S6826 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE May 17, 1995

than $750,000 for the procurement of the services of individual consultants or organizations thereof, in accordance with section

5(b)(11). Payment of expenses shall be disbursed upon vouchers approved by the chairman, except that vouchers shall not be required for the disbursement of salaries paid

at an annual rate.

SEC. 9. REPORTS; TERMINATION.

(a) COMPLETION OF DUTIES.—

(1) IN GENERAL.—The special committee

shall make every reasonable effort to complete, not later than February 1, 1996, the investigation, study, and hearings authorized

by section 1.

(2) EVALUATION OF PROGRESS.—The special

committee shall evaluate the progress and

status of the investigation, study, and hearings authorized by section 1 and, not later

than January 15, 1996, make recommendations with respect to the authorization of additional funds for a period following February 29, 1996. If the special committee requests the authorization of additional funds

for a period following February 29, 1996, the

Majority Leader and the Democratic Leader

shall meet and determine the appropriate

timetable and procedures for the Senate to

vote on any such request.

(b) FINAL REPORT.—

(1) SUBMISSION.—The special committee

shall promptly submit a final public report

to the Senate of the results of the investigation, study, and hearings conducted by the

special committee pursuant to this resolution, together with its findings and any recommendations.

(2) CONFIDENTIAL INFORMATION.—The final

report of the special committee may be accompanied by such confidential annexes as

are necessary to protect confidential information.

(3) CONCLUSION OF BUSINESS.—After submission of its final report, the special committee shall promptly conclude its business and

close out its affairs.

(c) RECORDS.—Upon the conclusion of the

special committee’s business and the closing

out of its affairs, all records, files, documents, and other materials in the possession,

custody, or control of the special committee

shall remain under the control of the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs.

SEC. 10. COMMITTEE JURISDICTION AND RULE

XXV.

The jurisdiction of the special committee

is granted pursuant to this resolution, notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 1 of

rule XXV of the Standing Rules of the Senate relating to the jurisdiction of the standing committees of the Senate.

SENATE RESOLUTION 121—RELATING TO THE ANGOLA PEACE

fPROCESS

Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself, Mrs.

KASSEBAUM, Mr. HELMS, Mr. PELL, and

Mr. SIMON) submitted the following

resolution; which was considered and

agreed to:

S. RES. 121

Whereas Angola has suffered one of the

most violent and longest-running civil wars;

Whereas the United States was actively engaged in the war in Angola, has provided

more than $200 million in humanitarian assistance to Angola since 1992, and has been a

key facilitator on the ongoing peace negotiations;

Whereas Angola is the last civil conflict in

southern Africa, and regional leaders including South African President Nelson Mandela

consider its resolution to be a top priority;

Whereas an enduring peace in Angola, a potentially wealthy country that is central to

regional stability and economic development, is in the national interest of the United States;

Whereas the Government of Angola and

National Union for the Total Independence

of Angola (UNITA) entered into the Lusaka

Protocol in November 1994 to secure a U.N.-

supervised peace settlement;

Whereas the United Nations Security

Council voted in February to send a U.N.

peacekeeping mission to Angola to monitor

and enforce the peace process, and more than

600 international monitors are deployed

throughout the country;

Whereas continuing progress toward peace

makes it more likely that further deployment of UNAVEM III will occur soon;

Whereas the meeting between President

Eduardo dos Santos and Dr. Jonas Savimbi

on May 6, 1995, at which both parties reiterated their commitment to the Lusaka Protocol, demonstrated that they possess the essential political will to resolve outstanding

issues, and encouraged all who want peace in

Angola;

Whereas achieving a lasting peace will require that all Angolans work together to

overcome bitter legacies of war, which include a devastated infrastructure, millions

of unexploded landmines, a profound distrust

between the parties, weakened civil institutions, a crippled economy, and a generation

of young Angolans who have never known a

peaceful, civil society;

Whereas strong leadership is essential to

ensure that the wealth of Angola, long spent

on war, now is used to consolidate peace.

Now therefore be it

Resolved That the Senate:

(1) Congratulates the people of Angola for

the courageous and determined steps their

leaders have taken in support of peace;

(2) Urges all parties in Angola to continue

to strengthen their commitment to the

Lusaka process, which constitutes the last,

and best, chance for securing an enduring

peace;

(3) Affirms that the United States will hold

both Angolan parties responsible for abiding

by their commitment to peace; and

(4) Calls upon the international community to remain actively engaged in support

of national reconciliation, removal of landmines, economic development, and democratization in Angola.

Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, today

I am introducing a resolution, in conjunction with the distinguished chair

of the Subcommittee on African Affairs, as well as the chairman and

ranking member of the Senate Foreign

Relations Committee, and others,

which congratulates the people of Angola for the courageous steps their

leaders have taken recently in the

name of peace and reconciliation in

Angola. This has been an arduous and

painful process, but the recent meeting

between President dos Santos and Dr.

Jonas Savimbi, in addition to the deployment of the U.N. operation, signifies a dramatic breakthrough which

may unlock the door to peace in Angola.

As we all know, Angola has been engulfed in civil war ever since its independence from Portugal in 1975. It not

only suffered vast dislocation and neglect following the colonial occupation, but also it became a classic superpower playground as Angola struggled

to find for its postcolonial identity.

Throughout the 1970’s and 1980’s South

Africa and Zaire launched frequent

military incursions in support of the

Government of Angola, while mercenaries from Europe and elsewhere

helped the rebel forces of UNITA and

Dr. Jonas Savimbi fight from the bush.

37,000 Cuban troops supported the government and the MPLA party, and

their involvement sparked more independence wars in Namibia. The United

States offered covert aid to UNITA in

an effort to contain communism in Africa for ‘‘national security’’ purposes.

In addition, there were secessionist

threats from the northern, oil-rich

province of Cabinda, which was, ironically, home to many U.S. oil companies throughout the war.

This war killed over 1 million people,

and displaced and disabled millions

more. Cities and fields are completely

destroyed, and 9 to 20 million

unexploded landmines, supplied by outside powers, lace the countryside.

Beautiful coastal lands and mineralrich areas not only lay undeveloped,

but have been damaged and destroyed

by warfare. Bitter war enmities between the MPLA and UNITA have created long-lasting rifts which will take

at least a full generation to heal.

Young boys, who from the age of 10

have been armed and fighting, are dislocated from their families. An entire

people has never known civil society.

It was with the end of the cold war,

the end of the United States-Soviet rivalry, that peace actually had a chance

in Angola. When Congress prohibited

military aid to Angola, Cuban troops

withdrew, and South Africa began to

change, negotiations were finally able

to begin between the MPLA and

UNITA. The peace process of 1991 resulted in the Bicesse accords, and led

to elections. But then disputed returns,

and militant attacks on the MPLA by

Savimbi, destroyed the process.

By 1992, serious negotiations had

begun again. Thanks to the relentless

efforts of U.N. Special Representative

Bedouin Beyh, United States Ambassador to Angola, Edward de Jarnette,

and others—including South African

Nelson Mandela—the Lusaka accords

were finally concluded on November 5,

1994.

The accords secure a U.N. supervised

peace settlement, which includes the

deployment of 5,600 U.N. peacekeeping

troops, as well as 350 military observers and 260 civilian police. It is intended to enable national reconciliation, demilitarization, economic development, and democratization of

Angloa. It will also enable the continued delivery of massive food lifts,

which is keeping hundreds of thousands

of people alive as the society builds a

peacetime environment.

There have been some glitches in the

peace process, and there have been

many incidents we thought Angola

would not survive. But the peace process made a big step last week when

President dos Santos and Dr. Savimbi

finally met face-to-face in Lusaka.
May 17, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S6827

They met for several hours, and in the

end emerged as cooperative negotiators, both signing the Lusaka accords. They agreed to work as partners

to resolve outstanding issues such as

consolidation of the ceasefire, resolution of military control issues,

demining operations, repair of infrastructure, acceleration of the arrival of

UNAVEM troops, the retreat of Angolan soldiers, and the formation of a national unity government.

Finally, the two sides demonstrated

that they have the political will necessary to reach a lasting and durable

peace. This meeting was a long time in

coming, and we in Congress should recognize what a milestone it is. For if

Lusaka fails, Angola may lose its last

opportunity for peace and prosperity.

We have a lot to lose of that fails.

The resolution we are offering today

congratulates the people of Angola for

the courageous and determined steps

their leaders have taken in support of

peace. It also urges all parties in Angola to strengthen their commitment

to the Lusaka process, and affirms

American support for both parties to

abide by their commitments. Finally,

because we cannot and should not do

this alone, it calls upon the international community to remain actively engaged with humanitarian, political, and economic support to make

this process a success.

Angola is potentially a wealthy country with soil fertile enough to feed all

of sub-Saharan Africa. It is also part of

a region which has had economic and

stunning political success in the past

few years. As Africa seeks to put the

cold war behind it, and as southern Africa consolidates into a powerhouse region, the process in Angola becomes all

the more important. The meeting convened last week realized many of the

gains made in recent months, and

hopefully will set the process on a new

course.

NOTICES OF HEARINGS

COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS

fMr. MCCAIN. Mr. President, I would

like to announce that the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will be holding

an oversight hearing on Thursday, May

18, 1995, beginning at 9:30 a.m., in room

485 of the Russell Senate Office Building on the recommendations of the

Joint DOI/BIA/Tribal Task Force on

Reorganization of the Bureau of Indian

Affairs.

Those wishing additional information

should contact the Committee on Indian Affairs at 224–2251.

SUBCOMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT

MANAGEMENT AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Mr. COHEN. Mr. President, I wish to

announce that the Subcommittee on

Oversight of Government Management

and the District of Columbia, Committee on Governmental Affairs, will hold

a hearing on Wednesday, May 24, 1995,

on Aviation Safety: Do Unapproved

Parts Pose a Safety Risk? The hearing

will be at 9:30 a.m., in room 342 of the

Dirksen Senate Office Building.

AUTHORITY FOR COMMITTEES TO

MEET

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to

meet on Wednesday, May 17, 1995 at 9:30

a.m. in open session to receive testimony on the National Security Implications of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty—START II.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be permitted to meet

Wednesday, May 17, 1995, beginning at

9:30 a.m. in room SD–215, to conduct a

hearing on Medicare solvency.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Relations be authorized

to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, at 10

a.m.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent on behalf of the

Governmental Affairs Committee to

meet on Wednesday, May 17, at 10 a.m.,

for a hearing on Executive Reorganization: An Overview of How To Do It.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Select

Committee on Intelligence be authorized to meet during the session of the

Senate on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, at

2 p.m. to hold a closed hearing on intelligence matters.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

SUBCOMMITTEE ON ACQUISITION AND

TECHNOLOGY

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Acquisition and Technology of the Committee on Armed

Services be authorized to meet at 2

p.m. on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, in

open session, to receive testimony on

dual use technology programs in review of S. 727, the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1996,

and the Future Years Defense Program.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

fHONG KONG

∑ Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I would

like to address comments made in the

last few weeks by two officials of the

Government of the People’s Republic of

China regarding the United States and

Hong Kong. First, as reported by Hong

Kong radio and Nanhua Zaobao, Mr. Lu

Ping, the Director of the PRC’s Office

of Hong Kong and Macau Affairs, told a

delegation of American businessmen in

Beijing that he believes there is a lack

of understanding in the United States

regarding Beijing’s attitude towards

Hong Kong. Second, Foreign Minister

Qian is quoted in the April 24 issue of

Beijing Review as stating that the

United States has no interest in Hong

Kong sufficient to justify the attention

we pay to the area. I am dismayed that

they have reached this conclusion for

two reasons. First, because I believe

that the United States is all too cognizant of Beijing’s attitude towards the

colony and has tried to make that cognizance known; and second, because it

demonstrates to me that Beijing does

not really understand what our concerns are.

At the outset, let me state that I do

agree in part with Minister Qian. Before the scheduled revision in 1997,

Hong Kong affairs are a matter of concern primarily to Great Britain and the

PRC; after 1997, they become a matter

of concern primarily to Beijing. It is

not our intent to instruct either London or Beijing on how best to accomplish that reversion, or on what role

Hong Kong should play as a reclaimed

part of greater China after 1997.

This does not mean however, that I

agree with what appears to be Minister

Qian’s correlative argument: that

other countries therefore have absolutely no role whatsoever to play before or after 1997.

As I previously noted in a statement

about Hong Kong on the floor on April

3, the United States is keenly following

developments in Hong Kong. This interest has two principle sources. First,

we have a tremendous stake in the future economic and political stability of

Hong Kong after reversion. Second,

how the PRC handles this transition

has far-reaching implications for our

bilateral relations—and in some of China’s multilateral relations which include us—in other important arenas.

Let me address these in turn.

Our economic ties to the present Colony of Hong Kong are substantial.

Hong Kong is our 13th largest trading

partner—7th in terms of agricultural

trade. In 1994, two-way merchandise

trade topped $21 billion; U.S. exports

accounted for over $11 billion. There

are more than 1,000 United States firms

with a presence in Hong Kong, of which

about 370 have their regional headquarters there. At the beginning of

1994, United States direct investment

in Hong Kong on a historical cost basis

was approximately $10.5 billion.

This strong economic tie is facilitated—in fact, made possible—by Hong

Kong’s friendly business climate, a stable government, an independent judiciary firmly rooted in the rule of law and

a vibrantly free press. It is clearly a tie

we have a very strong motive for