May 25, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E 1131

Marine and patriot, has been an example and

a role model to many Americans who have the

deepest respect for America’s symbol and

should be commended.

I am a member of the Citizens Flag Alliance, a Marine Veteran and a United States

Citizen.

While on the show, I was read a telegram

alleged to have been written by Senator Bob

Kerry, or one of his aides, on his thoughts of

not defending my right to have the U.S. Senate pass Resolution 31.

He speaks before the Members of the United States Senate as a United States Senator.

He does not speak as a private citizen or as

a voter and he does not speak as a Veteran.

He speaks as a Representative of the people

of these United States. The majority of the

People of the United States want this

Amendment passed. As do the people in his

own home state.

In that telegram, he mentioned that he

was a Navy Seal in Vietnam. At the time he

was in his mid-twenties. I am positive that

his opinion at that age would be to defend

the Flag of this Nation and it would be the

same feeling of all his Comrades.

Then how, since for about 100 years until

1989 there have been laws to protect the Flag

of the United States and this had nothing to

do with changes in our Nation, can he say

that, in essence, our Flag does not need this

Protection Amendment.

On that television show, there was another

guest speaker, who would allow the burning,

who kept insisting that we should not

‘‘amend our Bill of Rights’’. What she apparently forgot was that those original Bill of

Rights were the first ten Amendments to the

original Constitution of 7 Articles and were

declared in force on Dec. 15, 1791.

Also, she would have done well, as should

anyone against this Amendment, to read the

preamble to that Bill of Rights.

No Veteran was ever told that he would

protect the Right of someone to urinate

upon, burn or otherwise desecrate the Flag

he had sworn to protect and defend and

honor.

Senator Kerry feels that there is no need

to pass this Resolution because of the few incidents that may occur. My reply to that is

that incidents will always occur and can increase in tremendous numbers. But that does

not make flag desecration acceptable without accountability for those actions.

All any of those opposed to this Resolution

need to do is to actually read the content

and purpose of all those previous Amendments.

So . . . all of you who speak against this

Amendment . . . who are you really speaking

for???

Certainly not the Navy Seals, not the U.S.

Marines, not the Army, not the Navy, not

the Air Force, not the police and, most importantly, not the nearly 260 million American people and their representatives in both

the State assemblies and State Senates. All

these Americans want the flag protection

resolution passed at the Federal level!!!!

You, at the Federal level, who are opposed

to this Resolution . . . why don’t you ask

your own Constituents in your home States

to vote on this??? You already know what

they want!!!

So, just who do you represent by your opposition to your own people’s will????? Not

most of America!

The American Flag always brings our Nation together, rich or poor, in good times or

bad. This Symbol is recognized the world

over for the good that we have done and will

do now and forever for as long as we have

this Flag and the Honor and Respect for it

that it so richly deserves. Do we, as Americans, really believe that the passage of this

Amendment will, in any way, harm or detract from, the Bill of Rights and the Constitution?? I say no!!!!

The Rights of all Americans guaranteed

under the First Amendment (the argument

that opponents are using to stop this Protection Amendment) have already been taking

away by that Supreme Court decision in 1989.

This Amendment does not remove Rights

. . . it restores them!

It does not remove the Rights of destructive scores . . . but it does restore the rights

of constructive millions!

Please pass Senate Resolution 31 and

House Resolution 79!!!!

If you do not heed the generous voices of

millions of Americans then whose selfish

voices do you heed????

Search your hearts for that age when you

were in the service and not a Senator . . .

when someone worried that you may not be

coming home at all. You and your Comrades

felt that Flag Desecration was wrong then

and most feel that way now which is why

those same Comrades want this Protection

Amendment passed.

I want to be heard in the Congressional

Chambers but I cannot because I am not a

U.S. Senator or Congressman.

However, I do represent millions of Americans who want this desecration stopped.

Honor those Comrades-in-Arms and those

Citizens who have a dedication to, and love

for, this Naiton.

I, personally have walked over 400 miles

holding the American Flag and have heard

the cheers and cries of Americans who also

want their Flag Federally protected. I, personally, have heard and spoken with thousands of Americans as we walked through

the land to Honor our Flag.

The oldest man to walk with me (now 65)

was a Marine Veteran of the Korean War and

survivor of the Chosin Reservoir battle as

well as being 100% D.A.V. One of the statements made by him relative to Flag protection was: ‘‘I feel very strongly (about it) . . .

it’s something I believe in. I lived for it. I

fought for it and I’d die for it’’. In all of the

time of the two walks (covering 2 years) he

spoke only once about that battle. It was in

a Firehouse when we stopped for a rest on

the walk to Washington and where he met

another Marine who also had been there.

They spoke of the overwhelming odds of

fighting off about 120,000 communist troops

against our nearly 15,000 in sometimes 60

below zero weather. From this and other battles he somehow lived long enough to walk

for the Honor of the Amerian Flag 44 years

later. His son did years in the Marines and

now is in the Army flying helicopter

gunships.

If you can figure a way that we will not

lose thousands of lives in wars . . . lives

which will be honored with and by their

American Flag . . . Fine!!! But it never can

be. Honor thy Flag as ‘‘thy Mother and thy

Father’’.

I, personally, have never sought harsh punishment.

As a Representative of those who gave you

the key to the hearts of America by their

vote for you and trust in you . . . PASS

THIS BILL!!

Those who put you in office . . . the average persons . . . trust them!

Give them that which you already know

they want . . . their American Flag to be

protected.

Let it be said by all that, at least, this Nation protects, reveres and honors its Symbol

with, dignity, respect and justice!

If someone makes a mistake, the system in

our courts will not be harsh but they must

be just.

I thank you for your time and I hope you

will pass the Resolution in the Senate and

the House of Representatives.

Please pass on this information by reading

any part of all of it to our Senators and Congressmen on the floor of our Congress.

I thank you for our Nation.

Always for Flag and Country

fRON JAMES

75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE

ROTARY CLUB

HON. DAVID E. BONIOR OF MICHIGAN

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, May 25, 1995

Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to

pay tribute to the Mount Clemens Rotary Club.

Next Friday evening, June 2, 1995, the club is

celebrating its 75th anniversary. Officially chartered on May 1, 1920, the initial 19 members

of the Mt. Clemens Rotary were some of the

first of what is now an international organization with over a million members.

Begun in Chicago in 1905, the Rotary was

established by Paul Harris, an attorney who

hoped to meet individuals from other professions and encourage civic responsibility. The

Rotary motto of ‘‘Service Above Self’’ is exemplified by the members of the Mount Clemens

Rotary Club. The club originated, organized,

and to this day continues to support the

Macomb County Crippled Children’s Society of

the Easter Seals, one of the first crippled children’s societies organized in the State of

Michigan. They have sponsored projects to aid

the aged, our youth, the ill, the poor, the illiterate, and the homeless. Over 105 charitable

and civic organizations have been supported

with time, energy, and over one million dollars

during the past 75 years.

Taking an active role in one’s community is

a responsibility we all share, and the members

of the Mount Clemens Rotary have been fulfilling this role for 75 years. Of the 25,000 Rotary

Clubs in 184 countries, none are any more devoted to improving their community or the

world than the Mount Clemens Club. Their

contributions are many and they deserve our

gratitude for their compassion, hard work, and

good will.

I applaud all the Rotary members who serve

our communities around the world and encourage them to continue their good work. I urge

my colleagues to please join me in saluting

the Mount Clemens Rotary Club on the event

of their diamond anniversary.

JOHN BURTON: SUI GENERIS

fHON. FORTNEY PETE STARK OF CALIFORNIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, May 25, 1995

Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, for those of my

colleagues who served with John Burton in

this House or have known him otherwise,

there’s no need for me to say that John is a

one and only. The brother of the late Phil Burton, John is now an Assemblyman in the California legislature representing the city of San

Francisco.

Sunday, April 9, 1995, the San Francisco

Examiner Magazine published a feature that

catches the essence of the John Burton I

know and love. John tells it the way it is and

he doesn’t spare himself. His commitment to
E 1132 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks May 25, 1995

his constituents, especially those that can use

a helping hand, comes through loud and clear,

as does his love for his city.

Some might ask why, in these days of

penny-pinching stewardship, I devote limited

resources to spreading the John Burton story

over a few lines of this RECORD. Anyone with

an ounce of compassion will know after reading what follows. Serving the public involves

more than a green eye shade and a sharp

pencil. John Burton has that extra ingredient.

Maybe by putting these words before my colleagues some of what John Burton has will

rub off. I hope so.

[From the San Francisco Examiner

Magazine, Sunday, April 9, 1995]

THE LAST TANGLE

(By Edvins Beitiks)

Caught up in the memory of Jimmy

Durante’s how’s-by-you scene from The Man

Who Came to Dinner, Assemblyman John

Burton swung around in his chair, imaginary

fedora tipped back on his head, imaginary

nose groaning under the weight of a Hollywood gone by, ran his fingers across an invisible piano on the desktop in his office and

sang, ‘‘Didju ever have the feeling that you

wanted to go and still have the feeling that

you wanted to stay. . .’’

Burton laughed. ‘‘Saw Durante in Vegas

once,’’ he said. ‘‘What a show. I goddamn tingled.’’

There are other names that get Burton

smiling: Burl Ives, doing his version of ‘‘Big

Rock Candy Mountain.’’ Louis Prima and

Keely Smith. Phil Harris and ‘‘That’s What I

Like About the South.’’ June Christy singing

‘‘Something Cool.’’

Burton remembered listening to Christy on

the hi-fi in the mid-’50s, when he pulled a

tour with the 2nd Armored in Germany.

‘‘‘Midnight Sun’ ‘I’ll Take Romance,’’’ he

said. ‘‘That got me through the Army.’’

When California’s term limit kicks in on

the veteran Democrat, forcing him to leave

office in 1996, he’ll be going back to Ives,

Harris and Christy for some soothing words.

Not that he needs to be soothed—politics

these days isn’t what it used to be, said Burton, and leaving the Assembly won’t be that

hard.

‘‘It’s tougher to do the public’s business,

every day,’’ he said. ‘‘You’re fighting a battle against people who want to cut off a

whole hand. I’ve never been one to take any

satisfaction in being able to say, ‘We saved

two fingers.’ I’ve never been happy with saying, ‘Well, we got them to cut only $10 instead of $20 from the old people’s pension.’

That’s no thrill for me.’’

These are miserly times, said Burton, who

publicly underlined his disgust by introducing legislation at the end of last year to

‘‘criminalize’’ poverty. His Swiftian bill,

AB44, suggested that if a family of four ‘‘intentionally or maliciously’’ falls below the

federal poverty guideline of $14,763, the parents should go to jail.

Republicans brushed the bill off as another

piece of windmill-tilting by Burton, but the

longtime liberal said he just wanted some

honest debate on the issue. At the time, he

explained: ‘‘Maybe during the hearings it

might come out that . . . you can’t make it

a crime for someone to be poor because a lot

of people don’t want to be poor.’’

Sitting behind the desk at his Sacramento

office, Burton said, ‘‘It was something I felt

like doing. The idea is to let somebody have

a reasonable chance at a decent job and a

good standard of living. You know, people

don’t want to be poor. They don’t want to

live that way.

‘‘I’m very pessimistic at the way things

are going,’’ he said. ‘‘Your basic Republican

comes goddamn near to being an anarchist.

They accuse the Democratic party of steamrolling, but they did something Democrats

haven’t done—threatening their moderates

that if they don’t go along with this b.s. they

won’t get committee chairs, they won’t get

anything.’’

Republicans have also pushed for a constitutional amendment on a balanced budget—a concept Burton has always opposed.

‘‘It’s government by minority,’’ he said.

‘‘Businesses are allowed to go into debt, individuals are allowed to go into debt, individuals are allowed to go into debt to buy a

home or a car. But to say the entity responsible for providing for the common defense

and promoting the general welfare . . . isn’t

allowed to go into debt? That’s crazy.’’

After 30 years of political give and take,

said the 62-year-old Burton, ‘‘The thing I

miss most is . . . your word is your bond. A

guy gave you a handshake and that was it.

No more.’’

Although he didn’t see eye to eye with

former governor George Deukmejian, Burton

acknowledged that ‘‘Duke at least stood up

for what he said. And Ronald Reagan, for all

his faults, was much more human than Pete

Wilson.’’

Burton dismissed the current governor as

‘‘this p— —. He’s not reactionary. He’s not

moderate. He’s nothing. He was for affirmative action when it was popular, now he’s

against it. It was OK to bring in Mexican

farmworkers, now he’s against immigration.

I don’t like people like that.’’

He hasn’t changed much since his first

election to the Assembly in 1964, Burton

said, ‘‘except that I’m more tolerant of viewpoints different than mine. I don’t consider

that members who are conservatives are, on

the face of it, fascists, although some rightwingers would put on brownshirts in a

minute if they could.’’

Burton learned to distrust conservatives

on his daddy’s knee. His father, Thomas, was

a traveling salesman who decided to go to

medical school when he was 36 years old and

brought his family west to set up shop in San

Francisco—making house calls in Hunters

Point, not charging patients who couldn’t

pay.

‘‘The guy always had a social conscience,’’

said Burton. ‘‘He was always very colorblind. . . . I can remember driving once down

Golden Gate with him and we saw these kids

playing, 6 to 7 years old, black and white,

and he said, ‘Kids that age don’t have a problem, but when they grow up they’re told,

‘You can’t play with those people.’’’

Thomas Burton, a native of Indiana, was

an early supporter of Franklin Roosevelt and

the liberal wing of the Democratic party. ‘‘In

1956, he sent a $1,000 check to Adlai Stevenson, which was a lot of money for anybody,

much less our family,’’ Burton said.

Their father’s liberal leanings were passed

on to his three sons, starting with Phillip

Burton. ‘‘He ran the first time in 1954,’’ John

Burton said of his legendary older brother.

‘‘Challenged an incumbent who died two

weeks before the election and the guy still

won.

‘‘In ‘56, just after I got out of the army, he

went against Tommy Maloney, who’d been in

city politics forever. I told my brother,

‘You’re f————g nuts! If you lost to a dead

man, how are you going to beat this guy?’

But he did, and when he won it, it was a

great tonic for me. The beginning of my political career, really.’’

In 1964, John Burton was elected to the Assembly from the old 20th District, a district

so Democratic he couldn’t lose.

‘‘It was different in Sacramento back

then,’’ he remembered. ‘‘I was calling the

sergeant-at-arms ‘Sir.’ Jesse Unruh was

speaker, I voted against him and he started

to s——— on me a little bit. That kind of

stuff happened all the time.’’

Unruh, son of a Texas sharecropper who

boasted of not wearing socks until he was 12

years old, was of the old school, said Burton.

‘‘People like Unruh and my brother ate,

slept and breathed politics. Not many people

up here are into it like that anymore.’’

His longtime friend Speaker Willie Brown

belongs to the old school, too, and it made

Burton grin to see the way Brown out-maneuvered Republicans to win back his spot

after the last elections. ‘‘Some Republicans

objected to even calling him ‘co-speaker.’

They didn’t want to even give him a share,

and now he’s the speaker. The kind of tickles

me.’’

Calling back faces from the past, Burton

remembered San Francisco Supervisor Bill

Blake, who once arrived late to a restaurant,

threw the keys to his car to a man standing

at the curb, thinking he was a valet, and

came out after dinner to find his car stolen.

And then there was Congressman Eddie Patton, who ‘‘used to talk out of the side of his

mouth like this,’’ Burton said, tossing

frogtones out of his lower lip. ‘‘Eddie was a

piece of work.’’

The phone rang and Burton talked a little,

chuckled a little, then offered the three golden rules for a man getting old: ‘‘Never pass

a urinal, never ignore an erection and never

trust a fart.’’ He leaned back in his chair and

smiled, nodding his head to the laughter that

came bursting from the other end of the

phone.

Burton turned to talk about his growingup years, when he lived at the edge of West

Portal and the whole city was his playground. ‘‘I went to Jefferson Grammar

School, played behind Colonial Creamery on

Irving Street. When I was at Lincoln High,

we used to go out to McCoppin Park, 24th

and Taraval, regular. Drank some beer,

played some basketball.

‘‘I can remember, as a 12-year-old kid,

working at the YMCA on Friday nights, getting out about 9:30 and walking down Leavenworth and up Market. You’d have all these

hucksters out on the street, selling trick

packs of cards, ducks with their heads dipping in water, and never thought for a

minute anything could happen to you.

‘‘Sometimes I’d walk all the way out to

Sloat Boulevard, rights through the tunnel.

If the streetcar came through, you had to

step to one side, let it go past. Walk all that

way, and never worry.’’

Burton drew other pictures of San Francisco in the air, including the image of John

D. Monaghan, bartender at No. 10 Sanchez.

‘‘I used to take my daughter there on St.

Patrick’s Day—John standing behind the

bar, answering the phone, ‘No. 10,’ kind of

rocking back and forth on his feet, talking

to everybody, more full of s— than a Christmas turkey. Oh, man, how could you not love

it?’’

But those days are gone, said Burton.

‘‘Society’s getting worse, therefore the

city’s getting worse. You had the ‘homeless’

at Third and Howard, a few drunks sleeping

at night in Union Square * * * but now

‘homeless’ is a part of our society. Not since

the Depression has there been the underclass

we have now.’’

Because the government flat gave up on

the War on Poverty, said Burton, ‘‘we’re

reaping a whirlwind of neglect.’’

There has been plenty of speculation about

Burton’s options after he leaves the Assembly. He waves it away, saying, ‘‘When I get

out, there are two things I want to do—learn

Italian and play some bocce ball.’’

But he’s not getting out anytime soon.

Last month, he threw his fedora into the

ring for state senate—the 3rd District seat
May 25, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E 1133

belonging to Sen. Milton Marks. Burton’s ultimate decision, though, will take into account whether Willie Brown runs for mayor

of San Francisco or Marks’ seat.

‘‘I think it’s important for somebody to be

doing battle with the right-wing Republicans, who are more and more taking over

the Republican party in this state,’’ said

Burton. ‘‘To thwart their efforts to cripple

public education, cripple environmental protection and take away women’s right to

choose. These are tough times, and you

should get in the fight and stay in the fight—

not drop out and kind of bitch and moan.’’

Burton’s name has been mentioned for The

City’s mayoral race, but he doesn’t see himself running. ‘‘My mother didn’t raise me to

cut back on libraries or playgrounds or AIDS

funding, or go after poor people on the

street,’’ he said.

Lately, San Francisco has been ‘‘penny

wise and pound foolish,’’ added Burton. ‘‘But,

to be fair, the city just doesn’t have the resources.’’

It doesn’t seem that long ago that Burton’s

best friend, George Moscone, was assassinated at City Hall on Nov. 27, 1978. But it’s

been a long time, and—for Burton—a hard

road.

Moscone was his friend from the day they

met in 1946 until the day the mayor was shot

to death with Supervisor Harvey Milk, said

Burton, who still can’t understand the

killings.

‘‘It was such a f——g nutty thing,’’ he said,

looking down at his hands. ‘‘I heard some political forces were egging (Dan White) on—

‘Somebody ought to kill that f——r,’ things

like that. I don’t know.

‘‘During that period I was, shall we say, involved in doing drugs, and I started doing

more,’’ Burton said. ‘‘I don’t know if what

happened to George was the reason for it,

but I guess I used it as a reason. I mean,

George was as close to me as my brothers.’’

Burton found himself hooked on ‘‘what

they call crack now, called it free-basing

back then. I would get so depressed I

couldn’t move. I’d stop for a couple of days

and had to start again, just to get energy.

‘‘I got into nitrous oxide, too,’’ said Burton. ‘‘I’m a very addictive-compulsive person

* * * went on a four-month run once, like

you see on TV or in the movies, the guy’s OK

one day and the next he’s in the gutter.

‘‘I learned you can’t quit for six months

and go out and celebrate with a couple of

toots or a couple of tokes and quit the next

day. The only way to do it is not to do it at

all.’’

By the time of Moscone’s death, Burton

was already known for stream-of-consciousness speeches from the floor of the legislature that made no sense. In ‘‘A Rage for Justice: The Passion and Politics of Phillip Burton,’’ a biography due out this fall, Sacramento political columnist John Jacobs

writes, ‘‘John Burton was going downhill

fast. Rumors surfaced that a dry cleaner

found packets of cocaine in his coat pocket

* * * friends feared they would find him dead

somewhere.’’

Burton got the message himself, calling an

end to his brief Congressional career two

days before the filing deadline for the 1982

elections. He remembers the date exactly:

Sept. 30.

‘‘I went back to vote against the balanced

budget amendment. That was on Thursday.

Sunday, I flew down to a hospital in Arizona

and checked myself in. It was easy after I

really decided to do it, after I acknowledged

half-assed to myself that I’ve got a problem,

instead of, ‘It’s no big deal.’

‘‘Haven’t had a drink since then,’’ he said.

‘‘Not too long ago I was at a party where

they had that Australian beer—Foster’s—I

took a little sip and I could feel it going

down. I knew I’d be in trouble if I took a

good gulp. And nonalcoholic beer? I had

some once and the guy says, ‘Tastes good,

huh?’ and I said, ‘Yeah, it does taste good. I

better not have anymore.’

‘‘I don’t miss it,’’ Burton said. ‘‘I don’t

really like being around people who drink.

Three drinks and they have a heat on, don’t

even know what they’re saying. Women who

take a drink and just get silly.’’

Burton, who has been married twice and

remains divorced, smiled and said, ‘‘I’m sure

it breaks their hearts, but I just have to

pass.’’

In Jacobs’ book, one Republican argued it

was worth keeping Burton in office because

‘‘at least John Burton stood back in his stupor and didn’t do much but vote wrong.’’

But Burton’s legislative record has been

anything but passive.

‘‘At one point, before the Republican governors got ahold of it, our aged, blind and

handicapped had a better standard of living

than the aged or blind anywhere else in the

country,’’ said Burton, who sponsored SSI

bills for the handicapped. ‘‘And our autistic

children’s program was the first in the nation.’’

Burton was also proud of his ‘‘asset forfeiture law—keeping law enforcement officers

from just coming in and grabbing property

without cause.’’

But he acknowledges his own political career doesn’t compare to the record of his

brother, Phillip.

Some of Burton’s best memories come

from sharing the spotlight with his brother

back in Washington. ‘‘I kept thinking about

what Phil and I together were doing to all

those conservatives in the Old Guard. Driving them up the wall. I laughed my ass off.

‘‘You look at what Phillip’s done, it’s awesome. There hasn’t been a minimum-wage

bill since he did it, and he’s been dead 10

years. Redwood Park, Golden Gate National

Park, miners’ lung legislation, and on and on

and on. He just brought me along for some of

it.’’

And Burton enjoyed the ride, every minute

of it. He remembered walking down the steps

of the Capitol with his brother, making up

words to a song about angry Republicans,

then making them angrier with new legislation.

‘‘Nowadays, there are so many intrusions

into people’s rights to live decently,’’ said

Burton. ‘‘If I did something for the quality of

life for people, just helped a little, who gives

a s— whether they erect a statue to you or

not?’’

Having his political life wrapped up in the

wonder of California has made it all worthwhile, Burton said. ‘‘California’s got so

much, you know? Like Pat Brown used to

say—‘When I fly over this great, big beautiful state of ours. . .’’’

Burton, whose desk holds a glass ball that

beams, ‘‘God Made the Irish #1’’ and a nameplate with shamrocks on either side, reminisced about the power of Irish districts

when he first started out, when ‘‘the Mission

was Irish, Noe Valley was Irish, the Sunset.

Around the Castro it was the Scandinavians,

the Excelsior was Italian, Potrero Hill—Russians and Slavs, the Richmond was kind of

Irish, kind of Russian, there was Manila

Town off Kearny, and the Haight was a mixture.

‘‘The mix has changed, but it’s still a melting pot, and it’s wonderful. You can’t beat

it,’’ said Burton, grinning all at once.

‘‘San Francisco. You’ve got to fll love

San Francisco,’’ he said. ‘‘I remember once

when I went out to eat at a restaurant, must

have been down around Westlake, and there’s

all this fog. I got out there, wound up just

walking around the parking lot for 10 minutes, maybe more, taking it all in.

‘‘The woman I was with must have thought

I was nuts, but being away from San Francisco and coming back to the fog . . . you’ve

got to love it.’’

Burton looked around his office, filled with

photos from three decades of political handshaking and head-shaking and hand-wringing

and loud singing in the front room with people from the Mission and Sunset and

Bayview. He smiled to himself, hummed a

bit of ‘‘Big Rock Candy Mountain,’’ and said

once more ‘‘You’ve got to love it.’’

UNION CITY, NJ, CELEBRATES ITS

70TH ANNIVERSARY

f

HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ OF NEW JERSEY

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, May 25, 1995

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today

to recognize an outstanding community, the

city of Union City, NJ, and to congratulate the

residents on the celebration of the city’s 70th

anniversary. This is a special anniversary because this year the city, which I am proud to

call home, is opening a new addition to its historic city hall.

Union City was originally comprised of two

smaller and separate communities, named

West Hoboken, incorporated in 1861, and the

town of Union Hill, incorporated in 1864. In

June of 1925, the two towns merged to form

the dynamic, bustling place we know today as

Union City.

Union City typifies this Nation’s proud immigrant heritage. It has always been home to immigrants seeking a better way of life. The

founders of West Hoboken and Union Hill

were German and Dutch immigrants who

moved to the western shore of the Hudson

River to escape the crowded conditions of

Manhattan. In fact, many of the original municipal documents were written in German.

In the 1870’s, industry discovered Union

City and the population began to grow. Woods

and fields were transformed into homes and

businesses. Streets were cut through, and

sewer, water, and gas mains laid. Breweries,

silk, chocolate, cigar, and pencil factories

moved to the city. It became a hub of the U.S.

embroidery industry.

The immigrant tradition continued throughout the years, drawing Irish and Italian immigrants during the first half of the 20th century.

Cubans fleeing the tyranny of a brutal dictatorship came in growing numbers during the

early 1960’s. They established hundreds of

thriving businesses along the main commercial

strip, known as Bergenline Avenue. They were

followed by immigrants from throughout Latin

America, who make up the largest segment of

the current population. During a short walk on

Bergenline one can sample the cuisine of dozens of nations. Goods and merchandise from

around the world are sold on the bustling

streets.

The people of Union City have always been

its greatest asset. Diversity in our schools and

in government is viewed as a strength not an

impediment. I was proud to serve the residents as their first Hispanic mayor from 1986

through 1992. Earlier, I served on the city’s

board of education and later as chief financial

officer for the school system. Union City is in

the forefront of promoting the use of computer

technology in the classroom. The new city hall