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ASSESSMENT OF THE CONFRONTATION RISK

The very great dependence of the intelligence community on the

products of the National Reconnaissance Program make it impiative

that we assess the likelihood of a future political confrontation on the

satellite reconnaissance issue, and estimate the kinds of circumstances

which could bring such a confrontation about.

I. Background of the National Reconnaissance Organization 

The U-2 episode of May 1960, with the international political

that

furor that developed in its aftermath, made it inevitable that/valuable

source of intelligence would be lost, at least insofar as the Soviet

Union was concerned. The oilook for satellite reconnaissance coverage

to replace the U-2 photography was bleak. In the spring of 1960, opinions

on CORONA ranged from troubled uncertainty to open hostility. In more

than a year of trying, the program had failed to Mita return a single

capsule safely, much less to provide reconnaissance information. The

situation with respect to the Air Force SAMOS program was equally bad.

A high level judgment prevailed that the Air Force was mismanaging

SAMOS and that it was extremely costly and technically weak. Four

years of effort at a cost of nearl produced little cause

for optimism. Moreover, the Air Force hsd so completely relaxed its

earlier strictures on SAMOS publicity that the objectives, general time

NAME

.4t0.
scale, and broad capabilities of the developmental systems were widely

known. It was obvious that the international tensions which had built

up over the U-2 affair could .not be relaxed by publicizing a new overflight

technique to replace a covert operation which had been discredited.

In June 1960, President Eisenhower *NOM instructed Secretary

of Defense Gates to conduct an intensive analysis of the "scope, basis

and feasibility of our reconnaissance satellite projects." The National

Security Council, Eisenhower added, would be concerned with the

technical aspects and the process for establishing requirements, the

requirements themselves and the "effectiveness of control over the

scope and characteristics of the operational system." It was obvious

that international political repercussions, as well as financial considerations, would be among the topics discussed.

This review of the satellite reconnaissance program proved to be

the beginning of a series of steps which led to the establishment of the

National Reconnaissance Office, and the elevation of management of the

SAMOS project, as well as the Air Force part of the CORONA project,

to the Secretarial level and away from the iWdt uniformed Air Force.

This action was confirmed at the National Security Council meeting

of 25 August 1960. Dr. Charyk, then Under Secretary of the Air Force,

briefed the President and the members of the Council on the SAMOS

project and the Council decided that the program would be raiiiaged

OWE
henceforth by the Secretary of the Air Force, with actual project

directorship vested in a Wes oast office, which was t stablished

under Brig Gen Greer. It is most significant that a major element

of the decision to exclude SAMOS management from any control by

customary Air Force agencies was the premise that the program would

be conducted most circumspectly under a special management structure

and procedures. A key factor in this policy change was the fact that

a week earlier the first successful recovery of a CORONA payload

had been accomplished. It demonstrated very vividly the vital importance

of satellite reconnaissance photography.

As a result of the National AM** Security Council decision, SAMOS

was removed completely from normal channels/with responsibility

for development and operation assigned to the West Coast office which

41• had a direct command line to the Secretary of the Air Force with 1

no

intermediate levels of supervision or review. A small staff of seven

officers was established within the Office of the Secretary to accomplish

all Washington staff work for the project.

The revised SAMOS project procedures also stipulated that it be

responsive solely to requirements of the USIB and efiuded any overt

association of SAMOS with any military operational command.

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Immediately after establishment of the new SAMOS management

structure in September 1960, the Under Secretary of the Air Force

placed management of the CORONA and ARGON projects within the

special SAMOS management structure, insofar as Air Force actions

and authority were concerned. In addition, he established direct

liaison with the responsible CIA official at that time, the Deputy Director

for Plans (DD/P), resulting in a greatly Unproved arrangement for these

covert pzzcts.

To increase management effectiveness and security over these

vitally important satellite reconnaissance programs, discussions were

held in the summer of 1961 between DOD and CIA officials to formalize

the arrangements discussed above. These discussions led to the

establishment of the National Keconnaissance Office through a CIA-DOD

Agreement of 6 Sept 61, which designated the.Under Secretary of the

Air Force and the CIA DD/P as co-director. The concept of divided

management was rejected almost immediately by the NSC 5412 Group,

and some seven months later, on 2 May 1962, a single Director for

the NRO was established responsible directly to the DCI and the Secretary

of Defense. Two subsequent agreements evolved, the 13 Mar 63 GilpatricMcCone treaty, and the last, the 11 Aug 65 agreement between Mr.

'Wince and Adm Reborn.

HASSLE 116110
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The terms of the Agreements are far less important to the confrontation

issue than one of the underlying theses which led to the formation of slob

a national organization for reconnaissance of denied areas. This was

simply the overriding need for the tightest possible security to prevent

public exposure of these activities. The U-2 loss in May 1960 over the

Soviet Union demonstrated for all to see the extreme political sensitivity

of such operations and it became clear that the greatest chance to continue

reconnaissance without political challenge would be through total official

silence regarding reconnaissance operations and the products derived

therefrom.

II. National Policy on Satellite Reconnaissance 

By early 1962, the need for a definite statement of U.S. policy on

outer space and satellite reconnaissance had become increasingly clear

and compelling. Various elements of the government were at odds, or

/14.4i 04 were making conflicting statements concerning the security requirements

for satellite reconnaissance. For example, in late 1960 and early 1961,

the SAMOS program was being conducted openly; one successful launching

and two failures had been publicly announced. Then-Senator Humphrey

addressed the European-American Assembly at Burgenstock, Switzerland,

in July 1961 and said "The development of the reconnaissance satellite --

,.• ;1.'1

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4.•• n •• ••
the SAMOS -- is a momentous step into the space age. " The UN

General Assembly 1110 December 1961 10 with participation by the

State Department, called upon all States to register space launchings

with the UN, exchange space information on a voluntary basis, cooperate

in meteorological and communications satellites, etc. , all without

State Department regard or coordination with. the DOD or the CIA as

to how this agreement might affect the National Reconnaissance Program.

Strong concern was expressed by Dr. Charyk, the Under Secretary of

the Air Force, and Mr. Bissell, the CIA Deputy Director for Plans, over

the lack of a coordinated, national position on the uses of space.

In March 1962, the State Department was still pressing for more

openness on SAMOS --type satellites. In April, the Under Secretary

of the Air Force developed a very comprehensive position paper on

"National Policy on Satellite Reconnaissance. " Its main points:

1. Satellite reconnaissance is:

Legal and non-aggressive

Military

Conducted in accordance with international law

Consistent with UN/US policies on peaceful uses of outer space

No threat to any nation

Publicly acknowledged

Classified; no results will be published

. . 11111111

••
Security will be very tight

Public information will be closely controlled .

During this period, the Soviets were pressing hard for a ban on

reconnaissance satellites. This issue came up several times during

meetings between Dr. Dryden, NASA, and Soviet Academician

Blagonravov, and in conversations between Ambassador Stevenson and

Soviet representatives Timerbaev and Saitzev. These Soviet statements

dd reflected a general Soviet pre-occupation with U.S. reconnaissance

satellites and a prevailing Soviet view that aerial photo reconnaissance

Wds outlawed by international convention, therefore photo reconnaissance

from outer space must be regarded as eqully illegal. They a

sought, during this period of time, both in the UN Outer Space Committee

and its Legal Subcommittee, to define "principles" of peaceful uses of

outer space which would exlude reconnaissance and other military

uses. These efforts were successfully resisted.

Foreseeing possible difficulties in forthcoming discussions in the UN

and at Geneva on outer space cooperation, Dr. Killian, of the President's

Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, expressed in a memorandum to

•

the Pres:dent on 16 May 1962 the Board's concern that such discussions

could create situations in the reconnaissance area which might be

difficult and embarrassing for the President. He urged ?firm U.S.

MI. le,
policies with respect to the relationship of our satellite reconnaisance

programs to discussions involving peaceful uses of outer space."

This led to National Security Action Memorandum 156 sent to the

DOD, State Department, CIA, NASA and ACDA, which cited the fact

that the U.S. was engaged in negotiations on disarmament and the

peaceful uses of outer space, noted that the discussions raised the

problem of what constituted the legitimate use of outer space, and

in particular, the question of satellite reconnaissance, and directed

the State Department to formulate a U.S. Josition which would avoid

the danger of restricting ourselves, compromising highly classified

programs, providing assistance of significant military value to the

USSR and, at the same time, permitting us to work for disarmament

and international cooperattn in space.

This action resulted in the formation of an Ad Hoc Committee

under Ambassador U. Alexis Johnson with representatives from DOD,

CIA, NASA and ACDA, to define the U.S. policy on the political and

informational aspects of satellite reconnaissance. The Committee,

known informally as the "156 Committee" ft Mak never had a formal

name) provided 18 recommendations to the President and the National

Security Council which were adoped and promulgated in NSAM 24540:, /94,2.

P.P.GL L.

• 40

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30Y-SEMET

Certain key provisions were:

Outer space is free, like the high seas

The U.S. should avoid any position implying that space

reconnaissance activities are not legitimate, or that such activities

are not peaceful

We should avoid the public use of the term "reconnaissance

satellitte5 substituting more innocuous terms as "observation" or

"photographic, "

The practice of not identifying individual military space

launchings by missions or purpose is sound

5. The U.S. should not publicly disclose the status, extent,

effectiveness or operational charcteristics of its reconnaissance program

<00.00e, 4144-

ThestprovisiOnsA SirMak/ known AVM as the "!8 Points", still

prevail as the bedrock of U.S. policy regarding the National Reconnaissance

Program. They form the basis for the at** security controls applicable

to the program and for the U.S. position taken in international forums,

primarily the U. N. in discussions of outer space matters. The U.S. has

consistently taken a position that the use of observation satellites is not

an aggressive or illegal act and such use cannot be construed as a

threat or the use of force, which is expressly prohibited by the UN

charter. Observation from space, as from the high seas is not a violation

• • .74. 7 r

111M is...!

.
of international law and there is nothing in international law or accepted

rules of international behavior that casts doubt on the legitimacy of

this kind of observation.

In brief, then, our policy has been (1) to maintain maximum

official silence about the scope and nature of all military satellites,

and (2) when pressed in international forums, to maintain that outer

(k4ace is free and observation from space is legal, non-aggressive and

peaceful, and in fact, helps to stabilize the peace.

It is noteworthy that Soviet pressures for a ban on reconnaissance

satellites, expressed to U.S. representatives and in UN forums at

•imairvb various times during the early 1960s, faded from view

as the Soviets were *successful in mounting their own satellite

reconnaissance program. Thits, we have found ourselves largely in

accord with the Soviets in recent meetings of the UN Legal, and Scientific

and Technic4 Subcommittees, when such issues as ichitithformulating

a definition for the demarcation line of outer space arose. Both the

US and USSR have been opposed to such a definition as unnecessary and

technically impracticable. Those who have been pressing for such

action, notably the French, supported by the Egyptians and Belgians,

^aya,e likely to follow up any future agreed defintiion with a proposal to

r3.: :135 rl.

F..;%:1 fasTr.1 *".
••• ••• • •

1

"catalog, " and then attempt to impose UN regulations on activities

conducted in outer space for whatever puipose. They have made express

references to 'Aisiservation satellites" as among those requiring

regulation and control. The implications such action to the National

Reconnaissance Program, with possible loss of this imixnagw important

intelligence source, she obvious, and the DOD has taken a consistent

stand against any attempt to define the boundary between air space and

outer space) or even to define "space object." Agreements already

drvi reached like the registration of space vehicles,..banA

 placing weapons

in orbit, or the agreement to assist astronauts in distress and return

them to authorities of the launching state, pose no threat to the satellite

nee'

reconnaissance program. Weiihavei in effect, an unspoken status quo

arrangement between the US and USSR regarding satellite reconnaissance.

Neither side publicly admits to carrying out such a program and neither

side, at least at present, wants to rock the boat on this issue. The

pressures building up for regulation of such activities is now coming

from third countries, notably the French. However, we must be

mindful that the Soviet attitude on the reconnaissance issue has been

based squarely on their own capability in this area. As their satellite

1411"" reconnaissance proved successful, their interest is regulating

reconnaissance satellites waned. If their national interest should dictate

Ia..;

••• a kr ....III
a reversal of this policy, we must be in no doubt that they can, and

will, agitate this issue again. It may be important for the flu& that,

stei as late as mid-1966, a Soviet UN delegatenin a private conversation

inleboil that the Soviets, and the neutrals, could not accept reconnaissance

as a peaceful use of outer space.

•

Our policy o surrouilging our reconnaissance satellkte program

with excfetionally rigid security has not prevented some leakage of

the press. Moreover, our early public announcements concerning the

SAMOS programs have contributed to a fai4ly wide /sal public awareness

that these kinds of activities are being carried out by both the US and

the USSR. However, we must not be misled into believing that this kind

of general and rather vague public understanding, and tacit acquiescence,

would stand the test of explicit disclosures concerning the scope and

effectiveness of satellite reconnaissance. There is no question that

emotional reactions exist in some quarters as to the propriety, and

legality, of reconnaissance by whatever means, and explicit awareness

of the capabilities of space-borne camera systems could well backfire

to the detriment of the Natinal Reconnaissance Program, and through it,

to our national security itself in a very real sense.

RPM 411111111

r4RTS..i. 4 Cr)
III. The Effect of the Proposed Earth Resources Satellite Program on 

the Risk of Confrontation 

inter

It is against the touchy/national poltical situation existent now with

respect to satellite reconnaissance, described above in Part II, that

NASA's plan for "remote sensing of the earth" by satellites must be

viewed, and the probable impact on the international political situation

judged.

NASA's cooperative efforts with the Department of Agriculture

and Interior toward developing an earth sensing capability from space

have been well publicized. The Department of the Interior, in'particular,

has been especially aggressive in publicizing its interest in an earth

resources satellite program -- EROS -- through a press release in

Sepbember 1966. Many articles also have appeared in the press and in

trade journals. NASA bears primary responsibility for research and

development of remote sensing satellites and for accommodating and

coordinating the requirements of the user agencies. In the summer of

1967, to help develop a scientific and economic rationale for an earth

CU.

resources program, NASA sponsoredhwell-attended symposium of

scientists at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, to study the value of satellite

remote sensing to a wide variety of scientific disciplines, such as

agriculture, foristry, oceanography, geology, mapping and

charting, etc., thus generating wide interest in the U.S. scientific

community -- and no doubt a very significant amount in other countries --
Other national sensitivities have been exhibited that are of even

(dm, (11,117 more concern. While photography made by hiefcury and Gemini astronauts

in general resulted in little or no unfavorable reactions, the Chinese

Communists chose to Ai issue a public statement that the flights

were "obviously for the purpose of military reconnaissance." This

then was not taken up by other countries. However, it has been a

standard working practice that all oak photography taken by the

astronauts be carefully screened at the National Photographic

Intelligence Center by NRO and other members of the intelligence

community prior to release. If all such photography had been rellised

without soillt screening, international political sensitivities would almost

certainly have been exposed to a far greater degree. For example,

among the photographs withheld were those illustrating the capability

to show airfields. One of these was a photograph of Bergstrom Air

Force Base at a resolution of about 20-90 feet; it was possibe to

identify and count the 852 aircraft present.

The Soviet attitude on the space reconnaissance issue is also

troublesome. While the tempo of their official statements on the space

reconnaissance issue has subsided in recent ifiii years, particularly

since their own satellite reconnaissance program became operational,

izz::.1.1111111111
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they still periodically raise' "spy-in-the-sky" satellite charges in articles

in the Red Star and elsewhere. Statements made several years ago by

Khrushchev and his son-in-law, Adzhubei, admitting such activities

on the part of the Soviets, have never been printed in the Soviet press

or acknowledged as official. Even though they have stopped insisting

in the UN that space reconnaissance be branded as illegal and nonpeaceful, they have privately stated that this remains their official

view. Thus, while Soviet political reaction to our satellite program

may not be an immediate issue, the Soviets have retained the option of

raising strong political objections to space reconnaissance at any time

they should decide it is in their interest to do so.

To date, the gradually increasing public awareness of the

existence of US and Soviet military space reconnaissance, discussed

earlier, has not prompted undue concern in other countries for their

own political or military security interests. Tight security control

over these programs has undoubtedly been largely responsiltleifor

such press leaks as have occurred have been largely speculative and

•

inaccurate. However, it must be anticipated that disclosure of U.S.

surveillance capabilities, even in the non-military context of an earth

resources satellite program, will create new interest, and, almost

certainly, concern on the part of some overflown countries, for they

will then have a much wider and deeper awareness the capabilities

of space reconnaissance. Even the disclosure off, r quality imagery

would present a problem for it would not obscure the fact to many
• V:-VrIC

0•04.

people that a superior capability is being concealed.

The proposed NASA space flights for earth resources surveys are

programmed for rbital flight inclinajions up to 48 degrees. These flights,

from an intelligence viewpoint, MAC cover some of the most significant

areas in the Soviet Union. Later flights planned for polar orbits

Slat provide global coverage of all countries, including all denied areas.

While the reaction of individual countries cannope assessed with precisi_ onni

4).4 .1,4u Tart",

it is difficult to believe that at least some will not object.to such4tove

flights. The fact that we have bilateral agreements with Countries A,

4 •16 444.144-."-

B, and C to conduct such flights is net a guarantee that Countries X

and Y eon be convinced that we are not also opening our cameras over

their areas. With the tenseness re*.ing in the Middle East and

sy between India and Pakistat, it would be most unlikely that these countries

Would view IV with equanamity the fact that our spacecraft were flowing

openly

ifSeptidd above their national tehiditilickliht territories.

Resolution of the imagery obtained by earth resources satellites

would almost certainly have a very decided influence on the countries

being overflown. The 60 foot resolution limit applicable to NASA's

program can obtain a great deal of military and economic intelligence

information of much value to countries other than the 

retem

overflo dwn nations

participating in the program. The first photography isete*eyed by the

CORONA system in August 1960, at a resolution of approximately 60 feet,

,411111111

wrsati
. I

produced vitally important information on Soviet military installations,

including missile sites and airfields. Even photography at a resolution

of about 100 feet can produce important information of intelligence

value. This has been demonstrated by the 3" stellar index camera

currently used in the NRP. Airfields are clearly seen even aircraft

a •

can be counted* as blobs although not identified. Missile installations

are identifiable. It seems quite clear that imagery obtained by earth

buial

resources satellites lin inevitably contain much information of potential,

Avil intelligence value, either in a military or an economic sense, and wiN.a

demonstrate by inference the much greater capability possessed by

reconnaissance platforms of the NRO.

It is also inevitable that resolutions of 60 feet MI not eternally

satisfy the well-known scientific appetite for better data. Pressure for

better data could in the long run lead to a situation in which uncontrolled

disclosure of the NRP capability could not be yasibly prevented. There

will always be contractors available who INK be more than willing, and

able, to provide a better system to do the job and the scientists from

the countries participating in the program h naturally gravitate

toward better data for their purposes. Such a slide down the road to

a better capability for the earth resources satellite program would

inevitably have an adverse effect on the NRP and would likely be a source

of political provocation internationally, particularly in those countries

not participating in the program.
From the foregoing, it must be concluded that the risks of con-

.4.441.0/

frontation are likely to be disissalmig by the proposed earth resources

satellite program. It is possible that these risks can be reduced

somewhat by a very careful public information policy concerning

these programs and by an extremely careful operational procedure

for obtaining imagery and an equally circumspect screening process

before public release of such imagery. However, the risks are

real and several possible ways in which they could evolve are:

The stimulation d discussion of space reconnaissance activities --

n

whether military or civil -- in the international arena could produce

unfavorable reactions from hostile (e. g. China), neutral (e. g. Retypt)

or even friendly countries. Such a world reaction might make it

politically advantageous for the Soviet Union, and others, such as France,

to take a hard line in the UN ox observation satellites with the objective

of regulating them out of exist4 nce. The Soviets could be motivated

to do this on the assumption that the US is much more dependent on

satellite reconnaissance data than is the USSR and that they could gain

Jtakw C *Ir.; n i)

some military advantage in e process. The very adverse effect such ...4

a result would have on our national security is obvious.

The use of orbits which would overfly many countries, and

in the case in pilar orbits, all of the fiziions of the world would be likely
to evoke adverse reaction from some countries. It is almost certain,

on the basis of past performance, that the Chinese Communists would

object. Some others, like the Egyptians and the Pakistanis,

would likely follow suit.

The relase of imagery at resolution levels approaching 60 feet

4

would make it exceedingly clear to all nations that the military and

economic intelligence value of reconnaissance photography is high.

Reactions could be expected to vary from outright demands by some

nations that these activities be stopped to requests on the part of

participating nations for better quality data. In both cases, the NRP

would be threatened.

The increasing awareness of the quality and capability of space

borne sensors could lead to responses from nations being overflown

to cover and camouflage certain of their activities.

ith increasing awarenessrof the very high

resolutions possible from reconnaissance platorms, such camouflage

efforts could deny us important technical inteligence data Asi and largely

nullify our very costly NRP platforms.

59111,1.1 .
l4 •

5. It is possible that technologically advanced nations such as the

USSR might undetake active countermeasures to nullify our reconnaissance efforts, thus confronting us with a very dangerous political

eArs, 4 A...Cs;aostn0"

Situation. Such a situation could be brought about by the awared

,

ess of

vital

how much/intelligence OSSA* derived from space sensors as an earth

resources satellite program would become more ref d downstream e

. • .

leq(0.

and the true capabilities of space sensors becamelskilown.