herald (henceforth 

referred to as The Sun Herald), 4 August 1988. It is interesting to note that kudzu vines, originally grown 

in Japan, are found throughout the South and choke all other vegetation they come in contact with. 

295 
Rarely had a legislator had the opportunity to see as many fruits of his labor 

as did Senator Stennis. 10 

Senator Stennis joined a host of Washington dignitaries and NSTL 

Manager Hlass to welcome the Army Ammunition Plant to the NSTL complex during ground-breaking ceremonies on 10 January 1978. Among the 

luminaries present were U.S. Representatives Trent Lott and G.V. "Sonny" 

Montgomery; Deputy Secretary of Defense Charles W. Duncan, Jr.; Secretary 

of the Navy W. Graham Clator, Jr.; Rear Admiral J. Edward Snyder, Jr.; and 

NASA Deputy Administrator Alan M. Lovelace. More than 1,500 people 

from surrounding areas joined the NSTL emptoyees in celebrating the beginning of the huge, $398 million construction of the plant. 11 

Stennis referred to the 1961 Logtown meeting in his address at the Army 

Ammunition Plant ground-breaking ceremony, just as he did in most of his 

speeches at the NSTL. "I have never forgotten the promises [I made] that 

day in Logtown," he said. "I have kept foremost in my mind [the fact] that 

the people of Hancock County willingly allowed over 40 percent of the land 

area of [their] county to become a federal installation. In return, the federal 

government assured the people of Hancock County and Mississippi that the 

facility would be used." For all of the high-ranking NASA, Army, and Navy 

officials present, Stennis, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, reemphasized his Logtown promises when he said: "As long as I have 

anything to do with it, that promise of the federal government can and will 

be met!" 12 

10. "John C. Stennis Space Center."' Lagniappe, 20 May 1986, SSCHRC. See chapters 9 and 10 of !his book for 

a good discussion of !he Navy's relocation from Suitland, Maryland, to !he NSTL. 

11. "Salute to Senator Stennis," The Sea Coast Echo, 30Aprill995. 

12. "Army Welcomed to NSTL Facility," Lagniappe, 23 January 1978, SSCHRC; "Watch for Speculators," Rural 

Electric News, December 1961. 

296 
Hlass hosted Stennis and Lott several times during the next few years at 

events recognizing the installation's progress, but probably none was more 

rewarding than Stennis's visit on 19 October 1978. During the visit, the 

Senator was ushered into the Space Shuttle Test Control Center (TCC) for the 

last few minutes of an SSME static firing countdown. Stennis talked freely 

with engineers and technicians who were not busy with the critical work of 

the countdown. With a serious expression on his face, Stennis listened 

intently to a briefing conducted by Space Shuttle Resident Manager Bob Bush 

and Rocketdyne Test Operations Manager Bill Costas. At T-6 minutes, Bush 

and Costas escorted Stennis up a steel staircase to the top of the blockhouse 

to view the firing. During the 100-second run, Stennis stared in awe as the 

powerful engine roared, pumping huge staccato puffs of steam into the south 

Mississippi sky. When the firing ended with its closing "whump," Stennis dispensed with his usual senatorial decorum and surprised the NASA and 

Rocketdyne personnel by clapping his hands and actually dancing a little softshoe "jig."14 

Still on an emotional high, Stennis observed, "the facility is back in business as far as the space program is concerned and has taken on the role of 

serving as a home for the military services and others," The glowing Stennis 

also commented, "there is a foundation here from which NASA programs and 

other agency programs can grow." 15 

Stennis then paused to pay Jerry Hlass a well-earned compliment and offer 

a strong vote of confidence that Hlass and his re-invigorated NASA team 

were on the right track. "I am greatly impressed with Jerry Hlass's management of the installation and the talents and spirits of the people [here] are truly 

13. "Army Welcomed ... " Lagniappe. 

14. "Stennis Pleased with NSTL Progress," Lagniappe, 23 January 1978, SSCHRC. 

15. Ibid. 

297 
the Nat

Laborat

Griggs, 

Rocketd

"Bob" B

great," Stennis praised in his expansive mood. Again 

support of the southwest Mississippi facility by simply s

"will continue to have my solid support." 16 

On another visit on 5 April 1981, Stennis returne

express purpose of showing Secretary of the Navy John 

Navy elements that relocated and consolidated at the Han

that time, a combined total of more than 1 ,250 people 

members of either the Commander's staff, Naval Ocea

staff, Naval Oceanographic Office, and the Naval O

Development Activity. The entire population of the site 

3,400-a far cry from a previous low of about 900 in the 

his visit, Stennis stated that budget cuts propose

Administration would have little effect on the work at th

are doing here is too important," the confident Stennis re

The brisk activity at the NSTL represented the kind 

ductivity that the Senator originally envisioned for 

returned triumphantly on 31 March 1983 to dedicate th

16. Ibid. 

17. Douglas Nanney, "Stennis, Navy Secretary Tour NSTL," Picayune (MS) Item 

Picayune Item), 5 April 1981; "Stennis, Navy Secretary, Visits Site," Lagnia

298 
yg pp

, , gg

Although Jerry Hlass had come to know Senator Stennis during the Apollo 

days when Hlass (at NASA Headquarters) provided Stennis's office with 

progress reports of the ongoing construction, the two men came to know and 

respect each other even more during the 1980s. Stennis knew the NSTL was 

in good hands with Hlass. Hlass, on the other hand, knew his work was appreciated and the NSTL had support from one of the most influential members 

of the Congress, a situation that was good for the facility, and also for the 

Agency in general. As a result, NASA leaders often called upon Hlass to 

intercede with the Senator for help on space projects that actually had very 

little to do with the NSTL. 19 

ANew Look For The NSTL 

The transformation of the NSTL during the Hlass years pleased many 

people. The NSTL employees, members of the local communities, and NASA 

Headquarters officials all found the "renasafication" of the site to their liking. 

For the first time, site employees began receiving recognition for their work, 

and nearby communities began to reap additional rewards from years of supporting the installation. Students in southern Mississippi and Louisiana were 

being treated to educational benefits by NASA giving them a "leg up" on children in other parts of the country. The decade of the 1980s was truly a time 

of growth and prosperity for Jerry Hlass and his NSTL team. 20 

18. "Army Plant Dedicated," Lagniappe, 17 Apri11983, SSCHRC . 

. 19. Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996; "Salute to Senator Stennis," 

The Sea Coast Echo, 30 Aprill995. 

20. Mack Herring, "For NSTL. .. The Best of Times," Lagniappe, 25 January 1980, SSCHRC; "Lovelace 

Forecasts Positive Future for NASA, NSTL," Lagniappe, 25 January 1980, SSCHRC. 

299 
y p, pyy 

their managers for any special recognitions. 21 

The awards were given for contributions by NSTL employees to many 

diverse endeavors, e.g., Space Shuttle program; joint United States-Mexican 

program to control illicit drugs through application of remote sensing technology; Regional Applications Program (RAP); use of vascular aquatic plants for 

waste treatment; and development of specialized software for processing 

imagery data. Hlass was presented the first of two executive awards signed by 

the President. Dr. Robert A. Frosch, NASA Administrator, presented Hlass 

with the "President's Rank of Meritorious Executive" at ceremonies at NASA 

Headquarters on 10 September 1980. Hlass, on receipt of the award, said his 

accomplishments would not have been possible without the support of the 

"NSTL team."22 

Members of the NSTL family were not the only people who benefitted 

from the new-found prosperity. In 1981, the total community economic 

impact of the NSTL in a 50-mile radius from the site reached approximately 

$150 million per year. The NSTL employees contributed more than $100,000 

to Gulf Coast charities in 1981, a figure that continued to rise each year with 

the growth of the facility. 23 

A Picayune ( MS) Item editorial noted that during the booming years of the 

1980s, the NSTL and the city of Picayune came together to form a "good marriage," one that was naturally beneficial. The newspaper projected an even 

brighter future. The 1980 editorial represented the positive attitude in nearby 

21. "NASA Employees Recognized for Outstanding Achievements," Lagniappe, 25 September 1980, SSCHRC; 

Lisa Monti, NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL Conducts Annual Awards Ceremony," 25 October 1984, 

SSCHRC; Lisa Monti, NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL Employees Receive Major Awards," 22 

October 1985, SSCHRC; NASA-NSTL News Release, 10 September 1980, SSCHRC. 

22. "Presidential Award Presented To Hlass," Lagniappe, 25 September 1980, SSCHRC. 

23. "Installation Hosts Tourism Committee," Lagniappe, 17 August 1981, SSCHRC. 

300 
Jerry Hlass must receive much of the credit for the positive response the 

facility received during this period, primarily because of his "good will" 

policy. Hlass extended his good will policy into the public arena by supporting education, youth, and visitor information programs. He assisted Mack 

Herring, public affairs officer, in starting a sitewide newsletter for the employees. The Lagniappe was first issued in November 1977 and quickly became 

one of the better newsletters in the entire NASA family. Area media representatives also enjoyed the Lagniappe because it helped them to keep up with the 

news at the NSTL. 26 

In 1979, Hlass supported a modest, educational outreach program that provided an aerospace education lecturer for elementary and secondary schools 

in the Gulf Coast area. This program was expanded with the addition of an 

aerospace lecturer and a "rolling store" teacher resource vehicle, which traveled throughout Mississippi dispensing space-oriented materials for teachers 

to use in their classrooms. The rolling store was a converted milk truck, and 

although slow, it was effective with its wide body and walk-in rear door. 27 

The NSTL had operated a public visitors program since 1965, but lacked the 

personnel and resources to attract and accommodate large numbers of people. 

In 1966, von Braun turned the Central Control Building into a colorful museum. 

He sent his best designers and artists from Huntsville to give the lobby, 90-foot 

24. Ed Darling, editorial, "NSTL-Picayune: A Good Marriage," Picayune Item, 29 Aprill980. 

25. "Lott Praises NSTL," Picayune Item, 2 May 1982; "Representative Lott Praises NSTL, Pledges Continued 

Support," Lagniappe, 19 April 1982, SSCHRC. 

26. NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL, Charles B. Murphy School Conduct Cooperative Education Program," 

I February 1984, SSCHRC; Lagniappe, II November 1977 (first issue), SSCHRC. The Lagniappe was the 

first sitewide newsletter published at the NSTL. 

27. "NASA Establishes Education Outreach Program," The Sea Coast Echo, 16 April1979; NASA-NSTL News 

Release, "NSTL to Host Regional Mathcounts Competition," 13 February 1984, SSCHRC; NASA-NSTL 

News Release, "Teachers Workshop," 7 July 1980, SSCHRC. 

301 
Visitors Center. This was a direct result of the Agency's desire to showcase 

NASA programs, and rightly so, as NASA officials expected many World's 

Fair visitors to stop at the Mississippi facility on their way to New Orleans?0 

Hlass called in favors from friends at Headquarters and Kennedy Space 

Center (KSC) in Florida to obtain funding for the project. Most of the moneyto renovate Building 1200, enlarge the museum, and develop a thematic exhibit 

portraying space program history and NSTL activities--came from the profits 

of KSC's Visitors Center. The Johnson Space Center (JSC) helped by furnishing contractor exhibit specialists and artwork through a cooperative ventureY 

The NSTL Visitors Center, with a theme of "Space-Oceans-Earth," was 

opened one day before the grand opening of the New Orleans World's Fair on 

May 12, 1984. Mississippi Congressman Trent Lott was principal speaker, 

and Astronaut Terry Hart, who had just repaired a satellite in space, joined the 

NSTL employees at the dedication. Highly successful, 175,000 people called 

on the Visitors Center the first year, with numbers eventually leveling off to 

about 100,000 people per year. 32 

In 1985, in answer to President Ronald Reagan's (1911- ) "Operation 

Liftoff' call to help America's young people learn more about science and 

math, Teacher Resource Centers were established at all NASA field centers 

and installations. Hlass organized another interdisciplinary team and built one 

28. NASA-NSTL News Release, "Expanded Visitors Center Program Available at NSTL," 14 November 1980, 

SSCHRC; NASA-NSTL News Release, "NASA-NSTL Visitors Center Enhancement Progresses," 24 

January 1984, SSCHRC. 

29. Hlass, interview. 

30. Ibid.; "Chamber Group Plans for '84 World's Fair," Lagniappe, 18 Aprill982, SSCHRC. 

31. Ibid. 

32. Hlass, interview; Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL to Dedicate Visitors Center," 4 May 1984, 

SSCHRC; Edith Bierhorst Back, "NSTL Visitors Center is Dedicated," The Mississippi Gulf Coast Sun/Daily 

Herald, 12 May 1984; '"Good Times Roll' as Fair Gates Open," The Times-Picayune, 13 May 1984. 

302 
, y gj

experience. A NASA mentor was assigned to assist each student. Curtis 

Graves, director of Education Programs at NASA Headquarters, commented, 

after the first apprenticeship program was successfully completed, that the 

NSTL had the "best coordinated and conducted program" in all of NASA.33 

In addition to the apprenticeship program, the NSTL organized one of the 

largest Explorer Scout Posts in the nation, with a charter membership of 67 

youths from nearby communities. Called "Space-Oceans-Earth," the Scout 

Post offered young people leadership learning activities in several disciplines 

represented by the federal and state agencies in residence at the NSTL. 34 

Selecting Future Leaders 

The youth and education initiatives fostered by Jerry Hlass sowed the 

seeds for development of potential future leaders for the space program and 

the nation. The first major management change occurred when Henry Auter, 

often referred to as the NSTL's "gentle giant," retired in February 1980. 

Auter, who was associated with the installation since its 1961 inception when 

he helped to plan and build it, was appointed deputy manager in 1963. He 

went on to serve in that capacity under Captain William Fortune, Jackson 

Balch, and Jerry Hlass.35 

33. Lisa Monti, NASA-NSTL News Release, "NASA to Dedicate Teacher Resource Center," 25 June 1985, 

SSCHRC; "Dedication Ceremonies Held For Teacher Resource Center," Lagniappe, 19 July 1985, 

SSCHRC; Mack Herring, personal notes, master of ceremonies, Teachers Resource Center Dedication, circa 

June 1985; NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL Summer Research Program," 12 June 1980, SSCHRC. 

34. "Space-Oceans-Earth Post Receives Charter from Pine Burr Council," Lagniappe, 17 August 1981, SSCHRC. 

35. Jerry Hlass to NASA Deputy Administrator, "Incentive Award to Deputy Manager (Auter)," 19 February 1980, 

SSCHRC; "Auter Retires at NSTL," Picayune Item, 29 February 1980; "Henry Auter: A Quiet Giant," 

Lagniappe, 26 February 1980, SSCHRC; Christine Uthoff, "Profile: Quiet Giant Achieves the Great as 

Though the Task Were Simple," Picayune Item, 28 Aprill985. 

303 
Roy Estess, one of the candidates that Hlass was considering, presented a 

most impressive resume, which included a long history at the NSTL that 

began in February 1966. During the Saturn V acceptance test program, Estess 

was a key member of the S-II static-firing test team. Estess subsequently 

directed the advanced planning effort for SSME testing. 37 

As an assistant to former site manager Jackson Balch, Estess was one of 

the "marketeers" who had scouted the technical community for space- and 

environmental-oriented agencies to locate at the site in the early 1970s. Balch 

confided to his associates that Estess was his "number one man" in the 

recruiting endeavor. With Estess's knowledge of the onsite agencies and their 

activities, he had become head of the Applications Engineering (AE) Office. 

Hlass recognized that in an AE technical management position, Estess would 

work closely with federal and state managers involved in the application of 

remote sensing and technology transfer activities. In 1977, Estess was named 

a division manager in the NSTL ERL. Estess and his employees of the very 

visible and popular Regional Applications Program (RAP) were charged with 

assisting 17 Sun Belt states in transferring Landsat technology to help in management of a number of programs, including land use and agriculture.38 

Hlass, a firm believer in the attributes of a quality formal education, knew 

Estess had a bachelor of science in Aerospace Engineering from Mississippi 

State University. Active in his alma mater's affairs, he also held membership 

on the Advisory Committee to the College of Engineering at the university. 

36. Hlass, interview; Roy Estess, interview by Henry C. Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, University 

of Southern Mississippi, vol. 444, 18 June 1991, p. 21, SSCHRC. 

37. Ibid. pp. 7-9; Jerry Hlass to Executive Secretary, Incentive Awards Board, NASA Headquarters, "Nomination 

of Roy S. Estess for NASA Exceptional Service Medal," 5 May 1981; James M. Beggs to Jerry Hlass, 

"Estess to Receive Exceptional Service Medal," 27 August 1981, SSCHRC. 

38. Estess, interview by Dethloff, p. 10; "Roy Estess Named NSTL Deputy Director, Lagniappe, 25 September 

1980, SSCHRC. 

304 
, 

the Year in 1974 for his contributions to the community. At the time of the selection, he had been a scoutmaster for 12 years and was on the Executive Council 

of the Pine Burr Council of Boy Scouts, covering the south Mississippi area.40 

Based on Estess's experience, education, and personal credentials, Hlass 

selected him as his deputy, effective 29 August 1980. Hlass was most 

impressed by Estess's ability to communicate with people at all levels, a point 

evident in his management of the ERL's RAP, where Estess was in contact 

with state officials, university scholars, and politicians. Indeed, Hlass's choice 

of Estess as his deputy was an important decision affecting long-range plans 

for the installation and, ultimately, the history of the center. After serving over 

eight years as deputy director, Estess became director of the John C. Stennis 

Space Center in January 1989.41 

Hlass made another appointment that had far-reaching effects on the installation when he asked Harry Guinto join the director's staff as assistant for Program 

Planning and Development. Guin moved his office to the onsite Rouchon House, 

1 May 1983, and began assisting Hlass in searching for new programs. 

Essentially, Guin became a one-man future projects office, a position utilizing 

upwards of 25 scientists, engineers, and planners at other NASA centers.42 

39. Ibid. 

40. Roy Estess, interview by Mack Hening and Myron Webb, audio tapes, SSC, MS, 7 July 1995, SSCHRC. 

41. Hlass, interview; State of Mississippi, House Concurrent Resolution No. 128, "A Concurrent Resolution 

Commending and Congratulating Roy. S. Estess, Director of the John C. Stennis Space Center," 27 March 

1996; Roy Estess, interview by Mack Hening and Myron Webb, notes and audio tapes, SSC, MS, 24 April 

1996, SSCHRC; Gerald Smith, telephone interview by Mack Herring, Atlanta, GA, 18 April 1996; Mack 

Hening, NASA-NSTL News Release, "Estess Appointed NSTL Deputy Manager," 29 August 1980, 

SSCHRC; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Hening, Long Beach, MS, 4 April 1996. 

42. "Guin Named to Director's Staff," Lagniappe, 5 May 1983, SSCHRC; "Harry Guin Receives New 

Appointment," Lagniappe, 21 August 1986; Harry Guin Biography, SSCHRC. The author enjoyed a close 

relationship with Mr. Harry Guin, first meeting him in the summer of 1963. During the many years we 

worked together on many projects, such as the establishment of the Visitors Center in 1983-84 and the dedication of the Stennis Space Center in 1988. 

305 
USvy , 

Aerospace Plane, the NASA Commercial Programs Office, and the Space 

Station. With continued support and encouragement from Hlass, Guin was 

instrumental in helping the NSTL gain work in all of these major programs. 

Guin's dogged persistence and belief that the NSTL should seek its future 

where it began-as the nation's premier center for propulsion testing-paid 

off years later. Sadly, Guin lost his life in an automobile accident in 1993.44 

The Earth Resources Laboratory: 

Studying The Earth From Space 

By 1980 when Jerry Hlass selected Estess as his deputy and Guin as his 

future projects manager, the NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory (ERL) was 

completing its first decade conducting research investigations to demonstrate 

applications of remote sensing techniques. Using data generated by satellites, 

aircraft, and human-operated spacecraft, the "Lab" had been extraordinarily 

successful in learning how to utilize specialized information for practical use 

here on Earth. Perhaps, even more importantly, the Lab scientists and technicians became masters at teaching others how to utilize remote sensing 

technology in a wide variety of areas, such as agriculture planning, resources 

management, and environmental monitoring.45 

The ERL moved from the NSTL to the Slidell Computer Center (later 

known as the Slidell Computer Complex) early in 1976 to make way for the 

43. Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, 27 February 1996; Pat Mooney, interview by Mack Herring, Slidell, LA, 

30 March 1996. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Thomas 0. Paine to John C. Stennis, 1 June 1970, NASA Historical Reference Collection (henceforth referred 

to as the NHRC), Washington, DC; NASA-MSFC News Release, "Establishment of Earth Resources 

306 
personnel with Lockheed Management Services Company were associated 

with the ERL. During its organizational life, the Lab's workforce ranged from 

25 to 50 civil servants and 80 to 175 Lockheed support personnel.46 

The ERL's first director was Robert 0. Piland, a respected member of Dr. 

Robert Gilruth's science staff at the NASA Manned Spacecraft Center (JSC), 

Houston, Texas. Piland organized the ERL at Houston and established it 

physically at the NSTL in 1970 as a component of the JSC-at the insistence 

of Senators Stennis and Ellender. D.W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, a member of 

the Saturn V test team at the MTF and a key member of Jackson Balch's staff, 

was named ERL's first deputy director. Mooneyhan succeeded Piland as 

director in 1973, when the latter returned to Houston.47 

Like Estess, Mooneyhan was instrumental in helping Balch develop his 

strategy for bringing in new business and new agencies when the Apollo program began to wane. In fact, Mooneyhan, who worked side-by-side with 

Estess during the S-II rocket testing, was preparing the Space Shuttle Main 

Engine (SSME) proposal when he was selected as deputy to Piland for the 

new ERL in 1970. Mooneyhan approached the ERL deputy director position 

Laboratory," 9 September 1970, SSCHRC; "Earth Resources Program Due for State Facility" Vicksburg, 

Mississippi Evening Post, 9 September 1970; Paul D. Lowman, Jr., "The Earth from Orbit," National 

Geographic, Washington, DC, November 1966, pp. 645-670; NASA-NSTL Office of Applications 

Engineering, "National Space Technology Laboratories, capability document, November 1975, pp. 46-47, 

SSCHRC; NASA-NSTL, "NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory Developing Technology Through Research," 

brochure, ud., Washington, DC, pp. 1-2, NHRC. 

46. "ERL Moving from NSTL to Slidell Facility," The Times-Picayune, 24 January 1976; Maria Watson, "NASA 

Begins Relocation of Earth Resources Lab," The Daily Herald, 20 January 1970; NASA-NSTL, briefing, 

"Relocation of NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory from Slidell Computer Complex To NSTL," 2 May 1979, 

SSCHRC; D.W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 5-6 April, 1996. 

47. Gil Webre, "MTF's Role in the 70s: "Space Technology," The Times-Picayune, 8 July 1973; Activities 

Briefing, "Earth Resources Laboratory," Mississippi Test Facility (MTF), 31 March 1972, SSCHRC; 

Organization Chart, Earth Resources Laboratory (ERL), MTF, 1972, SSCHRC; Dr. C.C. Kraft, "Manned 

Spacecraft Center, Earth Resources Laboratory Charter," circa 1972, SSCHRC; Kenneth D. "Ken" Cashion, 

interview by Charles Bolton, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 

466, 18 August 1993, pp. 6-10, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview. 

307 
program at the MTF to show good faith, Piland and Gilruth came to the site 

at the direction of NASA Headquarters. Mooneyhan spent two days working 

with the JSC executives and the result was the framework for the early ERL.49 

Basically, the Lab was designed to be compatible with the environmental 

agencies planned for the MTF and to be responsive to the needs of the user 

community in the Gulf South. Because of internal NASA "territorial disputes," the jurisdiction on paper limited the ERL facilities to research 

investigations in Mississippi and Louisiana. 50 

Surrounding Mississippi was the JSC territory in Texas, and the Marshall 

Space Flight Center (MSFC) territory in Alabama and Tennessee. The KSC 

territory was in nearby Florida. The ERL quickly and quietly extended its 

boundaries into other states, and eventually expanded until it was literally 

performing its mission on a global scale, with the United Nations as one of its 

customers. The extent of the ERL's reach was exemplified when Mooneyhan 

was invited to present a paper in 1979 on "Improvement of Selected Satellite 

Applications Through the Use of Microwave Data," at the Congress of the 

International Astronautical Federation in Munich, Germany. Every nation in 

the world was represented at the gathering. Obviously, the ERL had grown 

from its modest, regional status into an organization of national and international prominence.51 

Nevertheless, the Lab's simple organizational structure allowed it to easily 

expand as technology developed and the user community demands grew. The 

48. Kraft, "Manned Spacecraft Center"; Estess, interview by Dethloff, pp. 5-6; Mooneyhan, interview. 

49. Mooneyhan, interview 

50. Ibid. During interview with author, Mooneyhan alluded to NASA's traditional management scheme in place 

when the ERL was established. According to NASA's scheme, !he U.S. was divided into "territories" and 

!he territories were assigned to the various field centers. Mooneyhan said !he ERL did not pay much attention to the foolish territorial chart and eventually operated "worldwide." 

51. Mooneyhan, interview; Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL News Release, "Mooneyhan Attends International 

Congress," 9 November 1979, SSCHRC. 

308 
added mobility of a Lear Jet. The Lab

s testbeds for research and markets for 

applications of space and airborne technology were virtually unlimitedbound only by the imagination of Mooneyhan and his researchers. 3 5

The Laboratory personnel's pioneering technology led them to study the 

rain forest in South America; help inventory vast lands of the Navajo Indians 

in New Mexico; study plant life in the Olympic National Park in Washington; 

catalog wheat fields in Kansas; and even explore archaeological sites in 

search of ancient civilizations in Peruvian jungles. 4 5

As the Lab's reputation flourished, it was called for immediate assistance 

when hurricanes struck Florida and the Gulf Coast; tornadoes touched down 

in Mississippi and Alabama; forest fires raged in northern California, and 

mosquitoes invaded villages in Kenya. One of the most effective programs 

was helping stem the flow of illicit drugs into our country by identifying 

growth areas of certain plants in Mexico. In a joint United States/Mexican 

government program, Curb Illegal Narcotics (CIN), Lab personnel concluded 

that their studies showed a drastic reduction in the amounts of dangerous 

Mexican drugs available for smuggling into the U.S. Veteran ERL scientists 

52. ERL Organization Chart, 1972, SSCHRC. 

53. "Landsat in Excellent Condition, NSTL Contributions Significant," Lagniappe, 18 August 1982, SSCHRC; 

NASA-NSTL News Release, "NSTL Jet Assists Firefighters in Northern California Forests," 21 September 

1987, SSCHRC; Cashion, interview by Bolton, pp. 15-16; "NSTL Experts Conduct Training for Nation's 

Top Archaeologists," Lagniappe, 21 September 1987, SSCHRC; "Landsat Successfully Launched," 

Lagniappe, 19 March 1984, SSCHRC. 

54. "Laboratory Hosts World Landsat Group," Lagniappe, 18 May 1979, SSCHRC; Dr. Armond Joyce, telephone 

interview by Virginia A. Butler, SSC, MS, 22 March 1996; Dr. Armond Joyce, interview by Mack Herring, 

SSC, MS, 25 March 1996; "ERL's Bill Cibulla Bridges the Gap in Sciences," Lagniappe, 21 September 

1987, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview; Joyce, interview by Herring; P.K. "Pat" Conner, interview by 

Mack Herring, Petal, MS, 4 April 1996; Dianne Johnson, University of Colorado, and Mack Herring, 

NASA-NSTL, News Release, "NASA, University Of Colorado, Boulder, Team Up for Study of Peruvian 

Andes," 17 April 1985, SSCHRC; Leon Perry, NASA Headquarters and Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL, 

News Release, "NASA Technology Uncovers Possible Ancient Civilization," 29 November 1985, 

SSCHRC; Myron Webb, NASA-SSC News Release, "NASA Archaeologist Tom Sever Receives Major 

Award," 16 May 1990, SSCHRC. 

309 
ing technology to state and local government agencies involved in resource 

management. The NSTL program incorporated the 17 "Sun Belt" states. 6 5

Indeed, the ERL was "outside" its originally assigned territory, operating 

in the backyards of not only the MSFC, but the JSC and the KSC as well. The 

assignment was gerrymandered to give the ERL the midwestern states to 

assist in the project. The expertise the Lab demonstrated in its first seven 

years of operation was proof for Headquarters that the ERL could successfully complete its assigned tasks.57 

With Roy Estess as ERL RAP manager, the program was tailor-made for 

ERL scientists and researchers to apply technology in many areas of interest 

to state governments. Mooneyhan stated that Estess "worries about people" 

and that, as the RAP manager, he was very effective in communicating with 

the state officials and people at all levels of the political hierarchy. Estess said 

the success of RAP was enhanced by the involvement and personal support of 

Wayne Mooneyhan-ERL director. The staff's level of commitment to excellence was evident and within one year every Sun Belt state was contacted and 

began learning how to use the data from space. 58 

The RAP projects included automatic computer classification of Landsat 

data of a land area selected by a state as an information source for important 

resource management decisions. The program also provided hands-on train55. Joyce, interview by Herring; Conner, interview; "NASA-Navajo Enter Agreement," Lagniappe, 11 November 

1977, SSCHRC; "Navajo Project in Second Phase Using Landsat Satellite Data," Lagniappe, 15 March 

1979, SSCHRC; Conner, interview. 

56. NASA-NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory, "Proposed Plan to Accomplish the Regional Applications Program 

Assignment to ERLand to Realign ERL with NSTL Organizationally," 1 March 1977, SSCHRC; "Regional 

Applications Program Transfers Technology to States," Lagniappe, 13 February 1981, SSCHRC; Conner, 

interview; Mooneyhan, interview; "Regional Symposium Provides 'Open Forum' for Data Users," 

Lagniappe, 21 November 1979, SSCHRC; Joyce, interview by Herring; Estess, interview by Dethloff, p. 20. 

57. NASA-NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory," Proposed Plan ... " 1 March 1970; Mooneyhan, interview. 

58. "Regional Applications Program Transfers Technology to States," Lagniappe, 13 February 1981, SSCHRC; 

Mooneyhan, interview. 

310 
researchers working with her and the state officials and technical personnel 

with whom she dealt. She is remembered today for her effective contributions 

at the NSTL and later at NASA Headquarters.60 

The ERL research and remote sensing applications endeavors were not limited to projects requiring formal arrangements, such as RAP. The Lab scientists 

found the development of computer technology and specialized sensors could 

be applied to more human uses-as medical diagnostic tools and as inventions 

to assist low-vision persons to "see," even if classified legally blind.6' 

Many scientists and researchers were responsible for ERL's pioneering 

developments in remote sensing and applications, some of whom worked for 

Lockheed. The Lab's scientists and researchers were very effective because 

Mooneyhan encouraged them to pursue their ideas and utilize their own special talents in a nonrestrictive atmosphere, much like the early days of the 

famous Bell Labs when so many noted inventions came from the scientists 

associated with that famous institution.62 

Dr. Armond Joyce came to the ERL with a specialty in environmental science and forestry, a combination in great demand in the early days of the Lab. 

Joyce additionally had used remote sensing when researching both his 

master's thesis and his Ph.D. dissertation. He came to the ERL with four 

59. Landsat Demonstration Project Completed in South Carolina," Lagniappe, 19 March 1981, SSCHRC; "Faculty 

Members Are Students in Remote Sensing Classes," Lagniappe, 23 May 1980, SSCHRC; Conner, interview. 

60. "NASA Navajo Enter Agreement," 11 November 1977; "Navajo Project in Second Phase Using Landsat 

Satellite Data," Lagniappe, 15 March 1979, SSCHRC; Conner, interview; Patricia Penton, interview by 

Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 4 April 1996. 

61. "NSTL Uses Satellite Technology for Analyzing the Human Body," Lagniappe, 20 June 1985, SSCHRC; 

Mack Herring, NASA-NSTL News Release, "NASA, Johns Hopkins Use Space Technology to Improve 

Sight," 28 April 1988, SSCHRC; Barbara Selby and Myron Webb, NASA-News Release, "NASA, Johns 

Hopkins Unveil System to Help Visually Impaired," 13 May 1992, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview; 

Joyce, interview by Herring; Robert V. Bruce, Alexander Graham Bell and the Conquest of Solitude 

(Boston: Little Brown And Company 1973), pp. 375-378. 

62. Joyce, interview by Herring; Joyce, interview by Butler; Dr. Joyce Assists Honduras Officials," Lagniappe, 

21 April 1978, SSCHRC. 

311 
, yd 

1971 while involved in environmental work in the Panama Canal Zone. The 

newspaper article said the work of the newly organized ERL would be "international" in scope. Joyce was to discover, however, after talking with Piland 

that the concept for the Lab had changed. According to Piland, after the article was written, it was decided that the Lab would at first be "regional," but 

the ERL's work would become international because "satellites look at the 

whole world." Piland's prediction proved to be true.64 

S.L. "Sid" Whitley, another researcher, worked as a project mathematician, 

evaluating the performances of guided-missile systems and space probes. 

Earlier in his career, Whitley was responsible for testing parachutes used in the 

Project Mercury human spaceflight program. Whitley, who previously worked 

at the JSC, was one of the early scientists transferred to the Lab in 1971. He 

served as chief of the Data Acquisition and Management group in the early 

ERL organization and later became deputy director of the laboratory.65 

As an ERL physicist and botanist, Dr. W.G. "Bill" Cibula gained recognition with his research in mycology, the study of fungi, and ecology. Noted for 

his contributions to the Olympic National Park study, which Mooneyhan 

called a space "benchmark" for remote sensing, Cibula enjoyed the challenge 

of "taking a piece of information and determining its usefulness." Like Joyce 

and Whitley, Cibula traced his attachment to the Lab back to 1971.66 

63. Joyce, interview by Butler. 

64. Ibid. 

65. David Jones, "Sid Whitley-Working with Landsat, Systems Development," Lagniappe, 22 August 1980, 

SSCHRC; "Major Agency Awards Presented to NASA's Whitley, Wolverton," Lagniappe, 17 December 

1979, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview; Conner, interview; "Peten" Encyclopedia Americana vol. 18 

(Danbury, Conn.: Grolier, IN, 1994), p. 540. 

66. "ERL's Bill Cibula Bridges the Gap in Science," Lagniappe, 21 September 1987, SSCHRC; Bill Cibula, biography, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview. 

312 
civilization existed in the subtropical Peruvian jungles prior to that of the 

Incas. Sever's work was recognized by the University of Colorado, where he 

received the prestigious Morris Award, and by the National Geographic 

Society, which has included his work in its studies and even funded his 

research into the fascinating Mayan civilization.68 

One creative ERL scientist used ERL technology in a cooperative effort 

with John Hopkins Wilmer Eye Institute in Baltimore, Maryland. Dr. Douglas 

Rickman managed a project, using technology developed for computer processing of satellite images, that culminated in improving visual capability of 

low-vision patients by enhancing and altering images to compensate for their 

impaired eyesight. 69 

In another project, Rickman teamed with researcher Jim Anderson to 

develop image-enhancement techniques that advanced the diagnostic tools 

of Nuclear Magnetic Resonance scans. This project was a partnership 

between NASA's ERL and the Washington University Medical Center in 

St. Louis, Missouri.70 

Jerry Flanagan, ERL researcher, grew up in Louisiana where he spent his 

free time and spare money launching model rockets. With NASA, he became 

one of the first engineers to take part in an aircraft remote sensing technology 

program. Flanagan previously worked at the JSC on a variety of experimental packages flown on the Space Shuttle. He transferred to the NSTL in 1976 

and began directing ERL data-acquisition activities, including building 

67. Thomas L. Sever, "Curriculum Vitae," 1996; Memorandum for the Record, "T. Sever, Trip Report-March 

11-22, 1991, Guatemala," 9 April 1991. 

68. Ibid. 

69. Shelby, Webb, News Release, "NASA, Johns Hopkins ... "; Herring, Johnson, News Release, "NASA, 

University Colorado Team Up ... "; "NSTL Uses Space Technology to Assist Low-Vision Patients," 

Lagniappe, 20 May 1988, SSCHRC. 

70. Ibid. 

313 
and, literally, around the world. But wherever they tra

took along a special computer-software package that m

"heart" of the Lab which was developed by Ronnie Pear

remembered by ERL personnel.73 

Alabama n

mathemati

Technology 

Earth Reso

signed mos

Laboratory 

(ELAS), t

ware packa

An unorthodox computer genius, Pearson took bits and 

research from the Lab's early days and developed 

Laboratory Applications Software (ELAS) package that b

71. David Jones, "NASA's Jerry Flanagan-' Sensing' Opportunities," Lagniappe

Mooneyhan, interview. 

72. "Goals Set and Efforts Put Forth Accomplish Much for Billie Edwards

SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb

73. "As Mathematician Stereotype Pearson Does Not Compute," Lagniapp

Mooneyhan, interview. 

314 
still the basic package used by United Nations' experts everywhere.75 

The influence of the Lab and its scientists and researchers will be felt for 

many years to come. A shift at NASA Headquarters, in the early and mid1980s, from an emphasis on technology applications to "pure science," 

caused a funding drain that almost extinguished the once vibrant Lab.76 

Mooneyhan left in 1985 to become director of the United Nations' Global 

Information Resources Data Base in Geneva, Switzerland. His long-time 

friend and colleague, Roy Estess, was assigned by Hlass to serve as interim 

ERL director. Evidence of the Lab's research is still prevalent wherever 

people study Earth from the vantage point of space, whether in the public or 

private sector, and in military use for the defense of our country.77 

A Blooming Science 

In the shadows of the giant rocket test stands and just a shout away from 

the humming computers displaying images from space, a down-to-earth 

science emerged at the NSTL from what appeared to be a common lily pond

Dr. B.C. "Billy" Wolverton and Rebecca C. "Becky" McDonald began thei

Vascular Aquatic Plant program with the beautiful but dreaded, wate

hyacinth plant. Wolverton and McDonald converted the pesky, nuisance plan

into a useful natural resource. 78 

74. Cashion, interview by Bolton, pp. 9-10. 

75. "NSTL to Host ELAS User Group," Lagniappe, 20 September 1984, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview. 

76. "Dr. Anthony Calio Visits Installation," Lagniappe, 25 July 1980, SSCHRC; "NASA Employees Recognize

for Outstanding Achievements," Lagniappe, 25 September 1980, SSCHRC; Mooneyhan, interview. 

77. Conner, interview; Mooneyhan, interview. 

78. Keith Skantz, "Earth Resources Lab Work Helps Farmers, Fisherman," Picayune Item, 25 February 1979; Gi

Webre, "Water Hyacinth: A Disposal Plant," The Times-Picayune, 2 March 1975. 

315 
private entities paid large sums of money trying to eradicate the plants. Through 

the plant program, however, the hyacinth became useful as a natural resource, 

cleaning domestic and laboratory waste water with its large root system resembling octopus tentacles. Wolverton and McDonald used the plants, which 

produce beautiful lavender blossoms, to clean all waste generated at the NSTL, 

including laboratory waste containing chemicals and heavy metals.79 

In the final analysis, the plant program saved the government more than 

$1 million up front, and millions more for operations and maintenance will be 

saved over the years. Wolverton gained worldwide recognition for the 

Vascular Aquatic Plant program. Newsmen from Germany, England, Japan, 

and many other countries visited the NSTL in order to obtain the plant program story for their viewers. Wolverton and the aquatic plant program were 

also featured on major American television networks, such as NBC and CNN. 

In addition, Wolverton assisted with designing and installing similar waste 

treatment systems in Coral Springs and Disney World, Florida; in Hercules 

and San Diego, California; and Rio Hondo, Texas.80 

Before his career with ERL ended, Wolverton was inducted into the U.S. 

Space Foundation Hall of Fame. Billy Wolverton and Rebecca "Becky" 

McDonald received many other awards and recognitions for their simple 

"blooming science," and they are continuing their work in separate endeavors 

for NASA and private industry.81 

79./bid. 

80. "Research Turns Water Hyacinth from Nuisance to Natural Resource,"' Lagniappe, 15 June 1979, SSCHRC. 

81. Dr. B.C. "Bill" Wolverton, interview by Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, vol. 421, 1993, 30 October 1992, pp. 5-10, SSCHRC; Mack Herring, NASA-NSTI 

News Release, "New Hybrid Wastewater Treatment System," 6 July 1981, SSCHRC; "NASA Employees 

Recognized During NSTLAwards Ceremony," Lagniappe, 18 April1983, SSCHRC; Wolverton, interview 

by Patterson, 13; Wolverton, interview by Herring, Picayune, MS, 12 April 1996. The Billy Wolverton story 

goes on. He now works as a consultant operating out of his home, which is specially designed as an envi316 
pppqy , 

strong and effective SSME support role, complete with independent and adequate Headquarters' funding. The Hlass team provided relocation and settling 

of the Navy's oceanographic programs, with its approximately 1,400 personnel. The NSTL also gained an internationally recognized ERL program, and 

the NASA organization evolved into an effective, high-morale, "can do" team 

which was applauded by Headquarters for it accomplishments.82 

Hlass improved community relations and morale with increased community 

participation in the NSTL activities and with education and visitor programs for 

area youth. Improved resident agency relations resulted in "tenant satisfaction." 

Also there was a "new look" for the facility with the addition of a new tugboat, 

a Lear Jet, and sitewide maintenance on major items, such as the navigation 

lock and cryogenic barges. In addition, he increased contractor morale with 

"quality circles," "excellence" study programs, awards, and recognitions. He 

also initiated future planning with employee participation in management 

retreats, quarterly reviews, and interdisciplinary team planning.83 

With his original goals achieved and his vision for a "new NSTL" in sight, 

Hlass applied his own progressive philosophy by pursuing new work for his 

people. With Harry Guin as his point person, Hlass set out to gamer two new 

programs: a modest role in the Space Station program and a lead role in the 

developing Commercial Programs initiative at Headquarters.84 

President Ronald Reagan's Space Station program announcement on 25 

January 1984 was a boost to the Agency and the aerospace industry. With 

ronmental "showplace.'' Wolverton's research has led him to use plants to purify the air at home and in the 

workplace. He designs filters to assist industry with emisions. Wolverton continues to receive recognition fo

his work, regularly interviewed, and is a lecturer on the international circuit. 

82. Hlass notes, SSCHRC. 

83. Ibid. 

84. Jerry Hlass, draft #5, "National Space Technology Laboratories, Goals And Objectives," 28 January 1985

SSCHRC; "Hiass Receives Presidential Award," Lagniappe, 20 February 1987, SSCHRC; Hlass, interview

317 
p

Participation in these important national programs gave every appearance 

that the NSTL's "time" had come. In fact, Hlass commented immediately 

after Reagan's Space Station announcement that he "hoped [the] NSTL would 

be assigned roles in [such an] exciting and important program." He also stated 

that the "Station" would mean the NSTL would be required to test SSME's 

for "years to come."86 

In addition to the known mission of SSME testing for the Space Shuttle's 

trips to the Station, the NSTL was assigned a support role to the Goddard 

Space Flight Center. the task was to design a system to produce simulated 

payload statistics to evaluate the capability of the customer data system 

before its installation in the Space StationY 

The NSTL was also given a role to assist commercial entities in research 

processes that would ultimately lead them to perform missions on the Space 

Station. Guin described this NSTL task as a mission "to provide an interface 

with industry and establish their set of needs and requirements to be incorporated into the ultimate Space Station design where it will be available for 

them when they get ready to use it."88 

Key NSTL personnel working on the Space Station project were Sid 

Whitley, chief of the Sensor and Data Systems Group, and systems analyst 

Joel Wakeland, charged with design of the simulation system. Pat Conner, 

chief of Applications Research, was responsible for leading promotion of the 

Space Station commercial remote sensing mission to develop requirements 

85. "President Reagan Announces Comprehensive Plan for Space," Lagniappe, 17 February 1984, SSCHRC; 

Mireille Girard and Pamela W. Edwards, eds., Space Station Policy And Utilization, (New York: American 

Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 1983), pp. 5-7, 14, 116. 

86. "NASA Establishes Space Station Teams," Lagniappe, 19 March 1984, SSCHRC. 

87. Ibid.; "A Message from the Director," Lagniappe, 18 December 1985, SSCHRC. 

88. "Space Station Commercial Group Holds Meeting at Installation," Lagniappe, 20 February 1986, SSCHRC. 

318 
gpg () 

NSTL. With the new emphasis at NASA Headquarters on commercially oriented programs, the NSTL was selected in August 1985 as one of five 

recipients nationwide to host a commercial program.90 

The Space Remote Sensing Center was located at the NSTL in order to 

capitalize on the expertise and technology of the ERL. Congressman Trent 

Lott announced that $3.5 million would initially be spent on the SRSC and 

that 25 high-tech people would be employed.91 

Hlass, Guin, and David Brannon led the way in obtaining the new program, 

which would receive funding over the next five years. The NSTL management considered the assignment of a national center for the commercial 

development of space a credit to the installation's ability to manage programs. 

The other NASA-funded grants were assigned to the Battelle Institute, 

Columbus, Ohio; the University of Alabama at Birmingham; the University of 

Alabama, Huntsville; and Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee.92 

The NSTL, however, was the only NASA installation selected to host 

one of the new commercial space centers. The Mississippi facility became 

one of the six divisions of the lTD and gained even more recognition in the 

"commercial" world. 93 

89. Working Group, Commercial Earth And Ocean Observations, "Proposed Program for Commercial Earth and 

Ocean Observations," first draft, July 1985, SSCHRC; Conner, interview. 

90. "NSTL Selected as Location for lTD Remote Sensing Center," Lagniappe, 20 September 1985, SSCHRC. 

91. Ibid. 

92. Ibid.; Harry Guin was a believer in the NSTL's expertise to be the national leader in commercial uses of space

He championed the cause from his earliest days as Hlass's assistant.; Harry Guin, biography, SSCHRC

David Brannon, chief of the Commercial Remote Sensing Office, remembered Guin's early associations 

with the ERL when dollars were scarce for applications-related work. Guin and others learned many lessons 

in RAP, and began creatively converting expertise to accommodate "commercial" programs. 

93. Ibid. 

319 
p jgg, g g

task of proving the Space Shuttle's Main Propulsion Test Article (MPTA).94 

True, the engine testing was at its peak, but there was activity all over the 

growing installation by the end of 1985. Workers were actually crowded on 

the big complex, with 4,724 people working for a myriad of space, environmental, and national defense agencies. The Navy successfully relocated 

1,389 people from Suitland, Maryland, and the giant Mississippi Army 

Ammunition Plant employed 1,459 people for its manufacturing program. 

New construction was under way all over the base, including a new NASA 

conference center and a Navy building, plus additions and modifications to 

other buildings.95 

Locally, community relations could not be better for the positive-minded 

Jerry Hlass. In 1985, a proud Hlass reported that the NSTL had just pumped 

$171 million into the economy of south Mississippi. The NSTL employees 

also contributed over $120,000 to the Combined Agencies Campaign, which 

disbursed funds to local charities. In November 1985, Hlass and Captain 

Roger Onorati of the Naval Ocean Research and Development Activity 

(NORD A) hosted the kickoff of the "Partners In Progress" program, jointly 

sponsored by the NSTL and the Hancock County Chamber of Commerce. 

Hlass was pleased with his new community friend, John Mason, president of 

the Hancock Chamber.96 

In 1985, the NSTL also participated in the NASA's "Teacher in Space" 

project, designed to provide NASA with the first civilian to go into space on 

the Space Shuttle in early 1986. The Teacher In Space project was first 

announced in August 1984; and Jim McMurtray, NSTL aerospace education 

94. W.R. Lucas to Jerry Hlass, "Space Shuttle Main Propulsion Test Complex," 25 February 1977. 

95. NSTL Personnel Office, "Personnel Strength," December 1985, SSCHRC; Hlass, interview. 

96. "NSTL and Hancock County Join in 'Partners in Progress' Effort," Lagniappe, 20 November 1985, SSCHRC. 

320 
,pppp

teacher's flight on the shuttle were designed to "bring the space program down 

to Earth" so most Americans could identify with space travel, and also to add 

to the prominence of the teaching profession. The applicant chosen was Sharon 

Christa McAuliffe, a devoted and energetic social studies teacher from 

Concord, New Hampshire.98 

They Touched The Face Of God 

For years, NASA advertised that the Space Shuttle would provide the 

nation with "routine access to space." With 24 successful flights, a spacestruck American public had no reason to think otherwise. NASA officials 

debated what category of Americans should be the first civilians to fly in 

space. Many thought the first civilian should be a newsperson, someone who 

had the talent and background for recording the mission. 99 

President Reagan's "Project Liftoff," administered by NASA, resulted in 

the final decision that the first civilian to fly in space should be a teacher. As 

a result, Christa McAuliffe was the envy of practically every teacher in 

America as she trained in Houston for the January 1986 flight. She followed 

a rigorous training program, similar to that of a payload specialist, but not as 

intensive as an astronaut. In addition, McAuliffe developed "lesson plans" to 

use during the flight in a "classroom in space," enabling literally millions of 

97. Howard Benedict, NASA: The Journey Continues, (Houston: Pioneer Publications, Inc., 1989), pp. 101, 102; 

Jim McMurtray, telephone interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 14 April 1996. 

98. "More Than 10,000 Teachers Apply for Flight on the Shuttle," Lagniappe, 21 March 1985, SSCHRC; 

McMurtray, interview. 

99. Henry C. Dethloff, Suddenly Tomorrow Came ... A History Of The Johnson Space Center (Washington, DC: 

NASA, SP-4307, 1993), p. 293. 

321 
g g 

, p

with preparations for Challenger's launch on 28 January 1986, hoping for a 

break in the weather and the opportunity to avoid another delay. 101 

Along with McAuliffe, the crew members represented a cross section of 

American society, including Commander Francis R. "Dick" Scobee, 46, from 

Cle Elum, Washington, who was making his second shuttle flight; Pilot 

Michael J. Smith, 40, from Beaufort, North Carolina, who had waited years 

for the flight; mission specialists Ellison S. Onizuka, 39, born in Kealakekua, 

Kana, Hawaii; Donald E. McNair, 35, a native of Lake City, South Carolina; 

Judith A. Resnik, a 36-year-old native of Akron, Ohio; and Gregory B. Jarvis, 

41, Detroit, Michigan, a Hughes Aircraft Company satellite engineer and payload specialist. 102 

On the morning of the launch, the sunshine's bright rays illuminated a 

blue sky and lit up the beaches at Cape Canaveral, boosting the spirits of the 

faithful spectators huddling in the freezing cold. The major news story in 

Florida that day was the cold weather, not the launch of Challenger. Citrus 

growers in central and south Florida were very concerned about near-freezing 

temperatures because they were afraid that they would lose millions of dollars worth of crops. As a result, on the morning of the ill-fated Challenger 

launch, most Florida residents were more concerned with the weather than the 

success of the launch. 103 

In Mississippi, over 200 local school children gathered at the NSTL 

Visitors Center to watch the launch on NASA's closed circuit television. The 

100. Ibid.; "Live Lessons Set to Highlight 'Teacher in Space' Shuttle Flight," Lagniappe, 21 January 1986, 

SSCHRC; McMurtray, interview. 

101. William P. Rogers et al., Report Of The Presidential Commission On The Space Shuttle Challenger Accident 

(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986), pp. 13-18, 82. 

102. "List of Deceased Astronauts." [http:l/spacelink.msfc.nasa.gov/NASA.ProjectslHuman.Space.Flight/ 

Astronauts/ Astronaut.Factbook/Biographical.Sketches/Deceased.Astronaut.4/18/96], 1993, pp. 1-7. 

103. Benedict, NASA: The Journey Continues, pp. 101-102. 

322 
the deep blue sky over the ocean. Watching the liftoff, with the families of the 

crew, were 119 "Teacher in Space" finalists and several thousand public wellwishers. Everyone cheered and pointed to the sky as the Challenger rolled 

and moved swiftly upward for 73 seconds. Then, the shuttle came apart in a 

giant, ugly off-color pinkish-red fireball, right before everyone's eyes! What 

NASA feared secretly as a "worse case scenario" had happened. 105 

The falling spacecraft pieces left streaming contrails of white smoke as 

they descended downward into the Atlantic Ocean. Scores of chunks of the 

Challenger fluttered toward the blue ocean, as if from an exploding Fourth of 

July skyrocket-falling, splashing, bit-by-bit into the sea. Millions watching 

on television, like the thousands of viewers at the Cape and the NSTL Visitors 

Center, were at first dumbfounded. Many reported they thought the crew 

would somehow escape. Some who saw the awful tableau said they thought 

the careening solid-rocket motors that were sent off in divergent directions 

after the fireball were "escape rockets." No one had ever seen such a sight at 

Cape Canaveral before. 106 

Steve Nesbitt, the public affairs commentator at Mission Control in 

Houston, in a calm, informative, but disbelieving voice, announced, 

"Obviously we have a major malfunction ... We have no down link ... We 

have a report from the flight dynamics officer that the vehicle has exploded."107 

The loss of the Challenger and its crew on Space Shuttle flight 51-L devastated the nation and the world. The crew's enthusiastic supporters at the 

NSTL were specifically affected by the awful explosion-for two reasons. 

The workers at the Mississippi space facility knew most of the members of 

104. "Live Lessons Set to Highlight 'Teacher in Space' Shuttle Flight," Lagniappe, 21 January 1986, SSCHRC. 

105. Paula Harrison and Ann Mittman, "Exploration Shatters Dream for Teachers, Students" (Cocoa Beach, FL) 

Florida Today, 29 January 1986, Rogers, Report of the Presidential Commission, pp. 82-104. 

106. Benedict, NASA: The Journey Continues, p. 102; Rogers, Report Of the Presidential Commission, pp. 82-104. 

107. Challenger resource tape, JSC-1531B, NASA-Johnson Space Center. 

323 
gy 

Mississippi men and women when it was confirmed that the accident was 

caused by a failure in the joint between the two lower segments of the right 

Solid Rocket Motor. 109 

I 08. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1996. 

109. Ibid. 

324 
Testing the Way 

The Morning After 

Aproud nation brought NASA's victorious space explorers home 

"shoulders high" following a half-dozen inspiring voyages to the 

surface of the Moon. Americans cheered their space travelers as 

heroes after 24 missions aboard the Space Shuttle, a wondrous ship that 

several astronauts have called the "Magnificent Flying Machine." But, by 

the mid-1980s, following the fiery crash of the Space Shuttle Challenger, 

the nation and the world joined the shocked and bereaved NASA family as 

it mourned the loss of seven beloved comrades. 1 

Just hours after the tragic January 1986 explosion, Jerry Hlass choked 

back his emotions to rally the National Space Technology Laboratories 

(NSTL) team. At the time he addressed a room full of his employees and news 

reporters who had descended on the installation, no one was sure of the exact 

I. A.E. Houseman, "To An Athlete Dying Young," Oscar Williams, ed., A Little Treasury Of British Poetry (New 

York City, NY: Scribner's, 1951), pp. 874; Norman Mailer, Of a Fire on the Moon (New York City, NY: 

Little Brown and Company, 1969), pp. 399, 402; NASA Headquarters Public Affairs, Apollo (Washington, 

DC: NASA, 1972), pp. 32-33, 63; "Columbia Performs Flawlessly," Lagniappe, 20 April 1981, Stennis 

Space Center Historical Records Collection (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC); Roger D. Launius, NASA: 

A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing Co., 1994), p. 116. 

325 
tribute to the accident. 

Nevertheless, the day of the accident, in the face of grave circumstances, 

Hlass promised his people and the reporters gathered at NSTL, "We will be 

back!" From that moment on, a new journey for the NSTL began. Indeed, 

determined NSTL engineers and technicians set out "testing the way" as 

NASA began its "return-to-flight."4 

The next decade at the Mississippi facility were years of growth and significant achievement. In 1989, the leadership of the facility passed from Jerry 

Hlass to his deputy director, Roy Estess, who was determined to carry on the 

tradition and take the installation to greater heights.5 

Together, Hlass and Estess moved forward during the inspiring return-toflight period and, after much hard work and diligence, they were rewarded 

when President Ronald Reagan honored Senator John Stennis by renaming 

the NSTL after him. The John C. Stennis Space Center was now elevated to 

the status of a full-fledged NASA center. Hlass, who served almost 13 years 

as manager and director, saw his plan to gain acceptance and trust become a 

reality by the end of 1988.6 

2. Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996 

3. William P. Rogers et al., Report Of The Presidential Commission On The Space Shuttle Challenger 

(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986), pp. 19-21; Howard Benedick, NASA: The 

Journey Continues (Houston, TX: Pioneer Productions, Inc., 1989), p. 105. 

4. "NSTL Joins Nation In Tribute To Challenger Crew," Lagniappe, February 1986, SSCHRC. Immediately following the Challenger disaster, reporters questioned the author about the possibility of one of the SSMEs 

that were tested at the NSTL causing the accident. 

5. NASA-NSTL News Release, "Roy Estess Receives Presidential Rank Award, 13 May 1988, SSCHRC; Jerry 

Hlass to Executive Secretary, Incentive Awards Board, "1981 Honor Awards," 1981, SSCHRC. 

6. John Seiley, interview by Rex S. Cooksey and Johnny Mann, Way Station To Space, video history, 25 October 

1991. 

326 
pp

Test Facility (MTF), which in tum prompted MTF manager Jackson Balch to 

observe that "it's an ill wind that blows no good.''7 

NASA's technical leaders at the time of the Challenger explosion were 

discussing, and actually leaning toward, cutting back on propulsion testing 

as an economic strategy. These leaders considered adopting a program, much 

like the automotive industry, which called for "spot-testing" engines, rather 

than continuing an aggressive certification and flight acceptance process. 

Many NSTL engineers said the successful Space Shuttle Main Propulsion 

Test program was the NSTL's "finest hour." At the same time, others 

emphatically stated that the record-breaking static-firing test program during 

NASA's return-to-flight program was the NSTL's greatest contribution to 

American spaceflight. 8 

NASA's nationwide return-to-flight program was a memorable team effort 

of enormous proportions. The effort involved all four spaceflight centers, the 

contractor organizations that participated in the Space Shuttle operations, and 

other NASA centers that contributed their unique expertise and specialized 

facilities to get NASA "flying" again. The first visible action, however, was 

seen at the NSTL, when testing resumed after almost five months.9 

Immediately after the accident, the NSTL employees and residents of the 

surrounding communities joined in the national mourning. President Reagan, 

7. See Chapters 7 and 8 of Way Station to Space for detailed information on Hurricane Camille. 

8. See Chapter II of this book for good discussion of NSTL's "finest hour;" Gerald Smith, telephone interview 

by Mack Herring, 18 April 1996. Smith, former SSC deputy director, told the author in telephone conversation that the return-to-flight period after Challenger disaster was, in his opinion, the Agency's "finest 

hour." Boyce Mix, in an informal discussion with author, said he felt each NASA person involved with a 

particular test program had a different idea of "when" NASA's finest hour occurred.; Neil McAleer, Space 

Shuttle, The Renewed Promise (Washington, DC: NASA-PAM-521, 1988), pp. 5--{). 

9. "NSTL Joins Nation In Tribute To Challenger Crew," Lagniappe, 20 February 1986, SSCHRC; Mack Herring, 

"A Morning After. .. " Lagniappe, 20 February 1986, SSCHRC. 

327 
p

(JSC). During the NSTL portion of the memorial, Jerry Hlass addressed about 

500 employees who crowded into the NSTL Visitors Center. Hlass, in his tribute to the Challenger crew, promised, "We will continue to reach out as they 

did. We will continue to explore because we must; we will go forward to keep 

their spirits and man's dream alive." 11 

Representative Trent Lott, who grew close to the NSTL NASA family 

throughout his many years in the Congress, spoke for people all over his 

south Mississippi district when he observed, "We are part of the family that 

has made the Space Shuttle program possible. We join NASA as it mourns 

the loss of these members of its family and· will remember them for their 

bravery and quest for exploration." 12 

Many NASA employees found the experience after the Challenger accident similar to a death in their own family. In a true expression of sympathy, 

people in the local community stopped NASA employees at the grocery 

store, at church, or at a restaurant and quietly and sincerely extended their 

condolences and offered words of encouragement and support. The tragedy 

demonstrated the closeness between the NASA employees and their neighbors along the Gulf Coast. 13 

Immediately after the accident, there was a tremendous hue and cry 

from the American public, the media, and from old-line NASA professionals calling for changes in leadership within NASA-at the very 

highest level. One of the first asked to step down was Acting 

Administrator William R. Graham, in charge at the time of the accident. 

President Reagan then announced his intentions to nominate Dr. James C. 

10. "NSTL Joins Nation ... ,"Lagniappe, SSCHRC. 

11. Herring, "A Morning After," Lagniappe, SSCHRC. 

12. "NSTL Joins Nation ... ,"Lagniappe, SSCHRC. 

13. See Boyce Mix's observation on initial Space Shuttle launch in Chapter 11 of this book. 

328 
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thorough review to determine potential causes of the Challenger accident. 

The task force closely paralleled the structure of the Presidential 

Commission, headed by former Secretary of State William P. Rogers. Truly 

asked James R. "J.R." Thompson, Jr., to serve as vice chairman of the Data 

Analysis Task Force. Truly's choice of Thompson was primarily in response 

to the fact that Thompson was formerly head of the SSME project at the 

Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC). Robert Crippen, a NASA astronaut 

who flew on the first shuttle flight, was among the many other distinguished 

aerospace experts named to serve on the task force. 15 

These major appointments established an Agency hierarchy containing a 

cadre of top managers with intimate knowledge of the NSTL's capabilities. 

Fletcher had been Administrator when the NSTL (then known as the MTF) 

was going through structural upheavals. He was the person who finally recognized the south Mississippi installation as a separate field installation in 

June 1974. Fletcher had also appointed Jerry Hlass manager of the NSTL in 

1976, and he was familiar with Roy Estess, when Estess served as chairman 

of the Agency's Equal Opportunity Counsel for three years. 16 

Thompson became extremely knowledgeable of the extensive and unique 

test capabilities at the NSTL. He made numerous trips to the installation and 

knew many of the test personnel on a personal basis. Thompson was also a 

14. "NASA Warnings Claimed," The (New Orleans, IA) Times-Picayune (henceforth referred to as The TimesPicayune), 18 March 1986; Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program, p. 115. 

15. Sara Keegan, NASA Headquarters News Release, "NASA Task Force Assignments Detailed," 6 March 1986, 

NASA Historical Reference Collection (henceforth referred to as NHRC); "Agency Appoints Richard Truly 

To Head Space Shuttle Program," Lagniappe, 19 March 1986, SSCHRC. 

16. NASA Headquarters Public Affairs Office (PAO), "Biographies of NASA Leaders, 1996, Http:\\www.hq.nasa. 

gov/officepao/Historylhistory bios/htnl.; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 

27 February 1996 and 26 March 1996, notes in SSCHRC; Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. 

Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 24 April 1996, notes and audio tapes in SSCHRC. 

329 
gpgy jyp

Challenger disaster. These relationships were especially important for the 

NSTL, an organization that was striving for recognition in response to its "can 

do" tradition of operation and its ability to test large propulsion systems. As 

others observed, the NASA organization, more than any other large governmental or private body, depended greatly on individual personalities to move 

important programs along-through the changing tides of space history. 18 

While the Rogers Commission hearings were under way, and the investigative work of the Data Analysis Task Force was in progress, all planned missions 

of the three remaining shuttles were suspended. Also, for several months all 

engine testing within the Agency was halted. The hiatus of engine testing, of 

course, included the prolific certification and flight acceptance testing of the 

SSMEs at the NSTL. Also postponed, and ultimately cancelled, was the planned 

higher level of thrust testing of the Main Propulsion Test Article (MPTA). 19 

Although over 6,000 people were involved in the Rogers Commission's 

four-month investigation, the daily criticism of the Agency took a heavy toll on 

NASA employee morale nationwide. The criticism was especially upsetting 

because, prior to the disaster, the Agency was considered by many as the most 

efficiently managed federal organization.20 

In April 1986, Hlass again met with NASA civil service and contractor 

teams involved with the Space Shuttle program and made a sage prediction. 

The NSTL director said confidently, "With Dick Truly's conservative 

approach in getting the program operating safely and effectively; the best guess 

17. NASA Headquarters PAO, "Biographies," p. 22, SSCHRC; Hlass, interview by Herring, 27 February 1996. 

18. Keegan, "NASA Task Force ... "; Estess, interview; Smith, telephone interview. 

19. "NASA Postpones Mission," Lagniappe, 20 February 1986, SSCHRC; Marvin Lee "Marv" Carpenter, interview by Mack Herring, Pass Christian, MS, 25-26 March 1996; "Modifications Initiated to Create Third 

Test Position Here," Lagniappe, 20 November 1986, SSCHRC. 

20. McAleer, Space Shuttle, The Renewed Promise. 

330 
g 

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history," Secretary Rogers reported that the terrible loss was caused by a "failure in the joint between the two lower segments of the right solid rocket motor." 

The report recommended a redesign of the faulty solid rocket motor joints, but 

also called for a review of NASA's management structure. Seven other recommendations for needed changes were made (1) review critical hardware and 

conduct hazard analysis; (2) examine the safety organization; (3) improve internal communications; (4) address landing safety; (5) provide better launch abort 

and crew escape; ( 6) review flight rate; and (7) ensure maintenance safeguards. 22 

The Commission's report was formally presented to President Reagan by 

Secretary Rogers at the White House. Administrator Fletcher commented on the 

Commission's findings when he pledged to ensure that the NASA program 

would "become as good as it ever was." Fletcher added, "We at NASA welcome the report. It was obviously time for a serious, thoughtful, constructive 

review of the Agency."23 

The somber delivery of the Commission's report did, indeed, mark the 

beginning of a major overhaul of the civil space program and signaled a new 

era of unprecedented, record-breaking rocket testing at the NSTL. Although 

the SSMEs were cleared, the NASA Data Analysis Task Force recommended 

modifications on the SSMEs during the stand-down time. Additionally, the 

task force strongly recommended the engines be thoroughly tested before 

another shuttle flight took place. 24 

The first SSME static firing following the Challenger accident was on 26 

June 1986. During the test, engine number 2106 was ignited for 1.5 seconds 

21. "Director Jerry Hlass Speaks to NASA, Contractor Team," Lagniappe, 21 April 1986, SSCHRC. 

22. Rogers, Report On The Space Shuttle Challenger, pp. 40, 198; See also McAleer's Space Shuttle, The 

Renewed Promise, p. 6. 

23. "Fletcher Comments On Rogers Report," Lagniappe, 19 June 1986, SSCHRC; Mack Herring, "A Place of 

Beginning," Lagniappe, commentary, 19 June 1986, SSCHRC. 

24. Ibid.; "Fletcher Comments ... ," Lagniappe, SSCHRC. 

331 
g 

,, gg

ducted. Later, two test-firings were performed for an unbelievable 2,017 

seconds each, just weeks before the Space Shuttle Discovery launch in 1988. 

L. Boyce Mix, NASA's SSME test manager, said the 1987-88 firings were 

considered "daring" during the crucial return-to-flight testing period. A failure during these long-duration life-cycle tests could have caused cautious 

managers to postpone the scheduled return-to-flight launch of Space Shuttle 

Discovery on 29 September 1988.26 

The White Paper 

Perhaps inspired by the invigorated agencywide attitude and the determined effort of the NSTL test and support teams, a group of NASA engineers, 

led by Roy Estess, drafted a document that became known as the "White 

Paper." The document proposed that the NSTL be rededicated as a national 

center for propulsion testing. The plan suggested that an independent, NASAmanaged, contractor-operated test team be installed at the NSTL to provide 

NASA with a continuing capability to test large propulsion systems. Pointing 

out that the well-known MSFC test laboratory was dismantled, the White 

Paper said that NASA was dependent on the engine- and vehicle-hardware 

contractors to test the large propulsion systems being manufacturedY 

The major "question" posed by the NSTL-generated White Paper was 

"whether NASA should commit to third-party testing" of engine hardware. 

25. NASA-SSC, Test and Engineering Directorate, "B-1 Test History," 21 December 1994, p. 1, SSCHRC; Mix, 

interview by Herring, 9 April 1996. 

26./bid. 

27. Roy Estess, Harry Guin, A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Harry Johnstone, and Bob Bush, "White Paper on Strengthening 

of Ground Test Capability for Large Propulsion Systems," 10 July 1986, SSCHRC. 

332 
py y 

A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., Bob Bush, and Harry Johnstone, proved to be the 

NSTL's guide in the long-range pursuit to gain acceptance as the Agency's 

Center of Excellence for testing large propulsion systems. Although von 

Braun stated a similar policy in 1966, his vision of the installation as a 

national center for propulsion testing was eroded in the intervening years by 

internal politics between government and contractor managers. 29 

The NSTL group presented the White Paper on 10 July 1986 to the 

Crippen Group during a visit to the Michaud Assembly Facility in eastern 

New Orleans. The Crippen Group's primary focus was to ensure implementation of the Rogers Commission's recommendations, with an eye on 

improving internal NASA and contractor management structures and operating procedures.3° 

The NSTL employees who drafted the document were involved in testing the large propulsion systems since the very beginning of the Apollo 

program in 1966, and they were especially knowledgeable about the capabilities of the NSTL. Furthermore, all the engineers were in key leadership 

positions at the south Mississippi facility, which enabled them to help shape 

the NSTL's destinyY 

28. Ibid. 

29. Ibid.; Wernher von Braun to George Alexander, Aviation Week, "In answer to questions," 23 December 1966, 

SSCHRC. 

30. Estess et al., "White Paper on Strengthening .... " 

31. Ibid.; It is interesting to note that all of the authors of the White Paper were engineers who worked together 

for years, most as far back as the mid-1960s. Roy Estess recalls actually writing the paper, but he is quick 

to point out that he received strong input from his engineering associates. As pointed out earlier in the text, 

engineering schools in the immediate southeastern United States were heavy contributors to the MTF construction and test program. For instance, Estess was a graduate of Mississippi State, Guin finished at 

Alabama, Rogers had an engineering degree from Ole Miss, Johnstone from the tough engineering school 

at Auburn, and Bush matriculated from Georgia Tech. The author would have to surmise that these men 

brought a strong, diverse southern engineering education to bear in planning and drafting the White Paper. 

333 
In a curious turn of events, Thompson was appointed director of the 

MSFC, effective 29 September 1986. With Thompson's appointment, there 

came an era of mutual respect and cooperation between the MSFC and the 

NSTL. This period of "good will" between the two centers is a perfect example of the unusual influence individual managers have had within the NASA 

organizational structure. 33 

Another fortuitous event occurred on 3 October 1986 when Admiral 

Richard Truly appointed Roy Estess to chair the review team of the Office of 

Space Flight's Shuttle Processing Contract. No doubt Truly heard of Estess's 

abilities from Thompson and Crippen and wanted to draw on Estess's expertise to study concerns raised by the Rogers Commission, the Crippen Group, 

and the congressional committees investigating the Challenger accident. 

Estess spent more than four months working closely with Crippen; Walter 

Williams, former director of Project Mercury and assistant to Truly on the 

task force; Lieutenant General Forrest S. McCartney, KSC director; and many 

other high-ranking NASA and contractor managers located across the country who were involved in the Space Shuttle program.34 

In February 1987, at the review conclusion, Estess presented the team's 

findings to Truly. The review contained the team's (1) assessment of the KSC's 

shuttle processing arrangements at the time of the accident; (2) examination of 

relationships between shuttle processing contractors and the flight hardware 

32. Contract, Pan American World Services, 18 July 1986, SSCHRC; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack Herring, 

Long Beach, MS, 29 March 1996. 

33. NASA Headquarters, Biography, J.R. Thompson, History Office, http://hq.nasa.gov/office/pao/Biographies/ 

thompson.html, 2 May 1996; Peter Cobun, "J.R. Thompson: Marshall Chief Runs Center The Way He Runs 

His Condo," The Huntsville (AL) Times, 27 November 1988; Hlass, interview, 29 March 1996; Roy Estess, 

interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 24 April 1996. 

34. NASA-SSC PAO, Biographies, Roy S. Estess, 8 July 1992 and 19 March 1996, SSCHRC; Sarah Keegan, 

NASA Headquarters News Release, "NASA Task Force Assignments Detailed," 6 March 1986, NHRC. 

334 
to influential NASA managers.J

On 29 September 1986, Thompson took over the MSFC reins. Almost 

immediately, Hlass arranged a meeting with him in Huntsville to "explore 

future roles for [the] NSTL in propulsion testing." Several NSTL and MSFC 

engineers participated in the discussions on 20 October 1986. Thompson 

encouraged the NSTL team to continue their pursuit of future test programs, 

especially in securing a role in testing solid rocket motors and advanced 

liquid rocket motors. He also heartily agreed that the NSTL should be designated "a center of excellence for testing large propulsion systems." The savvy 

Thompson acknowledged that the MSFC and the NSTL shared "political 

strengths." The MSFC director recognized that the NSTL was backed by a 

strong congressional delegation of intelligent, influential, and supportive 

political leaders: Senator John C. Stennis, Senator Thad Cochran, and 

Representative Trent Lott. Stennis, of course, was nearing the peak of his 

power in the Senate, while Republicans Cochran and Lott had grown in favor 

with Ronald Reagan, who was then serving in his second term as the 

Republican President. 36 

Two other events occurred that further steered the installation on its 

course toward recognition as NASA's Center of Excellence for Propulsion 

Testing. On 22 October 1986, Truly visited the NSTL to chair a meeting of 

the NASA Management Council and participate in the annual Honor Awards 

Ceremony. During a meeting with Hlass and members of his senior staff, 

Truly surprised everyone when he suggested that the NSTL should "actively 

pursue the testing of [Advanced Solid Rocket Motors (ASRMs)]." At the 

time, only Joel Estes, a NASA engineer, had suggested the possibility of the 

35. Roy S. Estess, report, NASA Headquarters Office of Space Flight, Shuttle Processing Contract Review Team, 

9 February 1987, SSCHRC. 

36. NASA Headquarters, Biography, James R. Thompson, Jr.; Hlass, interview; "Sen. Trent Lott Biography," SSC 

PAO Biography File, SSCHRC; "Sen. Thad Cochran Biography," SSC PAO Biography File, SSCHRC. 

335 
the B

1 position, originally completed in 1967 to static fire the huge Boeing 

S-IC rocket-booster stage, provided a third position to static fire SSMEs.38 

The momentous events of 1986 reshaped the future path of the NSTL, 

putting the installation back on course to having the south Mississippi facility recognized as the national rocket propulsion test center. The MTF had 

served well during the Apollo program and undergone significant changes 

during the 1970s as a unique, multiagency space and environmental complex. 

The Challenger accident rocked the entire Agency, causing it to engage in 

serious soul searching about its approach to many technical and managerial 

matters. Not the least of these was NASA's commitment to a vigorous rockettesting program. In fact, the Agency's top management called for a return to 

the "old way" which was so successful for NASA during the Apollo program. 

The old way included testing rocket engines and stages to the point that 

NASA was "99.9 percent" certain that its rockets would fly safely once they 

were sent to the launch pad. 39 

Following the Challenger disaster, the renewed emphasis by Headquarters 

on testing was, of course, most beneficial to the NSTL's future. Thompson 

insisted that the SSMEs be tested at the NSTL, and that they be tested to the 

limit of their operating capacity. Members of the media construed this revived 

37. Hlass. interview. Admiral Truly spent a full day at the NSTL on 22 October 1986 addressing employees at 

Honor Awards Ceremony and joining them at a traditional picnic at the Cypress House recreation park by 

the Pearl River. Truly also met with the NSTL senior staff at the new conference center, at which time he 

surprised most staffers by bringing up the possibility of testing an "improved solid rocket motor." Hlass 

voiced his concerns about testing "solids" at that meeting. 

38. NASA SSC News Release, "Third Test Position Underway At NSTL," 14 November 1986, SSCHRC. 

39. "NASA Administrator Visits NSTL; Presents Major Agency Awards," Lagniappe, 21 March 1988, SSCHRC; 

NASA-SSC News Release, "First Firing Set On New SSME Test Position," 24 March 1988, SSCHRC; 

NASA-SSC News Release, "2,017 Second Test Conducted on B-1," 4 August 1988, SSCHRC; "Shuttle 

Rocket Passes Test With Flying Colors," The Times-Picayune, 24 December 1987; Howard Benedict, NASA: 

The Journey Continues (Houston: Pioneer Publications, Inc., 1989), p. 109; Roger E. Bilstein, Stages To 

Saturn, A Technological History Of The Apollo/Saturn V Vehicles (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4206, 1980), 

p. 347; Erik Bergaust, Wernher von Braun (NY: Cobb/Dunlop Publishing Services, Inc., 1979), pp. 510-511. 

336 
y pjyg g pp

facility. True, the test stands were being used to their fullest capacities in support of the Space Shuttle's "return-to-flight." But other activities, such as the 

installation's involvement in the Agency's new commercial applications 

enterprises and technology transfer programs, began to enjoy unusual successes. Most notable was the State of Mississippi's unprecedented 

commitment to build a $4 million Technology Transfer Center in the heart of 

the facility and donate the building to NASA.41 

The "bold" $4 million commitment had its roots in 1985 at a small meeting held at the onsite Rouchon House. State Representative Margaret 

"Wootsie" Tate of Picayune and Mississippi Research and Development 

Center Director James "Jim" Meredith met with Roy Estess to discuss ways 

the state could better capitalize on the technologies developed at the NSTL. 

The discussion was directed at proposals that Meredith developed for the new 

Mississippi Governor, William "Bill" Allain, who was searching for meaningful programs to promote during his term of office. Among the plans 

discussed were the support of satellite "spin-off' industries, development of 

the technology transfer program, and the location of a technology transfer 

center at the NSTL.42 

Estess, who served as the "unofficial" state liaison officer for the NSTL 

since his appointment as deputy director in 1980, suggested to Tate and 

Meredith that ventures such as satellite business concerns were not successful in the past due to a number of factors. The lack of success of the ventures 

40. "Shuttle Rocket Passes Test ... ," The Times-Picayune; John Maines, "Two Years After Challenger, Lab Is Ready 

To Go," The Jackson (MS) Clarion-Ledger (henceforth referred to as The Clarion-Ledger), 28 January 1988. 

Deputy Director Roy Estess, in a highly optimistic mood, commented to The Clarion-Ledger, "We are a highspirited team. We are confident we are on the right track. I think we will continue [testing] at a high rate." 

41. "NSTL Approved For Technology Transfer Center," wgniappe, 19 April 1985, SSCHRC. 

42. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1996. 

337 
ppgp

At that time, in 1985, NASA's popularity was near an all-time high, 

with an overall approval rating in the national polls of 81 percent. 

Mississippi's "official" presence either in university research or technology 

transfer activities initially dated back to 1968 with the opening of an office 

onsite, when the NSTL was still known as the Mississippi Test Facility 

(MTF). A State Liaison and Coordinating Office was later located at the 

MTF in 1971 under an executive order signed by Governor John Bell 

Williams. Dr. Talmadge "Tal" Bankston, who headed the office, was a close 

associate and friend of former MTF Manager Jackson Balch. Bankston used 

every opportunity to promote state participation at the installation. In addition, Bankston had the ear of long-time NSTL supporter Herman Glazier, 

who served as executive assistant to seven Mississippi Governors, dating 

back to Governor Ross Barnett. Governor Bill Allain, who took office in 

January 1986, was also supportive of the idea and, of course, the planners 

knew they could count on a strong Mississippi Gulf Coast legislative delegation to push the project. 44 

Other factors providing encouragement for the development of the 

Technology Transfer Center at the NSTL included NASA's desire to make 

itself known throughout the state by way of its education outreach program. 

Since inception, the NSTL favored the idea of a Technology Transfer Center 

and promoted the idea by placing study contracts and grants with Mississippi 

colleges and universities. The expertise of the NSTL was well known at the 

Mississippi R&D Center and the Institute of Higher Learning. Economic promoters such as Leo Seal, Jr., former president of the Mississippi Economic 

43. Ibid. 

44. "Center Honors Herman Glazier," Lagniappe, 18 November 1988, SSCHRC; George Schloegel, interview by 

Mack Herring, Hancock Bank, Gulfport, MS, 21 February 1996. 

338 
gpp

erty. Upon completion, the Technology Transfer Center building 

automatically became the property of the federal government and was placed 

in the care of NASA. Many at NASA Headquarters did not believe that a relatively poor state like Mississippi would take such a bold initiative. In fact, 

when informed of the undertaking, NASA Administrator James Beggs said 

"Why would Mississippi want to do that (build the center on NASA property), when it could better use the $4 million to fund grants to educate 

engineers?" Roy Estess, a native Mississippian who strongly advocated the 

project, answered Beggs, "We have been educating engineers for years and 

sending them off to other states to work. Maybe the Technology Transfer 

Center will keep some at home!"46 

After some legislative ups and downs during the spring of 1985, the 

center was approved by the Mississippi Senate. The bill was signed by 

Governor Allain, with south Mississippi state legislators Gene Taylor, Bay 

St. Louis; Margaret Tate, Picayune; Curtis Holston, Poplarville; Walter 

Phillips Bay St. Louis; and Martin Smith, Poplarville, present for the signing 

ceremony. These south Mississippi lawmakers led the campaign to obtain the 

Technology Transfer Center at the NSTL. In addition to the hard work by the 

legislators, the project would have never reached fruition without the 

45. "Dedication Of Technology Transfer Center Historic For Mississippi And NASA," Lagniappe, 19 June 1987, 

SSCHRC; James "Jim" Meredith, SSC, MS, telephone interview by Mack Herring, 20 May 1996. Jim 

Meredith told author that the Technology Transfer Center was an "enormous" team effort by Mississippi 

politicians, business people, and NASA personnel. Jim said that Governor Bill Allain backed the project 100 

percent. State legislators Margaret "Wootsie" Tate, Gene Taylor, Walter Phillips, Curtis Holston, Martin 

Smith, and Jim Simpson played important roles in the campaign that eventually won acceptance of state 

lawmakers. The business community was led by Leo Seal, Jr.; George Schloegel; and Tommy Munroe. In 

addition, critical contributions came from Herman Glazier, the reliable and astute administrative assistant 

to several governors, including Governor Allain. 

46. NASA-SSC News Release, "Technology Transfer Center Dedicated," 11 June 1987, SSCHRC; Meredith, 

interview by Herring, 20 May 1996; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1996. 

339 
Missis

signs a

ing the 

Transf

Nation

Labora

is NA

Adm. 

seated 

of the 

(87-33

At the ceremony, an obviously proud Truly pledged 

the new center, the only state enterprise of its kind in 

Governor Allain's remarks summed up the importance 

Transfer Center when he said, "The fact that we had lea

politics, business, and higher education on hand for the 

47. Photo Caption, Lagniappe, 20 May 1985, SSCHRC; Meredith, interview; Este

and Ms. Myron Webb, 24 April 1996. 

48. "Dedication Of Technology Transfer Center Historic For Mississippi and N

Dedication of Technology Transfer Center was major event in the history 

After the SSC ceremony, there was an informal reception at the Diamondhe

MS, that was attended by state politicians, business people, and scientists, t

of the night. In attendance was Tal Bankston who had worked tirelessly, day 

lization by the state of the technology available at sse. 

340 
supporter of NASA since the early years of the test facility

s location in 

Mississippi. Glazier worked closely with Governors Ross Barnett; Paul B. 

Johnson, Jr.; John Bell Williams; William Waller; Cliff Finch; William 

Winter; and Bill Allain. At the dedication of the conference suite, NSTL 

Deputy Director Roy Estess said, "Herman Glazier's strategic thinking and 

tactical legislative wisdom were critical in ultimately obtaining both state legislative and U.S. congressional approval for the center."50 

Bold New Programs 

The years of hard work and meticulous planning by Jerry Hlass and his 

staff also began to pay off big dividends in other areas of endeavor. In 1988, 

the facility was rewarded with major national programs involving testing of 

new and larger propulsion systems. The Space Shuttle test program continued 

at a record pace with the rolling thunder of the engines echoing across south 

Mississippi three to four times a week. These rocket tests were aimed at 

improving the main engines, ensuring their readiness for NASA's return-toflight. Hlass and his experienced staff became deeply engrossed in planning 

for future testing involving heavy lift engines for an Advanced Launch 

System (ALS) project, the improved and more powerful ASRM, and the early 

development of components for the National Aerospace Plane (NASP) proposed by President ReaganY 

49. Ibid. 

50. NASA-SSC News Release, "Herman Glazier Honored At NASA's John C. Stennis Space Center," 31 October 

1988, SSCHRC. 

51. NASA-SSC Briefing Paper, "The Stennis Space Center, Reinventing Government For 25 Years," 14 September 

1995, SSCHRC; The dedication of the Mississippi Technology Transfer Center offers an excellent example 

of the combined commitment of Jerry Hlass and Roy Estess to strengthening NASA relationships with federal and state resident agencies. 

341 
there is no limit to the progress and contributions we can make at [the] NST

Fletcher further commended the NSTL team for performing a "first-rate job 

NASA's return-to-flight program."52 

Dr. ]ames C. Fletcher, NASA Administrator, reacts to a 11 0-decibel roar emitted during a 

second test firing of a Space Shuttle Main Engine at Stennis Space Center on 10 March 1

From left, Roy Estess, National Space Technology Laboratories (NSTL) deputy director; B

Mix, Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) resident SSME manager at NSTL; Fletcher; 

Lombardo, MSFC Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME) program manager; and Jerry H

NSTL director. (SSC-88-150-20) 

342 
The next big break for the small, but tenacious, NSTL propulsion crew 

came during an announcement by Senator John C. Stennis on 11 March. 

Stennis, Chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee and President Pro 

Tempore of the Senate, announced that an agreement between the Air Force 

and NASA would place the NSTL in a lead role in developing a new space 

vehicle for civilian and military needs.54 

Stennis said the agreement called for the NSTL to assemble and test all 

completed engines that were part of the Air Force's ALS project. The project 

called for modifying existing facilities at the NSTL and the construction of 

additional structures. The influential Mississippi Senator said he was pleased 

to announce that the work would create 400-500 construction jobs at the 

NSTL. Stennis also predicted that an additional1,000 permanent jobs would 

be created at the "fully utilized" installation within 10 years. Funding for the 

project, Stennis said, would be "about $300 million over the next six- or 

seven-year period." A most important aspect of the plan was the involvement 

of the military in testing engines for the first time at the NSTL. According to 

the Senator, the testing of military systems, as well as NASA's civilian products, was the very best of both worlds. 5 5

52. "NASA Administrator Visits NSTL.. .. " 

53. NASA-SSC Propulsion Test Directorate, "A-1, A-2, B-1 Test History," 22 December 1994, SSCHRC; Hlass, 

interview. 

54. Ibid. According to Senator Stennis "[The] NSTL is in an excellent position to perform the crucial testing on 

these engines for the military as well as for NASA. Our country's best interests will be served by involving 

the Mississippi facility in the developing and testing of this new engine [for the ALS program]. It makes 

good sense to use these facilities to the maximum and also to prevent costly duplication of rocket test facilities at military sites elsewhere, when they already exist in Mississippi [at the NSTL]."; The Office of 

Senator John C. Stennis, News Release, 11 March 1988, SSCHRC. 

55. NASA-SSC News Release, 11 March 1988, SSCHRC; Senator John C. Stennis, Report To Mississippians, 

"Space Exploration Must Move Forward," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo, 27 December 1987. 

Sen. Stennis took the opportunity to write his monthly newspaper column, entitled "Report To 

Mississippians," about the importance of the national space program and the need for the nation to support 

the development of a space station. 

343 
step in space exploration is the establishment of a permanent Space Station 

that will assure world leadership in space for our country in the 1990s and 

beyond." NASA Administrator Fletcher later commented that Stennis's support of the Space Station in the spring of 1988 "saved the program."56 

The importance of the ALS decision in 1988 was far-reaching. Stennis's 

support of the project was a milestone for the NSTL's continued march 

toward becoming a Center of Excellence for Propulsion Testing. 

Understandably, the NSTL wanted to be the Center of Excellence for "all 

rocket systems" developed in the country, civilian and military, and not just 

engines and systems developed for NASA. The ALS project included a much 

needed Component Test Facility that would provide the south Mississippi 

installation with the capability to be a "full-service" test facility. 7 

5

In July 1988, the Stennis Space Center, (SSC) formerly the NSTL, was 

selected to conduct another testing project that also promised great rewards 

for the facility. The selection of the SSC on 26 July 1988 for testing the proposed ASRM meant that the new center would be the site for static firing all 

propulsion systems on the Space Shuttle. The announcement that SSC was 

selected, however, was not altogether "good news." Hlass and his people had 

their hearts set on manufacturing, as well as testing, the new and improved 

motors that were to replace the solid rockets that had failed during the flight 

of the Challenger in January 1986. The selection of the SSC as the test location for the ASRM brought 600 permanent jobs to the area, about 200 

employees at the SSC, and an additional 400 workers at the Michoud plant 

and the Slidell Computer Complex. This new mission, however, later brought 

56. NASA-SSC News Release, 11 March 1988, SSCHRC; Stennis, "Report To Mississippians . .. " 

57. NASA-SSC History Office, "Pursuit Of A Propulsion Test Mission For The NASA John C. Stennis Space 

Center," January 1991, SSCHRC; "NASA Selects SSC For ASRM Testing," Lagniappe, 29 August 1988, 

SSCHRC. 

344 
In Honor Of Stennis 

An announcement that Senator Stennis would be retiring from the Senate 

in January 1989 set the stage for a series of major events honoring the statesman from Mississippi who had contributed so much to his country, to his 

state, and to the Space Agency. Not the least of these honors came in May 

1988 when President Reagan renamed the NSTL in honor of Senator Stennis. 

In March, Senator Thad Cochran, the Republican Senator from Mississippi 

and a close friend of Stennis, introduced legislation in the Senate to rename 

the NSTL in honor of Senator Stennis. Cochran told his colleagues in the 

Senate, "As chairman of the Armed Services Committee and, more recently, 

as chairman of the Appropriations Committee, Senator Stennis has been in 

positions that have enabled him to be a strong influence in the authorization 

and funding of these important [NASA] programs."59 

About the same time, NASA Administrator Fletcher also recommended to 

President Reagan that the NSTL be named for Stennis. In addition, earlier 

private discussions between Hlass and Eph Cresswell, Stennis's long-time 

assistant and friend, had focused on recognizing Stennis for his dedicated support of NASA and the south Mississippi facility. During talks between Hlass 

and Cresswell, the renaming of NSTL was discussed. Roy Estess, Mack 

Herring, and Wanda Howard Hlass's administrative assistant, assisted Hlass 

in crafting a paper for Fletcher to forward to the President. No doubt Senator 

Cochran's strong devotion to his friend and colleague along with Fletcher's 

recommendation to the President, and the behind-the-scenes work of Hlass, 

58. Ibid. 

59. "NSTL Bill To Honor Stennis," The Clarion-Ledger, 26 March 1988; Linda Slade, telephone interview by 

Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 22 May 1996. 

345 
fastly supported the space program since its inception. T

cited Stennis for his "visionary leadership" to ensure w

preeminence in space for the United States. Reagan als

"unwavering support" of the south Mississippi facility 

the decision to establish the installation was "a fact we

officials in all of their dealings with Stennis and his staf

One of the proudest days in the history of the installation came 3 Aug

Mississippi facility was dedicated the John C. Stennis Space Center 

Stennis. Pictured are, left to right, Toni Seawright, Miss Mississippi 1

Truly, NASA associate administrator for Space Flight; Gov. Ray M

director; Sen. Stennis; Dr. ]ames C. Fletcher, NASA administrator; S

Beverly Tinnin; and Roy Estess, SSC deputy director. (SSC-88-471-

60. Roy S. Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 7 July 1995; 

endar notes, 1988, SSCHRC. 

61. Ronald Reagan, Executive Order, "Designating Certain Facilities of the Na

Administration In The State Of Mississippi As The John C. Stennis Spac

20 May 1988, copy in SSCHRC. 

346 
, gy 

the growth and progress we have experienced over the first 27 [years of the 

facility's existence]. "62 

NASA pulled out all the stops in its dedication of the newly renamed 

Stennis Space Center on 3 August 1988 with a ceremony on Stennis's 87th 

birthday. Upwards of 7,000 people gathered to honor Stennis at the outdoo

dedication ceremony held in front of the main administration building in 

sweltering 99-degree south Mississippi summer sunshine. Immediately 

after the big event, thousands of well-wishers joined Senator Stennis in a 

gala birthday party held inside a 100-yard-long, air-conditioned, circustype tent. 63 

"Pageantry, patriotism, and pride" were the themes of the dedication tha

featured speeches by Mississippi Governor Ray Mabus, Administrator James 

Fletcher, Admiral Richard Truly, Senator Thad Cochran, and Director Jerry 

Hlass. U.S. Representative Trent Lott led a long list of dignitaries, including 

State Senator Gene Taylor and State Representative Margaret Tate, who came 

to pay tribute to Stennis. Stennis's proud family was also well represented a

the grand affair. Deputy Director Roy Estess, who was soon named the SSC 

director, served as master of ceremonies, which he later said was one of the 

most memorable events of his life. Senator Stennis, who smiled, laughed, and 

clapped his hands, gave a resounding and emotional response.64 

Hlass praised the Senator for his "foresight and leadership" and 

Associate Administrator Admiral Truly remembered his childhood growing 

62. "John C. Stennis Space Center-President Reagan Honors Senator Stennis; Changes Name of NSTL,

Lagniappe, 20 May 1988, SSCHRC. 

63. Nan Patton Ehrbright, "Stennis Life, Work Saluted, The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Sun-Herald (henceforth referre

to as The Sun-Herald), 4August 1988; Official NASA Program, "Dedication, John C. Stennis Space Center,

3 August 1988. 

64. Ehrbright, "Stennis Life, Work. .. ," The Sun-Herald. 

347 
ppp

y

worked to build the center. "You made up your mind; you kept on track; you 

put out your own money; you gave your own time," Stennis said. Having his 

name on the center was incidental, Stennis declared, "It is the work being 

done that matters."65 

The ceremony was concluded with a spectacular fly-over of 11 vintage 

and modem jet aircraft representing the numerous aircraft the Senator had 

helped acquire funding for through the years from World War II to the present. The U.S. Marine's Drum and Bugle Corps filled the air with patriotic 

music as the vintage airplanes motored by, and finally the powerful jets 

zoomed upward and disappeared, leaving only white contrails lazily fading in 

the bright, blue Mississippi sky. 66 

The SSC dedication was a personal tribute to the life's work of the 

Mississippi Senator. Hundreds of employees at the center volunteered to help 

prepare for the event, wanting to put their own mark on the event that honored their Senator. The dedication also demonstrated the appreciation that the 

community felt for Stennis's efforts to help establish and build the facility in 

Mississippi. NASA Headquarters officials, who depended on the senior 

statesman's support in budgetary battles, also pitched in to make the dedication one that Administrator Fletcher said was, "the best I have ever 

[attended]." The NASA Administrator added, "It will be many, many moons 

before Mississippi sees another event like this one."67 

More important to the NASA family were Senator Stennis's own thoughts 

of the ceremony in his honor. He wrote to the NASA-contractor family at the 

sse a few days after the event and said ... 

65. "NASA Dedicates John C. Stennis Space Center," Lagniappe, 29 August 1988, SSCHRC. 

66. Ibid. 

67. "Senator Stennis Honored At Dedication Of Center," Picayune ( MS) Item, 4 August 1988; Ehrbright, "Stennis 

Life, Work ... ," The Sun Herald. 

348 
y

fg py 

always stand as a high watermark in my public service career.68 

The tribute to Stennis's lifetime of government service and tenacious support for the space program was fitting and even spectacular. The real 

importance of the renaming, however, came after the ceremony, when the 

SSe became a full-fledged member of the family of NASA field centers, and 

its director was able to sit at the NASA council tables as an equal with fellow 

center directors. The SSe's prominence and recognition spread quickly 

throughout the Agency, and a new level of status and accomplishment lay 

before the small, but dedicated NASA team. The dedication, as Stennis said 

at the ceremony, was also a tribute to the hard work and dedication of the 

NASA-SSe team. In a real sense, the President's renaming of the facility was 

also a tribute to the Stennis employees for their struggle "against all odds" 

that began nearly 20 years earlier when they set out to "save" their installation and gain independence as the Apollo program began to wind down. 69 

The Journey Continues 

The long and highly successful tenure of SSe director Jerry Hlass did not 

end with the celebrated dedication of the new NASA center. On the night of the 

dedication ceremony, the Space Shuttle test team static-fired the SSME 2206 

on the newly modified B-1 test position for 2,017 seconds, a record run for an 

68. Mack Herring, "Dream Bigger Dreams," commentary, Lagniappe, 29 August 1988, SSeHRe. Senator 

Stennis used the expression "dream bigger dreams" in a letter to Jerry Hlass (and to all sse personnel) 

thanking Hlass and the SSe employees for honoring him with the dedication. Stennis encouraged them to 

"dream bigger dreams." American author-poet Edgar Allan Poe also used the words in one of his poems. 

69. "SSME Test Program Reaches Milestones," 29 August 1988. 

349 
sions as possible to achieve the established 8,000 second [testing] goal. 

Mix said he was "pleased" with the performance of the engine, the test team, 

and all support systems. "Two-thousand seconds is a long time," he noted. 

"It takes a lot of concentration for test conductors to monitor everything in 

that period of time. "71 

As time neared for the 29 September 1988 launch of Space Shuttle 

Discovery on NASA's STS-26 return-to-flight mission, the enthusiasm of the 

sse "can do" employees reached new heights. "It feels much like it did when 

we were leading up to the first shuttle launch of Columbia in 1981," Deputy 

Director Roy Estess observed. "We are an aggressive, high-spirited team, 

confident that we are on the right track." Roscoe Nicholson, a Rocketdyne 

engine test manager and head of the company's 320-member test team, 

echoed Estess's summation and added, "We're very happy with the way the 

engines are working." Estess and Nicholson agreed that problems discovered 

during the extensive testing-such as cracks, welding flaws, and a small heat 

exchanger-had been solved.72 

With the successful testing of the shuttle's main engines, a major phase 

was completed in the process of preparing the Space Shuttle for flight. 

NASA certified that numerous improvements were made to the rocket's 

engines and they were ready to return-to-flight. All told, there were 40 

changes made to the SSMEs during the 32-month, stand-down period. The 

last test firings, aimed at certifying the design modifications, were completed 

in July. The two record-breaking 2,017-second firings on the B-1 test stand 

in August gave the Agency even more confidence for the upcoming STS-26 

shuttle launch.73 

70. John Maines, "Two Years After Challenger Lab Is Ready To Go," The Clarion-Ledger, 28 January 1988. 

71. "Shuttle Engine Improvements Certified Ready For Flight," Lagniappe, 21 September 1988, SSCHRC. 

72. Estess, interview; Maines, "Two Years After Challenger ... ," The Clarion-Ledger. 

73. "NASA Schedules Target Date For Shuttle Discovery Launch," Lagniappe, 21 September 1988, SSCHRC. 

350 
A cloud of hot steam boils out of the flame deflector at the A-1 test stand during a test firing of 

a Space Shuttle Main Engine in 1988 during the NASA "return-to-flight" program. 

(SSC-88-072-2) 

Since SSME testing resumed in June 1986 following the Challenger disaster, the test program at the sse accumulated 175 tests for a total of79,775 

seconds. Understandably, the large number of tests and the cumulative 

number of testing seconds undertaken were directly related to a desire to eradicate any problems with the engines prior to an extensive Office of Space 

Flight (OSF) review of the entire Space Shuttle system and engine flightreadiness certification. As a result, the accumulated firing time was equivalent 

to approximately 50 Space Shuttle missions. 74 

The meeting of NASA's five-member OSF Management Council, comprised of the four center directors and the NASA Headquarters's OSF 

director, took place at the SSC on 9 September 1988. The OSF meeting was 

preceded by a shuttle program management review on the Mississippi Gulf 

74. Ibid. 

351 
At the conclusion of the critical OSF meeting, Admiral Truly announced 

to the press that the Space Shuttle was again ready to fly. In making his 

proclamation, a jubilant and confident Truly praised the entire NASA organization's accomplishments in the return-to-flight program. The Mississippi 

native proudly recounted the testing done at the SSC when he said, "The 

work that has been done down here [at the SSC] has been the heaviest test 

program ever, and Stennis has done it," Truly said. "It's complete now, and 

we're ready to fly!"76 

Of course the entire Agency was pleased to hear those encouraging 

words from Admiral Truly. None of the spaceflight directors was happier 

than Jerry Hlass, who led his "can do" team from the lowest ebb of their 

morale in 1976 to the exhilarating heights of becoming a full-fledged participant in NASA's return-to-flight campaign. Hlass, in nearly 13 years, moved 

from the back row of the OSF conference room to become a respected, 

voting member of the elite spaceflight directors' club, sitting as an equal at 

their table. Hlass admitted that Truly was largely responsible for the change 

in his status within NASA because when Truly was appointed as Associate 

Administrator following the Challenger explosion in 1986, the Admiral 

wanted all spaceflight centers to participate fully in the important decisions 

made to get the shuttle flying again. Truly believed active participation by all 

concerned was necessary to achieve the results needed to rebuild the organization, redesign and modify the hardware, test the components, and conduct 

a successful launch. 77 

75. NASA Headquarters News Release, "Discovery Launch Set For 29 September," 27 September 1988, NHRC; 

"NASA Schedules Target Date ... ," Lagniappe, 21 September 1988, SSCHRC. 

76. Ibid.; Hlass personal notes, handwritten, 27 February 1996, original in SSCHRC; Jerry Hlass, interview by 

Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996. 

77. Hlass, interview; NASA-SSC History Office, Chronology, 1991, SSCHRC; "Successful Discovery Mission 

Tops News In 1988," Sea Coast Echo, 27 January 1989. 

352 
ppppg

the Moon missions during the Apollo program and the engines for the first 25 

Space Shuttle flights. The return-to-flight mission of Discovery, however, 

held special significance for all concerned. The launch of Discovery was considered a "comeback" mission to recover NASA's honor and credibility, 

qualities somewhat tarnished by the Challenger accident. For the SSC government-contractor team, the STS-26 return-to-flight mission was also special 

because of the monumental testing effort conducted in south Mississippi to 

ensure the safety and efficiency of the Discovery's main engines.79 

In addition to the work devoted to the STS-26 mission, the personable 

crew members of Discovery were especially close to many employees at the 

sse because they had visited the test center in 1987, presented awards, shook 

hands, and signed autographs. During their visit, the crew met with as many 

employees as possible, including workers in the Space Shuttle Test Complex. 

The astronauts on the flight were Navy Captain Frederick H. "Rick" Hauck, 

commander; Air Force Colonel Richard 0. "Dick" Covey, pilot; and mission 

specialists George D. "Pinky" Nelson, John M. "Mike" Lounge, and Marine 

Lieutenant Colonel David C. "Dave" Hilmers.80 

Beyond the SSC team's achievements in testing and their attachment to 

the crew, the STS-26 mission was a personal accomplishment for Jerry Hlass. 

The launch of Discovery marked the first time an SSC director actively participated in the decision process certifying a craft for flight. Hlass's opinion, 

along with the other spaceflight directors, was a contributing factor in making 

the "Go or No-Go" launch decision for the mission. A new spirit of teamwork 

prevailed under Admiral Truly's leadership of NASA. In addition, Hlass felt 

78. Ibid. 

79. Ibid. 

80. Ibid.; Neil McAleer, Space Shuttle, The Renewed Promise (Washington, DC: NASA-PAM-521, 1988), 

pp. 2-6; "Flight Crew For STS-26 Visits NSTL: Presents Snoopys," Lagniappe, 20 March 1987. 

353 
The Space Shuttle Discovery (STS-26) was launched from Kennedy Space Center 29 Sep

1988, signifying America's return-to-flight following two years of down time as a result 

Challenger accident on 28 January 1986. Personnel at the National Space Tech

Laboratories "tested the way" with record rocket engine tests prior to the STS-26 mission

( SSC-94-677 -1) 

close to the other center directors, Cohen, McCartney, and Thompson, h

worked with them during the return-to-flight recovery period. With ma

his employees and community friends present for the STS-26 launch, 

could not have been happier. 81 

Likewise, on 29 September 1988, NASA Headquarters's officials 

excited at the prospect of a successful return-to-flight launch of Space S

Discovery. At 11:37 a.m., Discovery lifted off the launch pad and qu

accelerated out of sight to the relieved applause and yells of approval 

81. Hlass, interview. 

354 
, y g , , y, 

to Christa and Greg-Dear friends, we have resumed the journey that we 

promised to continue for you ... your loss has meant that we could confidently 

begin anew ... your spirit and your dreams are still alive in our hearts." 83 

On 3 October 1988, Discovery concluded the historic mission said to be "A 

great ending to the new beginning." A very proud and excited Admiral Truly 

hailed the mission as an "absolute stunning success." The conclusion was

indeed, as Administrator Fletcher proclaimed, "a banner day for NASA" 

President Ronald Reagan joyfully proclaimed that "America is back in space!"84 

Crossing To Victory 

Following the successful Discovery mission, the SSC employees shared 

in the adulation from fellow citizens. The SSC workers gave their best in long 

hours of testing the engines for the mission. Some SSC team members gave 

an extra measure by serving on investigative and review teams to improve 

manufacturing and processing and to ensure the safety and reliability of the 

vehicle. The Mississippi installation's engineers and technicians also made a 

significant and lasting contribution by developing a system to remotely monitor shuttle temperatures and icing conditions. 85 

This important shuttle-monitoring contribution came from the Science 

and Technology Laboratory (formerly the ERL), where Gerry Meeks and his 

82. Benedict, The Journey Continues ... , pp. 110-111; Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civi

Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing Company, 1994), pp. 117-118. 

83. Ibid. 

84. "STS-26 Crew Thanks NSTL," Lagniappe, 24 October 1988, SSCHRC; Benedict, The Journey Continues ... 

pp. 108-111. 

85. Jerry Hlass "Special Thanks To A Dedicated Team," Lagniappe, 24 October 1988, SSCHRC. 

355 
pg pp

svy gpSSC 

an open letter to all employees that the dedicated sse team "picked themselves up from extreme adversity" and helped the Agency achieve a stunning 

comeback. In his letter, Hlass noted the record-breaking testing of the main 

engines, the modification and activation of the B-1 test stand, the work on the 

review teams, and the development of the remote sensors to thermally map 

the shuttle stack as it stood on the pad at KSC. 87 

On 26 October 1988, the triumphant crew of the Discovery visited the SSC 

to personally thank those employees who tested the shuttle's engines and 

helped make the improvements leading up to the STS-26 mission. The 

crew's visit was like a "victory party" or a celebration. Once again the astronauts went all over the sprawling space center, cracking jokes, shaking 

hands, and sincerely expressing their appreciation to the SSC team. The 

Discovery crew shared photos with employees in the Visitors Center auditorium, talked to several hundred workers in the shops, visited the Teacher 

Resource Center and presented Silver Snoopy Awards to Rocketdyne 

employees in the Space Shuttle Test Complex. Members of the shuttle crew 

also joined sse community leaders and center management for a luncheon 

at the Cypress House pavilion. The crew's simple words were enough reward 

for the hundreds of SSC workers who contributed to the nation's return to 

space. "Thanks for all the good work you've done," said Commander Hauck 

during a speech delivered at the base of the A-1 test stand. "You got us going, 

you got us back into space."88 

86. "Stennis Space Center Engineers Develop Shuttle Imaging Device.'' Lagniappe, 24 October 1988, SSCHRC. 

87. "Special Thanks To A Dedicated Team," Lagniappe, 24 October 1988, SSCHRC. 

88. NASA-NSTL News Release, "Astronauts Thank Stennis Employees," 23 October 1988, SSCHRC. 

356 
wvS96 v

by late fall of 1988. To the surprise of most SSC employees and community 

officials, on 22 November 1988, NASA Administrator James C. Fletcher 

appointed Hlass to the position of Assistant for Engineering and Technology to 

the Deputy Administrator at NASA Headquarters in Washington, D.C.89 

At the same time, Fletcher named Deputy Director Roy Estess to succeed 

Hlass as director of the newly designated John C. Stennis Space Center. 

Estess, a test engineer who came up through the ranks, had served as deputy 

director of the south Mississippi facility since 1980. The Tylertown, 

Mississippi, native was a "strong right arm" as Hlass steered the installation 

through most of the 1980s and was there to assist Hlass in achieving his heady 

goals for the center. 90 

When Hlass arrived at the NSTL in September 1976, the future for the 

NASA laboratory looked bleak. The small, 69-member NASA organization was 

beset with serious morale problems. The NASA personnel feared extinction 

with the arrival of the Navy and with the MSFC's strong control of the test complex. The once-touted rocket-test facilities were woefully lacking in preventive 

maintenance and in some cases were rusting away, right in the very shadow of 

the test stands. The entire infrastructure was beginning to show age and wear; 

many facilities were becoming obsolete. The shaky tenure of the JSC-managed 

ERL indicated that it might be served better at its home base in Texas.91 

89. NASA-SSC News Release, "Key Appointments Made At NASA Headquarters," 22 November 1988, 

SSCHRC; "Hlass To Take Headquarters Post; Estess Named Stennis Director," Lagniappe, 15 

December 1988, SSCHRC. 

90. Ibid. 

91. Roy S. Estess, interview by Henry Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 444, 1991, pp. 22-23, SSCHRC; Office Of Applications Engineering, "Management 

Review For Mr. Jerry Hlass," 27 August 1976, SSCHRC. A large number of NASA notables gathered at 

the Great Southern Club in the Hancock Bank to bid farewell to Jerry Hlass. Leo Seal, Jr., gave a brief 

talk outlining achievements of the SSC under Hlass's direction. Seal emphasized the "continued growth" 

during Hlass's tenure. 

357 
achieved their goals, but they far exceeded their expectations. As icing on the 

cake, Hlass and his people were duly recognized by Dr. Fletcher, Admiral 

Truly, and even the President of the United States for their achievements.92 

In 1976 when Jerry Hlass returned to Mississippi to take charge of the 

NSTL, there were 1,500 government and contractor personnel working with 

NASA and 18 federal and state agencies. When Hlass left for his Washington 

assignment in January 1989, there were 5,400 people employed at the sse. 

The Navy's oceanographic programs and the Army Ammunition Plant, promoted by Senator Stennis, together brought in approximately 2,700 people. 

During the same period, over 1,200 government and contractor personnel were 

added to the NASA team. 93 

A mark of Hlass' s leadership, evident to all, was the continuous construction 

and refurbishment of facilities during his management of the Mississippi installation. The rusting infrastructure that Hlass found in 1976, sparkled with new 

and improved facilities by the time he departed. He is especially remembered for 

helping his sse people secure new programs, initiating personnel amenities, 

promoting education and public programs, and ensuring the success of the Space 

Shuttle test program by providing excellent facilities and support services.94 

Most notably, Jerry Hlass inherited a struggling laboratory trying to find a 

toehold within the greater NASA "community" and left behind a dynamic John 

C. Stennis Space Center with experienced and well-qualified managers and 

personnel poised to grow into the decade ofthe 1990s. Indeed, Jerry Hlass succeeded in the SSC's "renasafication."95 

92. "Admiral Truly Gives Major Awards For Space Shuttle Recovery Effort," Lagniappe, 13 January 1989, 

SSCHRC; Mack Herring, commentary, "Jerry Hlass-His Mark To Remember," Lagniappe, 13 January 

1989, SSCHRC. 

93. Leo Seal, Jr., remarks, Great Southern Club, Gulfport, MS, January 1989, SSCHRC. 

94. Ibid. 

95. Commentary, Lagniappe, 13 January 1989, SSCHRC. 

358 
Bigger Dreams 

An Exclusive Club 

After the tenure of Jerry Hlass and the successful completion of his 

"renasafication" program, the John C. Stennis Space Center (SSC) 

was issued "Gold Card membership" in the eminent family of 

NASA research and spaceflight organizations. With full-fledged status in the 

elite club of NASA centers, the SSC was granted special privileges along with 

a number of weighty responsibilities. 1 

The staff members of the Mississippi facility obtained their status in the 

NASA hierarchy "the hard way." The SSC team earned its membership by 

working tirelessly for over three decades to prove worthiness of U.S. space 

exploration. 2 

1. Roger E. Bilstein, Orders of Magnitude, A History of NACA and NASA, 1915-1990 (Washington, DC: NASA 

SP-4406, 1989), pp. 1-14; "NASA Celebrates 75 Years," Lagniappe, 16 March 1990, Stennis Space Center 

Historical Records Collection (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC). 

2. "NASA Honor Awards 1996," Lagniappe, 20 June 1996, SSCHRC; "SSC Designated as Lead Testing Center," 

Lagniappe, 20 June 1996, SSCHRC; "National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958," Public Law 85-568, 

72 State. 426, pp. 334-338; Edwin R. Ling, Sr., The Space Crescent: The Untold Story of the Mississippi 

Connection: The National Space Technology Laboratories (Huntsville, AL: Strode Publishers, Inc. 1984 ), 

pp. 17-18. 

359 
y 

gy g

and higher levels of achievement. 3 

After years of toil and struggle to reach their new goals, a few of the initial SSC team members were still on board in 1989. These employees were 

working to recruit, train, and inspire a new generation of restless explorers. 

The hybrid team of seasoned veterans and their enthusiastic apprentices 

learned from each other as they combined their talents and resources in 

developing a new vision for the SSC. Following the dedication in August 

1988, the new team dared to dream "bigger dreams" for an even brighter 

future for the SSC.4 

With its new status, the leaders of the SSC quickly discovered that "there's 

no heavier burden than a great potential." But, in some cases, the team's perceived handicaps, such as its small organizational size, proved to be an asset 

in their continued effort to elevate the facility to a higher level of acceptance.5 

By the 1990s, many within NASA adopted a new operational concept 

known as "better, faster, and cheaper." Containing a strong emphasis on budgetary restraint, the new business theme proved to be extremely advantageous 

for the SSC in its quest to become the nation's "Center of Excellence for 

Propulsion Testing." The well-known SSC "can do" crew of the 1990s was 

not content with the status quo. Instead, the SSC team elected to choose a 

road less traveled that would lead to heretofore unthinkable frontiers of leadership in America's space program.6 

3. "John C. Stennis Space Center Vision Statement," Lagniappe, 18 June 1992, SSCHRC. 

4. John C. Stennis to Jerry Hlass, 4 August 1988. 

5. Julie D. Meredith, "Memorandum For The Record: Hearing On The FY 1997 Budget Request Before The 

Subcommittee On VA-HUD-Independent Agencies Of The Committee On Appropriations," 16 May 1996, 

pp. 1-2; Charles Schultz, "Peanuts" (United Features Syndicate, Inc., 1958). 

6. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Charles Bolton and Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, 

University of Southern Mississippi, vol. 386, 1991, pp. 21-22, SSCHRC. 

360 
gpg 

p

committees. In fact, Estess was recognized for his efforts as chairman of the 

Space Shuttle Processing Contract Review Team (1986-1987) after the 1986 

Challenger accident. He was also recognized as chairman of the NASA-wide 

Equal Opportunity (EO) Committee for an unprecedented term of three years 

(1984-1987). For his efforts as chair of the EO Committee, Estess was presented with a NASA EO Medal. Additionally, in May 1988, he was awarded 

the Distinguished Executive Presidential Rank Award by President George 

Bush, the highest honor given to a civil service employee.7 

Roy Estess, Stennis 

Space Center director, gives U.S. Sen. 

John C. Stennis a 

moment to liven up 

the crowd during an 

Old Timers' Day 

celebration for 

retirees at the center. 

(SSC-91-666-12) 

7. NASA-NSTL News Release, "Estess Appointed Deputy Director," 29 August 1990, SSCHRC; "Hlass To Take 

Headquarters Post: Estess Named Stennis Director," Lagniappe, 15 December 1988, SSCHRC; Roy Estess, 

NASA Headquarters Office of Space Flight, "Space Shuttle Processing," Report by Shuttle Processing 

Contract Review Team, 9 February 1987; NASA-SSC PAO, "Roy Estess, Biography," January 1996. 

361 
gpg 

the installation's world-class rocket propulsion test and research capabilities.8 

Estess's ability to work well as a member of a "team" and his sincere 

devotion to church, community, and state are two personality traits that 

enabled him to effectively govern the SSC as director. One member of his 

staff described Estess as a "straight shooter." Dr. Ramon Leake, Estess's 

pastor at the First Baptist Church in Picayune, Mississippi, in a completely 

unrelated appraisal, similarly described Estess as "straightforward" when he 

stated, "you soon got right to the heart of things with Roy." These personal 

and professional credentials have proved to be essential in the achievement of 

major goals for the SSC and the entire NASA organization.9 

As a manager, Estess had and still has the reputation for respecting his 

employees. Over the years, he has become known as a "people person." His 

office door has always been open to all of his employees. The amiable Estess has 

never been able to resist hearing a problem from an old colleague or tuning in on 

a new idea from a young engineer. Estess is as comfortable discussing the 

weather with farmers at a country store in his rural community of Carriere, 

Mississippi, as he is exchanging scholarly matters with members of the Advisory 

Committee to the College of Engineering at Mississippi State University. 10 

8. NASA-SSC PAO, "Roy Estess, Biography," July 1992; NASA-SSC History Office, Chronology, "Pursuit of 

Propulsion Test Mission for the NASA John C. Stennis Space Center," January 1993; Roy Estess et a!., 

"White Paper, Strengthening of Ground Test Capability for Large Propulsion Systems," 10 July 1986; 

"Harry Guin's Desk Ready Reference File," SSCHRC. Harry Guin, like many other NASA managers, kept 

a "Desk Ready Reference File" of papers and documents they felt to be very important and that they might 

need to refer to frequently. Harry Guin's secretary, Renay Nelson, graciously provided the author with Mr. 

Guin's file, which has been an invaluable resource for this text. 

9. Ken Human, telephone interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 14 June 1996, notes in SSCHRC; Aaron Cohen, 

telephone interview by Mack Herring, College Station, TX, 17 June 1996, notes in SSCHRC; Reverend 

Ramon Leake to Mark Formby, 19 March 1996; State of Mississippi, "House Concurrent Resolution, No. 

128," 27 March 1996. 

10. Ibid. 

362 
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pjg 

things happen-making the place go. The people in the shops and the labs 

have their jobs to do, too. Working together, we all make it happen." 11 

In keeping with his policy of staying in touch with his employees, one of 

Estess's first actions as director was to move the director's office from the 

scenic, but physically distant, Rouchon House to the second floor of the main 

Engineering and Administration Building (Bldg. 1100). In making this move, 

Estess broke with the SSC tradition first established by Captain Bill Fortune 

and followed by Jackson Balch and Jerry HlassY 

When Estess took office, all of the senior staff members except one had 

worked closely with him when he was a test engineer, deputy director, manager of the Regional Applications Program (RAP), and acting director of the 

Earth Resources Laboratory (ERL). Only Bill Taylor, the installation's associate director, was new to the sse organization, having joined the staff in the 

fall of 1988 as associate director. Taylor, a senior engineer and manager from 

the Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC), brought valuable experience as the 

MSFC's former Comptroller and project manager of the SSME Program 

Office. His extensive experience in technical program management and financial planning was a welcome addition to the sse team that was preparing to 

make a major run at capturing new and significant propulsion programs for 

their new center. 13 

Another senior staff member, Harry Guin, with his optimistic and tenacious spirit, had long championed the idea that propulsion testing should be 

institutionalized within the NASA system. Guin hoped that the SSC would 

11. Melinda Bowman, "New Stennis Director," Lagniappe, 16 February 1989, SSCHRC. 

12. Ibid.; Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 24 April 1996, audio tapes and notes in 

SSCHRC. 

13. Estess, interview; NASA-SSC Organization Chart, December 1989; "William Taylor Appointed Associate 

Director," Lagniappe, 18 November 1988, SSCHRC. 

363 
y , 

priority was to continue to fulfill the installation's responsibility in the testing 

of the SSMEs. He also intended to promote and support other propulsion programs assigned to the SSC and to strengthen support of the Agency research 

and technology programs. As a staunch advocate of the multiagency complex, 

Estess further pledged support of the resident agencies. To say the least, Roy 

Estess found his new job as director an "exciting" assignment. 15 

Friends In High Places 

Following the successful return to flight in 1988, a number of top leaders 

retired or left NASA for less demanding positions. A true friend of the SSC, 

James C. Fletcher was one of the aerospace notables to announce his departure. Fletcher returned to the SSC on 8 April1989 for a farewell visit. 16 

On 12 April 1989, President George Bush announced that Admiral 

Richard Truly would replace Fletcher as Administrator of NASA, and that 

J.R. Thompson, MSFC director, would assist Truly at NASA Headquarters as 

Deputy Administrator. These important appointments placed two longstanding SSC advocates in the highest positions in the Space Agency. In fact, 

Thompson had encouraged the SSC to pursue the goal of becoming NASA's 

"Center of Excellence for Propulsion Testing." 17 

14. Estess, interview; SSC-PAO Biography, "Harry Guin," May 1996; A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by 

Charles Bolton and Steven Patterson, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 336, 1991, pp. 21-22, SSCHRC. 

15. Estess, interview. 

16. "Former Administrator Dr. Fletcher Bids Stennis Employees Farewell," Lagniappe, 19 April 1989, SSCHRC; 

NASA Headquarters, "Fletcher Biography," January 1996, SSCHRC. 

17. "President Nominates Richard Truly To Head Nation's Space Program," Lagniappe, 19 April 1989, SSCHRC; 

NASA Headquarters, "J.R. Thompson Biography," May 1996, SSCHRC. 

364 
pgy ppj

to NASA, especially with the addition and cooperation of the internationally 

known, world-class Naval Oceanographic Office. 18 

"Great Tides" In History 

In testimony before Congress in 1979, the noted American author-historian James A. Michener expressed the concern that the country was not 

pursuing space exploration with the fervor that it should. He observed that 

there seemed to be "great tides" that operated in the history of civilizations, 

and that nations must be prudent to estimate these tides if they were to survive and prosper. The SSC's Roy Estess, Harry Guin, A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., 

and many others on the staff sensed that they needed to move quickly with the 

new tide in NASA that featured leadership at the top who favored the SSC's 

long-sought-after goals in rocket testing. 19 

Estess knew that he had a mission to carry the SSC to a plateau beyond 

the level that Jerry Hlass had the opportunity to take the installation as its 

director. Because he felt the circumstances were right when he was 

appointed in 1989, Estess's principal mission from the earliest days of his 

tenure was to prepare the SSC for the future. He envisioned the installation's 

future role to be that of a "multiprogram propulsion test facility." In order to 

achieve that goal, the new director knew that he had to improve his staffing, 

18. Roy Estess, interview by Henry C. Dethloff, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern 

Mississippi, vol. 444, 1991, SSCHRC. 

19. "James A. Michener, statement, Task Force on Defense, Foreign Policy and Space," Committee on the Budget, 

U.S. House of Representatives, 28 April1992; Michener gave similar testimony before Congress in 1979. 

His central theme of "riding the great tides of history" actually came from an observation by William 

Shakespeare approximately 400 years earlier. 

365 
g p, pp 

by a group of NSTL engineers, stressed the importance of "third-party testing" and the development of an in-place contractor and civil servant test team 

skilled in group propulsion testingY 

In a nutshell, the White Paper called for (1) consolidation of Agency testing at one location; (2) utilization of "an independent, NASA-managed, 

contractor-operated test team" to provide NASA with a continuing capability 

to test large propulsion systems; (3) employment of a support contractor to 

perform data acquisition, maintenance, and logistics, rather than depend on 

specialized hardware contractors. 22 

The provisions of the White Paper illustrated the possibility of great cost 

savings that could be achieved by NASA adopting the concept of a centralized test operation. In addition, the plan also pointed out that the move would 

save the taxpayers the cost of repeatedly studying sites, such as the south 

Mississippi facility, Edwards Air Force Base (EAFB), the MSFC, and Arnold 

Engineering Development Center (AEDC) as candidates for testing future 

rocket propulsion systems.23 

The years since the White Paper presentation in 1986, and the trail followed by the team toward its ultimate mission, have proved the wisdom of the 

thinking that went into that simple document drafted to change the Agency's 

approach to testing rocket systems. The provisions proposed in the paper have 

come to pass. Somewhat surprising, also, the team at the Mississippi facility 

achieved even greater results than they anticipated at the time. 24 

20. Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 24 April 1996; Jerry Hlass, interview by 

Mack Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996. 

21. Roy Estess et a!., "White Paper on Strengthening of Ground Test Capability for Large Propulsion Systems," 

sse, MS. 10 July 1996. 

22./bid. 

23./bid. 

24. Ibid.; Estess, interview. 

366 
work, help from friends in top NASA management positions, and even, in 

some instances, by fate or "pure luck." Granted, the Mississippi team promoting the enhancement of the propulsion mission continued to work 

diligently after 1986 to effect changes in their mission. This resulted in an 

ever-increasing and stronger role in managing test support activities.25 

By 1988, when the NSTL became known as the John C. Stennis Space 

Center, control of the support function, activation of the B-1 test position, and the 

positive actions taken by the team in promoting the Advanced Solid Rocket Motor 

(ASRM), and the National Aerospace Plane (NASP) programs had all contributed 

to the installation's stronger position within the NASA hierarchy. The excellent 

record of SSME testing, which featured both the MSFC test management and the 

SSC support management, also added to the growing status of the SSC.26 

The last official act of Jerry Hlass on 18 January 1989, before he departed for 

an assignment at Headquarters, was the cutting of a tree to symbolically herald 

the beginning of the $40 million Component Test Facility (CTF), authorized to 

support the joint Air Force-NASA Advanced Launch System (ALS) project. The 

beginning of construction did not actually occur until some time later. 27 

The CTF was absolutely essential for the aerospace community to seriously consider the SSC as America's "Center of Excellence for Propulsion 

Testing." Most propulsion managers at the SSC, such as Boyce Mix, agreed 

that the CTF was the critical element in the future success of the SSC reaching its propulsion testing goals.28 

25. Boyce Mix, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 22 April 1996; Patrick Scheuermann, Picayune, MS, 

22 July 1996. 

26. NASA-SSC History Office, Chronology, "Pursuit of a Propulsion Test Mission ... ," January 1993; "Lenoir 

Visits," Lagniappe, 23 August 1991, SSCHRC. 

27. Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, SSC, 24 April 1996; Jerry Hlass, interview by Mack 

Herring, Long Beach, MS, 27 February 1996. 

28. Boyce Mix, interview, 22 Apri11996; Patrick Scheuermann, Picayune, MS, 22 July 1996; The CTF Project, 

however, later needed additional funding of about $45 million for completion. 

367 
graduate brought to sse important experience, in planning and implementing 

advanced propulsion test programs, as well as other research and development activities. Highly recommended by J.R. Thompson, Smith added 

credibility, as well as propulsion expertise, to the SSe team. With Associate 

Director Bill Taylor, the appointment of Smith gave the SSe two of the 

MSFC's top rocket program managers.29 

Another personnel action that also favored the SSe occurred when Dr. 

William Lenoir was appointed on 13 July 1989 to fill the position of Associate 

Administrator for Space Flight, vacated by Truly when he was named administrator of NASA. Lenoir quickly became a friend of the SSe and wholeheartedly supported the idea of recognizing the installation as the Agency's 

major rocket test center. During a visit to the Mississippi facility after his 

appointment, Lenoir voiced strong backing of the SSe plan to perform "thirdparty testing" and for the facility to assume a test management role. In a later 

visit, Lenoir told the SSe management team that he was "pleased" with 

progress being made with the ALS and ASRM work at the SSe.30 

Further recognition came on 30 August 1989 when Roy Estess and T.J. 

"Jack" Lee, who succeeded J.R. Thompson as director of the MSFe, signed 

a memorandum of agreement between the MSFe and the SSe stating that the 

sse was responsible for the management and operations of the ASRM activity at the SSe after the qualification program for the ASRM was completed. 

The agreement also declared that the SSe would be responsible for test data 

acquisition, onsite processing, real-time evaluation of data, and data archival 

storage. Although the agreement stopped short of granting complete control 

of test operations, it was considered a positive milestone in recognition of the 

29. NASA-SSC Biography, "Gerald Smith," May 1994; Gerald Smith, interview by Mack Herring and Myron 

Webb, SSC, MS, 22 December 1994, SSCHRC. 

30. NASA-SSC History Office, Chronology, "Pursuit of A ... "; NASA Headquarters News Release, "Dr. William 

Lenoir Appointed AA for Space Flight," 13 July 1989, SSCHRC. 

368 
pg

Having a civil servant as a test conductor, in a function similar to a launch 

conductor at the Kennedy Space Center (KSC), was unprecedented. Even 

during the testing of the Saturn V first- and second-stage boosters during the 

Apollo program, a government employee had never served in that position at 

the Mississippi installation. 32 

With optimism running high at the SSC, the Propulsion Test Operations 

Office, headed by Harry Guin, issued its first charter 14 November 1989. The 

charter included direct language strongly favoring the SSC's pursuit of 

stronger missions in propulsion testing and provided for the "management of 

test operations for the test and evaluation of: systems, engines, and components for the Advanced Launch System, the Advanced Solid Rocket Motor, 

and all future propulsion systems assigned to [the] SSC." The charter can be 

seen as indicative of the spirit of optimism as a tool used to sharpen the SSC's 

focus on developing the facility's propulsion test objectives. The new roles 

that were given to the SSC in the ASRM, ALS, and National Aerospace Plane 

programs brought a new energy and purpose in addition to the potential for 

future hardware testing. 33 

In July 1990, Vice-President Dan Quayle, in response to the strong support of the Bush Administration for a robust space program, asked NASA 

Administrator Richard Truly to form an outside task force to consider the 

future long-term direction of the nation's space program. Truly's response 

was, "I am pleased the Vice-President has expressed his confidence in NASA. 

31. NASA memorandum of agreement, Roy Estess and T.J. Lee, 30 August 1989, SSC Executive Records 

Collection, SSCHRC. 

32. NASA memorandum of agreement, Roy Estess and T.J. Lee, 11 August 1991, SSC Executive Records 

Collection, SSCHRC. 

33. NASA-SSC Management Instruction 1107.8C, 14 October 1989; SSC Propulsion Test Operations, "Charter"; 

NASA-SSC Management Instruction, 1107.8C, 14 November 1990. 

369 
ppgppp

that included (1) a space science program, (2) a Mission to Planet Earth, (3) a 

Mission from Planet Earth, (4) an expanded technology development activity, 

and (5) a robust space transportation system. The SSC managers were buoyed 

by the contents of the report which was highly favorable toward propulsion 

and scientific programs under way at the SSC, especially recommendations 

calling for the development of new and cheaper launch vehicles to replace the 

Space Shuttle in the twenty-first century. A new family of boosters, of course, 

would require developmental and certification static-testing.35 

Prior to the issuance of the Augustine Committee's final report, however, 

some historic SSME static firings were conducted on all three test stands at 

the SSC in one day. On 20 July 1990, a 771-second test on the B-1 position, 

an ignition test on the A-2 stand, and a 530-second static firing on the A-1 

stand were accomplished. 36 

A sharper focus and significant recognition for the SSC came when 

NASA Deputy Administrator J.R. Thompson issued a "Roles and Mission" 

report on 8 November 1991. The report called for the SSC to be designated 

as a "Center of Excellence for Large Space Propulsion Systems Testing." 

NASA Administrator Richard Truly asked Thompson to do the study in 

response to the Augustine Committee report that criticized NASA for not 

having done a "Roles and Mission" study in 20 years. The recommendation 

made by Thompson was forwarded by Truly to Vice-President Quayle on 13 

November 1991. The findings of the "Roles and Mission" statement were 

good news for the sse employees who had worked so hard in the hope that 

34. "Quayle Says Space Remains Top Priority," Lagniappe, 18 July 1990, SSCHRC. 

35. Richard Truly, "NASA Briefing to National Space Council on the Advisory Committee on the Future of the 

U.S. Space Program Recommendations," 11 January 1991; Office of the Vice-President, Press Secretary, 

"Advisory Committee Chairman Appointed," 25 July 1990. 

36. "SSC Marks First in Engine Testing," Lagniappe, 20 August 1990, SSCHRC. 

370 
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concluded that the sse role should be expanded to "manage and execute" the 

test program defined by the development centers. Thompson emphatically 

stated, "They [SSC] can do it." Truly forwarded the report to Vice-President 

Quayle and said he intended to make the report a "vital part" of the Agency's 

continual improvement efforts.38 

J.R. Thompson's report and Truly's "Administrator's Decision Memorandum," on 30 December 1991, agreeing on the SSC's role as NASA's Center 

of Excellence for Testing Large Propulsion Systems, were certainly major 

steps toward recognition for the SSC. Estess and members of his staff, however, knew there was still much to be done before they could breathe easy with 

the knowledge that their prize had actually been won. After all, the senior 

members of the sse staff had suffered disappointments in the past while pursuing illusive goals and had accepted lesser rewards. In addition to 

remembering old adversities, the sse managers were also very much aware 

that Thompson's report did not grant their installation the "test management" 

role for the SSME program, nor was the SSC awarded the coveted "lead 

center" status that many other NASA centers were given in various science, 

technology development, and exploration roles.39 

As the new year of 1992 opened, the SSC staff returned to work with an 

even stronger resolve to continue their drive toward achieving their goals. 

On 31 January 1992, a draft implementation plan for the achievement of the 

37. J.R. Thompson, "Roles and Missions Report," 8 November 1991. 

38. J.R. Thompson to the NASA Administrator, 8 November 1991; Richard H. Truly to the Honorable J. Danforth 

Quayle, 13 November 1991; Richard H. Truly to NASA Headquarters Officials, and Center Directors-Field 

Installations, "Memorandum of Decision," 13 December 1991. 

39. Ibid.; Gerald Smith to NASA Associate Administrator for Space Flight, 31 January 1992; "SSC and 

Thompson's Roles and Mission Report," Harry Guin Desk Ready Reference File, SSCHRC. In this memorandum for the record, Harry Guin noted that Thompson's "Roles and Mission Report" failed to grant the 

SSC a "Test Management Role." 

371 
ful. Smith further pointed out that the SSC had very experienced civil service 

personnel, contractor test engineers, and test conductors already working at 

the facility. Smith carefully explained that the civil servants, engineers, and 

test conductors, who were already involved with a variety of liquid- and solidpropulsion test programs, were more than capable of carrying on the SSC's 

immediate responsibilities for the ASRM and ALS, as well as undertaking 

missions that might be assigned in the future. 41 

The "can do" team at the sse did not complain as they accepted their 

hard-earned, newly acquired Center of Excellence status. A few of the other 

NASA field centers, however, objected to the SSC being named a Center of 

Excellence. Their reactions would have been even sharper if Thompson had 

suggested that the SSC be designated the "Lead Center for the Testing of Large 

Propulsion Systems." According to Roy Estess, "J.R. Thompson staked out the 

potential for us [the SSC] to be declared the Center of Excellence [in the 

report], and Admiral Truly made that decision."42 

The Statecraft Of Shuttle Diplomacy 

An opportunity to gain further recognition for its management expertise 

was presented to the south Mississippi facility when J.R. Thompson stepped 

down as Deputy Administrator to enter private business on 8 November 1991. 

Thompson's departure left Truly in need of a strong person to help him run the 

Agency until a new deputy could be recruited and approved.43 

40. NASA-SSC "Implementation Plan for a Center of Excellence for Large Space Propulsion Systems Testing," 

Rev. 10, Final Draft, Harry Guin Desk Ready Reference File, January 1992, SSCHRC. 

41. Ibid. 

42. Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, SSC, 42 April 1996. 

43. Ibid.; Mark Craig, telephone interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 21 June 1996. 

372 
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SSC since accepting the challenge to help put NASA back into space in 

1986, announced his resignation as NASA Administrator effective 1 April 

1992. Some members of the SSC team worried that the center's new Center 

of Excellence status might be endangered by the new Headquarters's management. A first sign that the SSC at least had a foot in the door at NASA 

Headquarters came when the new Administrator, DanielS. Goldin (1940- ), 

former Vice-President and General Manager of TRW Technology Group, 

asked Estess to stay on at NASA Headquarters to assist him during the transition period. 45 

When Truly announced his resignation, he told NASA employees, 

"Anytime leadership changes in an organization, it can be a time of rough seas. 

In the Navy, when you enter very tough situations and rough seas, there is a 

saying, "Steady as she goes!" The Admiral predicted the organization would 

keep "steady" and move "full speed ahead." No doubt Truly recognized that 

NASA had many leaders, such as Roy Estess, to help steer the NASA ship. 

Estess's experience as director at the ever-evolving SSC, with its many changes 

in direction and management style, certainly prepared him to help his 

Headquarters's colleagues during the Agency's transition. Outgoing 

Administrator Truly named Aaron Cohen, director of the Johnson Space Center 

(JSC) in Houston, Texas, to serve as Acting Deputy Administrator to help in the 

day-to-day operations of the Agency and to assist during the transition period.46 

44. NASA-SSC PAO Biography, Roy Estess, 8 July 1992; Estess, interview. 

45. Marcia Dunn, Associated Press, "NASA Administrator Richard Truly Resigns," 14 February 1992; "Admiral 

Truly Submits Resignation," Lagniappe, 21 February 1992, SSCHRC; Richard H. Truly to Officials in 

Charge, Headquarters Offices, Directors, NASA Field Installations, "Briefing Materials For Mr. Daniel S. 

Goldin," 12 March 1992; Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, 7 July 1995; NASA 

Headquarters, Daniel S. Goldin, Biography. 

46. Ibid. 

373 
gg

assessment of Space Station Freedom, a program that had been the subject of 

much debate by politicians, industry leaders, and internal NASA officials. 

During their evaluation, Estess and his team members used data from the 

roles and missions analysis to help develop management improvements, new 

approaches in hardware definition, and cost savings in the troubled Space 

Station program.48 

One of their decisions, to move Level II management from Reston, 

Virginia, to the JSC, resulted in page one political reverberations. In the final 

analysis, the studies led by Estess contributed to the decisions by 

Administrator Goldin leading to the salvation of the Space Station Freedom 

program. In addition, Estess's studies resulted in the Goldin administration's 

gaining favor from a Congress that was obviously pleased with the new management approaches in the Space Station program and, especially in the cost 

savings effected in the controversial program.49 

While still at NASA Headquarters, Estess accompanied the new Administrator on his first field visit to the SSC on 14 April 1992. Goldin was given a 

tour, which included one of the SSME test stands and the construction site for 

theALS's CTF. Following the tour, Goldin commented, "The attitudes are right 

among the Stennis people. You're a very close, tight team. You have a vision 

about where you want to go, and you understand Total Quality Management."50 

47. Goldin Biography; Charles F. Bolten to Headquarters Officials in Charge, Field Center Directors, 7 May 1992; 

Cohen, interview; Craig, interview. 

48. Aaron Cohen to NASA Review Team Participants, 13 August 1992, SSCHRC; Daniel S. Goldin to U.S. 

Representative Bob Traxler, Subcommittee on VA-HUD-Independent Agencies, U.S. House of 

Representatives, Committee on Appropriations, 2 December 1992, SSCHRC; Roger D. Launius, NASA: A 

History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing Company, 1994), pp. 122-124. 

49. Myron Webb, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 25 June 1996; Gerald Smith, telephone interview by 

Mack Herring, Atlanta, GA, 5 July 1996. 

50. Webb, interview; Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, 7 July 1995; Smith, telephone interview. 

374 
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lenged the positive group to stretch to be the "best in the world' at testing large 

propulsion systems. There was no doubt that Goldin was impressed and heartened by the energy and morale of the "can do" sse team.51 

Although Estess's contributions at the Headquarters primarily involved 

assisting Truly and then Goldin in their day-to-day management of the entire 

Agency, the SSC director met and worked with many top NASA executives. 

Estess dealt on a daily basis with associate administrators, field center directors, aerospace managers from across the country, and members of the 

Congress and staff assistants. 2 5

Acting Deputy Administrator Aaron Cohen said Estess never lobbied for 

his own Mississippi installation as he went about his Headquarters's assignments. Cohen added, however, that Estess's noted forthright approach to 

management and his fair and even-handed analyses of problems contributed 

greatly to the credibility of the man from Mississippi. Cohen explained that 

Estess's positive reputation was seen by his Headquarters's colleagues, in 

part, as a reflection on and response to the SSC culture. This view of Estess

according to Cohen, contributed to the overall appreciation by many NASA 

officials of the entire sse team and their ability to get the job done

Furthermore, Cohen observed, NASA officials learned that when "Roy Estess 

told you something, you knew he was speaking for the good of the Agency 

and not his own center's parochial interests."53 

Estess officially terminated his Washington, D.C., assignment on 8 May 

1992. He did, however, continue his "shuttle diplomacy" by making numerous 

trips back to Headquarters to assist Administrator Goldin in instituting new 

51. "Goldin Makes Initial Visit To SSC," Lagniappe, 20 Aprill992, SSCHRC; Estess, interview, 24 Aprill996

Smith, interview, 5 July 1996. 

52. Estess, interview, 24 April 1996. 

53. Cohen, telephone interview. 

375 
The early half of the 1990s did, indeed, bring great success to the SSC in 

its preparation to test the proposed engines and components for two of the 

nation's future rocket boosters. The changing priorities and downsizing of the 

federal government during the period, however, also held some jarring disappointments for the SSC. The ASRM project was canceled by President Bush 

when he released his fiscal year 1993 budget in January 1992. The President's 

budget was supported by Admiral Truly, who stated the ASRM's cancellation 

was due to an "affordability issue." After much debate, and despite efforts by 

Mississippi's congressional delegation, the ASRM was finally terminated by 

the Congress in October 1993. Likewise, changing programmatic priorities 

and shrinking budgets of the military and NASA prompted abandonment of 

the joint Air Force-NASA National Launch System (NLS) program that 

included the CTF at the SSC.55 

ASRM: In Dubious Battle 

NASA had pushed for a more powerful and safer "advanced" solid 

rocket motor following the Challenger disaster. NASA also wanted to obtain 

a non-contractor site, where the Agency could provide for the future 

manufacturing of solid rocket motors. With practically unlimited backing 

from the Bush Administration and the Congress, the ASRM project moved 

along with added popular grass-roots support through its planning and 

facility development stages.56 

54. Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, 7 July 1995; Craig, interview. 

55. "ASRM Still Endangered," The (Gulfport, MS) Sun Herald (henceforth referred to as The Sun Herald), 30 

January 1992; Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program, p. 124. 

56. NASA-SSC Fact Sheet, PAO, "Advanced Solid Rocket Program," April1991; Gerald Smith, Press Briefing, 28 

August 1990, transcript in SSCHRC; "Senate Committee Supports ASRM," The Sun Herald, 17 June 1992. 

376 
py 

ASRM testing facility, most employees at the SSC were not happy with the 

decision. Jerry Hlass, SSC director; Deputy Director Roy Estess; and the SSC 

NASA team had hoped the SSC would be selected for both the manufacturing and testing of the ASRM. Hlass said that he did not want his installation 

to have the potential community relations problems that could come from 

testing solid propellants without the benefits to be gained from an estimated 

1,400 "manufacturing process" jobs. Unfortunately, Hlass did not get his 

"wish." The SSC ASRM testing facility would employ about 200 engineers 

and technicians with another 400 people employed at the nearby Michaud 

plant and in Slidell. At first, Hlass and his staff expressed disappointment that 

the SSC was not selected for the manufacturing and testing of the ASRM. 

Nevertheless, the SSC accepted the test role. 8 

5

Long before the ASRM project could get off the ground, a small but highly 

effective group of environmentalists mustered a prolonged protest against the 

ASRM testing. The ASRM opposition group, called "Citizens for a Healthy 

Environment," claimed exhaust emissions generated by anASRM static firing 

would contain harmful toxic chemicals that would fall on the area surrounding 

the SSC. Before the issue was settled, the public exchange between NASA, the 

"Citizens for a Healthy Environment," and two Mississippi State University 

researchers was extensively aired by local news media and widely discussed 

in the surrounding communities.59 

57. Lanee Cobb. "Advanced Solid Rocket Motor Program," Calendar of Events, April 1992; "Biography: James 

L. Whitten, U.S. Representative, Mississippi," SSCHRC. 

58. Hlass, interview, 27 February 1996. 

59. Jacqui Cochran, "Citizens Set to Stop ASRM," The (Bay St. Louis, MS) Sea Coast Echo (henceforth referred 

to as The Sea Coast Echo), 2 May 1991; Sharon Ebner, "Scientist: Pollutants More Dangerous Than NASA 

Letting On," The Sun Herald, 22 October 1989; D.C. Harvill, "ASRM Tests at Stennis May Pose Threat to 

Environment," The Sea Coast Echo, 27 July 1989; "Planned ASRM Testing at Stennis Will Not Harm the 

Environment," Lagniappe, 20 October 1989, SSCHRC. 

377 
g g 

g 

many years of SSME testing. Only the Saturn V first-stage booster-stage (SIC) propellant had contained a product, RP-1 kerosene, that could be 

considered the least bit harmful; but, ultimately, the public was not really concerned about their safety.60 

By 1989, although a majority of the citizens in the surrounding communities believed in the credibility of the sse leaders and personnel, sse 

management felt it necessary to solicit positive support from their community 

friends in the wake of the controversy. After all, SSC personnel had been 

entrusted to conduct testing for a national rocket development program. The 

south Mississippi team felt a strong obligation to see the ASRM project 

through to a successful conclusion, following the determination that the test 

program was safe to humans and the environment.61 

Over a three-month period, beginning in the summer of 1989, SSC 

director Roy Estess; Dr. Rebecca "Becky" McDonald; Ken Human; A.J. 

"Jack" Rogers, Jr.; Dr. William "Bill" Huseonica; and Ms. Myron Webb; 

along with other sse staff members, carried the sse environmental message to the local communities. At public hearings conducted by the State 

Pollution Control Board and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the SSC 

staff personnel answered numerous questions posed by the media and the 

general public. 62 

60. See Chapter 4 of this text for account of public backing of NASA-MTF during the early 1960s, and especially 

the appreciation shown for NASA's arranging for the mosquito spraying of the Gulf Coast in 1963.; Alvin 

Toffler, Future Shock (New York: Random House, Inc., 1970), p. 327; Eric Foner and John A. Garraty, eds. 

The Reader's Companion to American History (Boston: Haughton Mifflin Company, 1991), pp. 219-220. 

61. Dawn Moragne, "NASA Officials Address ASRM Environmental Concerns," The Picayune (MS) Item (henceforth referred to as the Picayune Item), 30 August 1989; Will Sullivan, "Local Meeting Becomes 

Confrontation Over ASRM," Picayune Item, 27 October 1989; Skippy Allen, "NASA Sure of Rocket Test 

Safety," The Slidell (LA) Sentry-News, 28 October 1989; NASA-SSC PAO Fact Sheet, "Statement by 

NASA Officials at the John C. Stennis Space Center," 5 June 1991. 

62. Ibid. 

378 
ppy g 

ASRM static firings. NASA Headquarters's managers stated that there would 

only be two tests in 1994, three in 1995, two in 1996, and two tests per year 

after 1996. Two court suits were brought against executives from NASA and 

other federal agencies associated with the ASRM program. Both suits, however, were dismissed by the courts, one in 1992 "without prejudice for failure 

to state a claim," and the other in 1994 for "mootness," because the matter 

came before the court after the ASRM program was terminated.63 

The SSC Chief Counsel Ken Human believed there was a turning point 

in the public opinion battle surrounding the testing of the ASRM. Public opinion began to alter after he and the SSC's Public Affairs Officer Myron Webb 

met with Susan Santos, research program director for the Center for Risk 

Communications at Columbia University, New York. The purpose of the 

meeting was to arrange for the specialist to conduct a risk management seminar at the SSC in April 1990. Santos helped the SSC program managers to 

not only better understand the aspects of managing programs that had potential for upsetting environmental advocates, but also to understand the 

importance of good communications with the public.64 

While the ASRM ruckus was still going on, budget storms continued in 

Washington, with Senator Trent Lott and his Mississippi colleagues, Senator 

Thad Cochran and Representative Jamie Whitten, fighting to keep the 

ASRM program alive. During the April 1991 debates, Lott said, "I am satisfied that the principles of ASRM are correct. We have to go on to the next 

generation of rocket motors." 65 

63. "Wetlands Group Sues NASA," The Mobile (AL) Press Register, 29 May 1991; "ASRM Protest Group Said 

Ready to File Anti-test Suit," Picayune Item, 28 May 1991. 

64. Human, interview. 

65. AI Giardi, "Lott Supports More Rocket Funding," The Sun Herald, 19 Aprill991. 

379 
g

While the budget furor raged in Washington, the SSC proved that the 

facility could conduct the planned ASRM testing without harm to people and 

the environment. Mississippi's Department of Environmental Quality and the 

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers granted the SSC the necessary permits to proceed. With these permits in hand and the court suits dismissed, the SSC was 

cleared to begin construction of the facilities and prepare to test the ASRM at 

the installation. With land clearing and grubbing already accomplished, a $9.7 

million contract was awarded to Dunn Construction Company, Inc., on 11 

October 1992. Under NASA supervision, actual work began on 3 November 

1992 on the ASRM test stand, to be located east of the B-2 test stand. A 

relieved Lon Miller, ASRM program manager, deemed the initial start of construction "a major step" in the test program at the SSC.67 

Morale was high at the SSC as construction began on the $50 million 

ASRM project, and with good reason. After all, the facility was preparing to 

test another major rocket system of the Space Shuttle. Even when the budget 

battles turned sour in Washington, D.C., the enthusiasm of the SSC team did 

not diminish. Myron Webb, Public Affairs Officer, told the press in June 

1993, "We are disappointed, but not too surprised. We've got to continue 

construction until [the] Congress makes a final decision." The decision, 

directing NASA to terminate the ASRM program and construction of the test 

facilities at the SSC, came in October 1993 when the project was about 80 

percent complete.68 

Although, during his bid for the Presidency, William Jefferson "Bill" 

Clinton (1946- ) said he supported ASRM, he also ran into fiscal problems 

66. Ibid.; "Senate Committee Supports ASRM," The Sun Herald, 25 September 1992. 

67. "Bush's Final Budget Cuts Fund for ASRM," (Corinth, MS) Daily Corinthian, 7 January 1993. 

68. "House Panel Votes to End ASRM Project," Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal, 10 June 1993, SSCHRC. 

380 
, p, gy g

and instead voted to terminate the ASRM project. The Committee then voted 

to allocate $150 million to phase-down and terminate the project. The savings 

from the measure were earmarked to be applied to "deficit reduction."70 

Estess and his staff, needless to say, were extremely disappointed when 

they received the news of the termination of the project. A large number of 

personnel at the sse had worked to obtain the environmental permits and 

were looking forward to the new program. Scientists at the SSC were prepared to play a major role in the ASRM testing by using computer-modeling 

techniques to do basic research for future environmental monitoring. The SSC 

scientists had made plans to work with state researchers to perform landmark 

environmental monitoring of the ASRM tests. No doubt this research would 

have had national application for other environmental programs.71 

The demise of the ASRM program was a disappointment for the SSC. 

There were, however, positive results that came from the project. About 20 

new NASA civil service engineers and an additional 15 administrative personnel were justified and recruited for the ASRM and ALS programs. Many 

of these employees, hired straight out of colleges and universities, gave the 

sse the opportunity to strengthen its technical capabilities with this influx of 

young engineers. The ASRM and ALS projects also gave the SSC the leverage to win its personnel argument for the addition of these bright, talented 

engineers. The ASRM program allowed the SSC the opportunity to experience "real-life" lessons in environmental risk management. In fact, by the 

69. Ibid. 

70. "Funds for ASRM Cut Again," Daily Corinthian, 10 June 1993. 

71. A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Mack Herring, 27 June 1996; Charles "Chuck" Stewart, interview by 

Mack Herring, SSC, MS, I June 1996; Human, telephone interview; Lon Miller, interview by Mack Herring 

and Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 4 June 1994; A popular SSC engineer, Chuck Stewart was named construction 

manager, and his personality added to the spirit of the team. 

381 
NLS-CTF: Legacy Of The Heavy Lifters 

During the early 1990s, the ASRM project had a "sister" propulsion initiative that also moved the sse ahead in its drive to become recognized as 

the nation's leading rocket test center. The ALS program, later called the 

NLS, found its way to the SSe when the Department of Defense (DoD) 

learned of the SSC's capabilities through NASA-SSe engineers and members of Senator Stennis's office. In 1987, the Air Force became interested in 

locating rocket engine component technology research facilities in 

Mississippi. The DoD contended that such facilities were needed to support 

the development of the heavy -lift launch vehicles needed to perform military 

space missions requiring payloads too big and too numerous for the NASAoperated Space Shuttle. 73 

Even before the extensive redesign of the shuttle after the Challenger 

disaster, the all-purpose craft only had a maximum payload capability of 

about 65,000 pounds. This payload capacity was reduced, to about 50,000 

pounds with new safety features and other modifications. The DoD wanted 

future vehicles that could transport 150,000 to 200,000 pounds into Earth's 

orbit. At the time, NASA also wanted to start development of a "family" of 

less expensive launch vehicles for use in future civilian programs. In order 

to minimize the expense of the development of new launch systems, the DoD 

and NASA entered into an agreement to jointly develop a new generation of 

launch vehicles.74 

72. Human, interview; Lon Miller, interview; Stewart, interview. 

73. "Heavy Lifter is Said to Reflect SDI Development," Aerospace Daily, vol. 140, no. 60, Washington, DC, 

31 December 1986, p. 473. 

74. Ibid. 

382 
ggg pp

Mississippi installation. The clarifying statement reported that the DoD 

acknowledged the broad, national space capabilities developed by NASA 

during the previous three decades. The document further stated that "all" 

liquid engine propulsion testing in the ALS program would be accomplished 

at the Mississippi facility. 75 

On 11 March 1988, Stennis was pleased to announce that the agreement 

between the Air Force and NASA would place the Mississippi installation in 

an "excellent position to perform the crucial testing on the ALS engines for 

the military, as well as for NASA." Ultimate cost of the facilities for the testing at the NSTL was estimated to be $300 million. Senator Stennis also 

pointed out that the utilization of the NSTL would "prevent costly duplication" of rocket test facilities at military sites elsewhere, when they already 

existed at the NSTL. 76 

In July 1988, while personnel were preparing for the 3 August renaming and dedication ceremony of the NSTL, funds were released for the joint 

NASA-Air Force ALS technology program. The action allowed the south 

Mississippi facility to begin work on construction of the testing facility. 

Robert Bruce, chief of the onsite Advanced Planning Division, stated that 

the planned CTF would be a unique, world-class test facility. Bruce pointed 

out that the only comparable operation was located in France. Gerald Pitalo, 

the SSC's interface in 1988 with the ALS joint program office in El 

Segundo, California, said, "Our challenge is to get the job done [build the 

CTF], not only on schedule, but within the [allotted] dollar amount." As 

construction proceeded on the structures, about 100 workers were 

75. Ibid.; White House News Release, "Report to Congress," 4 January 1988, SSCHRC; "ALS Report Signed By 

President Reagan," Lagniappe, 20 January 1988, SSCHRC. 

76. Ibid.; "NSTL To Test Engines For Advanced Launch System," Lagniappe, 20 January 1988, SSCHRC. 

383 
gg() 

As the SDI program faltered, the joint Air Force-NASA launch vehicle cooperative suffered severe growing pains. The SSC ALS program manager, 

Robert Bruce, said the termination of SDI was a factor, but funds had already 

begun to trickle down, ever so slowly. "For reasons unknown" to him and 

others involved in the ALS program, NASA continued to underfund its part 

of the "dollar-for-dollar" agreement with the Air Force.78 

NASA's failure to match the Air Force ALS funding, even from the early 

years of the program, was baffling. Perhaps the answer to this mystery can 

be found in the fact that at the same time early preparations were under way 

for the ALS, most NASA Headquarters planners were supporting President 

Bush's Space Exploration Initiative (SEI) that called for a mixed launch 

vehicle fleet. The Bush doctrine calling for a more flexible transportation 

system was detailed in the National Space Council's report on 4 January 

1991. The effects, of course, impacted the development for the CTF at the 

SSC. Construction contracts were slowed down as NASA tried to continue 

the $78 million project with incremental funding from the ALS program. 

Unfortunately, the SSC never received full funding for the project during the 

first half of the 1990s.79 

77. "Money Released for ALS Program," Lagniappe, 28 July 1988, SSCHRC; "Description, CTF," Lagniappe, 

28 July 1988, SSCHRC; NASA-SSC News Release, "Stennis to Begin Construction on $40 Million Test 

Facility," 18 January 1989, SSCHRC; "Tree Cutting Marks Start of Facility," Lagniappe, 18 January 1989, 

SSCHRC; NASA-SSC Advanced Program Development Office, "Test Facility Capability Handbook," 

January 1995, p. 3.3-1; Pitalo, who became the chief of the Component Test Facility (CTF) Project Office, 

shared honors with outgoing SSC Director Jerry Hlass on 18 January 1989 to kick off construction of the 

state-of-the-art test facility. Pitalo has said the concept of the CTF was to determine the operational limits 

of turbopump assemblies "before they were integrated into an engine propulsion system."; Robert Bruce, 

interview by Mack Herring, Gulfport, MS, 29 June 1996; The Star Wars defense program was finally terminated by the Congress on 13 May 1993. 

78./bid.; Bruce, interview. 

79./bid.; NASA Headquarters, "Mission to Mars," HQL-281, ud. 

384 
the success of the tests were not only due to the capabilities of the CTF, but 

also because of the expertise of the engineers and technicians conducting 

these milestone tests. These tests also marked a new way of doing business 

with private industry. 80 

In addition to the facility's early utilization, the CTF also was an extraordinarily important asset for the sse during the first part of the 1990s, as a 

centerpiece of the SSC's quest to become a "Center of Excellence for 

Propulsion Testing." Boyce Mix, chief of the Propulsion Test and Engineering 

Directorate, stated that the SSC would have never been considered for the 

designation of Center of Excellence status without the CTF. Robert Bruce, 

SSC chief of Advanced Program Development, agreed with Mix that the CTF 

was a critical component in NASA's decision to consider the SSC for its 

future propulsion management plans. Thus, the world-class CTF facility 

never quite reached its intended utilization by mid-1996, but the facility is 

destined to play a major role in the long-range future of the SSC.81 

The HHFF: Aboard The Orient Express 

When President Ronald Reagan unveiled his NASP program in January 

1984, few future planners in the nation pictured that at least part of the technology development of the futuristic airplane would wind up at the sse. 

Dubbed the "Orient Express," due to its potential to travel at unbelievable 

speeds from the United States to China, the sleek aerospace vehicle was envisioned to take off horizontally like an airplane, fly into Earth's orbit at speeds 

80. "Commercial Hybrid Rocket Tested at SSC," Lagniappe, 19 November 1993, SSCHRC; "Hybrid Test Series 

Completed at SSC," Lagniappe, 21 November 1994, SSCHRC. 

81. Bruce, interview; Mix, interview; Patrick Scheuermann, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 22 July 1996

385 
gram. Senator Stenniss office also took a keen interest in helping secure 

appropriate test missions within the NASP program for the south Mississippi 

facility. In May 1992, the SSC was selected by the joint Air Force-NASA program office to initially test new materials for the NASP that could withstand 

the tremendous changes in temperature that the vehicle would encounter as it 

performed its mission. Technical program directors decided that a High Heat 

Flux Facility (HHFF) would be needed at the SSC to accomplish the specialized testing of exotic materials. Upon the selection of the SSC for the NASP 

testing, Deputy Director Gerald Smith accurately called the decision "a major 

accomplishment in the expansion of the sse propulsion test goal."83 

After the planning and design work was accomplished, another test program was born when Air Force and NASA officials gathered on 16 September 

1992 to break ground for the HHFF, located a short distance northwest of the 

CTF. Patrick "Pat" Scheuermann, acting manager of the NASP Project Office 

at the SSC, and Bill Taylor, associate director of the SSC, represented NASA 

at the NASP kickoff ceremony. Taylor, in a statement to the press regarding 

the $1.9 million, commented, "This project is the lynch-pin for putting in a 

test facility capability at the Stennis Space Center to support other propulsion 

programs around the nation."84 

Although constructed to support materials development for the NASP, the 

facility evolved into a versatile test complex available for developmental projects involving hot gas, cryogenic fluids, gas impingement, inert gases, 

industrial gases, specialized (fluorine) gases, hydraulics, and deionized and 

industrial water. By the summer of 1994, the SSC engineers put a subscale, 

graphite-epoxy, liquid hydrogen fuel tank designed for the NASP through 

82. "Stennis Selected for Space Plane Facility,"' Lagniappe, 21 May 1992, SSCHRC; Advanced Program Development Office, "Test Facilities Capability Handbook," High Heat Flux Facility, pp. 3.5-1 to 3.5-2. 

83. Ibid. 

84. "Stennis Center Builds Plane Test Facility," The Sea Coast Echo, 24 September 1992. 

386 
As the SSC began to diversify its propulsion expertise in 1995 with 

knowledge gained from the SSME, CTF, and HHFF test programs, its managers used their new credibility to bring in more test activities of national 

significance to the SSC. With NASA and the nation's aerospace industry 

looking for more economical ways to achieve routine access to space and to 

eventually replace the aging Space Shuttle, the SSC offered its experience and 

unique facilities to attract test programs for the Reusable Launch Vehicle 

(RLV) and the Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle (EELV). Technology 

from these developmental programs was expected to produce a "mixed fleet" 

for the nation's "highway to space."86 

To accommodate the new test programs, the SSC established an RLV and 

EELV Project Office in May 1995. Lon Miller, director of the SSC Project 

and Technology Directorate, announced that Pat Scheuermann would head up 

the new office. In making the announcement, Miller said, "This program is of 

national significance and of critical impact to [the] SSC." Miller also stated 

he anticipated that all RLV testing would be performed at the SSC, no matter 

which aerospace firms were selected to develop the systems. As it turned out, 

a proposal by Lockheed-Martin was accepted.87 

The RLV technology program stemmed from a 1993 NASA study, performed at the request of the Congress, that addressed the nation's future 

space transportation needs. The "Access to Space" study concluded that the 

most beneficial option would be to develop and deploy a fully reusable, pure 

85. "Events That Shaped 1993."' Lagniappe, 20 December 1993, SSCHRC; Picture Caption, Senator Trent Lott and 

Roy Estess, Lagniappe, 11 August 1993, SSCHRC; Advanced Programs Development Office, "Stennis Space 

Center Capabilities Handbook," High Heat Flux Facility; SSC engineers put a subscale, graphite-epoxy liquid 

oxygen fuel tank designed for the NASP through thermal structural tests during the summer of 1994. 

86. Scheuermann, interview; Miller, interview; Roy Estess, interview by Lisa Monti, Coast Magazine, May-June 

1995, p. 27-28. 

87. "SSC Forms Office for Future Testing," Lagniappe, 20 June 1995, SSCHRC. 

387 
ppppp

The program outlined a combination of ground and flight demonstrations 

utilizing the X-33 experimental "flying testbeds." The X-33, a LockheedMartin wedge-shaped vehicle, was selected by NASA on 2 July 1996 as the 

RLV that would ultimately replace the Space Shuttle. When the vehicle is 

fully verified for flight, the X-33 will be turned into commercial or DoD aircraft for full-scale development. 88 

In support of the RLV testing, the SSe conducted its first static firing of 

a Technology Testbed (TTB) SSME-class engine on the A-2 test stand in 

April 1996. The first firing of the TTB was considered a milestone by Lon 

Miller in the SSe's role as the Agency's propulsion center and in its working 

relationship with the MSFC. The test proved that the two centers could work 

together on a propulsion program, even though they were located some 400 

miles apart. In addition, the test demonstrated that the engine did not have to 

be physically attached to a test stand at the MSFe in order for the engineers 

in Huntsville to acquire their needed data. 89 

With the SSe scheduled for all development test programs associated 

with the X-33, activity at the installation was planned to continue through the 

end of 1999. The first series of tests on the RLV technology engine were completed in May 1996. Test stands phased-out of the ongoing SSME test 

program at the SSe were converted for use in the RLV testing program. By 

using the existing SSME test stands, the RL V program could be accomplished 

at the lowest possible cost. An additional bonus for the SSe was realized, 

since program requirements for the X-33 would bring testing to other facilities at the SSe, including the eTF and HHFF. 90 

88. NASA-SSC PAO Fact Sheet, "Reusable Launch Vehicle/Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle Program," 

September 1995. 

89. Miller, interview. 

90. NASA-SSC PAO Fact Sheet, "Reusable Launch ... ", September 1995. 

388 
gyg 

pyg 

program beginning in 1996. Because of the large test infrastructure already 

in place at the sse, the program would not have to invest in construction of 

new facilities. 91 

DTF: A School For Pioneers 

The SSC engineers led by Marvin L. "Marv" Carpenter, deputy director 

of the SSC Propulsion Test Operations Office, constructed a "Diagnostic 

Testbed Facility" (DTF) in 1987 that used a small, 1,200-pound-thrust rocket 

engine salvaged from a surplus yard at the MSFC. The purpose of the facility 

was to learn how to detect potential problems in the SSMEs by analyzing 

spectral emissions in the engine exhaust plumes during a static firing. The 

first firings of the salvaged rocket engine at the DTF were conducted in April 

1988 and continued with hundreds of successful firings at the facility, which 

expanded their research objectives.92 

After the DTF became operational, Carpenter soon discovered another 

use for the homemade test facility. Carpenter and other senior SSC engineers 

knew that in modem rocketry procedures, there was little room left for engineers to get "hands-on" experience in engine testing. For years, NASA 

engineers monitored tests, while contractor engineers and technicians 

"pushed the buttons" and performed the actual testing. 93 

By encouraging the younger engineers to get involved by planning and 

conducting the tests themselves, the experience gave them a pioneering spirit 

91. Ibid. 

92. "Diagnostics Testbeds Facility Leads Way In Plane Research," 18 August 1989, Lagniappe, 18 August 1989, 

SSCHRC. 

93. Carpenter, interview. 

389 
Jim Taylor, Estess, an

Scott Dracon. 

( SSC-94-403-23) 

that was hard to find elsewhere in NASA. Since these engineers and their s

porting technicians were destined to be the test managers of the future, the D

turned out to have the added utility of becoming a "finishing school" for prop

sion engineers. With the influx of new engineers in 1991, the training prog

became even more important and took on a "higher visibility" and more for

plans and procedures were adopted. Dr. Don Chenevert became program m

ager of the DTF. The facility has also been used by other NASA resea

centers, private aerospace firms, and universities to do plume-research studie

In 1991, Pat Mooney, chief of the Test Operations Division, wrote a m

orandum to J. Stephens "Steve" Dick, chief of the Test Support Divis

soliciting assistance for the low-funded DTF. The memorandum read, "In 

past 3 and 1/2 years, the DTF has had to rely solely on parts and compon

that had been scrounged from many different areas of the site ... Any eff

of [SSME] test support division's part to include these components in plann

related to SSME spares or even monies left over would be a great help to 

DTF." The Mooney memorandum illustrates the informal associations enjo

by members of the sse team, dating back to the mid-1960s when many of 

engineers were working together during the Saturn V testing era.95 

94. Ibid.; Scheuermann, interview. 

95. Pat Mooney to J. Stephens "Steve" Dick, memorandum, "Spare Components for the DTF," 23 August 

390 
The test-firing of a commercial hybrid rocket motor is one example of Stennis Space Center's partnership with private companies for propulsion development testing. A 10,000-pound-thrust hybrid 

rocket motor undergoes a test-firing in 1994 at Stennis Space Center's E-1 test Facility. The E-1 

Test Facility shown above was formerly known as the Component Test Facility. (SSC-94-707-6) 

With the extensive experience gained during the first part of the 1990s with 

the many varied test projects, the foundation was laid for the sse to finally be 

formally recognized as the nation's Center of Excellence for Propulsion 

Testing. Indeed, during NASA Administrator Daniel Goldin's first visit to the 

installation, he challenged the sse to be the "best test center in the world."96 

Formal recognition as NASA's Center of Excellence for rocket propulsion 

testing eluded the SSC until 1996. Agency planning documents, vision statements, and discussions publicly pronounced the honor for the SSC, but Estess 

and his team wanted to see an official proclamation, with programs and appropriate funding to support the designation. After all, the SSC felt it obtained the 

Center of Excellence honor the hard way, "they had earned it."97 

96. "Goldin Visits Stennis Space Center-New Chief Challenges Facility to be the Best in the Word," (Gulfport, 

MS) Coast Business Journal, 27 April 1992. 

97. J.R. Thompson, "Roles and Missions Report," 8 November 1992, p. 2. 

391 
When the ERL was established in 1970, researchers began studying ways 

to apply the new information gained from airborne and space platforms, such 

as satellites and spacecraft. Through a combined use of ground truth, geographical information systems, and a unique and innovative computer program 

called Earth Resources Laboratory Applications Software (ELAS), the ERL 

scientists were able to input, study, and identify hundreds of data points of a 

particular location on Earth.99 

The ERL scientists assisted a broad spectrum of users in finding practical 

applications for the remotely sensed data. The data were used by farmers, 

geologists, city and state planners, environmental monitors, fishermen, firefighters, foresters, law enforcement officers, and road builders. As was 

discussed earlier, even archaeologists were able to greatly advance their 

explorations by using remote sensing information. 100 

The Regional Applications Program (RAP), headed by Roy Estess during 

the latter part of the 1970s, was a landmark program that enabled remote sensing data to assist the 17 Sun Belt states in their planning and decisionmaking 

processes. ERL personnel became extremely "customer-oriented" as they 

marketed and then trained users from Mississippi and Louisiana in the use of 

the remote sensing data. 101 

One of the young scientists working on RAP's outreach venture to the Sun 

Belt states was David P. Brannon, an Alabama native recruited by Estess from 

98. NASA-SSC Fact Sheet, "Commercial Remote Sensing Program Office," June 1996; David Brannon, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, 6 May 1996. 

99. "ELAS Selected for Hall of Fame Honors," Lagniappe, 19 March 1996, SSCHRC; "As Mathematician 

Stereotype, Pearson Does Not Compute," Lagniappe, 25 April 1980, SSCHRC; NASA-ERL Mission 

Statement, 1970; The ELAS was selected by the U.S. Space Foundation's Hall of Fame in 1992. 

100. Brannon, interview; "Kentucky Considers Landsat Data To Monitor Natural Resources," 8 February 1979; 

NASA-NSTL News Release, "NASA, University of Colorado-Boulder Study Peruvian Andes Area," 9 May 

1985, SSCHRC. 

101. Brannon, interview; "Regional Symposium Provides 'Open Forum' for Data Users," Lagniappe, 21 

November 1979, SSCHRC. 

392 
y g, 

y

improving their approach. According to Brannon, Roy Estess told the RAP 

personnel to keep up their work in spite of increasing budgetary constraints 

and "we'll live to fight another day." Brannon also recalled some earlier advice 

from Wayne Mooneyhan, ERL director, to continue their civil service "handson" management approach and maintain their technical expertise, because the 

changing times would bring new programs in the future "if we are ready." The 

support of SSC Director Jerry Hlass during the 1980s was also crucial to survival of the remote sensing programs and their ultimate success.103 

As the ERL remote sensing team appraised their future moves, the SSC 

scientists also knew that they would have to make "semantic" changes in 

their programs in order to obtain funding. For instance, the word commercial 

was "in," and the word applications was most definitely "out." During the 

ERL's Regional Program days, Brannon and his colleagues had a lot of 

"answers" with their technology, and they went about searching for problems 

to match their answers. Brannon has recalled that he and his colleagues 

attempted to transfer technology that the general population was unprepared 

to receive. In developing the CRSP, Brannon and his fellow scientists 

adopted a new approach and began asking the customers what their "needs" 

were and then tried to match those needs with the appropriate technology 

development program. 104 

Brannon remembered an encounter he had years ago during his travels 

with the RAP. While working with the various states, Brannon was sent to 

North Carolina to convince the state's many organizational departments that 

102. David Brannon. Vitae, "Program Manager, NASA Commercial Remote Sensing Program Office," ud.; 

Brannon, interview; Jerry Hlass, "NSTL Goals And Objectives," I April 1985-31 March 1986. 

103. Brannon, interview; "Proposed Program Initiative for Commercial Earth and Ocean Observations," July 

1985, SSCHRC. 

104. Ibid. 

393 
j

, w wg

perceived needs. "I never forgot that lesson," Brannon mused knowingly, "to 

always understand just what the client needs." 105 

With many other such experiences under their belts, Brannon and his associates were pleased when the SSC was named NASA's Lead Center for 

"Commercial Remote Sensing" in May 1988, a designation later recognized by 

Administrator Goldin. At that time, the Agency was implementing programs 

suggested by the Administration and the Congress. NASA Headquarters recognized that members of the ERL had developed excellent customer relations 

skills. The Lab personnel had become quite adept in "customer relations," an 

ability that government scientists and researchers rarely possessed. 106 

In 1984, the federal government took steps that had far-reaching effects for 

the commercial programs at the SSC, and he encouraged NASA Headquarters's management to consider the SSC's reputation in commercial remote 

sensing. There was an amendment to the National Space Act of 1958 to accommodate the "Commercial Uses of Space." Also, the Congress decided to tum 

the operational management of the Landsat satellite's products over to private 

enterprise. Both of these legislative actions favored the customer-oriented 

experience of the scientists at the SSC. 107 

As their fortunes changed, the innovative Brannon; his capable deputy, 

Charles "Chuck" Hill; and other associates put another remote sensing program in place at the sse in 1987 that better fit the growing trend toward 

entrepreneurship beginning to blossom in the business community. This time, 

the remote sensing team turned the program around and formed investment 

105. D.W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, interview by Mack Herring, Picayune, MS, 5-6 Apri11996; Brannon, interview; 

P.K. "Pat" Conner, interview by Mack Herring, Petal, MS, 2 April 1996. 

106. Brannon, interview; Pete Marwick, "Marketing Requirements for Spatial Observations Systems," KPMG, 

Denver, CO, 1-3 March 1994, transcript in SSCHRC. 

107. Ibid. 

394 
agencies. By July 1996, the EOCAP had worked with over 400 entities, includ

ing 25 companies marketing cutting-edge products around the country. The 

commercial "marketeers" and scientists at the sse had also instituted a 

"Visiting Investigator Program" (VIP) that proved to be successful. In VIP, the 

CRSP personnel invite private businesses to come to the SSC and study how 

they can use remote sensing in their companies. The program, expanded in 

1996, also focuses on colleges and universities interested in using the remote 

sensing technology developed in the user-friendly laboratories at the SSC. 109 

Reinventing Government: A Return To Synergy 

Since the founding of the multiagency complex at the SSC in 1970, a 

number of scientists have worked together, helping each other ftnd answers to 

their shared technical problems. It is not uncommon to see a NASA remote 

sensing specialist working hand-in-hand with a U.S. Park Service researcher 

on a project to inventory the natural resources of a particular national park. In 

the Skylab Gamefish project, NASA scientists and National Marine Fisheries 

personnel gathered "ground truth" from the Gulf of Mexico, to correlate with 

the photographs from Sky lab, in an effort to determine better methods to track 

and catch ftsh. The SSC scientists also assisted U.S. Geological Survey scientists studying new ways to advance oil exploration by using satellite remote 

sensing. There were many other joint projects successfully undertaken 

through the years, sometimes with several agencies participating in a particular scientific endeavor. 110 

108. NASA-SSC PAO Fact Sheet, "Earth Observations Commercial Applications Program," 1 October 1995. 

109. Brannon, interview; Marwick, "Marketing Requirements ... " 

llO. NASA-ERL Organization Chart, 1972; D.W. "Wayne" Mooneyhan, interview; Gil Webre, "MTF's Role in 

the 1970s: Space Technology," The Times-Picayune, 8 July 1973. 

395 
Balchs idea of a scientific utopia would have ideally had several agencies at 

the installation working on their own projects, but also sharing information 

that would enhance each other's results. 111 

One of the reasons for the creation of NASA's Application Engineering 

(AE) office in the 1970s was to put into place a NASA element that had the 

expertise and charter to relate with the resident agencies. After Balch, Jerry 

Hlass recognized the importance ofthe multiagency concept and instituted policies that he called "tenant satisfaction," but the multiagency complex had never 

reached its "ultimate" potential. Similarly, Roy Estess provided a constant 

source of support for the various agencies through the many personal and professional associations he enjoyed during earlier years. When Estess was named 

the sse director, many heads of the resident agencies and their key technical 

managers found an open ear and a friend in the director's office. Estess had been 

the manager of the AE office that worked across the board with the resident 

agencies. He was also manager of the RAP, which dealt with the numerous 

departments of 17 state governments, and he helped champion the development 

of the Mississippi Technology Transfer Center. Estess had his "heart" in the resident agency concept, and as the sse director he adamantly declared his support 

of the concept he helped Jackson Balch create and build during the 1970s. 112 

Estess underscored his feelings about the value of the multiagency concept 

when he placed several highly respected scientists in an sse organization that 

could continue the proven cultural tradition of cooperation between the federal 

and state entities at the facility. Indeed, Estess wanted to see the "crossroads of 

science" concept at the installation finally live up to its original expectations. 113 

Ill. NASA-SSC Presentation, "Pathworks," 14 September 1995; Jackson Balch, interview by Gateway 

Productions, Bay St. Louis, MS, 10 December 1974. 

112. NASA-NSTL Office Of Applications Engineering, "Management Review for Jerry Hlass," 27 August 1976; 

Estess, Biography; Estess, interview, 7 July 1995; Estess, interview, 24 Apri11996. 

113. NASA-SSC Organization Chart, 16 February 1994; NASA-SSC Organization Chart, 18 July 1996. 

396 
with National Geographic, the University of Colorado, and many other pres

tigious organizations brought attention to the uses of space technology and 

credit to the Agency for its pioneering work in a very visible and fascinating 

science. Others working in the SSC science office included Dr. William "Bill" 

Cibula, a senior scientist from the ERL organization, and Dr. Gregory "Greg" 

Carter, a well-published researcher. Cibula and Carter were recognized with 

Space Act Awards in 1994 for their use of remote sensing data to study the 

effects of stress on vegetation. 114 

The multiagency complex gave the SSC scientists an added credibility 

when they were engaged in discussions with other researchers. "When I go to 

NASA Headquarters to discuss oceanography," Miller pointed out, "I not only 

bring our SSC experience to the table, I also bring the entire expertise of the 

world-renowned Naval Oceanographic Program located at [the] SSC along, 

because my colleagues in the Agency now know of our association." 115 

Rear Admiral Paul G. Gaffney, II, Commander, Naval Meteorology and 

Oceanography Command, went a step further in asserting his beliefs in the multiagency concept. Gaffney, who began his association with the installation in 1975 

as an executive assistant and aide to the Oceanographer of the Navy, said, "I want 

to collaborate with people in the other agencies here on a daily basis, where we 

can le~ from them, and they can learn from us, and we can all get better." 116 

114. Mooneyhan, interview; NASA-SSC PAO Biography, "Tom Sever," ud. circa 1996, SSCHRC; Arthur A. 

Demariest, "The Violent Saga of A Maya Kingdom," National Geographic, vol. 183, no. 2, Washington, 

DC, February 1993, pp. 95-111; "Scientist at SSC Discover New Method of Detecting Plant Stress," 

Lagniappe, 20 January 1995, SSCHRC; Gregory A. "Greg" Carter, "Responses of Leaf Spectral Reflectance 

to Plant Stress," American Journal Of Botany vol. 80, no. 3, 1993, pp. 239-243; William G. "Bill" Cibula 

and Maurice 0. Nyquist, "Use of a Topographic and Climatological Model in a Geographic Data Base to 

Improve Landsat Mutli-Spectral Scanner Classification for Olympic Park," Potogrammetric Engineering 

And Remote Sensing, vol. 53, no. I, January 1987, pp 66--75. 

115. Richard L. "Rick" Miller, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 6 May 1996. 

116. Rear Admiral Paul G. Gaffney, II, interview by Mack Herring and Myron Webb, SSC, MS 13 Aprill996. 

397 
Coast community affairs as a resident of nearby Diamondhead. 

In addition to advancing the SSC science programs through the multiagency sharing concept, Miller believed the Science group should pursue a 

focus on "coastal research," an area that the ERL was originally chartered to 

develop when the Lab was first established at the site in 1970. Miller stated 

that the SSC's location near the mouth of the Mississippi River and the Gulf 

of Mexico qualified the facility for an emphasis on coastal research because 

of its strategic physical location alone. He also pointed out that the SSC scientists had gained a special experience in coastal zone research because of 

their 25-year involvement in studies of the coastline. These remote sensing 

coastal studies involved work with federal and state agencies, oil companies, 

and even private entities such as "Ducks Unlimited." 118 

Miller noted that the majority of people in the county lived within 50 

miles of the nation's coastlines, indicating even more reason for an emphasis 

on coastal research. A good example of the SSC's involvement in coastal 

research and multiagency sharing came when scientist Dr. Ramona Pellietier 

Travis, NASA's Gulf of Mexico Program manager at the SSC, participated in 

a planning effort with the SSC intragovemmental Gulf of Mexico Program to 

assess damage caused by Hurricane Opal, which struck the Florida Panhandle 

on 4 October 1995. 119 

The Gulf of Mexico Program, headquartered at the SSC, was organized 

to develop a comprehensive management plan for future protection of the 

Gulf environment. The program is a partnership among Gulf states and public 

and private agencies designed to prevent duplication, improve coordination, 

117. Ibid. 

118. Merna Bridgeman, Swamp To Space, "Project Studies Effects of Land Use on Coastal Environment," The 

Times-Picayune, ud. 

119. Miller, interview; "Quick Thinking Allows NASA to Provide Hurricane Data to Gulf of Mexico Program," 

Lagniappe, 23 October 1995, SSCHRC. 

398 
q

In May 1996, Travis was also looking into the prospect of providing resource 

information and data for a Gulf of Mexico study aimed at increasing shellfish 

along the Gulf Coast from Texas to Florida. 120 

With leaders such as Admiral Gaffney and Roy Estess supporting the 

cooperation and the active participation of the resident agencies in partnerships and joint programs, the new directions in which Miller wanted to take 

the science program seemed timely. Although the ERL left many legacies, its 

early work in coastal research was perhaps the most significant. In the 

summer of 1996, federal and state scientific agencies across the nation were 

seriously looking toward coastal studies as their single, most important 

endeavor. The coastal research trend represented a "return to the 1970s," 

when the ERL was formed at the SSC with one of its main missions to begin 

using remote sensing techniques to study the Gulf of Mexico waters along the 

Mississippi and Louisiana coastlines. 121 

Technology Transfer: Down To Earth Science 

Although the transfer of space technology from the SSC over the years 

has helped numerous private enterprise entities around the country, the states 

of Mississippi and Louisiana have clearly been prime recipients of new innovations from the south Mississippi installation. Since the early 1970s, 

Louisiana and Mississippi have maintained technology transfer offices at the 

SSC. Through these offices, SSC technology and expertise have assisted the 

120. Ibid. "The Shellfish Challenge: Gulf of Mexico Program Ambitious Restoration Goal," Lagniappe, 22 May 

1996, SSCHRC. 

121. Miller, interview. 

399 
ppg, gy p 

products ranging from dog biscuits to smoke detectors. The SSC personnel 

have helped in the development of devices to improve eyesight of visually 

impaired people and in medical diagnostic tools, such as the nuclear magnetic 

resonance imaging scan. The SSC scientists and engineers have contributed 

to industries using NASA spin-off technology, creating more than 13,000 new 

jobs nationwide. 123 

The Mississippi Technology Transfer Center building, completed in 

1987, has been a showplace for technology transfer supporters nationwide. 

Housed in the same building are elements of NASA, Department of the 

Interior, U.S. Navy, Environmental Protection Agency, Department of 

Commerce, and offices representing Mississippi State University and the 

State of Louisiana. The Mississippi Technology Transfer Center allows the 

State of Mississippi to have its own technology transfer offices right in the 

heart of the sse, sharing cutting-edge innovations with 22 federal and state 

agencies involved in more than 25 scientific disciplines. 124 

During the first year of his tenure as director, Roy Estess moved to 

strengthen SSC technology ties with Mississippi and Louisiana. Estess 

joined with MSFC Director Jack Lee and Louisiana Governor Buddy 

Roemer to sign an agreement in October 1989 designed to make space technology more available to Louisiana. The SSC director, who had worked 

closely with the two states for years, joined with Lee and Mississippi 

Governor Ray Mabus on 8 December of the same year to enter into a similar pact with Mississippi. Estess named Robert "Bob" Barlow, long-time 

122. Estess. interview; Miller, interview; "Stennis Scientist Studies the Birth and Death of River Deltas," 17 April 

1990; "Forests Play Vital Role in Climate Control," Lagniappe, 21 November 1992, SSCHRC; Rick Galle, 

"Technology Transfer," Picayune Item, 30 May 1990. 

123. Galle, "Technology Transfer," Picayune Item, 30 May 1990. 

124. Ibid. 

400 
The decade of the 1990s has brought changes and innovations in the 

SSC's approach to public programs. True, most of the traditional public information, community relations, and education programs developed during the 

first three decades of the SSC's history are being continued in the 1990s. But, 

Roy Estess and his public affairs and education teams have updated and polished old programs and initiated new innovations geared to meet the changing 

public interests of a new generation. 126 

In January 1990, Estess assigned Mack Herring, veteran Public Affairs 

Officer, to design a program to preserve the "rich history of the Stennis Space 

Center." At the same time, Estess appointed Ms. Myron Webb, a Gulf Coast 

native and graduate of the University of Southern Mississippi as the new SSC 

Public Affairs Officer. Webb, who was well known to NASA and many resident 

agency personnel as the University's liaison coordinator with the SSC, joined 

NASA in 1985 as a Public Affairs Specialist working with Mack Herring. As 

Public Affairs Officer, Webb and her team have created and implemented numerous education and public relations programs at the south Mississippi facility. 127 

Estess has a natural ability to communicate with people, as was evident 

first in his "marketeering" work for Balch, then as director of the RAP, and as 

a representative of the sse as its deputy director from 1980--1989, and then 

when he was selected as the installation's fourth director. A veteran of many 

press conferences, Estess has always believed in an "open" public information 

125. "NASA Centers Sign Agreement with State of Louisiana," Lagniappe, 22 November 1989, SSCHRC; 

"NASA Signs Agreement with State of Mississippi," Lagniappe, 15 December 1989, SSCHRC; Alexis de 

Tocqueville, Democracy In America (New York: The American Library, Inc., 1956), pp. 163-168. 

126. Estess, interview. 

127. NASA-SSC Personnel Announcement, "Mack Herring to Develop SSC History," 13 January 1990, 

SSCHRC. This date marked the beginning of the History Program/Office at the SSC. Roy Estess asked the 

author to "develop the rich history of the Stennis Space Center." The gathering of materials for an archives 

began immediately and the research and writing for this text began on 12 October 1994. 

401 
y pppg

p

ceived negative environmental impact. Estess personally led a proactive 

public and community relations communications effort to help the public 

better understand the ASRM situation, pointing out that the solid rocket motor 

could be static-fired at the sse without putting people or the environment in 

harm's way. Further, he supported Webb in her efforts to further strengthen 

relations with community and educationalleaders.129 

Because of Estess's willingness to fully delegate duties to members of his 

staff, Webb has had a relatively free hand to initiate her own public programs. 

In Apri11989, Webb was instrumental in the implementation of a community 

involvement education program called "Coast Encounters." Through the education program, NASA education specialists visited 115 schools and 

addressed more than 65,000 students along the Mississippi Gulf Coast. Webb, 

however, found an energetic educator to assist her with this as well as other 

innovative educational programs in Cheryl Bennett, the former coordinator of 

the John C. Stennis Space Center's Teacher Resource Center. Ms. Bennett, an 

information services supervisor, was deeply involved in the planning and 

implemention of the community involvement programs between NASA and 

Mississippi and Louisiana schools. 130 

The SSC celebrated its 30th Anniversary-marking the day of the initial 

announcement of the rocket test center on 25 October 1961-by unveiling a 

128. NASA-SSC PAO, "Estess Biography;" Estess, interview. 

129. Human, telephone interview; "NASA Officials Meet the Press to Answer Questions on ASRM, Lagniappe, 

22 November 1989, SSCHRC. 

130. NASA-SSC PAO, Fact Sheet, "Early Education Monday, April 1991; Hlass, "Management Concept ... ," 

p. 24; Webb, interview; Because of her contributions to the Gulf Coast community, Myron Webb was the first 

SSC employee chosen for the "Leadership Gulf Coast" program for future leaders in 1992-1993. She also 

served on the LGC Board, 1993-1996; the Hancock County Chamber of Commerce Board, 1994-1996; and 

as NASA's representative to the Gulf Coast Chamber of Commerce, 1994-present; NASA News Release, 

"Bio Information on NASA Community Involvement Representatives," April 1989, SSCHRC. 

402 
g

Administrator Truly for developing and implementing an extremely popular, 

unique program for preschoolers and kindergartners. 132 

In May 1993, with community relations and interest in education at an 

all-time high, the SSC joined with its Gulf Coast neighbors to host the opening ceremonies for the 44th Annual International Science and Engineering 

Fair. This hugely successful science fair drew 829 students and science fair 

finalists from around the world. Over 2,500 students, their parents, and Gulf 

Coast leaders came to the SSC on 10 May to enjoy an old-fashioned barbecue and to witness a Space Shuttle engine firing on the B-1 test stand. 

Director Roy Estess told the young scientists that "science and engineering 

are the core of everything we do at NASA, and science and engineering are 

the international currency of our modern technological role." Estess reminded 

the students of the "endless opportunities and challenges" in their future. A 

tremendous afternoon thunderstorm left the entire visiting group soaking wet. 

The heavy rains, however, did not dampen the spirits of one of the SSC's most 

significant and special events. 133 

Another education initiative was started in 1991 when NASA was preparing to manufacture the ASRMs. Called the Tri-State Education Initiative, the 

project, sponsored by NASA, involved a consortium of 30 schools in Alabama, 

Mississippi, and Tennessee organized to work cooperatively to enhance and 

broaden the capabilities of their respective educational programs within the tristate area. The education initiative continued to draw national attention for its 

innovations in cooperative education long after the ASRM project was terminated. Dr. David Powe, former president of Mississippi Delta Community 

131. "A Special Day for the Entire Family,"' Lagniappe, 20 November 1991, SSCHRC. 

132. Webb, interview. 

133. "2,500 Attend ISEF Opening Ceremony At Stennis," Lagniappe, 20 May 1993, SSCHRC. 

403 
g

group, composed of community leaders from all three Mississippi Gulf 

Coast counties and St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana, was originally organized 

in September 1994 as a result of mutual concerns and a need to be prepared 

to address any potential efforts to include the Navy elements at the SSC in 

the national military downsizing actions. The group immediately decided to 

maintain an active effort to support and enhance development of the numerous agencies located at the SSC. As the Partners group evolved, it also 

became a resource group to help businesses that may have the potential to 

locate at the SSC or in the Gulf Coast area. 135 

The Partners For Stennis organization hosted a community dinner to honor 

NASA Administrator Daniel Goldin during his 12 April1995 visit to the SSC 

and the Gulf Coast. The event, held at the Great Southern Club in Gulfport, 

Mississippi, offered Goldin an introduction to the aggressive and influential 

Partners organization that supported the SSC and its programs. Goldin, pleased 

at the large turnout for the dinner, showed his appreciation when he was 

dubbed an Honorary Mississippian by Jimmy Heidel, executive director of the 

Mississippi Department of Economic and Community Development. 136 

During his speech, the enthusiastic Goldin invited members of the group 

to "come to Washington, D.C. and talk to your legislative delegation." A short 

time later, Goldin was walking through the U.S. Capitol when he met Dave 

Truetel, Jr., chairman of the Partners group; Irma Cry, executive director of 

the Slidell Area Chamber of Commerce and vice-chairman of the Partners 

group; and other members of the Partners group. When Goldin asked, "What 

are you doing up here?," they replied that they were taking his advice and vis134. NASA-SSC News Release, "NASA Announces Appointment of Program Manager for Tri-State Education 

Program," 22 November 1990, SSCHRC. 

135. "Partners for Stennis Hold News Conference," Lagniappe, 22 March 1995, SSCHRC. 

136. Partners For Stennis Dinner Program, "Dan Goldin, NASA Administrator," 12 April 1995. 

404 
University economic impact study was released in March 1990 that revealed 

personal income in the local area was $452.7 million in 1989 as a direct, and 

indirect, result of the SSC operations. The report also stated that the workforce in 1989 at the sse numbered 5,500 people, with the majority living in 

Hancock, Harrison, and Pearl River Counties in Mississippi, and in St. 

Tammany Parish, Louisiana. A similar study, conducted in 1995 by the 

University and released in January 1996, showed that the SSC contributed 

$432 million in personal income to the communities within a 50-mile radius 

of the installation. 138 

The two economic impact figures were astonishingly similar after six 

years of changes, government downsizing, and the stunning loss of the 

Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant (MSAAP). But, even with the closing of 

the Army plant, the SSC stabilized and even began showing a slight growthwith 3,531 employees. In fact, in July 1996, the congressional delegation, the 

Partners For Stennis organization, and other community officials were looking for new tenants for the huge plant, formerly occupied by the Army, on the 

northern portion of the SSC complex. Another mark of community participation was noted when the sse government and contractor employees 

contributed more than $180,000 to the Combined Agency Campaign charity 

drive in 1995. 139 

The leadership of Roy Estess at the SSC was recognized when the 

Mississippi legislature adopted a joint resolution in March 1996 citing the 

SSC director's many years of service to his community, his state, and his 

137. Webb, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 5 July 1996. 

138. "Stennis Center Employees Exceed CAC Goal," Lagniappe, 15 December 1989, SSCHRC; "Stennis Space 

Center Makes Big Impact on Local Economy," Lagniappe, 16 March 1990, SSCHRC; "Stennis Has Impact 

of $411 Million," Lagniappe, January/February 1996, SSCHRC. 

139. Ibid. 

405 
y p

Mississippi. Like many other Mississippians at the SSC, Roy Estess stuck 

with the facility through "thick and thin," never seeking career opportunities 

elsewhere. Estess, along with his Mississippi colleagues, always gave "the 

place" his very best as he worked to raise the facility to an even higher level 

of excellence. 141 

Of course, Estess was pleased that the Mississippi Legislature honored 

him with the joint resolution, even though the modest director was humbled 

to the point that when he returned to the sse he stuck the resolution in his 

desk and did not tell anyone of the honor-not even Louise Porter, his trusted 

friend and executive secretary. Estess, no doubt, was proud that the SSC was 

moving ahead within NASA and on the homefront. At the same time, Estess 

approached his duties, during the spring of 1996, with "guarded optimism" 

because he felt he and his colleagues had "miles to go," in the topsy-turvy 

work of changing times, budget cuts, and downsizing of government, before 

they could rest on their "Center of Excellence" laurels. 142 

140. State Of Mississippi, "House Concurrent Resolution, No. 128" 27 March 1996. 

141. John Seiley, video interview by Rex Cooksey and Johnny Mann, October 1991, tape in SSCHRC. 

142. Louise Porter, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, 9 July 1996; Roy Estess, interview by Mack Herring SSC, 

24 April 1996. 

406 
For Future Generations 

The Stennis Team 

No one knew better than Roy Estess that "it was the people more than 

anything" that really mattered when it came right down to getting 

the job done, "where the rubber meets the road." As the Stennis 

Space Center (SSC) hit the home stretch in the 1990s in quest of another 

level of achievement in the NASA family, Estess knew his organization was 

on the right track with the focus on the prize of becoming the "Center of 

Excellence for Rocket Propulsion Testing."' 

After all, NASA Administrator Dan Goldin had challenged the youthful SSC 

crew in April 1992 to become the "best test center in the whole world." Their 

old friend, J.R. Thompson, had laid down an earlier proposal, later endorsed 

by Admiral Truly in November 1991, that the SSC, with its unique buffer zone, 

test facilities, and highly experienced personnel, become the Agency's prime 

rocket test center. 2 

1. Roy S. Estess, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 24 April 1996, tapes and notes in 

Stennis Space Center Historical Records Collection (henceforth referred to as SSCHRC); "New Stennis 

Director Roy Estess," Lagniappe, 16 February 1981, SSCHRC. 

2. "Goldin Makes Initial Visit To SSC," Lagniappe, 20 April 1992, SSCHRC; J.R. Thompson, "Roles And 

Missions Report," 8 November 1991; "Goldin Visits Stennis Space Center; New NASA Chief Challenges 

Facility To Be Best In The World," (Gulfport, MS) Coast Business Journal, 27 April 1992. 

407 
scientists and engineers had the expertise to make significant contributions.3 

In fact, the SSC scientists, engineers, and researchers were among the 

nation's leading experts in commercialization of remote sensing technology. 

To bring his installation more in line with changing national priorities, Estess 

adjusted his sse organization in the summer of 1996 to allow the sse team 

the opportunity to become effective in meeting these new challenges. The 

new organization called for separate elements with a Commercial Remote 

Sensing Office, an Earth Systems Science Office, and a Technology Transfer 

Office. These organizations would answer straight to the SSC director's 

office. The new organization also added strength to its "Propulsion Test 

Directorate" and "Center Operations and Support Directorate."4 

Most scientists and engineers at the center felt that the new organization, 

effected by Estess and the senior staff, provided them the ability to better utilize 

their expertise and was a step in the right direction to participate in the everchanging technical culture sweeping the nation and the countries of the 

industrialized world. The SSC personnel also believed the new directions 

enabled them to better use the rapidly developing technology available to them.5 

For instance, Dr. Greg Carter, a scientist who joined the SSC organization 

in 1987 as a member of the Earth Resources Laboratory (ERL), said he 

strongly believed that the Lab and its offspring, the Science and Technology 

3. NASA Headquarters, "NASA Strategic Plan," February 1996, pp. 6, 10, 14-15, 18; Greg Carter, interview by 

Mack Herring, 10 July 1996, notes in SSCHRC; David Brannon, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. 

Myron Webb, 6 May 1996; Richard Miller, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 6 May 1996, 

tapes and notes in SSCHRC; "Harry Guin Receives New Appointment," Lagniappe, 21 August 1986, 

SSCHRC; A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., interview by Dr. Charles Bolton and Steve Patterson, vol. 386, 

Mississippi Oral History Program, University of Southern Mississippi, SSC, MS, 1991, pp. 1-7, SSCHRC; 

Harry Guin, interview by Steven Patterson, vol. 430, Mississippi Oral History Program, University of 

Southern Mississippi, SSC, MS, 1992, SSCHRC. 

4. NASA-SSC Organization Chart, July 1996. 

5. Carter, interview; Miller, interview; Brannon, interview by Herring and Webb. 

408 
continue his strong support of the resident agency concept, opened the doors 

to even greater diversification and expanding opportunities for the young scientists and engineers who came to the SSC in the late 1980s and early 1990s 

looking for future careers in science and engineering.7 

Charles "Chuck" Hill, a Mississippi State University graduate from New 

Albany, Mississippi, was proud of the national accomplishments made by his 

commercial remote sensing group and pleased with its new organizational 

status. Hill joined the ERL staff in 1978 and believed that the customer-oriented experience the ERL employees learned in the early years was extremely 

helpful in their successful endeavors to form partnerships with private enterprise entities who sought help in solving their business problems. "We have a 

reputation throughout NASA that we can deliver more for the dollar than any 

other element in NASA," Hill proudly proclaimed. Estess, on the other hand, 

did not claim any credit for the phenomenal success of the Commercial 

Remote Sensing Program. "I just put Brannon and his guys in that office and 

allowed them to do the job," Estess said. The key word, in the Estess management philosophy, in practically every instance, is found in the word 

"allowed." Estess became known by the SSC team as a delegator and enabler 

who allowed people to independently perform their own missions.8 

Sharing some of the nostalgic feeling about the old ERL, Hill also quickly 

pointed out that the Lab served an extraordinarily useful purpose as a "facilitator in developing an international industry using remote sensing as a tool." 

Hill wisely observed, however, that in today's atmosphere of advanced technology, "You have to learn when its time to let go and move ahead with the 

6. Carter, interview. 

7. Miller, interview; Mark Craig, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 12 June 1996. 

8. Charles "Chuck," Hill, interview by Mack Herring, II July 1996. 

409 
recruiting replacements for the men and women who participated in the SSC's 

many major accomplishments during its 30-year history. There was no time, 

however, for an "orderly" transition" of the center's top management. 10 

In a short period of time, about three years, Estess lost several of his most 

experienced and reliable managers. Deputy Director Gerald Smith; Center 

Operations Director A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr.; Associate Director Bill Taylor; 

Personnel Director Sharon Jeffers; and Information and Management Systems 

Director (Science and Technology Laboratory) William "Bill" Huseonica all 

retired from NASA during the early part of the 1990s. Sadly, Propulsion Test 

Operations Director Harry Guin, a strong leader, visionary, and driving motivator for the sse, lost his life in an automobile accident.U 

To compound Estess's management problems, a sturdy supporting cast of 

SSC veterans, including Marv Carpenter and Wayne Roberts, also retired. 

Senior Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) and contractor managers at the 

SSC-Doug Howard, Bob Bush, Harry Johnstone, Roscoe Nicholson, and 

Tom Baggette-also left the SSC team for retirement. When Estess looked 

toward NASA Headquarters, he saw his boss and friend, Admiral Richard 

Truly, and long-time supporter, J.R. Thompson, leave their NASA 

Headquarters's positions for other opportunities. 12 

Straight ahead, Estess faced a full agenda with such important items as the 

developing lead center for propulsion testing, the shaping of a new vision for 

9. Ibid. 

10. Estess, interview; Gerald Smith, interview by Mack Herring, 5 July 1996. 

II. See Lagniappe collection for retirements, transfers, and appointments of NASA senior staff, 1990--1996. See 

also NASA-SSC personnel records for like information; Biographies, Gerald Smith, Harry Guin; A.J. "Jack" 

Rogers, Jr.; William "Bill" Huseonica; William "Bill" Taylor; Sharon Jeffers; and Mack Herring, all located 

in SSCHRC. Their combined experience and tenure of service with NASA equates to over 100 years. The 

personnel moves of the SSC senior staff did indeed leave Director Estess with an important recruiting job. 

12. Ibid. 

410 
fiscal scrutiny, constantly trying to get the most "bang for the buck." Many 

avenues open to past center directors were not options for Estess during his 

watch. 14 

Although Jackson Balch had difficult battles to fight within the bureaucracy, he had a sense of financial security. Jerry Hlass, too, had to prove the 

installation capabilities and expertise in order to move into NASA's inner circles, but a good part of his tenure was during the liberal budget years of the 

Reagan and Bush Administrations, both favored NASA growth. Estess, on the 

other hand, was appointed just in time to be the recipient of budget deficits, 

downsizing of government, and a "challenged" NASA budget. Although he 

was assigned heavier management burdens, Estess was, at the same time, 

faced with getting the new jobs done at the lowest possible cost, a situation 

that was somewhat unfamiliar to NASA managers who grew up during the 

abundant budget days of the Apollo program. His fellow center directors at 

the larger centers usually operated with huge coffers of management and 

Research & Development (R&D) funds. 15 

Estess described the road for the team during the early 1990s as a "bumpy 

one." But, at the same time, he was optimistic about new rocket programs on 

the horizon; and he was pleased with the marketing effort sse had done in 

13. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb. 

14. O.K. "Doug," McLaughlin, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 12 March 1996; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb. 

15. Roger D. Launius, NASA: A History Of The U.S. Civil Space Program (Malabar, FL: Kreiger Publishing 

Company, 1994), pp. 131-132; John M. Logsdon eta!., eds., Exploring The Unknown, Selected Documents 

In The U.S. Civil Space Program, Vol. 1: Organizing The Exploration (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4407

1995); James E. Webb to The Honorable Everett Dirkson, 1 August 1966, Document 111-18, pp. 490--492

NASA Historical Reference Collection, History Office, NASA Headquarters; James R. Hansen, Spacefligh

Revolution (Washington, DC: NASA SP-4308, 1995), pp. 427-430; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb

24 April 1996; Lon Miller and Mike Dawson, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, 6 May 

1996, tapes and notes in SSCHRC. 

411 
summer commencement exercises 

August 1996 at the University of 

Mississippi in Oxford. Goldin cha

lenged the graduates to "Bum [the

fingers by reaching for the fire ins

[their] dreams." He dared the students to use the "fire inside" to 

"light up the world." (Photo cour

tesy of Robert Jordan , University 

Mississippi [SSC-97 -033]) 

Estess was not alone in believing his new SSC management team was 

to the task of taking the Stennis Space Center into the twenty-first centu

NASA Administrator Daniel Goldin expressed his delight with the enthu

asm of the young engineers and their supporting cast when he paid his fi

visit to the installation on 14 April 1992. Those at a private meeting with t

senior staff in the Gainesville Conference Room remembered how inten

Goldin listened as Harry Guin passionately emphasized the need to conso

date NASA's test activities at the SSC. Deputy Director Gerald Smith sa

there was no doubt that Goldin connected that day at Stennis with hopeful a

zealous SSC personnel. The uninhibited, youthful SSC engineers openly d

cussed their ideas with the NASA chief, and he admittedly "listened" to th

16. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb; Monti, Coast Magazine. 

412 
tists, it is no wonder that SSC Director Estess pointed with pride to the new 

and diverse SSC management team that was in place by the summer of 1996. 

Obviously, Estess was happy to see his NASA boss pleased with his SSC 

team members and their accomplishments, which they proudly displayed to 

the new Administrator. That special relationship between Goldin and the SSC 

team continued, and the NASA Administrator told Estess after a tour of the 

SSC Test Complex in 1995, "This is a good place; don't screw it up!" 18 

The Stennis People 

"The good place" Goldin spoke of had a workforce directed by a culturally diverse management team assembled by Estess to tackle new challenges 

facing the SSC. The SSC team's personnel recruiting efforts resulted in six of 

the 13 organizational elements at the center being headed by women and 

members of various minorities. There were a few seasoned NASA managers 

among the group, but several members of the "new" sse team were already 

respected leaders from other NASA centers and programs who had joined the 

sse team. 19 

In his high-intensity recruiting program, Estess was able to bring Boyce 

Mix, one of the most experienced propulsion experts in the country, into the 

SSC organization in 1994 as director of the growing and critical Propulsion 

17. "Goldin Makes First Visit To SSC."' Lagniappe, 20 Aprill996, SSCHRC; Charles "Chuck" Hill, interview by 

Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 11 June 1996. 

18. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb. 

19. NASA-SSC Organization Chart, July 1996, SSCHRC; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb; Craig, interview; Pamela G. "Pam" Covington, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 12 July 1996; NASA-SSC 

Biographies, Mark Craig, Lon Miller, David Brannon, Pam Covington, Boyce Mix, Myron Webb, Richard 

Arbuthnot, Marina Love, Florence Kailiwa-Barnette; John Gasery, Kirk Sharp, and Kim Graham Stone. 

413 
tion to the center's safety and quality programs was a major factor in the 

SSC's credibility in rocket testing. David Brannon and Rick Miller were elevated in the new SSC organizational structure with their Commercial Remote 

Sensing and Earth Systems Science program offices, respectively, answering 

to Estess. Lon Miller, with an extensive background in propulsion technology 

planning and Agencywide recognition as an extremely competent manager, 

was added to the Propulsion Directorate.21 

Marina Love, budget expert and comptroller, brought her respected credentials to bear as the SSC's Chief Financial Officer. Love came to the SSC 

with experience from both the Kennedy Space Center (KSC) and NASA 

Headquarters. Ken Human, who appropriately advised Estess through numerous touchy legal issues, including the Advanced Solid Rocket Motor (ASRM) 

and buffer zone conflicts, added his strength as Chief Counsel to the new 

management team. Ms. Myron Webb, who assisted Estess in his handling of 

public affairs, continued advising the sse director in public and community 

relations. David Powe, who brought national credit and recognition to the 

installation with the Tri-State Education Initiative, extended the institution's 

educational aims in his work with state and NASA Headquarters officials.22 

Florence Kailiwai-Barnett, decorated manager and former associate director of NASA's Dryden Flight Research Center, was named by Estess as director 

of the Center Operations and Support Directorate. With this appointment, she 

replaced A.J. "Jack" Rogers, Jr., and brought "other center" experiences to the 

SSC, as well as a reputation as an Air Force "Manager of the Year." Another 

newcomer to the SSC organization was Kim Graham Stone, appointed by 

20.lbid. 

21. See NASA-SSC biographies of senior staff, SSCHRC. 

22.lbid. 

414 
Estess was also fortunate to recruit Richard E. Rick Arbuthnot as chief 

of the Human Resources Office. Arbuthnot came to the SSC from NASA 

Headquarters where he was administrative assistant to the Associate 

Administrator for Human Resources. Encouraged by the gains the SSC had 

made in its propulsion test mission, Arbuthnot felt that the 210 NASA civil 

service and 3,598 government and contractor personnel working at Stennis 

had a bright future ahead. Arbuthnot said he was impressed with Estess and 

his integrity as a manager. "I am honored to work for a man like Roy Estess," 

Arbuthnot said. 24 

Jon B. Roth, who has served as assistant to the director and as 

Procurement Officer at the SSC since 1988, is a retired Navy Commander 

with experience in private business-as a manager and as a public accountant. 

Roth's naval experience and his gentlemanly manners helps in his role as a 

representative to the resident agencies. Estess depends on Roth to assist in a 

wide range of activities that involves interagency cooperation.25 

Estess appointed Pamela G. "Pam" Covington in 1992 to serve as the 

SSC Equal Opportunity Officer. Covington, a native Mississippian from 

Jackson, had experience as an intern in several elements of the organization 

including Procurement, Public Affairs, Personnel, and in the STL. She helped 

Estess achieve "good marks" in recruiting women and minorities. Most 

employees at the sse feel comfortable discussing their problems with 

Covington. Estess said he was pleased with the SSC's work in getting women 

into the workforce and vowed to continue recruiting them. 26 

Although Estess refused to play favorites with members of his staff, his 

selection of deputy was one of his best personnel decisions. When Gerald 

23. Ibid. 

24. Richard Arbuthnot, interview by Mack Herring, 12 July 1996. 

25. Jon B. Roth, interview by Mack Herring and Ms. Myron Webb, SSC, MS, 6 May 1996. 

26. Covington, interview; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb. 

415 
efficient and productive course. Estess and Craig became agents of Goldin

s 

"faster, better, cheaper" doctrine and were responsible for such changes as the 

reshaping of the Space Station programY 

When Craig reported to SSC in 1995, he brought with him vast experience 

in managing major NASA programs and in long-range planning at Johnson 

Space Center (JSC) and at NASA Headquarters. In addition to heading the 

Space Exploration Directorate at NASA Headquarters, Craig also served on 

the Administrator's staff, helping Goldin in his early days of transition at 

NASA Headquarters. Along with a great deal of enthusiasm, Craig added a 

"new language" to planning discussions and exercises at the SSC. The leader 

also contributed a high level of sophistication in management strategy and 

planning to which most Stennis employees had not been exposed. For 

instance, Craig saw the SSC as being involved in three "lines of business" 

which included commercial remote sensing, Earth systems science, and 

rocket propulsion testing. To the delight of some and the consternation of 

others, Craig did not necessarily list the three in the same order as other members of the senior staff. Perhaps the good-natured and sly deputy director 

listed his "lines of business" in a contrary order to provoke spirited discussion. For those not familiar with the SSC jargon, Craig usually listed 

"propulsion" last, behind commercial programs and science activities. 28 

Estess's management philosophy, which supported the Agency's 

approach to affirmative action, was to put a person in a job and "give them 

space" to manage their own area of the SSC operations. Perhaps Estess paid 

close attention to one of his mentors, Jackson Balch, who said he believed in 

putting his people in a position "where they could fail." Balch said time and 

27. Craig, biography, SSCHRC; Commentary, "Notes Of A Newcomer," Lagniappe, 25 May 1995, SSCHRC; 

"NASA Strategic Plan," Lagniappe, 20 July 1995, SSCHRC; Craig, interview. 

28. Ibid.; Estess, interview. 

416 
SSCs fourth director/manager. 

In Remembrance Of Fallen Friends 

History has a way of claiming our best leaders before they live to see their 

life's work reach full fruition. Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin 

Roosevelt, and John Kennedy are just a few such examples. In the case of the 

SSC, there were four men, Henry Auter, James Fletcher, Harry Guin, and 

John C. Stennis, who died during the 1990s before the SSC reached its loftiest goals. Wemher von Braun and Jackson Balch were claimed by death by 

1980. Although these men played huge parts in the center's history, it is safe 

to state that they would have been absolutely delighted to see the astonishing 

developments that came about at the SSC. No one would dispute that all of 

these fallen leaders would have been ecstatic to see the sse proclaimed as 

NASA's Center of Excellence for Rocket Propulsion Testing with a leadcenter purview that reached across Agency and geographical borders.30 

But alas, Henry Auter, who served as the installation's first deputy director and its only "acting director," died on 11 February 1991 of a heart attack 

29. E.W. "Van" King, interview; Jackson Balch described his own "personnel management philosophy" to the 

author during several discussions in May 1969 after the author disclosed that he was going to transfer to 

NASA Headquarters in Washington, DC. Balch said there was so much bureaucracy at Headquarters that a 

"fail-safe" workplace had been created, whereby "no one was to blame" when something went wrong. On 

the other hand, he said he believed that a person should be allowed to "fail and fail hard" if he or she had a 

good job. Perhaps he never forgot his failure with a house-paint business in Huntsville. Balch felt that he 

gave employees an opportunity to "fail" on their own. Indeed, he often gave assignments to his staff in 

which they were entirely on their own where the results were not traceable back to Balch. In many ways, 

Roy Estess seemed to have adopted Balch's philosophy. Estess, however, was far less threatening in his 

approach and seemed to put his employees "at ease." Estess enjoyed recounting actual stories to his employees, somewhat like a Southern "front porch philosopher." 

30. Mix, interview; Rogers, interview. 

417 
national level to raise the centers status from a purely rocket test facility to 

a space and environmental, multiagency research complex. In fact, Dr. 

Fletcher issued an Administrator's decision in 1974 that "officially" 

renamed the Mississippi Test Facility (MTF) to the "National Space 

Technology Laboratories" (NSTL), and raised its status as a separate facility answering directly to NASA Headquarters and not reporting to the 

MSFC in Huntsville. Fletcher was also helpful in getting the center renamed 

after Senator John C. Stennis in 1988. Fletcher, who last visited the SSC in 

the spring of 1989, died of lung cancer at his home in suburban Washington 

on 22 December 1991.32 

Perhaps the saddest surprise came to the SSC team on 15 October 1993, 

when Harry Guin was cut down in his prime in a fatal automobile accident 

while he was enroute to witness his beloved "Crimson Tide" Alabama football team in action. Mr. Guin was one of the SSC pioneers, having started 

work at the site in the summer of 1963. He became known as a "visionary," 

promoting the SSC as the nation's Center of Excellence for Rocket 

Propulsion Testing. Like his role model, University of Alabama Coach Paul 

31. Henry Fenimore Auter, Jr., Obituary, The (Biloxi/Gulfport, MS) Sun Herald, 12 February 1991; Mr. Auter 

loved the space program and devoted most of his career to NASA's work at the MTF and the NSTL. He 

helped design structures at the test facility and was in charge of testing the Saturn V boosters during Project 

Apollo. Curious, however, Mr. Auter wrote that the development of the multiagency complex at the MTF 

was the most significant historical event at the site. He was working as a consultant with the author helping 

develop the historical archives for the SSC when he died. The author talked to Mr. Auter about future historical archives just two days before he died. 

32. NASA Headquarters, "James C. Fletcher Biography," SSCHRC; Roger D. Launius, "A Western Mormon In 

Washington, DC: James C. Fletcher, NASA, and the Final Frontier," Pacific Historical Review, (May 1995): 

pp. 217-41: Fate brought Dr. Fletcher in close contact with the SSC history on two significant occasions. 

Dr. Fletcher was the NASA Administrator who executed the document that created the NSTL on 14 June 

1974. He flew to the Stennis International Airport in Hancock County, MS, and made an announcement to 

the local media proclaiming the new installation. When Dr. Fletcher returned to the south Mississippi facility as Administrator on 12 May 1986, he was a supporter of the development of the SSC and was 

instrumental in its renaming and designation as the John C. Stennis Space Center on 20 May 1988. He also 

appointed Jerry Hlass as manager of the NSTL in 1976 and Roy Estess as director in 1988. 

418 
During his last visit to south Mississippi and the NASA SSC on 23 

August 1990, Stennis insisted that he visit the site at old Logtown, where the 

long and fascinating odyssey of the Stennis Space Center began. Roy Estess 

was joined by Roy Baxter, Jr., Mack Herring, Myron Webb, and a few other 

friends on the journey back in time. 34 

The open ball field, on the Logtown School grounds where the meeting 

was held in 1961, was covered by towering pine trees and undergrowth. The 

Stennis party pointed to the spot where the flatbed truck that Stennis spoke 

from 30 years earlier was parked. On that return to Logtown in August 1990, 

the thoughtful Senator smiled and seemed pleased when he was told by 

Baxter, Estess, and other friends in the party that "it all worked out for the 

best." Senator John C. Stennis, father of the Stennis Space Center, died 23 

April 1995 at the age of 93.35 

33. Mack Herring, Commentary, "He Was Number One," Lagniappe, 19 November 1993, SSCHRC; Mr. Harry 

Guin was a personal friend of the author. We first met on the first day Guin reported for work at the MTF 

in 1963. We worked on several joint projects together, the most memorable being the dedication of Stennis 

Space Center during the late spring and early summer of 1989, prior to the 3 August 1988 dedication. After 

studying the letters, documents, plans, and interviews that were part of this book, the author came to the 

inescapable conclusion that Mr. Guin was a true visionary and so dedicated to the SSC that he fought 

"against all odds" to see the SSC reach its full potential. His legacy will go on as long as the Stennis Space 

Center exists. 

34. Pat Towell, "John Stennis, Longtime Symbol Of Senatorial Rectitude," Obituary, Inside Congress, 

Washington, DC, 29 April 1995; U.S. Senator John C. Stennis dominates the history of the SSC. He was 

a staunch supporter of America's space program until the day he retired from the Senate in January 1989. 

Dr. Fletcher remarked the day of the dedication, that the center should have been named for Stennis "a long 

time ago." Fletcher depended on Stennis, somewhat like eight U.S. Presidents who served "with" the 

Senator, to lead the Agency's budgetary battles in the Congress. The respected Senator no doubt played an 

important role in the location of the center in Mississippi, but it must be pointed out that he would not have 

supported the effort if he believed there was a better location elsewhere in the country to test America's 

rockets. Senator Stennis's belief in the people of his state and their ability to participate in "greatness" as 

supporters and workers at the space center, undoubtedly was also a major factor in his tenacious support 

of the sse. 

35 Ibid. 

419 
on old ambitions with new approaches to excellence in rocket propulsion test

ing to serve the nation's test needs.36 

The new SSC vision was also inclusive with other lines of business to 

pursue, exploiting the SSC expertise in Commercial Remote Sensing and 

enhancing its Earth Science research. When the Clinton Administration initiated its "reinventing government" policies in 1993, Stennis employees 

exclaimed, "Why, we've been reinventing government for 25 years!" They 

were right, too, because the multiagency complex had featured the sharing of 

research and resources since the early 1970s. Now, Roy Estess and his management team had incorporated the multiagency doctrine in their new vision 

for the twenty-first century.37 

Administrator Daniel Goldin also found the SSC especially appealing with its 

small, but innovative team making use of diverse talents to accomplish new missions, "better, faster, and cheaper." Since the SSC crew had managed with less 

funding than most NASA installations for years, managing the Stennis Center in 

the tight fiscal times of the 1990s was not an insurmountable handicap. 38 

For instance, from FY93 to FY96, the facility operations budget was 

reduced by 20 percent, and contractor staffing was lowered by 17 percent. 

These remarkable savings were made possible by closing facilities, consolidating functions, and reviewing operations to find more efficient ways of 

doing business. In addition to these savings, from FY93 to FY95, the shared 

operating costs by NASA and the resident agencies were reduced by $2.7 million. Two examples that contributed to cost savings at the SSC were the Main 

36. "U.S. Senator John C. Stennis ... " Lagniappe, 25 May 1995, SSCHRC; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 

7 July 1996. 

37. Management Presentation, "The Stennis Space Center," cover sheet, boxed motto, "Reinventing Government 

For 25 Years," 14 September 1995. 

38. "Stennis Space Center Budget History By Major Programs," 23 October 1995; Estess, interview by Herring 

and Webb, 7 July 1995. 

420 
pg

Nevertheless, along with the budget considerations there was still much 

work to be accomplished by the SSC team of the 1990s as it reached to raise 

the center to a higher level in the NASA hierarchy. Richard Bach, aviator and 

author, wrote, "You are never given a wish without also being given the 

power to make it true. You may have to work for it, however." Roy Estess and 

the SSC team had realized Bach's axiom many years ago and had worked 

more days than not trying to get their bosses up the line to pay attention to 

their plans for the center.41 

An important milestone that focused on the SSC's emerging role as a 

propulsion center of excellence came in 1992 when Estess and T.J. "Jack" 

Lee, MSFC director, signed a joint statement of agreement between their centers regarding the development and test of propulsion components and 

systems. More importantly, the document acknowledged the development of 

the SSC into a "Center of Excellence for Rocket Propulsion Testing." Goldin 

had insisted that Estess and Lee meet and settle this issue. After they signed 

the document, it was immediately forwarded to Goldin in Washington under 

a jointly signed cover letter. The agreement included most issues between the 

MSFC and the SSC, but the "test management" role for the Space Shuttle 

Main Engine (SSME) program was not covered. Both parties agreed that the 

contested issue, the "responsibility for SSME testing," would be addressed at 

a future date.42 

39. McLauglin, interview by Herring and Webb; Doug McLaughlin, "SSC Budgetary Savings," paper especially 

prepared for SSC History Office by Doug McLaughlin, July 1996, copy in SSCHRC. 

40. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1996; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 7 July 1996: 

McLaughlin, interview by Herring and Webb. 

41. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1966; Richard Bach, Illusions: The Adventures Of A 

Reluctant Messiah (New York: Delacorte Press/Eleanor Friede, 1978), p. 92. 

42. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 7 July 1995; Roy S. Estess and T.J. Lee, III, DanielS. Goldin, cover 

letter for agreement, 29 June 1992; Roy S. Estess and T.J. Lee, III, 20 June 1992. 

421 
NASA's John C. Stennis Space Center in Hancock County, MS, flight certifies all of the 

engines that help power the Space Shuttle into Earth's orbit. Shown on the "B" stand, B-1 

position, is a static firing of a Space Shuttle Main Engine. One of the many tame deer, w

share the SSC environment, stwlies a "common place" test-firing. (SSC-96-129-15) 

Agency and public recognition of the SSC's Center Of Excelle

status came when the Agency began to define its vision in 1991-1992. 

Human was named by Estess to coordinate the SSC inputs for the NA

Agencywide Vision Statement. Human remembered how eager the S

employees were to participate in the NASA-wide project. The Vi

Statement was published in 1992 and entitled, "John C. Stennis Sp

Center Long-Range Plan for the 1990s." It was printed on page one of 

15 June 1992 Lagniappe. The statement read, "To expand the frontier

space exploration, Stennis Space Center will provide the United States w

the world's best center of excellence for ground-testing large space pro

sion systems. This center is represented by a unique pool of talent 

state-of-the-art test facilities and technologies. Stennis Space Center de

ers safe, responsive, and cost-effective propulsion test services wh

422 
This 1992 aerial view shows Stennis Space Center's propulsion test facilities. The four large 

test stands are the E-1 Test Facility (center) ; A-1 Test Stand (left); A-2 Test Stand (right); 

and B-1 Test Stand (far back) . (SSC-92-039-37) 

sustain U.S. leadership in space exploration and enhance our economic 

competitiveness. "43 

The Stennis vision was brought into sharper focus on 1 May 1994 when the 

responsibility for SSME test management was transferred from the MSFe to the 

SSC. The transfer marked the first time in the entire history of the center, even 

during the time of the Apollo program, that the SSe would be in charge of rocket 

testing at the installation. True, the former MTF organization had a great deal of 

autonomy during the certification testing of the Saturn V first- and second-stage 

rockets in the 1960s and in 1970, even as a component installation of the MSFC. 

The MSFe, however, was ultimately in charge of managing the test program.44 

The SSe's goal of assuming the responsibility for test management had 

been sought after by SSe managers for at least two decades. The illusive prize 

43. Ken Human et al., "SSC Vision Statement," Lagniappe, 15 June 1992, SSCHRC. 

44. "SSME Testing Transferred From MSFC to SSC," 18 May 1994; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 

7 July 1995; Boyce Mix, interview by Mack Herring, SSC, MS, 27 June 1996. 

423 
wp

wgy y Gp

porters of a major role for the sse in rocket propulsion testing.45 

When Bridwell assumed the director's position at the MSFC, he told 

Estess, "Hey, I read the mail. Two administrators [Truly and Goldin] have 

decided that Stennis ought to be the Center of Excellence for Rocket 

Propulsion testing, and the only outstanding issue is the SSME; therefore, I'm 

moving the SSME to Stennis. I'll make that decision!"46 

Bridwell had the "pleasure" of informing his SSC friends and colleagues 

of the SSME transfer at a Stennis Center Awards Ceremony on 5 May 1994, 

at which he was the featured speaker. "We're a sister center, and we're going 

to work together. I pledge our support to you," Bridwell stated. He also said 

that he wanted the MSFC to work more closely with Stennis on NASA 

research technology projects for "future propulsion systems testing." Harry 

Guin, a staunch advocate of the advancement of propulsion testing, was 

posthumously awarded the NASA Outstanding Leadership Medal at the ceremony where Bridwell announced the test management transfer.47 

A memorandum of agreement between the MSFC and the SSC making 

the historic test management transfer pact official was signed by Estess on 28 

June 1994 and Bridwell on 21 July 1994. Deputy Associate Administrator for 

Space Flight (Space Shuttle) Bryan O'Connor concurred in the document that 

was designed to produce more efficient and cost-effective propulsion operations for the Agency. 48 

Boyce Mix, who had managed the test program for the MSFC for years, 

observed in a recollection in June 1996, "The transfer of the SSME test man45. Jerry Hlass to Staff, memorandum, "Appointment Of Acting Deputy Director," 23 March 1987; NASA 

Headquarters, "Center Directors Biographies," SSCHRC. 

46. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1996; Mix, interview. 

47. Ibid. 

48. Roy S. Estess and Porter Bridwell, "Memorandum Of Agreement," 2 August 1994. 

424 
y 

gy

testing. Test management, then, was one of several pieces of a "puzzle" Estess 

had to put together before his vision for the sse was totally clear.49 

As Mix surmised, the test management mission was an enormous milestone for the SSC in securing credibility as the Agency's lead center for 

rocket testing. In addition, at least three major studies conducted by NASA 

and the government in 1994 and 1995 underscored the SSC's contention that 

the nation should institutionalize and consolidate its rocket test programs. 

The NASA Federal Laboratory Review (NFLR) and the NASA Zero-Base 

Review (ZBR) budget challenge initiated in 1995 pointed to the SSC as a 

Center of Excellence for Rocket Propulsion Testing and recommended that 

management of all rocket testing be consolidated at Stennis. A third study, 

called the National Facilities Study (NFS), conducted in 1994 was not quite 

as favorable for the sse because it recommended certain turbopump testing 

be performed at the MSFC instead of the SSC. The NFS did, however, call 

for an end to duplication of NASA and DoD facilities nationwide, a point 

which was to the liking of the SSC management. The deck could have been 

partially stacked in favor of the sse because the sse deputy director was a 

member of the NFS team. 50 

SSC Director Estess was extremely pleased at the recognition and recommendations of these prestigious study teams. When Administrator Goldin 

49. Mix, interview. 

50. NASA Federal Laboratory Review Task Force, NASA Advisory Council, "NASA's Federal Laboratory 

Review," February 1995, SSCHRC. It is important to note that the "NASA Federal Laboratory Review" was 

prepared by the NASA Federal Laboratory Review Task Force under the auspices of the NASA Advisory 

Council (NAC). The results were then submitted 28 February 1995 to the Office of Science and Technology 

Policy (OSTP) at the White House. This review was part of the Interagency Federal Laboratory Review 

which included material from the Departments of Defense and Energy along with NASA. The review was 

undertaken by all concerned as a means to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the federal government's R&D programs and investments. 

425 
p() p

ZBR meeting at the KSC on 31 March 1995. The NRPTA would be composed of representatives from the following civilian and DoD installations 

involved in rocket testing: SSC, White Sands Test Facility, Lewis Research 

Center, MSFC, Phillips Laboratory at Edwards AFB, Arnold Engineering 

Development Center, Naval Warfare Center, and Redstone Technical Test 

Center. The Test Alliance plan was designed as an advisory body with authority to develop major propulsion test policy and place systems at the most 

appropriate and economical facility for a particular result. 2 5

Estess recalled that Lon Miller played a major leadership role in helping 

pull together the ZBR presentation that contained the Test Alliance plan. 

Proudly remembering the KSC meeting, Estess said the presenters at that 

important review were Lon Miller, David Brannon, Tom Sever, Robert Bruce, 

and Doug McLaughlin. Estess exclaimed, "That's a real team!" Apparently 

the ZBR group was equally impressed by the Stennis team. To the delight of 

the SSC managers, the Test Alliance plan presented by the SSC was so well 

received by the ZBR team that they incorporated the NRPTA in their final recommendations, and an action to implement the plan was passed on to SSC.53 

Estess and his crusaders found that they were not in the game alone. From 

the very outset, Goldin clearly connected with the enthusiastic efforts of the 

SSC to emerge as a leader in his scheme to do things in NASA "faster, better, 

and cheaper." As Roy Estess recalled, "The moons were lined up," and he 

modestly added, "I didn't have a thing to do with it. Administrators changed, 

51. NASA Headquarters, "NASA Zero Base Review And FY 1997 Process," Briefing To Congress, May 1995, 

SSC Director's Files, SSCHRC; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 Aprill996 and 7 July 1995; 

Lon Miller, interview by Herring and Webb, 4 May 1996. 

52. Ibid.; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 Aprill996; Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 7 July 

1995; NASA-SSC, National Rocket Propulsion Test Alliance, "Shaping Test Capability To Match National 

Needs," Presentation, 28 July 1995), SSCHRC. 

53. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 7 July 1995. 

426 
had proved to be a good friend and supporter of the SSC

s program, Pearson also 

quickly took a liking to Roy Estess and his team. In March 1992, John R. "Jack" 

Dailey was named by Goldin as Acting Deputy Administrator. Like Pearson, 

Dailey was a Marine, having risen to the lofty position of Assistant Commandant 

in August 1990. Perhaps both Headquarters leaders were impressed with the 

"gung ho" attitude of the Stennis team in its support of overall NASA-wide 

objectives, a quality not universally found in a proud NASA organization that 

had sometimes experienced conflict with its parochial attitudes. 5 5

With the "stars aligned" in the heavens for the restless SSC group, the road 

still remained a bit "bumpy" on the more realistic roads on Earth. With the 

support of Goldin, Pearson, and Dailey at the Headquarters, and endorsements from the NASA Federal Laboratory Review, the National Facilities 

Study and the White House-favored ZBR, one might think that the SSC managers could finally rest easy with their missions secured as the center prepared 

for the twenty-first century. As the Congress began serious deliberations on 

the FY97 budget in the spring of 1996, however, Roy Estess and his senior 

staff worried that "something might go wrong." After all, a significant role for 

NASA's "Lead Center for Rocket Propulsion Testing" entailed consolidation 

of test functions and activities at other locations, such as the test laboratory at 

the SSC's old nemesis, the MSFC in Huntsville, Alabama. Test facilities at 

White Sands were also scheduled to be terminated by the new NASA test consolidation plan, with rocket propulsion testing at the MSFC and White Sands 

to be managed by Stennis Space Center.56 

54. Ibid. 

55. Sue Richard, NASA Headquarters News Release, "NASA Administrator Announces Headquarters 

Appointments," 28 April 1992, SSCHRC; Jeff Carr, NASA Headquarters News Release, "Organizational 

Changes To Enhance Programs, Relations," 11 March 1993, SSCHRC. 

56. Estess, interview by Herring and Webb, 24 April 1996; "Russian Rocket Findings Will Capture Redstone's 

Engine Testing Program," Huntsville (AL) Times, 29 March 1996; Lon Miller and Mike Dawson, interview 

by Herring and Webb, SSC, MS, 4 May 1996. 

427 
howls grew as Goldin prepared to present his Operating Plan to Congress and 

implement the NASA-wide findings of the ZBR, which included test consolidation at the SSC. Only one "star" had fallen out of alignment, the SSC's old 

friend Porter Bridwell, the MSFC director who was influential in transferring 

SSME testing to the SSC, had retired. He was replaced by Wayne Littles of the 

old-time, more "traditional" MSFC management team. The MSFC's loss of its 

dominance over the sse no doubt was worsened when the sse placed a resident office in Huntsville in March 1996.57 

In late April 1996, Estess worried that the consolidation plan might still fail, 

even with all data points giving a green light to Administrator Goldin's NASA 

proposal. It was hard for anyone to imagine that the NASA Administrator and 

his very top people could not get their own way with the NASA organization. 

A last piece of the consolidation and lead center puzzle was the approval of 

approximately $45 million in funds for upgrading and completing the CTF. 

The request for CTF monies was included in Goldin's FY97 Operating Plan 

sent to Congress as part of the appropriations bilP8 

Another fortuitous event occurred when the SSC's long-time supporter, 

Senator Trent Lott, was elected Senate Majority Leader to replace Republican 

Presidential candidate Robert "Bob" Dole. Lott had been one of the SSC's 

most ardent supporters throughout his highly successful political career. 

Senator Lott began working to promote the SSC in 1968, when he was administrative assistant to 5th District Congressman William "Bill" Colmer. Lott 

was elected to that House Seat in 1972 as a Republican when Colmer retired 

and served as a U.S. Representative until he was elected to the Senate in 1988. 

With his home at Pascagoula, Mississippi, on the Gulf Coast, Lott had been 

57. Scheuermann, interview; Ms. Myron Webb, interview by Mack Herring, SSe, MS, 24 July 1996; Patrick 

Scheuermann, interview by Virginia A. Butler, SSe, MS, 11 February 1997. 

58. DanielS. Goldin to The Honorable Jerry Lewis, "FY96 Operating Plan," 4 June 1996. 

428 
Center, was chosen Senate 

Majority Leader by his colleagues in 1996. 

( SSC-96-448-4) 

one of the architects of the multiagency concept and had supported all of the 

SSC agencies and their programs at every juncture. He stood vigil on Capitol 

Hill in the summer of 1996 as the NASA Appropriations Bill, with the consolidation plan and the over $45 million CTF-enhancement funding propos_al, 

passed the House and Senate. A cautious Lott kept a keen eye on the NASA 

bill as it worked its way through final congressional committee actions. 59 

The Lead Center 

Even while NASA legislation was being pondered on Capitol Hill, on 

29 May 1996, Roy Estess assembled the SSC employees in the Visitors Center 

auditorium to hear possibly "the best news" in the installation's entire 35-year 

history. The occasion was the center's annual Honor Awards Ceremony, an 

event that had been traditionally a time of good cheer. NASA Administrators, 

astronauts, and national leaders, such as Stennis and Lott, had in the past come 

to the Visitors Center to pay tribute to the NASA-Stennis team. The auditorium 

had been the scene of some sad times, also. Most vowed never to forget the 

59. Office of Senator Trent Lott, "Biography," July 1996. 

429 
Rocket Propulsion Testing. The message was almost unbelievable. Patrick 

"Pat" Scheuermann, tapped by Harry Guin back in 1988 to carry on the bold, 

"can do" tradition of the sse team, was not in the auditorium that day with his 

associates. The 32-year-old engineer, trained by Guin, was manning the new 

SSC Resident Office in Huntsville! Scheuermann's deep reverence for Guin 

and respect for Estess were evident when he commented, "I knew we had 

reached our mark months ago to become NASA's lead center for rocket testing. 

The lead enter role is a tribute to the vision that Harry and Roy shared for the 

SSC." Scheuermann also believed that the designation proved the power of the 

dream that motivated the small, but highly effective, SSC team. After all, the 

center had risen form a "test support" role in 1986 to its status of responsibility for all NASA rocket testing. This historic document presented by Trafton 

was clear in its subject and direction and was to take effect on 30 May 1996.61 

Roy Estess, who had pushed for just such a designation for almost 10 years, 

responded on behalf of all NASA-SSC personnel when he said, "This is a natural decision for NASA because of the investment that has already been made 

here in south Mississippi." To Estess and the SSC team, the "lead center" designation was also the fulfillment of another dream of yesteryear. The proud 

director told his fellow employees, "This major responsibility is also keeping 

with the vision Dr. Wemher von Braun had in the early 1960s for this installation to be NASA's test center."62 

Thrilled that NASA had recognized the SSC as its lead center for rocket 

propulsion testing, Senator Lott praised the NASA designation. "This move 

60. "SSC Designated As Lead Testing Center," Lagniappe, 20 June 1996, SSCHRC; William C. Trafton to 

Associate Deputy Administrator (Technical), 28 May 1996, SSCHRC; William C. Trafton to the Director, 

Stennis Space Center, "Propulsion Testing Lead Center," 30 May 1996, SSCHRC. 

61. "SSC Designated ... " Lagniappe; NASA SSC News Release, Lanee Cobb, "NASA Directs SSC To Manage All 

Propulsion Test Activities," 7 June 1996, SSCHRC. 

62. Ibid. 

430 
g p[] y gq

Space Age facilities, and the best expertise in the world in rocket testing and 

advanced technology."64 

Senator Lott's sentiments were also no doubt felt by the uncounted 

number of employees, their superb leaders, and their community friends, who 

made uncommon sacrifices in past times to advance the Stennis Space Center 

to world-class status as America's rocket test center. Indeed, the day was a 

long time coming for the hundreds of "believers" who participated in the 

extraordinary, never-give-up campaign waged for years by the little "can do" 

SSC team. And all the SSC team asked for in return was to finally be granted 

the respect of their NASA colleagues across the country and to be allowed to 

use the national rocket test facility to its fullest potential.65 

The "Way Station to Space" on Mississippi's Pearl River is now engraved 

on the trade routes of history for future generations to navigate as they 

explore worlds beyond their wildest dreams. 

63. Susan Irby and Elizabeth Mavar, Office of Senator Trent Lott, News Release, "NASA Consolidation Rocket 

Propulsion Testing At Stennis," 5 June 1996, SSCHRC. 

64. Office Of U.S. Representative Gene Taylor, News Release, 5 June 1996, SSCHRC. 

65. Previous References, Way Station To Space, 4 August 1996. 

431 

yg py 

rest peacefully under a protective canopy of great live oaks along the banks 

of the Pearl River. 

Many of the residents who sold their land to the United States government 

under the terms of the eminent domain policy could trace their roots back five 

generations, to the beginning of the historic place. There were a few citizens 

who were descendants of the French explorers who first sailed up the river in 

1699. All of the citizens reluctantly gave up their picturesque homesites to the 

federal government, so NASA could construct, of all things, a modern complex for the Agency to light-up and test-fire giant rockets bound for the Moon. 

Another generation has grown up since that sad day in January 1963. 

Indeed, the former residents of the Gainesville and Logtown communities 

were proud when their country did actually go to the Moon in July 1969. The 

spaceship blasted on its journey propelled by Saturn rockets first proven 

worthy on the giant static-test stands erected on the very grounds cleared by 

many of their ancestors over 200 years earlier. The former residents, during 

the years since they left the communities of Gainesville, Logtown, Santa 

Rosa, Napoleon, and Westonia, witnessed the inspiring Moon missions and 

followed the daring exploits of the Space Shuttle as the reusable aerospace 

ship carried on the American spaceflight tradition for over 15 years. 

Along with people around the world, they marvelled at the space pictures 

sent back to Earth by satellites and spacecraft to help farmers, fishermen, 

firemen, and foresters. The displaced residents, who vacated their homes in 

1963, knew that these extraordinarily useful "space maps" were products of 

the NASA people who came and built laboratories on their vacated Hancock 

County property. The new "space" people were explorers, too, searching for 

better ways to make science work for ordinary people. Many of the children 

and grandchildren of the displaced property owners returned years later to 

help work modern miracles with computers, to push buttons to static fire 

433 
434 

gy p

tise. These remote sensing experts helped spawn hundreds of new businesses 

through their commercial programs. The technology they developed during 

the 1970s and 1980s was now considered the benchmark of the remote sensing industry in this country and abroad. 

The space and environmental complex that was begun in 1970 grew 

through the years paralleling, and in some cases exceeding, the national 

development of science and technology. By the summer of 1996, there were 

22 federal and state agencies located at the installation. These multidisciplinary agencies had been reinventing government for over 25 years, as they 

advanced their own "space-oceans-Earth" programs. The resident agencies 

have found that the Jackson Balch axiom of "2 + 2" can equal 5 is accurate 

when the government entities put away their selfish, bureaucratic pursuits and 

worked together for a common cause. In fact, a new NASA organization was 

forged in July 1996 that included an Earth Systems Science Office chartered 

to participate with and share technologies developed by the several agencies 

located at the Stennis Space Center. 

The Navy's oceanographic complex became one of the nation's foremost 

centers for underwater studies. The highly technical ocean research laboratories at the Stennis Space Center contained one of the largest and most 

sophisticated computer capabilities anywhere. An upgrading of the Navy's 

supercomputer capability was announced in May 1996, for a total projected 

cost of $170.2 million, to be appropriated as needed, with a commitment to 

keep upgrading during each of the next five years. The new system would elevate the Navy's computer complex to an elite status enjoyed by only a few 

such cyber-centers in the world. Planning was also done to ensure continued 

buildup of the computer arrangement into the future. 

Even the giant Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant that has been virtually dormant for years, was awakened in early 1997 with announcements (by 
435 

y 

g 

leaders were the four directors of the installation: Captain William "Bill" 

Fortune, Jackson Balch, Jerry Hlass, and Roy Estess. Among NASA 

Administrators and managers who favorably affected the course of history at 

the Stennis Space Center were Dr. Wernher von Braun, Dr. James Fletcher, 

Admiral Richard Truly, Richard "Dick" Wisniewski, and Daniel Goldin. 

Influential politicians who contributed significantly to the center's success 

were Senators John C. Stennis, Trent Lott, Thad Cochran, and Allen Ellender. 

Other members of the Congress who supported the Stennis Space Center were 

U.S. Representatives William "Bill" Colmer, Gene Taylor, and Robert "Bob" 

Livingston. This political influence created the environment and opportunity 

that permitted the space center managers to capitalize on the investment made 

in the people and facilities in Mississippi. Estess has said, "Without this collective influence, much less could have been achieved." 

Without the staunch support of the communities surrounding the center, it 

would have been difficult for the federal government workers or the politicians 

to have carried out their assigned tasks and gained new missions, such as the 

Space Shuttle Main Engine test program, commercial remote sensing enterprises, and lead center responsibility for rocket propulsion testing. Men and 

women from the local communities came forward in the early years and 

remained consistent in their positive support of NASA and the other endeavors at the center. Some of these key community leaders included Roy Baxter, 

Jr., Pearlington; Leo Seal, Jr., Dave McDonald, Ellis Cuevas, Norton Haas, and 

Dave Truetel, Jr., of Bay St. Louis; George Schloegel of Gulfport; Charlie 

Nutter, Ted LeMunyon, Dave Sims, and Allen Goff of Picayune; and Irma Cry 

of Slidell. An association of community friends was cited for its support of the 

Stennis Space Center in May 1996 when NASA gave its annual Community 

Service Award to the Partners For Stennis organization, comprised of area 

leaders from the Mississippi Gulf Coast and St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana. 
436 

jyy 

the Space Shuttle into space." 

The people about whom Estess was talking are the members of the wellknown Stennis Space Center "can do" team. NASA Administrator Daniel 

Goldin was astonished at what the small number of about 210 civil servants 

were able to accomplish in developing rocket propulsion and commercial 

remote sensing programs. A veteran Stennis Center manager, Doug 

McLaughlin, put it this way, "We've been able to make do with fewer 

resources than the other centers for a long time. Cutting comers, working on a 

shoestring, and finding a 'faster, better, cheaper' way of doing things is nothing new to us." 

By the summer of 1996, most of the old NASA territorial and turf disputes 

and costly competitions for future programs that had kept the Stennis Space 

Center from operating at its fullest potential in the past had been mitigated by 

the new breed of engineers and managers in a far less time-consuming and 

expensive manner than in times past. In fact, there were positive signs that the 

1990's generation of engineers and scientists-led by a new wave of Stennis 

people, including Lon Miller, Mike Dawson, Pat Scheuermann, Richard 

Gilbrech, David Brannon, Rick Miller, and Gregg Carter-was working across 

the Agency with counterparts in a cooperative and cohesive team for the benefit of the national taxpayers and the future of America's space program. 

Closer to home where this story started in 1961, the people of southwest 

Mississippi could see the good of their sacrifices in the important civil and 

national defense programs under way at the Stennis Space Center. The economic and cultural impacts on the areas around the installation have been 

dramatic. Positive signs of continued growth are evident with NASA and the 

resident agencies are preparing to enter the next century. Indeed, the promises 

of peace and prosperity made by Senator Stennis in his speech at Logtown in 

1961 have been kept. 
437 

y p

the twenty-first century? It is, to be continued ... 

Congress of Industrial 

Organizations 

ALS Advanced Launch System 

AMC Army Missile Command 

ASRM Advanced Solid Rocket Motor 

BOMEX Barbados Oceanographic 

Meteorological Experiment 

C&O Construction and Operation 

CDT Countdown Demonstration Test 

CIN Curb Illegal Narcotics 

CM Command Module 

CNOC Commander Naval 

Oceanography Command 

COE Center of Excellence 

COE Corps of Engineers 

COG Complex Operational Group 

CRSP Commercial Remote Sensing 

Program 

esc Computer Sciences Corporation 

CTF Component Test Facility 

DCAA Defense Contract Audit Agency 

DCAS Defense Contract Administrative 

Services 

DOA Department of Army 

DOC Department of Commerce 

DoD Department of Defense 

DTF Diagnostic Test Facility 

DOl Department of the Interior 

E-1 Formerly: Component Test 

Facility 

E-2 Formerly: High Heat Flux 

Facility 

E&A Engineering and Administration 

EAFB Edwards Air Force Base 

(California) 

EAFB Eglin Air Force Base (Florida) 

EELV Evolved Expendable Launch 

Vehicle 

Agency 

ERC Education Resource Center 

ERL Earth Resources Laboratory 

EROS Earth Resources Observation 

Systems 

ESSA Environmental Science Services 

Administration 

FSR Facility Services Request 

GAO General Accounting Office 

GE General Electric 

GEC Governor's Emergency Council 

GSA General Services Administration 

GSE Ground Support Equipment 

HEDS Human Exploration and 

Development of Space 

HHFF High Heat Flux Facility 

ICS Instrument and Control System 

lTD Institute for Technology 

Development 

JCWS Johnson Controls World Services 

JSC Johnson Space Center 

KAFB Keesler Air Force Base 

KSC Kennedy Space Center 

LM Lunar Module 

LOR Lunar Orbit Rendezvous 

MAF Michaud Assembly Facility 

MSAAP Mississippi Army Ammunition 

Plant 

MPT Main Propulsion Test 

MPTA Main Propulsion Test Article 

MSC Manned Spacecraft Center 

(Texas) 

MSFC Marshall Space Flight Center 

MSU Mississippi State University 

MTF Mississippi Test Facility 

439 
SSCPRCAdministration I Stennis Space 

Center Permanent Records 

Collection-Director's Files 

NASP National Aerospace Plane 

NDBC National Data Buoy Center 

NFS National Facilities Study 

NFLR NASA Federal Laboratory 

Review 

NLS National Launch System 

NMFS National Marine Fisheries 

Service 

NOAA National Oceanic and 

Atmospheric Administration 

NOO Naval Oceanographic Office 

NORD A Naval Oceanographic Research 

and Development Activity 

NPS National Park Service 

NRL Naval Research Laboratories 

NRPTA National Rocket Propulsion Test 

Alliance 

NSTL National Space Technology 

Laboratories 

OMSF Office of Manned Space Flight 

OPM Office of Personnel Management 

PAO Public Affairs Office 

PERT Program Evaluation and Review 

Technique 

R&D Research and Development 

RAP Regional Applications Program 

R&PM Research and Program 

Management 

RIFT Reactor-In-Flight-Test 

RLV Reusable Launch Vehicle 

RTOP Research and Technology 

Operating Plan 

RTQ Response to Queries 

S-IC Saturn V First Stage 

S-11 Saturn V Second Stage 

S-IVB Third Stage of Saturn V 

S-IB Modified Saturn I Rocket 

TEMPO Technical Military Planning 

Operation 

TRC Teacher Resource Center 

TTB Technology Test Bed 

TWR Technical Work Request 

UM University of Mississippi 

UNO University of New Orleans 

USGS United States Geological Survey 

USM University of Southern 

Mississippi 

USSR Union of Soviet Socialist 

Republics 

vc Visitors Center (Building 1200) 

VIP Visiting Investigator Program 

ZBR. Zero Base Review 

440 
May 17, 1963: Workmen cut first tree to start clearing the test area for construction. 

July 1, 1965: MTO designated Mississippi Test Facility (MTF). 

April23, 1966: First Saturn V rocket booster (S-11-T) tested at Mississippi Test Facility. 

Sept. 9, 1970: NASA announces Earth Resources Laboratory will locate at MTF. 

March 1, 1971: Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME) testing assigned to MTF. 

June 14, 1974: MTF renamed National Space Technology Laboratories (NSTL). 

May 19, 1975: First Space Shuttle Main Engine tested at NSTL. 

May 28, 1976: Flag-raising ceremony marks the official move of the Naval 

Oceanographic Program to NSTL. 

April 21, 1978: First system test of Space Shuttle Main Propulsion Test Article conducted-including three SSMEs tested simultaneously. 

June 11, 1987: Mississippi Technology Transfer Center dedication held. 

Feb. 25, 1988: NSTL conducts l ,OOOth test firing of a Space Shuttle Main Engine. 

May 9, 1988: NSTL assigned key role for space remote sensing commercialization. 

May 20, 1988: NSTL renamed John C. Stennis Space Center by Executive order of 

President Ronald Reagan. 

Jan. 18, 1989: Construction begins on the Component Test Facility to test turbopump 

machinery for rocket propulsion systems. 

Aug. 20, 1990: First time SSME tests are conducted on all three test stands in one day. 

Dec. 30, 1991: NASA Administrator designates SSC Center of Excellence for large 

propulsion system testing. 

July 24, 1992: Space Shuttle Main Engine program achieves 2,000th test firing. 

Aug. 11, 1993: High Heat Flux Facility dedicated. The facility tests materials to be used 

for hypersonic spacecraft of the future. 

441 
y , ggp

for rocket propulsion testing. 

July 2, 1996: NASA Headquarters announces SSC will conduct and manage engine 

component testing for the X-33 for the RLV program. 

Nov. 24, 1996: SSC designated as NASA's lead center for implementing commercial 

remote sensing activities. 

442 
FY88 FY89 FY90 FY91 FY92 FY93 FY94 FY95 FY96 

Total $282M $283M $293M $257M $252M $286M $254M $248M $259M 

443 
4500 

4000 

3500 

3000 -~=~:!ii!l:i:=~~== 

2500 ---1=11==== "=======r.J========== 

2000 

1500 

1000 

500 

63 65 67 69 71 73 75 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 93 9

ro M w 

• Includes NASA, contractor and resident agency personnel 

444 
I 

Activation I I 

Facilities I I 

Public Affairs I I Resources I 

Office* Office Office Management Office 

Technical Operations 1 Plant Operations 

Division Division 

*Marshall Space Flight Center (Huntsville, AL) 

445 
446 
Installation 

Operations 

Budget and 

Finance 

Purchasing and 

Contracts 

Requirements and 

Review 

Facility 

Engineering 

Applications 

Engineering 

Liaison and 

Project Engineering 

Engineering 

Studies 

Information Research 

Applications 

Experimental 

Applications 

Methodology 

Research 
I I I 

I I 

Counsel Staff Audit 

I I 

Procurement Resources Facilities Installation Technology & Financial & Contracts Management Engineering Operations Applications 

Office Office Office Office Office 

I 

448 
Chief 

Counsel 

: ___ t 

l -I 

g

Officer Operations 1- --~ 

Public Safety, Reliability Human and Quality Procurement Affairs Assurance Resources 

Project & Technology J Test & Engineering 

I 

Center Operations 

Applications Directorate Directorate Directorate 

Comptroller 

449 

py

options, 35; and moonshine, 83; and shuttle engine testing, 190 

Acoustics Laboratory, MTF, and sound propagation, 125-127 

Activation and Operation (A&O), and personnel, 97 

Administrator Thomas Paine, 167; and Saturn V flight-certification tests, 173; and NASA-MSFC 

MTF Downmoding Plan, 180; and Skylab, 209 

Advanced Atmospheric Sounding Station, and acoustical hom, 41, 126 

Advanced Launch System (ALS), 341; 367; 369; 381; and President Ronald Reagan's support, 382; 

and NSTL as available site for testing, 382 

Advanced Planning Division, and CTF, 383 

Advanced Solid Rocket Motor (ASRM), 341; 345; 367; 369; and canceled by President Bush, 

(1992), 376; and terminated by Congress, (1993), 376; 403; 414 

Advisory Council, Manned Space Flight, NASA, 79 

AE, Applications Engineering, 202, and mission, 203 

AE-ERL Consolidation Effort, 259 

Aerojet Solid Propulsion Company, 212 

Aerojet-General, and ICS Phase 1, 64 

Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee, and Kerr, 7; and Sen. Stennis, 161; and Sen. Moss, 213 

AFL-CIO, American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations, 57-58 

Agriculture and Forestry Committee, and Sen. Eastland, 161 

Air Force One, and President Nixon's arrival in Gulfport after Hurricane Camille, 157 

Aker, Charles, 34 

Aldrich, Arnold, director of National Space Transportation System, 352 

Aldridge, Air Force Secretary Edward C., 383 

Aldrin, Jr., Astronaut Edwin E. "Buzz," and Gemini 11, 124; and Apollo 11, 147-148 

All-Systems Test Stage (S-Il-T), and transfer from Seal Beach, California, 94; and testing delay, 111 

Allain, Mississippi Governor William "Bill," and Mississippi Technology Transfer Center, 337; 339; 

and Chief of Staff Charles Deaton, 340; and Technology Transfer Center dedication, 341 

Alligators, 51 

"Alligator Award," certificate, and motivational use, 91 

American Rocket Company, and low-cost hybrid rocket propulsion, 385 

Ames, Greg, and NSTL veteran engineer, 282 

Anders, Astronaut William A., 143 

Anderson, James "Jim," and image-enhancement techniques for Nuclear Magnetic Resonance scans, 

313 

Andrews, Mr. and Mrs. Elwood, 38 

Apollo 1, and astronaut deaths, 125 

Apollo 13, and explosion in space, 173 

Apollo 4, 139; 142 

Apollo 6, 142 

Apollo 7, 142 

Apollo 8, 143-144 

Apollo Era, 243 

451 
452 

y gy () pp, , 

transfer to NASA's, Saturn program and to NASA, 5 

Army Rocket and Guided Missile Agency, Redstone Arsenal, and Van King, 134 

Arnold Engineering Development Center (AEDC), 366; 426 

Artley, Gordon, and Apollo test program, 85; and schedule slippage, 86; and recommendation by 

Brigadier Gen. Edmund F.L. O'Connor, 87; and COG, 90; 101-102; and motivation factor, 111; 

and move to KSC, 118, 129 

Augustine Committee Report, and Mission to Planet Earth and Mission from Planet Earth, 370; and 

see also Norman R. Augustine, 370 

Augustine, Norman R., and appointed chairman of Advisor committee on future of U.S. Space 

Program Task Force, 370 

Auter, Henry F., and Electrical Systems Engineering Branch 61; and site activation plans, 90; and 

Projects Control Office, 108; and test manager, 118; and MSFC test engineer, 120; 129; and 

Heimburg, 130; and briefing of astronauts, 157; and Apollo 13 astronaut Fred Haise family, 174; 

178; 225-227; 229; 236-237; 244; 246; 250; 257; 265; 271; and retirement, 303, 417; 418 

Ayers, Capt. James, and Naval Oceanographic Office, 218; 229; 233; 246 

B 

B-1 Test Position, 367 

B-1/B-2 Test Stand; and foundation, 72; 73; and Saturn V first-stage booster, 124; and readiness, 

127; and modifications, 336; and construction begins on B-1 position, 336 

Bach, Richard, and aviator and author, 421 

Baggette, Thomas "Tom," and NAA S-II test conductor, 112-113; 120; 284; 410 

Balch, Jackson M., NASA, Test Site Manager, 93; and management assignments, 97-98; and biographical information, 98-1 00; and McArthur, Gen. Douglas, 1 00; and Roger Bilstein, 101; and 

NASA employees, 102; and NASA-MTF group charter, 104; and announcement of first staticfiring date, 105; and NASA-MTF group appointments, 108; and media, 117; and town meeting, 

118-119; and MTF changes, 120-123; and Sen. Stennis and von Braun meeting, 129; and 

Heimburg management differences, 130; and post-Apollo dilemma, 130-134; and The Wall 

Street Journal, 135-136; and Sen. Stennis, 139-140; and Apollo 8, 144; and Hurricane Camille, 

152-156; and possible MTF closure, 159-162; and marketing, 163-166, 185; and multiagency 

concept, 171, 201; and congressional support, 172; and presentation to President of Balch 

group paper for "Future Utilization Of The MTF," 173; and satellites, 175; and first resident 

agency of multiagency MTF, 176-178; and "crossroads of science," 179; and awards ceremony, 

182-184; Space Shuttle proposal, 186, 189-190; and Space Shuttle test program, 187, 207; and 

"set-aside" fund policy, 194; and reinventing MTF, 195; and MTF Project Liaison Office, 197; 

202; and resident agencies, 202; and Interstate Environment Compact bill 204; 211; 213; and 

MTF renaming, 215; 216-217; 219; 222; 225; and retires, 228; 238-239; 249; 256; 269; 303; 

and Hurricane Camille's aftermath, 327; 363-364; 365; 396; 401; 411; 416-417 

"Balchites," and Jackson Balch, 172 

Bankston, Dr. P. Talmadge "Tal," Mississippi Office of Science and Technology director, 165; and 

chief, State Liaison and Coordinating Office, 338; 340 
453 

Bayh, Senator Birch, and Senate Public Works Disaster Relief Committee, 169 

Beasley, George, and Gordon Artley, 90 

Beatty, Col. Roy P., Corps of Engineers, 84 

Bechtel, 334 

Beggs, NASA Administrator James, 339 

Bennett, Cheryl, and biographical information, 402 

Betsy, Hurricane, 18; and damage from, 106 

"Big Four," and first MTO managers, 84 

Biloxi, Mississippi, 20; 68; and von Braun keynote speech, 85 

Biloxi-Gulfport Regional Airport, 233 

Bilstein, Roger, Historian, and Jackson Balch, 101 

Birmingham (Alabama) News, The, and B.J. Riche story, 160 

Blenis, Dan, 145 

Board of Economic Development, 339 

Boatswain's Mate, John C. Stennis Space Center renaming and dedication, 247 

Boeing Company, 46; 61; 77; 80; and S-II program acceleration, 94; 101-102; 124, 130; and test 

teams, 137; and last booster stage (S-IC-15) 181; and loss of jobs, 185 

Boggs, U.S. Representative Hale, Democratic Whip, and congressional influence, 161; 169 

Boggs, U.S. Representative Lyndy, 212 

BOMEX, Barbados Oceanographic Meteorological Experiment, and Dr. Kuettner, 141; and Van 

King, 142; MTF conference, 145; 163; 165-166; 175; 216 

Booster Stage (S-IC), and RP-1 kerosene, 378 

Borman, Astronaut Frank, 143-144; 150 

Boyland, Jim, 89 

Brannon, David, and Space Remote Sensing Center, 319; 392-394; and Earth Observations Commercial Applications Program, (EOCAP), 395; 409; 414; and ZBR presentation, 426 

Bridwell, G.P. "Porter," and MSFC director, 424 

Broadway Maintenance Corporation, 65 

Brown, Joseph "Joe," 285 

Bruce, Robert, and chief of Advanced Planning Division, 383; 384; and chief of Advanced Program 

development, 385; and ZBR presentation, 426 

Bryant, Coach Paul "Bear," 418-19 

Budget cuts, 298 

Budget, base support, FY 1963 and FY 1964, 54 

Buffer Zone, Acoustic-, and easement area, 29-30; 33; and relocation costs and payment options, 35; 

and moonshine, 83; and shuttle engine testing, 190 

Buffington, Rex, and Sen. Stennis, 14 

Building and Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO, 57 

Bumpers, Arkansas Gov. Dale, and MTF environmental movement, 161; 204 

Bureau of Commercial Fisheries, 166; 168; and regional Gulf Coast Environmental Center proposal, 

173; and locating to MTF, 181 

Burke, E.A., 258 
454 

, , p, 

C.H. Leavell Company, 65 

Cabell, Charles P., USAF, and Webb Advisory Group visit, 105 

Caldarelli, David, 207 

Callahan, R.V. "Bob", 258; 263; 271 

Campbell, Curtis, 285 

Camille Recovery Task Force, MTF, 156 

Camille, Hurricane, 18; 123; 150; and MTF/NASA-MTF employees, 153; and Richelieu Apartment 

deaths, 154; and MTF future, 162; and Dr. Low announcement, 169; and possible cut of MTF 

employees after hurricane, devastation, 174 

Canals, and navigation lock system, 50; and completion/ activation phases, 87 

Cape Canaveral, Florida, and rocket launch site, 10; 227; NASA launch site, 289; 323 

Cape Kennedy, 146-147 

Carpenter, Marvin Lee "Marv," 285; and deputy director of SSC Propulsion Test Operations Office, 

389; 410 

Carrio, Doris, 69 

Carter, Dr. Gregory "Greg," 397; 408-409 

Carter, Ronnie E., 267 

Carver, Mr. and Mrs. Conley Carver, and first real estate settlement, 33 

COT, 220 

Center of Excellence for Propulsion Testing, NASA's, and NSTL, 335; 344; 359; 364; 367; and J.R. 

Thompson's "Roles and Mission" report (1991), 370; 371; and status of, 372; 373; 385; 390; 

and Roy Estess's opinion (1996) 406; 407; 417-418; 421; 425; 431 

Center Operations and Support Directorate, 408 

Central Control Building (Building 1200), and first static firing viewing, 112-113; and lobby 

exhibits, 115; and "final" awards ceremony, 183 

Chaffee, Astronaut Roger B., and Apollo 1 fire, 125 

Challenger, and disaster, 294; 322; and Presidential Commission, 326; and national mourning, 327-

328; 330; 336; 344; 351-352; 354-356; 361; and solid rocket motors, 376; and shuttle redesign, 

382;430 

Chapman, Russell, 69 

Chenevert, Dr. Don, and Diagnostic Testbed Facility, 390 

Chrysler Corporation, 49 

Cibula, Dr. W.G. "Bill," and biographical information, 312; and ERL senior scientist, 397 

Ciko, Larry, and The (New Orleans, LA) Times-Picayune, 238; 239 

Citizens for a Healthy Environment, 377 

Civil Rights Commission, and report, 59 

Clarion-Ledger, The Jackson (Mississippi), 23 

Clator, Jr., Secretary of the Navy W. Graham, 296 

Clermont, and design of, 107 

Clinton, President William Jefferson "Bill," and ASRM support, 380-381 

Coast Guard, U.S., and data buoy project, 166; and Pointe Estero arrival at MTF, 184 

Coastal Plain Meadows, 17 
455 

and Jackson Balch marketing endeavors, 165; 169170; 181; 184; 205; and as congressman, 428 

Colson, Joseph V., 77 

Columbia, and Apollo 11 command module, 147 

Combined Agencies Campaign, 405 

Commercial Remote Sensing Program (CRSP), 392; and named Lead Center, 394; 408-409; 420 

Commercial Uses of Space, 394 

Community (ASRM) Environmental Impact Meetings, 378 

Community Task Force, 235 

Complex Operational Group (COG), and organizing/tracking activation work, 90 

Complexes, Industrial, 64; Engineering and Administration, 64, 88, 132; Test, 64, 74 

Component Test Facility (CTF), and The Wall Street Journal, 137; and laboratory, 196; and ALS 

project, 344; 367; and Advanced Planning Division, 383; 425 

Computer Sciences Corporation (CSC), 247-248; 273 

Congressional Support, 299 

Conner, P.K. "Pat," 311 

Consolidation Proposal, and all rocket testing, 133 

Constan, Dr. George, MAF and MSAAP, 201 

Construction and Installation (C&I), and personnel, 97 

Construction, MTO and NASA plans, 50; 81; and contractors and temporary workers, 65; and test 

site and three phases: Construction, Activation, and Operation, 86 

Corps of Engineers, U.S., 24; and land acquisition, 27-28; and Mobile District, 27; 30; 32; and real 

estate report, 33-34; 35; 49-50; 53; 62; 66; 69; 74; 76-78; 81; 84-86; and S-11 program acceleration,94; 199 

Coryell, William R., Corps of Engineers deputy area engineer, 84 

Costas, William "Bill," and Rocketdyne Test Operations Manager, 297 

Cottonport, Mississippi, 19 

Countdown Demonstration Test (CDT), 220 

Covey, Col. Richard 0. "Dick," 353 

Covington, Pamela G "Pam," and SSC Equal Opportunity Officer, 415 

Coward, James E. "Jim," and Roy Estess, 108; 130; 276 

Cox, Harry C., MTO NAA manager, and "Big Four," 84 

Craig, Mark, and JSC executive, 375; and SSC deputy director, 409; and architect of NASA Strategic 

Space (HEDS) Enterprise and biographical information, 416 

Creswell, William "Eph," 239; 240; 244; 345-346 

Crippen Group, and visit, 333; 334; 344; 377; 419 

Crippen, Astronaut Robert, 290; and visit to NSTL, 291; 329; and Crippen Group and implementation of Rogers Commission's suggestions, 333 

Crosby Forest Products, Picayune, 37 

Crosby Memorial Hospital, Picayune, 115 

Crosby, L.O., 67 

Crowder, Morris, 263 

CRSP, Commercial Remote Sensing Program, 392 

Cry, Irma, and Slidell Area Chamber of Commerce and Partners for Stennis, 404 
456 

, y; 

Dailey, John R. "Jack," 427 

Daily Herald, 40 

Daily Picayune, 20 

Darrell, Charles G., commanding officer, Naval Ocean Research and Development Activity 

(NORDA), 246 

Daughtrey, Kenneth R. "Ken," 130; 185; 203; and Technology Transfer and Utilization Team, 243 

Davis, Cora Blue, 36 

Dawson, Mike, 426 

Dead Tiger Creek, 45 

Dearing, W.H. "Waldo," NASA-MTF Management Support Office, 108; and MTF Site Operation

Office, 134; and head ofMTF Planning Task Force, 185; and Installation Operations, 202; 228

229;240;258 

Deaton, Charles, and chief of staff for Governor Allain, 340 

Debus, Kurt, KSC director, S-I-T accident investigation, 116; 150 

Department of the Army (DOA) Munitions Command, 185; and Hazards Evaluation Office and 

MTF consortium, 198 

Department of Commerce (DOC), 198; 208; and location of offices, 400 

Department of Defense (DoD), 10; 208; 218; 382 

Department of the Interior, (DOl), 185; 208-209; and Earth Resources Observation System

(EROS), 244; and location of offices, 400 

Devil's Swamp, 45; 60; 95; 123 

Dezzo, James, Boeing Co., 127 

Diagnostic Testbed Facility (DTF), and construction, 389; and description of capabilities, 390; and 

Dr. Don Chenevert, program manager, 390; and funding, 390 

Dick, J. Stephens "Steve," 207; 276-277; Space Shuttle Support Development Participation, 278

285; and chief of Test Support Division, 390 

Discovery, 332; 350 

Disney World's Epcot Center, Florida, 242 

Diversification, MTF and NSTL, 297; 306; and mid-1980s, 317; 318 

DOA, Department of the Army, "Steel City," 199-200 

Dobson, Mary M., 53 

DoD, Department of Defense, 10; 208 

DOl, Department of the Interior, 185; 208-209 

Dole, Robert, "Bob," 428 

Downmoding Plan, NASA-MSFC and MTF Saturn V Test Complex, 180 

Dracon, Scott, 390 

Draper, Dr. C. Stark, MIT, and Webb advisory group, 105 

Dronet, Daley, 36 

Drum and Bugle Corps, The, 348 

DTF, 389; 390 

DuB ridge, Dr. Lee, President Nixon's science advisor, and endorsement of MTF, 172-173 

Ducks Unlimited, and remote sensing for private entities, 398 
457 

y (), , ; ; p

oratory, 198; 209-210; 235; 237; 255; 276; 294; and Roy Estess, 305; 310; 363; and commercial 

remote sensing, 392; 393; 408 

Earth Resources Laboratory Applications Software (ELAS), 314; 392 

Earth Resources Observation Program, U.S. Geological Survey, 166 

Earth Resources Observation System (EROS), and MTF consortium, 198; and DOl, 210; 244 

Earth Resources Technology Satellite Program, NASA, 168 

Earth Systems Science Office, 397; 408 

Earth-Orbit Rendezvous (EOR), 9 

Easement Area, and acoustic-buffer zone, 29; 33; 190 

Eastland, U.S. Sen. James 0., 58-59; 161; 169; and MTF future, 175; 213 

Eaton, William R., GE manager at MTO, and "Big Four," 84; and government-contractor relationships, 109; and MTF team pride, lll 

Economic Impact, and community impact study, 119; and economic impact decline, 136; 271; 272; 300 

Educational opportunities, and Educational Outreach Program, and origins, 301; "Operation 

Liftoff," 302; "Summer Apprenticeship Program," 303 

Edwards Air Force Base (EAFB), California, 187; 192; 290; 366 

Edwards, Tom, 89 

Edwards, William "Billy," and Systems Development Branch, 314 

EELV, 387; and capabilities and objective, 389 

Eisele, Astronaut Don F., and Apollo 7, 142 

Eisenhower Administration, and space program, 6 

Eisenhower, President Dwight D., 5; 24 

Electrical Systems Engineering Branch, 226 

Electronics Research Center, NASA, and shutdown of, 167 

Ellender, U.S. Sen. Allen, Appropriations Committee, and congressional influence, 161, 174, 176; 

and Jackson Balch marketing endeavors, 165; 169; and executive correspondence, 171; and 

NASA Administrator Paine, 175; and "set-aside" fund, 193-194, 236; 251; 307; 308 

Eminent Domain, 22 

Engineering and Administration (E&A), 64; 88; 132; 137 

English, Leland "Lee," 220 

Environmental Impact Meetings (ASRM), 378 

Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), 185; 195; 197-198; 209-210; and location of offices, 400 

Environmental Sciences Services Administration (ESSA), and Dr. Kuettner, 141; and Van King and 

MTF data management system for BOMEX, 142; 145; 160; and Dr. White, 164-166; and 

regional Gulf Coast Environmental Center proposal to President by Paine, 173 

EOCAP, Earth Observations Commercial Applications Program, 395 

EOR, Earth-Orbit Rendezvous, 9 

EPA, Environmental Protection Agency, 185; 195; 197-198; and laboratories, and MTF consortium, 

198; 209-210 

ERL, and MTF, 179, 196; 209-210; 236; 237; and Beech aircraft, 238; 239; 240; 241; 253; possible 

1976 move, 295; and move to Slidell Computer Center, 307; and established officially at NSTL 

(1970), 307; and facility jurisdiction limitations, 308 
458 

ppy , ; p, ; pp

Space Flight's "Shuttle Processing Contract" review team and "ambassador" for NSTL, 335

and Technology Transfer Center, 337-9; 342; 345; and John C. Stennis Space Center dedication, 347; 350; and succeeds Hlass as director, 357; 361; and biographical information 362-3

and becomes Center director, 364; 365; 368; 371-374; and ends tenure at Headquarters, 375

377-378; andASRM longevity and demise of program, 380-381; 390-391; 393; 396; 400-403

and Mississippi legislature joint resolution, 405; and 1996 opinion of SSC, 406; 407; 409-416

419-422; 424-425; and "faster, better, and cheaper," 426; 427; 429-430 

Estess, Zann, 305 

Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle (EELV), 387; and capabilities and objective, 389 

Executive Order, renaming NSTL, 346 

Experimental Field Test and Integration Center, and MTF consortium, 198 

Explorer I, 227 

Explorer Scout Post, and "Space-Oceans-Earth, 303 

Ezell, Dianne, and NASA-MSFC onsite office team, 220 

F 

F-1 (RP-1) Engine, 49; and consolidation proposal, 133 

Facility Services Request (FSR), 264 

Fargason, Dr. James, and MTF Landowners' Committee, 34; 36 

Farrell, David, 272 

Faulkner, William, 17 

Federal Agencies Diversification, 297 

Federal Area Redevelopment Administration, and grants, 83 

Federal Housing and Home Finance Administration, and grants, 83 

Federal Laboratory Review, NASA (NFLR), 425; 427 

Federal Water Pollution Control Administration, 168 

Federal Water Quality Administration, 185 

Federal-State Road Fund, 76 

Fee Simple Area, 29; 36; 83 

Federof, Yevgeniy, 211 

Femeau, Robert, and special assistant to Naval Secretary Middendorf, 234 

Finley, RobertS., Louisiana State Science Foundation director, 165 

Firing Readiness Review, 286 

First Baptist Church, 37 

Fitts, Donald "Don," Senator Stennis press secretary, 239 

Flanagan, Jerry, 313-314 

Fleagle, Dr. Robert, 145 

Fletcher, Dr. James C., and NASA Administrator, 193; 202; 206; 213-215; 263; 329; and Challenger 

disaster comments, 331; 341-345; and John C. Stennis Space Center dedication, 347-9; 355

357-358; and retiring, 364; 417-418 

Flynn, Tom, 89 
Future Utilization, and recommendation proposal to President for MTF, 173 

G 

Gaffney, II, Flag Lt. Paul, and biographical information, 231; 244; and Commander, Naval 

Meteorology and Oceanography Command, 397; 398 

Gaines Bluff, Mississippi, 19 

Gaines, Dr. Ambrose, 19; 37 

Gainesville Baptist Church, 37 

Gainesville, Mississippi, 19; 21; and easement area, 29; 31; 33; and Shorty's 43 Club; 38 

Gandy, Walter, and National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS), 196 

GAO, and a study, 230; 231; 252; 262 

Gartin, Mississippi Lt. Gov. Carrol, 79 

Gasery, Jr., John L., and Safety and Mission Assurance Office, 414 

GE, General Electric Company, 57; and Phases II and III, 64; 77; 80; and onsite personnel total, 88; 

and S-II program acceleration, 94; 101-102; and stage contractor, 104; and data team, 114; 124-

126; and data reduction facilities, 135; and BOMEX data management system, 142; and 

TEMPO, 164; and loss of jobs, 185; 197; and contracts, 201-202 

GEC, Governor's Emergency Council, 156-157 

Gehrig, James "Jim," and Senate Appropriations Committee, 239 

Gelpi, Oscar, 34 

Gemini Mission, 124 

Gemini Program, 62; 125; 133 

General Accounting Office (GAO), 229; and a study, 230; 231; 238; 252; 262 

General Electric Company (GE), 57; and Phases II and III, 64; 77; 80; and onsite personnel, 88; and 

S-II program acceleration, 94; 101-102; and stage contractor, 104; and data team, 114; 124-126; 

and data reduction facilities, 135; and BOMEX data management system, 142; and TEMPO, 

164; and loss of jobs, 185; 197; and contracts, 201-202; 242; and NSTL Onsite Contractor, 277 

General Services Administration (GSA), 259 

George, William "Bill," 278 

Gilruth, Dr. Robert, 150; 180; 194; and NASA Manned Spacecraft Center (JSC), 307 

Glantz Contracting Corporation, 65 

Glaser, Dr. Arnold, 145 

Glazier, Herman, 338; 340; and biographical information, 341 

Glenn, Col. John, and Webb advisory group, 105 

Global Associates' Base Projects Division, 278 

Global Associates, 202; 207 

Goddard Space Flight Center, Maryland, and Earth resources research, 175 

Goddard, E.G., 19 

Goldin, NASA Administrator Daniel, and biographical information, 373; 374-376; 391; 394; 412-

13; 416; 420- 421; 424; 425-426; and "faster, better, and cheaper," 426-427; 428 

Goodrich, W.L. "Bill," 258 

Gore, Vice-President Albert "AI," and reinventing government, 396 

459 
460 

Griggs, Howard, and Resident Manager Rocketdyne, 298 

Grissom, Astronaut Virgil L. "Gus," and Apollo 1 fire, 125 

Groat, R.E. "Ron," 258 

Groo, E.S. "Todd," 236; 239-240; and appoints Jerry Hlass NSTL manager, 249; 250-251; 253-254; 

256; 258-261; 264; 266 

Ground Support Equipment (GSE), and transfer from Seal Beach, California, 94 

Guin, James H. "Harry," 55; 130; 149; 276; 282; and biographical information, 305-6; and appointed 

Projects Manager, NSTL Earth Resources Laboratory, 306; 317; and Space Remote Sensing 

Program, 318; and White Paper, 332; and Exceptional Service Medal, 343; 363-365; 369; 410; 

412; 417-419; and posthumous NASA award, 424; 430 

Gulf Coast Civil Defense Team, and NASA-MTF, 106 

Gulf Coast Contractors Association, 58 

Gulf Coast Environmental Center, regional, and Paine's recommendation to President to set up at 

MTF, 173 

Gulf Coast Space Technology Center, 214 

Gulf of Mexico Program, 398-399 

Gulf of Mexico, 395; 398-399 

Gulf Universities Research Corporation, and regional Gulf Coast Environmental Center recommendation to President by Paine, 173 

H 

Raise, Astronaut Fred, Biloxi, Mississippi, and lunar module pilot of Apollo 13, 173; 183 

Halsey, James, 244 

Hancock Bank, 69; 77; 117; 339 

Hancock County (MS) Eagle, The, 34 

Hancock County Chamber of Commerce, Mississippi, 117; 231; 320 

Hancock County, Mississippi, and location description, 1; 271-272 

Hancock, John, President of Continental Congress, 19 

Harlow, Bryce, President Nixon's aide and counsel, and Sen. Stennis, 174 

Harrison County, Mississippi, 271-272 

Hauck, Capt. Frederick H., 353; 355-567 

Hegwood, Robert B. "Bobby," 130; 203; and Technology Applications Team, 243 

Heidel, James "Jimmy," executive director of Mississippi Department of Economic and Community 

Development, 404 

Heimburg, Director Karl, MSFC Test Laboratory, 15; Saturn V, 15; 48; 61; 88; and S-II situation, 94; 

and Jackson Balch, 100; and MSFC, 103; 125; 127; and Henry Auter, 130; and MTF Planning 

Task Force, 185; 225-227 

Herbert, Floyd C., 130 

Herbert, U.S. Representative F. Edward, House Armed Services Committee, and congressional influence, 161; 217-218 

Herring, Mack R., and PIO, 52; 67; 81; 117; 140; and Public and Community Affairs and Protocol, 

229; 244; 258; 271; 345; and designing a history office, 401; 419 
276; and Space Shuttle Test Program Support Structure, 286; and first Space Shuttle launch 

success, 290; 296- 297; 299; and "President's Rank of Meritorious Excecutive," Award, 300; 

good will policy, 301; 303; and mid-1980s goals, Space Station program participation, commercial program development, 317; and Space Remote Sensing Center, 319; 320; and 

Challenger disaster reaction, 325; and Challenger astronauts tribute, 328; and Space Shuttle 

Facilities Division, 329-30; and Technology Transfer Center, 337-341; 342- 344; 346; and John 

C. Stennis Space Center dedication, 347-349; 352-354; 356; 358-359; 361; 365; 377-378; 393; 

396; 411 

Hlass, Helen, 264 

Hobgood, David "Dave," 263 

Holden, August, 34 

Holland, Dr. Joshua, 145 

Holman, Dr. Mary, George Washington University professor, and Webb's MTF future path study, 

139;269 

Holston, Representative Curtis, and Mississippi state legislator, 339 

Holt, U.S. Representative Marjorie, 230; 232 

Honey Island Swamp, 76 

Honor Awards Ceremony, 300; 335; 342; 429 

Hopkins, William L. "Larry," 130; 203; and Technology Applications Team, 243 

House Appropriations Committee, 262 

House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, and ASRM program fundingrephase-down and 

termination vote, 381 

Housing, and employees, 66 

Howard, Douglas "Doug," 220; and Quality Assurance Office, 284; 410 

Howard, Wanda, 345 

Howard, William D. "Doug," 108; 130; and MSAAP, 201; 207 

Howe, O.J., GE, and work control management, 89; and National Data Buoy Program, 196 

Howell, Dr. James "Jim,", MTF medical director, and Hurricane Camille, 156 

Hudson, Clarence, 263 

Human, Kenneth R., NASA, 343; andASRM, 378; 379; 414; 421 

Huntsville Times, The, and "Black Monday" story, 182; 

Huntsville Times, The, and NASA Saturn V static firings eliminated at MTF and William Tier, 158 

Hurricane Betsy, 18; 106 

Hurricane Camille, 18; 123; 150; and MTF/NASA-MTF employees, 153; and Richelieu Apartment 

deaths, 154; and MTF future, 162; and Dr. Low announcement, 169; and possible cut of MTF 

employees, 174; 256; 327 

Hurricane Log, MTF, 151 

Hurricane Opal, and Gulf of Mexico Program, 398 

Huseonica, Dr. William "Bill," and ASRM, 378; and Information and Management Systems director (Science and Technology Laboratory), 410 

461 
462 

International Science and Engineering Fair, 403 

Isbell, Mr. And Mrs. Cody, 34 

Ivey, John, 108; 185; 203; and Technology Transfer and Utilization Team, 243 

J 

J-2 Engine, 133 

Jackson, Charles A., 54; 66 

Jackson, Guy, 67 

James, Lee B., MSFC Program Management director, 182 

Jarvis, Gregory B., 322; 355 

Jeffers, Sharon, NASA, and personnel director, 410 

John C. Stennis Space Center (SSC), 256; 326; 344; and renaming and dedication, 345-349; 359; 

361; 365;407;412 

John Hopkins Wilmer Eye Institute, 313 

Johnson Controls World Services, 403 

Johnson Space Center (JSC), Lyndon B., Texas, and renaming of, 10; 78; 214; 241; 259 

Johnson, David "Dave," 253; 276 

Johnson, Mississippi Governor Paul B., 79 

Johnson, Lyndon B., U.S. Senator, Texas, 5; and Vice-President, 6-7; 58 

Johnstone, Harry, and MSFC's MPTA Resident Manager, 283; 286; and White Paper, 332; 410 

Jones, B.U., 53; 76 

Jourdan River, and fee area and buffer zone, 83 

Joyce, Dr. Armond T., 311-312 

JSC, Johnson Space Center, Texas, and renaming, 10; 78; 214 

Judiciary Committee, and Sen. Eastland, 161 

Junkin, R.G. "Bobby," 203; 243 

Jupiter-C Rocket, and testing, 129; 226 

K 

Kahle, William "Bill," 385; 390 

Kailiwai-Barnett, Florence, NASA, and director of Center Operations and Support Directorate, 414 

Kavanaugh, Dr. George, Atomic Energy Commission assistant general manager, 165 

Kellar, Alton D., 22 

Kellar, Samantha B., and first real estate payment check, 33 

Kennedy Space Center (KSC) John F., Florida, 10; 86; and Apollo 1 fire, 125; and assistance to MTF 

after Hurricane Camille, 157; 196; 257 

Kennedy, President John F., 1; and Second State of Union Address, 6; and space program, 7 -9; and 

beating soviets to Moon, 15, 95; and "Urgent National Needs," 47; and missile site labor committee, 57-59; and appointment of NASA Administrator Webb, 81 

Kent, Marion, 77-78; and program acceleration, 94; and community meeting, 95-96 
463 

Kuettner, Dr. Joachim P., Environmental Sciences Services Administration (ESSA), and Barbados 

Oceanographic Meteorological Experiment (BOMEX) director, 141, 145; and Van King and 

MTF data management system for BOMEX, 142; and Hurricane Camille, 154, 156-157 

L 

L-S Construction Company, 56 

Ladner, Cornelius J., 34 

Lagniappe, NSTL NASA newsletter, and first issue, 301; and SSC 1992 Vision Statement-"John 

C. Stennis Space Center Long-Range Plan for the 1990s," 422 

LaMunyon, Teddy M. "Ted," 130; 156; 196; 207 

Land Acquisition Cost, 96 

Landsat, and automatic data, 310; 394 

Lawless, Chester P., 53 

Lead Center for Commercial Remote Sensing, 394 

Lead Center for Rocket Propulsion Testing, 427; 430 

Leake, Dr. Ramon, 362 

Lee, T.J. "Jack," and MSFC director, 368; 369; 400 

Lehman, Jr., Secretary of the Navy John H., 298 

Lehr, Gary, 278 

Lenoir, Dr. William, and appointed Associate Administrator for Space Flight, 368 

Lewis Research Center, 426 

Lilly, William "Bill," Office of Manned Space Flight, 194; and NASA Headquarters comptroller, 

230; 252; 262-264; 275; and Hlass staff member, 276 

Lindsey, Bill, 284 

Ling, Sr., Edwin R. "Ed," 69; 271 

Little, D.G. "Dewey," 243 

Lockheed Management Services Company, 307 

Lockheed Propulsion Company, and Advanced Solid Rocket Motor (ASRM), 212 

Lockheed-Martin, and RLV testing, 387 

Logtown Speech, 25-26, 31-32,42, 174; 296 

Logtown, Mississippi, 19; 21; and Sen. Stennis meeting, 23; and Logtown Speech, 25-26, 31-32, 

42; 174 

Lombardo, Joe, 342 

Long Beach, Mississippi, 66; and Knights of Columbus Council, 83; 269 

Long Range Proving Ground, Florida, 9 

Long, U.S. Sen. Russell, Joint Committee on Revenue Taxation, and congressional influence, 161; 

169; and MTF future, 175; 212, 217-218 

LOR, Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous, 9; 49 

Los Angeles Times, The, news service, and lengthy story on possible cut of MTF employees, 174 
464 

; , 

Lucas, Dr. William R., MSFC Director, 286 

Lunar-Orbit Rendezvous (LOR), 9; 49 

Lyddon, Thomas "Tom," and Senior Test conductor, 284 

M 

M-1 Engine (liquid hydrogen), 49 

Mabry, Wilmer C. "Bill," 53; 76 

Mabus, Mississippi Governor Ray, 347; 400 

MAF, Michoud Assembly Plant, and naming of, 102; and MTF, 161; and NASA Administrator 

Paine, 167; and curtailed production, 190; 201; and Space Shuttle fuel tanks, 206; 212; 217-

218 

"Magnificient Flying Machine," 325 

Malkin, Dr. Mike, Director, Space Shuttle Program, 286 

Malone, Terry, 63; 143; and Apollo 13 astronaut Fred Haise family, 174; 302 

Maloney, William, 145 

Manned Spacecraft Center (MSC), Texas, 10; 78; and MTF consortium, 198; and ERL, 208 

Marcy, H. Tyler, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 233 

Mars Mission, and deep-space programs, 131 

Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC), George C., Alabama, 5; and missile-testing facility, 9; 31; 45; 

50; 53; 61; 64; 77; 124; and assistance to NASA-MTF employees after Hurricane Camille, 157; 

and Earth resources research, 175; and Space Shuttle, 192; and MTF consortium, 198; and 

Industrial Operations Office, 202; 211; and shuttle program, 207-208; 225; 255; 266; 365; 426 

Marshall, Col. Robert C., Corps of Engineers District engineer, 84 

Martin Company, and Gordon Artley, 89 

Martin Marietta Space Corporation, 283 

Martin, David "Dave," and NASA-MSFC onsite office team, 220 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), and Gen. McCormack and Dr. Draper, 105 

Masters, Wayne, 146 

Mathias, Jr., Senator Charles McCurdy, 263 

Matkin, William R. "Bill," 32; and first real estate payment check, 34 

McArthur, Gen. Douglas, and Jackson Balch, 99 

McAuliffe, Christa, 321; and "Teacher in Space" program, 323; 355 

McCall, Dr. J.C. "Jerry", NOAA National Data Buoy Center director, 178; 211 

McCartney, Lt. Gen. Forrest S., 334; 352; 354 

McClellan, U.S. Sen. John L., Government Operations Committee, and congressional influence, 

161; and Balch, 204-205 

McCormack, Gen. James, MIT, Webb advisory group, 105 

McCormick, Margaret (Tingle), 40; 52 

McCullen, Sr., Larry W., and president of the American Federation of Government Employees, 

Local 1028, 234 

McCurdy, Richard, and "McCurdy Report," 214 
465 

y g, ; ; 

Mercury-Redstone, and MSFC test team, 129; and rocket, 227 

Meredith, Dr. James "Jim," and Mississippi Research and Development Center director, 337; 340 

Michener, James A., 365 

Michoud Assembly Facility (MAF), Louisiana, and naming of, 102; and MTF, 161; and NASA 

Administrator Paine, 167; and curtailed production, 190; 201; and Space Shuttle fuel tanks, 

206; 212; 217-218; 242; 282; and Martin Marietta Space Corporation, 283 

Michoud Defense Plant, and location and physical description, 10; 14; and Saturn engines, 12; and 

S-IC, 46; 49; 69; 77; and economic impact, 82; and renaming to MAF, 102; and MTF, 161 

Middendorf, II, Secretary of the Navy J. William, 218; 233; 246 

Miller, Dr. Richard L. "Rick," 397; 398-399; 414 

Miller, Lon, ASRM program manager, 380; and director of SSC Project and Technology directorate, 

387; 414; and ZBR presentation, 426 

Mission from Planet Earth, 370 

Mission to Planet Earth, 370; and Admiral Paul Gaffney's comments, 398; 408 

Mississippi Institute of Technology Development, 319 

Mississippi Air National Guard, 233 

Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant (MSAAP), 200-201; 216; 295; Ground-breaking ceremonies, 

296; 298-299; 320; 358;405 

Mississippi City, Mississippi, 20 

Mississippi Deep Sea Fishing Rodeo, 62 

Mississippi Department of Environmental Quality, and ASRM, 380 

Mississippi Governor's Office of Science and Technology, 242 

Mississippi Gulf Coast Recovery Program, and Paine's recommendation to President and 

Governor's Emergency Council, 173 

Mississippi Gulf Coast, 18 

Mississippi Power Company, and Main Electrical Substation privatization project (1993), 421 

Mississippi Rocket Testing Site, and 1961 location map, 13 

Mississippi State University, and MTF full utilization, 135; and NASA grant, 146; and MTF consortium, 198; 208-209; 377; and location of offices, 400 

Mississippi Technology Transfer Center, 396 

Mississippi Test Facility (MTF), 38; and first assignment, 47; 53; and NASA-MTF charter, 104; and 

future viability, 130; and reduction in workforce, 167; and MTF new business search report, 

168; and MSFC Industrial Operations, 168; and "final" awards ceremony, 182; 187; and SSME 

testing support facilities, 190; and Hlass thesis, 192; 206; and Working Group, 226; and 

Charter, 251; 406; 418 

Mississippi Test Operations (MTO), and NASA Mississippi Test Operations, 38-39; and construction, 46; 53; 58-59; 61; and 1963 aerial view; 69; 71; 77; and MTO payroll, 82; and Jackson 

Balch, 100; and renaming to MTF, 102; 226 

Mississippi Trail of Tears, 36 

Mississippi-Louisiana Planning Commission, and NASA, 117 
466 

Moran, Joe, 65 

Moran, Sylvester, 34 

Morrill, USCG Commander Peter, later promoted to Captain, and manager of National Data Buoy 

Project at MTF, 177-178; 210 

Morrison,Jack,61 

Morrison-Knudsen Company, 65 

Mosquito Control Commission, 56 

Mosquitoes, 55; and chemical treatment, 56 

Moss, U.S. Sen. Frank, 213 

Mowery, Paul T., 145 

MPTA Technical Support, 275 

MPTA Test Team, and Firing Readiness Review, 286 

MPTA, and first placement in B-2 position on S-IC test stand, 283; and first test, 287-88; and firing 

summary, 288-89; 330 

MSAPP, Mississippi Army Ammunition Plant, 216; 405 

MSC, Manned Spacecraft Center, Texas, 10; 78; and MTF consortium, 198; and ERL, 208 

MSFC GE Apollo Support Group, 278 

MSFC Master Planning Office, 78; MSFC Test Division and extension of, 103 

MSFC Resident Office, and NSTL Facilities Management, 230; 253; 274; 277 

MSFC Test Laboratory, and design of the Clermont, 107; 226 

MSFC, Marshall Space Flight Center, George C., Alabama, 5; and missile-testing facility, 9; 31; 45; 

50; 53; 61; 64; 77; 124; and assistance to NASA-MTF employees after Hurricane Camille, 157; 

and Earth resources research, 175; and SSME test program, 187; and Space Shuttle, 192; and 

MTF consortium, 198; and Industrial Operations Office, 202; 211; and shuttle program, 207-208 

MTF Charter, 251 

MTF Consortium, and agencies, 198 

MTF Site Operations Office, 134 

MTF Working Group, 53; 61; 69; and S-II schedule estimate, 85; and transfer of engineers, 89 

MTF, Mississippi Test Facility, 38; and first assignment, 47; 53; and NASA-MTF charter, 104; and 

future viability, 130; and reduction in workforce, 167; and MTF new business search report, 

168; and MSFC Industrial Operations, 168; and "final" awards ceremony, 182; 187; and SSME 

testing support facilities, 190; and Hlass thesis, 192; 206; 406; 418 

MTF, MSFC, and naming of, 102; and new mission, 123 

MTO Task Force, and Jackson Balch, 100; and Heimburg, Tessman, Gen. O'Connor, 101 

MTO Working Group, Huntsville, 74 

MTO, Mississippi Test Operations, 38-39; and construction, 46; 53; 58-59; 61; and 1963 aerial view; 

69; 71; 77; and MTO payroll, 82; and Jackson Balch, 100; and renaming to MTF, 102 

Mueller, Assoc. Administrator George E., and Office of Manned Space Flight, 79; and Webb advisory group, 105; 150 

Mullins, Harold, 81 

Multiagency Concept, and Jackson Balch, 396; 397; and multiagency sharing, 398 

Multiagency, and environmental and oceanographic studies focus, 171; and MTF environmental 

center and first resident agency, 176; and environmental complex, 201; 396 
Napoleon, Mississippi, and buffer zone, 33, 42 

NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, 319 

NASA's Review Board, and Firing Readiness Review, 286 

NASA Data Analysis Task Force, 329-30; 331 

NASA Earth Resources Facility, and Gulf Coast Environmental Center proposal to President by 

Paine, 173 

NASA Educational Benefits, 299 

NASA Facilities Engineering Office, 277 

NASA Federal Laboratory Review (NFLR), 425; 427 

NASA funded grants, 319 

NASA Headquarters, and Apollo program progress, 86; 112; and Jackson Balch, 132; and Stennis 

letter, 137; 160; and Estess SSME test proposal, 189; and Space Shuttle, 206; and support of 

NSTL, 225; and Office of Technology Utilization, 242; and memorandum of agreement with 

Navy, 231; and Reimbursable Charge Policy, 263; 264; and approval of "renasafication," 299; 

and policy change (mid-1980s), 315 

NASA NSTL Awards Program, and I. Jerry Hlass, 267 

NASA NSTL Sister Installations, and MSFC, JSC, and KSC, 276 

NASA Site Evaluation Board, and "Thompson Committee," 189 

NASA, and territorial disputes, 308 

NASA Zero-Based Review (ZBR), 425; 427 

NASA-Air Force ALS, and technology program funding, 383 

NASA-MTF, and Test Complex, 171; and MTF-NASA, 185 

NASA-Navy Library, 421 

National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA), 5; and President Eisenhower, 5; and tripartite partnership, 8 

National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), 2; 10; and NASA "navy," 65; 77; 79-80; 

167; 194-195; 209 

National Aerospace Plane (NASP), 341; 367; 369; and unveiling of program, 385; and Sen. Stennis, 

386; and support facilities and abilities, 386 

National Data Buoy Program, U.S. Coast Guard, 168; 176; 198; 210 

National Earth Resources and Environmental Data Program, and Sen. Stennis letter to President 

Nixon, 172-173 

National Facilities Study (NFS), 425; 427 

National Geographic, and Dr. Tom Sever, 397 

National Launch System (NLS, originally known as the ALS), 369; 376; 421 

National Marine Fisheries Service Engineering Laboratory, NOAA, 209 

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), 241 

National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), 178, 195-210 

National Oceanographic Instrumentation Center, and MTF consortium, 198 

National Oceanographic Instrumentation Center, Naval Oceanographic Office, 166; 168 

National Park Service, 210; 241 

National Rocket Propulsion Test Alliance (NRPTA), 426 

National Space Act of 1958, 394 

467 
468 

Naval Weather Command, 168 

Navy, and Point Barrow, Little Lake, Pearl River, and Clermont, 65; 89; 107; and relocation, 219; 

and expected arrival of oceanographers, 225; and memorandum of agreement with NASA, 231; 

255; and relocation and consolidation, 298; 320; 358 

Nelson, George D. "Pinky," 353 

Nelson, Lewis B. "Lou," 285 

New South, 8-9 

New York Times, and report of S-Il-T accident, 116 

Newman, Thomas "Tommy," 275 

Nicholson, L.K., 37 

Nicholson, Roscoe, North American-Rocketdyne, 111; 137; 220; 278; 350; 410 

NOAA, National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, 178; 195; 209-210 

NORDA, 217; 320 

North American Aviation (NAA), and S-II, 46, 138; 77; 80; 88; and S-II program acceleration, 94, 

96; 101-102; and Seal Beach headquarters and J.L. Atwood, 109; and S-Il-T NAA engineers, 

124; and test teams, 137; and loss of jobs, 185; and S-II test participation, 278 

North American Rockwell, and test team, 130; and reduction in workforce, 167; 181 

North, Gary, 210 

Nova Super Rocket, 9; 46; 49; 95 

NRL, Naval Research Laboratory, 234 

NSTL NASA Administrative Building, 237 

NSTL, National Space Technology Laboratories, 215; 230; and Roles and Responsibility Statement, 

258; 259; and renaming, 326 

Nunez, Stephen "Steve," 390 

Nutter, Charlie, 67; 95 

Nybo, Lelyn "Lee," 127; 185; 203; 243 

0 

O'Connor, Brig. Gen. Edmund F.L., and Gordon Artley, 87; and MSFC Industrial Operations, 104; 

and Webb advisory group visit, 105; and "Tiger Team," 109-110 

O'Connor, Bryan, Deputy Associate Administrator for Space Flight (Space Shuttle), 424 

Ocean Springs, Mississippi, 20 

Odom, Levi J., 263 

Office of Manned Space Flight (OMSF), 47 

Office of Space and Terrestrial Applications, 310 

Office of Space Flight (OSF), Washington, DC, 273; 351-352 

Oil Pollution Control and Survey Program, U.S. Geological Survey, 168 

Olympic National Park, 309; 312 

OMSF, Office of Manned Space Flight, 47 

Onizuka, Ellison S., 322; 355 

Onorati, Captain Roger, and Naval Ocean Research and Development Activity (NORDA) and 

"Partners In Progress," 320 
, , 

Pan Am's Range and Test Support Services Laboratory, 273 

Pan Am Range and Test Services, and Aerospace Service Division, 248; and CSC Laboratory and 

Field Services Branch, 277 

Pan Am Special Projects Division, 277 

Panther, 51 

PAO, Public Affairs Officer, and Mack Herring, 136 

Parsons Company, 89 

"Partners In Progress," 320 

Partners for Stennis, 404 

Pass Christian, Mississippi, 20; 66; 155; 269 

Payne, A.M. "Mark," and Cooperating Agency Interfaces and Supporting Services, 229; 253; 258; 

270; 276 

Pearl River Basin Development District, 242 

Pearl River Community College, and training workers, 299 

Pearl River County, Mississippi, 271-272 

Pearl River, 1; and test site location, 14; and test site easement rights, 15; and physical description, 

17, 20; and wildlife, 51; 76; 255; 261; 267; and NASA river barge, 282; and first trip up East 

Pearl River, 282; 431 

Pearlington, Mississippi, 19 

Pearson, III, Maj. Gen. Jeremiah W. "Jed," and named associate administrator for the Office of Space 

Flight, 427 

Pearson, Ronnie, and Earth Resources Laboratory Applications Software (ELAS), 314 

Peenemunde, and Hitler's rocket facility, 3 

Peresich,Alex, 145; 179; 196; 312 

Performance Evaluation and Review Technique (PERT), and tracking concept, 90 

Peter Kiewit & Sons, 65 

Philips, Representative Walter, and Mississippi state legislator, 339 

Phillips Laboratory, and Edwards Air Force Base, 426 

Phillips, Corps Attorney Carl M., and first real estate payment check, 34 

Phillips, Maj. Gen. Sam, and Apollo program, 94; and "Tiger Team" and Phillips Report, 110; and 

S-11-T memo, 110; 150 

Phillips, State Representative Walter James, Mississippi, 77 

Picayune (MS) Item, 34; 41; 67; 95; and editorial on NSTL community impact, 272; and editorial, 

300 

Picayune Chamber of Commerce, and new business for MTF campaign, 137 

Picayune Item, 34; 41; 67; 95; 272; 300 

Picayune, Mississippi, 67; and Chamber of Commerce, 231 

Piland, Robert 0., ERL head and former deputy director of Science and Applications at Manned 

Spacecraft Center (JSC), 179; and Earth Resources LabOflltory director, 194; 196; 210; and 

ERL's first director, 307; 308-309 

Piney Woods, 18 

PIO, MTF Public Information Officer, and media, 127; and Mack Herring, 136 

469 
470 

167, 170; and establishment of Earth Resources Laboratory (ERL), National Data Buoy 

Project, Bureau of Commercial Fisheries at MTF, 175; and veto of NASA's funding, 193; and 

Space Shuttle, 206 

Processing Contract Review Team (1986-1987), 361 

Project Liaison Group, 197 

Project Liftoff, 321 

Project Paperclip, and von Braun and colleagues, 4 

"Proposal For The Future Utilization Of The MTF' Paper, and presentation to President by NASA 

Administrator Paine, 173 

Propulsion Test and Engineering Directorate, 385 

Propulsion Test Directorate, 408 

Propulsion Test Operations Office, and first charter issued, 369; and Diagnostic Testbed Facility, 389 

Propulsion Test Support Division, 277 

Public Health Service, U.S., and Clyde F. Fehn and Leslie D. Beadle, 55 

Public Information Officer (PIO), MTF, and media, 127; and Mack Herring, 136 

Q 

Quality Assurance Office, 284-286 

Quayle, Vice-President J. Danforth "Dan," 369-370; and J.R. Thompson's "Roles and Mission" 

report (1991), 371 

R 

RAP, Regional Applications Program, 261; 31 0; 363; 392 

Raymond, Col. D.A., 28; 31; 66; 84 

Raymond, Dr. Arthur, Rand Corp., and Webb advisory group visit, 105 

Raytheon Company, 41; 77 

Reactor-In-Flight-Test (RIFT), 49 

Reagan, President Ronald, 2; and comments on success of first Space Shuttle launch, 291; and 

budget cuts, 298; and educational programs, 302; Project Liftoff, 321; and renaming NSTL, 

326; and Challenger disaster comments, 328; 331; 335; and National Aerospace Plane, 341; 

and renaming NSTL, 346; 355; and approval of DoD report on ALS, 382; 411 

Real Estate Payment, and Samantha B. Kellar, 34 

Real Estate Report, and Mobile District Corps of Engineers, 33 

"Red Crews," and engineers and technicians, 113 

Redstone Arsenal, U.S. Army, and von Braun, 3; and location, 3; 9; and Army Rocket and Guided 

Missile Agency, 134 

Rees, Eberhard, 94; and S-11-T memo, 110; 182; 194; 202 

Reeves, Richard, and Profile of Power, 59 

Regional Applications Program (RAP), 261; 300; and automatic computer classification of Landsa

data, 310; 363; and Roy Estess and David Brannon, 392 
"Return-to-Flight," 326; and I. Jerry Hlass, 331; 337; 350; 352-353 

Reusable Launch Vehicle (RLV), 387 

Rhodes, O.L. "Dusty," 53; 81 

Rickman, Dr. Douglas, and image-enhancement techniques for Nuclear Magnetic Resonance scans, 313 

RIFT, Reactor-In-Flight-Test, 49 

Riggs, Kenneth, 89 

Riley, Secretary Richard W., U.S. Department of Education, 404 

RLV, 387 

Roberson, Mr. and Mrs. Elvie Dakes, 42 

Roberts, Col. David, Corps of Engineers deputy district engineer, 84 

Roberts, VVayne,278;410 

Rocketdyne, and loss of jobs, 185; 219; and a division of Rockwell International Cooperation, 220; 

277; 356 

Rockwell, 277 

Roemer, Louisiana Governor Buddy, 400 

Rogers Commission, 329; 330; and report, 331; 334-335 

Rogers, Jr., Chief of Operations A.J., "Jack," Stennis Space Center, 14; 49; and transfer from MSFC, 

89; and MTF Site Operations Office, 134; 149; and Apollo 13 Astronaut Fred Raise family, 

174; 229; 235; 258; 270; 276; 278; and VVhite Paper, 332; 364-365; and ASRM community 

impact meetings, 378; 410; 414 

Rogers, VVilliam P., and former Secretary of State and chairman of Rogers Commission (to investigate Challenger disaster), 329 

Roosevelt, President Franklin D., and New Deal, 8 

Roth, Jon, 415 

Rouchon House, and NASA, 51; 63; 79 

Rowe, Herbert G. and associate administrator, NASA, 246 

RP-1 Kerosene, 378 

Rules Committee, and U.S. Representative Colmer, 161 

Rural Electric Cooperative Association, 68 

s 

S-IB Stage, 50 

S-IC, Saturn V first stage, 49-50; 55; 64; 73; 97; 101; 147; and NASA-MTF Downmoding Plan, 180; 

final test, 181; S-IC-15 and last booster stages manufactured at Michoud, 181; and last Saturn 

V second stage tested at MTF, 181 

S-IC-T, and B-1/B-2 test stand, 125-126; and first static test, 127-128; and second static test, 128 

S-11 Test Complex, and Saturn second-stage full-duration firing schedule slippage, 85-86; S-11 simulator, 106; and A-2 test stand, 138 

S-11, Saturn V second stage, 49-50; 55; and von Braun speech, 85; and NAA, 88; and schedule slippages, 93; and Apollo/Saturn V program "pacing item," 96-97; 101; and "T-Bird" designation 

and testing, 107-108; 147; and NASA-MSFC Downmoding Plan at MTF, 180 

471 
472 

Saturn V Booster, 9; and test complex, 109; and first stage, 128 

Saturn V, and Moon rockets, 3; and S-IC and S-II, 46, 138; 49-50; and S-IC and S-II budgets, 54-

55; and stage fuels, 65; and test stand foundations, 74; and static-testing readiness, 93; and A-2 

test stand checkout, 107; and S-IC description, 124; and MTF testing future, 131; and front 

page news, 137; and Apollo 4 testing, 139; and Apollo 6, 142-143; and Apollo 8, 143-144; and 

MTF static-testing elimination, 158; and NASA, 167; 227, 378 

Scafide, Bay St. Louis Mayor John, and speech to Knights of Columbus Council, 83; and Bay St. 

Louis "Upgrade," 83 

Scherer, LeeR., KSC Director, 286 

Scheuermann, Patrick "Pat," and acting manager ofNASP Project Office, 386; and chief ofRLV and 

EELV Project Office, 387; 430 

Schirra, Astronaut Walter M., and Apollo 7, 142 

Schlesinger, Secretary of Defense James, 229; 230; 232 

Schloegel, George, 219; and Hancock Bank, 232; and biographical information, 233; 234-235; 339 

Schweickart, RusselL. "Rusty," 214 

Science and Technology Laboratory (formerly the ERL), 355; 371 

Scientific Utopia, and Jackson Balch, 396 

Scivique, Mr. and Mrs. R.A., 42 

Scobee, Commander Francis R. "Dick," 322; 355 

SDI, Strategic Defense Initiative, 384 

Sea Coast Echo, The (Bay St. Louis), 34 

Seabee Center, Navy, Gulfport, Mississippi, and BOMEX, 146 

Seal, Jr., Leo, 22; 23; 77; 117; 213; 219; 270; and Technology Transfer Center, 338 

Seamans, Jr., Dr. Robert C., 38; 79 

Seawright, Toni, 347 

Secretary of Defense, 160 

Secretary of State, 160 

Seiley, John, and manager of NSTL support team, 248; 277 

Senate Appropriations Committee, 230; 263 

"Set-Aside" Fund, and Sen. Ellender, 176-177; 193-194; 251 

Settlement, first real estate payment, 33 

Sever, Dr. Thomas J. "Tom," and biographical information, 313; and NASA's first archaeologist, 

313; 397; and ZBR presentation, 426 

Shapley, Willis H., 195 

Sharp, Dr. James M., Gulf Universities Research Corporation president, 165 

Sharp, Kirk, and SSC's first Chief Information Officer, 415 

Sheer, Julian, NASA Public Affairs, 186 

Shepard, Alan, 227 

Shepherd, Jim, MSFC, head of MTF Downmoding Planning Group, 180 

Shepherd, Jr., Navy Lt. Commander Alan B., 8 

Shippey, W.L. "Willie," 64; 89; and MTF Site Operations Office, 134 

Shorty's 43 Club, 38; 79 
473 

pp, , ; , ; , ; 

Balch, 203; 210; 212; 235; 237-238; 255; 307; 344 

Smathers, Dr. Garrett, 210 

Smith, Eva, 69 

Smith, Gerald, and appointed deputy director of SSC, 368; 410; and retirement, 415-416 

Smith, Michael J., 322-323; 355 

Smith, State Representative Martin, 212-213; 339 

Snakes, 51; and seven varieties, 61 

Snodderly, Lt. Comdr. Sandra, Navy Public Affairs, 218 

Snyder, Jr., Admiral J. Edward, 217; 218-219; 229, 230-232; 233; 244-246; 262; 270; 296 

Solid Rocket Motor, 324; 331 

Southeast Air Ambulance Service District, 242 

Southern Railway System, and right-of-way, 29, 56 

Southern Regional Medical Consortium, 242 

Southern Shipbuilding Corp., and the Clermont, 107 

Space Age, and first static testing, 114; and article on Bay St. Louis investment in, 174 

Space and Environmental Consortium, 222 

Space Council, and President, 370 

Space Crescent, and New South, 9; and rocket-testing site selection, 11; 80 

Space Defense Initiative (SDI), and President George Bush, 384 

Space Fair, First Annual Gulf South Livestock, 67 

Space Remote Sensing Center, NSTL, 319 

Space Shuttle Challenger, and launch and disaster of 51-L, 322-23; 325-326; and Gulf Coast resident's reaction, 328; NASA restructuring following accident, 334; and solid rocket motor's 

following disaster, 376; and redesign following disaster, 382 

Space Shuttle Columbia, and first launch date, 280; 283; 289; description of first launch, 289; 290 

Space Shuttle Discovery, 332; 350; 352-356 

Space Shuttle Main Engine (SSME), and test program 187; and program 222; 226-227; 253; 258; 

294; 307; and after Challenger disaster, 326; and first static-firing following Challenger disaster, 331-332; and peak record firings, 332; 414 

Space Shuttle Main Propulsion Test program, 327 

Space Shuttle Maine Propulsion Test Article, 258 

Space Shuttle Processing Contract Review Team (1986-1987), 361 

Space Shuttle Program, and Sen. Stennis, 168; 170; 260; 341; and aging, 387 

Space Shuttle Solid Rocket Booster Project, and Gerald Smith, 368; 372; and comments regarding 

NASP, 386 

Space Shuttle Test Complex, 216; 219; 226; 253; 275; 356 

Space Shuttle Test Control Center (TCC), 297 

Space Shuttle, and reusable development and testing, 186; and MAF/MTF announcement, 206; and 

redesign following Challenger disaster, 382 

Space Station commercial remote sensing mission and NSTL, 319 

Space Station Freedom, 374; 404; 407 

Space Station Program, 344 
474 

p, ; g , 

SSME Technical Support, 275 

SSME, Space Shuttle Main Engine, and test program, 187; 200 

St. Regis Paper Company, 37 

St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana, and U.S. courts, 22; and MTO payroll economic impact, 82 

St. Tammany Parish, Mississippi, 271-272 

Stalin, Premier Joseph, United Soviet Socialist Republics and von Brauri surrender to Americans, 4 

Star Wars, Strategic Defense Initiative, 384 

State (Mississippi) Pollution Control Board, and ASRM community impact meetings, 378 

State Liaison and Coordinating Office, and located at MTF, 338 

State of Louisiana, 209 

State of Mississippi, 208; and location of technology transfer offices, 400 

States-Item, New Orleans, and editorial, 80 

Static-Testing Facility, 30; and testing stands, 50 

Stennis International Airport, Hancock County, 118; 179; 206; 238 

Stennis Logtown Speech, 25-26; 174; 246; 296 

Stennis Space Center (SSC), 2; and direction map, 29; 326; 361; 30th Anniversary, 402; and vision, 

420; and vision statement-"John C. Stennis Space Center Long-Range Plan for the 1990s," 

422-423 

Stennis Test Control Center, and soft -shoe jig, 297-298 

Stennis, Senator John C., Mississippi, 2; 14; and biographical information, 23-24; and Logtown 

speech, 25-26, 31-32; 35-36; 58-59; 74; 78; 80; and community impact study, 119; and MTF 

visit, 120-121; and committees/subcommittees, 121; and Jackson Balch marketing team, 135; 

and letter to NASA Headquarters, 137; and meeting with NASA Administrator Webb, 139; 146; 

and Hurricane Camille, 154, 159-162; and Jackson Balch marketing endeavors, 165; and MTF 

future, 168-171; and letter to President Nixon, 172; and NASA Administrator Paine, 174; and 

Logtown speech, 174; and committees/subcommittees, 174; and MTF future, 175; and U.S. 

Representative Colmer, 181-182; and MTF "final" awards ceremony, 182-184; and postApollo, 187, and "set-aside" fund, 193-194; and committees/ subcommittees, 199-200; and 

Army program "Steel City," 199-200; 202; 212; and MTF name change, 214-215; 217- 219; 

and Naval oceanographic group move, 232; 236; 239; and Armed Services Committee, 245; 

and Logtown Speech, 246; and renaming and John C. Stennis Space Center dedication ceremony, 247; 251; 259; 256; 261; and his staff, 295-296; and dancing a jig, 297-298; and 

relationship with I. Jerry Hlass, 299; 308; 335; 343; and "Report to Mississippians," 344; and 

retiring from Senate, 345; and dedication of the John C. Stennis Space Center, 347-349; and 

comments at SSC dedication, 348; 358; and agreement between Air Force and NASA regarding ALS testing, 382; and NASP program, 386; 406; 417 -418; and description oflast visit, 419; 

and death, 420 

Stephens, Johnnie, and special assistant to Admiral Snyder, 218; 234; 245 

Stephens, Wilda, 53 

Stephenson, William "Bill," 209 

Stever, Dr. H. Guyford, National Science Foundation director, 164 

Stone, Kimberly Graham "Kim," and Procurement Office, 414-415 
T.L. James and Company, and Guy Stockstill subcontract, 60 

Tai, Dr. Han, EPA, 197; 210 

Task Force, Community, 235 

Tate, State Representative Margaret "Wootsie," Mississippi, 337; 339; and John C. Stennis Space 

Center dedication, 347-49 

Taylor, James L. "Jim," and NASA, 108; 130; 185; 207; 220; 390 

Taylor, State Representative Gene, 339; and John C. Stennis Space Center dedication, 347-349; 431 

Taylor, Summers, and Technical Systems installation, Phases II and III, 64; 65; 89 

Taylor, William "Bill," 363; 368; and associate director of SSC, 386; 410 

TCC, Test Control Center, and location, 112-113 

"Teacher in Space" project, 320-321; 323 

Teacher Resource Center, 302; 356; 402 

Technical Military Planning Operation (TEMPO), GE, and MTF report uses, 164 

Technical Services Laboratory, and test stands and Test Control Centers (TCCs), 279; and Associate 

Administrator for Space Flight, 329; 334-335 

Technical Systems, and contracts, 64; and Phase III, and support facilities, 64 

Technical Work Request (TWR), 264 

Technology Applications, and AE element, 203 

Technology Testbed (TTB) SSME-Class Engine, and first static-firing, 388 

Technology Transfer Center, 337-338; and construction approved by Mississippi Senate, 339-340; 

and aid rendered to small businesses, 399 

Technology Transfer Office, 400; 401; 408; 415 

TEMPO, Technical Military Planning Operation, GE, and MTF report uses, 164 

Tennessee Valley Authority, 377 

Tessman, Deputy Director Bernard, MSFC Test Laboratory, 12; and Peenemunde, 14; and 

Mississippi site selection, 15; 48; 61; 101 

Test Complex, and S-IC and S-11, 64; 73; 85; and von Braun thunderstorm quip, 105; 171 

Test Control Center (TCC), and location, 112-113 

"Tested the Way," 354 

The (Biloxi-Gulfport, MS) Daily Herald, and public announcement, 236 

Thigpen, Picayune Mayor Grady, 270 

Thiokol Chemical Corporation, 212-213 

Third-Party Testing, 332 

Thompson, Floyd L., Langley Research Center director, 186; and NASA Site Evaluation Board 

chairman, 189, 191 

Thompson, James R. "J.R.," 278; 279; and vice chairman of Data Analysis Task Force, 329; 334; 

and appointed director of MSFC, 335; and SSME testing at NSTL, 336; 352; 354; 365; 368; 

and NASA "Roles and Mission" report (1991), 370-372; 373; 407; 410 

Tier, William, MSFC, 158 

'Tiger Team," and Gen. Phillips, 110 

Tilton, III, E.L. "Lee," and Sea Remote Sensing Applications group, 309 

475 
476 

Truly, Admiral Richard, and NASA Administrator, 279; Technology Transfer dedication, 340; and 

John C. Stennis Space Center dedication, 347-349; 352-353; 355; 358; 361; and appointed 

administrator, 364; 369-370; and "Administrator's Decision Memorandum," 371; 372- 373; 

407; 410; 424 

Tupelo (Mississippi) Daily Journal, The, and "Economic Disaster" story, 169 

u 

U.S. Corps of Engineers, 241; and ASRM Community Impact Meetings, 378; 379-380 

U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, 241 

U.S. Geological Survey (USGS), 241; 395 

U.S. Marine Drum and Bugle Corps, The, 348 

U.S. Navy, and location of offices, 400 

U.S. News & World Report, and cover story, 80 

U.S. Park Service, 395 

U.S. Weather Bureau, 77 

United Fund Drive, 1964 MTO, and distribution to communities, 82 

United States-Mexico Program, 300 

United States Coast Guard (USCG), and signing of National Data Buoy Project and NASA agreement as first MTF resident agency, 177; and National Data Buoy Project budget, 178; and 

arrival of Pointe Estero, 184 

United States Geographical Survey (USGS), and Earth resources research, 175; 195 

United Technology Center, 212 

UNIVAC 1108 computer, 231 

University of Colorado, and space technology, 397 

University of Miami, 196 

University of Mississippi, and MTF full utilization, 135 

University of Southern Mississippi, 242; 401 

USGS, United States Geographical Survey, Department of Interior, and Earth resources research, 

175; 195; 198 

v 

Vicroy, Clarence, 210 

Vietnam War, and nation's priorities, 131; and escalation effects on space exploration budget, 170 

VIP, Visiting Investigator Program, 395 

Visiting Investigator Program (VIP), 395 

Visitors Center, 183; 302; and "Space-Oceans-Earth" display 302; 356; 403 

von Braun, Dr. Wemher, 2-3; 15; 39; 41; 47; 58; 61; 66-68; 79-80; and keynote speech, 85; and 

MSFC engineers, 94; 95; and Jackson Balch, 100-101; and Webb advisory group visit, 105; and 

NAA, 109; and S-11-T memo, 110; and onsite public exhibits, 114-115; and S-11-T accident, 

116; and meeting with Sen. Stennis and Jackson Balch, 129, 166; and consolidation proposal, 
477 

gy , g, 

Water Hyacinth, 315-316 

Waters, William "Bill," 263 

Watson, Maria, and The Daily Herald, 242; 244-245 

Watts, Herman, 279; 335 

Waveland, Mississippi, 20; 66 

Weather Bureau, U.S., 77; 125-127; 210 

Weatherspoon, Joseph "Joe," 268 

Weaver Construction Company, 282 

Webb, C.L.H. "Horton," 29-30 

Webb, Ms. Myron, and ASRM Community Impact Meetings, 378; and ASRM construction progress 

(1993) 380; biographical information, 401; and appointed Acting Public Affairs Officer, 401; 

402-403; 414; 419 

Webb, NASA Administrator James E., 6; 14-15; 58; 80-82; and advisory consultant group, 104-105; 

and MTF future path, 139; 216 

Weidner, Dr. Herman K., Chief, Structures and Mechanics Laboratory, and Gordon Artley, 87-88 

Weinstein, Richard "Dick," 240 

Weiss, Thomas "Tom," and Chief Electronic Calibration and Repair Unit, Technical Services 

Laboratory, 279 

Welling, Maj. Gen. A.C., and von Braun, 85 

Westendorf, Ann, 257 

Weston, Henry, 19; and H. Weston Lumber Co., 20, 21 

Westonia, Mississippi, and buffer zone, 33, 42 

Wheeler, Col. and Mrs. John, 42 

White House, and federal government statement, 169; and executive correspondence, 171; and Sen. 

Stennis and Sen. Ellender, 174; and representatives, 213 

White Paper, The, 332; 366 

White Sands Test Facility, 426 

White, Dr. Robert M., (ESSA) administrator, 164-166 

White, II, Astronaut Edward H., and Apollo 1 fire, 125 

Whitley, S.L. "Sid," Data Acquisition and Management group, 309; 312 

Whitten, U.S. Representative Jamie, and ASRM, 377; and continued support for ASRM program, 

379 

Wild Boar, 51 

Willams, Walter, director of Project Mercury, 334 

Williams, Dr. Walter C., and NASA Chief Engineer, 286 

Williams, Mississippi Gov. John Bell, and Jackson Balch, 140-141; 145; and MTF, 161, and MTF 

"final" awards ceremony, 182, 184; 197-198 

Williams, Picayune Mayor Granville, 37 

Wilson, Gerry, and Manager of Rockwell Space Division Resident Office, 283; 284; 286 

Wilson, Gerry, NAA, 120 

Winchester, James "Jim," 210 

Wisniewski, Richard "Dick," 275; and Hlass staff member, 276 
478 

X-33, and vehicle description, 388 

Yarchin, Col. Sam, S-II program manager, and "Phillips Report," 110 

Yardley, John, and Associate Administrator Space Transportation Systems, 286; 288 

Yellow Creek, and Iuka, Mississippi, 377 

Young, Astronaut John, 157-158; 290; visit to NSTL, 291 

Young, John D., NASA Headquarters, and Webb advisory group visit, 105 

Zero-Based Review, NASA (ZBR), 425; and presentation, 426; 427 
events since it was conceived in 1961. Herrings book, Way Station to Space, 

A History of the John C. Stennis Space Center, tells the history of the facility 

with the drama that comes best from a seasoned journalist, and the documented accuracy of a historian. 

Herring graduated from the University of Alabama where he majored in 

journalism, English, and creative writing. He began his writing career in college, covering the controversy surrounding the issue of school integration 

events occurring at the university for Look magazine and the Birmingham PostHerald. Upon graduation, Herring became editor of the Geneva (AL) Reaper 

and later worked as a reporter and feature writer for the Dothan (AL) Eagle. 

After serving one year as public information officer for the U.S. Army 

Aviation Center at Fort Rucker, AL, Herring joined the Public Affairs Office 

at the NASA George C. Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville, AL. He 

wrote numerous newspaper and magazine features about the early work of the 

Marshall Center that were published in Aviation Week, Missiles and Rockets, 

and in newspapers in this country and abroad. He collaborated with the late 

Dr. Wernher von Braun to write several pieces, including an article expressing von Braun's views regarding his expectations for the world in the year 

2000 that appeared in Reader's Digest. Another feature Herring wrote with 

von Braun, Building A Colony On The Moon, an often-used reference today, 

appeared in a national publication. 

The author's association with the Stennis Space Center (SSC) dates back 

to its very first day of existence when he wrote the press release 25 October 

1961 announcing the construction of the national rocket testing facility. He 

served as its first public affairs officer and saw first hand the exodus of the 

original landowners, testing of the giant Saturn V, and the development of the 

center as a unique, multiagency federal laboratory. 

Herring gained a national and international perspective of NASA while 

serving as an astronaut protocol officer at NASA Headquarters, and as an 

479 
480 

sketch has also been widely distributed by the U.S. Navy. 

For the past 20 years, Herring has written a monthly column for the SCC's 

Lagniappe newspaper. Interestingly, he was instrumental in founding the 

newspaper at the facility. He was the SSC's first historian and serves today as 

an advisor on historical matters to the center director and public affairs officer. 

Herring lives in Bay St. Louis, MS, and has two children, Steven Lee, who 

resides at Point Richmond, CA, and Kyle Jackson of Seabrook, TX. 
Grimwood, James M., and Hacker, Barton C., 

with Vorzimmer, Peter J. Project Gemini 

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Chronology of Science, Technology, and 

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(NASA SP-4005, 1965). 

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(NASA SP-4007, 1967). 

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(NASA SP-4008, 1968). 

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(NASA SP-4009, 1969). 

Brooks, Courtney G., and Ertel, Ivan D. The 

Apollo Spacecraft: A Chronology, Volume 

Ill, October 1, 1964-January 20, 1966. 

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of NASA, 1958-1963. 

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Levine, Arnold S. Managing NASA in the 

Apollo Era. 

(NASA SP-4102, 1982). 

Roland, Alex. Model Research: The National 

Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, 

1915-1958. 

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Fries, Sylvia D. NASA Engineers and the Age 

of Apollo 

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Diary ofT. Keith Glennan, edited by J.D. 

Hunley. 

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Autobiography of Robert C. Seamans, Jr. 

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NASA SP-4200: 

Swenson, Loyd S., Jr., Grimwood, James M., 

and Alexander, Charles C. This New Ocean: 

A History of Project Mercury. 

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Green, Constance MeL., and Lomask, Milton. 

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Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971). 

482 
, y, 

f

Apollo: A History of Manned Lunar 

Spacecraft. 

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Technological History of the Apollo/Saturn 

Launch Vehicles. 

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1996). 

Compton, W. David, and Benson, Charles D. 

Living and Working in Space: A History of 

Skylab. 

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Ezell, Edward Clinton, and Ezell, Linda 

Neuman. The Partnership: A History of the 

Apollo-Soyuz Test Project. 

(NASA SP-4209, 1978). 

Hall, R. Cargill. Lunar Impact: A History of 

Project Ranger. 

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Newell, Homer E. Beyond the Atmosphere: 

Early Years of Space Science. 

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Ezell, Edward Clinton, and Ezell, Linda 

Neuman. On Mars: Exploration of the Red 

Planet, 1958-1978. 

(NASA SP-4212, 1984). 

Pitts, John A. The Human Factor: 

Biomedicine in the Manned Space Program 

to 1980. 

(NASA SP-4213, 1985). 

Compton, W. David. Where No Man Has 

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pfy 

f 

Communication. 

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Butrica, Andrews J. To See the Unseen: A 

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Rosenthal, Alfred. Venture into Space: Early 

Years of Goddard Space Flight Center. 

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Hartman, Edwin, P. Adventures in Research: A 

History of Ames Research Center, 

1940-1965. 

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Hallion, Richard P. On the Frontier: Flight 

Research at Dryden, 1946-1981. 

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Muenger, Elizabeth A. Searching the Horizon: 

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Hansen, James R. Engineer in Charge: A 

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Laboratory, 1917-1958. 

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Dawson, Virginia P. Engines and Innovation: 

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483 
Wallace, Lane E. Flights of Discovery: An 

Illustrated History of the Dryden Flight 

Research Center. 

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Center. 

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1958-1968: A Historical Summary. 

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Karegeannes, Carrie. Origins of NASA 

Names. 

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(NASA SP-4405, 1985). 

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History of the NACA and NASA, 

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(NASA SP-4406, 1989). 

Logsdon, John M. General Editor. With Lear, 

Linda J., Warren-Findley, Jannelle, 

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Documents in the History of the U.S. Civil 

Space Program, Volume 1: Organizing for 

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Logsdon, John M. General Editor. With Day, 

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Space Program, Volume 1/: External 

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(NASA SP-4407, 1996). 

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