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Time Marches On

Time Marches On

1930_1931

“History never repeats itself exactly, because the world moves.” 1

Carl Rogers Darnall

He was the sort of quiet unspectacular looking man who so frequently influences the course 

of history but leaves little tangible evidence of his passing. He was deeply devoted to his family and his snub-nosed old Franklin car. And his knowledgeable enthusiasm for old glass, his 

gentle manners, droll humor2

 and his unfailing kindness assured him an affectionate respect 

and consideration3 not always accorded some of his more politically agile contemporaries. He 

served as chemistry instructor and secretary of the Army Medical School from 1903_1913, and 

until the “Manchu Law” finally compelled a change of station. He had, during his long stay 

at the School, developed the Darnall Field Filter, later replaced by the Lyster bag, as well as a 

process of water chlorination that proved of inestimable value to national as well as military 

public health. Some considered that the treatise on “The Purification of Drinking Water for 

Troops in the Field” by Captain Carl Rogers Darnall, Assistant Surgeon, U.S. Army, was the 

most significant paper published in The Military Surgeon during 1908.4

 This, however, was but 

the prelude to his really monumental discovery of a method for purifying water by utilizing 

compressed anhydrous chlorine, which could be released from cylinders in controlled amounts. 

To prove this “liquid chlorination method” practical he invented the chlorinator, a complex 

mechanical apparatus for delivering “liquid” chlorine into city water supplies, swimming 

pools and sewage treatment systems.

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Darnall’s method and apparatus was patented in the United States and in thirteen other 

countries and is now used throughout the world, but he gained little financially from his 

invention. When faced with the alternative of resigning to become a manufacturer of 

chlorinators or continuing his Army medical career he chose the latter course and sold his 

patents outright to the Wallace-Tiernan Company. His article “The Purification of Water 

by Anhydrous Chlorine,” which appeared in the Journal of the American Public Health Association in November 1911 was undoubtedly the most important of his several published 

works. Some years later legal priority for this invention was established when the company 

won a civil suit against the city of Philadelphia for infringing on the Darnall patents.

He began the practice of testing medical supplies and equipment for the Surgeon 

General’s Office during his first assignment at the Army Medical School, while it was 

still located in the old Museum-Library building. Therefore it was principally due to the 

efforts of this phlegmatic, methodical physician-chemist, fondly called “Old Wooden 

Face” by his contemporaries, that the Medical Department was saved thousands of dollars 

and the humiliation of being the victim of well-meaning but impractical inventors and 

over-zealous salesmen.5

 Finally, as a result 

of the chemical and structural analysis of 

drugs and equipment, the Medical Department established a separate testing 

laboratory.6 When he was promoted and 

reassigned in Washington during World 

War I, Colonel Darnall devoted full time to 

medical supplies, and as Kean, the recorder, 

noted, under his “efficient management 

everything was ready for shipment at a 

moment’s notice.”7

Like many scientifically inclined men, 

Colonel Darnall cared little for social life, 

and although a close friend8

 and associate 

of General Ireland, he apparently paid little 

attention to Corps politics. He served for 

a time as executive officer in the Surgeon 

General’s Office, taking, in his quiet and 

efficient way, a load off the Surgeon General’s 

shoulders, thus freeing the gregarious, politically astute General Ireland of many routine 

duties. It was a comfortable and pleasant association, for the Surgeon General felt that 

he could “safely leave the office and that affairs would go on as usual, or at least not be 

tangled.” 9

 His two-year command at the Army Medical Center, as a Brigadier General, 

came at an inconspicuous time for any extraordinary achievements. As the depression 

had set in he had no opportunity to alter the status quo.

Carl Rogers Darnall, Post Commander

Dec. 12, 1929–Dec. 31, 1931

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Time Marches On

Progress Versus Recession

The building program, long planned as a Medical Department activity, was then nearing 

completion, and on December 30, 1930, the last temporary wooden buildings were abandoned 

for ward use.10 The 1919 fire had not been forgotten; thus the newly opened neuropsychiatric 

building11 attracted attention from the press.12 Only fifty-four of the 104 beds were occupied 

at the time of the official opening13 and structurally it was not without drawbacks, although 

such matters were not published. For instance, the building had four floors and an elevator, 

but the elevator was not long enough to accommodate a wheeled litter, and patients had to 

be carried from one floor to another by hand-litters. An underground passage connected 

this section with the main part of the hospital, but the Section Chief, whose patients were 

troublesome, to say the least, believed that chaperoning the patients to the laboratory and 

the various clinics was an administrative hardship14 in that such a practice necessitated the 

assignment of extra attendants.

Regardless of some drawbacks, the modern building was a vast improvement over former 

facilities. By August 1931 it not only shared in the hospital’s public address system, but the 

strictly closed wards housing the disturbed patients had their own arrangements for movies, 

shown by Red Cross personnel. The inexorable advance of the depression was noticeable in 

the 148 more neuropsychiatric cases admitted in 1931 than in 1930.

The hospital registrar’s office maintained careful statistics on admission and discharges. 

Thus the number of admissions by nomenclature of disease, the number who died, who 

were returned to duty, who were retired or separated from the service on the Certificate of 

Discharge for Disability, familiarly known as the CDD to enlisted men, is an accurate means 

of gauging the general physical condition of the military population of the Regular Army. 

Laboratory diagnostic methods were becoming increasingly accurate, and in 1931, encephalograms were used as a diagnostic aid in fifteen cases, with the clinical recordings of the staff 

physicians at Walter Reed indicating a growing awareness of the so-called psychoneurotic 

disabilities of young American males. For instance, as some

228 military patients (were) discharged on certificates of disability from the 

section (NP) during the year. The fact that a very large proportion of these discharges were for functional disturbances that existed prior to enlistment, provides 

a strikingly unfavorable commentary on our recruiting system. One is impressed 

with the enormous amount of time and money that was fruitlessly expended in 

recruiting, clothing, subsisting, attempting to train, and finally in hospitalizing 

and affecting the discharge of these individuals.15

The Medical Service staff was concerned with the average number of days that 

patients spent in the hospital prior to discharge or transfer to another institution. 

For instance, definitive care was not provided for tuberculous patients, for the Army 

maintained Fitzsimons General Hospital for this purpose and the Veterans Bureau had 

its own facilities. Nevertheless, the average tuberculous patient waited twenty-seven 

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days between the day of request for transfer to another hospital and the day of departure. The average neuropsychiatric patient waited thirty-two days; and soldiers under 

permanent separation orders waited as much as forty-two days.16

Operational Affairs

The new Clinic Building, which housed dentistry, X-ray and the physical therapy 

rooms, represented the most modern hospital planning. Roentgenology occupied the 

second floor but had an additional completely shock-proof X-ray unit in the main 

building, near the operating room, and a special unit in the Genito-Urinary Clinic. 

During 1931 and in these three clinics, some 17,350 cases were examined by X-ray, 1,572 

received treatment.17

Of the 7,200 total new admissions to the hospital in 1931, 2,774 were Veterans Bureau 

cases and 1,747 were patients from the United States at large.18 The distribution in class 

of case was much as usual since the acceptance of Veterans’ beneficiaries; roughly, the 

number of officers, nurses and others (civilians) equaled the total number of enlisted 

men admitted, but the number of Veterans’ cases was always in excess of the number 

of enlisted men.19 The normal bed capacity had dropped from 1,200 to 1,000 fixed 

1930, First complete aerial survey

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Time Marches On

1931, Adding to the Army Medical School

beds,20 but the Dietetic Department reported that 1,772 individuals were fed daily, this 

number including the nurses, dieticians, aides and the personnel fed in the detachment cafeteria. It was cause for concern in the Dietetic Department that the ration 

had a fluctuating but consistently low value, as, for instance, 0.33 in October 1931, and 

that approximately sixty per cent of the bulk was represented by meat, a high cost 

item. The dietetic service therefore suffered a hardship in proportion to the change in 

commodity prices, and it was forced to exercise the strictest economy in order to stay 

within the budget. Post Exchange dividends were low or nonexistent by this time and 

could provide little in the way of subsidy. Thus staffing and serving Mess I, for patientofficers, with tray and table service; Mess III, the detachment’s own cafeteria; and Mess 

IV, the Nurses’ Mess, which provided table service, was a dietary and administrative 

undertaking deserving the highest praise.

The new professional concept of transfusing patients with bloodstream infections 

was reflected in the 117 blood transfusions given in 1931. The 1,422 local anesthetics, 

1,769 general anesthetics, and 467 spinal anesthetics, in the latter case an increase of 

250 per cent over the 162 spinal, illustrated the changing trends in operating room 

techniques.21 The Walter Reed hospital then was using a Sanborn portable bedside 

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electrocardiographic machine and one stationary Hindle #3. In January 1931, a pulse 

wave recorder and a Tycos Dermatherm machine were added.

In 1930, the Chief of the Laboratory Service, which was working in conjunction with 

the Army Medical School laboratories, complained more loudly than usual over the paucity 

of replacements for laboratory personnel. Only three enlisted men on duty January 1, 1929 

completed the year. Four laboratory-trained men accepted civilian positions, a matter easily 

understood as only three of them received a cash salary of as much as $50.00. So, said the 

laboratory chief, “the constant training of green men is a continuous grind” and in order “to 

offset the rapidly changing enlisted force more nurses were secured.”22 It was even proposed 

that a small group of nurse technicians be trained for reassignment in the various general 

hospitals. This would doubtless have been acceptable had War Department funds been 

available for increasing the strength of the Corps, for so many civilian nurses were out of 

work a year later that the Army School, then on the verge of closing, adopted the slogan of 

the national nursing groups “Fewer and Better Nurses.”23

Army Medical Center

The average monthly strength of the Troop Command in 1930 and 1931 was 

approximately 530, with the majority of the men assigned to ward duties in the 

hospital. Manpower was readily available, as a result of the dearth of civilian jobs, and 

1931, Basal Metabolism Room; Laboratory, WRAH

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Time Marches On

after November 1, 1931, War Department policy restricted enlistments to men reenlisting 

within three months after discharge. At the Army Medical Center company commanders 

were showing a decided agreement with the newer concepts of personnel administration, 

such as shorter working hours, which, of course, required more personnel to perform 

the usual duties. This was an administrative disadvantage, for it represented a vital 

decrease in the detachment strength and thus affected the ready discharge of hospital 

duties. In addition to shorter working hours, more frequent furloughs were thought to 

encourage reenlistments and strengthen morale.

The general unemployment situation apparently curtailed desertions, which dropped 

from forty-nine to forty-one, and AWOL’s, which dropped from 163 to 117. However, 

not even economic distress affected the venereal disease register, for there was only 

one less case reported than in the previous year.

Station reenlistments at the Army Medical Center increased from sixty to eightyseven, and the men appeared to be well satisfied both with living conditions and the 

kind of work performed. Church-going was not an all-absorbing pastime, but the 

welfare and recreation officer stressed athletics, and judging from the increase in book 

circulation at the Post Library, it was cheaper to improve the mind than to wander far 

afield in search of amusement.

Reorganization

Army Medical Center administrative functions were reorganized in 1931. The staff 

then consisted of the Commanding General, an Executive Officer, an Adjutant, a 

personnel adjutant and the chiefs of all installation support activities such as Quartermaster, Finance, Signal, the Surgeon (hospital commander), Chaplains, Medical Supply, 

and the Recreation Officer. The assistant commandant was responsible for all matters 

of instruction, but he was not concerned with the administration or discipline of the 

School personnel.24 Surprisingly, there were three Commanding Officers of the School 

in a one-year period: Colonel Henry C. Fisher, July 1, 1929 to October 6, 1929, Colonel 

Charles F. Craig, October 7, 1929 to May 18, 1930 and Colonel Edward B. Vedder, May 

19, 1930 to June 30, 1930.25

The various School functions were now so well organized that the professional work 

was almost routine, even stereotyped. Lack of laboratory space was again a major problem, but the proposed expansion of the School building was expected to remedy the 

situation. Relocation of the School on the Army Medical Center grounds had, however, increased the number of administrative duties required of the staff members, 

and details as Officer-of-the-Day, to Courts Martial and Boards absorbed a great deal 

of time heretofore devoted to scientific work. Colonel Russell, who had retired in 1919 

and affiliated with the Rockefeller Foundation, was still interested in Army Medical 

School activities. As an internationally known expert he was familiar with world 

health problems and research projects, and regretfully, it seems, he called attention 

to the fact that the School was not maintaining its past record for research. In 

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1932, General Darnall and internes

addition to an apparent lack of interest, however, he also named such restrictions as the 

“onerous” property responsibilities and the increase in the teaching load that may have 

modified or curtailed the faculty output.26 Certainly there was less original research work 

and writing undertaken at the Army Medical School during this lean two-year period.

The uncertain economic condition of the country as a whole, the general movement 

toward a reduction in the total supply of nurses, and the cost of operating the Army 

School of Nursing, finally brought orders for its closure. The Superintendent of the 

Corps had successfully resisted earlier moves to close the School, and General Ireland, 

soon to be out of office, delayed rather than create undue friction in his staff. Some 

of the General Staff officers, friends and military classmates of the incoming Surgeon 

General Patterson, warned him informally that the Army School of Nursing would be 

closed by higher directive if he didn’t undertake a “housecleaning” of his own accord.27

Therefore, as one of his first official acts, General Patterson suspended the training 

school on August 12, 1931, with orders for closure on January 31, 1933, with graduation of 

the last class.28 Thus there ended, insofar as the Medical Department was concerned, a 

costly private lesson in subsidized education. In the development of the nursing education program, however, it would long stand as a monument to progress.

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Time Marches On

The thirty-fifth session of the basic course for Medical Department officers began 

at the Army Medical School on September 2, 1930 and ended January 30, 1931, with 

graduation of forty-eight officers who then proceeded to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, for the 

course in field medicine. The work in Sanitary Chemistry had gradually become less 

important in thirty years, for the majority of the civilian undergraduate medical schools 

were by then teaching this subject. Thus during the last year of his administration, the 

course that Carl Rogers Darnall had taught at the Army Medical School in 1903 was 

replaced by toxicology. The course in pathology was lengthened, and brief instruction 

was offered in the medico-legal aspects of post-mortems. Among other changes, the 

course in surgery was itemized for each day and was “made more practical by eliminating very largely the lecture system.”29

The tenth advanced course, beginning on February 2, 1931 and ending on May 28, 

was drastically modified. Whereas the School had previously offered (a) Preventive 

Medicine, (b) Clinical Medicine and Surgery, and (c) Roentgenology, the Training Division of the Surgeon General’s Office proposed that student officers elect a preferred 

subject. Of the six officers in attendance, one elected a special course in internal 

medicine and clinical medicine, two elected clinical medicine, and three elected clinical 

surgery.30 Specialization was more marked in the elective graduate training of civilian 

doctors, and the Army was showing definite signs of following the trend. Therefore, 

considerable effort was made adequately to prepare the students as functionaries in a 

post medical service, where it was obligatory that the Army doctor have knowledge of 

more than a single field.

Colonel Keller not only occupied a nearly duplicate set of quarters to that occupied 

by the Post Commander, but his evaluation of the professional abilities of young 

medical officers influenced their careers. The professionally able Chief of the 

Medical Service, the intransigent, energetic red-haired Lt. Colonel Ernest R. 

Gentry, was allegedly the only man in the hospital who could hold his own ground 

with the militant surgeon. When a member of the Training Division, office of the 

Left Picture: Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury. Right Picture: Mrs. Walter Reed at right 

with officer. Laying Cornerstone, Memorial Chapel, May 28, 1930.

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Borden’s Dream

Surgeon General, persistently advocated a rotating service for doctors in the general hospitals, better to prepare them for Post life, Colonel Keller “bucked” the 

program at Walter Reed and refused to have internists rotated to his service. If 

the training officer persisted in furthering this heretical plan, declared the Chief 

of the Surgical Service whimsically, it would serve him right to sometime have an 

internist operate on him.31

The Tabernacle

A mortuary chapel had long been a necessity for the Post, a quiet dignified place out 

of sight of the morgue refrigerators and other grim evidence of death. Dr. Borden had 

planned for such a building, but in the years when the hospital was small and public 

funds were scarce, all improvements were directed at housing the sick.

One of the more obvious needs for a sanctuary was evident during the influenza epidemic of 1918, when the mounds of caskets were piled under a tent fly placed behind the 

morgue. After the YMCA and Knights of Columbus erected temporary structures during 

the World War I building boom, there were places, even if inappropriate, for funerals, an 

occasional wedding, and for church services. When these buildings were razed to make 

space for the new Clinic Building and the “Section,” the adaptable Red Cross Recreation 

house accommodated such services as a matter of course. With chameleon-like rapidity 

it could be changed from a public auditorium suitable for the graduation exercises of 

the Army Medical School, into a moving picture theater or a Sunday School room for 

the Post children. In 1922, spurred by Miss Lower and supported by General Glennan, 

the Gray Ladies began to plan for construction of a Memorial Chapel.32

The northeast corner of Dahlia and Fourteenth Street was the first choice of locations, 

but this area included some of the condemned civilian houses then being used as officers’ 

quarters, and so the opposite corner was selected in 1924. According to the records, a cash 

donation of five dollars, given by an ex-soldier-vaudeville entertainer, formed the nest 

egg for the Chapel fund. Other gifts varying from twenty-five cents to $32,000.00 were 

obtained by the energetic Gray Ladies,33 but it always seemed to be Mrs. Rea, their fairy 

godmother, who provided a much-needed donation at the opportune time. The nurses, 

hospital corpsmen and Red Cross workers contributed the proceeds from an amateur 

performance of Believe me, Xanthippi; Poli’s Theater used D.W. Griffith’s famous picture 

America for a benefit performance. The nurses at Walter Reed raised money by cake sales 

and off-duty chores, and various wealthy benefactors chipped in. After formation of the 

Altar Guild in 1932, the wives of the military personnel shared in the responsibility for 

all future activities.

Fifty thousand dollars was first thought to be sufficient for the building fund,34 and so the 

Gray Ladies sought the official blessing of such military dignitaries as the Surgeon General, 

the Chief of Staff of the Army, and on the Chief of Staff’s requirement, Congressional authority, in order to build on Government property. The new project was widely advertised, 

and Mrs. Walter Reed was among the distinguished visitors invited for the ground-breaking 

ceremonies on November 11, 1929, “on the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh 

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Time Marches On

month of the eleventh year after the Armistice.” 35 She was under the impression that, like 

the hospital, the Chapel was a specific memorial to her distinguished husband, and she came 

to the ceremony prepared to consecrate the ground in his memory. 36

In the ensuing months the excavations uncovered military relics of the Battle of Fort 

Stevens, such as minnie balls and lead bullets left by McCook’s and Early’s men.37As in the 

case of the hospital, it was therefore singularly appropriate that the Chapel, “a memorial to 

the men who gave their lives to service,” 38 was erected on ground once defiled by war. The 

corner stone was laid on May 28, 1930, and it enclosed an appropriate record of the vari-ous 

Post activities. On May 16, 1931, five days before the Chapel was formally dedicated, a wedding 

ceremony was performed. On May 21, 1931, the day of dedication, the infant son of a medical officer was baptized. Three services were held on June 7: the first, a 7:30 AM Protestant 

communion service for the Gray Ladies; the second, an 8:30 AM Roman Catholic High Mass 

and the third, at 10:30, was a general consecration of the building as a non-sectarian chapel. 

The organist, Major Cyrus B. Wood, Medical Corps, Instructor in Chemistry and Toxicology 

at the Army Medical School,39 was assisted by a choir composed largely of Post personnel. 

The first funeral conducted in the Chapel was that of an Army Nurse, one who had long 

been a hospital patient, victim of a malignant disease.

1931, Memorial Chapel

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Borden’s Dream

When the construction bids were examined in October 1929, the $50,000 estimate 

had increased to $84,900 without the windows, the organ, the altar, the handsome flagstone floor and foundation, or the Glennan memorial tower. When finally completed, 

the building cost $161,000.40 The original five-dollar bequest was supplemented by an 

impressive list of memorial gifts, one of the most beautiful being the “Little Chapel,” 

or mortuary chapel, designed for small religious gatherings, weddings and funerals. It 

was equipped by the McCook family, in memory of the fighting McCooks “who served 

their country in the war for the preservation of the Union,” 41 a gift singularly appropriate because of Alexander McCook’s participation in the battle of Fort Stevens. The 

small sanctuary as a result of the more frequent use, in time became primarily a Roman 

Catholic sanctuary. The Gray Ladies collected old silver for the solid silver communion 

service, made by Private Ralph Grim, a double amputee patient who became an expert 

silversmith in the rehabilitation shops at Walter Reed.

An article by Jean Eliot from The Washington Herald of November 25, 1936, lists some 

of the more interesting facts regarding gifts and donations to the little building.

1931, Main Chapel

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Time Marches On

This is a personal little church. Everything in it is memorial to someone much loved. 

The altar was given by Mrs. Blair Spencer for her Mother, Mrs. John A. Johnson. 

Princess Boncompaigni gave the organ in memory of her father, Gen. Wm. F. Draper. 

The exquisite rose window was brought from England by Mrs. John W. Davidge to 

honor her father and mother, John W. Weeks, once Secretary of War, and Mrs. Weeks.

Another window was given by the late Representative John Jacob Rogers, whose widow 

Edith Nourse Rogers, is an enthusiastic Gray Lady. Still another was presented by the 

nurses at Walter Reed and has a sentimental history, since they earned the money off 

duty, with laundry work, polishing shoes, baking cakes, even by hauling trunks and 

furniture in a push cart. The Gray Ladies themselves gave the church bell. The tower, 

reminiscent of the one on the church at the entrance to Plymouth Harbor, England, is a 

memorial to Gen. James D. Glennan, who was in command at Walter Reed for eight 

years. Every stone (actually given by the Misses Elizabeth and Harriet Riley from their 

farm), every lovely bit of glass, every inch of carved wood is a contribution of affection 

or representative of individual sacrifice.

1931, McCook Mortuary Chapel

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Borden’s Dream

Although a gem of Gothic loveliness, the Memorial Chapel is the only building on 

the reservation that fails to harmonize the colonial architecture of the Borden plans. 

Aloof and secluded, it was often deserted in fact, a lonely sentinel to the wishful thinking of past generations of Gray Ladies and Army Chaplains, who visualized it as a busy 

tabernacle for the ill and the oppressed. On occasions such as Christmas and Easter it 

is filled to overflowing, and the congregation is reminiscent of a prearranged DeMille 

setting. Soldiers in Class A uniform, patients in maroon or blue lounge suits, afoot and 

on crutches, patients in wheel chairs and now and then one on a litter, nurses in white, 

nurses in khaki, a few officers but more frequently, their wives, and an occasional squirming and inattentive child form the picture. During the first ten years of its life pews 

were practically empty, for the exacting demands of a twenty-four hour professional 

service to patients leaves the duty personnel little free time for church going, and so 

more than one discouraged Post Chaplain came to believe that the “road to Jerusalem” 

was unduly rough if it detoured through the Army Medical Center.42

When a military transfer to a Southwestern station interrupted Major Wood’s duties 

as organist, Miss Mary E. Schick, the Post Librarian, agreed to fill the place temporarily, 

but she remained until the pressure of World War II activities interfered. Securing a 

choir that would be sure to appear on Sundays was a masterly accomplishment. Some 

of the enlisted choir members would come to rehearsals, but, tempted, by a weekend 

pass or some off-the-Post amusement, they blithely remained away on Sunday.

There was then neither adequate stipend nor prestige attached to being a chorister, 

nor was there much joy in singing to row on row of empty pews. In fact it was remarkable that the organist and the chaplain maintained their own morale, for at the time 

there was little evidence that their services were valued. At one time the choir stalls 

were entirely empty, and the Chaplain had no assistant to ring the tower bell, that 

final warning to wandering sheep that the service would start with or without them. 

Anxiously he came to the organist to explain his dilemma, urging her not to start the 

processional hymn without him.

Then, with vestments flapping wildly, he rushed out to pull the bell rope and warn 

the errant of the passing time. Spiritually undaunted, with clothing properly rearranged, 

he presently marched solemnly into church singing lustily, sans choir support of any 

kind.43 Such was the interest in church attendance in the Memorial Chapel during the 

late thirties. It was, for a time, practically a two-man affair with the Chaplain and the 

organist as the sole interventionists between the wanderers and the Lord.

References

1. P.M. Ashburn, A History of the Medical Department of the U.S. Army, Boston & N.Y., HoughtonMifflin, 1929, pg 128.

2. Interview with Brig. Gen. Wm. L. Sheep, M.C., Ret., April 26, 1951.

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Time Marches On

3. Interviews: Maj. Gen. Robert U. Patterson, M.C., Ret., Aug. 24, 29, 1950; Col. John Huggins, 

M.C., Ret., April 20, 1950; Maj. Gen. Morrison C. Stayer, M.C., Ret., June 10, 1950; Mrs. 

Margaret Gardner, March 16, 1951.

4. Edgar Erskine Hume, History of Association of Military Surgeon of the U.S., 1891_1941, pg 47.

5. Interview with Brig. Gen. Albert G. Love, M.C., Ret., Feb. 13, 1951.

6. Ibid.

7. Biography of Gen. J.R. Kean, MSS on file AML, Wash., D.C. pg 99.

8. Interview with Mrs. Mathew Reasoner, April 17, 1950.

9. Interview with Mrs. M.W. Ireland, April 14, 1950.

10. Annual Rpt WRGH, 1931.

11. Hereafter called The Section.

Occupational Therapy; Ralph Grimm, expert silversmith

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Borden’s Dream

12. “Last Fire Trap at Hospital Barracks,” The Washington Evening Star, Dec. 31, 1930.

13. Ibid.

14. Annual Rpt WRGH, 1931.

15. Ibid, pg 67.

16. Ibid, 1931.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Annual Rpt TSG... 1931, pg 362.

20. Ibid, pg 361.

21. Annual Rpt WRGH, 1931.

22. Annual Rpt TSG... 1930, pg 339.

23. Ibid., 1931, pg 359.

24. Annual Rpt WRGH, 1931.

25. Annual Rpt TSG... 1930, pg 317.

26. SGO 631.-1 (AMS) GG – War Rec. Div., Nat’l Archives.

27. Patterson interview, op cit.

28. Army Medical Bulletin, No. 52, April 1940, pg 104.

29. Annual Rpt.... TSG, 1931, pg 350.

30. Ibid, pg 350.

31. Interview with General J.E. Bastion, Sept. 14, 1950, (to perform, he said, specifically, a 

hemorrhoidectomy).

32. Feltman S. James (comp) The Story of the Memorial Chapel... published by the Chapel Guild, 

nd., on file Library, WRAH.

33. Ibid, pg 11.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid, pg 13.

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Time Marches On

36. Interview with Miss Margaret Lower, Feb. 14, 1951; Mrs. Rea, founder of the Gray Ladies, 

was accorded this honor.

37. Mrs. William J. Graham presented The Library with a large collection of such relics, collected 

at the time the Chapel was built.

38. James, op cit, pg 15.

39. Minutes of AMS, on file office of the Commandant.

40. Ibid, pg 17.

41. James, op cit, pg 38.

42. Conversation with Miss Mary E. Schick, 1941.

43. Ibid.

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XI Borden’s Dream