IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT

No. 15-60637

REVEREND KENNETH E. FAIRLEY, SR.; REVEREND D. FRANKLIN 

BROWNE; DENNIS D. HENDERSON; CARLOS WILSON; FRED BURNS; 

CHARLES BARTLEY; CLARENCE MAGEE, 

 Plaintiffs - Appellants

v.

HATTIESBURG MISSISSIPPI; HATTIESBURG MISSISSIPPI 

DEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE; HATTIESBURG MISSISSIPPI 

REPUBLICAN EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE; HATTIESBURG MISSISSIPPI 

ELECTION COMMISSION, 

 Defendants - Appellees

Appeal from the United States District Court

for the Southern District of Mississippi

USDC No. 2:13-CV-18

Before STEWART, Chief Judge, and CLEMENT and HAYNES, Circuit 

Judges.

PER CURIAM:*

Reverend Kenneth E. Fairley, Sr., Reverend D. Franklin Browne, Dennis 

D. Henderson, Carlos Wilson, Fred Burns, Charles Bartley, and Clarence 

 

* Pursuant to 5TH CIR. R. 47.5, the court has determined that this opinion should not 

be published and is not precedent except under the limited circumstances set forth in 5TH 

CIR. R. 47.5.4.

United States Court of Appeals

Fifth Circuit

FILED

November 28, 2016

Lyle W. Cayce

Clerk

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Magee (collectively, “Plaintiffs”) brought suit against Hattiesburg, Mississippi 

(“Hattiesburg”). The complaint alleged causes of action under Section 2 of the 

Voting Rights Act, the Equal Protection Clause, and the Fifteenth 

Amendment.1 After a bench trial, the district court entered judgment in favor 

of Hattiesburg on Plaintiffs’ claim under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. 

Plaintiffs appealed. Finding no error, we AFFIRM.

I. 

A.

Hattiesburg has a mayor-council form of government, under which a 

mayor exercises the city’s executive power, MISS. CODE ANN. § 21-8-15, and a 

five-member city council serves as the city’s legislative body, id. § 21-8-9. 

Whereas the mayor is elected citywide, each city council member is elected by 

ward, and each of the five wards must contain “as nearly as possible” a fifth of 

the population “as shown by the most recent decennial census.” Id. § 21-8-

7(4)(a), (b). The city council must redistrict when necessary after each census. 

Id. § 21-8-7(4)(c)(i). 

Prior to the 2010 census, Hattiesburg had a majority white total 

population and voting-age population. The 2010 census data revealed, 

however, that African Americans are now a majority of the total population 

and a plurality of the voting-age population. Specifically, 53.92% of the total 

population was “any part black,” and 40.48% of the total population was “nonHispanic white.” As to the voting-age population, 48.50% was “any part black,” 

and 45.98% was “non-Hispanic white.” 

Following the 2010 census, the city council hired Chris Watson to assist 

with the requisite redistricting. Watson began by reviewing the degree of 

 

1 Following trial, Plaintiffs withdrew their claims under the Equal Protection Clause 

and the Fifteenth Amendment. These claims are not at issue on appeal.

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imbalance and how much numerical change each ward would have to undergo 

to correct that imbalance. His review revealed a significant imbalance that

would require redistricting. Watson submitted various redistricting plans to 

the city council, and these plans were the subject of several public hearings. 

At the end of this process, the city council effectively had three plans 

from which to choose. The city council eventually adopted the Revised 

Proposed Redistricting Plan (“Adopted Plan”), which Chris Watson originated. 

The Adopted Plan would create three majority white wards (Wards 1, 3, and 

4) and two majority African-American wards (Wards 2 and 5). The Community 

Political Action Committee (“CPAC”) submitted a plan (“CPAC Plan”) that 

would create three majority African-American wards (Wards 1, 2, and 5) and 

two majority white wards (Wards 3 and 4). Finally, Councilman Henry Naylor 

worked with Watson to create a plan (“Naylor Plan”) that would create three 

majority African-American wards (Wards 1, 2, and 5) and two majority white 

wards (Wards 3 and 4).2 When the city council voted on what plan to 

implement, the Adopted Plan received three votes, the CPAC plan received one 

vote, and the Naylor Plan received one vote. The Adopted Plan then received 

preclearance from the Justice Department under Section 5 of the Voting Rights 

Act. 

B.

Prior to trial, the parties stipulated to the following facts, among others: 

The City council elected in 2001 consisted of three 

white councilpersons and two African-American 

councilpersons.

. . . .

 

2 Although the possibility of a swing ward was discussed, Plaintiff’s counsel conceded 

at oral argument that, in terms of plans submitted to the council for consideration, “no plans 

showed a fifth competitive [swing] ward.”

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The City council elected in 2009 consisted of three 

white councilpersons and two African-American 

councilpersons.

. . . .

In the City’s June 4, 2013 general election, each of the 

incumbent councilpersons was reelected. 

. . . .

Johnny Dupree[, an] African American[,] won the 

contested city-wide general election in Hattiesburg, 

Mississippi, for Mayor, in 2001, 2005, and 2013. 

Mayor Dupree was elected without opposition in 2009.

. . . . 

Legally significant racial bloc voting exists in white 

versus African American city elections in 2001, 2005, 

2009 and 2013 in Hattiesburg, Mississippi.

Based on 2010 census data in Hattiesburg, 

Mississippi, a five (5) ward city council redistricting 

plan could be drawn with three (3) African American 

voting age population wards.

The African American population in Hattiesburg, 

Mississippi, is sufficiently large and geographically 

compact to constitute a majority of the voting age 

population in three (3) of the five (5) wards.

The parties further stipulated to the specific results in various elections and to 

the racial composition of the wards under the Adopted Plan. The district court 

also granted a motion to take judicial notice of various facts related to a prior 

lawsuit involving Hattiesburg stemming from a 2004 redistricting plan. See 

Fairley v. Hattiesburg (Fairley I), 584 F.3d 660 (5th Cir. 2009).

The district court held a three-day bench trial. The parties put on 

evidence regarding the plans that the city council considered, the extent to 

which voting in Hattiesburg is racially polarized, and the extent to which the 

city council was receptive to the needs of the African-American community. 

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The district court entered final judgment in favor of Hattiesburg, and Plaintiffs 

timely appealed. 

II.

We have jurisdiction over this appeal of a final judgment. 28 U.S.C. 

§ 1291. “In reviewing a district court’s decision regarding an alleged violation 

of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, this court analyzes the legal standards 

applied by a district court de novo and the factual findings for clear error.” 

Rodriguez v. Bexar Cty., 385 F.3d 853, 860 (5th Cir. 2004) (citation omitted). 

Under the clear error standard, “[i]f the district court’s findings are plausible 

in light of the record viewed in its entirety, we must accept them, even though 

we might have weighed the evidence differently if we had been sitting as a trier 

of fact.” Price v. Austin Indep. Sch. Dist., 945 F.2d 1307, 1312 (5th Cir. 1991)

(quoting Norris v. Hartmarx Specialty Stores, Inc., 913 F.2d 253, 255 (5th Cir.

1990)).

III. 

A.

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act prohibits the imposition of a “voting 

qualification or prerequisite to voting or standard, practice, or procedure . . . 

which results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen . . . to vote 

on account of race or color.” 52 U.S.C. § 10301(a). Section 2(b) creates a 

“results test,” which evaluates whether, based on the totality of the 

circumstances, “the political processes leading to nomination or election . . . are 

not equally open to participation by members of a class of citizens . . . in that 

its members have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to 

participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice.” 

Id. § 10301(b). 

There are three threshold preconditions that must be satisfied before a 

Section 2 violation can be established: (1) the racial group must be “sufficiently 

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large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member 

district”; (2) the racial group must be “politically cohesive”; and (3) the majority

must “vot[e] sufficiently as a bloc to enable it . . . usually to defeat the 

minority’s preferred candidate.” League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry

(LULAC v. Perry), 548 U.S. 399, 425 (2006) (quoting Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 

U.S. 30, 50–51 (1986)). Hattiesburg conceded that these three Gingles

preconditions were satisfied, and we therefore do not address them on appeal.

If the three Gingles preconditions are satisfied, we must “consider the 

‘totality of circumstances’ to determine whether members of a racial group 

have less opportunity than do other members of the electorate.” LULAC v. 

Perry, 548 U.S. at 425–26. In assessing the totality of the circumstances, “the 

Court has referred to the Senate Report on the 1982 amendments to the Voting 

Rights Act, which identifies factors typically relevant to a § 2 claim[.]” Id. at

426. These so-called “Senate Factors” are as follows:

1. the extent of any history of official discrimination in 

the state or political subdivision that touched the right 

of the members of the minority group to register, to 

vote, or otherwise to participate in the democratic 

process;

2. the extent to which voting in the elections of the 

state or political subdivision is racially polarized;

3. the extent to which the state or political subdivision 

has used unusually large election districts, majority 

vote requirements, anti-single shot provisions, or 

other voting practices or procedures that may enhance 

the opportunity for discrimination against the 

minority group;

4. if there is a candidate slating process, whether the 

members of the minority group have been denied 

access to that process;

5. the extent to which members of the minority group 

in the state or political subdivision bear the effects of 

discrimination in such areas as education, 

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employment and health, which hinder their ability to 

participate effectively in the political process;

6. whether political campaigns have been 

characterized by overt or subtle racial appeals;

7. the extent to which members of the minority group 

have been elected to public office in the jurisdiction.

. . . .

[8.] whether there is a significant lack of 

responsiveness on the part of elected officials to the 

particularized needs of the members of the minority 

group[; and]

[9.] whether the policy underlying the state or political 

subdivision’s use of such voting qualification, 

prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice or 

procedure is tenuous.

Gingles, 478 U.S. at 36–37 (quoting S. REP. NO. 97-417, at 28–29 (1982), as 

reprinted in 1982 U.S.C.C.A.N. 177, 206–07). “Another relevant consideration 

is whether the number of districts in which the minority group forms an 

effective majority is roughly proportional to its share of the population in the 

relevant area.” LULAC v. Perry, 548 U.S. at 426 (citing Johnson v. De Grandy, 

512 U.S. 997, 1000 (1994)). “[T]he existence of racially polarized voting and 

the extent to which minorities are elected to public office remain the two most 

important factors considered in the totality-of-circumstances inquiry.” Clark 

v. Calhoun Cty. (Clark II), 88 F.3d 1393, 1397 (5th Cir. 1996).

This list of factors is not exhaustive, and “there is no requirement that 

any particular number of factors be proved, or that a majority of them point 

one way or the other.” Gingles, 478 U.S. at 45 (quoting S. REP. NO. 97-417, at 

29). Moreover, “[n]ot every factor will be relevant in every case.” Veasey v. 

Abbott, 830 F.3d 216, 246 (5th Cir.) (en banc), petition for cert. filed, No. 16-393 

(Sept. 23, 2016). Rather, “the proper assessment of vote dilution claims is 

‘peculiarly dependent upon the facts of each case’ and requires ‘an intensely 

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local appraisal of the design and impact of the contested electoral 

mechanisms.’” Rodriguez, 385 F.3d at 860 (quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. at 79). 

We have agreed that “it will be only the very unusual case in which the 

plaintiffs can establish the existence of the three Gingles [preconditions] but 

still have failed to establish a violation of § 2 under the totality of 

circumstances.” Clark v. Calhoun Cty. (Clark I), 21 F.3d 92, 97 (5th Cir. 1994)

(quoting Jenkins v. Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ., 4 F.3d 1103, 1135 

(3d Cir. 1993)). Yet the totality of the circumstances inquiry is not an empty 

formalism, and satisfying the Gingles preconditions does not necessitate

liability. Clark II, 88 F.3d at 1396–97. “To the contrary, this final inquiry can 

be powerful indeed.” Id. at 1397.

“[I]f a district court uses the correct legal standards, its findings will not 

be reversed unless its account was implausible based upon the entirety of the 

record or the reviewing court is left with the ‘definite and firm conviction that 

a mistake has been committed.’” N.A.A.C.P. v. Fordice, 252 F.3d 361, 365 (5th 

Cir. 2001) (quoting Magnolia Bar Ass’n v. Lee, 994 F.2d 1143, 1147 (5th Cir. 

1993)). This standard “preserves the benefit of the trial court’s particular 

familiarity with the indigenous political reality without endangering the rule 

of law.” Gingles, 478 U.S. at 79.

B.

The district court summarized its findings relating to the totality of the 

circumstances as follows:

1. Hattiesburg has a history of official racial 

discrimination, but all such practices ceased many 

years ago. This factor weighs slightly in favor of 

Plaintiffs.

2. Voting is highly polarized along racial lines in 

Hattiesburg. Blacks most often vote for blacks, and 

whites most often vote for whites. This factor weighs 

in favor of Plaintiffs.

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3. There is no evidence that the majority-vote 

requirement hinders African-American electoral 

opportunity. This factor weighs in favor of 

Defendants.

4. Although there exists a substantial socioeconomic 

disparity between Hattiesburg’s African-American 

citizens and its white ones, it does not hinder AfricanAmericans’ voting and participation in the City’s 

political process. This factor weighs in favor of 

Defendants.

5. There is no evidence of racial appeals in 

Hattiesburg’s city elections. This factor weighs in 

favor of Defendants.

6. No African-American has ever been elected to the 

City Council from Wards 1, 3, or 4. However, 

Hattiesburg’s African-American mayor has enjoyed 

substantial electoral success, and he wields a 

considerable amount of power in the mayor-council 

form of municipal government. This factor weighs 

slightly in favor of Plaintiffs.

7. The evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that 

Hattiesburg’s elected officials, including its white City 

Council members, are responsive to the needs of the 

African-American community. This factor weighs in 

favor of Defendants.

8. The Council Plan furthers the City’s legitimate, nontenuous interests. This factor weighs in favor of 

Defendants.

9. The number of districts in which African-Americans 

form an effective majority is roughly proportional to 

their share of the City’s population, particularly when 

one considers voting-age population. This factor 

weighs in favor of Defendants.

The district court ultimately concluded that “Hattiesburg’s current ward plan 

does not practically hinder African-Americans’ opportunity to participate in 

the political process and elect representatives of their choice. The evidence 

demonstrates that African-Americans in Hattiesburg enjoy political power in 

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rough proportion to their share of the voting-age population, and that they 

actively exercise such power through the political process.” 

C.

1.

Plaintiffs maintain that the district court incorrectly relied upon the 

election of Hattiesburg’s African-American mayor to diminish the significance 

of two of the Senate Factors: the extent to which minority group members have 

been elected to public office and the extent to which voting is racially polarized. 

However, we have approved the use of so-called exogenous elections, see 

Rodriguez, 385 F.3d at 860 n.5, although we recognize their limited probative 

value, see Clark II, 88 F.3d at 1397 (“[E]xogenous elections . . . are less 

probative than elections involving the specific office that is the subject of the 

litigation.”). In accordance with this precedent, the district court

acknowledged that the mayoral election was of limited relevance and even 

discounted the significance of the state and national election data. In light of 

our acceptance of the limited use of exogenous elections, the district court did 

not err in relying on the citywide election of an African-American mayor in its

findings as to these two Senate Factors.

2.

Plaintiffs also take issue with the district court’s finding regarding the 

effects of discrimination on the ability of African Americans to participate in 

the political process, highlighting the evidence of socioeconomic disparities 

that was presented at trial. However, “proof of socioeconomic disparities and 

a history of discrimination ‘without more’” does not demonstrate that a group 

of citizens has less opportunity to participate in the political process. Clark II, 

88 F.3d at 1399. Indeed, Congress “clearly did not dispense with proof that 

participation in the political process is in fact depressed among minority 

citizens.” League of United Latin Am. Citizens, Council No. 4434 v. Clements

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(LULAC v. Clements), 999 F.2d 831, 867 (5th Cir. 1993) (en banc). As evidence 

that participation is depressed, Plaintiffs point to the analysis of their expert,

Allan Lichtman, who concluded that “[s]ocio-economic disadvantages make it 

more difficult for African Americans than whites to find qualified candidates 

for political office, to fund campaigns, and to must[er] supporters to the polls.” 

Testimony regarding depressed political participation relevant to a local 

election must be grounded in a local appraisal of the facts. See Fordice, 252 

F.3d at 368 (noting that “to support a favorable finding on [whether 

socioeconomic disparity hampers the ability of minorities to participate], [the 

plaintiff] bore the burden to demonstrate that the African-American citizens of 

Mississippi ‘do not in fact participate to the same extent as other citizens’” 

(emphasis added) (quoting LULAC v. Clements, 999 F.2d at 866)); see also 

Clark II, 88 F.3d at 1399 (rejecting an expert’s testimony that “individuals of 

lower socioeconomic status were not as likely to vote as individuals of higher 

socioeconomic status” because it was not based on “an intensely local appraisal 

of the social and political climate”). Lichtman’s testimony and report are not 

evidence that African Americans in Hattiesburg actually have depressed 

political participation, but rather support the theory that socioeconomic 

disparity can effect political participation generally. The district court was not 

required to accept Lichtman’s testimony on this point. See LULAC v. Clements, 

999 F.2d at 867–68 (concluding that Plaintiffs “ha[d] not established that the 

effects of past discrimination ha[d] hindered their ability to participate in the 

political process” where their expert’s testimony amounted to “support for the 

common sense proposition that depressed political participation typically 

accompanies poverty and a lack of education[] . . . [and was not] proof that 

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minority voters in this case failed to participate equally in the political 

processes” (emphasis in original)).3

3.

Plaintiffs also challenge the district court’s finding regarding 

Hattiesburg’s responsiveness to the African-American community. According 

to Plaintiffs, the district court incorrectly relied on the fact that over 90% of 

the city council votes were unanimous. To Plaintiffs, the relevant 

consideration is the percentage of divided city council votes that are divided on 

racial lines. Not only do Plaintiffs cite no authority that the responsiveness 

factor somehow turns on this metric, but also Plaintiffs fail to address the 

plethora of evidence supporting the district court’s finding that Hattiesburg 

was responsive.4 See Westwego Citizens for Better Gov’t v. City of Westwego, 

946 F.2d 1109, 1118 (5th Cir. 1991) (“A finding of fact is ‘clearly erroneous’ only 

when although there may be evidence to support it, the reviewing court on the 

entire evidence is left with the definite and firm conviction that a mistake has 

been committed.” (citing Campos v. City of Baytown, 840 F.2d 1240, 1243 (5th 

Cir. 1988))). In fact, we have previously noted that this factor has two facets: 

“the provisions of municipal services to neighborhoods populated by minority 

 

3 Indeed, the district court noted that the evidence at trial affirmatively demonstrated 

that “although Hattiesburg’s African-American citizens have lower incomes, educational 

levels, and standards of living than its white citizens, they participate in the political process 

at the same or higher levels.” For example, Hattiesburg’s African-American citizens 

historically registered and voted in greater numbers than its white citizens. African 

Americans in Hattiesburg also participated in the public hearings about redistricting and the 

City Council’s weekly “Citizens Forum.” The district court further noted that African 

Americans’ participation in Hattiesburg’s democratic process was “robust.” 

4 The district court discussed Chris Watson’s testimony that he found no racial 

disparity in how Hattiesburg funded city services, and that over half of city employees were 

African American. It further examined two development projects, the relationship between 

city council and the mayor, and the history of the council’s “Citizens Forum.” Indeed, the 

district court examined council voting patterns as just one of seven separate considerations 

under the responsiveness factor.

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group members [and] the distribution of municipal jobs and appointments to 

various boards and commissions.” David v. Garrison, 553 F.2d 923, 929 (5th 

Cir. 1977); see also Jones v. City of Lubbock, 727 F.2d 364, 381 (5th Cir. 1984) 

(examining municipal services, minorities in public employment, and projects 

of interest to the minority community). As to both of these facets, the district 

court found in favor of Hattiesburg. Finding no error, we will not disrupt the 

district court’s finding as to responsiveness.

4.

Next, Plaintiffs criticize the district court’s finding as to tenuousness. As 

to this factor, the district court discussed the testimony of councilmembers that 

the primary goal in redistricting was to correct the deviation in the wards’ 

population with as little change to the ward lines as possible. It also noted the 

testimony of Chris Watson that he created the Adopted Plan with the goal of 

correcting the population deviation and “causing as little change to the existing 

ward lines as possible, causing as few voters to change voting precincts as 

possible, maintaining all of the communities of interest, and respecting 

traditional geographical boundaries.” These goals align with traditional 

districting principles. See Chen v. City of Houston, 206 F.3d 502, 512 (5th Cir. 

2000); see also Evenwel v. Abbott, 136 S. Ct. 1120, 1124 (2016) (“[W]hen 

drawing state and local legislative districts, jurisdictions are permitted to 

deviate somewhat from perfect population equality to accommodate traditional 

districting objectives, among them, preserving the integrity of political 

subdivisions, maintaining communities of interest, and creating geographic 

compactness.”). Plaintiffs have failed to establish how this finding was clearly 

erroneous. 

5.

The focus of Plaintiffs’ appeal concerns the district court’s treatment of 

rough proportionality. The district court ultimately found that “[t]he number 

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of districts in which African-Americans form an effective majority is roughly 

proportional to their share of the City’s population, particularly when one 

considers voting-age population. This factor weighs in favor of Defendants.” 

In making this finding, the district court noted that, on the facts of the case:

Strict proportionality is impossible. Regardless of the 

result, one side of this dispute will get forty percent of 

the voting power (2 out of 5 Council positions), while 

the other will get sixty percent (3 out of 5). With the 

current population numbers, there is no way to 

apportion five seats and achieve strict proportionality. 

There will necessarily be an imbalance in one direction 

or the other.

Among other arguments, Plaintiffs contend the district court failed to consider 

the possibility of a plan that contained a competitive (or “swing”) third ward. 

The Supreme Court has noted that “‘[p]roportionality’ as the term is used 

[in the totality of circumstances analysis] links the number of majorityminority voting districts to minority members’ share of the relevant 

population.”5 De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1014 n.11. The proportionality analysis 

discussed by the Supreme Court in De Grandy utilized voting-age population, 

but the Supreme Court has declined to endorse the use of voting-age population 

over total population or vice-versa. See id. at 1014, 1017 n.14. In accordance 

with this authority, we have determined that a district court’s use of votingage population is not clearly erroneous. Fairley I, 584 F.3d at 674; see also 

African Am. Voting Rights Legal Def. Fund, Inc. v. Villa, 54 F.3d 1345, 1352–

53 (8th Cir. 1995). Furthermore, the Supreme Court has cautioned that there 

 

5 Notably, the Court distinguished proportionality as a factor to be considered in the 

totality of the circumstances analysis “from the subject of the proportional representation 

clause of § 2, which provides that ‘nothing in this section establishes a right to have members 

of a protected class elected in numbers equal to their proportion in the population.’” De 

Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1014 n.11 (quoting 52 U.S.C. § 10301(b)). “[I]t is important to keep the 

concepts of ‘proportionality’ and ‘proportional representation’ distinct.” Solomon v. Liberty 

Cty. Comm’rs, 221 F.3d 1218, 1224 n.5 (11th Cir. 2000).

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is no “magic parameter” and that proportionality “must allow for some 

deviations.” LULAC v. Perry, 548 U.S. at 438; see also De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 

1017 n.14. Indeed, if a city drew district lines with the predominant purpose 

of achieving strict racial proportionality, the city would have to defend the 

resulting districts under a strict scrutiny analysis. See Miller v. Johnson, 515 

U.S. 900, 915–16 (1995); see also Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, 

135 S. Ct. 1257, 1267 (2015) (“[A] policy of prioritizing mechanical racial 

targets above all other districting criteria (save one-person, one-vote) provides 

evidence that race motivated the drawing of particular lines in multiple 

districts in the State.”); Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 986 (1996) (plurality 

opinion) (affirming a district court’s decision declaring Texas’s congressional 

redistricting effort unconstitutional because of racial gerrymandering to create 

a majority Hispanic district and majority African-American districts); Miller, 

515 U.S. at 927–28 (“It takes a shortsighted and unauthorized view of the 

Voting Rights Act to invoke that statute, which has played a decisive role in 

redressing some of our worst forms of discrimination, to demand the very racial 

stereotyping the Fourteenth Amendment forbids.”). “In the end, ‘substantial 

proportionality’ is what matters in the totality-of-circumstances analysis.” 

Fairley I, 584 F.3d at 674 (citing De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1015–16).

Finally, we reject Plaintiffs’ argument that the district court treated 

rough proportionality as a safe harbor in contravention of LULAC v. Perry, 548 

U.S. at 436. Although the district court gave proportionality great weight, it 

also gave significant weight to the fact that African Americans in Hattiesburg 

participate in the political process. According to the language of the district 

court’s 46-page opinion, proportionality was not, in and of itself, dispositive. 

See Villa, 54 F.3d at 1356 (“Although the district court’s opinion focuses heavily 

upon proportionality, it addresses the various other factors.”). Moreover, in 

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accordance with the clear error standard, we will not reweigh the evidence. 

Fordice, 252 F.3d at 365.

With these principles and considerations in mind, we cannot say that the 

district court’s finding regarding rough proportionality was clearly erroneous 

or the result of legal error. Rather, the district court properly took into 

consideration the local situation in Hattiesburg, including the existence of only 

five wards and the voting-age population of the city. Although we might have 

reached a different conclusion based on the evidence, that is not the 

appropriate test on appeal. See Price, 945 F.2d at 1312.

IV.

The district court fulfilled its role in conducting an intensely local 

appraisal of the facts. It did not commit reversible error, so we AFFIRM.

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CARL E. STEWART, Chief Judge, dissenting:

 Unlike most § 2 appeals, this case does not turn on the district court’s

factual determinations, as the facts are virtually undisputed. Rather, this case 

concerns the trial court’s application of precedent in its pivotal “totality of the 

circumstances” analysis. Thus, my departure from the panel majority is based 

not on the district court’s factual determinations but rather the manner in 

which the court applied the controlling legal standards to these facts. The 

majority opinion affirms the district court’s judgment based on its factual 

findings and determines that the court’s totality of the circumstances analysis 

was legally tenable. Because I am convinced a deeper analysis is required and 

that, under such an analysis, Hattiesburg’s electoral scheme violates the 

Voting Rights Act, I respectfully dissent.

“The essence of a § 2 claim is that a certain electoral law, practice, or 

structure interacts with social and historical conditions to cause an inequality 

in the opportunities enjoyed by black and white voters to elect their preferred 

representatives.” Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 47 (1986). The totality of 

the circumstances test is a functional appraisal of whether “minorities have 

been denied an ‘equal opportunity’ to participate in the political process and to 

elect representatives of their choice.” Abrams v. Johnson, 521 U.S. 74, 91 

(1997) (quoting 42 U.S.C. § 1973(b)). “The need for such ‘totality’ review 

springs from the demonstrated ingenuity of state and local governments in 

hobbling minority voting power, a point recognized by Congress when it 

amended the statute in 1982.” Johnson v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997, 1018 

(1994) (internal citations omitted).

Although district courts are afforded considerable discretion in weighing 

the totality of the circumstances so that they may conduct “an intensely local 

appraisal of the design and the impact of the contested electoral mechanisms,” 

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Gingles, 478 U.S. at 79 (quotation omitted), U.S. Supreme Court and Fifth 

Circuit precedent has established certain base principles. First, we follow 

Clark v. Calhoun Cty. (Clark I)’s lodestar rule that “it will be only the very 

unusual case in which the plaintiffs can establish the existence of the three 

Gingles factors but still have failed to establish a violation of § 2 under the 

totality of the circumstances.” 21 F.3d 92, 97 (5th Cir. 1994) (citation omitted); 

see also NAACP v. Fordice, 252 F.3d 361, 374 (5th Cir. 2001); Teague v. Attala 

Cty., 92 F.3d 283, 293 (5th Cir. 1996). “In such cases, the district court must 

explain with particularity” why it has reached such a conclusion. Clark I, 21 

F.3d at 97 (quoting Jenkins v. Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ., 4 F.3d 

1103, 1135 (3d Cir. 1993)). Second, courts have held that the most important 

Senate Factors are “the extent to which minority group members have been 

elected to public office in the jurisdiction” and the “extent to which voting in 

the elections of the state or political subdivision is racially polarized.” Gingles, 

478 U.S. at 48 n.15. Third, exogenous elections “are less probative than 

elections involving the specific office that is the subject of litigation.” Clark v. 

Calhoun Cty. (Clark II), 88 F.3d 1393, 1397 (5th Cir. 1996). And, fourth, 

“[p]roportionality is not a safe harbor,” and its presence does not “prove the 

absence of dilution.” De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1026 (O’Connor, J., concurring).

Here, both parties stipulated that the Gingles preconditions had been 

met. Thus, the district court should have started its inquiry from the 

established benchmark that a § 2 violation had occurred and then “explain[ed] 

with particularity” why this was the “very unusual” case where the plaintiffs 

failed to demonstrate a violation under the totality of the circumstances results 

test. See Clark I, 21 F.3d at 97. Instead, the district court inverted the 

analysis: it enunciated the Clark I rule, disregarded it, and proceeded directly 

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to the results test, placing the burden on the plaintiffs to establish that the 

factual evidence amounted to a § 2 violation. This was legal error. 

Moreover, there is insufficient probative evidence in the record to justify 

a deviation from the Clark I benchmark; thus, the district court’s conclusion

that no § 2 violation existed despite the presence of all three Gingles 

preconditions—a determination courts have made in only a handful of cases 

nationwide—was also erroneous. The few courts that have found no § 2

violation despite the fact that the Gingles factors were satisfied or assumed did 

so where, for example, the record did not demonstrate “a history of persistent 

discrimination reflected in the larger society” or that “bloc-voting behavior 

portend[ed] any dilutive effect.” See NAACP v. City of Niagara Falls, 65 F.3d 

1002, 1023 (2d Cir. 1995). Courts have similarly found no § 2 violation where 

the adopted system arguably increased the opportunity for minority voters to 

elect representatives of their choice or where minority voters had achieved 

proportional representation within that system. See Jenkins v. Manning, 116 

F.3d 685, 692, 696 (3d Cir. 1997); Niagara Falls, 65 F.3d at 1022; Little Rock 

Sch. Dist. v. Pulaski Cty. Special Sch. Dist. #1, 56 F.3d 904, 911–12 (8th Cir. 

1995). The Fifth Circuit determined that a case was the “very unusual”

exception where only one, non-predominant Senate Factor weighed in favor of 

the plaintiffs, and all other factors weighed in favor of the defendants. See 

Fordice, 252 F.3d at 374.1 

 

1 In Fordice, this court stated: “We find that the district court met th[e] requirement

[to explain with particularity why it concluded that the contested electoral districts did not 

violate § 2] . . . . In summary, the district court found that, although Mississippi has an 

undeniable history of official discrimination . . . [the plaintiffs] failed to demonstrate that this 

reality hindered the ability of Mississippi’s African-American citizens to participate 

effectively in the state’s political process.” Fordice, 252 F.3d at 374.

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None of these situations is present here. Rather, the district court found, 

inter alia, that Hattiesburg “has a long, well-established history of official 

discrimination against African-Americans for the purpose of limiting their 

participation in the democratic process”; that no black candidate has ever been 

elected to the Hattiesburg City Council from a majority-white district; and 

that, despite black citizens comprising over fifty percent of Hattiesburg’s 

population, black candidates have never secured more than two seats on the 

five-seat City Council. Additionally, here—unlike in any of the previously cited

cases—both predominant Senate Factors weighed in favor of the plaintiffs. 

Thus, the district court’s judgment, if sustained by the panel majority, will be 

the outlier case where no § 2 violation exists even though the three Gingles

preconditions were indisputably satisfied and the court determined (1) that 

voting was highly racially polarized and (2) that members of the minority 

group struggled to be elected to public office in the jurisdiction.2 

Yet, the district court never explained, with the requisite particularity

or otherwise, how it reached this exceptional result. See Clark I, 21 F.3d at 97 

(citation omitted). Instead, after determining that the Gingles preconditions 

were satisfied and three of the Senate Factors—including the two predominant 

factors—weighed in the plaintiffs’ favor, the district court summarized its 

conclusion as follows: 

After spending a great deal of time considering the evidence, the 

Court concludes that Hattiesburg’s current ward plan does not 

practically hinder African-Americans’ opportunity to participate in 

the political process and elect representatives of their choice. The 

evidence demonstrates that African-Americans in Hattiesburg 

 

2 The Supreme Court identified these Senate Factors as the “most important” in order 

to “effectuate[] the intent of Congress.” See Gingles, 478 U.S. at 48 n.15. Diminishing the 

importance of these key factors without a well-grounded reason therefore runs afoul of § 2 

and its intended purpose. 

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enjoy political power in rough proportion to their share of the 

voting-age population, and that they actively exercise such power 

through the political process. 

For these reasons, the Court finds that Hattiesburg, Mississippi’s 

current ward plan does not dilute the voting or political power of 

African-American citizens in violation of Section 2 of the Voting 

Rights Act.

Although the record is unclear as to how much weight the district court 

assigned it, the language of the district court’s opinion strongly evinces that 

the repeated success of black mayor Johnny Dupree in exogenous mayoral 

elections was an essential, if not dispositive, consideration in the court’s

determination that no § 2 violation existed. For example, in assessing the 

extent to which minority group members have been elected to public office in 

the jurisdiction—one of the predominant Senate Factors—the district court 

“note[d] that, as mayor, Dupree wields considerable power.”3 Thus, although 

the fact that no black candidate had ever been elected to the City Council from 

Wards 1, 3, or 4 “tilt[ed] this factor in Plaintiffs’ favor,” the court ultimately

concluded that “that fact is mitigated by Mayor Dupree’s success in citywide 

 

3 The court explained, for instance, that Mayor Dupree “enjoys superintending control 

of all the offices and affairs of the municipality,” “supervise[s] all of the departments of the 

municipal government,” must approve any ordinance passed by the City Council (although 

the City Council can override his veto with a two-thirds vote), and “may attend meetings of 

the council and take part in [its] discussions” (internal quotation marks omitted). 

However, it is also clear that Mayor Dupree’s power is limited and that Hattiesburg’s 

electoral scheme has thwarted the interests of the black community on matters of vital 

importance. Although the district court noted that between October 2011 and September 

2014, 91.2% of the City Council’s votes were unanimous, black councilmembers have been 

unable to prevail on issues of particular concern to the black community. For example, votes 

on the adoption of the redistricting plan currently in dispute and a proposed property tax

increase to meet the school board’s funding request (over 90% of the students in the 

Hattiesburg Public School District are black) broke down along racial lines, with the result 

that black councilmembers were outvoted.

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elections.”4 Additionally, in analyzing the extent of racial polarization in 

Hattiesburg—the other key Senate Factor—the district court stated that it 

“[did] not accept Plaintiffs’ argument that voters are polarized at the

‘mathematical maximum’ level,” because a black candidate had won the 2013 

citywide mayoral election. Further, despite its disclaimer to the contrary, the

district court considered the exogenous mayoral elections in concluding that

the effects of Mississippi’s past discrimination do not hinder black citizens’ 

ability to participate in the political process today. According to the district

court, black citizens’ ability to elect a black mayor in four consecutive citywide 

elections provides “evidence of African-Americans’ robust participation in 

Hattiesburg’s democratic process.” This comparison, however, is inapposite.

Although the district court was permitted by precedent to consider the 

results of the exogenous mayor election in its analysis, the court was not 

permitted to use these results to fatally diminish the impact of the 

predominant Senate Factors or otherwise tilt the balance in favor of the 

defendants where the court articulated no other compelling reason for finding 

that no § 2 violation existed. See Clark II, 88 F.3d at 1397 (exogenous elections 

“are less probative than elections involving the specific office that is the subject 

of litigation”). Thus, the district court’s reliance on Mayor Dupree’s electoral 

success throughout its totality of the circumstances analysis was improper and

legally erroneous.

 

4 Although the district court focused on Mayor Dupree’s “considerable power” in its 

analysis of this Senate Factor, the court cites no authority—nor does any appear to exist—

that such a consideration is part of the inquiry into “the extent to which minority group 

members have been elected to public office in the jurisdiction.” See Gingles, 478 U.S. at 48 

n.15. 

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The language of the district court’s opinion also evinces that its finding 

that the number of majority-black districts is “roughly proportional” to black 

citizens’ share of the voting-age population may have impermissibly affected

the outcome of the court’s analysis. Not only is proportionality “not a safe 

harbor,” see De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1026 (O’Connor, J., concurring) 

(“[p]roportionality is not a safe harbor,” and its presence does not “prove the 

absence of dilution”), but the court’s proportionality analysis itself was flawed. 

The district court determined that black citizens, who comprise 53.04% of 

Hattiesburg’s total population and 47.95% of its voting-age population but

have 40% representation on the City Council, enjoyed electoral success that 

was “roughly proportional” to their share of the population.5 The court stated 

that because “[s]trict proportionality is impossible,” there would “necessarily 

be an imbalance in one direction or the other.” It explained that it “need not 

reject one roughly proportional plan because there exists another which may 

be slightly more roughly proportional” and asserted that the plaintiffs were

seeking to “maximize African-American electoral opportunity.” For this 

reason, the district court determined that the proportionality factor weighed 

in favor of the defendants. 

However, the court failed to consider that the City Council was not 

limited to creating either three majority-black and two majority-white wards 

or three majority-white and two majority-black wards. Rather, the City 

Council was also presented with the option of creating two majority-black 

wards, two majority-white wards, and one equal opportunity swing ward. This 

option would also have been more proportional than the plan ultimately 

 

5 By contrast, white citizens make up 40.48% of Hattiesburg’s total population and 

45.98% of its voting-age population but have 60% representation on the City Council.

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adopted by the city. While the district court may be correct that Hattiesburg

was not legally required to choose the most proportional plan, that the court

gave the proportionality factor, at minimum, a significant role in its totality of 

the circumstances analysis where the city chose the least proportional plan out 

of several available options was anomalous at best and legally incorrect at 

worst.

Thus, although the district court did not explain on what basis it 

determined that the totality of the circumstances outweighed the satisfaction 

of the Gingles factors and the predominant Senate Factors, that the results of 

the exogenous mayoral election shifted the balance in favor of the defendants 

cannot be the reason for this conclusion. See Clark II, 88 F.3d at 1397. Nor

can the court’s finding of “rough” proportionality have changed the outcome of 

the analysis. See De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1026 (O’Connor, J., concurring). 

Either of these rationales would be legally impermissible. Absent any other

explanation for why the district court strayed from the Clark I benchmark, we 

are left with the strong probability that the district court misapplied the legal 

standards. 

In my view, the district court’s decision unnecessarily weakens Clark I’s 

benchmark guidance that “it will be only the very unusual case in which the 

plaintiffs can establish the existence of the three Gingles factors but still have 

failed to establish a violation of § 2 under the totality of the circumstances.” 

Clark I, 21 F.3d at 97 (citation omitted). If no § 2 violation exists where the 

Gingles preconditions were indisputably met; both predominant Senate 

Factors were satisfied; and the trial court acknowledged that the municipality

has a long, extensive history of purposeful discrimination against black voters 

to limit their participation in the political process, that no black City Council 

candidate has ever been elected from a majority-white ward, and that black 

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citizens have never achieved proportional representation under the current 

electoral scheme, virtually no case will ever exist where a § 2 violation is found 

in this context. For this reason, I respectfully dissent.

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