IV 

119TH CONGRESS 

1ST SESSION H. RES. 25 

Expunging the January 13, 2021, impeachment of President Donald John 

Trump. 

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

JANUARY 9, 2025 

Ms. GREENE of Georgia (for herself, Mrs. MILLER of Illinois, Mr. WEBER of 

Texas, Mr. COLLINS, Mr. CRANE, Ms. MALLIOTAKIS, Mr. MOYLAN, Mr. 

NEHLS, Mrs. LUNA, and Mr. VAN DREW) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary 

RESOLUTION 

Expunging the January 13, 2021, impeachment of President 

Donald John Trump. 

Whereas the Constitution provides that the House of Representatives ‘‘shall have the sole Power of Impeachment’’ 

and that the President ‘‘shall be removed from Office on 

Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or 

other high Crimes and Misdemeanors’’; 

Whereas, on January 13, 2021, the House of Representatives 

passed H. Res. 24, Agreeing to Article I of the Resolution Impeaching Donald John Trump, President of the 

United States, for high Crimes and Misdemeanors, by a 

vote of 232 Yeas, 197 Nays, and 4 Not Voting; 


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Whereas Article I of the Resolution, entitled ‘‘Incitement of 

Insurrection’’, contains a subjective account of that which 

transpired at the Capitol on January 6, 2021; 

Whereas Article I of the Resolution omits any discussion of 

the circumstances, unusual voting patterns, and voting 

anomalies of the 2020 Presidential election itself; 

Whereas prior to considering and voting on the Impeachment 

Resolution, Democratic leadership in the House made no 

effort to understand the rationale behind the widespread 

mistrust harbored by American voters in the wake of the 

2020 Presidential election; 

Whereas President Trump won 18 of the 19 bellwether counties across the country that have predicted the winner of 

every Presidential election since 1980; 

Whereas President Trump received approximately 10,100,000 

more votes than in the 2016 Presidential election, making President Trump the first incumbent President in 

132 years, since Grover Cleveland’s failed bid for reelection in 1888, to have increased his vote from his initial 

election and seemingly still not won reelection in the subsequent cycle; 

Whereas Secretaries of State and State boards of election 

across the country changed State election laws sua sponte 

in the name of ‘‘health and safety’’ in the wake of the 

COVID–19 pandemic; 

Whereas public officials in numerous States issued guidance 

to counties that local election officials were precluded 

from performing on-the-spot signature analysis, ensuring 

absentee ballots could not be rejected because an election 

official believed the voter’s signature on a ballot envelope 

did not match the signature on file; 


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Whereas four Democratic lawmakers (Senators Warren, Klobuchar, Wyden, and Representative Pocan), formerly enthusiastic proponents of voting machine integrity, went so 

far as to send a 2019 letter to voting system companies, 

providing real examples of voting machine problems (such 

as switching votes, rejecting paper ballots, vulnerability 

to cyberattack) yet, following the 2020 Presidential election, any individual who raised the same concerns was 

dismissed by Democrats and pundits in the mainstream 

media as spreading ‘‘misinformation’’ and as being nothing more than a ‘‘conspiracy theorist’’; 

Whereas recount efforts following the 2020 Presidential election were vociferously opposed by Governors and Secretaries of State in key swing States like Arizona, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Georgia; 

Whereas public officials in key swing States ignored, and 

took great steps to resist, calls for accountability and 

transparency in election administration and the counting 

and recounting of ballots in their respective States, further sowing the seed of doubt in the electorate as to the 

legitimacy and fairness in the final result; 

Whereas rather than setting forth facts and evidence supporting the need to impeach a President a matter of days 

before he leaves office, Article I of the Resolution cites 

two quotes from President Trump’s January 6, 2021, 

speech on the Ellipse that lack any context, and are 

viewed in a light most unfavorable to the President; 

Whereas Article I of the Resolution grasps at the fact that 

President Trump stated ‘‘we won this election, and we 

won it by a landslide’’, as well as ‘‘if you don’t fight like 

hell you’re not going to have a country anymore’’, as undeniable evidence that ‘‘high Crimes and Misdemeanors’’ 


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were committed, and that President Trump engaged in 

‘‘insurrection or rebellion against the United States’’; 

Whereas Article I of the Resolution conveniently fails to mention the fact that President Trump explicitly stated, ‘‘I 

know that everyone here will soon be marching over to 

the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make 

your voices heard’’; 

Whereas the consideration of the Resolution by the House of 

Representatives failed to follow any meaningful legislative 

process whatsoever; 

Whereas not a single evidentiary hearing on the Resolution 

was held, no witnesses were heard, and no process or opportunity to respond was provided to President Trump; 

Whereas no Members of Congress were provided an opportunity to review or amend the Resolution before it came 

before the full House of Representatives for consideration; 

Whereas the Committee on Rules of the House of Representatives is the only committee that published an official 

Committee Report for the Resolution, that being the Report accompanying H. Res. 41, the rule providing for 

floor consideration of the Resolution; 

Whereas, while a ‘‘Majority Staff Report’’ was released by 

Democrats on the House Committee on the Judiciary, the 

Committee did not issue an official Committee Report, 

via regular order, for H. Res. 24, the Resolution itself; 

Whereas failing to issue a Committee Report for H. Res. 24 

conveniently precluded House Judiciary Committee Republicans a forum in which they may have showcased 

their dissenting views on the Resolution; 


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Whereas to assert that a lone Committee Report accompanying a procedural rule for floor consideration provided 

sufficient due process to the Trump administration or the 

American people via their elected representatives, and to 

assert that voting Yea on the Resolution was justified, 

runs contrary to the Oath of Office taken by all Members 

of the House of Representatives; 

Whereas neither the Committee Report issued by the Committee on Rules of the House of Representatives, nor the 

text of the Impeachment Resolution itself, contain any 

mention of the text of section 3 of article I of the Constitution, which provides that ‘‘Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from 

Office’’; 

Whereas a plain reading of the text of section 3 of article I 

of the Constitution demonstrates that an official tried, 

and convicted, in the Senate must first occupy the ‘‘Office’’ from which he is to be removed, let alone forever 

be disqualified from ‘‘hold[ing] any office . . . under the 

United States’’; 

Whereas in frantically passing the Impeachment Resolution 

on January 13, 2021, only 2 days after it was introduced 

in a frenzy of hysteria, House Democrats, and 10 House 

Republicans, left the Senate only one week to conduct a 

complete trial and convict President Trump before he left 

office; 

Whereas doing so left the Senate virtually no chance to comport with section 3 of article I of the Constitution; 

Whereas unsurprisingly, 31 days passed before the Senate 

held a vote and failed to convict President Trump, 23 

days after he had left office; and 


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Whereas as further indication of the partisan political motivations behind the Resolution, once the Article of Impeachment was passed by the House of Representatives and 

transmitted to the Senate, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court refused to serve as the presiding officer for 

the trial, as required by section 3 of article I of the Constitution, and instead the Senate President pro tempore, 

Senator Pat Leahy, a Democrat from Vermont, and a reliably partisan politician, served as the presiding officer, 

perfecting the entirety of the process as nothing more 

than an unconstitutional exercise in futility, moot, and 

fantastical political theater: Now, therefore, be it 

1 Resolved, That the January 13, 2021, impeachment 

2 of President Donald John Trump is expunged, as if such 

3 article had never passed the full House of Representatives, 

4 as the facts and circumstances upon which such article 

5 was based met the burden of proving neither that Presi6 dent Trump committed ‘‘high Crimes and Misdemeanors’’, 

7 as set forth in section 4 of article II of the Constitution, 

8 nor that President Trump engaged in ‘‘insurrection or re9 bellion against the United States’’, such that he is forever 

10 precluded from ‘‘hold[ing] any office . . . under the 

11 United States’’ pursuant to section 3 of the 14th Amend12 ment to the Constitution. 

Æ 


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