CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE November 12, 1980

America and the West need to be jolted

into a sense of urgency. We no longer have

the margin for error that we had even a few

short years ago. That margin vanished with

our advantage in strategic weapons.

We must restore our military strength, so

that once again we will unquestionably have

both the power to defend our interests and

the capacity to project that power to trouble

spots around the globe. This will take time,

and time Is running out.

A 5 percent increase in the military budget

is wholly inadequate to turn the tide. This

would still leave the Soviets outspending us

by a wide margin, and therefore widening

their military lead over us in the dangerous

years of the early and mid-1980s.

A strategy of victory requires that we move

urgently to restore both the intelligence and

the covert arms of the CIA, so that we can

have better information and more means of

dealing with threats to ourselves and others.

We should restore honor to those who fight

the nation's wars, whether in the uniform

of the armed forces or in the often more

hazardous mufti of the CIA. We should not

collapse in a flutter when accused of being "arms merchants." In World War II we

proudly declared ourselves "the arsenal of

democracy." In World War III it is just as

vital that our friends have the arms to defend

themselves.

We should stop condemning a friendly

government and refusing it aid when its

existence is threatened, merely because its

elections are no more honest than our own

have sometimes been in places like Boston or Chicago. Even if the regime is repressive

or authoritarian, the communist alternative

Is likely to be not only worse for the West,

but worse for the people of the country

itself.

The Soviets can conquer, but they can never persuade. Moscow has been very successful in extending its domination over other nations, but totally unsuccessful in

winning the support of the people of those

nations.

One weak point is that they consistently

act In ways that make them intensely unpopular. Their aggressive bullying breeds an angry response in others.

When they do get a foot In the door, the

Soviets often behave so boorishly and heavyhandedly that their hosts throw them out. Soviet advisers were thrown Out of Egypt In

1972 and Somalia In 1977. Pro-Soviet governments were ousted in Chile in 1973, In Peru

in 1976, and Ghana in 1966. Nor do they

always manage to establish a foothold when

they try. Communist or communist-backed

rebellions have been put down in many

countries, including Greece in 1949, the Philippines in 1953, Malaya in 1960, the Congo

In 1962, and Oman In 1975.

Communist coup attempts have been suc- cessfully foiled in the Dominican Republic

and Indonesia in 1965, in the Sudan in 1971,

In Portugal in 1975, and in many other

places as well.

BIrTER ENEMIES

The Chinese formerly referred to the

Soviets as their "elder brother"; now China

has become the Soviet Union's bitterest

enemy, a giant that shares 4,000 miles of

border with the U.S.S.R. and claims parts of

its territory.

It is in our interest to have a strong China,

because a weak China invites aggression and

increases the danger of war. We and our

European allies should do what is necessary

to see that China acquires the military

strength necessary to provide for its defense.

For their part, the Chinese want to see a strong and resolute United States. If they see

us backing down before the Soviets, they

may decide that their interests lie in a rapprochement with the Soviet Union-not because they will suddenly agree with the

Soviets or stop bating and fearing them, but

because the combination of Soviet strength

and U.S. weakness will cause them to re- assess where their interests lie.

The task that confronts us is not one for

the United States alone. As the present

threat to the Persian Gulf makes starkly

clear, the entire West has an immediate stake

in the struggle. So do the threatened nations

themselves. It makes no sense for the United

States to provide the arms, the money, and

the men to meet every crisis. There are more than 3 billion people outside the Soviet bloc,

of which only 200 million are Americans. As

the French have shown in Africa, sometimes our allies can respond more effectively than we can, especially in areas with which they

have a long familiarity.

The oil-rich Moslem nations of the Persian

Gulf share a common interest in defending

their own independence, and Islam, against

any expansion of the Soviet thrust into

Afghanistan. But the West does look to the

United States for leadership. And the Soviets

do look at the United States in calculating

what they can get away with.

The human spirit has time and again

transcended the most terrible assaults on it;

civilizations fall to babarians, but eventually

barbarism succumbs to civilization. But this

victory of the spirit takes place over a very

long term. Our challenge now is to show that a particular civilization-ours-can triumph over a particular barbarism-Soviet commu- nism-so that freedom will be preserved for our children and grandchildren.

THE NEED FOR MORE INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION BY THE

UNITED STATES

Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, owing

to ever-increasing world trade and technological improvements in the communications and transportation fields, the

world is becoming smaller and smaller.

Instead of solving their problems in

autarchy, nations are developing an evergreater reliance upon one another.

For despite the cultural and physical

differences which distinguish nations, we have realized that many of the common problems and goals we share can best

be dealt with through international cooperation.

The United States has taken the leadership role in initiating and implementing many international agreements,

treaties, and conferences.

Yet despite its commendable record

of international participation in some areas, there is an apparent contradiction in the U.S. determination to achieve

global harmony through cooperation

with the other nations of the world.

This thorn in the side of the United

States is its steadfast refusal, over the

past 33 years, to ratify the Genocide

Convention.

We have seen fit to ratify many international covenants, dealing with a

multitude of subjects, because we have

believed that a global effort would be

more effective than an individual one in

solving many of the problems that con- front us. Why then, have we not ratified

the Genocide Convention?

The United States is the only major

industrial nation which has refused to

approve of this critical document.

This very important treaty abhors and

makes illegal the repugnant crime of

genocide. This murderous act has taken

place before, and it could occur again.

For this reason, the United States

must join the majority of nations in the

world, and voice its opposition to this

heinous crime. We cannot continue to

give even tacit approval to such a barbarous act.

If the United States is truly the leader

of the free world, it cannot afford to sit

idly by, feigning indifference to this very

important treaty. We must join the

many other nations which have already

expressed their opposition to the per- verse crime of genocide.

I urge my colleagues to immediately

ratify the Genocide Convention.

MESSAGES FROM THE PRESIDENT

RECEIVED DURING RECESS

VETO OF S. 1464-MESSAGE FROM

THE PRESIDENT RECEIVED DURING RECESS-PM 251

Under the authority of the order of

the Senate of October 2, 1980, the Secretary of the Senate, on October 11,

1980, received the following message

from the President of the United States;

together with accompanying papers; ordered held at the desk:

To The Senate of the United States:

I am returning without my approval

S. 1464, "To direct the Secretary of the

Interior to acquire certain lands for the

benefits of the Mille Lacs Band of the

Minnesota Chippewa Indians."

S. 1464 would require the Secretary of

the Interior to acquire approximately

105 acres of land, in Mille Lacs County,

Minnesota, from a commercial land developer and subsequently hold such land

in trust for the Mille Lacs Band. Under

the terms mandated by S. 1464, the cost

to the Federal government of acquiring

this land could not be less than $670,000,

and could be $910,000 or more.

I am disapproving S. 1464 because the

Secretary of the Interior already possesses the authority to purchase an

amount of land he determines appropriate for the benefit of the Mille Lacs

Band, and because he and the tribe

agree that the bill would require purchase of the land at a price the Secretary has heretofore determined excessive.

In order to obtain a swift resolution

of the issues which prompted Congressional action on S. 1464, I am, however,

instructing the Secretary of the Interior

to conduct as expeditiously as possible a

new appraisal of the 25 acres of land in

question and to make a fair and reasonable offer based on that appraisal for

purchase of those 25 acres.

JIMMY CARTER.

THE WHITE HousE, October 11, 1980.

PROPOSED CONSTITUTION FOR

THE VIRGIN ISLANDS-MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT RECEIVED

DURING RECESS-PM 252

Under the authority of the order of

the Senate on October 2, 1980, the Secretary of the Senate, on October 25, 1980,

received the following message from the

President of the United States; together

with accompanying papers, which was

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