E 1026 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks May 12, 1995

neighbors throughout southern Illinois as ministers for a combined 91 years. Both Eugene

and Earl will retire on June 30, 1995.

Eugene Black has ministered to the needs

of his neighbors in small, rural communities

throughout southern Illinois for 49 years. He

has been the pastor at the First United Methodist Church in Herrin, IL, since 1989 and will

step down the last day of June to start what

promises to be a rewarding retirement in

Mattoon. Eugene plans to continue in his retirement as an interim pastor, help his sons,

Phillip and Paul, with home repairs, and travel.

Earl Black also found his life’s calling in

service to the church. For 42 years he has

ministered to the needs of the people of

southern Illinois, and currently serves as the

minister of the First United Methodist Church

of Marion. Earl plans to retire near Metropolis,

where he anticipates a retirement full of singing with the gospel quartet, auctioneering in

the community, and working in his machine

shop.

Serving the needs of congregations for over

40 years has been a rewarding experience

that neither brother would wish to change.

Being called upon to aid in a families time of

joy or sorrow is a great responsibility, and

both Eugene and Earl shoulder the task with

graciousness and humility. Seldom in life are

people destined for careers in which they are

able to directly touch the lives of those with

whom they come in contact, but Eugene and

Earl have done this, and I commend them for

dedicating their lives for the benefit of others.

They have enjoyed careers of inspiration and

divine purpose, and it is with regret that their

friends see them retire.

Mr. Speaker, Earl and Eugene Black have

committed their lives to helping others enjoy a

special moment, or endure a time of anguish,

and I am proud to represent them in Congress. They have touched the lives of countless people, and I urge my colleagues to join

with me in saluting these outstanding brothers.

THE PLIGHT OF THE ROMANIAN

MOLDOVANS

f

HON. MARTIN R. HOKE OF OHIO

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Friday, May 12, 1995

Mr. HOKE. Mr. Speaker, we all know that

the central and eastern European revolutions

of 1989–91 marked a historic event in the European struggle for freedom, democracy, and

sovereign independence after so many years

of Communist rule. The revolutionary period,

however, was chaotic and difficult for the ethnic minorities long held in check by Soviet imperialism and repression. The suffering was

also experienced by the ethnic minorities in

the republics of the former Soviet Union.

The history of the Romanian Moldovans is

one of such suffering peoples. Upon the declaration of independence by Moldova in August 1991, cordial relations were established

with the neighboring country of Romania.

From that time forward, much has seemingly

gone wrong in that fragile region.

I am inserting into the CONGRESSIONAL

RECORD some interesting information that has

been brought to my attention regarding the

plight of the Romanian Moldovans. I know this

will be of great interest to you and I hope you

will have the opportunity to read this report:

MOLDOVA AND THE CASE OF ILIE ILASCU—

BACKGROUND TO THE PROBLEM

Elie Wiesel, an Auschwitz survivor, once

said that forgetting the victims is like killing them a second time.

Indeed, oppressors and oppressing states

often insist on forgetting the past for the

sake of a new start. It is particularly convenient for them because the past can be extended from yesterday to whatever date

suits their interests.

In this case, Russia wants to forget Soviet

Union’s brutal past and injustices and to

start with perestroika. Moscow conveniently

ignores that Bessarabia or western Moldova

was annexed from Romania in 1940 following

the Nazi-Soviet secret pact signed in Moscow

by Ribbentrop and Molotov in 1939.

Hundreds of thousands of Romanian

Moldavians were deported, imprisoned, or

summarily executed. Hundreds of thousands

of families were split, uprooted, displaced,

never to meet again. Hundreds of thousands

of Russians and Ukrainians were brought in

to reorganize and supervise the new republic

of Moldova.

The former Romanian province was territorially mutilated and its borders redrawn.

While the northern and southern regions of

the new republic were granted to Ukraine, a

small piece of land on the left bank of the

Dnestr River was given to Moldova. This

area was highly russified and its capital,

Tiraspol, served for a very long time as a

center of Soviet Marxism and Russian nationalism. In fact, Tiraspol was a spring

board for Party activists to jump to power in

the capital of Moldova, Chisinau, or to other

Soviet places.

While imposing Marxism as a new political

form of social organization, Moscow also demanded strictly that the indigenous population calls itself Moldavian rather than Romanian. And to make a modicum of distinction within an otherwise undivisible nationality, Moscow forced Moldova to adapt the

Russian alphabet instead of the Latin script

used by Romanians. For a while, the ploy

worked, but only as long as the people was

brutally suppressed.

Perestroika, nevertheless, brought along

freedom of expression and of political organization. Hundreds of thousands of Moldavians

gathered on many occasions in Chisinau to

reclaim their history, their language, the

right to be themselves, their Romaian nationality. Some of the first acts the

Moldavians did, were to declare again their

Romanian identity and to reimpose from

within the Latin alphabet. And the Romanian tricolor was flying again everywhere.

Eventually, Perestroika caused, at least in

theory, the dissolution of the former Soviet

Union and it made possible wide spread declarations of independence.

Moldova too declared its independence on

August 27, 1991 and a euphoric state followed.

It also adopted the Romanian national anthem, it eased control at the Romanian border, while union with the old country appeared imminent. And in the avangarde of

this struggle for national recognition was

the Moldavian Popular Front. But the initial

enthusiasm was soon replaced by the harsh

realities imposed again from the center.

Moscow would not give up its empire.

First, the small Gagauz minority of

Moldova was pushed by the Russians to declare its independence. When this move

failed, the Tiraspol Russians declared their

own separate Dnestr Republic and vowed to

rebuild communism and a new Soviet Union

around it. The new Marxist republic

readopted the former Soviet system and

began to hire mercenaries to fight against

Moldova. Confronted with dismemberment,

Moldova formed an army made mostly of

volunteers and in 1992 the two sides were

poised for war.

Moscow followed with great interest the

events and manipulated the war to make

sure that Moldova would not be allowed to

rejoin Romania. Whenever the war turned

sour for the Dnestr Republic, the 14th Russian Army located in Tirapsol openly intervened to its defense. It also armed to the

teeth Cossack and Russian volunteers from

all over USSR to fight against Moldova.

Within a few months, the war turned very

ugly. Many Romanians from the Tiraspol

area under the new Dnestr Republic were arrested, disappeared, or were murdered in a

barbarous manner. Several Romanians were

mutilated, skinned, or nailed to crosses.

At the same time and in order to bit

Moldova into submission, Russia stopped the

supply of energy and raw materials, resulting in freezing temperatures during the winter and industrial idleness. What Moscow

wanted was to bring Moldova back into the

newly formed CIS, to alienate it at any price

from Romania, and to make its people accept the misnomer of ‘‘Moldavian.’’

At the beginning, the new leaders in

Chisinau resisted and fought the trend, but

later a new group of pro-Moscow individuals

gave in to the Russian demands.

It was at the beginning of the war of 1992

that the Dnestr authorities arrested the

leaders of the local Moldavian Popular Front

and started a shameful process which lasts

to this day. The case is now known as ‘‘The

Tiraspol Five,’’ and it has acquired international attention.

THE ‘‘TIRASPOL FIVE’’

On June 2, 1992, a group of five members of

the Tiraspol Branch of Moldova’s Popular

Front was arrested on false accusations of

‘‘terrorist acts against the Soviet Power.’’

They were llie llascu, president of the local

branch of the Front, Alexandru Lesco, Tudor

Petrov-Popa, Andrei Ivantoc, and Petre

Godiac. A sixth person who was arrested at

the same time, Valery Garbuz, had been infiltrated by the local secret police into the

organization in order to testify against the

group.

It should be mentioned that at the time of

the arrest, the Tiraspol branch of the Popular Front was working legally and openly

within the laws of Moldova. By contrast, the

authorities of the Dnestr Republic that arrested them were illegitimate and did not

represent any legal state.

At first, the group was detained at the

headquarter of the 14th Russian Army in

Tiraspol, raising additional questions about

the status of this Army. Initially, some 20

persons were detained, but most of them

were freed when they retracted their pro-Romanian stand. As a matter of fact, the most

insistent demand of the investigators was

that they give up their claim to be Romanians and accept instead their regional identification as Moldavians.

In spite of the unbearable conditions to

which the victims were subjected, no one

confessed to any crimes, but this did not

change anything. During the investigations,

Ilascu was visited unexpectedly by the ministers of security of both Moldova and the

Dnestr Republic, making him think that the

two entities acted in unison. On at least one

occasion, the two security ministers left

Ilascu’s cell together, making fun of him.

As Ilascu mentioned in a letter, the defenders were visited by people from Romania,

Switzerland, Italy, Poland, and even from

the United States. But never by any official

of Moldova. During this ordeal, Ilascu states,

they were kept alive only because the international press took an interest in them.
May 12, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E 1027

When the trial began, the entire evidence

against the defenders was based on the false

testimony of Valery Garbuz. And in order to

scare them and influence the judge, numerous local communists were brought in to

chant ‘‘death to the terrorists.’’ To complete

the picture, the defenders were kept in an

iron cage, and the trial was staged in a local

factory. It was a reminder of the Stalinist

trials of the 1930’s.

Kept under such conditions, members of

the Ilascu group came to the conclusion that

their arrest and subsequent trial was orchestrated by the Tiraspol Russians with the support of certain circles in Moscow. And, according to Ilascu, the Dnestr authorities also

had the cooperation of the new leaders of

Moldova who wanted to annihilate the opposition.

The most prominent among the new leaders of Moldova are President Mircea Snegur,

Prime Minister Andrei Sangheli, and Speaker of the Parliament Petru Luchinski. All

three of them are former secretaries of the

Moldavian Communist Party. Apparently,

they are also under Moscow’s pressure and

threats. Under such circumstances, the independence of Moldova is far from being real.

Moldova is only independent of Romania,

which is exactly what Moscow wanted. And

to make sure of achieving their goal, the

Russians planned the 1992 Denstr War and

the dismemberment and federalization of the

small republic. Allegedly, Moscow also

threatened that if Bucharest insisted on

claiming Moldova, they would transform Romania into a second Yugoslavia.

Thus, the true goal of the arrest of the

Tiraspol group of the long public trial, and of

the convictions, seems to be threefold:

To intimidate and demoralize the Romanian majority of Moldova;

To cover up the murders perpetrated by

the very authorities of the Dnestr Republic

during the summer of 1992;

And to kill any desire or aspiration of the

Moldovan Romanians to unite with Romania.

Although imprisoned, in February 1993 Ilie

Ilascu was elected to the Moldavian Parliament. This enraged his captors even more.

In December 1993, he was sentenced to death

while his colleagues received long prison

convictions. In spite of his sentence, Ilascu

shouted: ‘‘Long live Romania. You can kill

us, but you cannot defeat us.’’

As of the end of January 1995, when President Mircea Snegur came to an official visit

to Washington, Ilie Ilascu and his group were

still in prison, tortured continuously and

dying a slow agonizing death. (See Appendices)

RECENT MOLDAVIAN VISITS TO WASHINGTON

While visiting Washington, President

Snegur painted Moldova as a young but

democratic republic struggling to reform politically and to create a free market economy. He insisted that he wanted to integrate

his republic into the European organisms,

but also to keep close relations with Russia

and CIS. (The question is how can one serve

two masters?)

During the same period of time a prominent member of the opposition and a leading

member of the Moldavian Parliament, Vasile

Nedelciuc, was also in Washington for the

National Breakfast Prayer.

Meeting several congressmen, Nedelciuc

spoke on behalf of the democratic opposition

of Moldova and raised a number of questions.

He insisted that the opposition supports

fully the idea of integration with Europe and

greets with enthusiasm good relations with

the United States.

On the other hand, he underlined that closer relations with Russia and the CIS bloc

could prevent the process of democratization

and integration with Europe and especially

with the mother country of Romania. He

also insisted, as President Snegur did, that

the presence of the 14th Russian Army

headquartered in Tiraspol represents a big

threat. This army and its huge arsenal

should be withdrawn from Moldova as soon

as possible.

With regard to the much needed and appreciated American aid, Nedelciuc insisted that

most of it goes to state enterprises or state

structures, and very little is used to encourage private businesses.

He stressed that the reforms did not touch

that countryside, where former Soviet state

and collective farms have not been disbanded

and their chairmen oppose any changes.

He underlined that the opposition has no

access to radio and television which remain

exclusively in the hands of the new government and its party.

He also said that the government has abusively fired from administrative positions

most people who belonged to the opposition.

Among them there were several freely elected mayors.

He stressed that most of the visiting US

governmental delegations, and even the personnel of the American Embassy in Chisinau,

avoid to meet the opposition. A dialogue

with the opposition would be beneficial to all

parties.

He insisted that educators, teachers, men

and women of art and letters of Moldova, are

again persecuted for declaring openly their

Romanian language, culture, and identity.

Renowned poet and writer, Grigore Vieru, for

example, repeatedly received telephone

threats. In this light, Nedelciuc . . . pleaded

that the recent Appeal of Moldova’s educators be distributed in the West and their

cause be known and defended (See attached

Appeal)

With regard to Ilie Ilascu and his group,

Vasile Nedelciuc stressed that their

unending ordeal is an insult to the entire Romanian nation and to the concept of independence of Moldova. President Snegur also

promised to intervene on his behalf. As Eli

Wiesel put it, to forget them is killing them

a second time around.

The United States has granted Moldova

over two hundred million dollars as assistance. This year Moldova is scheduled to receive twenty-two million dollars. This is our

taxpayers’ money. It is unacceptable to help

Moldova while the government persecutes its

majority and at the same time it is unable or

unwilling to free its own citizens from prison.

Peter Lucaci, National President, Union

& League, R.S.A., Inc.

Rt. Rev. Bishop Nathaniel Popp, Romanian Orthodox Episcopate of America.

Archibishop Victorin, Romanian Orthodox Archdiocese in America and Canada.

(Archmandrite) J. Michael Botean, Apostolic Administrator, sede vacante,

Roman Catholic Diocese.

Dr. Nicholas Dima, Union & League,

Washington Representative.

APPENDIX I

Statement by Ilie Ilascu addressed to the

Prosecutor of the Tiraspol Court on December 11, 1993, after being sentenced to

death (summary).

‘‘The undersigned Ilie Ilascu was illegally

and brutally arrested by the

anticonstitutional authorities of the socalled Moldavian Dnestr Republic on June 2,

1992, at four AM at my home address on Pacii

Str. Nr. 50/1. apt. 1, Tiraspol.

‘‘The arrest was conducted by Vladimir

Ivanovici Gorbov, a lieutenent colonel of

Moldova’s Ministry of Security, who was secretly dispatched for this mission from

Chistinau. His mission was:

1. To join the security authority of the

Dnestr Republic pretending that he was a political refugee from Moldova.

2. To collect compromising information for

the liquidation of the Tiraspol branch of

Moldova’s Popular Front, considered an organization opposed to the communist regimes in Chisinau and Tiraspol.

In view of his mission, Gorbov arrived in

Tiraspol in February 1992 and shortly after

in March, he was already a member of the

Dnestr security department. A few month

later, he became deputy Minister of the

Dnestr Republic’s Security Ministry.

The arrest of the Tiraspol Five was coordinated with V.I. Garbuz, a former militia captain and a known police informer, who had

been infiltrated into the local branch of the

Popular Front. Before my arrest, the local

militia planted in my apartment arms and

ammunitions of which I had no knowledge.

For months, I was investigated by Gorbov,

who applied the most brutal methods: beatings, intimidations, threats, lies, starvation,

isolation, psychological pressures, and several mocked executions.

He told me, for example, that my younger

daughter was kidnapped and that my wife

had lost her sanity. Gorbov and Shevtsov

also asked me continuously to confess, to

deny my position, and to sign false statements already written by them. They tried

to make me sign confessions that I was a

CIA agent as far back as 1989, and that I also

was a Romanian secret agent trained to execute terrorist activities in Moldova.

When I totally refused, they beat me to a

pulp. Later, they tried to make me sign confessions that I had been a paid agent of

Moldova’s Security Ministry trained to carry

out terrorist activities in the territory of the

Dnestr Republic, which I also rejected as ridiculous.

Mr. Prosecutor, I also want to stress that

during the night, Gorbov called his con in

Chisinau several times. In the silence of the

night I could hear that he received from him

secret information regarding the evolution

of the Dnestr War. (This should be construed

as plain treason).

He also bragged frankly about dozens of

members of the Popular Front whom he had

killed with is own hand at Benderi during

the height of the war in the summer of 1992.

Interestingly, after accomplishing his mission, Gorbov disappeared from Tiraspol and

returned to Chisinau, where allegedly he had

retired to live in . . . peace and honor.

In view of that Mr. Prosecutor, I demand

that Gorbov, my investigator and accuser

here in Tiraspol, be himself arrested and

tried for his crimes. Ilie Ilascu, December 11,

1993.

APPENDIX II

Letter by Ilie Ilascu from Death Row

My cell is made exclusively of iron and cement, and it does not have any ventilation.

The windows have three rows of bars and are

covered by a metal sheet. There is no light

and no fresh air. I have been kept alone and

have not been taken out since February.

My kidney problems have aggravated.

Many times I can no longer stand the pain.

I also have acute pains on the right side of

the body in the abdominal, liver, and lung

areas. It has now been two years since I

could no longer control my left cheek, which

shakes very often. My eyes itch continuously, and following the 1992 beatings, I lost

two teeth while a third one was broken.

Above the right knee, I have an area that is

now completely numb. My migraines are

continuous, and there are times when I can

no longer get up alone.
E 1028 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks May 12, 1995

The cell has never been heated, and I have

been continuously starved. Mircea Sengur

has not allowed anybody to help me. Not

even the Red Cross has been allowed to visit.

I will resist as long as God will keep me

alive.—Ilie Ilascu, September 25, 1994.

APPEAL

To the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, European Commission on

Human Rights, the Committee on Relations With European Non-Member Countries

The present Appeal is a document adopted

at a protest meeting, held on January 20,

1995 in Chisinau (Moldova), which was attended by over 400 people representing 29

educational, research and cultural institutions.

We, the participants to the meeting, fully

support the efforts directed at obtaining Republic of Moldova’s membership in the Council of Europe, since, to our strong belief, this

prestigious international body can give some

additional guarantees to the irreversibility

of democratic changes that occurred in our

society during the last years.

It’s precisely the concern for the fate of

democratic gains of 1989–90 that made the

people gather at this meeting.

The issue under discussion might seem

pretty insignificant to anyone but those who

know how skillfully and hypocritically it

had been manipulated by the totalitarian regime. It deals with the term ‘‘Moldovan language’’—a term invented by Stalin for the

sake of building a ‘‘Berlin wall’’ between it

and Rumanian language, and culture in general (for this purpose ‘‘Moldovan language’’

was even given the Russian alphabet). That

proved to be one of the most powerful instruments of uprooting the ethnic identity of the

Rumanian population of Bessarabia and of

depriving it of its cultural values. The most

progressive and honest scientists from both

the Republic of Moldova and Russia could

never accepted this falsehood.

That is why the issues of language and its

alphabet have become pivots in the general

democratic demands of 1989. As a result, the

Academy of Sciences officially recognized—

and the first democratic Parliament confirmed—that there is only one literary Eastern Romance language—Rumanian,

Moldovan being just one of its sub-dialects

(spoken also in Rumanian Moldova). In the

general bliss of those years it seemed that

there is no way back to the old political manipulations.

In this context one can understand the

frustration related to the return of the false

term ‘‘Moldovan language’’, a term the actual majority party succeeded to introduce

in the Constitution (Article 13.1). By the

way, the Academy, when consulted by the

Parliament on the issue, reaffirmed its previous opinion and was thus ignored by the

latter.

Things wouldn’t be so dramatic, if people

didn’t know what the implications of this

‘‘minor’’ untruth would be to the study of

history, literature, etc., but most of all to

the MORALITY of the whole society. This

would mean another spiritual isolation, i.e.

our further distancing from the ideals of European integration.

Even more troublesome is the direct pressure on behalf of the Government upon the

teaching staff of the educational institutions

not to use the term Rumanian language.

Threats are already being heard towards

those specialists who do not accept the linguistic and historical untruth. Teachers feel

humiliated by the fact that, after they have

enjoyed the freedom of telling the truth,

they are forced to perpetuate old propagandistic lies and find it immoral.

We, the participants to the meeting, protest against the above mentioned facts,

qualifying them as violations of our human

and professional rights. These are also violations of the students’ right to education in

their native literary language (and not just a

sub-dialect of it), on the basis of scientific

truth.

We also express our protest against the inaccessibility of state radio and TV (the only

ones in Moldova) not only to the opposition

parties, but also to the researchers, teachers,

university professors that have different

opinions from those stated officially.

We appeal to the high authority of the

Council of Europe for support in the hope

that it will not disregard these cases of encroachment on our professional liberty and

human dignity.

Anticipating the membership of the Republic of Moldova in the Council of Europe, we

are eager to work towards the democratization of our society and towards achieving the

noble goals of this European forum.

With our highest consideration,

Timofei Melnic, Chief of the Department

of Rumanian Literature, State University, Chairman of the Meeting.

Address: str. Miron Costin 15/2, ap. 125,

Chisinau, Republic of Moldova, Tel. (3732) 32–

25–22.

Ion Vicol, Researcher, State University

HONORING SAMUEL BEA, JR.

of Moldova, Secretary of the Meeting.

f

HON. ELIOT L. ENGEL

OF NEW YORK

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Friday, May 12, 1995

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, a long-time community leader and activist, Samuel Bea, Jr., is

retiring as district manager of Community

Board No. 12 in the Bronx after serving 18

years in the post.

Sam’s commitment to the residents of the

Northeast Bronx cannot be matched. He

brought to the position of district manager exceptional management skills and knowledge of

people and issues which were the key to his

many successes in trying to improve the quality of life for his constituents.

His past experience includes serving as director of Community Services, Westchester

Community Opportunity Program, Inc., executive director, Mount Vernon Community Action

Group, project administrator, Harlem Hospital

Comprehensive Alcoholism Program, deputy

executive, associate director, OJT director,

Urban League of Westchester, manpower coordinator, Yonkers, NY, and director, Neighborhood Youth Corps, Greensburg, NY.

Everything that Sam Bea has done in his

professional life has been devoted toward

helping people. And though he retirees from

being district manager, I am sure his commitment to helping people will continue.

I join with Sam’s family, friends, and colleagues in wishing him the best in the years

ahead and thank him for all he has done.

DANVILLE ROTARY HONORED ON

75TH ANNIVERSARY

HON. PAUL E. KANJORKSI OF PENNSYLVANIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Friday, May 12, 1995

Mr. KANJORSKI. Mr. Speaker, I rise today

to pay tribute to the Rotary Club of Danville,

PA which is celebrating the 75th anniversary

of its founding. I am pleased to have been invited to participate in the anniversary dinner

on May 13 and to have this opportunity to

bring the history of the club to the attention of

my colleagues.

Founded in 1905, by Paul Harris in Chicago,

the Rotary has been an institution in America

ever since. The first Rotary meeting consisted

of Paul Harris and three other businessmen.

Out of that meeting came the idea to form a

men’s club representing local business and

the professions. Weekly meetings were held,

in turn, at each member’s place of business.

This is how the organization came to be called

Rotary.

The purpose as defined by its founder was

to undertake civic functions of value to the

community. Mr. Harris was successful in his

endeavor. Now known as Rotary International,

the organization has grown to more than

25,000 clubs, in 172 countries, with membership well over a million and a quarter. In 1988,

Rotary opened its membership to women.

Fifteen years after Paul Harris founded Rotary, the Danville Rotary Club was organized

and given its charter, No. 651. This club has

served the community with dedication ever

since. The club boasts three District Governors from its ranks from 1938 to 1993. The

club joined with Bloomsburg and Berwick to

found the Columbia-Montour Boy Scout Council in 1924. Boy Scout Camp Lavigne was

named in honor of Jack Lavigne, a charter

member of the Danville Rotary.

Over the years, the club has sponsored a

children’s clinic, the student exchange program, Cub Pack 36, Crop Walk, Danville Community Center, Thomas Beaver Library, Edith

Buckley Brown A.L.S. Foundation at Geisinger

Medical Center, to name just a few of the

club’s beneficiaries. ‘‘Service Above Self’’, the

motto of Rotary International, is the tradition of

the Danville Club.

Mr. Speaker, I am extremely proud of the

strong and active influence of the Danville Rotary throughout my District. I am especially

pleased to join with the Danville community in

congratulating Danville Rotary on its 75th anniversary. We thank you for your dedication to

your community, and for helping make Rotary

synonymous with service.

TRIBUTE TO NANCY HUDSON AND

NANCY KNOBLE

f

HON. LYNN C. WOOLSEY OF CALIFORNIA

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Friday, May 12, 1995

Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to

honor two brave and very dedicated women,

Nancy Hudson and Nancy Knoble, who are

deserving of special congressional recognition

for their efforts to call international attention to

the battle against breast cancer. They are very