May 17, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S6827

They met for several hours, and in the

end emerged as cooperative negotiators, both signing the Lusaka accords. They agreed to work as partners

to resolve outstanding issues such as

consolidation of the ceasefire, resolution of military control issues,

demining operations, repair of infrastructure, acceleration of the arrival of

UNAVEM troops, the retreat of Angolan soldiers, and the formation of a national unity government.

Finally, the two sides demonstrated

that they have the political will necessary to reach a lasting and durable

peace. This meeting was a long time in

coming, and we in Congress should recognize what a milestone it is. For if

Lusaka fails, Angola may lose its last

opportunity for peace and prosperity.

We have a lot to lose of that fails.

The resolution we are offering today

congratulates the people of Angola for

the courageous and determined steps

their leaders have taken in support of

peace. It also urges all parties in Angola to strengthen their commitment

to the Lusaka process, and affirms

American support for both parties to

abide by their commitments. Finally,

because we cannot and should not do

this alone, it calls upon the international community to remain actively engaged with humanitarian, political, and economic support to make

this process a success.

Angola is potentially a wealthy country with soil fertile enough to feed all

of sub-Saharan Africa. It is also part of

a region which has had economic and

stunning political success in the past

few years. As Africa seeks to put the

cold war behind it, and as southern Africa consolidates into a powerhouse region, the process in Angola becomes all

the more important. The meeting convened last week realized many of the

gains made in recent months, and

hopefully will set the process on a new

course.

NOTICES OF HEARINGS

COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS

fMr. MCCAIN. Mr. President, I would

like to announce that the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will be holding

an oversight hearing on Thursday, May

18, 1995, beginning at 9:30 a.m., in room

485 of the Russell Senate Office Building on the recommendations of the

Joint DOI/BIA/Tribal Task Force on

Reorganization of the Bureau of Indian

Affairs.

Those wishing additional information

should contact the Committee on Indian Affairs at 224–2251.

SUBCOMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT

MANAGEMENT AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Mr. COHEN. Mr. President, I wish to

announce that the Subcommittee on

Oversight of Government Management

and the District of Columbia, Committee on Governmental Affairs, will hold

a hearing on Wednesday, May 24, 1995,

on Aviation Safety: Do Unapproved

Parts Pose a Safety Risk? The hearing

will be at 9:30 a.m., in room 342 of the

Dirksen Senate Office Building.

AUTHORITY FOR COMMITTEES TO

MEET

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to

meet on Wednesday, May 17, 1995 at 9:30

a.m. in open session to receive testimony on the National Security Implications of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty—START II.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be permitted to meet

Wednesday, May 17, 1995, beginning at

9:30 a.m. in room SD–215, to conduct a

hearing on Medicare solvency.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Relations be authorized

to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, at 10

a.m.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent on behalf of the

Governmental Affairs Committee to

meet on Wednesday, May 17, at 10 a.m.,

for a hearing on Executive Reorganization: An Overview of How To Do It.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Select

Committee on Intelligence be authorized to meet during the session of the

Senate on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, at

2 p.m. to hold a closed hearing on intelligence matters.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

SUBCOMMITTEE ON ACQUISITION AND

TECHNOLOGY

Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask

unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Acquisition and Technology of the Committee on Armed

Services be authorized to meet at 2

p.m. on Wednesday, May 17, 1995, in

open session, to receive testimony on

dual use technology programs in review of S. 727, the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1996,

and the Future Years Defense Program.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

fHONG KONG

∑ Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, I would

like to address comments made in the

last few weeks by two officials of the

Government of the People’s Republic of

China regarding the United States and

Hong Kong. First, as reported by Hong

Kong radio and Nanhua Zaobao, Mr. Lu

Ping, the Director of the PRC’s Office

of Hong Kong and Macau Affairs, told a

delegation of American businessmen in

Beijing that he believes there is a lack

of understanding in the United States

regarding Beijing’s attitude towards

Hong Kong. Second, Foreign Minister

Qian is quoted in the April 24 issue of

Beijing Review as stating that the

United States has no interest in Hong

Kong sufficient to justify the attention

we pay to the area. I am dismayed that

they have reached this conclusion for

two reasons. First, because I believe

that the United States is all too cognizant of Beijing’s attitude towards the

colony and has tried to make that cognizance known; and second, because it

demonstrates to me that Beijing does

not really understand what our concerns are.

At the outset, let me state that I do

agree in part with Minister Qian. Before the scheduled revision in 1997,

Hong Kong affairs are a matter of concern primarily to Great Britain and the

PRC; after 1997, they become a matter

of concern primarily to Beijing. It is

not our intent to instruct either London or Beijing on how best to accomplish that reversion, or on what role

Hong Kong should play as a reclaimed

part of greater China after 1997.

This does not mean however, that I

agree with what appears to be Minister

Qian’s correlative argument: that

other countries therefore have absolutely no role whatsoever to play before or after 1997.

As I previously noted in a statement

about Hong Kong on the floor on April

3, the United States is keenly following

developments in Hong Kong. This interest has two principle sources. First,

we have a tremendous stake in the future economic and political stability of

Hong Kong after reversion. Second,

how the PRC handles this transition

has far-reaching implications for our

bilateral relations—and in some of China’s multilateral relations which include us—in other important arenas.

Let me address these in turn.

Our economic ties to the present Colony of Hong Kong are substantial.

Hong Kong is our 13th largest trading

partner—7th in terms of agricultural

trade. In 1994, two-way merchandise

trade topped $21 billion; U.S. exports

accounted for over $11 billion. There

are more than 1,000 United States firms

with a presence in Hong Kong, of which

about 370 have their regional headquarters there. At the beginning of

1994, United States direct investment

in Hong Kong on a historical cost basis

was approximately $10.5 billion.

This strong economic tie is facilitated—in fact, made possible—by Hong

Kong’s friendly business climate, a stable government, an independent judiciary firmly rooted in the rule of law and

a vibrantly free press. It is clearly a tie

we have a very strong motive for