E 918 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks May 2, 1995

UNTITLED

It was all very irrelevant to me. I’m not a

farmer. I didn’t live during the Great Depression or the years following. I don’t grow fruit

or pick it for that matter, and I’m not even

of Hispanic descent. The dates and strikes

and marches are just another group of history facts that I am asked to know and

memorize for one reason or another. So far

my life and the life and accomplishments of

Cesar Chavez have no relation or commonality to bind him to my memory—except for

one thing.

Something that I value greatly, that earns

my genuine respect and admiration, I found

hidden in a comment made about the great

and greatly known Cesar Chavez. Actually it

was his nephew Rudy Chavez Medina who inadvertently helped me find my way to relate

to Cesar Chavez. Rudy came and spoke to us

a few days ago about his famous uncle and

mentioned offhandedly that his uncle Cesar

was never afraid to ask for help. He was not

the type to put himself on a pedestal for everyone to worship. When a goal was achieved

he didn’t credit it to his magnificent leadership. He praised everyone involved, and humbly made himself equal to every individual

in the crowd. In a position of such great

power I am amazed and in awe that this man

could remain so wonderfully humble.

The ‘‘equality’’ of the man staggered me.

He had opportunities, as all celebrated leaders do, to leap from poverty into a more

comfortable life. But I’m sure he knew that

that separation between his life and the lives

of the farmers and laborers he inspired would

lessen his effectiveness as a leader. So he

sacrificed his own comfort for the welfare of

the organization, for the thousands who

needed his guidance.

They say he is comparable to Gandhi and

took his passive resistance techniques from

Martin Luther King, Jr. as well. He never

put peoples’ lives in danger. He wanted only

a better world and envisioned achieving that

new existence in a peaceful manner. No riots

or destruction, only marches and calm demonstrations. Usually human nature turns

people to the dark side of things. It is uplifting to learn about someone who wanted only

to help and made sure that he didn’t hurt

anyone in the process.

No facts or figures, just feelings. That is

what binds us together and that is what creates a bond in my mind and heart. I never

really knew who he was, and the bits and

pieces I had grasped had little to do with my

life. Now I know who he was and what he did.

I know that he was humble to the core and

self-sacrificing in all that he did and a truly

great man.

‘‘THE LIVES OF WORKERS’’

4:00 am

Wake up! Time for work!

Here’s a piece of bread and tiny glass of powder milk.

Now go or you’ll be late!

5:00 am

Plow. Have to work hard.

Plow. Need to support the family.

Plow. Need to survive.

Plow. Simple.

6:00 am

The sun rises.

Plow. Plan. Need clean water.

Plow. Plant. Pesticides in my lungs.

Plow. Plant. Tired.

7:00 am

The sun grows warm.

Plow. Plan. Lift. Need to rest.

Plow. Plant Lift. Pesticide grows strong.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Sweat.

8:00 am

The sun is warmer.

The grower comes.

He demands. He orders. He pushes.

He is mad. He gets his way.

9:00 am

The sun gets hot.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Carry. The work is too

much.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Carry. I am the pesticide.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Carry. The condition needs

to change.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Carry. Sweat and Ache.

THIS TREATMENT HAS TO STOP. WE

HAVE TO OVERCOME.

Plow. Plant. Lift. Carry. Six more hours left.

CHAVEZ Y LA CAUSA

Just a man

No more, No less

Victim of intolerance

Who just wanted the best.

For his people

The workers of the field

With words of compensation

For the crops that they yield.

La Causa or The Cause

A movement without fear

It was forged by its people

And it streamed like a tear.

They said it was impossible

Pero si se puede hacer

With hearts filled with determination

Y amor para la mujer.

He carried on for years

Giving only of himself

He did it all for love

And cared nothing for wealth.

His presents was mighty

His movement was strong

And although he is gone

His glory lives on!

A HERO TO THE MEXICAN COMMUNITY

(By: Ester Martinez Estrada)

No words I can write can describe how Cesar

Estrada Chavez dedicated his heart and

soul to love and justice as we all know.

He was a leader that influenced strongly on

rights.

A man that went out there and suffered with

others day and night.

Cesar Chavez supported nonviolent actions

on their part. For he declared, ‘‘truest

act of courage, the strongest act of

manliness, is to sacrifice ourselves for

others in a totally nonviolent struggle

for justice,’’ and this came from his

heart.

Farmworkers gathered in his demonstrations

and his strikes to unite the true mexican pride.

A pride no mexican can hide.

They came together for the security of justice in peace.

They came together with strength to see

their work environment rights to be released.

They came together to rise out of the fields

and stand up and never sit ’till they

were treated with respect and good

pay.

They came together to revise their situation

and at least get minimum wage.

Cesar Chavez joined hands with his line of

mexican blood without fear.

Cesar Chavez led the mexican community

hoping their aim and dream was near.

For they all knew that they had to start

today for the * * * of the future’s eye.

Together and always together they had to

rise.

Together they all struggled and prayed.

Together they knew justice would serve one

day.

Cesar Chavez and his fellow farmworkers

came out of nowhere and bewildered all

on their way to their destination.

Without the help of Cesar Chavez, injustice

would have gone on for generations.

Cesar died peacefully in his sleep and is now

up above.

He symbolized the brown pride and that

strength of respectable love.

Now is the time Mexicans can stand proud

and say, ‘‘My hope is Cesar Estrada

Chavez and no one can ask why.’’

CESAR CHAVEZ

As a young boy, Cesar Estrada Chavez experienced the hardships of being the son of a

migrant farm worker. As his family worked

in the crops, they learned how to survive in

the harsh conditions such as lack of shelter,

money, and even food. Racism was also an

issue that affected his life. Although his family were third generation Americans, because

his ancestors were Mexicans, he was classified as a second-class citizen.

After working with the Community Service Organization from 1952 until 1962, he then

moved on to found the National Farm Worker’s Association. Under the NFWA, he organized nationwide boycotts of grapes, wine,

and lettuce in an attempt to pressure California growers to sign a contract which

would increase the farm worker’s pay and

provide them with a minimum amount of

safety, Cesar Chavez became a symbol of

hope for the people.

In particular, youth can look up to Cesar

Chavez as a role model because it is at this

point in our lives that we want to take an

active role in mending society’s flaws and

begin to stand up for what we believe in.

However, many of us are unsure of the role

we should play and how far we are willing to

go to stand by our decisions. As children, we

had the vision of making a difference and

had dreams of leading a successful life. At

this age, reality begins to take its toll and

we realize that if we really want to make a

difference and lead a successful life there are

things which we must do to accomplish these

goals. Like Cesar Chavez, we must be willing

to put ourselves on the line and uphold our

principles and defend our sense of morality.

Cesar Chavez was a man who was not only

determined, but courageous as well. ‘‘The

only way is to keep struggling,’’ he says.

‘‘Fighting for social justice is one of the

most profound ways in which a man can say

yea to man’s dignity, and that really means

sacrifice. There is no way on this earth in

which you can say yes to a man’s dignity and

know that you’re going to be spared some

sacrifice.’’

CONTRACT WITH AMERICA TAX

RELIEF ACT OF 1995

f

SPEECH OF

HON. LEWIS STOKES

OF OHIO

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Wednesday, April 5, 1995

The House in Committee of the Whole

House on the State of the Union had under

consideration the bill (H.R. 1215) to amend

the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to

strengthen the American family and create

jobs:

Mr. STOKES. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong

opposition to H.R. 1215. In taking this position,

let me first make it clear that I have consistently supported efforts for real tax relief for our

Nation’s working citizens and their families.
May 2, 1995 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E 919

However, I cannot and will not support this

‘‘Reverse Robin Hood’’ tax relief package that

robs from the poor and gives to the rich.

I am also mindful of my duty as a Member

of Congress to act in the best interest of the

people I represent. That is why I cannot, shirk

my responsibility to act in the best interest of

all the American people by transferring nearly

$189 billion from programs that help the neediest Americans, to our Nation’s most privileged

and wealthy Americans. This shortsighted and

rushed legislation before us will fail to put a

dent in the deficit, but will plunge scores of

Americans on the edge of poverty down that

slope and decrease the standard of living for

this Nation’s middle class and working poor.

H.R. 1215 represents the majority’s most

significant attack on poor and working citizens

of this country. It is cynical and repugnant to

me that this bill, under the guise of providing

tax relief to Americans, seeks to cut: Federal

retirement packages; Medicare for our elderly;

welfare for innocent children; wages for organized labor; and eliminates or reduces spending on countless other Government programs

that help protect our economy, our citizens,

and the environment. This flawed and hurried

measure should be defeated because it represents a clear attack on the neediest in

America.

The stated purpose of H.R. 1215 is to cut

taxes for individuals and businesses by $189

billion. Under this bill, families making up to a

quarter of a million dollars a year would receive a tax credit of up to $500 per child, excluding low-income families who don’t make

enough to qualify for significant tax cuts. This

legislation also contains provisions that significantly reduce the tax on capital gains income,

repeal the minimum tax on corporations, and

provide businesses with more generous tax

loopholes.

While I agree that Congress should look to

provide tax relief to all Americans whenever

fiscally prudent, the attempt to pit less privileged citizens against our most privileged corporations and citizens is offensive. This legislation goes well beyond its legitimate objective

of providing tax relief. In fact, this bill is specifically designed to enrich big businesses and

our Nation’s wealthiest Americans.

Contrary to the assertions of the Republican

supporters of H.R. 1215, 52 percent of the

benefits of this so-called tax relief will go to

the top 13 percent of taxpayers making over

$100,000 per year. The facts clearly show that

the nearly 61-percent of the population that

constitutes poor and middle class citizens

share of the tax cuts represents only 16 percent of the benefits of tax relief. While I applaud all Americans who have been able to

enrich themselves through hard work, innovation, and creativity, I cannot support a tax relief package that so disproportionately benefits

the top 13 percent of the American public.

This legislation does not stop at providing

huge, disproportionate advantages to rich individuals through tax cuts. H.R. 1215 also exempts some corporations from paying any corporate tax on their profits. By repealing the

corporate minimum tax enacted in 1986 designed to assure that profitable companies

have to pay some reasonable amount in Federal income taxes, many wealthy corporations

will be able to use H.R. 1215’s tax loopholes

to avoid paying any tax at all.

Prior to the enactment of the 1986 minimum

tax, nearly 50 percent of this Nation’s wealthiest and largest corporations were able to pay

no Federal income tax. Adoption of this bill will

return us to the days when companies profited

while citizens paid—AT&T received $636 million in tax rebates between 1982 and 1985,

despite making $24 billion in pre-tax profits—

DuPont supplemented $3.8 billion in pre-tax

profits with $179 million in tax rebates—General Dynamics benefited for 4 years from 1982

to 1985 by paying no taxes and received a

total of $91 million in tax rebates. Companies

like these will be able to enjoy paying no Federal income taxes under the unfair and ill-advised provisions of this tax bill.

In addition to providing tax breaks to America’s richest citizens and corporations, this bill

also fails to provide meaningful deficit reduction. The fact is, under current law we will

enjoy greater future deficit reduction in fiscal

years 1999 and 2000 than would be enjoyed

if this bill is adopted into law. The cost of the

Republican tax cuts will total $189 billion in

the first 5 years and, according to the Treasury Department estimates, that cost will balloon to over $630 billion by fiscal year 2005.

Therefore, by fiscal years 1999 and 2000,

deficits under current law would be $3.8 billion

and $12.4 billion less respectively, than deficits under H.R. 1215. We all agree that deficit

reduction in and of itself is a good thing, but

as projections show, this Republican legislation simply does not deliver any better deficit

reduction than we would experience under

current law.

Mr. Chairman, the unfair distribution of the

benefits of this bill and its bogus deficit reduction claims were not enough for our colleagues on the other side. They would have

us pay for these tax breaks for the rich by

mandating a massive $189 billion in Federal

spending reductions in programs serving those

who can least afford it.

The largest portion of the spending cuts is

characterized in the bill as ‘‘general purpose’’

spending cuts, totaling $100 billion over the

next 5 years. The effects of these proposed

cuts will be unmistakable—they will fall on the

poorest, the most vulnerable, the most needy

of our citizens. They will fall especially hard on

the elderly, the disabled, and children.

This assault on the well-being of these individuals is worsened by the transfer of over

$62 billion in welfare funding to finance this

tax break for the rich. This action is a cruel

and callous attempt to eliminate the most

basic income support for desperately needy

children and their families. There is no doubt

that many of our Nation’s poor will suffer

under this proposal. Almost 70 percent of the

individuals currently receiving benefits, or 9.7

million people, are children. According to the

Department of Health and Human Services, it

is estimated that more than 6 million children

would lose their financial support to finance

this tax cut for the rich.

In addition to the $100 billion in general purpose spending cuts and $62 billion in welfare

cuts, this bill will snatch $11 billion from Federal employees pensions, and over $10 billion

in Medicare cuts for medical treatment for our

elderly.

It is my belief that H.R. 1215, and the circumstances under which it is presented in this

House, attempt to mislead the American people to believe that unfair and insensitive solutions will cure what ails this Nation. Nothing

could be further from the truth. This legislation

unfairly and unjustifiably expands the gap between rich and poor, and contributes to the

impoverishment of our neediest citizens. The

American people elected us to act in their best

interest, not compromise their welfare because

the new Republican majority wants to satisfy

campaign promises and grant tax breaks to

the rich. I strongly urge my colleagues to vote

against this bill.

CONTRACT WITH AMERICA TAX

RELIEF ACT OF 1995

fSPEECH OF

HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN OF MARYLAND

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Wednesday, April 5, 1995

The House in Committee of the Whole

House on the State of the Union had under

consideration the bill (H.R. 1215) to amend

the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to

strengthen the American family and create

jobs:

Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Chairman, looking at the

tax bill we have before us today, I can’t help

feeling a bit like the proverbial kid in a candy

store. The store is full of tempting goodies.

But there are two problems. The ‘‘goodies’’

aren’t good for me, and I can’t afford them.

The bill is loaded wall-to-wall with goodies.

It provides a fifty percent exclusion for capital

gains. It greatly expands eligibility for Individual Retirement Accounts. It offers needed relief from the alternative minimum tax for corporations trapped in a way never intended

when the AMT was designed.

In each of these areas, however, the bill’s

approach is seriously flawed. The capital gains

exclusion will help unlock assets and encourage new investment, especially in venture

capital enterprises. But the bill also provides

indexing of capital gains, which raises serious

complexity problems, and, because the bill indexes only gains and not debt, raises the danger of new tax shelter activities.

The IRA proposal in the bill is designed to

limit the revenue losses in the first five

years—the so-called budget ‘‘window.’’ That

concern has led to a proposal for ‘‘back-loaded’’ IRAs. Under traditional IRAs, taxpayers

can deduct a contribution, then have earnings

accrue on a tax-deferred basis until the funds

are withdrawn at retirement.

The American Dream Savings Account invites taxpayers to make non-deductible contributions. That feature may restrict the

attractiveness of the proposal. The incentive to

contribute to an ADSA IRA is that the initial,

after-tax contributions, plus all earnings, accrue tax free forever.

The bill also provides relief to corporations

beset by the alternative minimum tax. I strongly support AMT relief for capital intensive corporations. That’s why I have introduced H.R.

1092, which would eliminate the depreciation

preference from the AMT. Under the regular

tax system, we provide accelerated depreciation to encourage companies to modernize

and invest in new plant and equipment. Then,

under the AMT, we turn around and punish

them for acting on the incentive we have provided. It makes no sense.

The problem with this bill is that it goes beyond providing sensible, moderate AMT relief,

and completely repeals the corporate AMT.