May 10, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S6455

compensatory damages. Injured persons will

still be made whole for their losses under the

law. And they will even be able to recover

punitive damages in cases where their injuries were caused by violations of FDA regulations. The defense simply recognizes—as a

clear rule—that manufacturers who comply

with FDA’s comprehensive regulatory process do not manifest the type of willful misconduct that could merit punitive damages.

While we recognize that the imposition of

punitive damages is a comparatively rare

(but by no means unknown) event, the threat

of punitive damage awards skews the entire

litigation process and, with it, the process

for developing new drugs and making them

available to the public. Pharmaceutical

manufacturers have withdrawn beneficial

products from the market and have ceased

promising research because of this threat.

Congress is now in the position to remove

this obstacle and thereby to make a genuine

contribution to the public health. We therefore urge you to support the FDA approval

amendment to H.R. 956.

Sincerely,

THOMAS SCARLETT,

Hyman Phelps & McNamara, Chief Counsel—1981–89.

NANCY L. BUC,

Buc Levitt & Beardsley, Chief Counsel—

1980–81.

RICHARD A. MERRILL,

Covington & Burling, Chief Counsel—1975–

77.

RICHARD M. COOPER,

Williams & Connolly, Chief Counsel—1977–

79.

PETER BARTON HUTT,

Covington & Burling, Chief Counsel—1971–

CONGRATULATING SENATOR DOLE

ON THE EISENHOWER LEADER75.

fSHIP PRIZE

Mrs. KASSEBAUM. Mr. President,

last night my colleague from Kansas,

Senator DOLE, received the prestigious

Eisenhower Leadership Prize in recognition of his distinguished service to

the United States. I have long admired

Senator DOLE for his leadership and

dedicated service and am pleased that

the Eisenhower World Affairs Institute

and Gettysburg College recognized him

with such a high honor.

This prize is made all the more notable because Dwight D. Eisenhower, the

award’s namesake, is a fellow Kansan

and Senator DOLE’s hero. I add my

voice to the many who congratulate

him on this honor and ask unanimous

consent that the remarks Senator

DOLE gave last night be printed in the

RECORD.

There being no objection, the remarks were ordered to be printed in

the RECORD, as follows:

I want to thank the Trustees of The Eisenhower World Affairs Institute and Gettysburg College for this honor.

I am truly humbled to receive this award.

And I thank the Awards Committee for dipping down in the military ranks. The first

Leadership Prize went to General Scowcroft.

The second to General Colin Powell. Last

year you honored Major Lloyd Bentsen. And

this year, you’re down to Lieutenant Bob

Dole. I guess there’s still hope for all you

Privates out there.

A special word of thanks to my colleagues

from the 10th Mountain Division who joins

us this evening. I’ve always wondered why

they assigned a kid from the plains of Kansas to the 10th Mountain Division. But I’ve

never wondered about the men I served beside. You are all heroes in my book.

A few years back, the 10th Mountain veterans formed a national association. Over the

years, there have been five Presidents of the

Association, and I am honored that all five

are here this evening. At least they got to be

President of something.

I am also honored by the presence of many

friends and colleagues of President Eisenhower and of several members of the Eisenhower family.

I have been privileged to get to know John

on several occasions—including the Eisenhower Centennial in Abilene in 1990, and a

few years ago in the Capitol when we unveiled the sign which marks the Eisenhower

Interstate Highway System.

Elizabeth and I are very proud to call

David and Julie Eisenhower our friends.

We’ve also had the pleasure of meeting their

children, and can tell you that David and

Julie are as good as parents as they are authors.

And Mary Eisenhower Atwater was the one

who came to my office last year to inform

me of my selection as the recipient of this

prize. The only promise I had to make to her

was that my acceptance remarks would be

brief.

In fact, I am tempted to do this evening

what Ike did one evening when he was President of Columbia University. At the end of a

long evening of speeches, Eisenhower’s turn

came. After being introduced, he stood up

and reminded his audience that every speech,

written or otherwise, had to have a punctuation. He said, ‘‘Tonight, I am the punctuation. I am the period.’’ And he sat down. He

later said that was one of the most popular

speeches he ever gave.

It is a bit intimidating to talk about President Eisenhower and his legacy before family members and friends and who knew him

much better than I.

I can say, however, that, like countless

Kansans and countless Americans, I not only

‘‘liked Ike,’’ I regarded him as a hero. I will

never forget the first time I saw him. It was

the spring of 1952. I had just finished law

school, and was serving in the Kansas House

of Representatives. General Eisenhower had

come home to Abilene to officially launch

his Presidential campaign, and I was in the

rain-soaked audience that greeted him.

That campaign was, of course, wildly successful. And I took it as a good omen that

my official announcement in Topeka on

April 10 had to be moved indoors because of

rain.

I did have the privilege of meeting my hero

on several occasions during his lifetime, but

the truth is I knew him no better than the

countless soldiers who called him our general, and the millions of Americans who

called him our President.

Eisenhower succeeded as a soldier and as a

President for many reasons. Intelligence.

Courage. Honesty. Leadership. The ability to

place the right people in the right spots.

These were all qualities Ike possessed.

But as I look at the Eisenhower statue in

the reception area of my Capitol office, or

the painting of Ike that hangs behind my

desk, one word often comes to mind. And

that word is ‘‘Trust.’’

Ike inspired trust as no leader has before

or since. Millions of Americans may have

voted for Adlai Stevenson in 1952 and 1956,

but everyone trusted President Eisenhower

to do what was best for America.

And there’s a simple reason why America’s

citizens trusted Ike. And that’s because he

trusted America’s citizens. Don’t get me

wrong. President Eisenhower believed in government—our Interstate Highway System is

proof of that. But, moreover, Ike believed in

citizens. He believed in the wisdom of the

American people.

When Ike looked at America’s people he

saw himself. According to David Eisenhower,

the title that meant the most to his grandfather was not ‘‘Supreme Commander,’’ or

‘‘President;’’ rather it was the simple title

that all Americans share: The title of ‘‘citizen.’’

And David reminded me of a speech Ike

made in London the month after VE Day.

Ike said, ‘‘To preserve his freedom of worship, his equality before law, his liberty to

speak and act as he sees fit, subject only to

provisions that he trespass not upon similar

rights of others—a Londoner will fight. So

will a citizen of Abilene.’’

Throughout World War II, Ike saw himself

as someone who would do what any American citizen would do when freedom was at

risk. And throughout his Presidency, Ike

spoke of how all of us shared with him the

responsibility of guiding our country.

As Ike said in his first Inaugural address,

‘‘We are summoned to act in wisdom and in

conscience, to work with industry, to teach

with persuasion, to preach with conviction,

to weigh our every deed with care and with

compassion. For this truth must be clear before us: Whatever America hopes to bring to

pass in the world must first come to pass in

the heart of America.’’

What do those words mean in the America

of 1995? I believe they mean we should rededicate ourselves to remembering the duties of citizenship: To keep informed and to

become involved in the decisions that affect

the life and future of all the citizens of our

country.

And they also mean that government

should trust the American people with decisions that matter most—the decisions that

affect their families and their businesses.

To be sure, the 1950’s weren’t perfect. And

as we look to the 21st century, we should not

seek to return to those times. But what I

hope America can return to is a relationship

of trust between the people and their government. And if that’s to happen, then we must

rein in the federal government. It’s too big,

too intrusive, and makes too many decisions.

I carry a copy of the 10th Amendment with

me wherever I go. It’s only 28 words long.

And it basically states that all powers not

specifically delegated to the federal government should be given to the states, and to

the people. Dusting off that amendment, and

restoring it to its rightful place in the Constitution is my mandate as Majority Leader,

and I like to think that it’s a mandate that

Ike would have heartily endorsed.

Perhaps Ike said it best when he responded

to those who were urging bigger and bigger

government, all in the name of providing

Americans with security.

‘‘If all that Americans want is security,

they can go to prison,’’ Ike said. ‘‘They’ll

have enough to eat, a bed, and a roof over

their heads.

But he went on to say that citizens want

more than security. We also want freedom.

We want dignity. We want control of our

lives. We want our government to trust us.

And the lesson that Ike taught us is that if

the American people believe our government

trusts us, then we will trust our government

in return.

Americans also trusted Ike because he

trusted us with the truth. As Supreme Commander, Ike never hid the truth from his soldiers. If a mission was dangerous * * * if

some wouldn’t be coming home, then Ike laid

it on the line. And, with his Kansas candor,

he spoke about issues that many in Washington today shy away from. One of those was

the federal budget.
S6456 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE May 10, 1995

How much stronger our country would be if

our leaders took to heart the prophetic

words that Eisenhower spoke in his 1961 farewell address to the American people:

Ike said, ‘‘As we peer into society’s future,

we must avoid the impulse to live only for

today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow.

We cannot mortgage the material assets of

our grandchildren without risking the loss

also of their political and spiritual heritage.

We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, and not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.’’

As always, Eisenhower matched his words

with actions. There have been four balanced

federal budgets in the last half century. And

Ike gave us three of them. He knew that it

was easy to be popular. It is easy to say

‘‘yes’’ to every federal program. But he also

knew that more important than being popular for a moment is to provide leadership

that stands the test of time.

Along with trusting the American people,

Ike also trusted the values that built our

country, and that were instilled in him by

his parents in Abilene. Values like hard

work. Honesty. Personal responsibility.

Common sense. Compassion for those in

need. And, above all, love of family, God, and

country.

These are the values that built America,

and they are values that must never go out

of fashion, or be regarded as ‘‘politically incorrect,’’ by our government or by those in

our entertainment industry.

Along with trusting our citizens, and trusting our values, there’s one final lesson about

trust that Eisenhower’s life and career can

teach us. And that’s the fact that the world

must always be able to count on American

leadership.

And that’s a lesson I hope we especially remembered yesterday, the 50th anniversary of

VE Day. It was American leadership that

built the arsenal of democracy which made

that victory possible. It was American leadership that held the Allies together during

the darkest days of the war. And it was

American leadership which conquered the

forces of tyranny and restored liberty and

democracy to Europe.

Make no mistake about it, leadership carries a price. It did during World War II. It did

during the Eisenhower Administration. And

it does today. But it is a price worth paying.

As Ike said in his Second Inaugural Address,

‘‘The building of * * * peace is a bold and solemn purpose. To proclaim it is easy. To serve

it will be hard. And to attain it, we must be

aware of its full meaning—and ready to pay

its full price.

And Ike never forgot just what that full

price meant. He said that whenever he returned to Normandy after the war, his foremost thoughts were not with the planes and

the ships or the guns. Rather, he said, ‘‘I

thought of the families back home that had

lost men at this place.’’

I was privileged to walk the beaches of

Normandy and to return to the hills of Italy

where I saw action during the D-Day commemorations last June. And I, too, thought

of the families back home that had lost men,

and how we must never forget the cause for

which they fought and died. And the only

way to ensure that future generations of

Americans will not be buried on foreign land,

is to continue to provide leadership whenever and wherever it is needed.

Ladies and gentlemen, I am honored by the

confidence bestowed in me through this leadership award and will do my best to meet the

high expectations left by the legacy of

Dwight Eisenhower.

In closing, I want to share with you a few

more words of this American hero—and they

were words he spoke on that rainy day in Abilene 43 years ago.

Returning home led Ike to think about

growing up in Kansas, and he said ‘‘I found

out in later years we were very poor, but the

glory of America is that we didn’t know it

then: all that we knew was that our parents

* * * could say to us, ‘‘Opportunity is all

about you. Reach out and take it.’’

By working together and trusting one another, we can ensure that for generations yet

to come, America’s parents will still be able

to say those words to their sons and daughters. This is what we owe to the memory of

people like Dwight Eisenhower and all the

GIs of World War II we remembered yesterday. But ultimately, we owe it to ourselves,

to our children, and to the future of the

country we love.

FREEDOM SHRINE FOR THE HOT

SPRINGS VA MEDICAL CENTER

fMr. PRESSLER. Mr. President, an

exciting event recently took place in

the southern Black Hills of South Dakota. The Freedom Shrine, a collection

of documents from U.S. history, was

dedicated at the Hot Springs VA Medical Center in Hot Springs, SD.

I commend Maurice Wintersteen, the

Exchange Club of Rapid City, and Hot

Springs VA Director Dan Marsh, for

their efforts to bring the Freedom

Shrine to Hot Springs. Late last year,

Maurice Wintersteen approached the

Exchange Club of Rapid City about

sponsoring a freedom shrine in the

local VA Hospital. The Exchange Club

of Rapid City agreed to his request, and

Director Marsh threw his full support

behind the project.

As a result of their dedicated efforts,

the Freedom Shrine became a reality

and was placed in the rotunda of the

VA Domiciliary Building. The Freedom

Shrine displays reproductions of 28 historic American documents, including

the U.S. Constitution, President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, and President Kennedy’s Inaugural Address. It is

my understanding the Hot Springs VA

Hospital is the only VA facility in the

Nation to have such a freedom shrine.

It is very fitting that the Freedom

Shrine was dedicated on the 50th anniversary of the death of President

Franklin Roosevelt—the man who led a

worldwide alliance against a tyranny

that threatened freedom-living people

throughout the world. The Freedom

Shrine serves as an essential reminder

to all Americans that the freedom we

enjoy today is the direct result of the

enormous effort and sacrifice of our

forefathers, from the pioneers who first

settled the Nation, to the veterans who

gave their lives to defend it and the

values we stand for. We must never forget the precious gift they gave us. It is

ours to preserve for future generations.

Inspired by the Freedom Train that

toured the United States with American historical documents after the

Second World War, the National Exchange Club resolved to display documents from U.S. history in communities throughout the Nation so that

Americans of all ages would have easy

access to the rich heritage of their

past. Since 1949, many freedom shrines

have been installed by exchange clubs

in various communities across the Nation, Puerto Rico, and at American

outposts around the world. From State

capitols to U.S. warships, and hundreds

of schools across the Nation, freedom

shrines serve as an invaluable reference

for students and other citizens seeking

information or inspiration from these

historic treasures.

Again, I congratulate the Exchange

Club of Rapid City, Maurice

Wintersteen, Hot Springs VA Director

Dan Marsh, and all our veterans for

their ongoing commitment to the preservation of American principles. Their

deep pride in the history, traditions,

and values of our great State and Nation are reflected in the Freedom

Shrine. Most important, they have

given present and future generations of

South Dakotans a precious and lasting

gift. I salute everyone involved with

this inspiring project.

THE FUTURE OF THE B–1B

BOMBER IS SECURE

fMr. PRESSLER. Mr. President, last

week the Pentagon released a much-anticipated report by the Institute for

Defense Analyses [IDA] on our Nation’s

heavy bomber force structure. This report, the heavy bomber study, examined the deployment options of our

long-range heavy bomber forces—in association with additional tactical

forces—under the circumstances of two

hypothetical, nearly simultaneous

world conflicts. To date, the IDA study

is the most comprehensive, in-depth

analysis of the use of our Nation’s

three heavy bombers—the B–1 bomber

[B–1B], the B–2 stealth bomber, and the

B–52—in a conventional war-fighting

role.

I am pleased that the IDA study confirmed what I have said for quite some

time: The B–1B is an efficient and effective long-range bomber, and it can

be used successfully as the centerpiece

of American airpower projection. The

IDA study suggests that planned conventional upgrades to the B–1B would

be more cost-effective than purchasing

20 additional B–2 bombers. Further, the

study recommends that remaining B–2

bomber production preservation funds

should be reallocated to other weapons

and conventional upgrades. That would

allow for a total bomber force consisting of 95 B–1B’s, 66 B–52’s, and 20 B–2’s.

As my colleagues know, the B–1B was

developed and built at the height of the

cold war. Thus, it was anticipated that

its function would be limited to meeting one of several nuclear options.

However, the B–1B has shown to be an

effective conventional force component—a testament to designers, Air

Force strategists and pilots who recognized the versatility of this aircraft.

Time and again, the B–1B has had to

meet new challenges. For example, the

1994 congressionally mandated assessment test of the B–1B, performed by

the 28th Bomber Wing at Ellsworth Air