SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY . NUMBER 14 

POLITICAL CARTOONS 

IN THE 

1848 ELECTION CAMPAIGN 

Anne Marie Serio 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 

CITY OF WASHINGTON 

1972 
The White House or "President's House," a symbol of the prize for which the candidates 

were contending, is depicted in this engraving of about 1831. The print was published 

by Carter, Andrews & Company of Lancaster, Massachusetts, and is in the Smithsonian 

Institution's Harry T. Peters "America On Stone" Collection. (Smithsonian negative 

56108.) 

LC Cataloging-in-Publication information on last page 
POLITICAL CARTOONS 

IN THE 

1848 ELECTION CAMPAIGN 

The Harry T. Peters "America On Stone" Lithography Collection in the 

Smithsonian Institution contains over 150 lithographed election cartoons and 

caricatures, ^hese cartoons, dating from the mid-nineteenth century before 

newspapers carried editorial cartoons, are directly tied to the events of the 

time and reflect the opinions of the general public as well as of those who 

drew and published them. Nine of these cartoons were issued during the 

election of 181$. This study discusses these cartoons and their interrelationship with the personalities and issues of the campaign. These cartoons 

add a further dimension to the history of the election. 

T H E AUTHOR: Anne Marie Serio is a museum specialist in the Division 

of Pre-mdustrial Cultural History in the Smithsonian Institution's National 

Museum of History and Technology. 

Editorial comment in American newspapers 

has never been known for its coyness or restraint. 

An editor will express his reasoned opinion on 

most topics in as forthright a manner as he feels 

proper. No less pointed, the political cartoonists 

satirize high and low with usually witty and 

sometimes provocative results. A cartoonist feels 

no qualms in aiming his wit at first one side of the 

fence and then the other. This was as true of the 

nineteenth century as it is today. 

Commentary and cartoons pointed some of their 

best nineteenth-century barbs at the attempts of 

dissident Democrats and Whigs to organize a 

third party in 1848. In early August of that year 

an incongruous group of factions—splinters from 

the major parties as well as members of various 

third parties—gathered in Buffalo, New York, 

with the high-minded purpose of banding together in a new party based solely on their opposition to the extension of slavery. These people 

left Buffalo under the banner of Free Soil, singing the praises of Martin Van Buren. They had 

erected a platform and agreed on a candidate. 

That they were able to accomplish this and to do 

so with apparent harmony was a surprise to 

many, as can be seen in the comment of the day. 

At this period in American history political 

cartoons were, for the most part, separately issued 

lithographs which were probably distributed by 

the parties themselves as campaign material, the 

surplus being sold in the same manner as other 

prints.1 Before the appearance in 1829 of what 

is considered the first cartoon lithographed in the 

United States, caricatures were engraved, etched 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

or cut on copper, steel, or wood.2 Lithographed 

cartoons were plentiful, inexpensive, and expressive of the current views. They were popular, 

undoubtedly controversial, and inseparable from 

the political events of the period. 

There are nine cartoons in the Harry T. Peters 

"America On Stone" Lithography Collection at 

the Smithsonian Institution which were issued 

during the 1848 election campaign. The cartoons 

are closely tied to the events of the day and have 

a direct bearing on a history of the campaign. 

Political cartoons were the earliest lithographs 

to receive w

r

ide circulation with people gaining a 

large share of their political knowledge and education from them. In considering them along with 

editorial comment and the usual written documents, a further dimension is added to our knowledge of the campaign. 

Cartoons mirror the personalities and issues of 

the times. They are, by nature, either exaggerations or simplications—or both—of the facts as 

viewed by the cartoonist. The artist makes his 

point by emphasis; he presents personalities and 

issues in a form quickly and easily grasped by his 

audience, using objects and concepts which are 

familiar to the people. Thus, the election campaign is often pictured as a contest, such as a fishing match or a turkey shoot, with the presidency 

as the prize. An even more common election cartoon is that depicting a horse race between the 

various contenders for office. Reflecting the rural 

character of mid-nineteenth-century America, the 

cartoonists make repeated use of animals. In the 

cartoons to be considered here, for example, one 

candidate is depicted milking a cow and riding a 

buffalo to victory. In each case, the animal represents the issue which he is supposedly using to 

gain his own ends. In another caricature, a sow 

carries three men down Salt River Lane, a symbol 

of defeat. It is interesting to speculate on why the 

artist drew a SOWT rather than a horse. Was it perhaps to make the Democrats appear more ludicrous in their predicament? Furthermore, in the 

turkey shoot, Martin Van Buren is depicted as a 

fox, emphasizing the sly, crafty nature attributed 

to him in the nickname "The Red Fox of 

Kinderhook." 

In many of these early election cartoons, the 

individuals are depicted almost photographically. 

They look much the same in each cartoon even 

though the artists and publishers differ. This may 

very well be attributable to the recent popularization of photography which was a new phenomenon at that time. The artists most likely copied 

their portraits of the political contenders from 

photographs to w

T

hich they had ready access and 

satirized the situations rather than the appearance 

of the individuals. 

To set the scene for 1848, one must examine 

the events which brought forth the issues of that 

year.3 The question of slavery had long lain 

smoldering beneath the surface of the American 

political scene. Abolitionists had been at work for 

many years appealing to the moral sense of the 

people in their attempt to correct the problem. 

Politicians, for the most part, refused to make 

slavery an issue because it was much too explosive. The annexation of Texas in 1845 and the subsequent war with Mexico brought the issue to the 

surface. 

Because of its nearness to the South and its 

suitability for growing cotton and sugarcane, 

Texas had been settled to a large extent by Southerners who insisted on bringing their slaves with 

them. Although slavery had been abolished by the 

Mexican government in 1831, the Southern slaveholders who moved to Texas managed to ignore 

this fact. Following their secession from Mexico, 

the Texans legalized slavery. This was the way 

the matter stood in 1836 when an envoy from 

Texas arrived in Washington to seek either annexation or recognition as an independent republic. 

The annexation of Texas would affect the delicate issue of the balance of power between the 

North and the South. Texas was large enough that 

several slave states might be carved from its territory; thus, the North was not prone to regard 

the addition of this territory to the Union with 

favor. Andrew Jackson, with the approval of 

Congress, recognized the Republic of Texas 

shortly before he left office in 1837. Martin Van 

Buren, his successor, had no desire to see the 

slavery issue brought up and felt that annexation 

w

r

ould involve a war with Mexico. As a result, the 

issue was successfully avoided for a short time. 

Texans, however, continued to press for annexation, while at the same time negotiating with 

Britain and France for a guarantee of their independence. Texans rightly feared that as a very 

small republic, they might at any time be faced 
NUMBER 14 

with an attempt by Mexico—who had never 

recognized their independence—to repossess the 

territory. Southerners, aware of the moves of 

Texans to guarantee their independence, feared 

that Texas might abolish slavery in return for a 

British promise of protection. This w

T

ould leave 

the South with an extremely large refuge for 

runaway slaves right at its doorstep. Thus, the 

South viewed the annexation of Texas as a matter 

of importance. 

John Tyler, who defeated Van Buren in his bid 

for reelection in 1840, was not as reluctant as 

his predecessor to broach the issue of annexation. After much negotiating, Tyler's secretary 

of state, John C. Calhoun, concluded a treaty of 

annexation. 

This treaty played a major role in the election 

of 1844. Martin Van Buren lost the Democratic 

presidential nomination that year over the issue. 

It was shortly before the nominating conventions 

were to meet that Calhoun concluded the treaty 

with the Republic of Texas which was submitted 

to Congress for ratification. Both Van Buren and 

Henry Clay, who at this point w

T

ere virtually 

assured of their respective parties' nominations, 

were forced to express their views on the subject. 

Each wrote a letter which was published in their 

party newspapers on the same day. Their positions were similar—both were opposed to annexation. Annexation at that time would lead to war, 

a war in which the United States would be in the 

wrong. Neither man ruled out the possibility of 

annexation at a later date. Clay received the 

Whig nomination in spite of his unpopular stand, 

but it was to cost him the election. Van Buren 

did not make it even that far. His position w

T

as 

contrary to that of the mass of the Democratic 

Party, and completely unacceptable to the Southern wing of the party. Many of his strongest supporters deserted him with the result that he was 

unable to secure a majority in the Democratic 

convention. To break the deadlock which ensued 

between Van Buren and Lewis Cass, James K. 

Polk was nominated and subsequently elected. 

The annexation treaty was not ratified but 

Tyler, while still in office following the election 

of 1844, recommended that Texas be annexed by 

a joint resolution of Congress which did not require a tw-o-thirds vote. This was done, and Texas 

was admitted to the Union in December 1845. 

Mexico, having warned on various occasions 

that she would regard the annexation of Texas as 

a cause for war, broke diplomatic relations with 

the United States shortly after Tyler's successor, 

James K. Polk, took office. WTar with Mexico 

could very likely have been avoided if the issue 

had been merely the annexation of Texas and the 

dispute over its boundary; however, the United 

States, and Polk in particular, had its eye on the 

Mexican territory of California. Americans had 

fallen under the spell of "manifest destiny," the 

notion that the United States was destined to expand across the continent. Polk made repeated 

attempts to acquire California through purchase 

and even by encouraging a revolt in the territory. 

Polk tried negotiating for the purchase of both 

New Mexico and California, but his envoys met 

with no success as the Mexican government refused to discuss anything except the Texas boundary. It was at this point that General Zachary 

Taylor was ordered to the mouth of the Rio 

Grande to strengthen the American bargaining 

position. Polk's envoys finally gave up and returned home after the Mexican government was 

overthrown in January 1846 by a military regime 

determined to resist every American demand. 

Polk began to draft a request to Congress for a 

declaration of war. Before this was submitted, 

word was received that Taylor's forces had been 

attacked north of the Rio Grande. The attack 

occurred outside the boundary of the former Mexican state of Texas, but within that claimed by 

the Republic of Texas. In his revised war message, 

Polk stated that American blood had been shed 

on American soil. The issue w

T

as the annexation 

of Texas, but the prize was California. 

On August 8, 1846, about three months after 

the outbreak of war, Polk asked Congress for an 

appropriation of two million dollars to be used 

as a down payment to bribe the Mexican dictator, 

Santa Anna, into ceding California. David Wilmot, a Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania, proposed an amendment to the bill for the 

appropriation stating that in any territory so acquired "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 

shall ever exist. . . ." This amendment became 

known as the Wilmot Proviso. The bill with the 

amendment passed in the House and w

r

as sent to 

the Senate which adjourned before voting on it. 

A new bill was introduced at the next session of 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Congress, the amendment was added again, and 

the bill was sent to the Senate. The Senate refused 

to consider the amended bill, passing one of its 

own which the House finally concurred in approving. Although the Wilmot Proviso never became 

law, it opened the door for the subsequent debates 

on the question of slavery extension. 

The issue of slavery extension polarized the 

views of the proponents. The anti-slave forces 

felt that Congress had the right and the moral 

duty to prohibit slavery wherever its jurisdiction 

extended. This was the position expressed in the 

Wilmot Proviso and held by the Free Soil Party. 

The South maintained that Congress did not have 

the power to prohibit slavery in the territories; 

on the contrary, it had the duty to protect Southern property (slaves) wherever they were taken 

by their owners. It would be easy to simplify the 

issues and place each proponent in one camp or 

the other. To some extent this can be done, but at 

the same time it must be remembered that there 

were many differences of opinion on each side. 

Anti-slavery men were not necessarily abolitionists. Abolitionists were completely opposed to 

slavery, and they wished to prohibit it entirely 

in the states where it already existed as well as 

in the territories. Anti-slavery men, although they 

may have hated slavery as much as the abolitionists, were merely trying to halt its spread and to 

keep it out of the territories. The pro-slavery 

faction included many who felt that slavery was a 

moral evil, but were forced to defend the system 

out of economic necessity. 

The Wilmot Proviso and resultant arguments 

were the major issues in the split between the 

radical (Barnburner) and the conservative 

(Hunker) forces in the New York State Democratic Party which led to the Barnburners joining in the formation of the Free Soil Party. 

Martin Van Buren and his supporters had built 

up a strong Democratic organization in New 

York. The Albany Regency, as this group was 

known, controlled the party in the state at the 

time Van Buren entered the United States Senate 

in 1821. The party had been constructed of men 

holding w

T

idely differing opinions, and in the 

folio-wing years splits occurred in the unity of the 

party on numerous occasions. The factions divided over the issues of hard money, monopolies, 

and financing of public works among others, 

but the final blow was the issue of slavery extension.4

 The two factions dubbed each other with 

names thought to represent their qualities. The 

radicals became known as Barnburners from the 

legendary tale of the Dutch farmer who supposedly burned his barn to destroy the rats in it. 

Thus, the enemies of the radicals expressed their 

feeling that the radicals would destroy the Democratic Party to rid themselves of the conservatives. 

The name Hunker is apparently a corruption of 

the verb "to hunger" or "to hanker." It was applied to the conservatives by their enemies who 

insisted that the conservatives were always 

"hunkering" for office. In advancing the Barnburners claim to be the true representatives of the 

New York Democratic Party at the national convention ih 1848, J. C. Smith stated that "those 

with whom he was politically associated had 

burned the barn to drive these rats [Hunkers] 

from the public granary. . . . The Hunkers 

'hunkered' after office, and hence their name."

 5 

The issue between the two forces was control 

of the Democratic Party in the state of New York. 

This control became a matter of expressing opposition to the extension of slavery. The matter 

oame to a head when the state Democratic convention which convened in September 1847 

refused to consider a resolution expressing opposition to the extension of slavery into the 

territories. Consequently, the Barnburners bolted 

and called a mass meeting to meet at Herkimer, 

New York, on October 26 of that year. The split 

w

r

as almost complete. , 

"The Modern Gilpins. Love's Labor Lost" (Figure 1) depicts the split in the Democratic Party. 

The anecdote alluded to in this cartoon concerns 

John Gilpin, a London linen draper and militia 

captain. Gilpin agreed, at his wife's suggestion, 

to have dinner at a place in Edmonton. Mrs. Gilpin, her sister, and four children went ahead in 

the chaise. John was to follow on horseback. The 

horse was in high spirits and broke into a trot and 

then a gallop. John was a poor rider and he 

immediately seized the horse's mane with both 

hands. The horse continued to gallop, John lost 

his cloak, wig and hat; dogs barked; children 

screamed; and the turnpike men, thinking he was 

riding for a bet, opened their gates for him. The 

horse continued through Edmonton without pausing. When he finally managed to stop the horse, 
NUMBER 14 

FIGURE 1.—"The Modern Gilpins. Loves Labor Lost" shows disruption in the Democratic 

Party caused by the issue of the annexation of Texas and of the Wilmot Proviso. This 

cartoon was published by J. Baillie of New York City. (Smithsonian negative 53934.) 

John borrowed a wig and hat from a friend and 

started back to Edmonton. The same situation 

occurred and the horse failed to stop until he 

had reached home in London.6 In the cartoon a 

sow is depicted running down "Salt River Lane." 

On her back, she bears Lewis Cass, the United 

States senator from Michigan, an annexationist 

and opponent of the Wilmot Proviso; Thomas 

Hart Benton, senator from Missouri; and Levi 

Woodbury of New Hampshire. Benton, who was a 

close friend of Van Buren, and Woodbury ultimately supported Cass. Woodbury had been a contender for the nomination himself. Salt River is 

a symbol of political defeat. Its derivation is not 

known, but to row someone up Salt River—meaning to defeat or triumph over him—was a common expression at this time. The sow with her 

three riders is leaving behind the "Headquarters 

of the Northern Democracy," two wigwams over 

which floats the banner of the Wilmot Proviso. 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

John Van Buren, Martin's son, is trying to hold 

them back by pulling the sow's tail. Two other 

men also try to stop the "Hunkers." Martin Van 

Buren is "slumped in the mud" and conjectures 

that had he served his country with half the zeal 

with which he served his illustrious predecessor, 

Andrew Jackson, he would not be in that position. 

Van Buren and the New York Barnburners stand 

firmly committed to the Wilmot Proviso. This, 

they maintain is the true position of the Northern 

Democrats. On the opposite side of the issue 

stand the old annexationists, represented here by 

Cass, Woodbury, and Benton who are being carried away from the Barnburners' position. 

The rift widened further when the two factions 

sent conflicting delegations to the Democratic 

National Convention at Baltimore in May 1848. 

Prior to the convention, John Van Buren had 

written to his father asking permission to present 

his name as the Barnburners' presidential candidate if the need arose. The former president 

advised his son to make every effort to gain acceptance of the Barnburners' delegates as the sole 

New York delegation. If the convention accepted 

them, they should attempt to make their views 

felt and to express their objections to the 

various candidates whom they would find difficult to support. In any case, if admitted, they 

were to accept any candidate nominated by 

the convention unless it was Polk. Polk had stated 

that he would serve only one term. If he should be 

nominated at Baltimore and accept the nomination, he w^ould be violating his word and the 

Barnburners could not support him. Only if the 

Barnburners' delegates w^ere refused admittance 

as New York's sole representatives at the Democratic National Convention were they to bolt. In 

this case, Van Buren suggested that the Barnburners put forth their own candidate and mentioned Taylor as a possibility.7

 That Taylor could 

be considered by the Barnburners as an antislavery candidate is a clear indication of his lack 

of any known convictions on this issue. 

The convention officials, after much debate, 

compromised and granted each delegation—the 

Hunkers and the Barnburners—one-half vote, 

but only on the condition that they pledge to support the nominees of the convention before being 

admitted. The Barnburners refused this arrangement and left Baltimore determined to act independently. They convened at Utica on June 22 

to nominate their own candidates. By this time, 

Taylor had been selected by the Whigs as their 

presidential candidate. The Barnburners turned 

to their old leader, nominating Martin Van 

Buren for president and Henry Dodge for vicepresident. Van Buren accepted the nomination, 

but Dodge declined. 

The Democrats nominated Lewis Cass and William O. Butler with a platform heartily endorsing the Polk administration. Polk, ill and weary, 

was true to his word and declined a second term. 

Cass's position on slavery extension made him 

more acceptable to the majority of Democrats 

than any candidate who supported the position 

expressed in the Wilmot Proviso. He advocated 

the doctrine which was to become known as popular sovereignty. He felt that the settlers in each 

new territory should decide the issue of slavery 

for themselves. This was a local matter best 

handled by those most closely involved and without the interference of Congress. This, in the 

opinion of Cass, was the most reasonable solution 

to the problem.8 

The Barnburners would not support Cass, 

whom they held responsible for Van Buren's 

loss of the presidential nomination in 1844. Polk, 

w

T

ho was not particularly offensive to the Barnburners in '44, had quickly alienated them by 

trying to placate both the Hunkers and the 

Barnburners. He offered cabinet positions to Van 

Buren's close friends and supporters, Silas 

Wright and Benjamin F. Butler. Both men declined the positions. Polk then gave the position 

of secretary of war, which Butler had declined, 

to William L. Marcy, a leading Hunker and an 

enemy of Van Buren.9 

The Barnburners had an additional grievance 

against the Polk administration. In 1844 the 

Democrats had persuaded Silas Wright, senator 

from New York and the idol of the Barnburners, 

to run for governor of New York. They felt that 

with Wright on the ticket in New York, the 

Barnburners would be appeased for Van Buren's 

loss and would stick with the entire Democratic 

ticket, Polk included. Wright ran, against his 

desire, and was elected. In 1846, however, he was 

defeated in his bid for reelection because the 

Hunkers refused to support him. The Barnburners held the Polk administration as well as the 
NUMBER 14 

Hunkers responsible for this defeat and for 

Wright's death shortly thereafter. They believed 

that Polk and the Hunkers deliberately drove 

Wright out of public life, because they knew that 

he would be a leading contender for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1848. This feeling is evident in the cartoon captioned with a 

quotation from a speech given at the Utica convention (Figure 2). The setting is a cemetery 

near Silas Wright's coffin. The hostility between 

the two forces and its causes are apparent in this 

cartoon. 

Confound them nigger drivers-Prime 

John was right/. They've got my soul and 

sent my body heme, by the. lakes; HM ere/l 

IrosweUamtsare me. 

V 

FIGURE 2.—This untitled cartoon published by Peter Smith of New York City portrays 

the belief of the Barnburners that the Hunkers were responsible for the defeat of 

Silas Wright in his bid for reelection as governor of New York and his subsequent 

death. Edwin Croswell, editor of the Albany Argus, had been a member of the Albany 

Regency and state printer during Van Buren's presidency. He became a leading voice 

of the Hunkers. Erastus Corning, Daniel S. Dickinson, and Henry A. Foster were prominent Hunkers. In this cartoon, they are depicted "hunkering" after "Federal Pap," 

drawn as a sow with the face of a Negro woman probably to express their willingness 

to accept the extension of slavery. Corning, Dickinson, Croswell, and Foster are 

planning the defeat of Wright and Van Buren. Cass and Taylor express fears that Van 

Buren will defeat them. Van Buren, to whom "Freedom's battle" is bequeathed, rests 

his hand on a marker bearing his name beneath that of Washington, Jefferson, and 

Jackson. The dates 1837 and 1848 appear under Van Buren's name. (Smithsonian 

negative 53777.) 
8 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

In "Fording Salt River" (Figure 3) Martin 

Van Buren is carried "dry shod" over the raging 

river at the foot of a hill on which sits the White 

House. It is the long legs of his son John that 

make this possible. John Van Buren was the leading figure in the Barnburner-Free Soil merger. 

Taylor, Henry Clay, and Horace Greeley, editor 

of the New7 York Tribune, flounder in the river. 

Cassius M. Clay sits calmly on the bank of the 

river while Greeley calls to him for help. Clay 

says that he risked his life in Mexico, and he 

doesn't "like to do it again." 

The colorful Kentuckian, Cassius Clay, was an 

outspoken opponent of slavery. Not one to sit by 

in the heat of controversy, he had been involved in 

numerous fracases as a result of his expression of 

anti-slavery opinions in the heart of a slaveholding area. Cassius had campaigned vigorously 

for his cousin, Henry Clay, in 1844. In Henry's 

eyes, Cassius was too outspoken in his condemnaFIGURE 3.—"Fording Salt River" depicts Taylor, Greeley, and Clay floundering in the 

river of defeat, while Van Buren is carried across to the White House by his son, John 

Van Buren. This cartoon was published by J. Baillie of New York City. (Smithsonian 

negative 53947.) 

fbe/esw t"Aa/ fx/uM/Mz&cveir 

CarC& e-iitrce/ fi/terc flemco, Iriabed 

mr /ift- in,. \fescux>, & '/e/i / M* 

/c eio / / e/^etirts 

frh&tti/wtt' 

• 
NUMBER 14 9 

tion of slavery, which forced Henry to disavow 

some of his cousin's statements during the campaign. Cassius Clay's opposition to annexation 

and a war with Mexico did not prevent him from 

volunteering to serve after the war commenced. 

His motives appear to have been a combination 

of allegiance to his country—his stated reason 

for the action which was in apparent contradiction to his views—and a desire to improve his 

relations with his Kentucky neighbors. The latter 

had suffered after his publication of an inflammatory anti-slavery piece in his newspaper, The 

True American, the previous year. Cassius Clay 

supported Taylor in 1848; indeed, he w

T

as instrumental in Taylor's selection over Henry Clay as 

the Whig candidate. He did not, however, take 

an active role in the campaign. 

Henry Clay, still reaching for the presidency, 

hoped to be his party's candidate once again. 

Although basically opposed to slavery, he would 

not openly support the Wilmot Proviso. He was 

desperately trying to set a middle course between 

North and South without completely supporting 

or alienating either side. Because of the divisive 

effect of the slavery question, the Whigs preferred 

a candidate entirely uncommitted on the issue. As 

a result, they selected Taylor who not only had no 

stand at all, but had never shown any interest in 

politics—not even so much as to vote. In addition, 

many Whig leaders felt that the war-hero general 

had an excellent chance of winning, something 

they felt Clay could not do. This is the basis 

of the charge repeatedly heard during the campaign that the Whigs chose Taylor out of mere 

availability. 

Horace Greeley, though a Whig, did not favor 

the nomination of Taylor, whom he felt had no 

experience as a statesman in addition to having 

no expressed views on any of the issues. Greeley 

had actually supported Clay, although not with 

any great enthusiasm. Later, Greeley was to express the opinion that Taylor's nomination and 

subsequent election demoralized the Whig Party. 

He believed the election was a triumph for Taylor 

rather than of Whig principles. While, as Greeley 

says, he "ultimately supported and voted for him, 

I did not hurry myself to secure his election."

 10 

When the Whigs refused to consider supporting 

the Wilmot Proviso, Greeley lost his enthusiasm 

for their cause. He vacillated throughout the summer of 1848 between supporting Taylor as the 

lesser of two evils or joining the Free Soilers. 

It was not until September that he finally gave 

his support to Taylor and added the names of the 

Whig candidates to the masthead of the Tribune. 

He inclined towards the Free Soilers, but supported Taylor because he had little faith in thirdparty movements. Furthermore, he felt that the 

Free Soilers had no chance of winning. The 

Whigs insured his loyalty by nominating him for 

Congress to fill a three-month vacancy.11 

Cass, the Democratic nominee, is not pictured 

in the "Fording Salt River" cartoon. It would 

appear to have been published prior to the nominating conventions, at a time when Van Buren was 

being considered as the possible Democratic nominee with Taylor and Clay as Whig contenders. 

The cartoonist feels that only Van Buren, with the 

assistance of his son, can make it across Salt River. 

By 1848 the forces opposed to slavery, including the Liberty Party which had been formed in 

1833 to fight for the abolition of slavery, as well 

as Conscience Whigs—so-called because of their 

opposition to slavery—and Democrats w

T

ere becoming more numerous and more vociferous. In 

October 1847, the Liberty Party had convened in 

Buffalo and nominated Senator John P. Hale of 

New Hampshire, an anti-slavery Democrat, for 

the presidency. Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, one of 

the party's most capable leaders, had opposed this 

move, favoring a wait-and-see attitude because of 

his realization of the increasing sentiment for the 

restriction of slavery. Chase felt that only by joining forces with the factions from the major parties 

who opposed slavery extension could the Liberty 

Party attain success. He wished to remain uncommitted until he could ascertain the developments 

in the major parties.12 

The Whigs met in Philadelphia on June 7,1848, 

to select their candidates for the forthcoming election. On the fourth ballot, they chose General 

Taylor, popular hero of the Mexican War, to be 

their candidate for president. He had no views on 

any of the issues, and there was no platform. The 

delegates nominated Millard Fillmore, a friend of 

Henry Clay who leaned toward anti-slavery, as 

their vice-presidential candidate. The Whigs thus 

attempted to ignore the issue of slavery extension 

and win the election by using Taylor's popularity 

as a hero. 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

After Taylor's nomination by the Whigs in 

convention at Philadelphia, a meeting of dissatisfied Whigs was held in a committee room.13

 Following a period of protracted discussion, the dissidents decided to hold a Free Soil convention in 

Buffalo. The Ohio Free Territory convention was 

to issue the call to insure its being an impressive 

non-partisan one. On June 21, the People's convention met at Columbus with one-thousand delegates including prominent Whigs, Democrats, and 

Liberty men in attendance. The meeting resolved 

that a national convention should be convened at 

Buffalo in August. A simultaneous call for such a 

meeting was issued by the Barnburners' convention at Utica, and a third group in Massachusetts 

concurred in the summons.14 

Throughout the Northern states, local conventions and meetings were held to elect delegates to 

the Buffalo meeting. The men who eventually convened at Buffalo were not inexperienced idealists, 

but practical, and in many cases, well-known politicians. Richard Henry Dana who had made his 

political debut as chairman of a Free Soil meeting 

in July was selected as a delegate by the Boston 

Conscience Whigs. Charles Sumner, who lost the 

position of delegate to Dana, attended the meeting 

on his own. Charles Francis Adams was elected a 

delegate from his father's old district. Adams assumed a major role in the convention, becoming 

its chairman and ultimately the nominee for vicepresident on the Free Soil ticket. The Barnburners were represented by such men as John Van 

Buren, Benjamin F. Butler, Preston King, David 

Dudley Field, and Samuel J. Tilden. 

Among the prominent Liberty Party men in attendance was Salmon P. Chase. It was Chase who 

was largely responsible for the Liberty Party 

joining the Free Soilers. Chase was a leading 

spirit of the convention, serving as chairman of 

the committee which chose the nominees. He also 

drafted strong resolutions and added planks to 

the Free Soil platform advocating national improvements, homestead land grants, and a tariff 

for revenue. He summed up the situation at Buffalo by stating that he had always regarded the 

Liberty Party as a means to an end—the halt to 

slavery—and was ready "to give up the Liberty 

organization at any time when I see that the 

great object can be accomplished without the 

sacrifice of principles in less time by another 

agency.

 15 

Thus, the situation depicted in "The Marriage 

of the Free Soil and Liberty Parties" (Figure 4) 

is not so surprising. As the proceedings of the convention got under way, it became obvious that a 

bargain had been made. The Barnburners selected 

the presidential candidate, the Liberty men wrote 

the platform, and the Conscience Whigs, playing 

the smallest role in the proceedings, selected the 

vice-president. 

In the cartoon, Martin Van Buren (Matty) is 

united to a Negress representing the Liberty 

Party. The ceremony is performed by B.F.B. 

(Benjamin F. Butler), Van Buren's right-hand 

man. Butler who had been Van Buren's law partner and served as attorney general and secretary 

of war under Jackson was very active at the Buffalo convention. John Van Barnburner stands to 

the side encouraging his father—"Walk up, dad. 

You can hold your breath till the ceremony is . 

over; and after that you can do what you please." 

Van Buren muses, "I- find that politics, as well as 

poverty, make one acquainted with strange bedfellows." Horace Greeley is pushing Van Buren 

forward saying "Go, Matty, and kiss the bride/ 

That is an indispensable part of the ceremony." 

This is rather interesting in light of the previously mentioned fact that Greeley, although he 

opposed slavery, ultimately supported Taylor. It 

is an indication of the fact that Greeley leaned 

towards the Free Soil position and that this 

leaning w

T

as generally known. The Negress to 

whom Van Buren is being wedded welcomes 

him with outstretched arms, "Come here, my 

flower. You is a great stranger, and I want to 

get acquainted with you." Three other Negroes 

view the proceedings from a distance; one says 

" I nebber hab berry good pinion ob the gemman; 

but if he ax pardon for all he hab done and said 

agin us, I will shake hands wid de gemman." 

Another exclaims, "Mercy on me! How bashful he 

is! " These remarks reflect Van Buren's earlier 

lack of interest in attempts to abolish or restrict 

slavery and his avoidance of the issue. He had 

been distinctly tolerant of slavery in his efforts 

to form an alliance between Northern Democrats 

and the slaveholders of the South, earning the 

reputation of a Northern man with Southern 

principles. 

In the ballot of the conferees for the presi-
NUMBER 14 11 

Walk up. dati MM ran held year , do.. VaUy, and kiss the- bride \ 

breath till thiSemntny is over, [That is an indtspensahle- pari'• 

and afar that you can de what oftAowraitany ' 

you /liaise. 

I 

/ J find dial politics, at 

veil us ptweriy. ///</-'•< 

one ocgaoi/ittd wuh 

.strange bed fell//ws. 

: (I heigitedt litis man to be j 

; married to this worn/in. 

Ir/ru ken, >ry flower. ¥cu is 

a great stranger, tvid 1want 

U>gel acquainted wid you 

I I nd&IT hdl' berry good jiiniori obliir I. V/ny man 'iim 

' gemniajt, but it'/u axpurden for ail \btslifnl he is ' 

he hab di'iu and said agui us. I will / 

shah liands wul de gemman 

\l 

FIGURE 4.—"Marriage of the Free Soil and Liberty Parties " satirizes the strange coalition 

of the Liberty Party and the dissident elements which formed the Free Soil Party is 

satirized in this marriage ceremony uniting Martin Van Buren with a Negro woman. 

The cartoon was published by Peter Smith of New York City. (Smithsonian negative 

54016.) 

dential nomination, all the Democrats voted for 

Van Buren while most of the Liberty men supported Hale with the exception of Chase, Henry 

B. Stanton, and a few others who voted for Van 

Buren. The balance was in the hands of the 

Whigs who, in turn, voted for Van Buren. The 

vote of the committee gave Van Buren 244, Hale 

181, and 41 scattered among others. With Van 

Buren being the obvious choice of a considerable 

majority, Joshua Leavitt, a Liberty Party leader 

from Massachusetts, moved that the nomination 

be made unanimous. It was then agreed that since 

the presidential candidate was a Democrat, the 

vice-president should be a Whig; and since Van 

Buren was from the East, the West should select 

his running mate. Charles Francis Adams was 

the unanimous choice of the Western delegates 

although he was not himself from the West.16 

The news of the nominations of Van Buren and 

Adams w

r

as greeted with great applause and 

enthusiasm on the part of the convention delegates. The nominations were accepted without a 

dissenting vote, and the convention adjourned 

amid cries of "Van Buren and Free Soil, Adams 

and Liberty."

 17 

The "marriage" of the Free Soil Party and the 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Liberty Party witnessed a narrowing of the antislavery cause. The Free Soil Party was committed to the issue expressed in the Wilmot 

Proviso—a halt to the extension of slavery— 

rather than all-out abolition. A series of resolutions adopted by the Buffalo Convention expressed their stand concisely: 

Resolved, That slavery, in the several states of 

this Union which recognise its existence depends upon state laws alone, which cannot be 

repealed or modified by the federal government and for which laws, that government 

is not responsible. We, therefore, propose no 

interference by Congress with slavery within 

the limits of any state. 

Resolved, That in the judgment of this Convention Congress has no more power to make a 

slave than to make a king—no more power 

to institute or establish slavery, than to institute or establish a monarchy—no such power 

can be found among those specifically conferred by the constitution, or derived by just 

implications from them. 

Resolved, That the true, and in the judgment of 

this Convention the only safe means of preventing extension of slavery into territory 

nowT free, is to prohibit its existence in all 

such territory by an act of Congress. 

Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, "Free 

Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free 

Men," and under it will fight on, and fight 

ever until a Triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.18 

These resolutions were prefaced by a denunciation of the Baltimore and Philadelphia conventions, "The one stifling the voice of a great 

constituency [New York], entitled to be heard 

in its deliberations, and the other abandoning its 

distinctive principles for mere availability.'"19 

The convention was a gathering of as strange 

a collection of political bedfellows as ever convened under a single name and perhaps the most 

striking feature of the meeting was the vast divergence of opinion held by those in attendance. 

An imaginary dialogue at the convention excerpted by the Buffalo Morning Express from the 

New York Express lampooned the "one-legged 

party." 2 0 In this dialogue, every proposal advanced by one segment is hissed by another. Thus, 

the statement of one man that he is in favor of 

a protective tariff is greeted by John Van Buren 

with hisses and "none of your Wiggery here." 

Van Buren's praise of the sub-treasury is in turn 

greeted by hisses. The statement of an "ex-Clay 

man" pinpoints what many felt was the true 

sentiment of many Free Soilers: " I don't care for 

the 'niggers' (Hisses from the Abolitionists, and 

groans from the Van Buren men). I'm here for 

revenge, 'revenge,' 'REVENGE'. "

 21 

Henry B. Stanton, an abolitionist and supporter of the Liberty Party, was a member of the 

committee that drafted the Free Soil platform. 

His assessment, at a later date, of the convention 

at Buffalo sums up the general feeling towards 

the event: "It was a motley assembly. Pro-slavery 

Democrats were there to avenge the wrongs of 

Martin Van Buren. Free Soil Democrats were 

there to punish the [political] assassins of Silas 

Wright. Pro-slavery Whigs were there to strike 

down General Taylor because he had dethroned 

their idol, Henry Clay, in the Philadelphia Convention. Anti-slavery Whigs were there, breathing the spirit of the departed John Quincy 

Adams. Abolitionists of all shades of opinion 

were present, from the darkest type to those of a 

milder hue, who shared the views of Salmon P. 

Chase."

 22 

Word of the developments at Buffalo was received with varying amounts of dismay by loyal 

Whigs, Democrats, and Liberty men alike. Democrats w-ere horrified to find the most well-known 

and distinguished member of their party at the 

head of the Free Soil ticket. Accusations of treason appeared in the Democratic press and political ranks. Representative Thomas F. Flournoy of 

Virginia in a speech reported in the Congressional 

Globe predicted "the treason of Arnold will be 

forgotten in view of the greater baseness and 

treachery of Martin Van Buren."23 This same 

charge is expressed in "The Little Magician & 

the Modern Witch of Endor" (Figure 5). Benedict Arnolds ghost addresses Matty Van Buren 

and Abby Fulsome—"Why has thou disquieted 

me, to bring me up? Behold the Government is 

rent from thee, & is given to thy neighbor, even 

to Cass. The Buffaloes will be delivered into the 

hand of thine enemies, & thou and thy Son shall 

be with me." The quotation is a paraphrasing of 
NUMBER 14 13 

FIGURE 5.—"The Little Magician & the Modern Witch of Endor" shows Abby Fulsome 

calling up the ghost of Benedict Arnold, who predicts defeat for Martin Van Buren. 

This is another cartoon published by J. Baillie of New York City. (Smithsonian negative 

54028.) 

a passage in the Old Testament (I Samuel 28: 7-

19) wherein Saul has the witch of Endor call up 

the spirit of Samuel to advise him. The witch 

(Abby Fulsome) in the caricature is apparently 

Abby Folsom, an Englishwoman who came to 

the United States in 1837 and became a prominent 

advocate of anti-slavery issues. 

Editorial comment in the nation's newspapers 

was also critical of Van Buren and the Barnburners. They were accused of hiding their true 

purposes behind the humanitarian motive which 

they managed to keep foremost in the minds of 

the mass of Free Soilers. The Buffalo Commercial 

Advertiser, a Whig organ, charged that "From 

the first it was apparent, whatever fine, high 

sounding names were used, that the convention 

was nothing more than a mere political gathering 

desired by those who had control of it to subserve 

very commonplace and paltry schemes of revenge 

for real or supposed injuries, and to promote 

viewTs of ulterior political aggrandisement wholly 

independent of the principles of free soil."

 24

 The 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

great mass of honest Free Soilers was "literally 

humbugged, bamboozled, traded off and, sold out 

to Martin Van Buren and the Barnburners."

 25 

Many Liberty men felt cheated by the Barnburners' takeover of their issue. Van Buren's nomination had been adopted unanimously, but many 

delegates had left the convention when they realized what was happening. 

Whigs and Democrats alike had harsh words 

for Van Buren and his followers. William L. 

Yancey, an Alabama Democrat, declared the Barnburners had shown themselves to be "Whigs in 

disguise and abolitionists, who made the Wilmot 

Proviso the corner stone of their political edifice." 26

 A pamphlet entitled "The Van Buren 

Platform, or Facts for the Present Supporters of 

Martin Van Buren" w

T

ondered if it was "within 

the range of even possibility that any true Whig, 

or any man opposed to the institution of slavery, 

or any friend of the right of petition, or of the 

policy of protection of American industry, or of 

internal improvements, or of an honest and well 

ordered administration of public affairs, could 

for a moment countenance such a nomination."

 27 

FIGURE 6.—"The Buffalo Hunt" shows Martin Van Buren's use of the slavery issue, 

represented here by the buffalo which he is riding, to defeat Cass and Taylor. This 

cartoon was published by H. R. Robinson of New York City. (Smithsonian negative 

54035.) 
NUMBER 14 15 

The author of the pamphlet attempted to persuade Whigs that Van Buren was not worthy of 

their support and that voting for him w

r

ould 

merely increase the chances of a Cass victory. 

The Whigs had been complacent about the Free 

Soil ticket until they realized that the Democrats 

were not to be, as they had believed, the only ones 

to lose votes to the new party. 

The fear on the part of both Whigs and Democrats that they would lose votes to Van Buren 

and the Free Soilers is exemplified in the cartoons. In four of the cartoons, Van Buren is portrayed as splitting either the Whig or the Democratic vote. Two of these were published by H. R. 

Robinson, a lithographer who worked in New 

York City from about 1830 to 1851, and was one 

of the more prolific publishers of political cartoons. Robinson's cartoons were most often critical of Van Buren, which makes one wonder if 

his prediction of a Van Buren victory in "The 

Buffalo Hunt" (Figure 6) and "The Strife between an Old Hunker, a Barnburner and a No 

Party Man" (Figure 7) is actually a warning to 

Whigs and Democrats rather than an indication 

of support for Van Buren. In "The Buffalo 

Hunt" Van Buren is pictured riding a buffalo 

over Salt River thumbing his nose at Cass and 

Taylor whom he has knocked into the river. Van 

FIGURE 7.—"The Strife Between an Old Hunker, A Barnburner, and a No Party Man" 

has Van Buren milking the cow (slavery issue), while Cass and Taylor hold it still 

for him. This cartoon also was published by H. R. Robinson of New York City. 

(Smithsonian negative 53748.) 
16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Buren has captured the Free Soil nomination and 

Taylor says "If I had stood on the Whig platform firmly, this would not have happened," 

while Cass blames the Wilmot Proviso for his 

predicament, "Confound this Wilmot Proviso, I'm 

afraid it will lead to something bad." 

"The Strife between an old Hunker [Cass], 

a Barnburner [Van Buren], and a No Party Man 

[Taylor]" shows Van Buren milking a cow which 

Cass and Taylor are holding still for him. The 

cow represents the slavery issue which Cass and 

Taylor are attempting to hold back, while Van 

Buren, on the other hand, is "milking" the issue 

for support. Van Buren is saying " I go in for the 

free soil. Hold on Cass, dont let go Taylor, 

(That's the cream of the Joke)." Taylor says 

" I dont Stand on the whig Platform. I ask no 

favor and shrink from no Responsibility," while 

Cass insists that "Matty is at his old tricks again 

and going in for the Spoils old Zack, and myself 

will get nothing but skim milk." 

These cartoons demonstrate clearly the fear of 

FIGURE 8.—"Shooting the Christmas Turkey" shows Van Buren making off with the 

prize—the presidency—while Cass and Taylor argue. This was published by J. Baillie 

of New York City. (Smithsonian negative 53953.) 

Bid J prefer teny aha/a. 

ft trill aire more ehanoe 

/br the /rereiee a/" at ill 

r it/yenui^r. 

I felt eon. Ca*a, thaf I prefer 

ramin<f to eleae quarter*, ft miff 

te maJiiirJitrjriH* aajir Hie 

MW/, 6'eett/mieH, mr pfetre 

hat heram*. a aimen/r*. f oweei 

fte>t tarp tim/(frjir_ f»u moer. 

ft**** .' /feimra / 

ftefmrr / 

rirf*rr 
NUMBER 14 17 

the Democrats and the Whigs that Van Buren 

would divide their strength, and that this was 

his intention. "Shooting the Christmas Turkey" 

(Figure 8) published by James Baillie makes the 

same point. While Cass and Taylor are busy "disputing about the preliminaries," the fox (Van 

Buren) makes off with the turkey (the presidency). Cass insists on long shots while Taylor 

says he prefers "coming to close quarters." It is 

Millard Fillmore, vice-presidential nominee on 

the Whig ticket, who observes that the "infernal 

fox" carried off the prize. A young man (David 

Wilmot?) stands behind Van Buren waving the 

Wilmot Proviso and cheering, "Huzza! Huzza! 

Victory! victory!" Horace Greeley sits near the 

turkey post with a tally sheet with the names of 

Cass and Taylor on it. He is thumbing his nose 

at Cass and Taylor, an indication of his contempt 

for both men. Since Van Buren has captured the 

prize, Greeley no longer has to bother with either 

of them. 

Baillie, a New York lithographer, who at one 

time did Coloring for Nathaniel Currier, also published "Fording Salt River," "The Modern Gilpins . . . ," and "The Little Magician & the 

Modern Witch of Endor." 

Baillie issued many prints during the 1840s 

aimed at popular consumption and for wide distribution. His activities in this line were similar 

to those of Currier and Ives.28 "Fording Salt 

River" and "Shooting the Christmas Turkey" predict a Van Buren victory, while "The Little 

Magician & the Modern Witch of Endor" brings 

up the traitor charge and indicates a Cass victory 

in the prediction that "the Government is rent 

from thee, & is given to thy neighbor, even to 

Cass." "The Modern Gilpins . .. " finds Van Buren 

slumped in the mud and the Democratic Party 

falling apart. Baillie obviously did not let partisan 

feelings prevent him from issuing prints acceptable to either side; he also seems to have had a bent 

towards allegory. The only allegorical prints in 

the group ("Modern Gilpins . . ." and "The Little 

•Magician . . .") were published by him. The biblical scene wdiich Baillie used in his "Little Magician & the Modern Witch of Endor" was evidently 

a familiar one to his audience. In 1777, Benjamin 

West painted this scene as did William Sydney 

Mount in 1828. Baillie's depiction is a satire of the 

episode, but it belongs to the same stream of 

inspiration. 

There is one cartoon in the collection which provides a nearly accurate picture of the actual result 

of the election. "The Presidential Fishing Party 

of 1848" (Figure 9) shows Taylor, standing on 

the bank marked "Constitution," catching all 

the fish. He states that he knows of "no better 

Rock than this to stand upon, for I have always 

noticed, that though the fish may wander off now 

and then, they are sure to come back to this spot, 

knowing that here they will find the most wholesome food." Van Buren, standing on the opposite 

bank, "Free Soil," laments that the fish "are not 

quite so fond of this side of the stream as I had 

expected, and my hook and line has been used so 

often it has grown too old and rusty to hold anything." This is apparently a reference to Van 

Buren's age and past experience. Van Buren's line 

is broken, and the fish labeled New York is swimming toward Taylor's line with a hook and broken line in its mouth. John P. Hale decides he 

"may as well pull up, and go home, Matty's got 

my bait, and I stand no chance." Cass stands 

farther downstream not getting a bite and wishing he had "advocated the power of Congress to 

make improvements in Rivers and Harbors," 

because the "confounded rh'er is so filled with 

weeds, that my line gets caught every time I 

throw in." One of the objections many Democrats, 

especially the Northwest Free Soil ones, had to 

Cass was his supposed opposition to internal improvements and aid to interstate commerce which 

were so important to the economy of their 

constituencies. 

Taylor was the winner of the presidential fishing derby, but he did not catch all the fish. In 

fact, if the pivotal state of New York had gone to 

Cass rather than Taylor, Cass would have been 

the victor. Martin Van Buren and the Free Soil 

Party for this reason can be said to have given 

the election to Taylor. Both the Whigs and the 

Democrats lost votes to Van Buren. The Whigs, 

indeed, were the heavier losers in terms of numbers. The Democrats, however, lost votes in NewT 

York which caused them to lose that state and, 

as a result, the election. This development is not 

foreseen in the "Fishing Party." The publisher 

of this cartoon as well as of "The Marriage of the 

Free Soil and Liberty Parties" and the "Utica 
18 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Tkry art twt auUr se fond of this fide of Ike- stream- as \ 

1 iXpeited, and my hook and late has been used settle* i 

Kit has ,,/vwn too old ead nuif Uieid anything. 

yrfft / 

/ meg JJ u;if putt up. tadge h. me. 

. Matty s gee my hut. and I •land ae 

Jianrc 

-aw?* 

• •• -^ . . . 

/ kaatr ft Mr Mr ties Awi Out titif If lt*A4 m/vn He I 

boor aima>> naUud (hat ihsugli the ii.dt mat. uaadcr 

off Mate aad HUM . lh/% are. mre U eomi bad tr thif >pai 

LA** wg that hue duy aid find the met aido/mmd 

tdaatgfta l/ili-.Ttits. iv)tionnJ,d 

run /.• >.' Sited <• Ul< waaak ttul my 

•JIM. ^eh . *ugkl even time J tfimr m 

JuL'li thai Iliod adt.'ui/sdlbspeuri 

wffanfmv i" math t/ripr,ite*n-//c.< ia 

.Ktvtn aad /factors 

* • • •--^ - -

sf ft 

-v-unifo* / (d^^\^ms. 

' . ream*? 

•<$>#** ' Missouri. *»»sii 

-*!> a. r 4*4raho>-

~ llluwia 

•••• : • > \ 

FIGURE 9.—"The Presidential Fishing Party of 1848" portrays Taylor catching all the 

fish—state electoral votes—while Van Buren, Cass, and Hale express various reasons 

for their misfortune. The fish marked "N. Hampshire" on Cass's line and the line leading 

from the broken end of Van Buren's line to the fish are not part of the original cartoon. 

They were drawn in by someone at a later date. There are also pencil additions below 

the title: "Flying Dutchman" beneath Van Buren, "alias Gass/Salt River/Nov. 7th 1848" 

under Cass, and "President March 4th 1849" under Taylor. The original print was 

published by Peter Smith in New York City. (Smithsonian negative 54019.) 

Convention" was Peter Smith. Harry T. Peters 

in his book on Currier and Ives maintains that 

Peter Smith was a pseudonym for Nathaniel Currier. It was a common practice to issue political 

cartoons anonymously, probably to avoid any 

retaliation on business. The address of No. 2 

Spruce Street printed on the Smith cartoons is 

the same as that of the premises occupied by 

Currier. In addition, many Peter Smith cartoons 

were sold in the final remainder sale of Currier 

and Ives.29 As in the case of the Baillie cartoons, 

Smith's cartoons represent more than one point of 

view. The "Fishing Party" could very well have 

been a Whig campaign item. Either the Whigs 

or the Democrats could make use of the "Marriage" cartoon because of its criticism of Van 

Buren's motives. On the other hand, the "Utica 

Convention" is rather critical of the Democrats. 

This paper has dealt in detail with only nine 

cartoons from the campaign. There are additional 

surviving ones in other collections which bear out 

the evidence of those treated here. Occasionally, 
NUMBER 14 19 

a more subtle or local issue may be introduced, 

but the main points are the same. Taken as a 

whole, the 1848 cartoons clearly indicate the importance pf the Free Soil issue in the election 

campaign. The split in the Democratic Party, the 

formation of the Free Soil Party, the attempts of 

the Whigs and the Democrats to avoid the slavery 

issue, and the effect of all this bn the election are 

the issues mirrored in the cartoons. 

The Free Soilers lost the election and were 

soon to disappear as a political force, but their 

views would not disappear. The major parties 

were never the same after the election of 1848. 

The Democratic Party emerged with a decided 

Southern sympathy, since the majority of those 

opposed to slavery had left its ranks. The Whig 

Party had begun the process of disintegration 

which ended with the formation of the Republican Party. The Republican uprising of 1856 was 

clearly foreshadowed in the events of 1848.30 

During the years from 1848 to 1856 some Free 

Soilers drifted back to their old party allegiances, 

just as the Barnburners returned to the Democratic ranks. Others remained outside the fold of 

either party and, in some cases, provided the balance of power between them—in the 1848 balloting the Free Soilers had managed to elect thirteen 

members to Congress. In 1856, Free Soilers became Republicans and continued their battle 

under a slightly modified slogan, "Free Soil, 

Free Speech, and Fremont." These events, too, 

can be traced in the cartoons of that period. 

Notes 

1. Harry T. Peters, American on Stone: The Other 

Printmakers to the American People, p. 46. 

2. Allan Nevins and Fran k Weitenkampf, A Century 

of Political Cartoons; Caricature in the United States 

from 1800 to 1900, p. 34. "A new map of the United 

States with the additional territories" printed by Anthony Imbert, 1829, is supposedly the first cartoon lithographed in America. 

3. A detailed analysis of the personalities and issues 

preceding and involved in the election of 1848 is given 

in Joseph G. Rayback's recently published monograph 

Free Soil: The Election of 1848. 

4. De Alva Stanwood Alexander, A Political History 

of the State of New York, vol. 2 : 1833-1861; and Herbert 

D. A. Donovan, The Barnburners contain full accounts 

of the differences between the two factions of the New 

York Democratic Party. For a general background of the 

political situation of the period, consult Glyndon G. Van 

Deusen, The Jacksonian Era: 1828-1848 or Arthur M. 

Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson. 

5. Niles' National Register 74: p. 325. 

6. E. Cobham Brewer, The Reader's Handbook of 

Famous Names in Fiction, Allusion, References, Proverbs, 

Plots, Stories, and Poem, p. 424. 

7. Joseph G. Raybeck, editor. "Martin Van Buren's 

Desire for Revenge in the Campaign of 1848," pp. 707-716. 

8. The position held by Cass is stated in the so-called 

Nicholson letter. See Frank B. Woodford, Lewis Cass, 

The Last Jeffersonian, pp. 251-252. 

9. See Rayback, Free Soil, pp. 62-68, for a discussion 

of Polk's cabinet appointments. 

10. Horace Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life, p. 

215. 

11. Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Horace Greeley: Nineteenth Century Crusader. See pp. 120ff for an account of 

Greeley's feelings regarding the election and his reasons 

for finally supporting Taylor. 

12. Diary and Correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, 

pp. 116-117. 

13. Theodore C. Smith, The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest, p. 129. 

14. Salmon P. Chase, The Radical Democracy of New 

York and the Independent Democracy. Page 2. 

15. Diary and Correspondence of Chase, p. 119. 

16. Charles Francis Adams, Richard Henry Dana: A 

Biography, vol. 1, pp. 141-142. 

17. Oliver Dyer, Phonographic Report of the proceedings of the National Free Soil Convention at Buffalo, 

New York, p. 31. 

18. Official Proceedings of the National Free Soil Convention, p. 2. 

19. Ibid. 

20. Buffalo Morning Express, August 9, 1848. 

21. Ibid. 

22. Henry B. Stanton, Random Recollections, pp. 162-

163. 

23. Alto Lee Whitehurst, Martin Van Buren and the 

Free Soil Movement, p. 156, quoting from the Appendix 

to Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 30th Congress, vol. 

19, p. 847. 

24. Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, August 13, 1848. 

The Commercial Advertiser devoted a great deal of space 

to^the convention in an attempt to disparage it. 

25. Ibid. 

26. Niles' National Register 74: p. 325. 

27. The Van Buren Platform; or Facts for the Present 

Supporters of Martin Van Buren, p. 1. Similar views were 

expressed in another pamphlet, Inconsistencies and 

Hypocrisy of Martin Van Buren on the Question of 

Slavery. 

28. Peters, op. cit. (note 1), p. 84. 

29. Harry T. Peters, Currier & Ives: Printmakers to 

the American People, pp. 75-76. 

30. Adams, op. cit. (note 16), p. 131. 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Selected Bibliography 

ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS. Richard Henry Dana: A 

Biography. 2 vols. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 

1891. 

ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS, JR. Charles Francis Adams. 

Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1900. 

ALEXANDER, D E ALVA STANWOOD. A Political History of 

the State of Neiv York. Vol. 2 : 1833-1861. New York: 

Henry Holt & Co., 1906. 

ALEXANDER, HOLMES. The American Talleyrand. New 

York: Harpe r Brothers, 1935. 

BREWER, E. CORHAM. The Reader's Handbook of Famous 

Names in Fiction, Allusion, References, Proverbs, Plots, 

Stories, and Poem. London: Chatto & Windus, 1902. 

Campaign of 1848. Free Soil Songs for the People. Boston. For sale by B. Marsh, 1848. 

CHASE, SALMON P. The Radical Democracy of New 

York and the Independent Democracy. A published 

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NUMBER 14 21 

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Niles' National Register 74. 

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 

Serio, Anne Marie. 

Political cartoons in the 1848 election campaign. 

(Smithsonian studies in history and technology, no. 14) 

Cover title. 

1. Presidents—United States—Election—1848—Carticatures and cartoons. I. Title. 

Series: Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian studies in history and technology, no. 

E420.S4 329'.023'73062 72-3158 

II. 

14. 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 40 cents 

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•ft U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1972 O—449-794