April 25, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S5627

Post as saying, ‘‘I am absolutely certain the harsher rhetoric of the

Gingriches and the Doles * * * creates

a climate of violence in America.’’

I do not know who the President was

talking about yesterday when he said

‘‘loud and angry voices’’ spread hate

and ‘‘leave the impression that, by

their very words, that violence is acceptable.’’

Mr. President, this tragedy took the

lives of innocent young children and

adults alike. Surely in the effort to lay

blame, our focus must rest with the

criminals—the evil, cowardly, individuals who took the lives of so many innocent people. Surely, the focus of our

hearts and our passion and our prayers

must remain with the families that

have been devastated.

I just hope and pray that those people who may be tempted to extract partisan advantage from this unbelievable

act will look inwardly and find compassion in their hearts and not resort to

playing politics with the lost lives of

my fellow Oklahomans.

If you were there—Senator INHOFE

and I were there, Governor Keating and

others—and walked around in the

ruins, and talked to the firemen and

talked to the rescue people who were

struggling to find additional survivors,

the very idea that someone might be

playing politics with this is almost beyond comprehension. It is offensive. I

hope we do not hear it again.

Let us find those people responsible

and punish them and show compassion

for the families. Those families have

had their lives ruined. They lost loved

ones. They lost a child, a daughter, a

spouse. They lost a father or a mother.

Their lives in many cases have been

more than devastated by a tragedy

from which they may not be able to recover. If it were not for the grace and

comfort of God, they may not be able

to recover.

This Senate, by our resolution today,

I think, will be expressing comfort and

consolation to those families, our outrage at this unbelievable, unspeakable

crime, and our sense that we in Congress want the law enforcement people

to apprehend them and to punish them.

We compliment the law enforcement

people for the outstanding job that

they have done. We compliment the

rescue efforts that are going on today

and will probably be going on for some

days ahead. We compliment our political leaders from President Clinton,

Governor Keating, and the city officials, Mayor Norick, and many others

who have put in so many tireless efforts, including fire officials and others.

We want them to know we support

them and we appreciate their efforts.

We appreciate the sacrifices they made

to show that good can overcome evil. I

think we have seen that in my State. I

am very proud of the State of Oklahoma and our country as a result. I

yield the floor.

Mr. BYRD addressed the Chair.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may consume

such time as I may require.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without

objection, it is so ordered.

TRIBUTE TO SENATOR JOHN

fSTENNIS

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President once again,

the silver cord has been loosened and

the golden bowl has been broken:

‘‘Then shall the dust return to the

earth as it was: and the spirit shall return unto God who gave it.’’ These

words from Ecclesiastes—spoken probably ten centuries before the birth of

Christ—bare the indelible stamp of permanency. Somewhere, every day, every

hour, every minute, they are brought

home to someone, and in their train,

follow the inevitable pain and sorrow

and tears, that we all must bear when

loved ones and friends depart from us

in this earthly life. The angel of death

is no respecter of persons, and each of

us will one day hear the beating of his

wings—

Leaves have their time to fall,

And flowers to wither at the north wind’s

breath,

And stars to set—but all,

Thou hast all seasons for thine own, O

Death!

Mr. President, it was with sorrow

that I heard the sad news over the past

weekend that our former colleague and

friend, John Cornelius Stennis, had

passed away at the age of 93. When I

came to the United States Senate in

January 1959, John Stennis was a Member of this body, and we served together 30 years—until he retired at the

close of the 100th Congress in 1989. So,

it is with sadness that I pay tribute to

the memory of this departed colleague

today. As we grow older, we are obliged

to bid farewell to some friend almost

every day, and thus does the circle

gradually, and all too rapidly, diminish; for—

There is no union here of hearts

That finds not here an end.

Mr. President, John Stennis was a

man who achieved greatly in life. For

41 years and 2 months, he represented a

great and patriotic constituency in

this Chamber, where some of the greatest men of the Republic have served

and aspired to serve, and that achievement alone would mark him as a man

among men. When we add to this the

fact that he served as a member of the

Mississippi State House of Representatives for 4 years, as district prosecuting attorney from 1932 to 1937, and as a

circuit judge from 1937 to 1947, we begin

to realize what a wonderful career we

are remembering today—60 years in the

public service—in elective positions,

where neighbors and friends, who are

often more critical than strangers, are

the electors! What more could be said

by way of eulogy? Volumes could be

written and less said. Yet, that is the

record of our former colleague and

friend, who, in the merciful dispensations of an all-wise Providence, has

now passed on to the other side.

John Cornelius Stennis was born

near DeKalb, Kemper County, Mississippi, on August 3, 1901. He attended

the county schools; graduated from the

Mississippi State College in 1923, and

graduated from the University of Virginia Law School in 1928. He was admitted to the bar in 1928 and commenced practice in his home town of

DeKalb. I had the honor of serving on

the Arms Services Committee and on

the Appropriations Committee with

Senator Stennis, of both of which committees he had served as chairman before his voluntary retirement at the

close of the 100th Congress.

John Stennis was an honest man, and

he was a good man, as good men go in

this life—plain and modest. He was

amiable, courteous, and courtly—a

southern Christian gentleman, in every

sense of the word. He was intellectually honest, a man of great moral rectitude, simple in his habits, and completely devoid of hypocrisy. He was a

Senator who loved the Senate and who

was dedicated to its traditions. He was

conscious at all times, of the great

trust confided in him by the people he

represented, and he carried in his heart

a great reverence for this institution

and for the Constitution of our country. His was a steady hand, an upright

character. He was a man of justice and

fairness to all. He was unassuming in

his manner, sincere and firm in his

convictions. Devoid of envy, he was

ambitious only to serve the cause of

justice and humanity, and being of, for,

and from the people, he gave his life to

their service. In him, the great people

of Mississippi had an ever faithful

friend and servant.

Mr. President, John Stennis was not

a large man physically. He was actually rather slight. But he was a giant.

The breadth of his character was huge,

and the steel of his courage was formidable. Nothing defeated him—not

the bruises of the legislative battlefield; not the frightful attack by thugs

in the street, who almost caused his

death, near his home; not the death of

his beloved wife; not the loss of his leg

to cancer.

Nothing defeated him. Nothing held

him down for long. He always got up

again and went on. He struggled, but he

prevailed and endured. And he did it all

with a quiet, unassuming dignity.

He was courtly—ever the gentleman.

I called him a Senator’s Senator. He

represented everything fine about the

Senate and everything fine about the

human spirit. He was the cream of all

things decent that one looks for in a

leader and in a man.

Had he lived in another age he would

have been just as great, as respected,

as beloved, and as revered as he has

been in his own time. He would have

enhanced any company in any situation in any age.

But most of all, the indomitable fortitude stands out. There is a courage
S5628 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE April 25, 1995

possessed by some men which is extraordinary—far beyond what most individuals can ever muster in even their

best and bravest moments. It is rarely

accompanied by bombast and breast

beating. It is carried with a quiet and

calm demeanor. No outward show is

necessary. In his case, the kindly visage gave no clue to the inner steel. He

bore his duties and his crises, his joys

and his sorrows, with equal dignity.

But it was awesome actually to

watch. How many times have I come to

this Chamber for a vote, bone-weary,

and at some dreadful hour in the morning, and seen him sitting straight as an

arrow at his desk! There he would be,

17 years my senior, frail, missing one

leg, with a pleasant greeting for all, in

spite of the hour. In this age of clockwatching, and quality-of-life advocation, that kind of dedication may seem

an anachronism. But John Stennis was

dedication and duty epitomized in the

human flesh. He showed us by his example. He never lectured, never said,

‘‘Do as I do.’’ He just lived an exemplary life, and that was enough to

teach all who were fortunate enough to

be around to learn. He taught us how

to be Senators, he taught us how to

bear sadness and brutality without bitterness or surrender or despair. He did

so by just being what he was.

Mr. President, all that even the

greatest of scientists can do is to try to

interpret and apply the laws, the immutable laws, the eternal laws of God.

Scientists cannot create matter and

they cannot create life. They can mold

and develop and shape and use them,

but they cannot call them into being.

They are compelled to admit the truth

of the old nursery rhyme, which I am

sure the Presiding Officer and the

other distinguished Senator from Oklahoma will remember along with me:

Nor you, nor I, nor nobody knows,

how oats, peas, beans, and barley grows.

But the Scriptures tell us of the laws

of God, and reveal to us the Source

from whence this Earth, the universe,

and all of us who dwell here—for a split

second, as it were—between two eternities: ‘‘In the beginning, God created

the heaven and the earth.’’ The Scriptures also reveal to us that God created

man from the dust of the ground, and

‘‘breathed into his nostrils the breath

of life, and man became a living soul.’’

God then gave Adam a helpmate, Eve,

and from those ancient parents, we

have all descended, and from them, we

have all inherited death. Only a Milton

could so incisively provide a fitting

epilogue to man’s fall from grace.

They, looking back,

all the eastern side beheld of Paradise,

so late their happy seat,

waved over by that flaming brand; the gate

with dreadful faces thronged and fiery arms.

Some natural tears they dropped,

but wiped them soon;

the world was all before them where to

choose

their place of rest, and Providence their

guide.

They, hand in hand, with wondering steps

and slow,

through Eden took their solitary way.

As so, it is our inevitable lot to die.

But the Scriptures also tell us that we

may live again in that long lost paradise from whence our parents came.

There was a man in the land of Uz,

whose name appears in extra-Biblical

texts as early as 2000 years before

Christ. His name was Job, and from his

patient, suffering lips came the age-old

question, ‘‘If a man die, shall he live

again?’’, and later from his lips came

the answer to his own question: ‘‘Oh,

that my words were written and engraved with an iron pen upon a ledge of

rock forever, for I know that my Redeemer liveth and some day He shall

stand upon the earth; and though after

my skin worms destroy this Body, yet,

in my flesh shall I see God; whom I

shall see for myself, and mine eyes

shall behold, and not another.’’

Mr. President, many years ago I read

a story of an old Anglo-Saxon king who

had his barons at a great banquet.

They were eating their venison and

quaffing their ale. It was a bitter night

outside. The storm raged. The snow

was falling thick and fast. Suddenly,

into the rude chamber in which they

were gathered, there flew through some

crack or crevice in the roof a little

bird. Blinded by the light and perplexed, it flew wildly here and there

and beat itself against the rude beams.

Finally, it found another crevice and

out it went again into the night. The

king, advanced in years, spoke to his

barons and said,

That bird is like a life;

it comes from out of the night.

It flits and flies around a little while,

blinded by the light,

and then it goes back out into the night

again.

Mr. President, as we witness the

passing of a great and good man like

John Stennis, we may well take appraisal of our own public and private

merits and remember that we, too,

only flit about for a little while, our

voices resound in this Chamber for a

few days or months or years, and then

we are gone. These things are evanescent. Real substantial qualities of

honesty, integrity, gentleness, modesty, and generosity will make the life

of John Stennis remembered when

much of what we say and do here in

this Chamber shall have passed away

and perished. John Stennis is gone,

. . . with your skysail set

For ports beyond the margin of the stars . . .

And those of us who had the honor

and privilege of serving with him may

say of him:

His life was gentle,

and the elements so mixed in him

that Nature might stand up and say to all

the world,

‘‘This was a man.’’

To the family and friends of John

Cornelius Stennis, my wife Erma and I

extend our deepest sympathy.

I saw the sun sink in the golden west,

No angry cloud obscured its latest ray.

Around the couch on which it sank to rest

Shone all the splendor of a summer day.

And long, though lost to view, that radiant

light,

Reflected from the sky, delayed the night.

Thus, when a good man’s life comes to a

close,

No doubts arise to cloud his soul with gloom.

But faith triumphant on each feature glows,

And benedictions fill the sacred room.

And long do men his virtues wide proclaim,

While generations rise to bless his name.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. NICKLES addressed the Chair.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma.

Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, I wish

to compliment my friend and colleague, Senator BYRD, for the tribute

to our colleague, Senator Stennis, who

served in this body so ably, so well, for

so long. His service of 41 years—only

the Senator from West Virginia would

know who has exceeded that besides

Senator Hayden, I guess—but he had a

remarkable tenure in the Senate.

I had the pleasure of serving with

Senator Stennis. He was a person that

had enormous credibility and reputation prior to my coming to the Senate

going back for many years. He was

even referred to in the Senate as a person known as the ethical watch guard

of the Senate, and certainly a Southern

gentleman in every single way. He was

a real asset to this body, certainly to

the State of Mississippi and to our

country, as well. We shall all miss him,

but not forget the contributions that

he made to his State and country.

I compliment my colleague from

West Virginia for a beautiful tribute to

a wonderful colleague and Senator.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank my

friend.

Mr. PELL. Mr. President, today the

Senate formally adds its voice of condemnation and outrage of the mindless

and heartless massacre carried out in

Oklahoma City last week. I join my

colleagues in stating in absolute and

unequivocable terms that such acts

will never be tolerated in this country

and that we resolve to do all in our

power to make sure that the perpetrators of this heinous crime are found

and brought to justice. In our society,

the rule of law reigns over the rule of

terror and it follows that swift and assured retribution must await those

who harbor the thought that such acts

can somehow alter that equation. The

victims deserve no less; the criminals

can expect no more.

As this tragic event causes us to

pause and reflect upon a myriad of

questions as to how and why such an

event could occur, I urge us all to exercise the temperance and reason which

are the characteristics of a civilized society. This most uncivil and unhuman

of acts cannot be explained simply or

logically by rational thought. In the

rush to pinpoint blame and cause, already occurring it seems in the public

discourse about this incident, too often

we overstep the mark and compound

the harm already suffered. For the moment, let us attend to the most immediate tasks at hand, that of the continued efforts to search for survivors, to
April 25, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S5629

care for the wounded, to comfort the

families and friends who have lost

loved ones, and to apprehend and punish those responsible. That is more

than enough for now and it will keep us

busy for days to come. Then we will

have the time for reflection on the

broader, though not any less important, questions as to what we may be

able to do to thwart such acts in the

future.

My heart goes out to those families

and friends grievously affected by this

unthinkable tragedy. The losses they

have suffered are immeasurable and I

join the entire country in expressing

the consolation and sympathy. I also

salute the heroic efforts being made to

deal with this event and in particular

commend the Oklahoma City Police,

Fire, and Emergency Medical Departments, President Clinton, Attorney

General Reno, the Justice Department,

the FBI, FEMA, and all others for their

excellent work in dealing with this incident. I pledge whatever assistance I

may be able to give and will work to do

what I can to diminish the chances of

such an event from occurring in the future.

Mr. MCCAIN. Mr. President, I rise to

support Senate Resolution 110 and join

with my colleagues in denouncing the

violent attack on Federal workers and

their children last week in Oklahoma

City.

Our world is full of daily tragedies, so

much so, that each of us runs the risk

of growing numb to the pain. But this

violence struck close to home in many

ways. Those murdered by the cowardly

terrorists who planned and carried out

this bombing appeared to be targeted

because they worked for the U.S. Government, or were the children of these

workers. I urge the administration to

employ the strongest efforts under law

and our Constitution to bring the killers to justice.

These killings also struck home in

another way for me. In my current role

as chairman, and previously as vice

chairman of the Committee on Indian

Affairs in the Senate, I have seen firsthand the squalid housing conditions

that plague many Indian and native

American communities. I have also

noted the many fine efforts of dedicated Federal employees who try to

counteract these conditions with funds

and authorities that are all-too-often

inadequate to address the overwhelming need.

Among those killed in this bombing

were a number of Federal employees

who have dedicated their lives to improving Indian and Alaska native housing conditions. Killed in the blast, or

still missing or unaccounted for as of

yesterday, are 10 individuals who have

played very prominent roles in supporting the development of housing opportunities in Indian communities.

While I do not give up hope that those

missing or unaccounted for will still be

located alive, I do wish to take this opportunity to describe what I know

about 10 of these employees.

These 10 people have worked for the

Office of Native American Programs

[ONAP] within the U.S. Department of

Housing and Urban Development

[HUD], or for the HUD Area Counsel’s

Office on Indian housing issues. Under

Secretary Cisneros’ leadership, HUD

recently had announced a substantial

streamlining of its administrative

structures so that it could dramatically bolster its efforts to improve

housing conditions in Indian communities. These employees were part of

the new thinking underway at HUD,

and I, and many tribal leaders, will

sorely miss each one of these HUD

workers and their dedicated efforts.

Most Americans would be shocked if

they saw the housing conditions that

Indian and Alaska Native families

must endure day in and day out. Approximately 90,000 Indian families are

homeless or underhoused. One out of

every five Indian homes lacks complete

plumbing facilities. According to 1990

census figures, 18 percent of all American Indian households on reservations

are ‘‘severely crowded.’’ The comparable figure for non-Indians is 2 percent. Likewise, while 33 percent of all

reservation households are considered

crowded, the comparable figure for all

households nationally is 5 percent. The

typical Indian home on a reservation

has 4.4 rooms, nearly a whole room less

than the national median of 5.3 rooms.

These are the conditions that the 10

Oklahoma HUD workers who are confirmed dead or missing sought to improve. I am outraged that their constructive efforts are cut short by the

destructive acts of cowardly terrorists.

HUD officials have informed me that

ONAP maintained a staff of 26 in Oklahoma City. Another 10 Oklahoma City

HUD employees, including the Office of

Area Counsel, provided support to the

native American programs. I know

from the reports of Indian tribes in

Oklahoma, Kansas, Louisiana, and

Texas that ONAP staff had developed a

very cooperative and productive relationship with the native American

communities there. I am told that the

Oklahoma HUD staff have been exemplary in their professional respect for

the rich cultural traditions of their

counterparts among tribal Government

staff. It was not unusual to see ONAP

staff at pow-wows and other native

American events on the weekends,

joining with those they served in celebration of the beauty and enduring cultures of these communities.

The bombing exacted an extremely

heavy toll on ONAP personnel. As of

yesterday, two staff members were confirmed as casualties, George Howard

and Lanny Scroggins. Three additional

staff members were still unaccounted

for—Jules Valdez, Don Burns, and Dave

Burkett. From the Area Counsel’s Office, Clarence Wilson, Mike Weaver,

Kim Clark, and Lee Sells remain unaccounted for. Susan Ferrell, the lead attorney for native American programs

and one of HUD’s top Indian law attorneys, has been confirmed as a casualty.

Mr. President, these staff were some

of HUD’s best. They were dedicated,

loyal, hardworking, and personally

committed to the goal of providing decent, safe, and sanitary housing and

community development for this Nation’s native American communities.

Their contributions over the years

have been extremely important to

HUD’s vital work in Indian country.

Their loss at the hand of these senseless killers means the tribes and Indian

families they served in that region will

pay a high personal cost. Equally high

will be the price paid by the dedicated

colleagues left behind in HUD’s ONAP

and Area Counsel’s Office. Many of

these survivors carry physical injuries

from the blast, some quite serious. All

of them carry emotional scars that understandably run quite deep. I hope

these survivors can find courage for

these days.

The bombing was the act of cowards.

I condemn it in the strongest of possible terms. I mourn the loss it has

caused to the family members of its

victims, to its survivors who now must

live with this great pain, and to HUD’s

Indian offices and the Indian tribes

who must now piece back together a

program that has always struggled

against nearly insurmountable odds.

Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, like

every Member of this body and millions

of people around the globe, I deplore in

the strongest possible terms the senseless murders of the innocent children

and adults in Oklahoma City. This was

an atrocity and a barbaric act against

humanity that truly shocks the conscience. I have joined in voting for the

resolution presented by the majority

leader and the minority leader because

I wholeheartedly agree with virtually

every statement made in the resolution.

Congress must condemn, in the

strongest possible terms, the heinous

bombing attack against innocent children and adults.

Congress should sent its heartfelt

condolences to the families, friends,

and loved ones of those whose lives

were taken away and injured by this

abhorrent and cowardly act; and express its hopes for the rapid and complete recovery of those wounded in the

bombing.

Congress should commend the rapid

actions taken by the President to provide assistance to the victims and apprehend the perpetrators of this horrible crime. I also believe that we

should be sure that Federal laws aimed

at combating acts of terrorism are

comprehensive and effective in preventing and punishing these acts.

At the same time, I must express one

reservation concerning one provision of

the resolution that indicates

cogresssional support for the President

and the Attorney General’s position

that Federal prosecutors will seek the

maximum penalty authorized by law,

including the death penalty, for those

responsible. I am opposed to the death

penalty, but I recognize that current
S5630 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE April 25, 1995

federal law provides for the death penalty in cases such as Oklahoma City.

I understand the feelings which lead

people to call out for imposition of the

death penalty in heinous cases, such as

this. However, I do not believe that it

is generally the Senate’s role to make

a statement on what specific type of

penalty the prosecutors should seek in

any particular case, whether it be the

death penalty of life imprisonment or

whatever. Congress should not endeavor to step across the line which separates the judicial functions of the United States to attempt to direct prosecutors in the discharge of their functions.

The law currently provides for the

death penalty in this case and regardless of whether I support or oppose

these provisions in existing law, it is

for the Federal prosecutors, not Congress, to determine what penalty

should be sought and ultimately, it is

for a jury of Americans to make the

final judgment as to guilt and punishment for those who are brought to trial

in this case.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise

today to ask my colleagues to continue

mourning the brave and innocent men,

women, and children who lost their

lives this past Wednesday in Oklahoma

City.

As I speak, I know that search and

rescue workers continue to dig toward

the bottom of the Alfred Murrah Federal Building where the bodies of more

Federal workers lay. These public servants paid the ultimate price in the

service of their country.

Mr. President, most of the victims of

this tragedy were men and women of

our Federal Government. These people

put their lives on the line just by being

associated with the U.S. Government.

These were common, decent human

beings that were trying to make their

Government work better. I urge my

colleagues to always remember the

countless, nameless Federal workers

who work long, hard hours, committed

to making our system of government

work for the better who put their lives

on the line for the U.S. Government.

It was also an American community—working women and men with

families providing for their children,

who were affected by this horrible tragedy. The past week, this American

community has come together as a

shining example of why America is so

strong. Local police and firefighters,

Federal law enforcement agents of the

FBI, ATF, Secret Service, and Federal

Emergency Management Agency personnel show us what Americans want

from their public servants: efficiency,

competence, cooperation. Americans

rallying to overcome a crisis that

threatens their stability. This is the

American spirit.

I urge my colleagues to keep the victims and their families in your

thoughts and honor them with your

prayers. Thank you, Mr. President, and

I yield the floor.

Mr. FORD. Mr. President, I rise

today to join my colleagues in expressing our outrage at the senseless, brutal

murders and injuries sustained by defenseless citizens and children in Oklahoma City last week.

We all know that Oklahoma City,

and indeed our Nation, will never be

the same again. We all know that we

will never have all the answers as to

why something this tragic can happen.

But one thing we can know is that we

will not rest until the perpetrators of

this heinous act are brought to justice.

The resolution we will approve overwhelmingly today is just the first step

Congress will take in attempting to address this tragedy. We will work with

the administration to pass legislation

expanding the FBI’s powers to combat

such acts of terrorism. We will work to

do all we can to see that no one has to

go through this experience again.

Mr. President, there are not words to

express the sorrow we feel for the families who have lost loved ones. No one

can prepare themselves for a tragedy of

this magnitude. No one can prepare

themselves to see innocent infants

robbed of their futures. And no one can

prepare themselves for the grief and

loss we know those personally affected

by this tragedy will experience for the

rest of their lives.

One thing we can do is reach out to

them, offer our prayers, our comfort

and support. As the President recently

said, ‘‘you have lost so much, but you

have not lost everything. And you certainly have not lost America, for we

will stand with you for as many tomorrows as it takes.’’

In closing, Mr. President, I want to

personally express my sincere thanks

and appreciation for the tireless efforts

of this administration, the Oklahoma

officials, the rescuers, investigators,

police officers, and firemen, our clergy,

and so many thousands of others who

have given of themselves in this tragedy. They are all heroes and their work

will never be forgotten, just as we as a

nation will never forget April 19, 1995.

MILITIA GROUPS AND THE OKLAHOMA CITY

BOMBING

Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, 2 weeks

from today, we mark the 50th anniversary of the Nazi surrender in World

War II. And just a week ago, we witnessed an event that should remind us

all of just what we were fighting.

I am speaking, of course, of the

bombing in Oklahoma City. Our sympathy and solidarity go out to the victims of this terrible crime and their

families. And we learn that 50 years

after the war, the battle against hate is

not over.

We Montanans like to call our State

the ‘‘last, best place.’’ We take pride in

our low crime rate and our civil society. And we like to think we are immune to the crime and violence that so

sadly affects our country.

But we are not immune. Our easygoing ways now seem to attract some

of the worst elements in our country.

We find that anti-Semites, right-wing

extremists, and terrorists believe they

can find a home in our State.

THE MILITIA AND THE FREEMEN

In the aftermath of the Oklahoma

City bombing, you may have heard

about the so-called Militia of Montana.

Let me tell you something about this

group and its friends.

The Militia of Montana was founded

by a few people associated with the

neo-Nazi Aryan Nations group. Their

literature and videos talk about international conspiracies, shadow governments, and banking elites—code words

that anyone familiar with the history

of anti-Semitism recognizes immediately.

Associated with the militia leaders is

the even more extreme Freemen movement. This group says in public that

the income tax is illegal and the Federal Government is a conspiracy. In

private, it says people who are not

white are beasts; the Bible was written

for the white race.

With these organizations come hate,

lawlessness, and terror.

The Federal Government and Federal

officials are targets. Jews are targets.

We had a swastika painted on a house

in Big Timber last month. A Jewish

child taunted in Helena. Militia members have gone so far as to distribute

hate literature—Nazi-style pamphlets

called ‘‘Strength of a Hero’’ and ‘‘Warrior Song’’—in the Montana Legislature.

Women are targets. In the past year,

fanatical opponents of abortion rights

bombed a clinic in Kalispell and burned

the Blue Mountain Women’s Clinic in

Missoula to the ground.

And law enforcement is a target.

Just a few weeks ago, seven armed militia members threatened the marshal

in the small town of Darby with guns

after he had pulled over one of them for

driving in a car whose license plates

expired 3 years ago. On the other side

of the State, Freemen have posted

bounties for law enforcement officials,

saying they were to be executed by

hanging.

Thoughtless politicians and radio

broadcasters encourage this by loose

talk of revolution, and intemperate attacks on Federal bureaucrats—which is

to say, our neighbors who work for

USDA, the Forest Service, and law enforcement. Some have even brought

militia proposals before the Montana

Legislature.

The results of this toleration for hate

are obvious. In March, an eastern Montana county attorney wrote me to say:

The more the federal and local law enforcement agencies behave with a ‘‘hands-off’’ attitude, the more bold and daring these

groups become.

And a constituent from Ravalli County writes, just 9 days before the bombing:

You see Freemen with guns in the post office, grocery store and gas stations. If it gets

to any one of them that a person doesn’t like

the ‘‘Freemen,’’ they will call or confront a

person face to face. They tell people that we

are all going to ‘‘die like the Jews.’’
April 25, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S5631

NO PLACE FOR HATE

The situation is serious. But if we

face up to it, we can solve it before it

gets worse.

The ringleaders of the hate groups

are few in number. Garfield County Attorney Nick Murnion has studied them

closely. He believes the Freemen and

militia have no more than 25 to 30 core

members around the State.

The hard-core leaders, in many cases,

are common criminals. They refuse to

pay their taxes and will not live by the

laws. Those who have broken the laws

should be arrested, tried and put in

jail. And we can do it if we give law enforcement the support it requires.

But dealing with the rank and file is

a responsibility of the entire community. Most militia members are not

Nazis or potential terrorists—merely

loud, deluded people who are an embarrassment but not a threat. And all of

us need to show them that hate has no

place under Montana’s big sky, and no

place in America.

Hate groups, threats of violence and

racism must be met in the open. They

grow and spread in darkness and silence but they vanish in the sunlight.

The entire American family must show

them that they are not welcome.

THE BILLINGS MENORAH MOVEMENT

And that will work. I know, because

I have seen it work. When the vast majority of ordinary, decent people stand

together, the small number of haters

and extremists are always defeated.

In November 1993, a group of

skinheads came to a Jewish house in

Billings, MT, and threw a bottle

through the glass door. A few days

later they put a brick through the window of another Jewish house, with a 5-

year-old boy in the room. Then they

smashed the windows of Catholic High

School, which had a ‘‘Happy Hanukah’’

sign on its marquee.

Events like these can isolate their

victims. They can silence people of

good will and open broader campaigns

of hate and violence. But that did not

happen. Instead, Billings rallied with

the Jewish community.

The Billings Gazette printed up thousands of paper menorahs. People all

over town pasted them in their windows as a sign of solidarity. Billings

held the largest Martin Luther King

Day march ever in our State. And the

skinheads left town.

As good people again speak out, that

will happen with the militias and

Freemen too. They must know they are

not welcome in our churches, our grocery stores, our towns. We must stand

with law enforcement as they track

down clinic bombers and arrest radical

tax protesters. And when the American

family stands together against the

hate groups, as Billings stood against

the skinheads, they will vanish.

Mr. President, nothing will undo the

pain in Oklahoma City. But the suffering of the bombing victims and their

families need not be in vain.

Let us reflect on this horrible event.

Let us remember the sacrifice our fathers made across the seas 50 years

ago.

And let us rededicate ourselves to

ending hate here at home in America.

THE ENVIRONMENT OF

EXTREMISM

fMr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, on

the matter of the extremism which the

distinguished Senator from Montana so

thoughtfully addressed, I want to just

address the environment; not necessarily the extremists, not the hate

groups—I want to address our conduct,

namely the public servants.

We read in the morning’s paper, for

example, where David Broder uses that

description of this Government here in

Washington, the greatest gift to free

people the world around, a representative form of government that works so

well—he uses the words of our distinguished Speaker, ‘‘the corrupt liberal

welfare state.’’

You know Mr. GINGRICH is not going

to blow up any buildings and neither is

Senator HOLLINGS. But what has come

from my experience is a reaction

against this particular environment,

because it is created by pollster politics.

I ran for 20 years without ever seeing

a political poll. You addressed the issues as concern the citizenry, going

down the Main Street, out into the

farms, the rural areas, the small towns,

as well as the civic club meetings in

the cities. You had a feel for what is

going on. But that is not allowed today

in the pollster world. What you do is

you take a poll, find out what they call

the six or seven hot button issues, and

take the popular side of those particular issues and blame everybody else.

Specifically, if you want to run for

office up here in Washington, it has

gotten to an environment of running

against the Government. This is sheer

nonsense, but this is the fact. I think

we are elected to make this Government work. The approach of the environment, under the contract and otherwise, is to get rid of the Government,

dismantle it. It is not needed. Cut the

money so they cannot do the job or

whatever else it is. But as long as you

can run against the Government, with

the cry, ‘‘The Government is not the

solution, the Government is the problem,’’ that is the problem I wish to address here. Because all the attention

and editorials will now go with respect

to the hate groups.

Unfortunately, they have prospered

over the past 15 years. I was inaugurated as Governor of South Carolina in

1959. After I took the oath of office, I

ran back up the steps to get on different clothes for the parade. I looked

on my desk and I found a green envelope, gold embossed, from the Ku Klux

Klan, Grand Klavern of America, giving me a lifetime membership. Well, I

was lawyer enough. I said, ‘‘We are

going to return that with a return receipt requested.’’ But I asked for the

head of my law enforcement division,

Mr. Pete Strom, I said, ‘‘Have him here

at the end of the parade. I want to see

about this.’’

At the end of the parade, I asked

Chief Strom. I said, ‘‘We have the Klan

in South Carolina?’’ I was down in

Charleston, and we did not have that

activity in the city of Charleston, not

that we were any better than any part

of the State.

But he says, ‘‘Yes. We got 16,721

members.’’

I said, ‘‘You keep a count?’’

He said, ‘‘Yes. We keep a count of

them but none of the Governors wanted

to do anything.’’

I said, ‘‘Do anything?’’

He said, ‘‘Yes. Get rid of the crowd.’’

I said, ‘‘Well, I agree with you. We

ought to get rid of them. What do you

need?’’

He said, ‘‘I need your cooperation. If

you can get me a little money for informant fees, if you can help me infiltrate this group, we will get rid of

them.’’

And at the end of my 4-year term we

integrated now Clemson University—

then Clemson College—without incident, because we were able to bring it

down from 16,721 to less than probably

200.

In fact, they told me. I did not know

about any meetings. But some of my

informants were called in the meetings

and informing and everything else, and

we dispelled the Klan from South Carolina. But unfortunately, Mr. President,

that now has grown back.

When they talk, and write in erudite

fashion in the morning news, do not

worry about this violence and racism,

that we had it back in the 1920’s. Do

not give me the 1920’s. Let us go back

just 30 years ago or 40 years ago, from

1954 with the Brown against the Board

of Education decision and come on up

40 years to 1994. I can tell you categorically we have more racism today in my

home State than we had at that particular time.

This environment really bothers me

in the context of what I experienced

back home just this past Easter break.

We had an annual meeting of our State

Chamber of Commerce. To that meeting I was invited, of course, the two

Senators, and the six Congressmen.

Most of us, of course, were in attendance and we answered the questions.

One of our distinguished Congressman

had gotten on to the matter of the abolition of, getting rid of, closing down

the departments of Government. I was

just sort of taken aghast. But I

thought I would hit them right head

on.

When my turn came, I said, ‘‘Wait a

minute. You folks are talking now of

abolishing the Department of Commerce?’’ Here I am meeting with the

State Chamber of Commerce, and I

could see the faces light up, and they

started almost clapping saying, yes. I

said, ‘‘The Department of Commerce,

Education?’’ We had former Governor,