Demographic and Socioeconomic Change

in Appalachia

HOUSEHOLDS AND FAMILIES IN APPALACHIA

by

Mark Mather

Population Reference Bureau

May 2004
About This Series

“Demographic and Socioeconomic Change in Appalachia” is a series of reports that examine

demographic, social, and economic levels and trends in the 13-state Appalachian region. Each

report uses data from the decennial censuses of 1990 and 2000, plus supplemental information

from other data sources.

Current reports in the series include:

• “Appalachia at the Millennium: An Overview of Results from Census 2000,” by Kelvin

M. Pollard (June 2003)

• “Housing and Commuting Patterns in Appalachia,” by Mark Mather (January 2004).

• “The Aging of Appalachia,” by John G. Haaga (April 2004).

• “Households and Families in Appalachia,” by Mark Mather (May 2004).

• “Educational Attainment in Appalachia,” by John G. Haaga (forthcoming).

Additional reports will cover: Labor Market Performance, Poverty, and Income Inequality;

Migration and Immigration; Population Change and Distribution; Geographic Concentration of

Poverty; and Race and Ethnicity.

You can view and download the reports by visiting either www.prb.org or www.arc.gov.

For more information about the series, please contact either Kelvin Pollard of the Population

Reference Bureau (202-939-5424, kelvinp@prb.org) or Gregory Bischak of the Appalachian

Regional Commission (202-884-7790, gbischak@arc.gov).

The authors wish to thank the Appalachian Regional Commission for providing the funding for

this series.

Population Reference Bureau

1875 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 520

Washington, DC 20009-3728

The Population Reference Bureau is the leader in providing timely and objective information on

U.S. and international population trends and their implications.

Appalachian Regional Commission

1666 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 700

Washington, DC 20009-1068

The Appalachian Regional Commission’s mission is to be an advocate for and partner with the

people of Appalachia to create opportunities for self-sustaining economic development and

improved quality of life.
1

Introduction

Over the past 50 years, the changing age structure of the U.S. population, increases in

educational attainment and womenís labor force participation rates, changing marital patterns,

and changing residential preferences have contributed to major shifts in the structure of U.S.

households and families.1 Between 1950 and 2000, the median age at first marriage increased

from 23 to 27 for men and from 20 to 25 for women.2

 The fertility rate dropped from three

births per woman in 1950 to just over two births per woman in 2000,3

 and the proportion of

families headed by a single parent increased from 7 percent to 27 percent.4

 There has also been

rapid growth in the number of nonfamily households. Since 1950, the number of family

households has nearly doubled, but there has been a six-fold increase in the number of nonfamily

households.5 (See Box 1 for definitions of family and nonfamily households).

These trends have affected families and communities across the United States. But other

trends are either unique or have been particularly relevant to families living in the 410 counties

that make up the Appalachian region.6

 For example, in Appalachia, the growth in the number of

households has far outpaced the growth in the total population. Between 1990 and 2000, the

number of households in Appalachia increased by 14 percent, while the population increased by

only 9 percent. Nationwide, the percent change in the number of households and the number of

people were about equal (increased by 13 percent each).

These basic trends in household and population growth are linked to the aging of

Appalachiaís population and the relatively slow growth of households with children in

Appalachia (6 percent) compared with the national average (13 percent). The growth in the older

population has contributed to the increase in single-person households in Appalachia and has
2

extended the length of family relationships, leading to more multi-generation households and

more grandparents caring for grandchildren.

This report also investigates household and family structure in the context of welfare

reform and Appalachiaís unique economic environment. The lack of jobsócombined with the

recent declines in public assistance incomeópresents special challenges to families living in

Appalachiaís rural areas.7

 Many families lack the transportation, child care, and other supports

needed to make the transition from welfare to work. 8 These problems are most acute for

families living in Appalachiaís Central region.9

Lastly, poverty in the United States is often associated with single-parent families living

in urban areas. But in

Appalachia, the majority of

families living in poverty are

headed by married couples.

Poverty rates in Appalachiaís

rural counties far exceed the

poverty rates in metro areas.

In part, these patterns reflect

the lower levels of racial and

ethnic diversity in the region,

but they also reflect the low

wages and lack of jobs in

remote, rural areas.10

Box 1

Definitions of Households and Families

Household

A household, according to the Census Bureau, consists of related family

members and all the unrelated people, if any, such as lodgers, foster

children, or employees who share a housing unit. A house, an apartment or

other group of rooms, or a single room, is regarded as a housing unit when it

is occupied as separate living quarters; that is, when the occupants do not

live and eat with any other persons in the structure and there is direct access

from the outside through a common hall. A person living alone in a housing

unit, or a group of unrelated people sharing a housing unit such as partners

or roomers, is also considered as a household. The count of households

excludes group quarters.

Family

The Census Bureau defines two major types of households: ìfamilyî and

ìnonfamily.î A family is a group of two or more people (one of whom is the

householder) related by birth, marriage, or adoption and residing together;

all such people (including related subfamily members) are considered as

members of one family. Family households include those headed by married

couples and those that are male-headed or female-headed, in which a spouse

is not present in the home. This report also distinguishes between family

households with and without children (see Table 1).

A nonfamily household consists of a householder living alone (a one-person

household) or where the householder shares the home exclusively with

people to whom he or she is not related.
3

Most of the data in this report are based on county-level information from the U.S.

decennial census. Data from the 2000 Census are compared with data from the 1990 Census to

look at changes in household and family structure during the 1990s. The report is broken down

into two major sections: Households and Families in Appalachia, and Family Structure and

Poverty. This paper is part of a series of reports being written for the Appalachian Regional

Commission on topics including population growth, labor markets, poverty, racial and ethnic

diversity, housing and commuting, age structure, migration, and education.
4

Households and Families in Appalachia

Many perceptions about Appalachian families have been shaped by the popular media,

but movies and television shows have not portrayed Appalachian families in a very positive

light, instead focusing on hillbillies and moonshiners living in run-down shacks. Just last year,

CBS was planning to launch a new reality show called ìThe Real Beverly Hillbilliesî in which a

ìmulti-generational family of five or moreî from a "mountainous, rural areaî would be put on

display in a luxurious mansion in California.11 A large coalition of groups and individuals

representing rural communities persuaded CBS to scrap the idea, but stereotypes about

Appalachian families persist.

What is true about families living in Appalachia is that they are united by the high

poverty rates that have persisted in many parts of the region. With few good jobs available, many

families have left Appalachia in search of economic opportunities elsewhere. Those who are left

behind tend to have less education and fewer job skills, and live in communities where there are

few opportunities to break the cycle of poverty.

The good news is that despite these hardships, families in the Appalachian region have

been remarkably resilient. The proportion of married-couple families in Appalachia (combining

those with or without children) exceeds the national average. Rates of homeownership in many

counties are among the highest in the nation.12 Families in Appalachia have changed over time,

but many of these changes can be viewed as adaptations to new economic realities and shifts in

public policiesóespecially welfare reform.

As shown in Table 1, household and family structure in Appalachia is similar to that of

the United States as a whole. In 2000, Appalachia had a slightly higher share of married-couple
5

families and a lower share of families with children, but the overall distribution of households

matched the national pattern. There are extensive geographic and racial variations in household

and family structure within the Appalachian region however; those differences are the main

focus of this report. There have also been shifts in marriage and family patterns since 1990 that

have important implications for policymakers who want to improve the lives of Appalachian

children and families.

Table 1

Household and Family Structure in the United

States and Appalachia, 2000

United States Appalachia

Number

(thousands) Percent 

Number

(thousands) Percent

Total households 105,480 100 8,995 100

Married couples 54,493 52 4,903 55

With children 24,836 24 2,046 23

Without children 29,658 28 2,857 32

Female householders 12,900 12 999 11

With children 7,562 7 555 6

Without children 5,338 5 444 5

Male householders 4,394 4 342 4

With children 2,191 2 171 2

Without children 2,203 2 170 2

Nonfamily households 33,693 32 2,752 31

People living alone 27,230 26 2,345 26

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.

Female-Headed Families

The economic well-being of families and children in Appalachia and across the United

States is closely linked to household and family structure. People living in female-headed

families typically do not have access to the economic or human resources available to people in

married-couple families.13 While part of the problem is that there are fewer potential earners in

female-headed families, many of these families are also at a disadvantage because of problems
6

collecting child support payments from absent fathers. In 2000, only about 35 percent of femaleheaded families with children reported receiving child support or alimony payments.14

Not all female-headed families include children, however. In 2000, about three-fifths (59

percent) of female-headed families nationwide included children (56 percent in Appalachia).

Other female-headed families consist of women living with their parents or other relatives. The

increasing life expectancy in the United States has contributed to a higher share of families living

with an elderly parent, especially women, who are more likely than men to provide care to

parents with age-related disabilities.15

The growth in female-headed families has been widespread. During the 1990s, the

proportion of female-headed families increased in Appalachia, every state, and the District of

Columbia. The number of married-couple households in Appalachia increased by 3 percent

during the 1990s, while the number of female-headed households increased over six times as fast

(20 percent) during this period.

In 2000, there were nearly 1 million female-headed families in Appalachia, accounting

for 16 percent of all families in the region (see Table 2). Nationwide, about 18 percent of

families were headed by women in 2000. The share of female-headed families in Appalachia

increased by 1.1 percentage points in Appalachia, compared with 1.5 percentage points

nationwide.

Female-headed families are most often associated with minorities living urban areas, and

data from the census indicate that the proportion of female-headed families was higher in

Appalachiaís metro counties (17 percent) than in nonmetro counties (15 percent). The nonAppalachian United States exhibited a similar pattern, but with a wider metro/nonmetro gap (19

percent versus 15 percent).
7

Table 2

Trends in Female-Headed Families in the United States and Appalachia, 1990 to 2000

1990 2000

All families

(thousands)

Female-headed

families

(thousands) Percent 

All families

(thousands)

Female-headed

families

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(number of

female-headed

families)

U.S. 65,049 10,382 16 71,787 12,900 18 24

Non-Appalachian U.S. 59,225 9,551 16 65,544 11,901 18 25

Metropolitan areas 48,056 8,088 17 53,403 10,043 19 24

Nonmetropolitan

areas 11,169 1,463 13 12,140 1,858 15 27

Appalachia 5,824 830 14 6,244 999 16 20

Metropolitan areas 3,340 497 15 3,578 595 17 20

Nonmetropolitan

areas 2,484 333 13 2,666 404 15 21

Distressed 754 115 15 779 134 17 16

Attainment 751 123 16 836 147 18 20

Competitive 520 66 13 601 88 15 32

Transitional 3,800 526 14 4,028 630 16 20

North 2,699 378 14 2,688 417 16 10

South 2,541 372 15 2,939 485 17 30

Central 585 80 14 616 96 16 20

Note: Includes families with or without children.

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Counties with the highest share of female-headed families were located in the Southern

black beltócounties with historically high numbers of African Americans (see Map 1). Of the

20 Appalachian counties with highest shares of female-headed families, 18 were located in

Alabama or Mississippi. In 2000, Macon County, Ala. had the highest share of female-headed

families in Appalachia (42 percent). The high share of female-headed families in Macon County

puts the area at an economic disadvantage compared with most counties in the United States. In

1999, nearly half (47 percent) of female-headed families in the county had incomes below the

poverty threshold.
8

Three other countiesóNoxubee County, Miss., Clay County, Miss., and Hale County,

Ala.óhad rates of female-headship that exceeded 30 percent. In 2000, there were 31 counties in

which more than one in five families were headed by females. In 1990, there were only 17

counties that met this criterion.

Racial and Ethnic Differences in Female-Headed Families

The lower proportion of female-headed families in Appalachia is closely linked to the

racial make-up of the region and the fact that minoritiesówho generally have higher rates of
9

female-headshipómake up a relatively small proportion of Appalachiaís population. In 2000,

minorities accounted for 12 percent of Appalachiaí population, compared with 31 percent

nationwide.16

There are striking racial differences in the proportion of female-headed families (see

Table 3). In 2000, rates of female-headship in the United States and Appalachia were highest

among blacks and lowest among non-Hispanic whites, with estimates for Hispanics falling in

between the other two groups. Black families were more than three times as likely as white

familiesóand twice as likely as Hispanic familiesóto be headed by females. This is one of the

major factors contributing to higher poverty rates in the African American population.

Table 3

Female-Headed Families in the United States and Appalachia, by

Race/Ethnicity, 2000

Percent of Female-Headed Families

Non-Hispanic

white families

African

American

families Hispanic families

U.S. 13 45 22

Non-Appalachian U.S. 13 45 22

Metropolitan areas 13 46 23

Nonmetropolitan areas 12 44 18

Appalachia 14 45 15

Metropolitan areas 14 45 16

Nonmetropolitan areas 14 43 14

Distressed 15 46 18

Attainment 13 46 14

Competitive 13 40 12

Transitional 14 44 17

North 14 47 24

South 13 44 13

Central 15 41 17

Note: Includes families with or without children.

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.

Among whites and blacks, the proportion of female-headed families in Appalachia was

roughly equal to the proportion in the rest of the United States. Among Hispanics, however, the
10

share of female-headed families was substantially lower in Appalachia (15 percent), compared

with the non-Appalachian United States (22 percent). Most Hispanics in Appalachia are of

Mexican origin, but there are also increasing numbers of new immigrants from Central and

South America. New immigrants are more likely to live in married-couple families compared

with more established minority groups,17 which could account for the lower share of femaleheaded families among Hispanics in the Appalachian region.

Among Hispanics and blacks, the proportion of female-headed families was highest in

Appalachiaís Northern region, but for non-Hispanic whites, female-headed families were most

common in Central Appalachia. Hispanics and blacks also had higher rates of female headship in

metropolitan counties, while white families were equally likely to be headed by females in

nonmetro and metro counties.

Married-Couple Families

Trends for married-couple families are inversely related to trends for female-headed

families. Although the decline in married-couple families has been fairly widespread, married

couples still make up the majority of families in the United States and in Appalachia. In 2000,

about 79 percent of families in Appalachia (with or without children) were headed by married

couples, compared with 76 percent nationwide (see Table 4). Metropolitan Appalachia had a

higher share of married-couple families (78 percent) than metropolitan areas outside of the

region (75 percent), but the proportion of married couples in rural counties was the same inside

and outside of the Appalachian region (79 percent each). The share of married-couple families

was slightly higher in Appalachiaís Competitive and Transitional counties, compared with

Distressed and Attainment counties.
11

Between 1990 and 2000, the share of married-couple families dropped throughout the

United States and in Appalachia. In 1990, about 81 percent of families in Appalachia were made

up of married couples, compared with 79 percent in 2000. In the U.S. as a whole, the share of

married-couple families dropped from 79 percent to 76 percent during this period.

Table 4

Trends in Married-Couple Families in the United States and Appalachia,

1990 to 2000

1990 2000

All families

(thousands)

Married-couple

families

(thousands) Percent 

All families

(thousands)

Married-couple

families

(thousands) Percent

Percent change

(married-couple

families)

U.S. 65,049 51,718 80 71,787 54,493 76 5

Non-Appalachian

U.S. 59,225 46,946 79 65,544 49,590 76 6

Metropolitan

areas 48,056 37,679 78 53,403 39,994 75 6

Nonmetropolitan

areas 11,169 9,267 83 12,140 9,596 79 4

Appalachia 5,824 4,772 82 6,244 4,903 79 3

Metropolitan

areas 3,340 2,717 81 3,578 2,791 78 3

Nonmetropolitan

areas 2,484 2,055 83 2,666 2,113 79 3

Distressed 754 609 81 779 601 77 -1

Attainment 751 599 80 836 645 77 8

Competitive 520 433 83 601 481 80 11

Transitional 3,800 3,131 82 4,028 3,176 79 1

North 2,699 2,213 82 2,688 2,117 79 -4

South 2,541 2,076 82 2,939 2,298 78 11

Central 585 483 83 616 488 79 1

Note: Includes families with or without children.

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Appalachian counties with the highest proportion of married-couple families in 2000

included Forsyth County, Ga., Holmes County, Ohio, and Towns County, Ga. (88 percent each).

In 2000, there were 373 counties in Appalachia (out of 410) where 75 percent or more families

were headed by married couples. This represents a slight decrease compared with the 1990
12

number (394 counties). The share of married-couple households was lowest in the Southern

black-belt counties (see Map 2).

Families with Children

The inability to attract and retain families with children is one of the major challenges

facing policymakers in the Appalachian region. In the last decade, much of the job growth in the

eastern United States has occurred in urban and suburban areas outside or on the fringes of the

Appalachian regionóparticularly in the South.18 Many young people who are starting families

have moved from Appalachiaís interior counties to these areas of job growth. The families who
13

are left behind often cannot afford the child care, health care, and education expenses associated

with raising children that wealthier families take for granted.

Table 5

Trends in Families with Children in the United States and Appalachia, 1990

to 2000

1990 2000

All families

(thousands)

Families

with kids

(thousands) Percent 

All families

(thousands)

Families

with kids

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(families

with

kids)

U.S. 65,049 31,365 48 71,787 34,588 48 10

Non-Appalachian U.S. 59,225 28,678 48 65,544 31,816 49 11

Metropolitan areas 48,056 23,296 48 53,403 26,242 49 13

Nonmetropolitan

areas 11,169 5,382 48 12,140 5,574 46 4

Appalachia 5,824 2,686 46 6,244 2,772 44 3

Metropolitan areas 3,340 1,518 45 3,578 1,604 45 6

Nonmetropolitan

areas 2,484 1,169 47 2,666 1,168 44 0

Distressed 754 373 49 779 345 44 -7

Attainment 751 337 45 836 389 47 15

Competitive 520 245 47 601 279 46 14

Transitional 3,800 1,731 46 4,028 1,759 44 2

North 2,699 1,222 45 2,688 1,174 44 -4

South 2,541 1,177 46 2,939 1,329 45 13

Central 585 287 49 616 270 44 -6

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

In 2000, there were about 2.7 million families in Appalachia with children,19 accounting

for about 44 percent of all families (see Table 5). Outside of the Appalachian region, about 49

percent of families included children in 2000. Between 1990 and 2000, the number of families

with children increased by 10 percent nationwide, but by only 3 percent in Appalachia. Both the

Northern and Central regions of Appalachia experienced decreases in the number of families

with children during the 1990s. In Southern Appalachia, however, the increase in the number of

families with children (13 percent) exceeded the national average, offsetting the losses in the
14

other regions. The growth of family households in the South is an important trend and reflects

the growing economic divide between Appalachiaís fast-growing Southern counties and the

Northern and Central regions. Suburban counties in the Atlanta metropolitan area have attracted

young families who are drawn to the good schools, employment opportunities, and other

amenities that are lacking in many rural areas.

Map 3 shows the concentration of families with children in Southern Appalachia and in

counties bordering the Appalachian region. Of the 10 Appalachian counties with the highest

percentage of families with children in 2000, six were located in Georgia, mostly in suburbs of

the Atlanta metropolitan area. Other counties in the top ten included Clermont County, Ohio,

Hale County, Ala., Holmes County, Ohio, and Martin County, Ky. Paulding County, Ga. had the

highest share of families with children in 2000 (57 percent).
15

There tends to be an inverse relationship between the share of families with children and

the share of households with people age 65 and older. For example, Towns County, Ga., which

had the lowest share of households with children in 2000 (29 percent), also had the highest share

of households with people age 65 and older in 2000 (40 percent). Most counties with high

proportions of people 65 and older were located in Northern and Central counties that have been

losing population for several decades. These counties are ìaging in placeî because there are not

enough young families staying in or moving to the area to offset the graying of the resident

population.
16

Single-Parent Families with Children

In the United States, the number of single-parent families has risen dramatically over the

past three decades, causing considerable concern among policymakers and the public. The

percentage of single-parent households with children increased rapidly during the early 1990s

but has leveled off during the last five years.20 There are several factors that may have

contributed to the stabilization in single-parent families: the rapid economic growth during the

late 1990s, expanded programs to support low-income working families, welfare reform

legislation, increased immigration, the decline in teen childbearing, and the increase in joint

custody divorces.21

While local social and cultural norms may influence the situation for children living in

single-parent families (for example, those in single-parent families may benefit from extended

family support), children growing up in single-parent families are still at an economic

disadvantage relative to children growing up in families with both parents at home. In

Appalachia, given the shortage of job opportunities and affordable housing, single-parent

families are at high risk of being jobless and poor and are likely to have difficulty pulling

themselves out of poverty. Research has shown that in rural areas, 80 percent of poor children in

female-headed households remained poor for three years or more, compared with 47 percent in

metro areas.22

The majority of single-parent families with children are headed by women. During the

1990s, however, the number of male-headed families with children increased by 72 percent, to

2.2 million. In Appalachia, the number of male-headed families with kids increased by 85

percent, to 171,000. The rising proportion of male-headed families signals more widespread

involvement by divorced, separated, and never-married fathers in their childrenís lives.
17

However, the precise character of the change is ambiguous: The census data do not indicate

whether fathers are spending more time with their children or are simply more likely to have or

share custody.23

In 2000, female-headed families still accounted for 78 percent of all single-parent

families nationwide (76 percent in Appalachia). Patterns of growth in female-headed families

with children were similar to those for female-headed families as a whole. There was a 29

percent increase in female-headed families with children in Appalachia during the 1990s (see

Table 6).

In 2000, female-headed households accounted for 20 percent of all families with own

children in the Appalachian region, slightly less than the national average (22 percent).

Competitive Appalachian counties had a relatively low proportion of female-headed families

with children (18 percent), compared with the other three economic areas.
18

Table 6

Trends in Female-Headed Families with Children in the United States and

Appalachia, 1990 to 2000

1990 2000

Total

families

with kids

(thousands)

Female-headed

families with

kids

(thousands) Percent 

Total

families

with kids

(thousands)

Female-headed

families with

kids

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(female

headed

families

with

kids)

U.S. 31,365 5,865 19 34,588 7,562 22 29

Non-Appalachian U.S. 28,678 5,436 19 31,816 7,007 22 29

Metropolitan areas 23,296 4,563 20 26,242 5,870 22 29

Nonmetropolitan

areas 5,382 873 16 5,574 1,137 20 30

Appalachia 2,686 429 16 2,772 555 20 29

Metropolitan areas 1,518 254 17 1,604 331 21 30

Nonmetropolitan

areas 1,169 175 15 1,168 224 19 28

Distressed 373 62 17 345 73 21 18

Attainment 337 62 18 389 82 21 33

Competitive 245 35 14 279 51 18 44

Transitional 1,731 270 16 1,759 349 20 29

North 1,222 194 16 1,174 231 20 19

South 1,177 194 17 1,329 273 21 40

Central 287 41 14 270 52 19 26

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Grandparents as Caregivers

In Appalachia, as elsewhere, it is common for grandparents to provide child care while

parents are working, and in many households, grandparents are the primary caregivers for young

children. For the 2000 Census, the U.S. Census Bureau added a new question to measure the

extent to which grandparents provided care to their grandchildren. In Appalachia, there were just

over 400,000 grandparents who lived with their grandchildren in 2000, and half (50 percent)

reported that they were ìresponsible for most of the basic needsî of one or more of their co-
19

resident grandchildren (see Table 7). These statistics show the critical role that grandparents have

as caregivers in the Appalachian region. In the United States as a whole, only 42 percent of

grandparents who lived with their grandchildren reported being responsible for their care.

Table 7

Grandparents Living with Grandchildren and

Providing Care in Appalachia, 2000

Total

grandparents

living with

grandchildren

(thousands)

With caregiving

responsibility

(thousands) Percent

U.S. 5,772 2,427 42

Non-Appalachian U.S. 5,370 2,227 41

Metropolitan areas 4,541 1,791 39

Nonmetropolitan areas 829 436 53

Appalachia 402 199 50

Metropolitan Appalachia 227 108 48

Nonmetropolitan

Appalachia 175 91 52

Distressed 57 32 56

Attainment 52 23 44

Competitive 40 18 46

Transitional 253 126 50

North 145 65 45

South 217 112 52

Central 40 22 55

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Although we do not have comparable data on grandparents from the 1990 Census, prior

research has shown that this is not a new phenomenon. Extended families have long played an

important role in providing child care in place of parents who are not available or able to provide

for their childrenís basic needs. High poverty and unemployment rates in Appalachia probably

contribute to the higher proportion of grandparents providing care in the region. Grandparents

can also provide care in place of parents who are absent because of substance abuse, child abuse,

neglect, divorce, and AIDS.24
20

In 2000, the share of grandparents as caregivers was higher in Appalachiaís

nonmetropolitan counties (52 percent) compared with metropolitan counties (48 percent). The

proportion of grandparents providing care in Appalachiaís metro areas far exceeded the

proportion in metro counties outside Appalachia (39 percent). Appalachiaís Distressed counties

had the highest share of grandparents as caregivers (56 percent), while Attainment counties had

the lowest (44 percent). Central Appalachia had a higher proportion of grandparents providing

care (55 percent) than the Southern (52 percent) or Northern regions (45 percent).

Stepchildren and Adopted Children.

The United States has one of the highest remarriage rates in the world, and most of these

remarriages involve children, resulting in a large and growing number of stepchildren.25 In 2000,

there were 4.4 million stepchildren of the householder identified in the census, accounting for 5.2

percent of all ìownî children. (ìOwnî children include sons or daughters of the householder by

birth, marriage, or adoption.) A recent report by the U.S. Census Bureau found that stepchildren

are less likely to live in poverty compared with biological children.26 Research has also shown,

however, that remarriage can reduce the amount of time children spend with nonresident parents

and may negatively affect childrenís emotional well-being.27

In 2000, there were also 2.1 million adopted children of the householder, accounting for

2.5 percent of all own children. Adopted children are more likely to reside in families with

higher incomes and educational attainment than biological children, factors that are associated

positively with child well-being. Adopted children are also more likely to have special needs

related to disabilities.28
21

In Appalachia, there were approximately 400,000 stepchildren of the householder in

2000, accounting for 6 percent of all own children. The proportion of stepchildren was higher in

the Central and Southern Appalachian regions (7 percent each), compared with Northern

Appalachia (5 percent). There were also 153,000 adopted children living in Appalachia in 2000,

accounting for 2 percent of own children.

Combined, there are more than half a million stepchildren and adopted children living in

the Appalachian region. Although these children probably start their lives with an economic

advantage compared with biological children, they may require extra attention because of their

unique physical and/or emotional needs.

The Need for Child Care

With changes in welfare legislation and the focus on shifting poor families from welfare

to work, one of the major public policy challenges is to provide access to adequate and

affordable child care services for low-income working families. Nationwide, 59 percent of

children under age 6 lived in families with all parents in the labor force, creating an estimated

demand for child care for 12.8 million young children in 2000.29 The need for child care is

estimated to be slightly lower in Appalachia (58 percent), in part because there are more families

with parents who are not in the labor force.

In more remote parts of Appalachia and in rural areas across the United States, organized

child care centers are scarce and unaffordable for many low-income families.30 Families in rural

communities are more likely to rely on informal child care arrangements with friends or

relatives.31 But for families without these informal supports, the lack of organized child care

services may be a major obstacle in making the transition from welfare to work. National and
22

state programs provide subsidies for child care but these programs have been underused in

remote, rural areas.32 The quality of child care services in Appalachia is also a serious concern,

since there are fewer skilled providers in rural communities.33 Research has shown that the

quality of careóin terms of staff-child ratios, training, turnover rates, and staff salariesócan

affect the cognitive development and language skills of children.34

As indicated in Map 4, the need for child care is lowest in Appalachiaís Central region,

where a relatively large number of parents are not in the labor force. It is likely, however, that
23

the lack of affordable child care in the region is one of the factors limiting labor force

participation by women. In Central Appalachia, only 58 percent of men and 45 percent of

women ages 16 and older were in the labor force in 2000. Nationwide, the proportions of men

and women in the labor force were 71 percent and 58 percent respectively.

Nonfamily Households

Another measure of the transformation in household and family structure is the growth in

nonfamily households. Nonfamily households consist of a householder living alone (a oneperson household) or a householder sharing living quarters with nonrelatives. Typically, these

are homes headed by young singles or older people living alone. Increasingly, they also consist

of unmarried couples. The growth of nonfamily households is linked to later ages at marriage,

lower fertility rates, and longer life expectanciesóall of which reduce the amount of time spent

in married-couple families with children over the life course.

Between 1990 and 2000, the growth in the number of nonfamily households far exceeded

growth in the number family households in Appalachia and across the United States. The number

of nonfamily households in Appalachia increased by 30 percent during the 1990s (see Table 8),

while the number of family households increased by only 10 percent. The 2000 Census marks a

turning point for households in the Appalachian region. For the first time, the number of

nonfamily households in Appalachia (2.8 million) has drawn roughly equal with the number of

families with children. Although the share of nonfamily households is slightly lower in

Appalachia (31 percent) compared with the national average (32 percent), the growth rate of

nonfamily households is faster in the Appalachian region.
24

Table 8

Trends in Nonfamily Households in the United States and Appalachia, 1990 to

2000

1990 2000

All

households

(thousands)

Nonfamily

households

(thousands) Percent 

All

households

(thousands)

Nonfamily

households

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(nonfamily

households)

U.S. 91,947 26,944 29 105,480 33,693 32 25

Non-Appalachian U.S. 84,003 24,824 30 96,485 30,941 32 25

Metropolitan areas 68,760 20,731 30 79,136 25,733 33 24

Nonmetropolitan

areas 15,242 4,093 27 17,349 5,208 30 27

Appalachia 7,945 2,120 27 8,995 2,752 31 30

Metropolitan areas 4,623 1,281 28 5,217 1,639 31 28

Nonmetropolitan

areas 3,322 839 25 3,779 1,113 29 33

Distressed 990 236 24 1,092 314 29 33

Attainment 1,079 328 30 1,248 412 33 26

Competitive 697 178 25 847 246 29 38

Transitional 5,179 1,379 27 5,808 1,780 31 29

North 3,773 1,073 28 3,989 1,300 33 21

South 3,417 876 26 4,152 1,212 29 38

Central 755 171 23 855 239 28 40

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Nonfamily households deserve attention for several reasons. In urban areas, many

nonfamily households are headed by young, single, professionals, who can attract businesses and

help establish a critical threshold for economic development.35 At the other end of the age scale,

policymakers need to pay attention to the number of older people living alone, who are more

likely to live in low-income households and to have special health care needs. One of the

ongoing problems in Appalachia is the deficit of young adults relative to the growing number of

people age 65 and older. In 2000, one in five nonfamily households in Appalachia (20 percent)

were headed by people ages 15 to 34, and 37 percent were headed by people age 65 and older.
25

Nationwide, people ages 15 to 34 accounted for a quarter of U.S. nonfamily households (25

percent), while 31 percent were headed by older Americans (see Table 9). Nonfamily households

in Appalachiaís Distressed counties were even more likely to be headed by people age 65 and

older (41 percent). This will become a critical issue after 2010, when the baby boom cohort

begins to reach retirement age.

Table 9

Age Distribution of Nonfamily Households in the United

States and Appalachia, 2000

Percent distribution by age of householder

15 to 34 35 to 64 65 and older

U.S. 25 44 31

Non-Appalachian U.S. 25 45 30

Metropolitan areas 26 45 29

Non-metropolitan areas 18 43 39

Appalachia 20 43 37

Metropolitan Appalachia 22 43 35

Non-metropolitan Appalachia 18 43 39

Distressed 15 44 41

Attainment 25 44 31

Competitive 22 46 32

Transitional 20 42 38

North 20 41 40

South 22 45 33

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.

People living alone

Most nonfamily households are headed by people living alone. In 2000, over a quarter of

all households in the United States and Appalachia were one-person households. The percentage

of single-person households in the United States increased slightly between 1990 and 2000, from

25 percent to 26 percent (see Table 10). In Appalachia, the share of single-person households

increased from 24 percent to 26 percent during the 1990s. The proportion of single-person

households in 2000 was slightly higher in Appalachiaís metro areas (27 percent) than in
26

nonmetro areas (25 percent), and Attainment counties had a higher share of such households (28

percent) than Appalachiaís other economic regions.

Table 10

Trends in Single-Person Households in the United States and Appalachia, 1990 to

2000

1990 2000

Total

households

(thousands)

Householder

living alone

(thousands) Percent 

Total

households

(thousands)

Householder

living alone

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(householder

living alone)

U.S. 91,947 22,580 25 105,480 27,230 26 21

Non-Appalachian U.S. 84,003 20,685 25 96,485 24,885 26 20

Metropolitan areas 68,760 17,054 25 79,136 20,491 26 20

Nonmetropolitan areas 15,242 3,631 24 17,349 4,394 25 21

Appalachia 7,945 1,896 24 8,995 2,345 26 24

Metropolitan areas 4,623 1,139 25 5,217 1,391 27 22

Nonmetropolitan areas 3,322 756 23 3,779 954 25 26

Distressed 990 219 22 1,092 277 25 26

Attainment 1,079 286 26 1,248 346 28 21

Competitive 697 155 22 847 205 24 32

Transitional 5,179 1,235 24 5,808 1,517 26 23

North 3,773 953 25 3,989 1,102 28 16

South 3,417 783 23 4,152 1,030 25 32

Central 755 160 21 855 213 25 33

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Older Americans are more likely than people in other age groups to be living alone.

People age 65 and older headed 41 percent of single-person households in Appalachia, compared

with 36 percent nationwide (see Table 11). In Appalachia and across the United States, the share

of single-person household headed by people age 65 or older decreased since 1990, reflecting the

rising age at marriage and corresponding growth in single-person households headed by young

adults. The share of single-person households headed by older Americans is likely to increase

when baby boomers start to reach retirement age.
27

Table 11

Trends in People Age 65 and Older Living Alone in the United States and

Appalachia, 1990 to 2000

1990 2000

Householder

living alone

(thousands)

People 65+

living alone

(thousands) Percent 

Householder

living alone

(thousands)

People 65+

living alone

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(people 65+

living alone)

U.S. 22,580 8,825 39 27,230 9,723 36 10

Non-Appalachian U.S. 20,685 7,941 38 24,885 8,754 35 10

Metropolitan areas 17,054 6,140 36 20,491 6,834 33 11

Nonmetropolitan

areas 3,631 1,801 50 4,394 1,921 44 7

Appalachia 1,896 884 47 2,345 968 41 10

Metropolitan areas 1,139 505 44 1,391 550 40 9

Nonmetropolitan

areas 756 379 50 954 418 44 10

Distressed 219 114 52 277 123 44 8

Attainment 286 111 39 346 120 35 8

Competitive 155 62 40 205 75 36 21

Transitional 1,235 597 48 1,517 650 43 9

North 953 471 49 1,102 492 45 5

South 783 332 42 1,030 384 37 16

Central 160 81 51 213 92 43 14

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

In 2000, older people accounted for a larger share of single-person households in

Appalachiaís rural counties (44 percent) than in metropolitan counties (40 percent). This

difference was much sharper outside the Appalachian region, however. About 44 percent of

single-person households in nonmetro areas were headed by people age 65 and older, compared

with 33 percent in metro areas.

Single-person households headed by older Americans were most common in Northern

Appalachia (45 percent) and least common in the Southern region (37 percent). Among

Appalachiaís economic development regions, Distressed counties had the highest share of singleelderly households (44 percent) and Attainment counties had the lowest (35 percent). At the
28

local level, Schuylkill County, Penn., and Clay County, N.C., had the highest shares of singleelderly households in the Appalachian region (55 percent each). Ten of the top 20 counties were

located in Pennsylvania (see Map 5).

Cohabitation

The increasing age at marriage in the United States has been associated with a growing

number of unmarried couples who are sharing living quarters. Most of the literature on
29

cohabitation has focused on opposite-sex couples, but the 2000 Census also provides information

about same-sex couples. In 2000, about 4.3 percent of all U.S. households were headed by

opposite-sex unmarried couples (see Table 12). In Appalachia, the share of cohabiting couples

was slightly lower (3.6 percent). The proportion of cohabiting male-female couples in Northern

Appalachia equaled the proportion in the U.S. as a whole (4.3 percent), while rates of

cohabitation were lower in Central (2.9 percent) and Southern Appalachia (3.0 percent). Samesex cohabiting couples accounted for a relatively small share of households in 2000 in

Appalachia (0.4 percent) and in the United States as a whole (0.6 percent).

Table 12

Cohabitation in the United States and Appalachia, 2000

Total

Households

(thousands)

Male-female

unmarriedpartner

households

(thousands) Percent

Same-sex

male-partner

households

(thousands) Percent

Same-sex

female-partner

households

(thousands) Percent

U.S. 105,539 4,572 4.3 333 0.3 326 0.3

Non-Appalachian U.S. 96,539 4,249 4.4 313 0.3 304 0.3

Metropolitan areas 79,179 3,530 4.5 275 0.3 261 0.3

Nonmetropolitan areas 17,359 718 4.1 37 0.2 42 0.2

Appalachia 9,000 323 3.6 20 0.2 22 0.2

Metropolitan areas 5,220 185 3.5 12 0.2 13 0.3

Nonmetropolitan areas 3,781 139 3.7 8 0.2 9 0.2

Distressed 1,093 36 3.3 2 0.2 3 0.2

Attainment 1,249 43 3.4 3 0.3 4 0.3

Competitive 847 32 3.7 2 0.3 3 0.3

Transitional 5,811 213 3.7 12 0.2 14 0.2

North 3,991 172 4.3 8 0.2 9 0.2

South 4,153 126 3.0 10 0.2 11 0.3

Central 856 25 2.9 2 0.2 2 0.2

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.
30

Family Structure and Poverty

There are significant economic consequences associated with different household and

family types: whether a family is headed by a married couple or a single parent, whether or not a

household has children, and whether a household is headed by an older person living alone or an

elderly married couple. Female-headed families are of particular concern because of their high

poverty rates compared with other family types, and because they are associated with negative

outcomes for children that go beyond the effects of economic disadvantage.

Table 13 shows poverty rates in the United States and Appalachia in 1999 for different

types of households and families. In every type of household, poverty rates in Appalachia in

1999 were higher than the national average. However, nonfamily households exhibited the

biggest difference. Nearly a quarter of nonfamily households in Appalachia (23 percent) were

below poverty in 1999, compared with 17 percent nationwide. This has important implications

for future poverty rates in Appalachia, because the number of nonfamily householdsóespecially

older people living aloneóis increasing at a rapid pace.

Table 13

Poverty Status of Households in the United States and in Appalachia,

by Household Type, 1999

United States Appalachia

Type of Household

Number of

households

(thousands)

In poverty

(thousands) Percent 

Number of

households

(thousands)

In poverty

(thousands) Percent

Family households 72,262 6,621 9 6,278 640 10

Married-couple 55,458 2,719 5 4,980 300 6

Male-headed 4,303 586 14 332 53 16

Female-headed 12,501 3,316 27 966 287 30

Nonfamily households 33,277 5,783 17 2,723 632 23

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.
31

Poverty rates in 1999 were highest in female-headed families. Census 2000 data indicate

that nearly a third of female-headed families in Appalachia (30 percent) were living in poverty in

1999, compared with 27 percent of female-headed families nationwide (see Table 14). The

proportion of female-headed families in poverty was highest, by far, in Appalachiaís Central

region (40 percent). Poverty rates were also substantially higher in Appalachiaís rural counties

(34 percent) compared with metro counties (27 percent).

Table 14

Trends in Female-Headed Families Living in Poverty in the United States and

Appalachia, 1989 to 1999

1989 1999

Female-headed

families

(thousands)

Living in

poverty

(thousands) Percent 

Female-headed

families

(thousands)

Living in

poverty

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(number

living in

poverty)

U.S. 10,382 3,230 31 12,501 3,316 27 3

Non-Appalachian U.S. 9,551 2,948 31 11,535 3,029 26 3

Metropolitan areas 8,088 2,363 29 9,733 2,438 25 3

Nonmetropolitan

areas 1,463 585 40 1,802 591 33 1

Appalachia 830 282 34 966 287 30 2

Metropolitan areas 497 155 31 577 155 27 0

Nonmetropolitan

areas 333 127 38 389 132 34 4

Distressed 115 57 49 130 55 42 -3

Attainment 123 34 28 143 33 23 -1

Competitive 66 17 26 83 20 24 18

Transitional 526 174 33 610 179 29 2

North 378 126 33 403 114 28 -9

South 372 119 32 469 135 29 13

Central 80 37 46 94 38 40 2

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

Although the number of female-headed families in Appalachia increased sharply during

the 1990s, the poverty rate in female-headed families fell by 4 percentage points. As a result of
32

these offsetting factors, the number of poor, female-headed families in 1999 (287,000) was about

equal to the number in 1989 (282,000).

Given the national focus on single mothers living in inner-city areas, it is often assumed

that female-headed families account for the majority of families living in poverty. In reality, they

account for half (50 percent) of poor families nationwide. In Appalachia, female-headed families

accounted for 45 percent of poor families in 1999. And female-headed families in Central

Appalachia accounted for only about a third (34 percent) of families living in poverty, with

married couples making up the large majority of poor families. In the context of high

unemployment rates and low wages, having two potential earners in the households is not
33

sufficient to lift many families above the poverty level. With the exception of black-belt counties

in Alabama and Mississippi, female-headed families accounted for a relatively small proportion

of poor families in most counties in Appalachia, distinguishing the region from surrounding

areas (see Map 6).

Presence of Children

Research has shown that the presence of children is associated with higher poverty rates

for families in Appalachia.36 In 1999, the proportion of female-headed families with children

living in poverty was 40 percentóabout 10 percentage points higher than female-headed

families as a whole (see Table 15). The economic disadvantage of having children is magnified

in the poorest areas of the Appalachian region. Over half (52 percent) of female-headed families

with kids in Central Appalachia were poor in 1999. Remarkably, this still represents a substantial

improvement over the proportion a decade earlier (61 percent).

Table 15

Trends in Female-Headed Families With Children Living in Poverty in the United

States and Appalachia, 1989 to 1999

1989 1999

Female-headed

families with

kids

(thousands)

Living in

poverty

(thousands) Percent 

Female-headed

families with

kids

(thousands)

Living in

poverty

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(number

living in

poverty)

U.S. 6,783 2,867 42 8,575 2,940 34 3

Non-Appalachian U.S. 6,282 2,629 42 7,953 2,693 34 2

Metropolitan areas 5,275 2,113 40 6,677 2,170 33 3

Nonmetropolitan

areas 1,007 516 51 1,276 522 41 1

Appalachia 501 238 48 622 248 40 4

Metropolitan areas 296 133 45 371 136 37 2

Nonmetropolitan

areas 205 106 52 251 112 45 6

Distressed 73 47 64 84 46 54 -1

Attainment 72 29 40 92 29 32 1

Competitive 41 15 36 56 18 32 20
34

Transitional 315 148 47 389 155 40 5

North 219 109 50 250 101 40 -8

South 234 100 43 312 116 37 16

Central 48 29 61 60 31 52 7

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

When welfare reform legislation was passed in 1996, there were concerns that declines in

public assistance income would result in higher poverty rates among single-parent families with

children.37 Census data show, however, that between 1989 and 1999, the share of female-headed

families with children living below the poverty threshold decreased from 48 percent to 40

percent. Although poverty rates for female-headed families have declined, they are still high

relative to other family types.

Table 16

Female-Headed Families With Children Living in Poverty in the United

States and Appalachia, by Race/Ethnicity, 1999

Percent Living in Poverty

Non-Hispanic

white

African

American Hispanic

U.S. 26 42 45

Non-Appalachian U.S. 25 42 44

Metropolitan areas 22 40 44

Nonmetropolitan areas 34 54 53

Appalachia 37 46 48

Metropolitan areas 33 44 48

Nonmetropolitan areas 43 52 48

Distressed 54 57 47

Attainment 23 42 46

Competitive 28 45 42

Transitional 37 47 51

North 38 50 56

South 32 45 43

Central 53 50 49

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 2000 Census.
35

There are also important differences in poverty rates by race and ethnicity (see Table 16).

Nationwide, female-headed Hispanic families with children were the most likely to live in

poverty (45 percent), followed by African Americans (42 percent) and non-Hispanic whites (26

percent). Appalachia showed a similar pattern, with 48 percent of Hispanic, female-headed

families in poverty, compared with 46 percent of blacks and 37 percent of whites. However, in

Appalachiaís Central region, the pattern was reversed. White, female-headed families with kids

had the highest poverty rate (53 percent), followed by blacks (50 percent), and Hispanics (49

percent). The uniformly high poverty rates in the Central region suggest that there are broadbased economic problems beyond the effects of family structure and racial disparities that need

to be addressed in that area.

People Age 65 and Older

Older Americans living alone are also at higher risk of living in poverty. In Appalachia,

poverty in old age reflects the challenges of accumulating wealth and property in an

economically depressed area. Poverty during working ages is carried over into retirement ages

and can have serious consequences for the health and well-being of older Americans.38

Table 17

Trends in People Age 65 and Older Living Alone and in Poverty in the

United States and Appalachia, 1989 to 1999

1989 1999

People 65+

living alone

(thousands)

In poverty

(thousands) Percent 

People 65+

living alone

(thousands)

In poverty

(thousands) Percent

Percent

change

(number

living in

poverty)

U.S. 8,989 2,240 25 9,849 1,814 18 -19

Non-Appalachian U.S. 8,088 1,951 24 8,871 1,589 18 -19

Metropolitan areas 6,264 1,345 21 6,926 1,147 17 -15

Nonmetropolitan

areas 1,824 606 33 1,944 442 23 -27
36

Appalachia 901 289 32 979 225 23 -22

Metropolitan areas 516 146 28 557 111 20 -24

Nonmetropolitan

areas 385 144 37 422 114 27 -21

Distressed 116 48 41 124 39 31 -18

Attainment 114 28 24 123 21 17 -22

Competitive 63 19 30 75 15 20 -21

Transitional 608 195 32 657 150 23 -23

North 479 116 24 497 89 18 -23

South 341 139 41 388 107 27 -24

Central 82 34 42 94 30 32 -14

Source: Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses.

In Appalachia, about 23 percent of people age 65 and older living alone were poor in

1999 (see Table 17). Nearly a third (32 percent) of older Americans living alone in Central

Appalachia were poor, while poverty rates were considerably lower in the Northern region (18

percent). There were five counties in Central and Southern Appalachia where poverty rates

among older people living alone exceeded 50 percent. In addition to the potential negative

effects on the health and well-being of older Americans, these high poverty rates create a

potential burden for younger family members.

Between 1990 and 2000, there was a significant decrease in the share of older Americans

living alone who were poor: from 25 percent to 18 percent nationwide, and from 32 percent to 23

percent in Appalachia.
37

Conclusion

This report has focused on family structure as it relates to high poverty rates and

joblessness in Appalachia, but it is important to balance these challenges with the good news

about families in the region. The proportion of married couples in Appalachia is remarkably

high, exceeding the national average even in the most distressed counties. The high proportion

of people age 65 and older is generally discussed in terms of the burden on taxpayers and the

health care system, but in Appalachia, older Americans also play a critical role as caregivers for

young children. This is especially important given the scarcity of organized child care facilities

in the region. Although families in Appalachia have high poverty rates, the proportion of families

living in poverty dropped dramatically during the 1990s, suggesting that that many families

benefited from the strong economic growth, and possibly the changes in the welfare system, that

took place during that decade.

The Future for Families in Appalachia

The major problems for families in Appalachia are coming in the future, unless steps are

taken to prevent them. The fastest-growing households in Appalachia (nonfamily households and

those headed by females) are also the households with the highest poverty rates. The increasing

racial and ethnic diversity in the region will accelerate the growth in female-headed families.

Female-headed families are typically associated with the African American population, but

female headship is also an important issue for the growing Hispanic population, especially in

Appalachiaís Northern region. It will be difficult to improve the situation for minorities in the

region until policymakers address the needs of female-headed families. The number of

nonfamily householdsóespecially those headed by people age 65 and olderóis also growing at
38

a rapid pace. Supporting elderly relatives will put a strain on many low-income families, and

policymakers will need to find ways, as through health care subsidies, to assist older Americans

with special health care needs.

A growing number of public policy initiatives have been launched at the national and

state level to strengthen families. Some states have instituted policies to encourage

marriageóciting the benefits that accrue to children living in married-couple families. One of

the primary goals of the welfare reform legislation passed in 1996 was to ìencourage the

formation and maintenance of two-parent families.î39 Issues that affect families and children,

including child care, health care, education, and family planning, are increasingly the focus of

debates in national, state, and local election campaigns. In recent years, many of the programs

that support familiesóincluding Temporary Assistance for Needy Familiesóhave passed from

the federal government to states that are now struggling with the need to provide services in the

face of large budget deficits.

In Appalachia, policies to promote marriage are not likely to have significant benefits for

families. Most of the poor families in Appalachia are headed by married couples, and the

number of nonfamily households in Appalachia has drawn equal with the number of families

with children. Therefore, promoting two-parent families will not solve the underlying economic

problems in the region. Future economic growth in Appalachia depends on successes in

providing jobs to families, as well as providing access to transportation, affordable rental

housing, child care, and health care, to help families make the transition to the labor force. The

deficit of families with children and young adults also creates a serious obstacle to economic

development in the region. Southern Appalachia has been very successful in attracting new

businesses, and population growth in that region has offset many of the losses in the Central and
39

Northern regions. But too many counties in Appalachia are ìaging in placeî because there are

not enough young families staying in or moving to the area to offset the graying of the resident

population.

Addressing these issues is critical because the changes in Appalachian families have

important implications for child well-being.40 While neighborhood characteristics, schools, and

peer networks play an important role, parents provide the major source of social and economic

support in childrenís lives. Improving conditions for families is the best way to ensure childrenís

successful transitions to adulthood.
40

References and Notes

 1

 Lynn M. Casper and Suzanne M. Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American Family (Thousand Oaks,

California: Sage Publications, 2002).

2

 U.S. Census Bureau, ìTable MS-2. Estimated Median Age at First Marriage, by Sex: 1890 to Present,î accessed

online at www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hh-fam/tabMS-2.pdf, on Nov. 3, 2003.

3

 J.A. Martin et al., National Center for Health Statistics, "Births: Final Data for 2000," National Vital Statistics

Reports 50, no. 5 (2002); and Robert Hauser, Fertility Tables for Birth Cohorts by Color: United States 1901-1973.

(Rockville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics, 1976).

4

 U.S. Census Bureau, ìTable FM-1. Families, by Presence of Own Children Under 18: 1950 to Present,î accessed

online at www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hh-fam/tabFM-1.xls, on Nov. 3, 2003.

5

 U.S. Census Bureau, ìTable HH-1. Households, by Type: 1940 to Present,î accessed online at

www.census.gov/population/socdemo/hh-fam/tabHH-1.xls, on Nov. 3, 2003.

6 The Appalachian region is made up of 410 counties identified by the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC).

The region covers all of West Virginia, as well as southern New York; most of Pennsylvania; southeastern Ohio; the

western portions of Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas; the eastern portions of Tennessee and Kentucky; the

northern portions of Georgia and Alabama; and northeastern Mississippi.

7

 Mark Harvey et al., ìThe Short-Term Impacts of Welfare Reform in Persistently Poor Rural Areas,î accessed

online at www.drs.wisc.edu/personnel/faculty/summers/docs/WelfareReform.pdf, on Nov. 3, 2003.

8

 Mark Mather, ìHousing and Commuting in Appalachia,î Report prepared by the Population Reference Bureau for

the Appalachian Regional Commission, March 2004.

9

 As defined by the ARC, the Appalachian region is divided into three major subregions. Northern Appalachia

contains every Appalachian county in New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Ohio, as well as 46 of West

Virginiaís 55 counties. Central Appalachia includes West Virginiaís nine southernmost counties, all of Appalachian

Kentucky, the southwestern tip of Virginia, and the northwest part of Tennessee. Finally, southern Appalachia

includes most of the Appalachian portion of Virginia and Tennessee, as well as the entire Appalachian sections of

the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi.

10 Mather, ìHousing and Commuting in Appalachia.î

11 Lisa de Moraes, ìGold in Them Thar 'Hillbillies'? CBS Plans a Real-Life Version of Its '60s Hick Hitî The

Washington Post, August 29, 2002.

12 Mather, ìHousing and Commuting in Appalachia.î

13 The Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2002 KIDS COUNT Data Book (Baltimore: Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2002):

38.

14 William OíHare, ìRecent Changes in the Percent of Children Living in Single-Mother Families,î A KIDS

COUNT Working Paper (July 2003), accessed online at www.aecf.org/kidscount/Single-MotherFamilies.pdf, on

Nov. 3, 2003.

15 Christine Himes, ìElderly Americans,î Population Bulletin, 56, no. 4 (December 2001): 20-23.

16 Minorities are defined as people who are not non-Hispanic white (alone).
41

 17 OíHare, ìRecent Changes in the Percent of Children Living in Single-Mother Families.î

18 Mather, ìHousing and Commuting in Appalachia.î

19 In this report, families with children include only families with own children, defined as sons and daughters of

householders who are under 18 years of age.

20 Population Reference Bureau, analysis of data from the Current Population Survey (March Supplement).

21 OíHare, ìRecent Changes in the Percent of Children Living in Single-Mother Families.î

22 Arloc Sherman, Falling by the Wayside: Children in Rural America, (Washington, D: Children's Defense Fund),

1992

23 Casper and Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American Family.

24 Housing Assistance Council, Taking Stock of Rural People, Poverty, and Housing for the 21st Century. National

Analysis, accessed online at www.ruralhome.org/pubs/hsganalysis/ts2000/TS2ANational.pdf, on Nov. 3, 2003.

25 Stephan M. Wilson, ìFamilies with Children: The Common Wealth of Kentucky,î in Exploring the Frontier of

the Future: How Kentucky will Live, Learn, and Work, Michael T. Childress et al. (eds.), (Frankfort, Kentucky: The

Kentucky Long-Term Policy Research Center, 1996): 21-30.

26 Rose M. Kreider, ìAdopted Children and Stepchildren,î Census 2000 Special Reports (October 2003), accessed

online at www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/censr-6.pdf, on Nov. 3, 2003.

27 Judith A. Seltzer, ìConsequences of Marital Dissolution for Children,î Annual Review of

Sociology 20: 235-266, 1994.

28 Kreider, ìAdopted Children and Stepchildren,î; and Casper and Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American

Family: 218.

29 In this report, the need for child care is measured as the percentage of children under age 6 living in families

where all parents in the household reported being in the labor force during the week before the survey. For children

living in single-parent families, this means that the resident parent was in the labor force; for children living in

married-couple parents, this means that both parents were in the labor force.

30 Laura J. Colker and Sarah Dewees, ìChild Care for Welfare Participants in Rural Areas,î Rural Welfare Issue

Brief (November 2000), accessed online at www.macroint.com/publications/Child%20Care.pdf, on Nov. 3, 2003.

31 Hofferth, Sandra L., April Brayfield, Sharon Deich, and Pamela Holcomb. National Child Care Survey, 1990.

Urban Institute Report 91-5, (Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press), 1990.

32 Jeffrey D. Lyons and Susan D. Russell, ìRural Child Care in North Carolina: System Needs and Development

Strategiesî prepared by the Child Care Services Association and North Carolina Rural Economic Development

Center, 2002.

33 Colker and Dewees, ìChild Care for Welfare Participants in Rural Areas.î

34Casper and Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American Family: 204.

35 Blaine Harden, ìBrain-Gain Cities Attract Educated Young,î The Washington Post, November 9, 2003.
42

 36 Brian Cushing and Cynthia Rogers, ìSocioeconomic Review of Appalachia: Income and Poverty,î report

prepared for the Appalachian Regional Commission, accessed online at www.rri.wvu.edu/pdffiles/cushingarc.pdf,

on Nov. 3, 2003.

37 Daniel T. Lichter and Leif Jensen, “Poverty and Welfare Among Rural Female-Headed Families: Before and

After PRWORA,” Rural America, 16, no. 3, 2000: 28-35.

38 Wilson, ìFamilies with Children: The Common Wealth of Kentucky.î

39 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Office of Planning,

Research, and Evaluation, ìVII. Formation and Maintenance of Two-Parent Families,î accessed online at

www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/opre/ar2001/chapter07.htm, on Nov. 3, 2003.

40 Casper and Bianchi, Continuity and Change in the American Family: 209-247.