E1418 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks August 3, 2012 

Safi. Safi ran the Islamic Society of North 

America (an unindicted co-conspirator in the 

Holy Land Foundation Hamas financing 

case) and who was himself an unindicted coconspirator in the Sami Al-Arian terrorism 

case (involving Palestinian Islamic Jihad 

terrorist org). As Andy McCarthy, a former 

federal prosecutor in terrorism cases, explained, ‘‘So what happens? Pentagon hires 

him as expert to teach Islam to our troops 

before they deploy from Fort Hood! And now, 

of course, he is the leader of the [Muslim] 

Brotherhoods’ government-in-waiting for 

Syria. You just can’t make this stuff up!’’ 

Isn’t it appropriate to ask: Who were the 

Muslim chaplains approved by this extremist? How did he get chosen to be in such a 

key position? What system of checking for 

extremism broke down so badly, or is so biased, that it allowed members and allies of 

radical Islamist organizations to play key 

roles in the U.S. government? 

Part of the reaction to the National Security Five raising questions about the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood has come 

from a deliberate effort to deny the importance and the radicalism of the Muslim 

Brotherhood as a worldwide network. The 

level of self-deception necessary to misunderstand the Muslim Brotherhood verges 

on a psychosis. The organization’s motto is 

‘‘Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our 

leader. The Quran is our law. Jihad is our 

way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest 

hope.’’ Our elites discount all these words— 

and refuse to take them seriously. 

Yet doesn’t the lesson of Munich in 1972, 

New York City on Sept. 11, Hasan at Fort 

Hood, the Times Square car bomber, the 

bombings in Iraq this week—the list is endless—show that these words matter? 

Consider clause seven of one branch of the 

Muslim Brotherhood—Hamas. Perhaps no 

one in our elites wants to read the Hamas 

Charter’s clause seven because it is too horrifying. Consider: ‘‘The Day of Judgment will 

not come until Muslims fight the Jews, when 

the Jew will hide behind the stones and 

trees. The stones and trees will say, ‘‘O Muslims, O Abdullah, there is a Jew behind me, 

come and kill him.’’ Apologists for Hamas 

insist this clause has no meaning. But the 

Hamas leaders claim they cannot remove it 

from their charter. 

The Muslim Brotherhood, in a 1991 document called the ‘‘Explanatory Memorandum,’’ explained to its own supporters 

that its goal was ‘‘a kind of grand Jihad in 

eliminating and destroying Western Civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their hands and the hands of 

believers so that it is eliminated and God’s 

religion is made victorious over all other religions.’’ 

This memo cited 29 different allied groups, 

including the Islamic Society of North 

America, the Muslim Students Association 

and the Islamic Association of Palestine. 

Leaders in some of these allied groups founded the Council on American-Islamic Relations. Just Friday, the Dubai chief of police 

warned about a Muslim Brotherhood effort 

to take over the emirates and seize their oil 

and natural gas wealth. 

The Muslim Brotherhood is a serious 

worldwide organization dedicated to a future 

most Americans would find appalling. Seeking to understand its reach and its impact on 

the U.S. government is a legitimate, indeed 

essential, part of our national security process. 

The National Security Five were doing 

their duty in asking difficult questions designed to make America safer. Their critics 

represent the kind of willful blindness that 

increasingly puts America at risk. 

If we do not want a book to describe ‘‘Why 

Washington Slept,’’ we will have to encourage elected officials to follow the advice of a 

later Kennedy book and exhibit ‘‘Profiles in 

Courage.’’ 

Bachmann, Franks, Gohmert, Rooney and 

Westmoreland are showing a lot more courage than the defenders of timidity, complicity and passivity. 

f 

IN RECOGNITION OF THE SISTER 

CITY OF PLYMOUTH, MASSACHUSETTS 

HON. WILLIAM R. KEATING OF MASSACHUSETTS

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, August 2, 2012 

Mr. KEATING. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to 

recognize the arrival of a delegation from 

Shichigahama, Japan, in Plymouth, Massachusetts. 

This August, the Town of Plymouth will be 

welcoming individuals from its sister city, the 

Town of Shichigahama in Miyagi Prefecture, 

Japan, for a week-long stay. This visit is particularly special to the people of the two 

towns, as it is the first opportunity that they 

have had to reconnect since the devastating 

earthquake and tsunami that ravaged 

Shichigahama’s community and surrounding 

region in 2011. For nearly twenty-two years, 

Plymouth and Shichigahama have shared this 

unique status as sister cities, an appropriate 

relationship as the two cities have many commonalities. They both are coastal towns that 

are surrounded by beautiful scenery with similar industries and population statistics. The 

people of Plymouth and Shichigahama have 

long taken in each others’ high school students on exchange trips, and they have supported each other during times of tragedy. In 

particular, the Town of Plymouth organized a 

number of fundraising events in order to aid 

Shichigahama following the 2011 tsunami. The 

deep bond that these two towns share is a 

prime example of how distance, variance in 

language, and cultural differences can all be 

overcome in the interest of shared human experience and unity. 

Mr. Speaker, it brings me great joy to recognize the arrival of a delegation from 

Shichigahama, Japan, to its sister city of 

Plymouth. I urge my colleagues to join me in 

recognizing the significance of this visit, in 

welcoming our friends from Plymouth’s sister 

city to the United States, and in wishing the 

delegation a pleasant stay. 

f 

IRAN THREAT REDUCTION AND 

SYRIA HUMAN RIGHTS ACT OF 2012 

SPEECH OF

HON. DENNIS J. KUCINICH OF OHIO

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Wednesday, August 1, 2012 

Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 1905, the Iran Threat Reduction 

and Syria Human Rights Act of 2012. This is 

yet another broad and indiscriminate sanctions 

bill that will only serve to hurt ordinary Iranian 

people, undermine their democracy movement 

and further tie the hands of the President and 

his team in their efforts to achieve a diplomatic 

resolution over its nuclear program. 

Proponents of this bill believe that tightening 

sanctions on Iran will bring us closer to a diplomatic solution with Iran. We only need to 

look to the latest round of failed talks to recognize that these sanctions achieved the exact 

opposite response. U.S. negotiators lacked the 

flexibility they needed to secure Iranian concessions through the freezing of certain sanctions. 

I strongly support Section 604 of this bill 

which makes clear that nothing in this bill shall 

be construed as a declaration of war or an authorization of the use of force against Iran or 

Syria. Yet this bill would further undermine 

and thwart the most effective tool we have to 

ensure that the United States does not get 

sucked into a war with Iran: diplomacy. 

THE EFFECTS OF SANCTIONS ON ORDINARY IRANIAN

PEOPLE

The Senate Banking Committee summarized this bill by saying that it ‘‘aims to prevent 

Iran from repatriating any of the revenue from 

sale of its crude oil, depriving Iran of hard currency earnings and funds to run its state 

budget.’’ Spoken plainly, this bill will destroy 

the Iranian economy and further hurt the Iranian people that we claim to support. Iranians 

are already suffering under stifling sanctions 

as they experience rising food prices and a 

lack of access to basic medicine. 

For example, the sanctions against the Iranian banking sector have greatly diminished 

the value of Iranian currency and have had a 

negative effect on nearly every aspect of the 

lives of ordinary Iranians: the price of rent, 

education and bread have all increased. Rather than having the sanctions weaken the Iranian regime, they are weakening the Iranian 

people and their ability to make a living or pursue an education. 

A recent publication by the International 

Civil Society Action Network (ICAN) quotes an 

Iranian women’s rights activist as saying that 

‘‘The international community’s sole focus on 

the nuclear issue has resulted in the adoption 

of policies that greatly inflict damage on the 

Iranian people, civil society and women. Militarization of the environment will prompt repressive state policies and the possibility of 

promoting reform in Iran will diminish.’’ 

The report further highlights that the sanctions this Congress pushed ‘‘directly affected 

the availability of foreign-made medication and 

other healthcare products including vitamins 

for children and pregnant women. . . .’’ It 

points out that these sanctions are ‘‘doing the 

most damage to those who are already vulnerable—the urban poor.’’ 

Iranian-Americans are even facing discrimination here in the United States. Several Iranian-Americans were recently prevented from 

buying an iPhone or other Apple products simply because of their ethnicity. Such discriminatory treatment is emblematic of the unintended 

effects of sanctions. 

UNDERMINING THE IRANIAN CIVIL SOCIETY

These sanctions directly undermine Iran’s 

civil society by giving the regime an excuse to 

crack down even harder on internal dissent. 

These sanctions will ensure that this continues 

to happen. With many ordinary Iranians struggling to simply make ends meet under our 

sanctions regime, they cannot afford to or 

spend the time necessary participating in social movements which provide basic social 

services or to push for democratic change in 

their country. Are these the intended effects 

we wish to have on the Iranian people or Iranian-Americans? If not, passing another broad 

and indiscriminate sanctions bill sends the 

wrong message. 


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August 3, 2012 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E1419 

If the sanctions the U.S. imposed on Iraq 

are any precedent, we know that sanctions 

are not an effective tool in promoting or supporting domestic democracy movements. We 

also know that those sanctions did not prevent 

an unnecessary and wasteful war with Iraq. 

In effect, the expansion of the broad and indiscriminate sanctions included in this legislation hurts our ability to negotiate with Iran and 

imposes long-term detrimental harm on the 

Iranian people. It detracts from the real human 

rights abuses currently occurring in Iran by allowing the regime to deflect blame on the 

United States and its allies. 

SUPPORTING REGIME CHANGE AND TYING THE

PRESIDENT’S HANDS

Section 217 in this bill effectively states that 

sanctions on Iran’s central bank would not be 

lifted unless there is regime change. It does 

this by creating new requirements for the termination of sanctions that are dependent on 

the cessation of the Central Bank’s financing 

of the Revolutionary Guard. Section 205 imposes new restrictions on the President’s ability to waive certain sanctions. Collectively, 

these provisions have moved the goal post 

from negotiations over Iran’s nuclear enrichment program to regime change. The U.S. 

record on successful regime changes is not 

impressive. 

The National Iranian American Council has 

pointed out that this legislation ‘‘imposes collective punishment on the Iranian people by 

seeking to destroy the Iranian economy. The 

goal is to bankrupt Iran, and cause hyperinflation by destroying the value of Iran’s currency, the rial.’’ 

If your goal is to punish the Iranian people, 

undermine their brave efforts to push for democracy, and thwart our sensitive and critical 

negotiations, then support this bill. If not, I 

urge you to join me in opposing this legislation. 

SYRIA SANCTIONS INCLUDED IN THIS LEGISLATION

This legislation also requires the President 

to impose sanctions on actors that are responsible for or complicit in certain human rights 

abuses in Syria. 

This legislation fails to acknowledge that the 

United States and a number of our allies are 

actively participating in stoking the violence on 

the ground, including through the arming and 

support of Syrian rebel groups. Divisions and 

in-fighting within the various militias operating 

on the ground are already occurring. If our 

own intelligence agencies are unable to fully 

grasp what is transpiring on the ground in 

Syria, we can be sure that these targeted 

sanctions will overlook other non-state actors 

that are participating in human rights abuses. 

Recent reports also indicate that the instability and chaos in Syria has opened the door 

for fundamentalist groups to move in, including 

Al Qaeda. This threatens stability in the region 

as a whole and U.S. allies in the region, including Israel. 

We can all agree that the violence in Syria 

must end. But in order to do that, supporters 

on both sides of the conflict must cease providing either side with the tools to continue 

this bloody conflict. 

WELCOMING NAYYAR IMAM 

HON. TIMOTHY H. BISHOP OF NEW YORK

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, August 2, 2012 

Mr. BISHOP of New York. Mr. Speaker, today’s opening prayer was delivered by Nayyar 

Imam from Mt. Sinai, New York—in my district 

on Long Island. 

I am honored to welcome Nayyar to the 

House as a distinguished representative of 

Long Island’s Muslim-American community. 

I also welcome his wife of 24 years, 

Rizwana, and their son, Ahmer, who attends 

Baruch College, City University of New York, 

who are joining us from the gallery. 

I am especially pleased that Nayyar was 

able to make the trip during Ramadan, the 

holy month of fasting and spiritual renewal. 

I have known him for ten years—as a trustee of his mosque in Selden, New York and as 

a leading authority of Islamic culture across 

Long Island. He also serves the Islamic Association of Long Island and the Suffolk County 

Commission on Human Rights. 

As the first Muslim-American chaplain of the 

Suffolk County Police Department, Nayyar has 

delivered the benedictions at its memorial 

services. He has also delivered opening prayers of the Suffolk County legislature. 

I commend him for his service to my district 

and Long Island, as well as for the spiritual 

leadership he provides my constituents. 

I thank Nayyar Imam and his family for joining us to open the chamber with today’s prayer. 

f 

HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE U.S. 

HON. MARCY KAPTUR OF OHIO

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Thursday, August 2, 2012 

Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to 

highlight the problem of human trafficking. 

Every day all over our country, vulnerable 

women, and children and even men are stolen 

away from their communities and forced into 

work to line the pockets of criminals. Their stories and situations are different, but one common denominator remains: they are moved 

away, they are forced to work, their wages are 

stolen, and they are unable to leave. They are 

modern day slaves. 

Under the federal Trafficking Victims Protection Act, human trafficking is defined as the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, 

or obtaining of a person to perform labor or a 

commercial sex act through force, fraud, or 

coercion. You can find human trafficking victims everywhere. They are working in restaurants; nail salons; as maids and nannies; 

on farms; in factories; in brothels, on the 

street, and as online escorts—they exist in 

any industry where one’s work and freedom 

can be stolen from them. 

The Justice Department supports task 

forces dedicated to investigating human trafficking cases. Between 2008 and 2010, these 

task forces rescued 527 confirmed human trafficking victims. Some of the people rescued 

were sex trafficking victims, others were labor 

trafficking victims. But the statistics are telling. 

The majority of trafficking victims are women: 

women made up 98 percent of sex trafficking 

victims and 68 percent of labor trafficking victims. The traffickers were overwhelmingly (81 

percent) male. Most of the victims were under 

the age of 25. With sex trafficking, most of the 

victims were U.S. citizens, while labor trafficking largely affected undocumented individuals. But this data just scratches the surface 

of the problem that is out there, within our own 

borders. 

Hundreds of thousands of trafficking victims 

are exploited every year in the United States. 

The Polaris Project estimates that there are 

100,000 child sex trafficking victims in the U.S. 

alone each year. This figure came into clear 

focus in my hometown of Toledo, Ohio back in 

2005, when a child prostitution ring in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania was broken up. The sting 

involved 177 girls, 77 of whom were from Toledo. One was a ten year old girl. They had 

all been stolen away from their family, from 

their community, and forced into prostitution in 

a city over 400 miles away. That discovery led 

to the discovery of many other girls from Toledo who had fallen victim to sex trafficking. 

The problem is big, but progress is being 

made. One state representative from Toledo 

has worked tirelessly to address this issue at 

the state level. Representative Teresa Fedor 

recently saw her signature legislation signed 

into law. The legislation, Ohio’s ‘‘Safe Harbor’’ 

law, ensures that children who have been trafficked are treated as victims and not charged 

with violations like solicitation. The law also increases the penalties faced by adult traffickers 

and helps victims access services to help return to society. Prior to the signing of this law, 

Representative Fedor passed a law to create 

a human trafficking charge that could be 

added to related crimes to increase the severity of the sentence. 

The good work that Representative Fedor 

has done will undoubtedly help victims of trafficking in Ohio. I would like to ask unanimous 

consent to include an article from the Toledo 

Blade detailing her work in this area. 

Human trafficking will remain a scourge on 

our society until we can assure that no human 

being is turned into a slave. I applaud the 

steps that have been taken so far, but also 

recognize that much more needs to be done. 

[From the toledoBlade.com, July 31, 2012] 

FEDOR FOUND VOICE IN HUMAN-TRAFFIC

BATTLE

(By Jim Provance) 

COLUMBUS.—‘‘Without her, we wouldn’t 

have a voice,’’ a former human-trafficking 

victim recently said of Rep. Teresa Fedor. 

But one might also say that it was this victim and others like her who gave the Democratic lawmaker from Toledo her voice. 

The former elementary school teacher and 

former Air Force staff sergeant has without 

a doubt experienced political success. She’d 

been in the Ohio House only two years before 

Lucas County voters promoted her to the 

Senate in 2002. In 2010, when term limits 

forced her out of the chamber, they sent her 

back to the House. She faces no Republican 

opposition for re-election this year. 

But making legislative gains proved more 

elusive. 

An unscientific poll in the summer of 2007 

by Columbus Monthly magazine of 100 lawmakers, lobbyists, and players in Gov. Ted 

Strickland’s administration, and other 

Statehouse insiders ranked her among the 

least effective and politically savvy of state 

lawmakers. 

Her colleagues in the Senate Democratic 

Caucus, a very small club, dumped her as 


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