Getting To Zero:

The Human Side of Mining

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health

By

Elaine Cullen, Thomas Camm

Mike Jenkins, and Launa Mallett

INFORMATION CIRCULAR 9484

INFORMATION CIRCULAR 9484

GETTING TO ZERO: THE HUMAN SIDE OF MINING

By Elaine Cullen, Thomas Camm, Mike Jenkins, and Launa Mallett

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health

Spokane Research Laboratory, Spokane, WA

March 2006
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DHHS (NIOSH) Publication No. 2006-112

ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................

 C.M.K. Boldt 

Page

1

Achieving zero for miners’ health and safety ............................................................................... 2

 F. M. Jenkins

Help experienced miners become great on-the-job trainers ........................................................ 9

 Launa Mallett

The power of storytelling in getting through to miners ............................................................... 14

 Elaine T. Cullen

Understanding self in stressful working environments .............................................................. 24

 Thomas W. Camm

iii
iv
1

INTRODUCTION1

1

The fi ndings and conclusions in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the 

National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). 

C.M.K. Boldt2

2

Acting branch chief, Spokane Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Spokane, WA.

The material in this Information Circular was presented at the National Institute for 

Occupational Safety and Health’s (NIOSH) open-industry briefi ng held during the 2004 Northwest 

Mining Association conference in Spokane, WA. The open-industry briefi ng discussed results of 

recently completed and on-going mine safety- and health-related research conducted at NIOSH’s 

Spokane and Pittsburgh Research Laboratories on the human side of mining—the miner. The 

fi rst paper sets the stage for what mining has achieved and what we mean by “getting to zero.” 

The second paper, “Help Experienced Miners Become Great On-the-Job Trainers,” distinguishes 

between experienced miners and trainers. This paper provides some key concepts for turning 

great miners into great trainers. “The Power of Story-Telling in Getting Through to Miners” 

explains the history and importance of stories in the culture and training of miners. Finally, 

“Understanding Self in Stressful Working Environments,” describes the personal and social 

aspects of the working environment, much of which parallels familial theories.

The downward trend of deaths in U.S. mining has been remarkable. The number of miners 

killed or injured each year has decreased steadily over the past 100 years. Some charts show 

these trends overlain with important events such as World War II and the Mine Safety and 

Health Act. However, this downward trend in mining fatalities has fl attened out. How can you 

get to zero accidents? Do you concentrate on technological advances and equipment maintenance 

to avoid malfunctions? Do you concentrate on developing work processes and organizational 

structures that minimize risk? Do you combine them and take a systems approach that links one 

to the other with an evaluative loop? Safety efforts in mining have used all of these approaches. 

What more can we do to get to zero?

Getting to zero will require two objectives: A clear and unshakeable belief that it can be done 

and attention to the human side of mining. Getting to zero is not a new idea; it has been used by 

mine companies and safety professionals for years as the safety goal. But getting to zero is not 

so much a physical goal as it is a belief that there are no insurmountable barriers to achieving 

the goal.
2

ACHIEVING ZERO FOR MINERS’ HEALTH AND SAFETY

F. M. Jenkins3

3

Acting deputy director, Spokane Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Spokane, WA.

INTRODUCTION

Welcome to the 2004 NIOSH open-industry briefi ng being held in conjunction with the 

Northwest Mining Association’s annual meeting 

in Spokane, WA. The theme for this year’s briefing is a little different. We usually present the 

results of specifi c research directed to addressing a particular health or safety problem. This 

year, we are focusing on NIOSH research that 

may hold the key for future advances in health 

and safety for the mining industry. To set the 

stage for today’s session, I would like to present the concept of “zero,” which is something being discussed as the next safety goal for mining 

health and safety. 

I fi rst want to make it clear that the idea 

of achieving zero injuries and occupational illnesses is not a new one, nor is it a new NIOSH 

initiative. What is noteworthy, however, is that 

the idea of adopting zero as a health and safety 

goal for the whole U.S mining industry is gathering momentum, not only in terms of accepting 

the concept itself, but with the belief that zero is 

an achievable goal. 

What does this vision of zero mean? It 

means doing whatever it takes to eliminate circumstances in the workplace that harm miners. When you state it that way, you realize 

that you have to understand and manage a lot 

of things in the workplace to achieve the zero 

goal, everything from controlling the working 

environment to developing a mind-set in miners toward safety.

Mining has always been considered a highrisk industry. As such, injuries and even deaths 

have historically been seen as an inevitable 

consequence of mining. This has been the case 

for many high-risk jobs, including commercial 

fi shing, logging, and steelworking. Miners consider themselves capable of enduring the hazards of mining. They are generally more likely than workers in other industries to accept 

personal risk or they would not be miners in 

the fi rst place. To achieve zero, we need to fi rst 

understand what motivates miners and then 

fi gure out how to train and encourage them to 

work safely.

WHERE ARE WE NOW?

What is the state of the mining industry 

today? In recent months, mining has taken an 

economic up-turn, and the future looks brighter. 

The demand for almost all mining products is 

high. Fatalities are down, and the statistics indicate that mining is safer than ever.

But if you have worked in the mining industry for very long, you probably have a fi rst-hand 

experience that reminds you of the risks and 

possible consequences of mining. 

When I was a student, I worked summers 

in the coal mines for Consolidation Coal Co. My 

second and third summers, I worked at the Itmann No. 3 Mine doing time studies on one of 

the fi rst mechanized longwalls in the country. 

Development was not keeping up with production, and the company wanted to fi gure out how 

to speed up the continuous mining cycle used to 

develop the longwall panels. I spent most of my 

time with a roof bolter named Teddy McMillion, 

timing and recording everything he did—tramming, setting up, drilling, and installing bolts. 

I got to know Teddy and his crew pretty well. 

After that fi rst summer, I even spent my 2-week 

Christmas break with them. However, the next 

year, I decided not to work through Christmas 
3

break. On Saturday, December 16, 1972, when I 

was starting that second Christmas break, Teddy and the rest of the crew were riding out of 

the mine in a trolley-powered portal bus when a 

spark from the car touched off a methane explosion. Five of the crew, including my friend Teddy, were killed, and three others were severely 

burned (McAteer, 1998). 

For many of us working to make mining 

safer, these kinds of personal experiences are 

what make our jobs relevant and the goal of 

zero very important.

HOW DID WE GET HERE?

In the late 1800’s and early 1900’s, thousands of fatalities occurred each year in mining (fi gure 1). 

0

2,000

4,000

6,000

8,000

10,000

12,000

14,000

 1911-

1915

 1916-

1920

 1921-

1925

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1930

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1935

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1940

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1945

 1946-

1950

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1955

 1956-

1960

 1961-

1965

 1966-

1970

 1971-

1975

 1976-

1980

 1981-

1985

 1986-

1990

 1991-

1995

 1996-

2000

Number of Fatalities (5-Year Aggregates)

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

400

Fatality Rate (per 100,000 workers)

Coal M/NM

Rate Coal Rate M/NM

Great Depression

1930s

World War II

1939-1945

Federal Coal Mine

Health and Safety

Act of 1969

Federal Mine

Safety and Health

Act of 1977

Figure 1.—Number of fatalities (5-year aggregates) and average fatality rates by mining sector (coal versus metal/nonmetal), 

1911-2000 (National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health [NIOSH], 2000, 2001, 2004).

Finally society decided that this 

number was not acceptable. In 1910, Congress 

created the Bureau of Mines. For 85 years the 

Bureau conducted research into preventing 

fi res and explosions, reducing roof falls, controlling dusts and gases, and eliminating dozens of 

other hazards. Mining companies, sometimes 

with the insistence of organized labor and the 

government, became more safety conscious. The 

number of injuries and fatalities dropped.

By the 1960’s and 1970’s, annual fatalities 

had been reduced dramatically, but a series of 

large-scale disasters led to the demand that 

more be done to prevent the hundreds of deaths 

that were occurring each year. Congress enacted the Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act 

of 1969 and later, the Federal Mine Safety and 

Health Act of 1977.

For the last decade, fewer than 100 fatalities a year have been recorded, but the curve 

has fl attened. More and more safety professionals are asking “What do we do now?” Maybe the 

answer lies in understanding and addressing 

why managers and miners are motivated to accept risk.

Risk homeostasis

To explain why it is important to understand what motivates miners, I would like to 

introduce the theory of risk homeostasis. “Homeostasis” is defi ned as preserving equilibrium 

in the presence of ongoing change. Risk homeostasis theory maintains that people accept a certain level of subjectively self-determined risk to 
4

their health, safety, and other things they value 

in exchange for benefits they hope to receive 

from the activity that exposes them to that risk 

(Wilde, 1988). 

This theory suggests that when people are 

presented with a less-hazardous way of engaging in the same activity, they will change their 

behavior in such a way that their personal acceptable level of risk is maintained. The classic example involves antilock brakes (ABS). A 

4-year study was conducted in Germany to determine how effective this new braking technology was at reducing the number of accidents in a 

cohort of cab drivers. In addition, a double-blind 

experiment was used to determine if the drivers 

drove differently when their cabs were equipped 

with the new braking system. The results indicated that cab drivers with ABS changed their 

driving habits to offset the safety advantages 

of the new braking systems, that is, they drove 

faster and shortened braking distances. It was 

not until they had to pay part of the cost of repairs that accidents were actually reduced (in 

the final year of the study) (Wilde, 2001).

This example of how humans deal with risk 

demonstrates that it is not enough to develop 

safer technology in order to reach “zero”; we also 

need to understand what motivates miners to 

take risks and address that as well. 

Recent rates

Regardless of the reasons, the trends shown 

in fi gure 2 indicate that the rates of deaths and 

injuries are leveling off in both the East, where 

underground coal mining dominates, and in the 

West, where underground hard-rock mines and 

large open-pit surface operations are more common.

Figure 2.—Annual number of fatalities and average fatality rates, east versus west, 1983-2003

Many leaders in the industry agree that it is 

time we begin to bring the curve down to a new 

level and that the only acceptable target is zero 

injuries and illnesses.
5

ZERO-INJURY CONCEPT

The zero-injury concept is not new. Many 

examples show how the concept has been applied. DuPont de Nemours is credited with being the original zero injury culture. The company’s 11-point safety philosophy begins by saying 

that “The fi rst and most basic safety principle 

at DuPont is that all injuries are preventable” 

(DuPont de Nemours, 1995).

• In the early 1990’s, the U.S. Construction 

Institute established a “Making Zero Accidents 

a Reality” project team charged with fi nding 

out how worker injuries in construction could 

be eliminated. Its Zero Accident study surveyed 

106 of the 400 largest construction companies in 

the United States and conducted extensive interviews at 38 construction projects. The report 

identifi ed nine best practices for achieving zero 

accidents (Pignoet, 2003). 

• Mortenson is a large construction company 

that has implemented a Zero Injuries program. 

One of its core values, “safety,” states that Mortenson is “committed to eliminating all worker 

injury” (2004).

• Hazard Alert Training, Inc., a group of 

safety consultants based in Edmonton, AB, has 

developed a “Zero Injuries Handbook” and provides safety training that incorporates the zero 

theme (2004).

In the mining industry, Phelps Dodge, 

Inc., has set a very 

high standard for applying the zero injury 

concept. The company defi nes zero to 

mean “zero incidents, 

zero injuries, zero

fatalities, and zero

job-related illnesses.” 

In fact, as the slogan 

“Zero and Beyond” on its safety logo (fi gure 

3) indicates, Phelps Dodge takes the concept 

a step further. 

Figure 3.—Phelps Dodge 

safety logo

“Beyond” means reaching the 

goal and then going beyond it by (1) sustaining zero and (2) taking safety awareness beyond the workplace into homes and communities (2004).

Last May, I attended a mining health and 

safety conference in Salt Lake City, UT, cosponsored by the International Society of Mine 

Safety Professionals and the Annual Institute 

for Mine Health, Safety, and Research. I was 

impressed by the messages of the three keynote 

speakers, each representing a different part of 

the industry: enforcement, coal mining, and 

hard-rock mining. What struck me most was 

that each speaker had almost the same theme 

and that a central part of all of their messages 

included embracing a zero goal.

The fi rst speaker was Dave Lauriski, outgoing Assistant Secretary of Labor for the Mine 

Safety and Health Administration (MSHA). The 

theme of his keynote address was that he believes the goal of zero fatalities, injuries, and illness is within reach. He believes that zero should 

be a common vision for the industry and that, if 

we work together, we can achieve the goal. He 

also thinks that we should be more vocal and 

promote the progress made in mining health 

and safety. He believes that if we can change 

the public misconceptions about the safety of 

today’s mining industry, it will empower us and 

motivate us to move forward to achieving zero. 

Finally, part of his recipe for reaching zero is to 

change from a culture of reacting to problems to 

a culture of preventing problems (2004a).

The next speaker was Brett Harvey, president and CEO of CONSOL Energy and current 

chairman of the National Mining Association. 

CONSOL Energy is the largest producer of highBtu bituminous coal in the United States, operating 19 coal mines in seven states, and is one of 

the largest U.S. producers of coal bed methane. 

Mr. Harvey’s talk was entitled “Mine Safety: 

Back to the Future” because he believes that, 

to achieve the next level of safety, we will have 

to re-energize proven mine safety methods and 

techniques while incorporating new concepts 

that will be necessary to meet the needs of new 

mining technology and a new generation of miners. Two themes he stressed were accountabil-
6

ity and cooperation. He believes that everyone 

working in this industry must be accountable 

for safety and that we all must work together to 

achieve zero (2004). 

The fi nal keynote speaker, Bill Champion, 

is president and CEO of Kennecott Utah Copper, 

operator of the largest open-pit copper mine in 

the world, the Bingham Canyon Mine, which is 

also the largest man-made excavation on earth. 

Champion started by saying that “There simply 

is no better measure of our business success at 

Kennecott than our safety performance” (2004).

While recognizing zero as the ultimate goal, 

Mr. Champion sees safety as a journey. He believes that the journey for the mining industry 

began with efforts to regulate and enforce compliance with newly enacted mine laws. Companies then began to realize that safety was important, both in business and human terms, and 

began to develop their own safety standards and 

guidelines. He went on to outline several steps 

that are part of Kennecott’s current journey to 

zero, things like investing time and energy in 

training, managing compliance through safety 

audits, and developing a caring culture. But 

Mr. Champion closed by saying that the greatest challenge faced by the company’s managers 

and safety professionals is to figure out how to 

infl uence employees to make wise decisions, for 

example, to perform tasks safely.

HOW DO WE ACHIEVE ZERO?

If we accept the charge of these leaders in the 

mining industry, the next question is, “How?”

As I mentioned before, the U.S. Construction 

Industry Institute (CII) commissioned a Zero Accident Study (Pignoet 2003). This study identifi ed nine best practices (see table) and identifi ed 

170 specifi c safety techniques being used in the 

companies they surveyed. These practices were 

the ones considered “high-impact, zero-injury 

techniques.”

CII High-Impact, Zero-Injury Techniques

1. Demonstrate management commitment

2. Staff ng for safety

3. Safety planning - pre-project/pre-task

4. Safety training and education

5. Worker involvement and participation

6. Recognition and rewards

7. Subcontractor management

8. Accident/incident reporting and investigation

9. Drug and alcohol testing

Of course, these techniques are the types 

of activities that construction companies themselves can do to promote health and safety. 

Likely they include a lot of corollaries for mining 

companies, and I think it would be a worthwhile 

effort for the mining industry to conduct a similar study to identify their high-impact health 

and safety techniques. But I do not believe there 

are any silver bullets for getting to zero. When 

we consider the historical advances in mining 

health and safety, we recognize that mine operators did not make the dramatic improvement 

on their own. 

I believe there is a role for all of us in reaching the next level and achieving zero. I believe 

we must use a holistic approach. This includes 

continued efforts by mine operators to value 

health and safety, by MSHA to update and enforce regulations and provide compliance assistance, by NIOSH and universities to conduct 

targeted health and safety research, by safety 

professionals to provide effective training and 

prevention programs, and by all of us to establish a mining culture that promotes health and 

safety as a way of life.
7

TARGETED RESEARCH

At the Spokane Research Laboratory, we 

are in the process of overhauling our research 

program. We plan to implement a surveillance 

cycle model for public health practice. This model includes the timely and accurate gathering of 

surveillance data with frequent analysis and interpretation; action to control and prevent injuries and exposures through the development and 

transfer of interventions; and evaluation of our 

progress using on-going surveillance. In other 

words, investigate, analyze, provide solutions, 

and check the results. In this way we plan to 

make our research as meaningful and effective 

as possible.

One way of directing our efforts is to fi nd 

out what is most important to our customers 

and stakeholders. I encourage you to let us know 

what you think we should be working on next.

WHAT’S AT STAKE?

It is important for us to always remember that people’s lives are at stake. 

Figure 4 shows the memorial to the 91 

men who died in the Sunshine Mine fi re 

on May 2, 1972, the same year that my 

friend Teddy died in the methane explosion in West Virginia. 

Figure 4.—Sunshine Mine Fire Memorial, by Ken Lonn of Auburn, 

WA, a former miner and shift boss at the Sunshine Mine.

As most of you 

know, this memorial is located only 75 

miles from Spokane along Interstate 90 

just outside of Kellogg, ID, in the heart 

of the Coeur d’Alene Mining District. It 

serves as a reminder that we all have 

important work to do when it comes to 

health and safety, particularly those of 

us in the Northwest. 

In his address to this year’s MINExpo in Las Vegas, Dave Lauriski said, “It 

is time to look beyond the ‘easy’ work of 

controlling hazards and start looking at 

the hard work of changing attitudes and 

behaviors about health and safety. Begin 

to study and understand the injury and 

illness patterns in your operation and 

look at how behaviors can be modifi ed to 

reduce and eliminate them” (2004b).

In the remaining presentations, we 

will highlight NIOSH research aimed 

at understanding human behavior and 

changing attitudes toward safety. 
8

REFERENCES

Champion, W. (2004). Keeping safety on TRACK: Developing a safety culture. Presentation at International Society of Mine Safety Professionals and the Annual Institute for Mine Health, Safety, and 

Research (MSHA) Joint Mine Health and Safety Conference, Salt Lake City, UT, May 24, 2004.

DuPont de Nemours and Co. (1995). The DuPont safety philosophy. Available at www.dupont.com/

safety.

Harvey, J.B. (2004). Mine safety: Back to the future. Presentation at International Society of Mine 

Safety Professionals and the Annual Institute for Mine Health, Safety, and Research (MSHA) Joint 

Mine Health and Safety Conference, Salt Lake City, UT, May 24, 2004.

Hazard Alert Training, Inc. (2004). Retrieved December 5, 2004, from http://www.hatscan.com/ towards-ZERO-injuries-comply.asp.

Lauriski, D. D. (2004a). Institutionalizing a culture of prevention. Presentation at International Society of Mine Safety Professionals and the Annual Institute for Mine Health, Safety, and Research 

(MSHA) Joint Mine Health and Safety Conference, Salt Lake City, UT, May 24, 2004.

Lauriski, D. D. (2004b). Getting to zero: Stakeholders role in making an industry free of fatalities 

and injuries. Presentation at MINExpo, Las Vegas, NV. Retrieved December 3, 2004, from http://

www.msha.gov/MEDIA/SPEECHES/2004/09282004b.asp.

McAteer, J. D. (1998). Historical summary of mine disasters in the United States, Vol 2: Coal mines–

1959-1998. Morgantown, WV: National Mine Health and Safety Academy, MSHA, pp. 77-79.

M. A. Mortenson Co. (2004). Values. Retrieved December 5, 2004, from http://www.mortenson.com/

about_us/about_us.html 

National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) (2000). Worker health chartbook. 

DHHS (NIOSH) Pub. 2000-127, 162 pp.; (2004) Worker health chartbook, DHHS (NIOSH) Pub. 

2004-146, 227 pp.

Phelps Dodge Corp. (2004). Zero and beyond. Retrieved December 5, 2004, from http://www.phelpsdodge.com/Health_Safety/ZeroAndBeyond.htm.

Pignoet, V. S. (2003). Achieving zero injuries: Caring is not enough. Insulation Outlook. Retrieved 

December 5, 2004, from http://www.insulation.org/articles/article.cfm?ID=IO031103.

Wilde, G. J. S. (1988). Risk homeostasis theory and traffi c accidents: Propositions, deductions and 

discussion of dissension in recent reactions. Ergonomics 31, 441-468.

Wilde, G. J. S. (2001). Target risk 2, pp. 113-115.
9

HELP EXPERIENCED MINERS BECOME GREAT ON-THE-JOB TRAINERS

Launa Mallett4

4

Sociologist, Pittsburgh Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Pittsburgh, PA.

Preparing new miners is always important, 

but in some sectors of the mining industry, this 

issue has become a critical concern. As baby 

boomers move toward retirement, mine managers are developing strategies to prepare for the 

impending (and in some cases, current) knowledge and experience gaps. Effective and effi cient 

on-the-job training (OJT) becomes increasingly 

important in such environments. 

A team at the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health’s (NIOSH) Pittsburgh 

Research Laboratory (PRL) began studying the 

changing demographics of the mining workforce 

in 2000. The team found that various segments 

of the mining industry and mines in different 

parts of the country had workforces with different age profi les. Overall, however, the mining 

industry was seeing the same aging being experienced by the rest of the workforce. In 2004, the 

median age of U.S. workers was 40.5 (Bureau 

of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey). 

The same survey reported that the median age 

of the U.S. workforce was 45.9 in coal mining, 

43.7 in metal ore mining, and 42.8 in nonmetallic mineral mining and quarrying. Clearly, a 

large number of miners will be leaving the workforce over the next 10 to 15 years. 

The research team also looked at what was 

required to bring new individuals successfully 

into the mining workforce. It talked with human 

relations personnel, safety and health specialists, supervisors, experienced miners, and new 

miners. It found that while OJT was of high interest, little standardization of OJT programs 

had taken place. Generally, an experienced 

miner was selected and asked to show the new 

person how things were done, and no formal selection criteria were established for instructors, 

few standardized training materials were available, and little evaluation of the training was 

conducted. An informal system of OJT, which 

some researchers have dubbed the “Follow Joe” 

method, was the most common practice. Miners 

who had experienced this type of OJT relayed 

stories of great successes and failures. 

An informal OJT program is sometimes appropriate. It works best when a small number 

of people need to be trained. When one or two 

new individuals are brought in to work with an 

experienced crew, the new workers are trained 

not only by the designated OJT trainer, but also 

by their experienced co-workers. This requires 

a work crew open to helping the new employee 

and a designated trainer with appropriate work 

skills and some teaching skills. An informal 

method can work for a large operation when 

it is not important whether or not a consistent 

message is given to every new person doing a 

given job. Since trainers don’t usually receive 

instruction related to how or what to teach, they 

create their own methods and materials. These 

may vary greatly from trainer to trainer, but if 

the way the task is completed is not important, 

then a problem exists only when the end product does not achieve a standard. Informal OJT 

is also a low-cost way to get information from 

experienced workers to new employees. 

However, informal training is not effective 

or effi cient if (1) many new employees are hired, 

(2) employees are expected to work with people 

other than those who originally trained them, 

(3) a standard method for completing tasks is 

expected, (4) speed of getting new employees 

skilled at their jobs is important, (5) a new task 

or process is to be introduced, (6) experienced 

workers have developed methods or habits management does not want passed on to new employees, and (7) the teaching experience and 

expertise of experienced workers are low or unknown. In any of these situations, a formal OJT 

program is needed. 
10

FORMALIZING ON-THE-JOB TRAINING

Based in the research discussed above, a 

model for an OJT program was developed. The 

key to this model is in providing coaching skills 

instruction to experienced workers who will 

be teachers. Some experienced miners may be 

skilled at sharing what they know, but others 

will not naturally be able to convey the information and skills needed to do a job. Still, in both 

cases, experienced miners can be taught coaching skills that will improve training. 

A coach cannot, however, create a successful 

program alone. A successful OJT program is created in a team environment. Roles and expectations should be made explicit for the coach, the 

trainee, the coach’s supervisor, the trainee’s supervisor, and the program leader or champion. 

In a trainee-centered approach, more than one 

coach may be assigned to a trainee. Perhaps an 

equipment operator and a mechanic who maintains that type of equipment should share responsibility for coaching a new operator. It’s up 

to the trainee’s supervisor, with assistance from 

the program leader, to determine who can best 

help the trainee learn the new skill. 

Another important component to a formal 

OJT program is standardized methods for jobs 

or tasks. Coaches must know the standards to 

which trainees are required to perform. They 

should know when tasks must be done exactly 

the same way each time by each individual and 

when variability is acceptable. The process expressed in the Mine Safety and Health’s Job 

Task Analysis is one way to use the knowledge 

of experienced personnel to standardize jobs. 

(See details about the process and contacts at 

http://www.msha.gov/interactivetraining/task 

training/index.html.) Regardless of the process 

used to standardize jobs, the methods for each 

job must be reviewed and, when needed, revised 

to continue to be helpful. Training materials 

should be based on these job standards. It is 

best if all coaches for a given job teach from the 

same materials so that the same message is being learned by everyone being taught a specifi c 

job or task.

It is management’s responsibility to create 

an atmosphere in which a formal OJT program 

can succeed. In such an environment, coaches 

will be recognized not only for their task knowledge and skill, but also for their coaching knowledge and skill. They will be given training to 

develop and continue enhancing their training 

abilities. Supervisors and other employees will 

believe that time given to training workers new 

to a given task is time well spent. They will understand that a short-term loss in production 

during training will be compensated for by the 

effectiveness of the well-trained employee over a 

longer term. It is especially important for management to support training for new employees 

as they develop their understanding of the organization’s culture and their places in it. If new 

employees are trained well, they will expect to 

provide good training to others when it is their 

turn to be supervisors and coaches.

Pairing a new miner with an experienced miner is a

time-honored way to pass on skills and knowledge.
11

SELECTING A COACH

Because coaches are the key to an effective OJT program, their selection is one of the 

most important parts of program development. 

So what is a coach? A coach has been said to 

be “someone who helps someone else [a trainee] learn something that he or she would have 

learned less well, more slowly or not at all if 

left alone” (Chip Bell). Coaches don’t do magic 

by giving knowledge or skill that could not have 

come from any other source. Instead, they improve the effi ciency of the system by shortening 

the learning period for a worker new to a given 

task. Some people have natural skills at teaching, some have experience from past jobs or from 

off-the-job activities, and others may not have 

tried coaching at all or have tried with lessthan-positive results. Developing a successful 

group of OJT coaches starts with selecting the 

right people for the job.

It may seem that the easiest way to select a 

good coach for a given job is to fi nd the employee 

who is best at doing that job. This is not necessarily the case. Technical expertise does not always lead to an ability to share that expertise 

with others. Sometimes the opposite is true. Experts often see jobs in chunks or patterns rather 

than perceiving each specifi c step as they perform 

it. They may have diffi culty breaking a job down 

into enough simple steps so that a novice can follow and understand. An expert may no longer see 

the complexity of the work. What is needed is a 

coach with a good understanding of how to do the 

job and the ability to share this knowledge.

After the initial criterion of task or job profi ciency comes characteristics that set excellent 

coaches apart from adequate ones. Strive for 

coaches who exhibit the qualities below.

Desire

Successful coaches want to coach. They take pride in sharing what they know. Improving their teaching 

skills is important to them. A successful OJT program will have coaches teaching jobs in standardized 

ways with an emphasis on safety.

Responsiveness

Successful coaches need to engage trainees. Their listening and communication skills are key to conveying the right information. They use questions to direct the learning process. Successful coaches understand that learning will increase when trainees are comfortable asking questions.

Enthusiasm

Successful coaching takes energy. OJT sessions take time to prepare and commitment to conduct well. 

Coaches who feel good about their jobs will pass on those feelings.

Humor

Successful coaches have a good sense of humor. Things don’t always go according to plan. Everyone 

has learned something the hard way. Laughing about things that have gone wrong sends the important 

message that messing up while learning is OK.

Sincerity/Honesty

Successful coaches don’t fake it. They truly care about the success of their trainees and deal with them in 

a straightforward manner. Trainees will respect a coach who admits not knowing something and then goes 

and f nds the answer for both of them.

Flexibility

Successful coaches are adaptable. They know when to eliminate, adjust, or change what they are teaching to match the capabilities of the trainee or outside constraints.

Tolerance

Successful coaches are open to the opinions of others. They recognize and accept differences in personalities. They are interested in what others have to say, even when they don’t agree, and accept negative 

feedback as a tool for improvement.

Commitment 

Successful coaches improve over time. Training, practice, and honest reviews help coaches develop and 

ref ne their skills. Formal certif cation programs provide a public statement of support from the company. 

Successful coaches take their coaching duties seriously.
12

Every coach will be stronger is some areas 

than in others. After being selected, each coach 

can improve by focusing attention on qualities 

he or she finds the most challenging to exhibit. 

A coach can learn how to focus by attending 

professional development workshops, by reading 

related books or articles, through discussions 

with other coaches and trainees, and by practicing their skills. 

COACHING WORKSHOP

One means of improving the knowledge and 

skills of coaches selected to conduct OJT is a 1-

day workshop. Materials for such a workshop 

have been developed by NIOSH researchers and 

an industry mine safety professional. The workshop was tested with experienced miners who 

had been selected to be OJT coaches. Following the workshop, miners reported that it was 

relevant to their jobs and that they would recommend the workshop to others. During trainthe-trainer seminars, workshop materials were 

introduced to mine training and human resources professionals, who were also very positive 

about the potential for using the workshops to 

improve their OJT programs. The participants 

particularly appreciated the highly interactive 

nature of the workshop.

While these workshops were designed to 

cover a single day of instruction, they could 

also be presented in a series of shorter training 

sessions. They can be delivered as written or 

modifi ed to meet the requirements of individual 

workshops and present site-specifi c examples. A 

workshop contains the following units:

Welcome and Introductions–The workshop starts 

with a discussion of why the workshop is being conducted and expectations of both the 

instructor and the participants. A company 

manager should explain the importance of 

the program to the organization.

Unit 1: What Is a Coach?–In unit 1, participants 

get the opportunity to do a self-assessment 

to determine their coaching strengths and 

weaknesses. The characteristics of a good 

coach are defi ned.

Unit 2: The Coach/Trainee Relationship–Communication skills are highlighted in this unit. 

The responsibilities of coaches, trainees, and 

supervisors are also explored. 

Unit 3: Coaching Adults–This unit gives information about how adults learn and strategies 

for improving teaching them. 

Unit 4: Preparing a Training Outline–Using MSHA’s

Job Task Analysis process, participants prepare training materials and learn how important it is that materials be consistent for 

each coach who will teach a specifi c topic.

Unit 5: Coaching Practice–This unit provides an 

opportunity for practicing the skills learned 

throughout the day. Evaluation forms for 

coaches, trainees, and observers (introduced 

in earlier units) are used so participants 

have a chance to try their skills and evaluate them under the direction of the workshop 

leader. 

Unit 6: Wrap-Up/Summary–The last unit gives 

participants a chance to review the day, ask 

questions, and think about what comes next. 

The coaches leave the workshop with a plan 

for using and continually improving their 

new skills.

After completion of the workshop, the coaches should know where to go for additional resources and support. A follow-up session should 

be held after they have had the chance to practice their new coaching skills in the workplace. 
13

GETTING STARTED

For ideas about how to develop or improve an 

OJT program, read Coaching Skills for On-theJob Trainers, NIOSH Information Circular 9479 

(NIOSH Pub. No. 2005-146), 2005. References to 

other documents about training and adult learning can be found there also. Also see “Considerations in Training On-the-Job Trainers,” by William Wiehagen, Don Conrad, Tom Friend, and 

Lynn Rethi in Strategies for Improving Miners’ 

Training, NIOSH Information Circular 9463 

(NIOSH Pub. No. 2002-156), 2002.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper is based on work conducted by 

Launa Mallett, Ph.D.; Kathleen Kowalski-Trakofl er, Ph.D.; Charles Vaught, Ph.D., CMSP; 

William Wiehagen, CMS; Robert Peters; and 

Peter Keating. 
14

THE POWER OF STORYTELLING IN GETTING THROUGH TO MINERS

Elaine T. Cullen5

5

Communications chief, Spokane Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Spokane, WA.

They may forget what you said, but they will never forget how you made them feel. (Buechner)

Mining has historically been a dangerous 

business. While 1907 was a particularly deadly year for the nation’s coal miners, with 3,242 

fatalities, Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) statistics show that the numbers 

weren’t much better in subsequent years. It 

wasn’t until 1946 that the number of recorded 

coal-mine deaths fell below 1,000 (www.msha. 

gov). Unfortunately, this number doesn’t refl ect 

the full extent of mine-related injuries and fatalities, since comprehensive statistics weren’t 

kept back then for miners working in the noncoal segments of the industry. (For example, 

sand and gravel workers were not included until 1958.) The good news is that by 2003, the 

total number of fatalities among coal and noncoal miners combined was only 56. That number 

looks pretty good until one considers that every 

statistic is a worker who did not go home at the 

end of his or her shift.

Since 1977, when the Mine Safety and 

Health Act (known in the industry as “the Act”) 

was expanded to include metal/nonmetal mining 

under its regulations, every underground miner 

in the United States has been required to attend 

40 hours of new miner training before beginning 

their career (24 hours for new surface miners) 

and 8 hours annually thereafter. While safety 

trainers and regulators refer to this as annual 

refresher training, the miners themselves have 

been known to call it “safety jail.” They traditionally do not look forward to what they consider a wasted day. They are also resistant to 

having trainers who, in their opinion, are not 

real miners tell them how to do their jobs, even 

if the message is to work more safely.

Waiting for 

safety training

In 1998, after a series of stakeholder meetings held across the West by NIOSH’s Spokane 

Research Laboratory (SRL) indicated that safety trainers perceived a need for better instructional materials, NIOSH funded a pilot project 

to examine what “effective” training would look 

like to the mining industry and whether NIOSH 

could create training that would break through 
15

the resistance miners had to formal training. 

This project was titled “Development and Evaluation of Effective Safety Training for Mining.” 

In 1998, SRL had no prior experience in training 

development, so the project began with a study 

of the miners themselves to determine what effective training would look like to them. Personnel from SRL put together a loose-knit group 

of advisors from the mining industry to create 

a list of topics that would be appropriate—and 

needed—for training development and made the 

decision to limit these materials to the Western 

noncoal mining industry. The Pittsburgh Research Laboratory in Pittsburgh, PA, was doing 

a good job in producing training materials for 

coal miners; therefore, the SRL project would focus on the noncoal segments of the industry. 

Mining has a unique culture that helps its 

members determine how to make sense of their 

world. Patton (2002) believes that culture provides the road map by which members of that 

culture negotiate the world.

Culture is that collection of behavior patterns 

and beliefs that constitutes standards for deciding what is, standards for deciding how one feels 

about it, standards for deciding what to do about 

it, and standards for deciding how to go about doing it. (p. 81)

Van Maanen and Barley (1984) suggest the 

existence of “occupational communities” (or occupational cultures), which they defi ne as—

a group of people who consider themselves to be 

engaged in the same sort of work; whose identity is drawn from the work; who share with one 

another a set of values, norms and perspectives 

that apply to but extend beyond work related matters; and whose social relationships meld work 

and leisure. (p. 287)

Miners share a culture that is based on a 

long history. Hard-rock mining in the United 

States has its base in Europe, particularly in 

those countries with an active mining industry, 

such as Germany, Sweden, Wales, and Norway. 

Miners who came to the young country to work 

in its mines brought their customs, their norms, 

and even their shared occupational language 

with them. Even today, the language used in 

underground hard-rock mines refl ects this history and can be incomprehensible to outsiders. Terms such as “grizzly,” “stope,” “buzzies,” 

“toe,” “back,” and “nipper” are not commonly 

understood in the nonmining world. Thus, the 

language itself is a powerful aspect of an occupational culture that seeks to communicate internally, yet exclude those who do not belong. 

Beyond a general mining culture, the Western hard-rock segment of the mining industry 

has its own idiosyncrasies. Because of a compensation system known as “gypo,” or “contract,” 

mining, good miners can make excellent wages, 

but they are expected to operate in a semi-autonomous fashion. Miller (1991) explains the 

gypo system and the benefi t it brings to mine operators who understand that these expert miners are some of their most valuable assets. 

Gypo miner

In addition to being highly productive, 

however, gypos are notoriously independent, 

knowing that they can “tramp” whenever they 

want, leaving their current jobs to move to another mine with higher pay or better benefi ts, 

because they know the value a master miner 

has in this environment and that they can always get a job. Miners in this sector describe 

themselves as hard working and hard playing. 

They believe that they earn the right to spend 

their money as they wish, although they are 

generally adamant that taking care of their 

families is a fi rst priority. 
16

In my study of the Sunshine Mine fi re of 

1972 (Cullen 2004), I describe the culture of 

hard-rock gypos. These workers are proud of 

what they can do; they are very good at what 

they do; and one of the things they truly resent 

is someone else coming in and telling them 

how to do their work, especially if that person 

is not even a real miner. This resentment was 

an obvious complication to the new training 

development project, which was unmistakably a 

government research project. For the project to 

be successful, it was necessary to downplay that 

aspect and win the respect and cooperation of 

the miners.

Because mining has a strong occupational 

culture, it also has well-established norms for 

behavior. Sanctions for violating these norms 

can come in the form of targeted horseplay, of 

attempts to embarrass the rule breaker, or, for 

more serious violations, by ostracism. Miners 

are well aware that certain norms are in effect 

because they provide some protection against 

injury and death, and that all safety regulations 

are “written in blood.” Allowing a co-worker to 

be sloppy or careless puts everyone in jeopardy, 

so members of the mining culture generally are 

quick to express their disapproval. 

Experienced miner

If occupational culture is a gatekeeper that 

provides its members with guidelines on what 

to do and how to do it, then it is also the primary key to successfully changing members’ 

behaviors. However, occupational cultures that 

are particularly strong because of shared dangers faced by their members (such as police, fi refi ghters, loggers, fi shers, or miners) will be very 

resistant to changes suggested by outsiders. If 

changes are accepted and promoted by insiders, 

they are much more likely to be adopted. 

Danger...invites work involvement and a sense 

of fraternity....Recognition that one’ s work entails danger heightens the contrast between 

one’s own work and the safer work of others, and 

encourages comparison of self with those who 

share one’s work situation. Attitudes, behaviors, 

and self-images for coping physically and psychologically with threat become part of an occupational role appreciated best, it is thought, only 

by one’s fellow workers. (Van Maanen & Barley, 

1984, p. 301)

This shared sense of danger and responsibility was a strength that could be used in developing training materials, if the miners themselves 

could be convinced to participate in creating the 

new videos.

Many social researchers have studied the 

distinctive challenges that teaching or training 

adults present. Knowles, considered the father 

of adult learning theory, suggests that for learning to take place, adults—

• Need to know why they should learn the 

information.

• Need their training to be self-directed to 

some degree.

• Need training to be related to prior experience.

• Must be ready to learn.

• Must be motivated to learn.

• Need to believe that the new information is 

going to help solve problems they have encountered in the past and will likely encounter 

again (Knowles, Holton, & Swanson, 1998).
17

Another leading theorist, Albert Bandura, 

developed what he calls Social Learning Theory 

(SLT) and suggests that people learn not only 

through their own experiences, but also learn by 

watching others and then copying their behavior if—

• The person they are copying (the “mentor”) 

is similar to themselves.

• The mentor is admired.

• The behavior observed is perceived to have 

value (1977).

Wlodowski (1985) studied the question of 

how adults are motivated to learn and concluded 

that motivation will occur if—

• They believe they will be successful in learning.

• They believe they have a choice in whether 

or not to learn the information.

• They see the training as valuable.

• They are enjoying the experience.

Finally, in discussing whether or not adults 

will be successful in learning new information, 

Zemke (2002) proposes four key elements that 

must be present. 

• Learners must be willing to pay attention to 

what they are watching or learning.

• Learners must remember what they saw.

• Learners must be physically and intellectually capable of performing the task or using 

the information presented.

• Learners must be motivated to model the behavior they have observed.

The challenge for the new NIOSH research 

project, then, was well defi ned with the help of 

these social scientists. If the training videos developed were going to be truly effective, we had 

to fi nd a way to—

• Get the miners to pay attention in their 

training classes.

• Convince them that the information was important and relevant.

• Make the learning memorable.

• Make the learning enjoyable.

• Motivate the miners to choose to learn.

• Tie all training lessons to real-life situations.

Several of the social researchers who provided a conceptual framework for this project argue 

for the importance of paying attention to how 

people feel about their training. No training can 

be effective if the participants aren’t interested, 

they believe. They agree that it is important for 

adult trainees to enjoy their training and to fi nd 

it interesting enough to listen so that they will 

remember it. A critical element in achieving 

these objectives is to break through the barriers 

the trainees have erected. 

One means to transfer information in a way 

that engages interest is through stories. While 

it is true that stories evoke different memories 

and responses in different people (generally depending on individual experiences and values), 

Gargiulo (2002) states fl atly that “The hallmark 

of intelligence is our ability to collect stories and 

regularly refl ect on them in order to gain new 

insights from them” (p. 6). 

The roles played by stories are numerous. 

Among them, Gargiulo lists the following:

• Stories empower the speaker.

• Stories create an environment of trust.

• Stories create a bond among those who hear 

them.

• Stories engage the mind.

• Stories have a unique ability to defuse confl ict and differences of opinion.

Sharing stories
18

• Stories encode a lot of cultural information.

• Stories provide a way to learn from personal 

or vicarious experiences.

• Stories can be used as weapons.

• Stories can help facilitate healing. 

Miners are natural story tellers. They use 

stories very effectively to provide information to 

inexperienced workers. Older miners talk about 

people they knew, people they worked with or 

learned from, people who were hurt or killed in 

the mines because of a moment’s inattention or 

a bad decision. New hires don’t need to experience the events in these stories to learn from 

them, nor do they have to defend their own actions or errors in judgment, because the stories 

are not about them. Older miners use stories 

to illustrate what’s important to know, how to 

do things correctly, and what can happen if you 

don’t follow these norms. In doing so, they make 

the lessons come alive so that they are much 

more interesting and memorable.

New employees coming into a mine can be 

overwhelmed with information. This is a complex, potentially dangerous work environment 

for the uninitiated, and often the new hire is 

bombarded with unfamiliar rules, terms, and 

expectations. Stories provide a way for people to 

reorganize information and make sense of it, as 

well as making it much easier to remember and 

determine why it’s important. 

“Story” is a way of knowing and remembering 

information—a shape or pattern into which information can be arranged. It serves a very basic purpose; it restructures experiences for the 

purpose of ‘saving’ them. And it is an ancient, 

perhaps natural order of mind....By imposing 

the structure of a story onto some circumstance 

or happening, greater coherence and sensibility are achieved within the event itself, and otherwise isolated and disconnected scraps are 

bound up into something whole and meaningful. 

(Livo & Rietz, 1986) 

Once we realized that stories were a good 

way to transfer safety information to miners, 

the question became “how do we tell a story to 

more than one person at a time?” The answer, 

of course, was “through video.” 

The project funded by NIOSH in mid-1998 

has been the vehicle for the creation of eight 

training videos to date. These videos made use 

of several of the constructs that were already in 

use in the mining industry, namely engaging a 

master miner as a mentor or as the teacher and 

the use of storytelling as a method of providing 

information. They also followed accepted principles for teaching adults, in that the videos were 

related to real situations, shot in real mines, and 

addressed specifi c problems. In some cases, stories told by individuals were captured on camera 

and embedded in the video, whereas in others, a 

story line was created that allowed us to teach 

certain lessons as the story unfolded. Simmons 

(2001) calls these “teaching stories,” which “help 

us make sense of new skills in meaningful ways. 

You never teach a skill that doesn’t have a reason why.” The stories in the videos, whether 

captured or created, all focus on particular hazards or dangers, providing the learner with the 

opportunity to place him- or herself vicariously 

in the story to determine how he or she would 

have behaved in that situation.

The videos that have been produced so far 

include—
19

• Handling Explosives in Underground Mines 

(1999)

• Miner Mike Saves the Day—or—Ground 

Support...It’s Important (2000)

• Hazards in Motion (2001)

• Hidden Scars (2001)

• Zen and the Art of Rock Bolting (2002)

• You Are My Sunshine (2002)

• Aggregate Training for the Safety Impaired 

(2003)

• The Sky Is Falling! (2004)

Another video, Preventing Rock Fall Injuries in Underground Noncoal Mines, was produced under a different project by Art Miller of 

SRL and released in 1999. 

When the project was initially funded, it was 

widely believed that miners would not agree to 

work with us. Because the gypo system required 

them to work hard and fast in order to earn production bonuses, any time they spent working 

with us would take time from their work and 

jeopardize the likelihood they would “make the 

round.” The fear that we would fi nd resistance 

to the project proved to be unfounded, however. 

What we had forgotten to consider was that the 

mining industry had long relied on the masterapprentice relationship to train new miners, 

and any miner who would agree to be portrayed 

in the videos as “the master” would have bragging rights among his colleagues. These are very 

proud people, and “being in the movies” was definitely viewed as a status symbol among them. 

Rather than begging people to work with us, 

we encountered many situations where we had 

more would-be actors than we could use. We did 

our best to be fair, however, and to move around 

to different mines so that we could use as many 

miners as possible.

A research project is, by its nature, about 

discovery. We learned much over the course of 

this project about the technical aspects of putting together movies, but also about how to 

use stories most skillfully. The use of a master 

miner (in one form or another) as a teacher was 

fairly constant, but the portrayal of the young 

miners who represented the learners changed 

over time. The concept of the “transitional character” was tried in the video Aggregate Training 

for the Safety Impaired. In this video, two new 

hires, Ted and Slick (who happens to be a crashtest dummy) bungle their way through their 

jobs and are fi red from every mine in the county 

by the end of the week. 

However, these characters learn to be 

smarter, safer employees. By the end of the 

video, they are able to articulate what they had 

done wrong and what they had learned. This 

construct proved to be quite powerful. Not every 

miner can hope to become a master, and while 

most miners recognize a master when they see 

one, achieving this status may be out of reach 

for the majority of people. 

When we did the initial technical reviews 

of the aggregate video, however, we were surprised to hear how often reviewers laughed and 

said that they, too, had done the unsafe actions 

engaged in by the characters Ted and Slick portrayed. The miners identifi ed more closely with 

the new hires than with the experts. While they 

recognized that they were lucky to have survived, in many cases it clearly resonated with 

them that Ted and Slick got smarter, just as 

at some point in their careers so had they. Any 

miner who had survived in the industry for very 

long, they believed, had started out dumb and 

dangerous and had become smarter and safer, 

just as the characters had. The video provided 

new information in a humorous way for new 

employees, but for the older, more experienced 

employees, it was a reminder of what they had 

been and what they had become. 

One of the research questions addressed in 

this project concerned mentors. The mining industry is aging, and many experts are facing retirement in the near future. The advisory team 

of safety trainers voiced a concern common in 

the industry—when these people leave, who 

will train new miners and keep them alive long 

enough to become productive and safe workers? 

We were asked whether or not it would be 

possible to capture the wisdom and expertise of 

these master miners and, using video, train a 

new generation of miners after the older miners 

had retired.
20

Master miner and apprentice

The video Zen and the Art of Rock Bolting

addressed this question. The video follows an 

expert gypo, Jim Mortensen, as he teaches a 

young worker about mining and mining culture. 

Jim talks about safety, about his long career, 

and about mining, and clearly communicates (in 

his own gruff way) why it’s important to work 

safely. “You don’t make no money if you’re in the 

hospital,” he says. 

Evaluations of this video (Fein 2003) showed 

that it is indeed possible to capture a master 

miner. When asked the question whether or not 

the viewer would like Jim to be their teacher, 

nearly 100% of the people interviewed, regardless of whether they were inexperienced or experienced, said yes. Jim is charismatic, and he 

is also good at what he does. His personality undoubtedly played a major role in the success of 

the video, but there are many miners like Jim in 

the mining industry who could also be captured 

on video and used to teach future miners.

Several years after the inception of the project, the advisory team of safety trainers asked 

if we could put together training materials that 

could be used during mine rescue training. I 

knew that the Sunshine Mine, a large underground silver mine about 70 miles from SRL near 

Kellogg, ID, had been the site of one of the worst 

hard-rock mine disasters of the 20th century. 

On May 2, 1972, the unthinkable happened, and 

the mine caught fi re, killing 91 men. Although 

it had been 30 years since the fi re when I began 

this part of the project, the Sunshine disaster 

was well-known in the industry. Consequently I 

decided to use the Sunshine Mine as a backdrop 

for a mine rescue video. 

One of the miners starring in the Hazards 

in Motion video, which was in production at the 

time, was Don Caparelli, a Sunshine shift foreman and a veteran of the Sunshine disaster. 

Don arranged for me to interview 27 people who 

had been involved in the fi re. Some had escaped 

from the mine, some had worked on the rescue 

and recovery crews, and others were community 

or family members. Both of the only two men 

found alive inside the mine 8 days after the fi re 

started were also interviewed.

The video that resulted from these interviews, You Are My Sunshine, was a much larger 

project than anyone initially expected. In fact, 

it became a full-length documentary of the fi re 

and the impact it had on the lives of the people 

of the Sunshine Mine and the Silver Valley. You 

Are My Sunshine tells the story of the 13 days 

of the disaster through the combined stories of 

those who lived it.
21

This is a diffi cult video to watch. The emotions of those who survived, as they talk about 

those who did not, are still raw even after 30 

years. The Sunshine fi re was a turning point in 

mine safety, however. This fi re was the catalyst 

that fi nally changed federal law to create “the 

Act” that brought metal and nonmetal mines 

under the same rigorous inspections and regulations that covered coal mining. The people in 

the video agree that mining is much safer now 

than it was in 1972. They also agree that one 

of the reasons the fi re was such a disaster was 

that no one believed it could happen. A hardrock mine simply did not burn, so when it did, 

the miners initially refused to believe there was 

a problem. This video provides a stark look at a 

disaster and its aftermath by including stories 

about what happened, what went wrong, and 

what lessons were learned as a result. It also 

clearly illustrates how powerful a force culture 

can be when an event like this occurs. 

During the taping of the Sunshine video, 

we captured many other stories. Miners shared 

stories about oldtimers who had trained them, 

about what it was like “back in the old days,” 

and about close calls they had experienced or 

witnessed. One of the most poignant stories was 

told by Don Caparelli, who told us about the day 

Jimmy, his best friend and long-time partner, 

died. Captured in the video Hidden Scars, Don 

tells about the day he and Jimmy were working 

in a raise that exploded in a violent rockburst. 

Don and Jimmy were thrown against the rib 

and buried with broken rock. Don had a couple 

of inches clear around his nose, but Jimmy was 

buried below him and could not breathe. Don 

talks about what it was like not to be able to 

move and to feel Jimmy struggle beneath him 

and fi nally die. Don waited for over 2 hours for 

rescuers to reach him, all the while believing 

that he, too, would suffocate as the rock tightened slowly around his chest with every breath 

he exhaled. Don says he has no physical scars to 

show for his ordeal, but the psychological ones, 

the hidden scars, he says will never heal. 

Hidden Scars is about a mining fatality, but 

in a larger sense, it is about a workplace fatality. Don and Jimmy were friends, neighbors, 

and hunting buddies. There is a hole in Don’s 

life that will never be fi lled, as there are holes 

in any organization that loses a cherished employee. This video, like You Are My Sunshine, 

is very relevant to nonmining industries, particularly those that involve danger and risk. In 

fact, both of these videos have migrated outside 

of mining and are being used in other industries 

that involve dangerous environments and constant risk.
22

Five of the videos produced under this project, as well as the video on rock falls, were included in an independent evaluation study that

sought to measure their effectiveness. There 

is an ongoing debate about how it is possible 

to isolate the effects of a single safety training video on overall safety in a mine, but the 

evaluators chose to ask the customers—trainers and trainees—themselves how they would 

rate the videos. Pre- and post-tests were created to gather quantitative and qualitative 

data on the videos with regard to both content 

and perceptions of effectiveness. A systematic 

study was done to collect data from a representative sample of trainers who used the videos 

and from miners both before they watched the 

videos and afterward. 

The evaluation study (Fein & Isaacson, 

2001) revealed fi ve common themes. These 

themes did not appear to depend on whether the 

responses came from trainers or miners. These 

were—

Quality–The story lines were good, the information was important and well presented, and 

the technical quality of the videos, including 

sound and camera work, was excellent.

Credibility–Miners and trainers alike appreciated the use of real mines, real miners, and 

real situations to tell the stories. They felt 

a sense of respect for mining expressed in 

the videos.

Content–The information presented was specifi c 

rather than generic and tied to problems the 

miners faced every day. They particularly 

appreciated that the videos demonstrated 

both the wrong way to do things (which the 

new hires generally did quite well) and the 

right way, as shown by the experts.

Effectiveness–Trainers and miners alike believed 

the videos provided both good information 

and good reminders to workers, independent 

of whether they were new employees or experienced miners.

Engaging–The videos were easy to understand, 

made good use of humor or storytelling, and 

interesting. “No one sleeps through these” 

(Fein & Isaacson, 2001).

When we began the project, we identifi ed 

six preliminary goals for the videos. 

• Get the miners to pay attention in their 

training classes.

• Convince them that the information was important and relevant.

• Make the learning memorable.

• Make the learning enjoyable.

• Motivate the miners to choose to learn.

• Tie all training lessons to real-life situations.

From the information gathered during 

evaluation of the videos, it is apparent that the 

videos meet, at least to some extent, the goals of 

creating training materials that would capture 

miners’ attention that miners would remember 

and that would in some way cause miners to 

choose to change their safety behavior or awareness. Miners and trainers do fi nd the videos 

interesting; therefore, they not only pay attention, 

but according to the trainers, they actually ask 

if any new NIOSH videos are available. While 

the two videos that recount fatal accidents can 

not be described as “enjoyable” to watch, they 

have certainly proven to be memorable. Most 

important, perhaps, are the stories themselves. 

By watching peers tell stories about events that 

have happened because of inattention or errors 

in judgment, miners are drawn into the stories 

and have to refl ect on what they would have done 

or how they would have felt. Responses show 

that these stories are very real to miners and 

have a signifi cant impact on the decisions they 

make about safety (Fein & Isaacson, 2001). 

Developing effective training can be an elusive goal. It is arguable by some that training is 

only effective if it changes someone’s behavior 

or beliefs. Culture plays a key role in how people 

form their beliefs and subsequently in how they 

behave in relation to that belief system. What 

we learned in this project is that one must work 

inside the culture if one expects to affect behavior and that any permanent change in how 

miners view safety or their own role in working safely must come from within. Using stories, 

told by miners who look and talk like they do to 

teach lessons and reach their hearts, does work. 

In fact, it may be the only thing that works. 
23

People make decisions with their heads, 

but they make life choices with their hearts. If 

the stories told by their peers convince them to 

work safely because it is the right thing to do, 

then they will voluntarily change their behavior. That is effective training.

REFERENCES

Bandura, A. A. (1997). Self-effi cacy: The exercise of control. New York: Freeman.

Cullen, E. T. (2004). You are my Sunshine: The Sunshine Mine fi re of May 2, 1972. Unpublished 

doctorial dissertation, Gonzaga University, Spokane, WA. 

Fein, A.H. (2003). Evaluation of Zen and the Art of Rock Bolting. Report prepared for Spokane 

Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Spokane, WA. 38 pp.

Fein, A. H., & Isaacson, N. S. (2001). Video-based training program for underground miners 

evaluation report. Report prepared for Spokane Research Laboratory, NIOSH, 105 pp. 

Gargiulo, T. L. (2002). Making stories: A practical guide to organizational leaders and human 

response specialists. Westport, CT: Quorum Books.

Knowles, M. S., Holton, E. F., & Swanson, R. A. (1998). The adult learner (5th ed.). Woburn, MA: 

Butterworth-Heinemann.

Livo, N. J., & Rietz, S. A. (1986). Storytelling: Process and practice. Littleton, CO: Libraries 

Unlimited, Inc.

Miller, H. B. (1991). A comprehensive analysis of contract mining and wage incentives in 

underground metal mining. Doctoral dissertation, Colorado School of Mines, Golden, CO. 

Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Simmons, A. (2001). The story factor: Inspiration, infl uence, and persuasion through the art of 

storytelling. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Publishing.

Van Maanen, J., & Barley, S. R. (1984). Occupational communities: Culture and control in 

organizations. In: Staw & Cummings (Eds.), Research in organizational behavior (Vol. 6, pp. 287-

366). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.

Wlodowski, R. J. (1985). Enhancing adult motivation to learn. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Zemke, R. (2002). Who needs learning theory anyway? Training, 39(9), 86-91.
24

UNDERSTANDING SELF IN STRESSFUL WORKING 

ENVIRONMENTS

Thomas W. Camm6

6

Mining engineer, Spokane Research Laboratory, NIOSH, Spokane, WA.

There are also substantial noneconomic consequences of workplace injuries and illnesses on quality of life. 

Physical and psychological functioning in everyday activities may be affected, self-esteem and self-conf dence 

may be reduced, and an individual’ s role in the family and community may change. Even less research has 

been focused on these nonmonetary costs. Studies of unemployed workers and their families and of people 

with chronic illnesses and disabling injuries show that income and employment losses, illness, and physical 

impairment can have profound human consequences on both workers and their families. Better measures of 

both economic impacts (direct and indirect) and noneconomic impacts will help improve targeting of resources 

for research, prevention, and compensation. (NIOSH, 2002)

INTRODUCTION

Millions of occupational injuries and thousands of occupational fatalities occur each year 

in the United States. While fatalities are the 

most dramatic and tragic, nonfatal injuries 

may still have a devastating impact on families. 

However, an injury and its attendant medical 

and labor market consequences are an incomplete description of the economic consequences 

for the worker and his or her family. In particular, the changed economic circumstances of 

the family and possible increased care required 

for the injured worker may affect economic and 

social outcomes and behaviors for other family 

members, including children. 

Thus direct medical costs of an injury, lost 

wages, and health care are often a small percentage of the total impacts. Numerous indirect and unrecognized costs are associated with 

workplace injuries: reduced income, depletion of 

savings, and loss of assets (which could include 

automobiles or even homes). Potential costs to 

workers that may not be obvious are the need 

for professional counseling, caregiver services 

in the home, home modifi cations and equipment 

related to disability, and deferral or loss of education opportunities for family members. 

Some of the major direct costs of a workplace injury for an employer include medical 

expenses, legal and administrative expenses, 

worker’s compensation administration, and 

property damage. Indirect costs include the need 

for retraining and/or re-staffi ng, disruption of 

work processes, and the effects of workplace injury, exposure, or fatality on the productivity 

of co-workers who see themselves as being at a 

heightened risk of injury (Camm, 2000).

These consequences are all the focus of a 

growing body of literature (Leigh et al., 1997; 

Miller, 1997; Miller & Galbraith, 1995; Viscusi, 1996). Extending the literature on earnings 

losses for workers with injuries to losses in family income is an area of increasing interest to 

occupational economics researchers. 

Nonetheless, little attention has been given to the social costs of an injury. The ability 

of workers to function in an occupational setting is contingent on their individual emotional 

health, acute or chronic forms of depression, 

anxiety, or inappropriate anger, and can have 

a signifi cant impact on each worker’s ability to 

perform tasks.
25

Forty percent of workers reported their jobs 

as “very” or “extremely stressful” in a survey by 

Northwestern National Life (National Institute for 

Occupational Safety and Health [NIOSH], 1999). 

Heightened levels of stress associated with 

high-risk occupations or working conditions, 

particularly in a setting where a recent serious 

injury or a fatality occurred, can have signifi -

cant impacts to both the productivity and longterm health of workers. Symptoms of stress can 

be physical, mental, and/or behavioral. Mental 

and behavioral effects include depression, anger, and anxiety (Freudenberger, 1998). The effects of low cognitive levels as a result of high 

stress levels and unsafe/unhealthy working 

conditions (whether real or perceived) can also 

adversely affect a worker’s ability to pay attention to work, be aware of at-risk behavior, and 

work productively. 

The fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) 

(American Psychological Association [APA],1994) 

notes that research shows a symptomatic link 

between increased levels of depression, anxiety, 

and anger, and a lack of occupational and social 

functioning. The DSM-IV identifi es symptoms of 

such emotional dysfunction extreme enough to 

cause “clinically signifi cant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important 

areas of functioning” (pp. 327, 436, 646). 

NIOSH researchers (2002) noted that health 

care expenditures were nearly 50% greater for 

workers who reported high levels of stress. Current research in occupational health psychology 

indicates that high levels of stress lead to employees feeling less in control of their workplace, 

resulting in negative health effects on individual 

workers (Sauter et al., 1999).

SYSTEMS THINKING

Systems and systems thinking are terms 

used frequently in many disciplines. However, 

an ecologist using the term ecosystem or ecological system is describing a system in a different 

way than a physicist or an engineer. A psychologist talking about a family system will be discussing ideas that in some ways are similar, but 

in others quite different, from an organizational 

theorist discussing the system of a business organization. The following sections discuss general systems theory as the overarching theory for 

systems and then focus on specialized aspects 

of general systems theory: systems engineering 

and Bowen’s family systems theory. A systems 

approach can provide a useful framework for an 

integrated view of the consequences of stress in 

the workplace.

General systems theory

The root meaning of the word “system” is 

the Greek synhistanai, which literally means “to 

place together.” Understanding things systemically means putting them into context to establish the nature of their relationships. 

One defi nition of a system is “an integrated 

whole whose essential properties arise from the 

relationships between its parts, and ‘systems 

thinking’ the understanding of a phenomenon 

within the context of a larger whole” (Capra, 

1996, p. 27). 

A key characteristic of the organization of 

living organisms is the tendency to form multileveled structures of systems within systems, 

referred to as hierarchies. Hierarchy, in this 

sense, has a different meaning than is typically thought of in organizations; in nature, there 

is no “above and below” so much as networks 

within other networks. Connectedness, relationships, and context are fundamental to understanding systems theory. In systems theory, 

the interactions and relationships among parts 

of a system are as important as their individual 

characteristics in understanding the dynamics 

of the sys-tem. 

Von Bertalanffy was one of the fi rst to establish systems thinking as a major scientifi c 

movement (Capra, 1996). According to von Bertalanffy (1968), general systems theory is a gen-
26

eral science of “wholeness” with an emphasis on 

the use of mathematics to defi ne principles that 

apply to systems in general. “It attempts to defi ne principles found universally in all systems 

in nature” (Papero, 1990, p. 3). 

Von Bertalanffy distinguishes between

“closed systems” (systems considered to be isolated from their environment) and “open systems.” Physical chemistry and thermodynamics are examples of closed systems. “However, 

we fi nd [that] systems by their very nature and 

defi nition are not closed systems. Every living 

organism is essentially an open system,” maintaining itself in a continuous infl ow and outfl ow, 

building up and breaking down of components, 

never in a state of chemical or thermodynamic 

equilibrium (von Bertalanffy, 1968, p. 39).

Although a living system is never in a state 

of perfect equilibrium, it is constantly seeking 

to reach such a state. A system’s stability is continually tested by fl uctuations, which can cause 

a deviation that can be either corrected or magnifi ed by positive or negative feedback. “Homeostasis” is the systems term for describing this 

state of dynamic balance, which is characterized 

by multiple, interdependent fl uctuations (Capra, 1982, pp. 286-287).

David Bohm used the term “rheomode” 

(rheo from Greek “to fl ow”) to describe the interconnected aspect of systems theory. Bohm was a 

quantum physicist who saw that Western civilization’s tendency to describe the universe as discreet fragments provided an inadequate world 

view. Rheomode is a way to describe the universe 

so that, in essence, everything in the universe is 

unbroken and undivided whole movement. To 

attempt to describe the universe as fragments 

misses the essence of the connected nature of 

the universe. “Rather, it [rheomode] implies 

that any describable event, object, entity, etc., 

is an abstraction from an unknown and undefi nable totality of fl owing movement” (Bohm, 1980, 

p. 49). Bohm used the image of a fl owing stream, 

an ever-changing pattern of waves and ripples 

that have no independent existence apart from 

the stream. Applying this principle to human 

health, Bohm stressed that the fragmented nature of current culture, with its emphasis on autonomy, has adverse effects. 

The paradox of human nature is that society has a sense that wholeness or integrity is 

necessary to make life worth living, yet most 

social structures emphasize a fragmented existence. The word “health” in English is based on 

the Anglo-Saxon “hale,” meaning whole—to be 

healthy is to be whole (Bohm, 1980). The totality 

of existence is an unbroken wholeness, an undivided fl owing movement without borders. 

Systems engineering

Systems engineering is an interdisciplinary 

approach that helps enable the realization of 

successful systems. It focuses on defi ning customer needs and required functionality early 

in the development cycle, documents requirements, then proceeds with design synthesis and 

system validation while considering the complete problem, which may include operations, 

performance, testing, manufacturing, costs and 

scheduling, training and support, and disposal. 

Systems engineering integrates all 

disciplines and specialty groups into a team 

effort to form a structured development process 

that proceeds from concept to production to 

operation. Both business and technical needs 

are considered, all with a goal of providing a 

quality product that meets customer needs 

(International Council on Systems Engineering 

[INCOSE], 1999).

A safety system model can be used that 

includes four main components: economics, 

engineering, work environment, and human 

factors (fi gure 1). These components provide 

a model based on viewing the safety of a work 

organization as an overall system (Camm & 

Girard-Dwyer, 2004). Using principles from 

systems theory and systems engineering, this 

approach allows an injury or fatality to be 

evaluated from multiple perspectives.
27

Figure 1.—Model of factors used in systems engineering

1. Economics considers direct, indirect, productivity, and intangible costs. 

2. Engineering considers the design and types 

of equipment, ergonomics, technological 

complexity, work process, cost effectiveness, 

and maintenance.

3. Work environment includes physical agents, 

chemicals, noise, dust, and visibility. 

4. Human factors includes physical capability, perceptual motor skills and abilities, intellectual aptitude, personality, training, and work design. 

Human factors in systems engineering emphasizes that the performance of a machine or 

system depends on the operator, not just the 

equipment. Individual workers in a poorly designed system will often continue to function, 

but this usually results in increases in training 

time, stress for operators, and human errors, 

plus under-use of equipment capabilities (Chapanis, 1996, p. 19). Using this four-part systems 

model allows researchers to focus on key areas 

and interrelationships of the overall safety system of a work setting.

BOWEN’S FAMILY SYSTEMS THEORY

Rigid hierarchies are often the bane of followers in an organization, depriving them of the 

opportunity to make meaningful contributions 

to a system and locking them into an ongoing 

subservient role. A typical organizational system tends to maintain a hierarchy or chain of 

command by utilizing varying degrees of rigidity. According to systems theories (Bowen, 1978; 

Satir, 1964), as the social interactions within a 

system become more rigid, the system itself becomes less functional.

Bowen (1978) framed the quality of communication (or lack of communication) in the hierarchy of a system as indicative of its developmental level or maturity. Papero (1995) pointed 

to Bowen’s conceptualization of three equally 

important therapeutic goals through focusing 

on communication patterns in a family system: 

1. Building person-to-person relationships, 

2. Becoming a better observer of self and others, and 

3. Detriangling,” or disengaging oneself from 

emotionally laden or “stuck” situations. 

From Bowen’s perspective,

[A] person-to-person relationship is one in which 

two people can relate personally to each other 

about each other , without talking about others 

(triangling), and without talking about impersonal 

“things.” Few people can talk personally to anyone for more than a few minutes without increasing anxiety , which results in silences, talking 

about others, or talking about impersonal things. 

(1978, p. 540)

Bowen’s Family Systems theory provides 

four interlocking concepts to form the foundation 

of understanding effectiveness in the workplace: 

differentiation of self, triangles, emotional cutoff, and societal regression. Each of these concepts focuses attention on the central concept of 

workplace interaction.

Differentiation of self

Differentiation of self is the cornerstone of 

Bowen’s theory. Differentiation can be a signifi -
28

cant component of an individual’s effectiveness 

in a work setting because the differentiated person can relate consistently on a person-to-person 

level without digressing toward emotional cutoff, fusion, triangling, or mundane interaction. 

An undifferentiated person, on the other hand, 

has achieved little emotional separation from 

others. The greater the degree of undifferentiated self, the greater the likelihood of emotional 

fusion into a common self with others (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2000). 

Bowen developed a theoretical scale for evaluating a person’s level of differentiation; values 

range from 0 to 100. The scale is not designed 

to assign people to an exact level, but rather to 

describe relative levels of differentiation. Complete undifferentiation exists in a person who 

has achieved no emotional separation from the 

system (family or work organization) in which 

he or she resides. “He is a ‘no-self,’ incapable 

of being an individual in a group. This level of 

functioning is arbitrarily assigned a scale value 

of 0” (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p. 97).

Someone who has achieved complete differentiation has fully resolved the inappropriate (too 

close or too distant) emotional attachment to his 

or her system (family, and/or, by extension, work 

relationships) and would be arbitrarily assigned 

a scale value of 100. Complete differentiation is 

characterized by someone who has attained complete emotional maturity that allows him or her 

to be an individual in a group and attain personal 

responsibility without fostering or participating 

in the irresponsibility of others. 

Bowen used this differentiation scale as a 

theoretical standard, stating that no one could 

actually attain the level of 100. The scale is not 

intended to be either a diagnosis or an instrument 

for assigning exact levels to individuals; rather, 

it is intended to defi ne an individual’s ability to 

adapt to stress. The higher the level of differentiation, the more stress required to trigger an unhealthy symptom (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). 

According to Bowen (1978), the key characteristic describing the difference among people 

is the degree to which individuals can distinguish between the feeling process and the intellectual process. What distinguishes someone at 

a higher level of differentiation is the ability to 

choose to have his or her functioning guided by 

connection-oriented thoughts rather than overly 

“fused” or overly distant feelings. Individuals 

with low differentiation have their emotions 

and intellect so enmeshed that their lives are 

dominated by the feelings of those around them. 

In the work setting, this low differentiation can 

lead to reluctance on the part of workers to speak 

out when they see unsafe working conditions or 

practices and put themselves at risk rather than 

face the possibility of real or perceived sanctions 

by co-workers or managers. 

When applied to the workplace, Bowen’s 

theory provides a framework for describing a 

safer, more meaningful work environment. If a 

worker feels pressure to conform to the demands 

of a group or a boss, the worker may compromise 

his or her own safety to avoid appearing weak or 

unproductive. This dynamic may happen even 

when no expectation to perform a work function 

in an unsafe manner exists and when this perception is held by the worker only. 

Systems theory provides a framework to describe the human capacity for cohesiveness, altruism, and cooperativeness—all characteristics 

that contribute to a safe, effi cient work setting. 

“The higher the level of differentiation of people 

in a family or other social group, the more they 

can cooperate, look out for one another’s welfare, 

and stay in adequate contact during stressful as 

well as calm periods” (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p. 

93). Bowen’s theory indicates that a worker with 

a higher differentiation of self is more likely to 

respond in a thoughtful manner to an unsafe 

situation, to handle the stress of an injury or fatality at the workplace, or to respond to any of 

various stress-producing experiences in a more 

healthy, constructive way.

Triangles

The triangle is the basic building block in 

an emotional system, according to Bowen (Kerr 

& Bowen, 1988). A two-person system is inherently unstable. Each person brings in a third under stressful conditions as each attempts to create a triangle to reduce increasing stress in the 

two-person system (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 

2000). During periods of low intensity, two-per-
29

son systems can function at a comfortable level, 

but when the stability of the situation is threatened by one or both persons (which increases 

anxiety levels), at least one of them will involve 

a vulnerable third party. By reaching out and 

pulling a third person into a triangle relationship, the anxiety in the system is diluted. The 

triangle is both more stable and fl exible than a 

twosome and has a higher tolerance for dealing 

with stress (Bowen, 1978). 

Anxiety is the major infl uence on the activity of a triangle. An increase in anxiety will erode 

the level of comfort for individuals in a triangle. 

This discomfort is typically felt more by one person in the triangle than others (Kerr & Bowen, 

1988). During high-stress periods, the emotional 

processes in the triangle can undergo changes. 

For instance, person A and person B can be a 

twosome that functions with a certain level of 

comfort. When a stressful situation arises, person B is uncomfortable with how A responds and 

forms an emotional bond of support with person 

C, which creates a triangle. Because B is now 

getting emotional support from C, neither B nor 

C need A for the same emotional bond, which 

could cause a widening gap in the bond between 

A and B. C helps B to maintain a distance from 

A that was not possible in the original twosome. 

This changes the character of the original twosome and can lead to the result that B (who was 

previously uncomfortable) is now comfortable, 

although the increased distance may cause A to 

go from a position of comfort to discomfort, all as 

a result of a triangle being formed.

Maintaining an emotionally neutral attitude plays an important part in avoiding the 

formation of harmful triangles. “The more it 

is possible to be emotionally neutral about the 

rela-tionship process between others, the more 

effective will be any detriangling maneuver” 

(Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p. 150). Detriangling efforts often do not go smoothly; consequently, the 

more intense the emotional situation, the more 

important it is for a person’s thinking (and corresponding behavior) to be tactful, under reasonable control, and focused on long-term relational 

quality. If an uptight person who is not neutral 

attempts to detriangle from a highly anxious situation or system, it is likely that the person will 

inadvertently make the problem worse. 

Emotional cutoff

“The most obvious manifestation of the 

emotional system is the reactivity of the individual to its environment” (Papero, 1990, p. 45). 

The higher the level of chronic anxiety in a setting, the more each individual will tend to react 

emotionally to reduce the anxiety (p. 43). When 

individuals have diffi culty dealing with intense relationships or social situations (including a work setting), an emotional cutoff allows 

a way to deal with the situation by distancing 

themselves from the relationships involved and 

maintaining a relatively fi xed distance from others (pp. 62-63). 

Forming triangles and emotional cutoff can 

be related. As an example, two miners might be 

having a confl ict that leads to argument and animosity when a shift boss approaches them and 

tells them to get back to work. To relieve the 

anxiety between the two of them, when the boss 

leaves the two workers turn their animosity toward talking disparagingly about the boss, making themselves allies and relieving the ten-sion 

between themselves. This is a typical scenario 

of triangling a third party in to relieve tension 

between two people. Left unresolved, this tension with the boss could lead a worker to feel 

disconnected and eventually to distance him- or 

herself from the boss in particular and management in general. Emotional cutoff by workers 

can then make it extremely diffi cult to train 

workers, including training them to work in a 

safer manner. 

Societal regression

Bowen (1978) extended his theory to include the impact of individual, familial, or work 

systems on societal systems as a whole. Societal regression represents Bowen’s thinking 

on society’s emotional, social, and occupational 

functioning. He argued that society (as individuals and work systems) is caught between the 

opposing forces of undifferentiation and differentiation. When chronic stress (e.g., population 

growth, limited economic resources, depletion of 

natural resources) is exacerbated by continual 

acute stressors (dysfunctional individuals, dysfunctional systems), the result is likely to be a 

surge of destructive patterns (such as increased 
30

triangulation and emotional cutoff) that then 

result in the continual erosion of society as reflected in chronically sick organizations. In the 

end, this bleak progression leads to deepening 

emotional dysfunction and eventual emotional 

breakdown among individuals and is characterized by more tenacious forms of depression, 

anxiety, and anger. 

“Heightened anxiety in society produces 

a surge of togetherness, which in turn creates 

greater discomfort and further anxiety” (Papero, 

1990, p. 64). It is not possible to reduce anxiety 

in a social setting without reducing the emotionality that propels it and the consequent problems of cutoff and enmeshed triangles. Only the 

presence of well-differentiated individuals in the 

system can alleviate the symptoms of reactivity 

to this environment of heightened anxiety.

JOB STRESS

“Job stress can be defi ned as the harmful 

physical and emotional responses that occur 

when the requirements of the job do not match 

the capabilities, resources, or needs of the worker. Job stress can lead to poor health and even 

injury” (NIOSH, 1999, p. 6). In addition to the 

direct costs to the company and the worker, the 

social costs and consequences of job stress can 

include depression, anger, anxiety, public assistance, reduced family income, strained relationships (confl ict, divorce, etc.), and a reduction 

in community involvement. “The American Institute of Stress...estimates that stress and the 

ills it can cause—absenteeism, burnout, mental 

health problems—costs American business more 

than $300 billion a year” (Daniels, 2002).

Signs of job stress include headache, sleep 

disturbances, diffi culty in concentrating, short 

temper, upset stomach, job dissatisfaction, and 

low morale. Chronic job stress can increase the 

risk of health problems—cardiovascular disease, musculoskeletal disorders, psychological 

disorders, workplace injury, suicide, ulcers, and 

im-paired immune function. 

Many approaches are available to reducing 

job stress: making sure the workload matches 

capabilities and resources, designing jobs to provide meaning and opportunities, clearly defi ning roles and responsibilities, providing opportunities for workers to participate in decisions 

affecting their jobs, improving communications, 

reducing uncertainty, enhancing opportunities 

for social interaction among workers, and creating work schedules that are compatible with 

demands and responsibilities outside the job 

(NIOSH, 1999).

People—and systems—have limits beyond 

which they experience a serious breakdown in 

performance. “Human beings are systems, and 

as such have physical, performance, emotional, 

and mental limits” (Swenson, 1992, p. 74). 

Swenson describes a simple equation to evaluate 

the level of stress a person is experiencing, using 

the term “margin” to describe the gap between 

rest and exhaustion, the opposite of overload. 

 Margin = Power – Load

Power is made up of factors that include skills, 

time, emotional stability, physical strength, social supports, fi nancial security, spiritual vitality, 

education, and training. Load combines internal 

factors like personal expectations and emotional 

disabilities; and external factors like work, relationship issues and responsibilities, fi nancial 

debts, and health problems.

When our load is greater than our power, we enter 

into negative margin status, that is, we are overloaded. Endured long-term, this is not a healthy 

state. Severe negative margin for an extended 

period of time is another name for burnout. When 

our power is greater than the load, however , we 

have margin. (Swenson, 1992, p. 92)
31

As shown in the human function curve in

fi gure 2 (Swenson, 1992), a moderate increase 

in stress can lead to an increase in productivity.

Figure 2.—Human function curve

However, every individual has a point at which 

they reach maximum productivity (point B), Beyond this point, any increase in stress leads to 

a decrease in productivity. The dilemma for an 

organization is knowing the difference between 

when a workforce is at point A (with the potential 

for an increase in productivity) and when it is at 

point C (burnout). Since both points A and C 

have similar productivity levels, it is often diffi -

cult to determine where on the curve a workforce 

(or an individual) may be at any given time.

Understanding the dynamics of how individ-uals react to stress in a work environment 

will help to develop appropriate work processes 

and training to keep stress at acceptable levels 

or, to use Swenson’s terminology, to keep the 

workplace in positive margin and avoid worker 

burnout. The concept of differentiation provides 

a theoretical framework for understanding the 

individual, how people differ in terms of sensitivity to one another, and their ability to preserve autonomy in the face of pressures for togetherness (Papero, 1990, p. 45). 

Understanding the reactivity of the individual worker to the work environment and the 

ability to keep thinking and emotional systems 

separate can lead to a clear thought process that 

incorporates complexity and avoids simplistic 

efforts to fi x blame or causality. “The higher the 

level of differentiation of people in a family or 

other social group, the more they can cooperate, look out for one another’s welfare, and stay 

in adequate contact during stressful as well as 

calm periods” (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p. 93).

Triangles become more active where individuals have a greater degree of undifferentiation and the system has intense anxiety. Twoperson relationships are essentially unstable 

when tense or anxious, with anxiety often being 

more intense in one person than the other. When 

anxiety exceeds a tolerable level, a third person 

is involved, forming a triangle. When anxiety is 

high throughout the system, the tension spreads 

through webs of interlocking triangles (Papero, 

1990, p. 49-51). “The major infl uence on the activity of a triangle is anxiety” (Kerr & Bowen, 

1988, p. 135).

Every individual has a threshold beyond 

which additional stress makes the situation catastrophic. “The capacity to bear anxiety is important for the individual’s self-realization and 

for his conquest of his environment” (May, 1977, 

p. 65). When an individual has a weak sense of 

self and is overwhelmed by the adverse affects of 

triangle, one response is to reduce or totally cut 

off emotional contact. “Emotional cutoff is at a 

minimum when people consistently act toward 

one another on the basis of mutual respect and 

are able to listen to one another without emotional reactivity interfering with the ability to 

‘hear’ each other’s thoughts and feelings” (Kerr 

& Bowen, 1988, p. 325).

When the dynamics of understanding the 

work setting as a system are understood, the 

characteristics of human interaction described 

by systems theory provide an approach to minimize the amount of unhealthy chronic stress in 

a work environment.

Research on application of Bowen Family Systems in the workplace has been mostly 

qualitative (Comella, et al., 1996; Sagar & Wiseman, 1982). Further empirical research would 

provide additional data for applications in work 

organizations. 

It should be noted that when employees 

are experiencing emotional distress that affects 

their work performance, professional help from 
32

an employee assistance program (EAP) counseling service is often appropriate. If the primary 

source of a worker’s emotional distress is related 

to the structure and functioning of the work organization, then it is appropriate for management to take steps to make changes.

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