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[Congressional Record Volume 141, Number 75 (Monday, May 8, 1995)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6275-S6276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

                           THE MOSCOW SUMMIT

  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I rise today to praise President Clinton 
for his determination to push forward our national agenda with the 
Russians at this week's summit in Moscow.
  It is no secret that recently several items of dispute have arisen to 
cloud the relationship between Russia and the United States. In 
response, there have been scattered voices calling on the President to 
cancel his trip.
  Mr. President, such a course would have been a profound mistake, and 
I am gratified that our President had the wisdom and maturity to stay 
the course. Russia, both in spite of and because of her current 
difficulties, remains fundamentally important to this country. We must 
remain engaged with the world's other major nuclear power and continue 
to strive to bring her into a European security system of democratic 
countries.
  Moreover, British Prime Minister Major, German Chancellor Kohl, and 
French President Mitterrand all will be attending the ceremonies 
marking the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II and honoring 
the heroic sacrifices that the Russian people made in the victorious 
struggle against nazism. In that context it is unthinkable that 
[[Page S6276]] the President of the United States would be absent.
  But President Clinton's attendance at the Moscow summit in no way 
signals tacit approval of Russia's brutal behavior in Chechnya. On the 
contrary, President Clinton will make clear, as he has done in the 
past, that while we support the territorial integrity of the Russian 
Federation, we strongly condemn Russian attacks on civilians in 
Chechnya. The President will, I trust, also call on President Yeltsin 
to extend the current cease-fire in Chechnya and make it permanent.
  Mr. President, another area of profound difference with the Kremlin 
is the proposed sale of a Russian nuclear powerplant and delivery of 
nuclear technology and training to Iran. Even though, legally speaking, 
Moscow is correct that its proposed sale falls within international 
guidelines, I am convinced that Iran has embarked upon a program to 
build nuclear weapons and, hence, that the sale would be a reckless and 
counter productive act.
  Although it is highly unlikely at this point that Russia can be made 
to back down totally, President Clinton--on site, face-to-face with 
President Yeltsin--will be able to press for important adjustments such 
as preventing the sale of a gas centrifuge plant, which would 
significantly increase the danger of Iran's being able to produce 
weapons-grade enriched uranium. Also, the President may push for an 
agreement whereby spent nuclear fuel would be returned from Iran to 
Russia.
  I have been dismayed at recent bellicose statements by Senior Russian 
officials against NATO expansion. In Moscow, President Clinton will 
make crystal-clear to President Yeltsin that Russia does not have veto 
power over any actions of NATO, including the alliance's enlargement.
  In addition, President Clinton will reiterate that NATO has always 
been a defensive alliance and that binding qualified Central and East 
European democracies into the alliance's comprehensive security system 
will enhance stability in the region and thereby be a gain, not a 
danger, for Russia. The President might pose the rhetorical question to 
Yeltsin whether Russia would prefer that there be potential isolated 
loose cannon countries in the middle of Europe or fully integrated 
members of a defensive alliance led by the United States. The answer is 
surely the latter.
  In Moscow, President Clinton will be able to urge President Yeltsin 
to sign Russia up formally as a member of the Partnership for Peace so 
that it can participate on an ongoing basis in a range of discussions 
with NATO.
  There are other crucially important outstanding issues to discuss 
with the Russians at the Moscow summit. President Clinton will 
undoubtedly urge that Russia continue its budget austerity and 
privatization programs and other economic reforms.
  Several arms control issues will certainly be on the agenda, 
including prospects for ratification of START II, crafting a joint 
strategy in support of the indefinite extension of the Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty, demarcation between antiballistic missiles and 
tactical missile defense, and holding to the terms of the Conventional 
Forces in Europe Treaty.
  President Clinton will, I am certain, explain in Moscow that 
cooperation on the issues I have enumerated would strengthen Russia's 
case for membership in important international bodies such as the Group 
of Seven Advanced Industrial Nations.
  On the other hand, threatening to curtail economic and technical 
assistance to Russia because of disagreements with Russian policy, as 
some in the majority party in Congress have advocated, would be 
``shooting ourselves in the foot,'' since such a move could only serve 
to harm the transitions to a free-market economy and true political 
democracy in Russia that are very much in the United States national 
interest.
  Mr. President, the way to move forward in our emerging relationship 
with the new Russia is not to sit pouting on the sidelines. Rather, it 
is to engage the Russians in open, frank, even contentious dialog.
  Americans can be proud that we have a President thoroughly versed in 
all these highly complex matters and able to bring the full weight of 
the Presidency to bear in face-to-face negotiations.
  I know that all Americans join me in wishing President Clinton every 
success in his vitally important mission.

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