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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 

THE STONE MONEY OF YAP 

e/L Numismatic Survey 

ISSUED 

0CT2 3 1973 
Bringing of Rai to a festival, Yap, 1964. (Courtesy of Dr. James R. LaForest, Middletown, New York) 
Tlie Stone Money 

of Yap 

oA NUMISMATIC SURVEY 

Cora Lee C. Gillilland 

SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY • NUMBER 23 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 

City of Washington ^ 

1975 
ABSTRAC T 

Gillilland, Cora Lee C. The Stone Money of Yap: A Numismatic Survey. Smithsonian 

Studies in History and Technology, number 23, 75 pages, 33 figures, 1 graph, 1 table, 

frontispiece, 1975.—This synopsis of the history and role of rai or stone money of 

Yap within the culture of the islands has been drawn from the accounts of early 

travelers, anthropologists, and administrators in the Western Pacific. The descriptions, quarrying practices, and shipping methods of these stones are discussed, as well 

as some of the "myths" that have grown up around these large primitive media of 

exchange. Early and more recent "exchange values" of the stones are traced within 

the islands, as well as in the international numismatic world. 

The location and pertinent data of 149 pieces of stone money removed from 

Yap and now in public and private collections throughout the world are provided 

within the table for reference and comparison of sizes, dates and history of accession. 

Sixty-four stones are illustrated, providing one of the most thorough studies of Yapese 

rai now available. 

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited numbe r of initial copies and is recorded 

in the Institution's annua l report, Smithsonian Tear. SI PRESS NUMBER 5296. 

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Dat a 

Gillilland, Cora Lee C. 

T h e stone money of Yap . 

(Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 23) 

Bibliography: p. 

Supt. of Docs, no.: SI 1.28:23 

1. Ethnology—Caroline Islands—Yap. 2. Stone money. I. Title. II. Series: Smithsonian 

Institution. Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 23. 

DU568.Y3G54 332.4'996'6 75-619047 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 

Washington, D.C. 20402-Price $1.70 (paper cover) 

Stock Number 047-001-00122-2 
Preface 

This paper reviews the early history of the rai or stone money of Yap as reported 

by early foreign travelers and relates these stories to more recent observations, both 

of which comprise the "mythology" of stone money. I have compiled information 

documenting the location and acquisition of pieces that have been taken out of 

Yap, and by so doing I have attempted to provide some basis for a comparison of the 

stones. 

By private correspondence I contacted all institutions listed in the tables and 

the data I have used was drawn from these sources. The private owners were either 

contacted personally or the data employed was obtained from the Yap District 

Administrator's file on stone money. 

The rai numeration given in the tables and illustrations is according to my own 

system derived from arrangement of the stones by location and ownership. In the 

"Notes," HRAF refers to the page number of the translated work in the Human 

Relations Area Files at the Federal City College, Washington, D.C. In the appendixes, the spelling and wording of quoted material is that of the original documents. 

A great deal of invaluable assistance was received from individuals here in the 

United States, as well as from residents of Micronesia, whose contributions are 

acknowledged either in the text or in the notes. Without the assistance and cooperation 

of colleagues in museums and institutions around the world this work could not 

have been accomplished. I specifically wish to thank Dr. Saul Riesenberg, Senior 

Ethnologist, Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, 

Smithsonian Institution, for his great generosity and assistance; and Dr. Vladimir 

Clain-Stefanelli, Chairman, Department of Applied Arts, and Curator, Division of 

Numismatics, National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution; 

as well as Mrs. Elvira Clain-Stefanelli, Curator, Division of Numismatics, National 

Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, for their usual superior 

professional guidance and encouragement in this project. 

Contents 

Page 

PREFACE v 

INTRODUCTION 1 

ACCOUNTS OF FOREIGN VOYAGERS 2 

Y a p Is Sighted by the Foreigner 2 

Early Accounts of Rai 2 

T h e Pivot of Change 4 

T h e Foreigners Come to Stay 5 

T H E MAZ E OF SCIENTIFIC ACCOUNTS 8 

Descriptions of the Stones 8 

Quarryin g and Shipping Practices 9 

Local Uses 11 

FOREIGN INTERPRETATION OF VALU E 13 

LOCAL INTERPRETATION OF VALU E 16 

A Judicial Account 16 

Transfer of Traditiona l Yapese Monies 17 

A N D No w THE ORIGIN QUESTION . . 19 

APPENDIX 1: Civil Action No. 25 22 

APPENDI X 2: Ya p Islands Congress, Resolution No. 10-65 26 

APPENDI X 3 : Ya p District Code, Part B, Traditiona l Property 27 

NOTE S 28 

REFERENCES 33 

TABL E 37 

FIGURES 57 

The Stone Money of Yap 

Cora Lee C. Gillilland 

Introduction 

Our world of credit cards, discounts, prime rates, 

and collection agencies makes it easier for us to comprehend the nineteenth-century Yapese economy than 

it was for the whalers, traders, and anthropologists 

of that era who wrote about and created the romance 

of the stone money island.1 As was the case in many 

other primitive societies, there were several different 

types of "money" used on the island of Yap. One 

of these forms, stone money (rai), has come to be 

known internationally, surpassing in notoriety the 

yar of pearl shell, the gau or pearl shell bead necklaces, 

the ma or huge ceremonial pestles, and even the 

mbul, the specially woven mats. 

The size, form, and material brought distinction to 

Yapese stone money. Changing customs and values, 

exceptions to rules, consideration of occasions and 

people involved are all a part of rai economics. To the 

nineteenth-century European visitors, to whom money 

was for the most part hard metal with pre-established 

values adjustable only by the state, this was a particularly foreign concept of currency. 

The legends and myths surrounding Yapese rai are 

varied. Their origin is known only through oral 

history, which has been collected by foreigners, 

translated and often adapted to the theory of the 

writer. This license will become apparent in light of 

other accounts when the origin question is discussed 

in a later section. Likewise, there are many faulty 

impressions written into numismatic accounts of 

Yapese rai. One has to know the social customs in 

order to understand the monetary system. Unqualified 

statements have often led to oversimplification. An 

early twentieth-century anthropologist, Wilhelm Miiller, established a relative date for the beginning of 

stone money at 200 years before his writing.2 He 

established this by asking his informants for the names 

of all Yapese chiefs from the time of the earliest known 

stone money to that of his own day and assuming a 

certain number of years to a generation, in this case 

Cora Lee C. Gillilland, Division of Numismatics, Department of 

Applied Arts, National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560. 

to that of a chief. More current writers, in quoting 

Miiller, have rewritten his statement and inferred 

that, indeed, some stones on Yap are 200 years old. 

This writer's experience of observing court cases, 

wherein the lineage of the islanders was given, leads 

her to believe that this approach may not necessarily 

have been correct. The original dating was based on 

mathematical theory, but retelling has completely 

altered the original statement. 

Early foreign investigators have placed exchange 

values on stones, which for years thereafter have been 

quoted as though a part of the definition of rai. 

Incorrect information is due, in part, to the fact that 

entry to the area was restricted by foreign powers for 

the greater part of our century. Accurate information 

has been so difficult to obtain that in 1966 Einzig was 

forced to cite as "up-to-date" data supplied by an 

informant who had visited Yap briefly 21 years 

earlier.3 

There has been the "south sea allure" type of 

reporting in numismatic writings of the Pacific area. 

Grass skirts, loincloths, doughnut-shaped stones 

exchanged but seldom moved, the island of stone 

money: how often these descriptions appear. One 

visualizes the same retouched scene that Willard 

Price etched in the 1930s when describing an island 

queen going to market followed by slaves carrying 

the great stones.4 Though columnists continue to 

paint with the same rosy hues, the people of these 

islands are, in fact, going about their contemporary 

business of negotiating with Presidential appointees 

on the terms of their current and future political 

status. The palms of the Pacific today sway with the 

breezes of the modern world! 

Within the span of a century the stones of Yap have 

had an alternating and varying place within the 

society. Their manufacture and use, as well as local 

value, were and are yet modified by the cultural 

invasion of the foreigners. It is within this context of 

change that the author has attempted to study stone 

money from a numismatic point of view. 

572-509 O - 75 - l 

1 
Accounts of Foreign Voyagers 

Yap Is Sighted by the Foreigner 

Unlike some emerging areas, such as those in 

Central Africa, Yap has been known to the Western 

World for over four centuries. Any available account 

of the Yapese and their early outside contacts are 

those of foreign observers. An account of early Pacific 

history by Wilhelm Muller, a German anthropologist 

who studied in Yap between 1908 and 1910, constitutes the accepted version of Yap's discovery.5

 He 

recites that a Portuguese captain, Diego da Rocha, 

representing his own country and Spain, was trying to 

find a way to curb the Turkish blockade of the spice 

route. During 1525-1527, while sailing among the 

Molucca Islands, he was driven off course and sighted 

Yap. This account of the original discovery, however, 

is still obscure, and there is a dispute as to whether 

Rocha's "Islands of Sequeira" were either Yap or 

Ulithi.6 There is also a question relative to a second 

"discovery." Muller states that this was made by the 

first Spaniard to become associated with Yap, 

Alvaro Saavedra (or de Sayavedra). He set out from 

the harbor of Siguantanejo in New Spain on 31 October 1528 bound for the rich Moluccas in Indonesia. 

William Lessa of the University of California, Los 

Angeles, states that Saavedra stopped in the Northern 

Marshalls and on his second trip sighted islands in 

the Eastern Carolines.7 Muller mentions that 

Saavedra, on his way to the Philippines, had reached 

Ulithi in the Eastern Carolines, which he termed 

"Los Reyes". These early inquiries become even 

more confusing when one reads that Ruy Lopez de 

Villalobes, in January 1543, was met on the island 

of Fais with the greeting "Buenos dias, metelotas." It 

was reported that he was also met either on Yap or 

Ulithi with the same greeting.8 Where knowledge of 

European languages may have been acquired is 

questionable considering that this occurred only 22 

years after Magellan discovered the Marianas.9 

Andrew Sharp, writing about the Pacific Islands, 

places 15 February 1626 as the date of the first 

clearly established European contact with Yap. 

This encounter was made by the Nassau Fleet under 

Gheen Hugo Schapenham crossing the Pacific from 

New Spain to Guam. Sharp points out that the 

early sequence of two islands lying south of Guam 

near the latitude ten degrees north, could "only be 

Fais or Ulithi for the first island and Yap for the 

second." He concedes that this atoll probably was 

discovered earlier by the sixteenth-century visitors 

mentioned above.10 

Early Accounts of Rai 

In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth 

centuries, Yap was cited by Jesuit missionaries who 

had heard accounts of these islands from natives of 

other island groups.11 One, Father Clain, S.J., working 

in the Philippines, met people who had drifted westward from Fais. Another missonary, Father Cantova, 

writing from Guam, was told of the western islands 

and their valuables by native visitors to Guam: 

T h e same Indian tells me, which I find hard to believe that 

there are on his island silver mines, but they take only small 

quantities from it for lack of proper metal instruments for 

digging in the ground where they are found and tha t when 

they do find a piece of pui e silver they try to round it off and 

make a present of it to the Lord of the Island; and that he 

has enough of it to serve him as a throne. .

 12 

The phrase "mines of silver" rings a strange note. 

The description of "rounding off" the pieces (i.e., 

final quarrying procedures) is interesting in light of 

stone disks as we know them, although the account 

indicates that the pieces collectively served as a 

throne. 

More specific accounts of the Yapese did not 

appear until the nineteenth century when various 

powerful countries sent expeditions to the Pacific. In 

the early portion of that century several accounts 

testify to the existence of the stone disks. Little comment, however, is given to the economic phenomenon 

which accompanies the stones. It is interesting to look 

at the various early accounts in order to assess the 

changing place and values of the stones within the 
NUMBER 23 

local culture. All, of course, are presented from the 

foreigner's view. 

In the early 1800s, Otto von Kotzebue, sailing for 

the czar of Russia, stopped in the Carolines. In one 

of his journals of the trip, a reference is made to the 

stone disks: 

Eap [Yap] produces whet-stones, which the low easterly 

islands obtain from thence. They are a kinder gift of nature 

than the silver, Cantova, on the testimony of the native, Cayal, 

ascribes to this island. Kad u has explained to us this tradition. 

A white stone is found in the mountains of Eap, to which the 

chiefs have an exclusive right; their seats of honor are mad e 

of it. One block forms the seat, and the other the back. 

Kad u has seen this stone; it is neither silvei nor metal. A yellow 

stone has the same honour in Pelli (the Pelew islands).13 

He later mentions that "in Wilson's voyage, the 

seat of a chief [of Palau] was carried away as a 

military trophy."

 14

 The writings of Adelbert von 

Chamisso, the naturalist who sailed with Kotzebue 

and who wrote volume three of the Kotzebue journals 

of the voyage, contain the same statement.10 Their 

accounts are extremely confusing, for "whet-stone," it 

would seem, could only refer to the stone money disks; 

yet these publications, as did Cantova's, immediately 

proceed to a brief discussion of the chiefs' seats of 

honor. Both of these types of stone, the disks (money) 

and the slabs (seats of honor), are now found placed 

about thefailu or men's houses on Yap. One wonders 

if the connection by the early travelers was due to some 

misunderstanding or if there is a relationship. A 

booklet published by the Office of the District Administrator, Yap, in 1966 speaks of these two types of 

stone monuments and links them together. When 

mentioning "some Yapese taboos" the booklet notes: 

It is forbidden to sit or stand on top of the stone money that 

stands upright or to sit on the stones which are around the 

platform of the houres and are used for back rests.16 

One also questions from where did Kotzebue and 

Chamisso, or their native informants understand the 

stone to originate? Did the stone used for the "whetstones" come from the mountains of Yap? They 

mention Palau, but not as the source of the stone, as 

is indicated by later observers. 

Twenty years after Kotzebue's trip, Captain 

Dumont D'Urville visited these Pacific islands. He 

mentioned "cylinders" in reference to the people of 

"Pillelew." In the January 1839 entry of his journal, 

he states: 

I exchanged with the natives some objects of their industry, 

like boxes, combs of bone, cylinders of lime, a platter of clay 

and a grand dish designed for their food. .

17 

The "cylinders of lime" could possibly refer to stone 

disks, but in the possession of Palauans, not Yapese. 

The description is broad, however, and more than 

likely refers to a tool such as a breadfruit pounder. 

By the middle of the century European traders had 

descended upon the Carolines. Captain Andrew 

Cheyne, making his third voyage in the brig Naiad 

sailed through various island groups, intending to 

establish depots for tropical produce. With Cheyne 

came all the hatred and disease so often associated 

with the Pacific traders.18 Although by the time of 

this voyage Palau was well known to explorers and 

traders, Cheyne considered his visit to Yap to be a 

relatively early foreign contact. Dorothy Shineberg, 

editor of his papers, states that he was probably 

correct in this assumption.19 Certainly he was one of 

the first to make more than a few passing remarks 

about the island. His journal entry for 23 August 1843 

reads: 

At 9 A.M., the premier and chiefs of Toma l [Yap] came on 

board to receive their present, sent by Abba Thul e [one of the 

chiefs of Palau], for their king, which consisted of nothing more 

or less than a round stone, with a hole in the centre, similar 

to a small upper millstone. These stones are very rare, and 

consequently highly prized, being only found in the mountains 

of the Pallou Islands.20 

Upon welcoming them, the head of the Palauan 

delegation, whom Cheyne had brought with him, said 

to the chiefs of Yap: 

I am the bearer of a message to you from the great and 

powerful Abba Thule King of Koroar. Th e message is this: 

—Abba Thule has sent us with this English ship as interpreters 

to your village for the purpose of bartering with you for a cargo 

of biche de mer [sic]. He also placed in om charge this present 

of money, which we now deliver to you, and request you will 

present it to youi king as a token of friendship from Abba 

Thule. 2 1 

The so-called "Prime Minister" in thanking the 

Palauans was reported to have said: 

We have heard the message you have brought from your 

king, accompanying this present of money and our answer is 

this: —We accept of your present, and desire you to convey our 

thanks to the good Abba Thule for this token of hi. regard, and 

also for fending this English ship to our island. This is the first 

ship of that nation which has ever anchored in our harbour, 

and we shall use our influence with our people to collect a 

cargo of biche de mer for her.

 22 

The trader responded: 

I have cautioned my crew not to take any thing from any of 

your subjects without paying them for it; and should I find 

them acting contrary to my orders, I shall most assuredly 

punish them; and I therefore hope that you will give your 

natives a similar caution so that nothing may intervene to ma r 

oui fiiendly intercourse.23 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

He then adds that he "handed them a present for 

their King."24 and told his men that they must "pay" 

the natives for anything they took. One wonders 

what kind of payment he expected the men to use. 

Cheyne's ship was under taboo for one month and 

he did not go ashore until 22 September 1843.25 

He was an intelligent and painstaking observer, who 

described the council square, the large council house, 

the dress, canoes, weapons, food and the Yapese 

habit of using betel nut.26 Yet despite all this he 

never mentioned seeing pieces of stone money about 

the council houses or in the homes or anywhere on 

the island.27 If they were in evidence, then as now, 

one cannot help but question why they were not 

included in his many meticulous observations. 

He does describe having been conducted "to the 

council square in the center of the village where all 

the chiefs meet, when discussing the affairs of the 

tribe."28 Council square is identified in a footnote to 

his diary by Dr. Saul Riesenberg of the Smithsonian 

Institution, who described it as "a slightly raised and 

paved area, with upright slabs of stone which were 

the designated seats for chiefs at meetings," and 

remarks that Cheyne indicated that "women were 

not allowed to set foot on this elevated area."29 Yet 

Cheyne himself did not mention the stone slabs and 

used the word "millstone" only in reference to the 

gift he brought from Palau. 

Alfred Tetens, a German trader and himself a 

significant figure in Pacific history, became Cheyne's 

agent and partner. Tetens thereby assumed sole 

command of Cheyne's ship, Acis, in its enterprises 

with Palau and Yap.30 It is in Tetens' writings31 

that one finds some of the first descriptions of the 

Yapese going to Palau to quarry and bring back the 

stone disks to Yap. Up to this point the available 

accounts have only attested more or less to the 

existence of the stones. The Jesuits heard about the 

custom. Kotzebue and Chamisso reported that the 

stones were obtained by "the low eastern islands" 

from Yap. Dumont D'Urville may have obtained 

one in trading with the Palauans. Cheyne was sent 

with one from Palau (which he believed to be the 

only source of the stone) in order to give it as a gift 

on Yap. The form, however, was certainly not unknown by the Yapese since Cheyne goes into detail 

about the men of another village being disappointed 

that his vessel did not come there for they very much 

wanted the gift which was sent by Abba Thule.32 

It is with Cheyne's agent, Alfred Tetens, and then in 

all following accounts that the tradition of the stones 

being quarried on Palau by the Yapese and carried 

from there to Yap is told and retold. Tetens' memoirs 

from 1862-1863 state: 

My friendship with Abba Thul e was of the greatest importance to me ; for although Yap is hostile to Palau, the people 

of Yap had to visit Palau for the preparation of the great stones 

which serve them as money, and for obtaining the consent of 

the king to carry them away.33 

In late 1865 while sailing for the Hamburg firm 

of Johann Caesar Godeffroy, Tetens recorded in his 

journal: 

Ther e were also passengers on board the Vesta. These were 

ten natives of Yap who wished to return home with the big 

stones they had cut on Palau and which are used as money 

and are considered of great value. For small change large shells 

of mother-of-pearl are used. Th e large coins cut out of glistening 

white stone have the shape of a big Swiss cheese; in the middle is 

a hole as big as a fist through which the beam for carrying them 

is passed. Only a limited amount of this coinage may be made 

at one time, thus assuring a controlled financial system.34 

The Pivot of Change 

It is from the writings of Tetens and the observers 

of this period and those who were there after this time 

that one senses a turning point in the political position 

of Yap vis-a-vis Palau. Before the great influx of 

European traders, there are various accounts of a 

large circle of control wielded by Yap over other 

island groups. William Lessa writes: 

Ther e is ample early documentation to illustrate that as 

part of this tributary system the natives for about 700 miles 

east of Yap annually arrived in great fleets to bring tribute and 

carry on trade. 3 5 

He states that Father Cantova said, "These islands 

(Ulithi) like so many others of this archipelago are 

subjects of the king of Yap." 3 6 Frederick William 

Christian, an Englishman visiting in the Caroline 

Islands in the 1890s, knew of this tradition and said, 

"The natives on Ulithi or Mackenzie group (northward of Yap) from ancient times were subject to Yap. 

They came down every February to pay their 

tribute."37 Father Salesius, a missionary who was in 

Yap around the turn of the century, told of the canoes 

from the East that came to trade on Yap and brought 

the tribute for the chief of Gatschabar (in Yap).38 A 

few short years later, Arno Senfft, a German observer 

studying on Yap, said of the custom, "Until a few 

decades ago, the chief of Gatschabar (in Yap) of that 

day traveled to all his tributary islands, took with 

him some representatives from each of them. . . ."

 39 
NUMBER 23 

The tribute was brought from the eastern low 

islands to the high island of Yap. The Yapese power 

was, in part, due to their feats of black magic. In 

the early nineteenth century, Kotzebue spoke of the 

threats of storms with which the Yapese terrorized 

their neighbors.40 Tetens observed, "Yap owes its 

dominion over these islands primarily to religious, 

mythological conceptions and fears."41 Lessa maintains that magic was the real threat wielded by the 

Yapese.42 With this they subjugated those who fearfully brought tribute from the east. 

Contact, at least in trade, existed directly or 

indirectly between Yap and Palau to the west. 

Kotzebue spoke of the trade between the islands as 

the "main spring of navigation," and stated that 

the curcuma root (turmeric) was "in great abundance 

at Eap."43 This root "which is rasped to a powder, 

forms a considerable branch of the trade of Eap." ** 

Palau is then mentioned in this system of trade by 

Kotzebue as the place where 

the iron which the Europeans bring is exchanged for curcuma. 

On the south western group of islands they exchange stuffs 

for iron of which they are in want. A squadron of ten sail, 

five from Magemog and five from Eap. 4 5 

Yap had curcuma and Palau the European iron. 

The Yapese from ancient times maintained suzerainty 

over their eastern neighbors probably, as Lessa 

pointed out, by the threat of magic. In the 1860s and 

1870s, with increased European contact, the amount 

of iron and then of fire arms available to Palauans 

multiplied. At the same time, accounts begin to 

appear of the growing importance of Palau, specifically of Koror, as a center of European trade. "The 

people of Koror, owing to the fact that foreign ships 

touched only at their port, had become more powerful 

than those of other districts of the Palaus. They 

possessed more weapons and hence had subdued 

their neighbors."46 I have noted above that Tetens 

spoke of the hostility that existed between Yap and 

Palau. As centers of their individual domains they 

were also, no doubt, rivals. In his statement, Tetens 

implied that Palau had the upper hand and the 

Yapese had to obtain consent and permisssion to 

quarry the stone disks; but twenty years earlier 

Cheyne told of the King of Palau sending a present 

to Yap. It would appear, therefore, that political 

fortunes had changed, wherein the Yapese not only 

had to obtain the consent of the people of Palau to 

quarry stones, but now also were forced to perform 

menial tasks for their Palauan hosts. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it was said that when 

Yapese strangers came in canoes to Palau they were 

treated disdainfully, because, other than personal ability, they 

brought nothing with them but hunger. They were permitted 

to go to the uninhabited Koheals (coral islands south of 

Babeldaob) and hammer out their Argonite money, and for 

occasional food offered them they were required to perfoim 

services, which were willingly rendered by the enterprising sons 

of Yap who were unsure of themselves on foreign soil. They 

gathered firewood, carried water, built fish-weirr, and acted as 

sooth sayers, doctors and conjurers.47 

In 1903 Arno Senfft wrote: 

T h e broad, paved street of the island of Koror in Palau was 

not constructed by the inhabitants of Koror but by Yapese as 

payment for permission to quarry in order to manufacture 

money.48 

This is a far different Yapese than the one portrayed 

by the words of Cheyne and Tetens. The statement 

that the Yapese were unsure of themselves on foreign 

soil also seems to be in opposition to what early 

writers said of Yapese trade, navigational abilities, 

and conquests. 

The Foreigners Come to Stay 

Europeans during the mid-nineteenth century 

moved throughout the Pacific, always in search of 

marketable commodities, often collecting scientific 

data on their way, and providing national claims for 

later colonial expansion. Therefore, foreign ships in 

Yap harbor were not unknown before the arrival of 

Cheyne and Tetens, though they were few.49 In the 

last quarter of the century, however, strangers came 

in greater numbers. Their influence soon altered the 

trade and economy in a most dramatic way. In the 

1860s Tetens mentioned other Europeans in the 

islands: Captain Woodin, for example, who is also 

named by the visiting scientist, Dr. Karl Semper.50 

Jan S. Kubary, a Pole who had been employed by 

the Godeffroy firm of Hamburg and who lived first 

on Palau and later on Ponape, made visits to Yap. He 

first came in 1870.51 This untrained but skillful 

scientist observed the Yapese money forms and wrote 

of the stone disks, of their transport, and their value 

both in local and European terms. The Godeffroy 

family provided such men with their means of support 

and established a museum for their collections and a 

journal for publication of their observations. The 

smaller and less influential Hernsheim trading company, also of Hamburg, established a branch on Yap 

in 1873,52 with Robert Friedlander stationed there as 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

its agent.53 This firm took over the Godeffroy interests 

in the Pacific when those pioneer financiers declared 

bankruptcy in 1879.54 In the 1880s, a traveling British 

colonial officer wrote of "a native of Scotland named 

Wylie" as well as the British subject R. I. Abbott and 

"the Americans Henderson and Captain Holcomb."

 55 

One of the largest of the German firms dealing in the 

Pacific trade, the Deutsche Handels-und PlantagenGesellschaft, also operated a station on Yap in 1885.56 

This array of German companies brought men of 

varying talents, all of whom helped to establish a 

German claim in the Carolines. Few, though, made 

any great inroad into the profitable copra business.57 

One of the Pacific's more colorful characters, 

whose legend was enhanced in 1950 by the publication 

of a novel and subsequent production of a movie 

based on his life, was David Sean O'Keefe. This IrishAmerican adventurer's unconventional tactics gave 

him the upper hand in the difficult business of collecting copra. He was paid with copra for transporting 

rai from the quarries to Yap, enabling the Yapese to 

obtain rai with much less risk of life or loss of stone. 

Captain O'Keefe obtained both power in the islands 

and wealth in the Hong Kong market through this 

device. For almost thirty years, from 1872 to 1901, the 

Yapese obtained passage on one of the Captain's 

ships.58 After hewing out the precious stone on Palau, 

they "hocked" it to O'Keefe for transport back to 

Yap and then later reclaimed it with prepared copra. 

Not only did writers such as Kubary mention the 

presence of O'Keefe on Yap, but the Spanish government in defense of its ownership of the Carolines noted 

the "Englishman O'Keef" as a resident of the port of 

Yap.59 J. R. LeHunte, traveling as the British Judicial 

Commissioner aboard the HMS Espiegle, reported to 

the Acting High Commissioner for the Western 

Pacific at Fiji that O'Keefe was held in high regard by 

the natives of the islands. "We hear him spoken in 

terms of eulogy by the Pelew and Yap natives alike."60 

Even his "bitterest enemy," Walter Amery, said of 

him: 

During the last year O'Keefe has done more copra trade than 

any other firm in Yap, owing to his having the stone money 

mainly in his hands, and his being kind to the natives. O'Keefe 

has done his best to ingratiate himself with the Yap people 

principally the chiefs.61 

LeHunte, himself, observed: 

Almost the whole trade of Yap and Pelew is in the hands of 

O'Keefe. He also has a monopoly for a nominal rental of the 

produce of St. David's Island (claimed by the Dutch Governor) 

[Mapia Island, Indonesia] from which he exports about 220 

tons of copra per annum. Ther e being no local labour at that 

place, the inhabitants having been almost killed off by the 

natives of Ternat e and New Guinea, O'Keefe employs in making 

copra there natives of Ya p and also of Sansoral or Pulo 

Anna Th e arrangement between the Ya p natives and 

O'Keefe is that he conveys the money cutters to Pelew and with 

their cargoes back to Yap in consideration for which he obtains 

a proportionate numbe r of labourers to go to St. David's for the 

term of six months. Both the chiefs and the common people we 

examined expressed themselves perfectly with this arrangement 

which had been faithfully carried out by both sides for a considerable time and is likely to continue as long as O'Keefe's 

interest in St. David's, and this demand for Pelew stone-money 

in Yap, exists.62 

O'Keefe is also mentioned as one of the "two 

Americans engaged in the manufacture of stone 

money on Palau and the transporting of them to Yap" 

in an 1890 journal of a Japanese ship.63 In 1895 upon 

his arrival on Yap, Christian also spoke of 

Captain O'Keefe to whom I have a letter of introduction and 

who is to act as my banker and general business agent in these 

waters, is away on one of his long cruises in the Pelews and 

Central Carolines.64 

The captain's business ventures based on the 

transportation of rai had been profitable as evidenced 

by his will. After the captain's death, there was confusion as to whom should be heir to his fortunes. His 

first wife, Kathryn of Savannah, Georgia, employed 

the law firm of O'Byrne, Hartridge, Wright, and 

Brennan to secure her claim to his fortune. Mr. 

Hartridge of this firm made several trips to Yap on 

her behalf.65 According to O'Keefe's will of 1890, he 

left his estate to his second wife, Charlotte, whom he 

had married without benefit of prior divorce. Charlotte, alone, was to have received an annuity of one 

hundred pounds sterling.66 The conversion at that 

time was approximately five dollars to one pound 

sterling. Five hundred dollars was a good yearly 

income, above the average annual earnings for 

workers in all United States industries.67 Kathryn's 

claim, however, was upheld by the German courts on 

Yap and the heirs then maintained the O'Keefe 

interest in copra, transferring the business to a 

German trading company. With the advent of World 

War I, though, Japan seized control of the property.68 

As late as 1923, O'Keefe's wife, Charlotte, was reported "to live on the island of Tarang in the harbor 

of Yap where his trading station was."

 69

 His daughter, 

Mrs. Alfred Scott, was then living on the island of 

Dunig. It is an understatement to say that this colorful 

Captain O'Keefe changed the economy and customs 

of Yap. Contrary to Paul Einzig's statement, O'Keefe's 
NUMBER 23 

contribution depreciated the cultural value of rai, by 

making possible the quarrying of more and larger 

stones.70 The increased availability and frequency of 

transportation that his business afforded gave the 

individual Yapese a chance for private ownership, 

thus disrupting the traditional economic pattern of 

dissemination of holdings from the apex to the wider 

base of the society. 

Over German protests, which were supported by 

Great Britain, Spain officially received title to the 

Carolines by Papal confirmation in December 1885.71 

The Spanish flag flew until 1899 when Spain accepted 

Germany^ offer to purchase the area. Once again 

German traders hoisted their own flag. German 

officials exercised more local control than had Spain, 

and their strict regulations somewhat altered the local 

habits. The Germans brought scientists who studied 

the island peoples and cultures in depth and left the 

most extensive record of stone money. During this 

period Japanese traders began to appear, and at the 

beginning of World War I (1914) when Germany 

was expelled, Japan already controlled commerce. Remaining competition was quickly eradicated and 

until the end of the World War II the islands served 

as an integral portion of Japan, herself. With the end 

of hostilities in 1945, the United States assumed the 

administration of the area as a United Nations Trust 

Territory. 
The Maze of Scientific Accounts 

Descriptions of the Stones 

Scientists who came or wrote about Yap used the 

local name for the stone money disks, but many 

different phonetic forms occurred. The Germans 

seemed to prefer fa. The Englishman Frederick W. 

Christian and the American William H. Furness, a 

Philadelphian who lived on Yap for a year, spelled 

the word fe and fei, respectively. Muller explained 

that the term "rai,^ which he had heard in connection 

with the stone money, was the word used for the stone 

material, aragonite.72 The current explanation is that 

there were two designations for the stones. The people 

in the southern and south central parts of Yap once 

used the word fei, while those of the northeastern and 

northern regions called stone money "rai." 73 The 

term, fei is no longer used by the Yapese, as fei may 

also mean "faces" in the outer islands of the Yap 

administrative district.74 Thus, "rai" is now the accepted term in Yap proper and in contact with the 

outside world. 

In reading descriptions of rai one often finds the 

comparison with a millstone. As previously mentioned, 

Cheyne equated the piece brought from Palau as 

being similar to a "small upper millstone." Tetens 

and Kubary 30 years later observed that the size 

varied from that "of a Swiss cheese up to that of a 

millstone."

 7o

 Russell Robertson, speaking from notes 

taken abroad the British schooner Rupak, which left 

Singapore in 1875, said that the money of the "Uap 

group consisted of larger worked pieces in the shape 

of a millstone."

 76 

In trying to discover what these expressions of size 

might have meant to the nineteenth-century Europeans mentioned above, the writer consulted Mr. 

George Terry Sharrer of the Department of Industries, 

Smithsonian Institution. He informed me that in 

the Smithsonian collection the smallest hand-operated 

millstone measures 25 centimeters (10 in) in diameter 

and that an average stone would be about 91 centimeters (3 ft). I then talked to Mr. Carlos Estrada 

of the internationally known gourmet Wine and 

Cheese Shop of Georgetown, Washington, D. C, 

who told me that appenzeller Swiss cheese made in 

Appenzeller, St. Gall, and Zurich, Switzerland, 

measures about 53 or 56 centimeters (21 or 22 in) in 

diameter. This variety probably would have been 

better known to a German than would the other 

significant variety, emmenthal Swiss cheese, the 

average of which would measure 1 meter (39 in). 

Foreigners reported that rai was measured by the 

Yapese in terms of fathoms (the outstretched arms) 

or spans (length of the outstretched fingers). The 

smallest units were sometimes determined by the 

width of the finger.77 Kubary spoke of a three-span 

piece, which represented a considerable worth.78 

Muller in writing of the Yapese caste system found 

that among the many restrictions imposed upon 

the low caste or tribute payers was that they could 

not own stone money of more than four spans.79 

Senfft said that this caste at that time represented 

about twenty per cent of the population.80 The rai 

brought from Palau to Yap in the Yapese canoes 

and/or rafts could not have exceeded eight spans 

at the most.81 It is currently said on Yap that the 

largest pieces were not brought on rafts.82 The large 

rai seen today on Yap and in many museums outside 

Yap are ones that were transported by foreign-built 

ships. Tetens, speaking of the Yapese who returned 

from Palau aboard his Vesta, said that the 10 natives 

had spent a long time on Palau in order to hew out 

the stone money and that they had 20 large pieces. 

He mentioned that the "taler sized pieces of the 

same kind of stone . serve as lesser money."

 83 

It is after the time of O'Keefe that the many accounts 

of the extremely large rai appear. One must remember, 

however, that the coming of O'Keefe also coincided 

with the arrival of a number of Europeans. LeHunte 

noted in his report: 

Equally remarkable . . is the native money of Yap, which 

is all procured from the neighborhood of Koror (Abba Thule 

for political reasons retaining a monopoly of the supply). 

These pieces of money are disks of aragonite, a stone in appearance, like large crystals of quartz. I am not exaggerating the 

truth or trespassing on the bounds of humour proper to an 

official report when I say that an average sized grindstone is 

smaller than an average sized piece of Yap money (called a 
NUMBER 23 

"dollar" ) and that a millstone is not an extravagant comparison. 

We found no less than a hundred Yap natives at Pelew occupied 

in cutting these stones and preparing them for transport to 

Yap. Man y exceeded six feet in diameter and were proportionally thick, having a large hole in the centre through which a 

log of wood is passed and this when laid across two canoes is 

sufficient to support the stone in transit. We had information 

of one piece, which we carried to Yap, being nine feet four 

inches in diameter and weighed four and one half tons. These 

extraordinary stones are set up in front of the owner's house, 

his importance and wealth being betokened by the numbe r of 

"dollars " he can set up. 8 4 

The same year R. S. Swanston, traveling in the 

area of Yap, wrote in his journal for 23 March 1883: 

Their currency eonsists of pearl shells which are all imported, 

[and] a quartzose tshist [?] stone obtained in Pellou which is 

eut out by the natives with great labour into circular pieces 

resembling great stones from two to six feet [.6 to 1.8 m] in 

diameter and from three to six inches [7.6 to 15 cm] on the edge 

and five and eight inches [13 and 20 cm] in the centre 

through which a hole about four inches [10 cm] in diameter is 

cut some are semi-transparent and fairly smooth .

8

5 

Escude y Bartolf, briefly noted in 1885 that the 

stone pieces were "worked into diverse large sizes."

 86 

The same year a Spanish countryman, Butron y de la 

Serna, was more specific in quoting 20 centimeters 

to one meter as the size of the "millstones."

 87

 A 

Russian visitor to the tropics, Miklucho-Maclay, 

wrote in 1878 that the millstones vary from one to 

seven feet [.3 to 2.1 m] in diameter and weigh up to 

a couple of tons.88 Christian in the 1890s repcrts that 

the "medium of exchange in Yap, stone money, consists of limestone or aragonite wheels varying from 

six to eight inches [15 to 20 cm] to twelve feet [3.6 m] 

in diameter."

 89

 Otto Finsch writing around the turn 

of the century quotes Miklucho-Maclay and repeats 

the one to seven foot [.3 to 2.1 m] measurement but 

alters Miklucho-Maclay's weight designation by saying that the pieces "in the form of a millstone" may 

weigh up to one thousand pounds [453 kg].90 Volkens, 

who was on Yap around 1900, described the "fa [as] 

ranging in size from palm-sized pieces to those that 

look like gigantic millstones reaching at maximum 

three meters in diameter, which weigh ten or more 

centners . . . ."

 91

 Salesius, a Catholic priest working 

in Yap around 1900, recorded that "the circumference 

of the stones varied between the size of a thaler or 

palm of a hand to that of large millstones one to one 

and a half meters and more in diameter."

 92 

It would seem from the above that foreign observers 

often used their own judgment as an instrument of 

measurement. We see a similar approach taken when 

foreigners discuss the value of rai. Otto Liitje, while 

compiling his dissertation in 1906 and perhaps 

using some of the sources quoted above, said the 

"millstones" measured one half to two meters and the 

"value was established by the size and way of production."

 93

 The implication, which continues even 

today, is that the larger the stone, the greater its 

value. The New York market also seems to establish 

price by the size rather than historical data.94 Perhaps 

this is because size is a known factor! Akira Matsumura 

wrote, during the Japanese occupation, that the stone 

money wheels were usually 30 to 55 centimeters in 

diameter, though some were found that measured 90 

centimeters to 1.20 meters. "In rare cases, the diameter reaches 3.50 meters." He mentioned the two 

extremes: a piece by the roadside near Tomil, which 

measured 1.93 meters, and one that he obtained with 

a diameter of 7.3 centimeters.90 

Quarrying and Shipping Practices 

Quarrying of the stones must have been an almost 

superhuman task. A Catholic priest reported in 1900 

that a local Yapese legend had those in Hell condemned to breaking stones on Palau.96

 Whether this 

was a local understanding of afterlife or whether the 

Christian foreigners put the money makers in this 

light in order to illustrate their theological point, I 

am not sure. At any rate, to attack a stone mountain 

of Palau with any kind of hand tool would seem to 

be the most difficult of tasks. This may partially 

account for the earlier pieces being small. The Yapese 

desire for the foreign iron available on Palau, which 

we have discussed, could in part be attributed to 

this need. 

Yapese men originally went to Palau in canoes. 

They were experienced sailors and able navigators, 

though the trip itself involved the risk of life. The 

distance from Yap to Palau is approximately 402 

kilometers (250 miles). In 1865, Tetens reported ten 

men returning to Yap on his ship. Presumably they 

had initially come to Palau via canoe. 

Otto Finsch reported that in 1882 Kubary saw 

four hundred men in the quarries on Koror.97 Muller 

says Kubary found 400 quarries—not four hundred 

men, but this would seem unlikely.98 Originally the 

men who went to quarry the money went with the 

chief's permission. When the stones were returned to 

Yap they were distributed by the chief who retained 

the larger ones and two-fifths of the smaller ones for 

himself.99 This allotment is not unlike the chiefs 

572-509 0-75- 3 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

share in copra production found in some islands even 

today. In 1875 Robertson noted: 

Until recently the natives of Ua p visit (the Pellews) in canoes. 

Recendy, however, the numbe r of European vessels trading to 

these islands has been greater than formerly and passages are 

readily granted to islanders to and from Ua p to the Pellews 

where they dig out and fashion wha t serves them as 

currency. .

10° 

At the time of Miiller's writing, each Yapese "went 

individually or sent his bondsman for him."

 101

 With 

the ready availability of foreign ships any man could 

seek his own passage and hew out his own stone money. 

Some vestiges of former regal privileges extended 

into the twentieth century. The history of the large 

piece owned and exhibited by the Department of 

Anthropology of the Smithsonian Institution records 

restraints imposed upon the commoner. This piece 

was quarried by Mr. You of Kaday while he and 

Chief Rangnibay of Tolpong were on Palau Island at 

the money quarry: 

At that time only one small German steamship was available 

to haul money. A system of priorities was in effect which gave 

first shipping priority to high-ranking Yapese, relegating the 

rank and file to second place. Quit e often the latter never got 

their money shipped.102 

Rai were often given individual names. Inez De 

Beauclair, an anthropologist who lived on Yap from 

March 1961 to January 1962, stated that she found a 

name might be that of the chief who had given 

permission to sail to Palau or that of the canoe in 

which the piece had been shipped. She also mentioned 

that the name of the maker might be used if he died 

during the work in Palau or perished at sea.103 Franz 

Hernsheim, Consul of the Marshalls who travelled 

throughout Micronesia, wrote in 1884 that the older 

stones had engraved on them the "names" of those 

who quarried and shipped the piece to Yap.104 I have 

found no evidence elsewhere of this custom and am 

not aware of stones that have writings on them. 

Einzig, however, repeats Hernsheim.105 Rai named 

after commoners probably increased once Yapese 

began to go to Palau on their own rather than as a 

member of a sanctioned party. Obtaining money 

became a more individual affair and the ownership 

of this money also became more individual over the 

years. 

The aragonite most in demand was the stone most 

difficult to work, which probably explains its value. 

"The streaked aragonite of a brownish chocolate 

color and the milky white stone with small crystals" 

was preferred.106 The locations of the quarries were 

often quite inaccessible so that men were required to 

build special frameworks. The best made stones reportedly are those which are thicker at the center hole 

and slope towards the rim.107 There is one such unusually thick piece in the Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, 

Smithsonian Institution.108 It is the darkest of the 

stones in that collection, almost chocolate brown in 

color. With the early stones the center hole was made 

by using a "shell adze (gi) and then drilled with a 

reef-stone used as a fire-drill." 109 De Beauclair says 

that the procedure required a great deal of time and 

thus "there are only a few pieces of that kind on the 

island."

 u o

 Relative to the overall number there were 

probably few made with these early tools. Before the 

use of iron the surface of the stones was polished with 

pumice.111 The surface texture and appearance of rai 

vary greatly. The change in tools and techniques of 

quarrying over the years may explain these differences. The larger piece in the Division of Numismatics, National Museum of History and Technology, 

Smithsonian Institution, is polished to a very smooth, 

almost enamel-like surface. This is also true of those 

owned by the Tokyo National Museum, the Lannan 

Foundation, and the Pennsylvania University museum. The surfaces of almost all of these stones are also 

stepped or smoothed into two distinct planes. Usually 

both sides of a rai are similar in appearance, though 

the smaller of the two stones on exhibit in the National 

Museum of Natural History, has only one side stepped. 

Many large specimens, as those owned by the Chase 

Manhattan Bank in New York City, the large piece 

on exhibit in the National Museum of Natural History, the largest of the pieces in the Ubersee-Museum, 

Bremen, and the one in the Svenska Handelsbanken 

in Stockholm, are extremely rough and porous 

in surface appearance and are not stepped. A distinctive feature of the Leiden stone is a groove around 

the lip of the center. One example held by the Department of Anthropology, National Museum of 

Natural History, has rough, whitish marks on the 

surface as if inscribed by an iron file.112 This piece is 

extremely dark in color, verging on brown, and also 

has a sparkling appearance. The rough, porous 

stones tend towards the creamy colors and are dull 

in finish. 

Muller found that before the days when the 

foreigners' transportation was utilized, the stones 

were drifted out to sea on large bamboo rafts and 

in a matter of days were picked up by the canoes 

for towing to Yap.113 If the canoe and raft arrived 
NUMBER 23 11 

home, the large pieces had to be deposited at a given 

place, usually the failu or men's house. A story first 

told by William Furness reported a large rai on Yap 

which was completely submerged under water, yet 

the ownership and purchasing power was well known 

in the community.114 Most matters are common 

knowledge and secrets among local people are rare; 

thus theft of rai is relatively unknown. 

One sometimes hears in the islands that the stones 

from Guam are more valuable than those from Palau 

because of the distance and hardship in transporting 

them.115 Muller mentions that O'Keefe brought some 

aragonite from Guam. The fact that such were 

brought in European ships without risk of life and 

at this late date would deflate the value of the Guam 

stones. De Beauclair states that only a few pieces 

were quarried on Guam and that the German officials 

at the beginning of World War I sent the ship 

Germania to return the stone masons and their products 

to Yap.116 It is interesting that the large stone now 

exhibited by the Smithsonian Institution (rai number 

100) was transported from Palau to Yap on this 

same ship.117 

Fran Defngin, a Yapese District anthropologist, 

told the writer that the German administration in 

1899 issued an order to cease the quarrying of stone 

money on Palau. This order, he stated, was aimed 

at O'Keefe in hopes of jeopardizing his monopoly 

and to help the German traders succeed in their 

business ventures on Yap. It was also hoped that the 

order in preventing the younger men from traveling 

outside of Yap would provide more able bodies for 

road building and other labor projects. Defngin 

stated that the acquisition of stones from Guam was 

initiated by O'Keefe to counteract the German 

hostility to the trade. This order must not have been 

a far-reaching one, for there are reports of the German 

ships carrying stones from Palau shortly thereafter.118 

During the Japanese period, a survey was made 

showing that in 1929 there were 13,281 pieces of 

stone money in the possession of the natives of Yap.119 

By 1965 De Beauclair estimated that this number had 

been reduced to about one-half. The greatest loss 

was caused by World War II when the stone disks 

were broken, smashed, used for anchors, or became 

part of a defense wall. Since that time strong typhoons 

and floods have also taken their toll and left many 

buried or covered by jungle.120 

Local Uses 

Large pieces of rai are frequently found outside the 

failu. Furness said early in the century that "the 

smaller, more portable 'coins' were used for the 

purchase of fish from the failu." 121 The money was 

deposited on the ground near the failu possibly 

several days before the fishermen returned. It remained until the owner received a gift of fish.122 

Via the island type of "quiet communication" it 

would simply be known who left the money and to 

whom the fish would go. The stone disks became the 

property of the failu. The men of the failu also received stone money as remuneration for their work 

in building houses.123 

Though the stones might have been placed outside 

the men's house, they did not necessarily remain 

there as a "decorative bank." There seems to have 

been what one might term a "circulating economic 

system." Rai left the failu as payment for fishing 

equipment, canoes, for pigs or for a feast. Even 

festivals and dances, which constituted a great part 

of the Yapese life, called for the exchange of rai. 

Each affair involved an unspoken reciprocal agreement. The host chief and village that presented the 

rai would in time and in turn be the guests and 

recipients.124 

The arts also had a place within this monetary 

system. There is a record of the payment of four 

stones "each of which was so large that two men could 

just stretch around it" for the choreography of four 

separate dances.125 Dance groups might even specify 

in their songs the name of what they desired in the 

way of gifts. The distribution of gifts was an integral 

part of many of the dances and, thus, of the festivals. 

Dance groups often competed for gifts of money.126 

Villages holding these affairs were expected to pay; 

but, as noted above, all such actions were reciprocal. 

Tradition demanded repayment. 

Not only friend but also foe figured into the money 

giving. Robertson, traveling in 1875, observed that 

the principle uses of "the large stones in the shape 

of a mill stone" was for money to pay war indemnities 

and the funeral expenses of the chiefs.127 Less than 

ten years later another traveler to Yap, Consul 

Hernsheim, indicated that in war the stone would 

buy the assistance of a neutral tribe.128 Such debts 

and payments would involve the village as a group 

via the chief. 

Rai was used as compensation for the family of a 

mispil (the woman who resided in the/a?7u).129 Furness 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

was told that "well-finished/*z about four feet [1.2 m] 

in diameter" was usually paid either to the parents of 

the mispil or to the chief of her village.130 Christian, who 

must have been a real romantic, stated that "the 

reason that the stone wheels are piled at the foot of 

these structures (the failu) is that the Mespil may in 

looking upon them remember that they themselves 

were bought with great price, and must prove themselves worthy of the honour conferred on them."

 131 

In expressing the many occasions for spending money 

that a Yapese experienced, Muller said "that even the 

fair sex in the clubhouses is not there for free."

 132 

Money had to be spent for the mispil so the men of the 

failu first had to earn the money. If they went fishing 

the canoe in which they went cost money. Money was 

a driving force and this fact does not seem to have 

drastically changed over the years. In 1949, Francis 

Mahoney, evaluating the compelling forces of the 

island psychology, stated that all groups that were 

tested "placed a strong positive valuation on hard 

work and money-making."

 133 

Individual, as well as group, need for money was a 

real part of the Yapese life. Mahoney made the point 

in his paper that the islander was a conformist.134 

Particular things were expected of an individual and 

one needed stone money in order to conform. A man 

must be ornamented. He had to pay the tattooer and 

the maker of ornaments. His doctor, sorcerer, even 

priest would want monetary compensation. Senfft 

commented in the early part of the century that 

"whatever could be provided by his fellow countrymen, the Yapese pays for with Yap money."

 135 

There were times when one needed money for the 

purchase of food in this subsistence economy. Hernsheim stated that a small rai, the size of a small plate 

and thick as an upper arm, would buy a family's 

monthly supply of fish, yams, and taro.136 I imagine 

that this price was reported to Hernsheim only as an 

example of the food which could be purchased. Certainly there were special occasions, such as festivals 

or funerals, which would necessitate the purchase of 

food in order to serve the many guests. Normally, 

though, a family would sustain itself from their own 

land and would not use the valuable rai for daily 

needs. 

Marriage is often mentioned as a time when the 

stone money might be exchanged. I find little documentation of its use strictly as a "bride price." Kotzebue 

in 1821 stated: 

Marriages are concluded without any solemnities. A man 

makes a present to the father of the girl, consisting of fruits, fish 

and similar things. Th e value of the gift is according to the rank 

of the father of the bride.137 

Over 80 years later Muller reported that the betrothal gift to the father of the bridegroom consisted 

of yar or shell money. Again, however, there were 

reciprocal gifts. Several months after marriage the 

groom received 10 to 30 little pieces of stone money 

from his father-in-law. He kept two pieces for himself 

and gave the others to his relatives.138 One must 

remember that in "giving" away the remaining rai 

he would be paying for the item which they would 

soon be "giving" him. The system is almost one of 

pre-payment. 

As mentioned previously, death necessitated the 

redistribution of money. Muller reported that the 

brothers and father of the surviving spouse gave rai 

to other members of the family of the deceased. Again 

reciprocity was involved for the brothers and father 

received shell money in return.139 As death came 

unannounced, often the family was not financially 

equipped to meet the burden. The borrowing of 

money that was distributed at the funeral came to 

have a special Yapese name.140 Rai was needed as 

gifts for the invited guests. Senfft wrote that gifts 

might represent "a value of thousands of marks."

 141 

The donors, however, in the course of time would be 

repaid for they would be guests at another funeral. 

One of the last stones quarried in Palau was made 

in 1931 and transported in 1932. It was chipped out 

by one Gilimoon of Dechmur, Romil, and given to 

Figir of Luwech, Rull, "as payment for services." 

Gilimoon had been exiled from Yap and "this stone 

money enabled him to return to Yap from Angaur 

Island [Palau district]."

 142

 Unfortunately the stone 

was later used by the Japanese for airport construction 

and thus destroyed. 

In the examples above, we have observed occasions 

for the "giving" of stone money. It must be reiterated 

though that no piece of money had a definite, unalterable value. Buying power was always dependent 

upon the social position of the buyer and the receiver, 

as well as the occasion for use. One would have been 

expected "to pay a bit more to an old man or to a 

woman."

 143

 Kubary said that an exchange between 

chiefs would involve different values than if men of 

lesser standing had been involved.144 Value was 

somewhat relative in such dealings, but it was never 

arbitrary. Custom and tradition established a firm 

criteria of exchange. 
Foreign Interpretation of Value 

When foreigners became involved in exchanges of 

rai with the Yapese, size became a dominant feature 

of valuation and questions of equivalence developed. 

Precedent for the exchange and thus the evaluation 

that had formerly been established suddenly had no 

bearing on the situation, for one of the parties had no 

knowledge or concern for the customary but unspoken 

tradition. 

Captain Tetens, one of the earliest observers, did 

not place a definite trading price on the stones. 

Writing in the 1860s, he injected a qualifying note 

by saying that the stones were considered to be of 

"great value."145 

Kubary must have searched for a set limit by 

which to define the value of the stone. It appears 

that he was concerned with a translation of Yapese 

value into one that could be comprehended by the 

European. What he saw and learned had to be 

understood by the Godeffroy family and the cosmopolitan readers of their museum publications. 

During his first visit he stated that the stones were 

of "high value."146 Later in 1889 he said, "even 

after O'Keefe the value of a stone measuring three 

hand spans remained constant, that is a stone that 

size was worth one pig."147 In the next century this 

valuation remained the accepted foreign rate. 

Kubary further observed that a six foot [1.8 m] 

piece might be valued at one common big canoe 

or Palau necklace. Later in his paper, when discussing 

Yapese loan interest rates, he qualified his statements 

by observing that values in all exchanges depend upon 

who is the lender and who is the borrower.148 He 

was not the first to note this phenomenon, for 

Kotzebue in 1821 commented on marriage presents: 

"The value of the gift is according to the rank of the 

father of the bride."

 149 

O'Keefe introduced the wholesale trade in transporting rai, which he rendered in exchange for 

marketable goods, such as copra and beche-de-mer. 

He was not "buying" or "selling" with the stones. 

He only retained them until they were collected by 

their owners and he was paid for his service in copra. 

The value placed on stone money pieces by the 

foreigners is the only indication we have today of the 

foreign "rate of exchange" of these items. Sliding 

scales of local value have been discussed in the previous 

chapter. It is interesting to look at the foreign values 

placed on rai over the years. 

In 1877, Captain Ravnkilde gave to the Danish 

National Museum a piece of stone money 29 by 24 

centimeters. At that time the estimated value placed 

on the piece was ten Danish crowns.150 One year later, 

Miklucho-Maclay, the Russian traveler who visited 

Yap, wrote that "many of the stone pieces have a 

value of many hundred dollars."151 The Museum fur 

Volkerkunde at Frankfurt, Germany, has a piece that 

was collected by August Mockel, who visited Yap 

between 1879 and 1883. He commented: 

T h e Yapese Islanders fetch the stone from Conor e and 

woik it into discs of different size. These are then taken to Yap 

by raft and the big ones of high value are put up at the houses 

of their possessors. Th e stone in question, 28 cm. in diameter, 

represents a value of about 40 mark. Th e stone is aragonite. 

In Palau-language it is called palony.152 

Not all visitors, of course, placed a European value 

on rai. Carl Edward Meinicke, who published his 

Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans in 1876, only described 

them.153 In 1885 Don Emilio Butron y de la Serna 

merely remarked that "money satisfies the king his 

tribute."

 lo4

 Christian was concerned with the "great 

price" paid for the mispil by the men of the/az/u.155 

Consul Hernsheim wrote in the 1880s that a small 

stone might purchase a family's food for one month.156 

In 1897, when making a gift of a stone measuring 

38 centimeters to the Museum fur Volkerkunde in 

Berlin, he equated its value to that of "a piece of 

shell money of the value of DM10 [ten Deutsche 

mark]."

 157 

A piece measuring 24 centimeters was given to 

the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden, in 1896 

by Mr. P.K.A. Meerkamp van Embden, Consul of 

the Netherlands in Manila. Remarks made at that 

time, perhaps by Mr. Meerkamp, in relation to the 

payment for the piece equate the value as that "of 

a sack of copra equalling an amount of ca. D.F1. 1,50 

[about one and one half Dutch florin]." 158 

In 1903 Senfft spoke of rai in relation to burial 

rites. "Gifts represent the value of thousands of 

13 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

marks."

 159

 In the same year a piece of stone money 

was given by Dr. H. Hallier to the Hamburgisches 

Museum fur Volkerkunde, Hamburg, Germany. The 

item was purchased from a Chief Ruipung for "about 

ten marks."

 160

 This figure is the same as that used 

by Hernsheim in placing a value on the Berlin piece 

mentioned above. 

The Smithsonian Institution in 1908 paid $43.50 

to one Mr. Costenoble of Guam for a "collection of 

sling-stones, stone axes and stone mortars from the 

island of Guam and a perforated stone disk from 

Yap."

 161

 The 25.5 centimeter rai in the Department 

of Anthropology collection is the stone disk mentioned 

in this accession. 

Furness said in 1910 a "three span fei ought to 

purchase fifty baskets of food or an 80 or 100 pound 

pig or 1,000 coconuts."

 162

 His estimate of the pig and 

the coconuts has since been repeated over and over 

again. The pig equivalent was first mentioned by 

Kubary; however, it must have been Furness who 

popularized it in America. The writers Paul Einzig 

and A. H. Quiggin repeat Furness almost forty years 

later.163 In 1957, Edwin H. Bryan, while curator of 

the Bernice P. Bishop Museum in Honolulu quoted 

Furness almost word for word.164 

While writers for numismatic periodicals have 

tended to inscribe the "one rai equals one pig" 

equation into the folklore of the Pacific, Furness, 

himself, listed other equivalents. He said that a three 

span stone should purchase "a pearl shell measuring 

the length of the hand plus the width of three fingers 

up the wrist."

 165

 A rai larger than three span might 

buy a fifty pound bag of rice, though Furness added 

that this was an exorbitant price! He had purchased 

a 50-centimeter rai for a short-handled axe.166 As noted 

before, he suggested that 1000 coconuts might purchase 

a three span rai. For the reader's information, it takes 

approximately three coconuts to make a pound of 

copra (6000 coconuts equal one ton of copra). The 

missionary, Father Salesius, who was working in Yap 

around 1900, cited that a ton of copra was reckoned 

at 120 to 260 marks depending on quality.167 Furness' 

1000 coconuts would thus make a three hand span 

rai worth between 20 to 43 marks at that time. 

August Mockel's 28-centimeter piece, now in the 

museum in Frankfurt, was also recorded in 1879-1883 

as being worth about forty marks.168 Depreciation 

occurred, for twenty years later the 22-centimeter piece 

in the Hamburg museum was purchased for "about 

ten marks."169 Muller, in 1908-1910, found that the 

"value of the fa gradually decreased because of continuous accumulation and better means of transport. 

A piece measuring one span was then worth three 

marks."170 In 1912 Richard Deeken wrote that a 

20-centimeter piece (about one hand span) would be 

worth two marks.171 Miiller's assertion concerning 

decreased valuation is borne out by the declining values 

placed on similar sized rai found in European museum 

collections. 

Akira Matsumura, whose work was published in 

1918, wrote that he and his associates paid five yen on 

Yap for "a piece sixty-eight centimeters in diameter of 

fine quality and good shape." In comparison an 85-

centimeter piece, which was presented by a visiting 

Yapese chief to the Japanese Minister of the Navy in 

1915, was said by the Yapese to be worth 500 yen.172 

This piece is now in the anthropology collection of 

the University of Tokyo.173 

The equation of one rai being equal to one pig, 

which was first mentioned by Kubary and popularized 

by Furness, may be found in Japanese writings as well. 

Matsumura told that a piece measuring 68 centimeters that he purchased was "worth a pig weighing 

forty-five kg. [99.2 lbs.]."

 174

 Furness said his three 

span disk (the writer would estimate this to be approximately 51-57 cm) was worth a pig of 100 pounds.173 

Father Salesius around 1900 found that pigs were 

often given tender care by the women of Yap. He 

stated that they are rarely eaten by the Yapese people 

but often traded to the Europeans.176 In 1937 the 

Japanese government issued an ordinance which paid 

30 yen for a pig kept for breeding purposes. During 

that year only 158 yen were expended for that purpose 

on Yap, 70 of which went to Japanese nationals on the 

island.177 It appears that it was more profitable for 

a Yapese to use a pig for trade than to collect the 

30 yen from the government. 

During the 1930s the Japanese imposed a rigid 

security on the islands, and reports of exchanges and 

purchases of the Yapese stone money by foreigners is 

extremely limited though one finds sales of the disks 

between museums. In 1931, the Staatliche Museum 

fiir Volkerkunde in Berlin sold three pieces of rai to 

The Chase Manhattan Bank in New York City.178 

Farran Zerbe, whose interest in primitive media of 

exchange is well known, was then curator of the Chase 

Manhattan collection. This New York museum currently reports possession of only two disks.179

 In 1935, 

a rather unreliable source reported a piece one foot 

[.3 m] in diameter being purchased by an American 

museum for 75 dollars.180 The cost of the Chase 
NUMBER 23 15 

1951-1973 Years 

Average size of rai in collections outside of Yap (smallest single 

stone (#64) is 3.5 cm, collected on Yap before 1906; largest 

stone (#95) is 228.4 cm, removed from Yap in 1964). 

Manhattan pieces from the Berlin museum had been 

well above this figure.181 

It was also during the 1930s that another prominent 

collector of primitive media, H. D. Gibbs, obtained a 

Yapese rai for his collection. Mr. Gibbs, then Director 

of the Pittsburgh Numismatic Museum, wrote to 

Pennsylvania Senator David A. Reed requesting his 

help in securing a rai with the assistance of the 

Japanese ambassador in Washington.182 The Japanese 

government, though involved in building fortifications 

in the Pacific at the time, wrote the senator in December 1933 that, "owing to the infrequency of steamer 

travel between Japan and Yap . . it will take some 

time." 183 By February of the next year, however, Mr. 

Gibbs had his specimen, the ocean transportation cost 

having been paid by the Japanese Foreign Office in 

Tokyo.184 The bill paid by the Pittsburgh Numismatic 

Museum to Endo and Kotachi, Inc., for clearing the 

disk through customs amounted to $3.56.185 This same 

piece was offered for sale in New York City in 1971 

for 500 dollars.186 

During the period between the wars almost all 

effort in the Pacific area was militarily directed. It is 

miraculous that so much of the stone money escaped 

destruction. As noted before, many were used to pave 

Japanese airstrips or to construct sea walls or piers. 

After the hostilities of World War II, Yap became a 

part of the Trust Territory under United States administration. The United States Navy retained rigid 

security, which it continued to impose even after 1951 

when the area was turned over to the Department of 

the Interior for administration. Collectors and tourists 

were not permitted entry into the Trust Territory; 

but many stone disks did leave the islands in the 

possession of American military and civil service 

personnel (see Table). 
Local Interpretation of Value 

A Judicial Account 

The rai monetary system has been subjected to the 

influence of foreign monetary values, resulting in a 

conflict between traditional and modern concepts 

within the Yapese society. These changing concepts 

are exemplified in the landmark case known in 

Micronesia as Civil Action No. 25 (see Appendix 1). 

The action commenced in the spring of 1960, 

when the National Bank of Detroit acquired a Yapese 

stone disk measuring 152.5 centimeters (5 ft) in 

diameter.187 On 20 January 1961, a local civil 

action suit was filed with the District Court of Yap 

District, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In 

'this case, the plaintiff, Choo, charged that the 

defendant, Pong, had received 125 dollars for the 

sale of a stone to the National Bank of Detroit. 

That stone, Choo maintained, rightly belonged to 

him. Therefore, he demanded in compensation the 

total sum of 125 dollars or return of the same stone. 

On 10 April 1961, the Yap District Court requested 

that this action be transferred to the trial division 

of the Trust Territory High Court. This was done 

and the case became Civil Action No. 25 on the 

High Court docket. The court's pre-trial order 

provides an invaluable account of the history of 

this piece of rai. 

The following portion of the history of the stone money is 

agreed upon. 

a. Urun and Tamangiro, from Af Village, in Tamil Municipality, went to the Palau Islands and obtained three pieces 

of stone money. They gave the larger piece to the people 

of Af Village. By agreement between them, Urun retained 

one of the smaller ones and Tamangiro the other smaller 

one. The piece in question in this action is the one retained 

by Urun in this division. 

b. Urun's house burned down and the people of Af Village 

helped him rebuild it. In payment of this assistance, Urun 

gave the stone money now in question to the people of 

Af Village. 

During a "tarn" celebration given by Af Village, the people 

of Dechumui Village put on a dance about people going 

on a trip and, in appreciation for this dance, the people 

of Af Village gave the stone money in question, among 

other things, to the people of Dechumur Village and the 

stone money was removed to Dechumur Village and 

remained there until about January 15, 1960. 

d. Some people from Dechumur Village made a trip to Palau 

and brought more stone money of various sizes. The piece 

brought in on this trip by Tamag was the same size as that 

given by Af Village to Dechumur Village, and this piece 

brought in by Tamag was given to Af Village and the piece 

now in question given to Tamag in exchange for the one he 

brought in. 

e. Tamag gave the piece now in question to his brother 

Fazagol when the latter was about to build a house. Fazagol 

gave this stone money to Puguu in payment for some tin 

roofing for the house. 

f. On or about January 15, 1960, the defendant Pong, with a 

group of men gathered by him, removed the stone money in 

question from Dechumur Village over the protests of the 

plaintiff Choo who was present during part of the removal, 

protested that the stone money belonged to him, and told 

them not to remove it. Later, on Pong's authorization, the 

stone money was shipped to the Money Museum of the 

National Bank of Detroit, Michigan, in accordance with the 

agreement of sale with Pong under which he received 

$125.00 for the stone money.188 

Choo, the plaintiff, claimed that the stone was 

given to him by Puguu as "gidigen," or a type of 

marriage gift, in return for Choo's guarantee to care 

for three children, which Choo's wife brought into his 

home at the time of their marriage. The defendant, 

Pong, claimed that Puguu had given the stone money 

in question to him in an exchange for alcohol, two 

pieces of shell money, and assistance. The Chief 

Justice of the High Court, E. P. Furber, ruled in favor 

of the plaintiff Choo and ordered that he be repaid 

by Pong. Judge Furber's decision reads in part: 

1. Puguu's transfer of the stone money to Choo entirely cut off 

Puguu's rights in the stone money, and any effort he may 

have made thereafter either to transfer the stone money to 

the defendant Pong or to confirm or establish Pong's ownership thereof was of no legal effect. 

2. Inasmuch as this stone money was given to Choo as "gidigen" 

under Yapese custom his rights in it axe presumably held in 

common with certain of his relatives and not by him alone. 

It is believed, however, that, as against the defendant Pong, 

the plaintiff Choo is entitled to speak for his entire group 

and that Pong is accountable to Choo for the entire sum 

which he received for the stone money regardless of what 

obligations Choo may have to other members of his group.189 

16 
NUMBER 23 17 

This case, which was heard by the court in 1961, 

collaborates reports of several customs and uses of 

the stone money which were mentioned at the beginning of the century by Muller and others: joint 

ownership, the use of the stone as a type of promissory 

note, as payment for a dance, and as payment for 

material goods, i.e., the housing materials and 

beverages previously mentioned. Even though the 

court in its decisions cited that "under Yapese 

custom his rights in it are presumbaly held in common 

with certain of his relatives and not by him alone," 

Choo and Pong as individuals alone were involved 

•in the suit. They claimed ownership for themselves. 

Pong alone was responsible for the imposed fee. 

This manner of thinking and wording, as evidenced 

in the trial records, indicates evolution of custom 

and practice. 

The history of this same rai as told by the present 

owner, the National Bank of Detroit, is not the same 

as that found in the pre-trial order of the High Court 

of the Trust Territory. The supervisor of the Money 

Museum reports: 

T h e stone was quarried in Babelthaup Island, Palau, by an 

expedition led by a Yap named Falluwem, a member of the 

ranking Miniw household in the Village of Te b in the Tomil 

District of Yap Island. He was accompanied by low-caste 

laborers from Af Village. Th e expedition took place between 

1875 and 1885. Upon his return to Yap, Falluwem presented 

the piece of Af Village as payment to his laborers. Shortly 

after, Af Village presented the rai to Dechumur Village in 

exchange for services, and Dechumur passed it on to a highranking chief named Gubgol. During the 1920s Gubgol gave 

it to a man from Talangith in exchange foi building materials, 

who presented it to his daughter. Upon her death the rai 

passed to her surviving husband and children. All these transactions took place without moving the stone from its original 

location in Af Village, Tomil District.190 

The writer does not know why their historical 

records differ from those found in Civil Action 

Number 25.191 

Transfer of Traditional Yapese Monies 

The concept of a cash economy with set values has 

always been foreign to island society, where the 

importance of any given item often relates more to 

cultural and social factors. Even though the item is or 

was used as a medium of exchange, any concept of 

constant value must be carefully weighed. Adjustment 

to a certain monetary exchange equivalent is a learned 

process. In the case of Yap, with their accommodation 

to the mark, the yen, and the dollar, this adjustment 

has taken place three times in our century. 

In the 1960s, the Yapese leaders placed on their rai 

a value of 25 dollars per diameter foot and the 

National Bank of Detroit paid that price for their 

stone. In 1962 this was the price when the Smithsonian 

Institution negotiated the purchase of their largest 

stone now on exhibit in the National Museum of 

Natural History. Twenty-five dollars was an often 

quoted value in the islands in the 1950s and early 

1960s. When the Trust Territory government attempted to settle land claims in the 1950s its offer 

was 25 dollars per acre per year for rental. Twenty-five 

dollars per coconut tree was that demanded by the 

islander in damage claims. "Twenty-five dollars per" 

was the convenient price in dealings with the foreigner. 

Local philosophy was one of "that price which worked 

for one item should work for others." This attitude 

towards foreign currency was noted early in the 

twentieth century by Salesius who wrote that when 

the German administration had forbidden the sale of 

alcoholic beverages but allowed the consumption on 

a few specific days, the islander paid for the beverage 

on these days with German coins. He had to save 

these coins and to do this he sold everything he had 

for hard cash: 

then he would demand "one peso" or "two marks " for 

every trivial thing and would be astonished if one did not pay 

him for every little fish the equivalent of the weight in silver.192 

The Yapese often overpaid as well as over-demanded 

when bartering with the foreigners. Furness wrote of 

an extravagent deal where " Old Ronoboi paid 

twenty thousand coconuts for a cooking stove ' made 

in Germany' of thin sheet-iron."193 At that time 

20,000 coconuts would have brought approximately 

420 to 910 marks.194 Barter, of course, had always 

been known in the islands and as with local items the 

foreigners' imports slowly came to represent known 

values.195 This trade, however, was apart from the real 

economy of the island. Salesius noted that a trade item 

such as copra " represents only an object of trade, not 

a piece of money with an ideal value, like stone and 

shell money with which to buy other things, but 

merely barter."

 196

 He felt: 

It would be a mistake, however, to believe that pure commercial trade does not exist on Yap. On the contrary, it most 

certainly does, since there are various kinds of real money on 

Yap, i.e., objects that have no practical and use value apart 

from their value as a medium of exchange and thus are purely 

tender . as the famous "stone money" . -

197 
18 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

The foreign governments only occasionally interfered with the Yapese media of exchange. Salesius 

recounts that the Germans early in their administration discovered that fines imposed upon the Yapese 

were of no consequence unless collected in rai. 

Demands for road repair went unheeded until the 

government took advantage of the native custom of 

transferring title of money without moving it. On 

certain rai they painted "B.A." (Berzirks-Amt or 

District Office) to indicate the government acquisition. As Salesius pointed out, " a show piece sometimes 

[became] an incriminating accuser."

 198 

Usually it was the islander who made the rapid 

adjustment to the new economy of the foreigner. A 

certain size stone quickly came to have the value of 

a certain number of German marks or Japanese 

yen or American dollars. Antiquity of use has had 

little to do with the island interpretation of custom. 

The number of stones leaving Yap increased after 

restrictions upon aliens entering the area were lifted 

in 1963. The Yapese by then had had a generation of 

dealing with Americans and their economy. Many 

things combined to make the Yapese people aware of 

the worth of rai and the danger of mass exportation. 

Apparent interest of various foreign museums played 

a role in this. Even the influence of a fledgling museum 

in the Trust Territory was felt. These changing 

attitudes toward value were mentioned when the 

Smithsonian Institution was preparing to purchase 

the large rai that is now on exhibit. District Administrator Robert Halvorson wrote Dr. Saul Riesenberg 

of the Smithsonian: 

T h e Council has discussed your request for both types of rai. 

Ther e is no objection to providing both types, but they now 

believe they should get a better price for a pre-contact piece— 

$2,500 per piece! I'm not sure where this idea came from. I 

specifically asked earlier when the price of $25.00 per foot was 

set if size, history, or other differences warranted different rates. 

At that time they seemed very decided that the rates should be 

the same for all. Th e inflationary price may have been inspired 

by a visit of two or our Council members to Koror where they 

saw two pieces of Palauan "money " in the museum, each of 

which somebody had tagged at $5,000.199 

It was not until the fall of 1965 that the Yap 

Island Congress passed Resolution Number 10-65 

(Appendix 2), levying a tax on the transfer of traditional Yapese monies. A transfer of ownership document had to be obtained if a citizen of the Trust 

Territory sold or gave any traditional Yapese monies 

to any business establishment or any person who was 

not a citizen of the Trust Territory. A 50 percent tax 

was levied on a sale and a 25 percent tax on the 

estimated value of a gift. This tax and the 500 dollar 

fine imposed on offenders put some teeth into an older 

Yapese law, which required only a transfer of ownership document.200

 Though as one may note in the 

list of private owners (Table), there are many 

stones that left Yap that are not recorded in the District Administration's file of transfer or ownership. 

It has been the Yapese legislators themselves who have 

felt the need to tighten the process for alienation of the 

rai. The Yap Island Congress and the United States 

administration have at times both attempted to fix 

current selling prices of the stone disks. The Smithsonian Institution was quoted $25.00 per foot in 

1961.201 In April 1965, the price was $2.09 an inch.202 

The measurement scale but not the price had changed. 

In March 1968, the then District Administrator wrote 

that the Yap Island legislature in 1966 had set a price 

of $3.75 per inch.203 The actual going price seems to 

have stabilized at $3.50 per inch.204 This price represents the cost of a stone purchased from a Yapese on 

Yap by a foreigner. The value placed on rai by a 

foreigner outside of Yap is quite different as indicated 

by the New York market.205 
And Now the Origin Question 

The beginnings of stone money are wrapped in and 

enhanced by legend, the telling of which varies 

according to the preference and memory of the teller. 

The Yapese story of the origin of their rai credits a 

Yapese figure, Anagumang, with the discovery of the 

beautiful stone in the Palauan Islands.206 Christian 

was told that this "wise old man" after being tutored 

by the fairy mother, Le-gerem, took seven men with 

him on his sailing journey. Seven, Christian added, 

was the "perfect" number in Yapese tradition.207 (In 

the beginning of the nineteenth century Kotzebue was 

told that the number of Yapese divinities were fixed 

at seven.208) On the small island of Magaragar in 

southern Palau the Yapese reputedly found the new 

shining stone, which they worked in various shapes.209 

After trying designs of a fish and of a crescent moon 

they worked a stone into the shape of the full moon. 

They then bored a hole through the middle and produced a wheel-like form which satisfied Anagumang 

and his patron, Le-gerem. The symbol of the moon 

and its stages are often present in Yapese stories.210 

According to legend the Yapese also took the pearl 

shell which they found in abundance to fashion yar, 

another medium of exchange, and the giant tridacna 

shell from whose hinge the valuable ma or huge 

ceremonial pestles were made.211 

In attempting to arrive at a date for the earliest 

stones that are said to have been quarried on Yap, 

Muller asked the names of all of the chiefs of Talaneie 

since the custom was initiated. He was told that the 

discovery was made under Givai. His informer then 

named the chiefs from the time of Givai to the then 

living chief, Rev, who was the seventh in line from the 

time of the first quarrying.212 Again the magic number 

"seven" appears. Stones and magic are often linked 

together in Yapese legend. The missionary, P. Sixtus 

Walleser, retells the Yapese legend of the original 

inhabitants of Yap who were half man-half kan. 

(German geist, which is spirit or ghost). "The big 

stones lying around testify to their presence. The 

bodies of these people were changed to these stones."213 

Captain Cheyne, one of the early observers of the 

rai, indicated that the stone was similar to a small 

upper millstone. He made no reference in his rather 

detailed journal to any large stones having been seen 

on Yap. Later investigators, however, do lead us to 

believe that the earliest stones were small. Kubary 

was of the opinion that the colored foreign beads of 

the Palauan monetary system had been known and 

used on Yap.214 He believed that when the aragonite 

stone was found on Palau, the Yapese economically 

replaced the beads with the stones. He says "the 

earlier pieces (of stone) were smaller."

 215

 MikluchoMaclay, who was on Yap in 1876, spoke of necklaces 

of shell and stone, which were owned by chiefs.216 

Muller mentions that the Yapese people in the early 

part of the twentieth century had small specimens of 

rai, which were about 4 centimeters in diameter 

strung on cords.217 He adds: 

They are practically worthless today; however, they may 

explain the origin of stone money. Th e custom of stringing shell 

disks as objects of value may have been extended to aragonite 

disks which gradually, since new material was unlimited, 

hypertrophied to the present form.218 

In writing about media of exchange in the Pacific, 

Helmut Petri also spoke of the hypertrophied form 

that Yapese rai may have acquired. He believed that 

of the many forms found in Oceania, the stone money 

was the earliest. Mother-of-pearl, he added, also had 

archaic forms, while the mat and feather forms 

represent the younger types.219 

Fairly recent excavations on Yap did not reveal 

stone money artifacts per se. There were objects 

found, however, which seem to be related and to 

further indicate the possibility that the very early 

stones were quite small. W. W. and D. S. Gifford of 

the University of California discovered at one site a 

perforated bone disk at the depth of 121-182 centimeters (48-72 in) (carbon dated 176 A.D. ±250). 

While at the 60-76 centimeter (24-30 in) depth at the 

same site a disk of tridacna shell was unearthed 

(carbon dated 1856 A.D. 100+200, —100).220 Another 

unperforated disk of white stone was found at another 

site at a depth of 122-137 centimeters (48-54 in) 

(carbon dated 1636 A.D. ±200).221 This piece measures 

34 millimeters in diameter and varies in thickness 

from 3 millimeters on one edge to 5 millimeters on the 

opposite edge. The edge looked as if it "had been 

19 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

chipped and then ground, at least a little bit."222 

A piece which Gifford referred to as "child's toy" or 

"toy money" was found in a fourth site at a depth of 

60-76 centimeters (24-30 in) (carbon dated 1756 A.D. 

±200).223 Gifford states that such small pieces of 

calcite or aragonite could not definitely be classed as 

"money stone." They may actually be shell, he says, 

as the formation of calcite and aragonite occur in 

both inorganic and organic forms.224 One such piece 

measured about 112 millimeters.220 

It is worth noting here that the progression of the 

size of some pieces coincides with the passing of years: 

1636 (carbon 34 mm piece (phosphate), 

date) 

1756 (carbon 112 m m piece (form of calcite). 

date) 

1843 Piece brought with Cheyne, which was 

similar to a small upper millstone. 

Could be as small as Smithsonian millstone of 25-26 cm (10 in). 

1862 Tetens' report of "twenty large pieces," 

larger than the "taler-sized" stones he 

says were used for "lesser money. " 

German talers of 1860s (those of Saxony 

and of Prussia) measure about 3.2 cm. 

Earlier ones of the 1820s measure 

3.6 cm. 

1873 Tetens and Kubary's description that rai 

"vary in size from that of a Swiss cheese 

to a millstone." Average Appenzeller 

Swiss cheese measures 53-56 cm (21-22 

in). Average millstone measures about 

91 cm (3 ft). 

Collected prior to Stones now in foreign museums not larger 

1899 than 36.5 cm. 

Collected after Stones now outside Yap tha t are large 

1959 than 1 m; exception: Bishop Museum, 

Hawaii, piece. 

The Yapese themselves acknowledge that early 

pieces were small. Robert Halvorsen, while Yap District Administrator, said that, according to sources on 

Yap, 

prior to western contact, Yapese canoes and rafts were bringing in no pieces larger than three and one half or four feet in 

diameter [1.06 or 1.2 m]. O'Keefe started quarrying pieces u p 

to six feet [1.8 m] in diameter which was the maximum size he 

could get into his holds. Following O'Keefe's disappearance, 

a larger German trading vessel started bringing in the larger 

pieces found today.220 

Halvorsen's statement was corroborated in a 1960 

letter to Dr. Riesenberg at the Smithsonian Institution by anthropologist David M. Schneider: 

H a l is quite light. Th e "old " way was to work a fleet of 

canoes, sometimes two, sometimes six or so, and spend a good 

spell on Palau, quarrying, shaping, etc., and then making a 

raft of the stones by putting bamboo poles through the holes 

and then building the raft around the stone so tha t the stone 

hung on the pole and its thin edge was a kind of keel in the 

water. Such stones were quite small by O'Keefe standards . Any stones over about four feet [1.2 m] across 

would certainly be recent, handled of! large ships.227 

The thought that the early stones were quite small 

presents the question of whether or not the stone 

money disks and shell money beads (gau), also used 

as a medium of exchange on Yap, have a direct connection. Did one or the other come first? Was one an 

outgrowth of the other? Several authors have pointed 

to the Far East as a possibility for the geographic 

origin of stone money.228 It would seem that at this 

point one can only say that a constant stream of crossinfusion must have existed between the shell ornamental medium of exchange and the stone ones. One 

finds the same vacillation between the two as relates 

to their values. It is never a clear "cut and dried" 

matter. As was pointed out earlier, the value depends 

not only on what one has, but also on who one is and 

with whom the exchange is made. If the thesis that 

the Yapese wielded a fearful weapon of magic and 

unexplainable power over their area is accepted, perhaps one will not object to the definition of an early 

connection between shell and stone as a transmutation 

of substances. Small disks of both shell and of stone 

are found. Tar, which is traditionally of pearl shell, is 

also made of stone. Muller describes one as a "piece 

of stone money in the shape of a pearl shell."229 

The valued triangular pendant hanging From a small 

shell necklace is most often made of a prized pinkcolored shell, sometimes of tortoise shell, and even of 

whale's tooth; but it has also been described as being 

made of stone.230 

Perhaps we can illustrate the connection by the 

following diagram: 

shells* >beads 

If we accept Kubary's assertion that glass beads were 

present and acknowledge the fact that Gifford in his 

excavations found disks made of shells, we can add to 

the diagram: 

beads< >shells< ^stones 

The importance that beads acquired in Palau can 

be credited to the great number of traders who 

reached there. Iron and glass appeared early in 

Palau. Yap, on the other hand, was more out of the 

way. If beads were known, the possibility of adding 

to the islands' fortune was not great in that area. 
NUMBER 23 21 

The idea of stone disks as a medium of exchange 

grew in isolation on Yap. The form of the earliest 

disks on Yap, be they shell or stone, appear to have 

exploded to gigantic proportions with the influx of 

the foreigners. 

The growth of the custom of stone money on Yap 

is a story of a society in transition. The place of the 

disks in the early part of the nineteenth century seems 

to have been exclusive to the chiefs as reported by 

Kotzebue and others. In the 1840s, when Cheyne 

visited Yap, the stones were "very rare." The gift 

of one was enough to cause the chief of another 

district to become jealous. It has been reported by 

De Beauclair that there are few pieces of rai on Yap 

made by the early difficult process of quarrying with 

primitive tools. In 1865 Tetens said that "only a 

limited amount of this coinage may be made at one 

time, thus assuring a controlled financial system." 

In the last half of that century the arrival of the 

foreigners with ships for transportation and iron tools 

for quarrying greatly proliferated the custom. Stones 

were numerous and available and commoners made 

the trip to Palau for their own self interest. O'Keefe 

established trade based on his transportation of the 

stones. 

In 1843, the stones were a scarce item. In 1929, a 

span of 86 years, the Japanese government counted 

13,281 stones on the island. The population of Yap, 

interestingly enough, was 7808 in 1899, while in 1925 

it had decreased to 4401.231 If one subtracts 12,000 

stones from the Japanese count of 13,281, leaving 

1281 stones on Yap in 1843, which would seem a great 

number, then it can be inferred that 12,000 were 

transported from Palau over a period of 86 years; this 

would mean an average of 139 stones a year. The 

Germans cut off the quarrying of stones in 1899, 

though obviously unsuccessfully. The 12,000 stone 

volume implies that one new stone was added to the 

Yapese money bank every 2.48 days for 86 years. 

Compared with the amount of shipping now available 

in the Trust Territory, this volume of shipping would 

appear impossible to duplicate. 

The marked increase in the pace of activities that 

occurred with the arrival of foreigners during the 

40-year period, 1875 to 1915, must have meant a 

tremendous change of life style for the Yapese, a 

change which could only now be duplicated with the 

advent of self government and increased tourism on 

Yap. The often stated hypothesis that the Yapese are 

conservative and slow to change obviously is open to 

challenge. 
Appendix 1 

Civil Action No. 25 

On 20 January 1961, the case of Choo, plaintiff, vs 

Pong, defendant, was docketed in the District Court, 

Yap District, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, 

as Civil Action No. 27. 

COMPLAINT 

1. The plaintiff lives in Dechumur village Tomil Municipality 

Yap Islands, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. 

2. The defendant lives in Bugol village Tomil Municipality 

Yap Island, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. 

3. On or about February, 1960, the defendant took and applied 

to his own use one stone money (Ray) of the value of one 

hundred and twenty-five ($125.00) dollars, belonging to 

the plaintiff and sold onto the National Museum in Detroit, 

Michigan U. S. A., which in return, he the defendant 

received one hundred and twenty-five ($125.00) dollars in 

check #1405. 

4. Therefore the plaintiff demands judgment against the defendant in the sum of one hundred and twenty-five ($125.00) 

dollars or make return of the said stone money itself to the 

plaintiff. 

On 2 February 1961, the defendant filed his answer 

demanding trial. On 6 April, the plaintiff filed 

"Motion for Request Permission to Take Deposition" 

of one Defngin, who was " leaving for Koror, Palau 

District and may not be able to return in time for 

trial . . . . " The deposition was taken the same day 

before Judge Joseph Fanechoor. The plaintiffs 

counsel was Gilganangin; the defendant's counsel 

was Frank Falounug. The deponent testified as 

follows: 

DIRECT EXAM 

C - P 

C - P 

Q. Please state your name, age, address and occupation? 

A. Defngin 

35 

Woneyan, Gagil Municipality 

Asst. Anthropologist 

0_. Have you heard about this case that are involved 

stone money being sold by Pong to U. S. 

A. Yes, I have heard about it. 

0_. Did you help prepare the story behind this stone 

money by writing it? 

A. Yes 

Court Q. What did you write? 

A. The story behind the stone money. 

C-P Q_. Was Pong the one who gave you the story? 

A. Yes 

Q_. Where? 

A. Tablau Office (old Distad Building) 

Court Q. Do you have the written story in your possession? 

A. No, Mr. Halvorsen took it. 

Q. Please tell the court about the story you wrote on 

the stone money? 

A. Pong told me that during working at Tarang, a 

man by the name of Puguu came and asked him 

for 300 yen. 

C-P Q. Did he asked for something else beside money? 

A. What I was told was only the money. 

Q. During what? 

A. During working at Tarang. 

Q. Did he get the stone money in return for the 300 

yen he was asked for? 

A. They exchanged the stone money with the 300 yen. 

CROSS EXAM 

C-D Q. Was the 300 yen written on the paper you gave 

Mr. Halvorsen? 

A. Yes 

Q. What you have said were the only things you and 

Pong talked about? 

A. There were more but I couldn't recall them. 

Q. About how long did you and Pong talked? 

A. Assuming (3 full written pages) 

Q. When was the time Puguu and Pong exchange the 

stone money with the 300 yen? 

A. During working at Tarang. 

Q. Did Pong ever told you where the stone money 

came from to Puguu? 

A. He said, "It was given to him by Fazagol" 

Q_. Did he tell you when was this actually took place? 

A. No. 

Q,. Did he tell you why Fazagol gave Puguu the stone 

money? 

A. They exchange the stone money with some tin 

roofings. 

no further question 

C-P Q. The very day the stone money was exchanged with 

the 300 yen, did you yourself didn't write it date 

down or weren't you told? 

A. I wasn't told. 

no further question from either parties. 

22 
NUMBER 23 23 

On 10 April, Chief Justice E. P. Fur ber directed 

that the case be transferred to the Trial Division of 

the High Court for the Yap District, where it became 

Civil Action No. 25. After a pre-trial conference 

held on 11 and 18 April he entered the following: 

PRE-TRIA L ORDE R 

1. Th e plaintiff Choo lives in Dechumur Village, Tamiil 

Municipality, Yap District. 

2. Th e defendant Pong lives in Bugol Village, Tamiil Municipality, Yap District. 

3. This action is for damages for alleged conversion of a 

particular piece of Yapese stone money, about five feet 

in diameter, or the return of the stone money, which the 

defendant Pong has admittedly sold or purported to sell to 

the Money Museum of the National Bank of Detroit, 

Michigan, for $125.00. Th e case, therefore, turns on whether 

the money belonged to the plaintiff Choo or the defendant 

Pong at the time of the alleged sale. The following portion 

of the history of the stone money is agreed upon:— 

a. Urun and Tamangiro, from Af Village, in Tamiil 

Municipality, went to the Palau Islands and obtained 

three pieces of stone money. They gave the larger 

piece to the people of Af Village. By agreement between 

them, Urun retained one of the smaller ones and 

Tamangiro the other smaller one. Th e piece in question 

in this action is the one retained by Urun in this division. 

b. Urun's house burned down and the people of Af village 

helped him rebuild it. In payment of this assistance, 

Urun gave the stone money now in question to the people 

of Af Village. 

c. During a "tarn" celebration given by Af Village, the 

people of Dechumur Village put on a dance about 

people going on a trip and, in appreciation for this 

dance, the people of Af Village gave the stone money 

in question, among other things, to the people of 

Dechumur Village and the stone money was removed 

to Dechumur Village and remained there until about 

Januar y 15, 1960. 

d. Some people from Dechumur Village made a trip to 

Palau and brought more stone money of various sizes. 

The piece brought in on this trip by Tama g was the 

same size as that given by Af Village to Dechumur 

Village, and this piece brought in by Tama g was given 

to Af Village and the piece now in question given to 

Tama g in exchange for the one he brought in. 

c. Tama g gave the piece now in question to his brother 

Fazagol when the latter was about to build a house. 

Fazagol gave this stone money to Puguu in payment for 

some tin roofing for the house. 

f. On or about Januar y 15, 1960, the defendant Pong, with 

a group of men gathered by him, removed the stone 

money in question from Dechumur Village over the 

protests of the plaintiff Choo who was present during 

part of the removal, protested that the stone money 

belonged to him, and told them not to remove it. Later, 

on Pong's authorization, the stone money was shipped to 

the Money Museum of the National Bank of Detroit, 

Michigan, in accordance with the agreement of sale with 

Pong under which he received $125.00 for the stone 

money. 

4. Th e plaintiff Choo claims as follows:— 

a. Choo's wife Bulum is a close relative of Puguu. She had 

three children before she married Choo and brought 

them with her to Choo's home at the time of her marriage. 

b. Puguu gave Choo the money in question in return for his 

promise to take care of the three children Bulum had 

before her marriage to Choo. This was during 1937 

before the bauxite was being carried to Taran g Island. 

c. Th e defendant Pong was the mafen of Fazagol, who had 

been adopted into Bugol Village. Pong was, therefore, 

responsible for Fazagol's children after Fazagol had died. 

Fazagol's daughter Baroy was married to Gaangred. 

Pong asked Choo for the money in question to give to 

Gaangred in connection with this marriage and Choo 

refused to give it to Pong. 

d. During American times, following a party held at Af 

Village at which Bugol Village, with the assistance of 

Palau Village, provided the tuba, some people from 

Palau, Bugol and Dechumur Villages collected in the 

men's house in Bugol and there was discussion about the 

money in question. Pong asked Puguu for the money. 

Puguu refused and told Choo that Pong had been 

asking for the money and had offered him a bill for 

twenty something for it but Puguu had refused. Pugu u 

urged Choo not to give the stone money to Pong and 

reminded Choo that Fazagol had already received 72 

pieces of tin roofing from Puguu for the money. 

e. When Pong, with Falalay, Tuguru, Gamaru u and Fireg 

came to Dechumur on or about January 15, 1960, to 

take the stone money in question, Choo protested that 

the money was his and told them not to remove it, but 

Pong insisted he had become the owner when he gave 

Puguu some sochu (liquor) in exchange for it. They 

proceeded to remove the stone money and later, on 

Pong's authorization, it was shipped to the United 

States in accordance with an agreement of sale by Pong 

under which he received one hundred twenty five dollars 

($125.00) for it. 

5. Th e defendant Pong claims as follows:— 

a. During 1938, while bauxite was being carried to Taran g 

Island, Puguu gave the stone money in question to 

Pong in exchange at that time for 28 bottles of sochu. 

Faren, Falen, as well as Pong and Puguu, were present 

at the exchange. After that Pong and his father helped 

Puguu for a long time and gave him two pieces of shell 

money and a necklace during a dance celebration at 

Talangiz Village and on another occasion helped him 

by giving three cases of beer and two and one half gallons 

of tuba. 

b. Around 1945 to 1947 Choo told Falalay, who is considered 

as a brother of Pong under Yapese custom, that Choo 

was the owner of the stone money in question. During 

the celebration of the completion of the Tamiil school, a 

group of people including the plaintiff Choo had assisted 

Pong in straightening up another piece of stone money 

belonging to him and then gathered at the men's house, 

in Bugol Village. Before offering them tuba, Pong asked 

Puguu, in a loud voice from about twenty feet away so 

that all present could hear, whether the stone money 
24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

now in question had been given to him by Puguu in the 

presence of Falen and Faren or whether it had been 

given to any one else, and Puguu stated that he had 

given it to Pong and not to any one else. Pong asked 

Choo at that time whether he heard wha t Puguu had 

said and Choo made no reply. 

c. On or about Januar y 15, 1960, Pong gathered the group 

of people that helped him carry the stone money in 

question away from Dechumur. Choo told them not to 

remove the stone money because it belonged to him 

through his wife Bulum. Pong asked if he was at the meeting in the Bugol men's house when Pong had asked 

Puguu about this stone money. Choo admitted that he 

was there, but said Puguu had winked at him and had 

privately told him that the money was really given to 

Choo. 

d. When the money in question had already been placed 

on a raft at Dechumur Village Choo told Pong he had 

heard there was to be some money paid for the stone money 

and stated that they should share it. Pong stated he would 

not give Choo any of the money if he was claiming 

ownership of the stone money, but that, if he was just 

asking for money, Pong would give him any amount he 

asked. 

6. Th e pleadings are amended.to cover the claims as stated in 

this order. 

7. Important questions on which evidence is to be presented 

are as follows:— 

a.. Did Puguu transfer the stone money in question to Choo 

before 1938? 

b. Did Puguu transfer or purport to transfer the stone money 

in question to Pong about 1938? 

i,. Wha t statements did Puguu make later as to any transfer 

he had made of the stone money to either Choo or Pong? 

d. Wha t statements have either Choo or Pong made which 

are inconsistent with their present claims? 

8. Either party may submit evidence on other matters connected with this action that are not covered by the agreements in this order. 

9. Judg e Fanechoor is believed to be disqualified to act as 

assessor at the trial of this action. Both counsel state that 

there is no objection to Judg e Falyoor acting as assessor at 

the trial. 

The case brought by Choo of Dechumur village 

against Pong of Bugol village, both residents of Tamiil 

Municipality, Yap District, was tried before Chief 

Justice Furber, 19 to 23 October 1961, at Colonia, 

Yap District. Judges Joseph Fanechoor and Falyoor 

acted as assessors, Feichin C. Faimau as interpreter, 

Florence H. Shook as reporter, Gilganangin as counsel 

for the plaintiff, and Frank Falounug as counsel for 

the defendant. There were seven witnesses (all from 

Yap District) for the plaintiff: Choo, Dechumur 

village, Tamiil Municipality; Fagaldefeg, Af village, 

Tamiil Municipality; Giltaman, Bugol village, Tamiil 

Municipality; Fillimew, Bugol village, Tamiil Municipality; Yanolang, Bugol village, Tamiil Municipality; Nuuan, Af village, Tamiil Municipality; 

Defngin, Woneyan village, Gagil Municipality (by 

deposition). There were five witnesses (all from Yap 

District) for the defendant: Pong, Bugol village, 

Tamiil Municipality; Tithirow, Palau village, Maap 

Municipality; Falalay, Dechumur village, Tamiil 

Municipality; Matmag, Atliu village, Fanif Municipality; Faren, Palau village, Maap Municipality. The 

case was taken under advisement. 

On 26 October 1961, the Chief Justice conducted a 

hearing on a motion filed that day by the defendant 

(this time not represented by counsel) wherein he 

requested the court to hold the announcement of this 

civil action at this sitting for the following reasons: 

1. Tha t the defendant unable to understand the English 

language and failed to called another witness for his side. 

2. Tha t the defendant asked his own counsel to present some 

evidence which was not shown but the counsel refuse to 

do so. 

Therefore I request to this Honorable Court to give the 

defendant another chance to present the evidence. 

The motion was denied, and a Judgment Order 

was entered. 

FINDINGS OF FACT 

1. Puguu, on behalf of Bulum, gave the stone money in question 

to the plaintiff Choo as "gidigen' ' in connection with Choo's 

marriage to Bulum and his assuming responsibility for the 

children whom she had borne prior to her marriage to Choo. 

2. This transfer of stone money from Puguu to Choo occurred 

prior to the work unde r the supervision of the Japanes e on 

Taran g Island. 

CONCLUSION S O F LAW 

1. Puguu's transfer of the stone money to Choo entirely cut off 

Puguu's rights in the stone money, and any effort he may 

have made thereafter either to transfer the stone money to 

the defendant Pong or to confirm or establish Pong's 

ownership thereof was of no legal effect. 

2. Inasmuch as this stone money was given to Choo as "gidigen" , 

under Yapese custom his rights in it are presumably held in 

common with certain of his relatives and not by him alone. 

It is believed, however, that, as against the defendant Pong, 

the plaintiff Choo is entitled to speak for his entire group and 

that Pong is accountable to Choo for the entire sum which he 

received for the stone money regardless of wha t obligation 

Choo may have to other members of his group. 

JUDGMEN T 

It is ORDERED, ADJUDGED, and DECREED that the 

plaintiff Choo who lives in Dechumur Village, Tamiil Municipality, Yap District, recover from the defendant Pong, who lives 

in Bugol Village, Tamiil Municipality, Yap District, the sum 

of one hundred twenty five dollars ($125.00) damages and one 

dollar ($1.00) costs, making a total of one hundred twenty six 

dollars ($126.00), and interest thereon at six per cent (6% ) 
NUMBER 23 25 

per year from this date until this judgment is paid in full, 

together with any lawful costs incurred in the collection thereof. 

On 20 March 1962, an affidavit by Gilganangin, 

counsel for the plantiff, Choo, was filed and Pong 

was ordered to "show cause why he should not be 

adjudged in contempt of court for failure to comply 

with the order heretofore entered by this court on the 

26th day of October, 1961, in the above entitle action, 

and why any further relief the court deems just 

should not be granted." 

On 26 March 1962, a hearing was held before 

Master Joseph Fanechoor, P.J., who thereupon made 

his report in pertinent part as follows: 

FINDIN G O F FACTS 

T h e defendant tells the court the reasons as to why he did not 

fallow the judgment order released by the Trial Division of the 

High Court in above caption proceeding, and reasons as such; 

Defendant owned some lands but there are not enough coconut trees on the lands in order for the defendant to make copra. 

Defendant is a. man of about 50 years old, unemployed and 

have seven children plus his wife gives a total numbe r of 8 

persons in his family under his care. Four out of his seven 

children are attending school while two are just babies, and the 

elder one who is a female daughter of about 21, is the only person 

in the family who works as a teacher in Tomil Elementary 

School, and her salary sum up to $22.00 a month. 

Defendant has no other suit against him and shows interest 

of willingness for payment in connection with the judgment 

order. Since the defendant's daughter started working two 

months ago, the defendant is willing and offer to pay to the 

plaintiff $11.00 on the last day of every month, which is half of 

her daughter's monthly salary. 

COUNSEL FO R TH E PLAINTIFF-GILGANANGIN 

I have no comments on part of defendant's statements. 

However, the defendant should bear in mind that the plaintiff 

himself is about 90 years old and is very ill, and have no other 

means of earning money. If the defendant pay little by little 

then the plaintiff may not live long enough to enjoy the use of 

the money he is entitled to. 

MASTER' S OPINIO N 

Defendant has 8 people in his family under his care including 

his wife. Defendant has no job at the present time, owned some 

lands but does not provide enough copra. Selling a piece of his 

lands may result in not enough lands to provide the needs for 

the future of his children. 

In view of all things mentioned above, this court concluded 

the fallowing: 

(a) Defendant is still strong in spite of his age, capable of doing 

things by means of earning money. 

(b) Defendant has a brother who is employed by the Ya p 

Constabulary, also has many relatives and friends, which 

under local custom, the defendant can ask them for help. 

In conclusion, this court feels that the defendant's ability to 

pay to the plaintiff $11.00 per month is reasonable enough and 

that if the defendant put in extra efforts he may then double the 

payment. 

On 10 May 1962, an Order in Aid of Judgment, 

signed by Paul F. Kinnare, Associate Justice, was 

entered in this case. 

Upon consideration of the master's report filed herein, it is 

ORDERED that the defendant Pong pay the plaintiff Choo 

the sum of eleven dollars ($11.00) every month commencing 

with the month of Ma y 1962 until the judgment heretofore 

entered herein is satisfied in full or until further order of this 

court. 

On 20 August 1962; a second affidavit and Order 

of Notice to Show Cause was entered. On 24 August 

1962, upon order of the court, Pong paid the entire 

$33.00 due to date and the second Order was subsequently dismissed. Approximately 14 months later 

on 18 December 1963, Counsel for the Plaintiff 

Gilganangin filed an untitled paper, which read 

as follows: 

I, Gilganangin, counsel for the plaintiff in the above-caption 

proceeding, have talked to plaintiff Choo' himself and decided 

that the interest that should bear on the judgement of the 

same case at the end of each calendar year provide that such 

judgement has not been fully satisfied, will not be paid by the 

defendant Pong. 

I ask the court to take into consideration the above request 

that the defendant Pong will not be subjected to pay the 

interest as described above, and a copy of this request has 

been sent to the defendant Pong. 

572-509 O - 75 
Appendix 2 

Yap Islands Congress, Resolution No. 10—65 

TRUS T TERRITOR Y O F TH E PACIFIC ISLANDS 

YAP ISLANDS CONGRES S 

FALL SESSION 

1965 

RESOLUTIO N NO . 10-65: LEVYIN G A TA X O N TH E 

TRANSFER O F TRADITIONA L YAPESE MONIE S AND 

OTHE R VALUABLES AND CONTROLLIN G TH E EXPOR T THEREOF , AND FO R OTHE R PURPOSES . 

BE I T ENACTED BY THE YA P ISLANDS CONGRESS THAT: 

Section 1. In order for any citizens of the Trust Territory 

resident in Yap Islands Proper to sell or give to any business 

establishment or any person who is not a citizen of the Trust 

Territory resident in Yap Islands Proper any traditional 

Yapese money or other valuables, it shall be necessary for the 

seller or the donor to first obtain a transfer of ownership document. Such document shall state the name or title of the money 

or the valuable, if any, and the selling price, or in the case of 

a gift, the estimated value of the money or other valuables. 

Such transfer of ownership document shall be cosigned by the 

Magistrate of his Municipality and the Paramount Chief of his 

village, and also by the District Administrator. Th e transfer of 

ownership of the money or other valuable shall become effective 

when the seller or donor thereof certifies on the document tha t 

he has received the stated selling price or has made the stated 

gift, as the case may be. Th e District Administrator shall 

notify the District Treasurer of any such document which he 

signs. 

Section 2. Th e District Treasurer is authorized to prescribe 

the form of the transfer of ownership document. 

Section 3. There is hereby levied upon the sale, as prescribe 

in Section 1 above, of traditional Yapese money and other 

valuables a tax of fifty per cent (50%) of the selling price. Such 

tax shall be paid by the seller of any Yapese money or other 

valuables within seven (7) days after such sale is transacted. 

The tax shall be paid to the District Treasurer. 

Section 4. There is hereby levied upon the giving, as described 

in Section 1 above, of traditional Yapese money and other 

valuables a tax of twenty-five per cent (25%) of the estimated 

value thereof. Such estimated value shall be determined by 

enactment of Yap Islands Congress. 

T h e tax levied hereunder shall be paid by the donor of any 

Yapese money or other valuables within seven (7) days after 

the gift thereof is made . Th e tax shall be paid to the District 

Treasurer. 

Section 5. In order to remove from the Yap Islands any 

traditional Yapese money or other valuables, the bearer or 

shipper thereof must have in his possession a document, prescribed by Section 1 above, certifying the ownership thereof. 

T h e District Administrator may prevent any person from 

shipping, carrying or otherwise removing any traditional Yapese 

money or other valuables for which such person does not have 

a properly signed document of ownership. 

Section 6. Th e provisions of this Resolution shall not apply 

to Yapese cultural objects presently being manufactured for 

sale or other disposition. 

Section 7. PENALTY. Any person who violates any provisions of this Resolution shall, upon conviction thereof, be 

punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars 

($500.00) or by imprisonment not to exceed six (6) months, or 

both. 

Section 8. This law shall take effect upon approval of the 

High Commissioner of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. 

Passed by the Yap Islands Congress this 19th day of November, 

1965. 

/s/ Joachim Falmog 

President, Yap Islands Congress 

/s/ Mangarfir, Jesus 

/s/ Maynard Neas 

District Administrator, Yap 

Secretary, Yap Islands Congress 

Januar y 12, 1966 

Dat e 

APPROVE D THI S 11th DAY O F March, 1966. 

/s/ M. W. Goding 

High Commissioner, Trust Territory 

of the Pacific Islands 

26 
Appendix 3 

Yap District Code, Part B, Traditional Property 

YAP DISTRICT COD E 

PART B. TRADITIONA L PROPERTY : 

(Sections 7100-7199) 

Section 7100. REGULATION OF TRANSFER OF OWNERSHIP. 

In order for any citizen of the Trust Territory resident in the 

Yap District to sell or give to any business establishment or 

any person who is not a citizen of the Trust Territory any 

traditional Yapese money or valuables, it shall be necessary 

for the seller or the donor to first obtain a transfer of ownership 

document. Such document shall state the name or title of the 

money or the valuable, if any, and the selling price, or in the 

case of a gift, the estimated value of the money or the other 

valuable. Such transfer of ownership shall be signed by the 

Magistrate of his municipality or the Paramount Chief of his 

village, or his island, and co-signed by the District Administrator. Th e transfer of ownership of the money or the other 

valuable shall become effective when the stller or the donor 

thereof certifies on the document that he has stated the selling 

price or has made the stated gift, as the case may be. Th e 

District Administrator shall notify the District Treasurer of 

any such document which he signs. Th e District Treasurer is 

authorized to prescribe the form of the transfer of ownership 

document. 

Section 7101. REMOVAL FROM YA P DISTRICT. In order to 

remove from the Yap District any traditional Yapese money 

or valuable, the bearer or shipper thereof must have in his 

possession a document, prescribed by Section 7100, certifying 

the ownership thereof. Th e District Administrator may prevent 

any person from shipping, carrying or otherwise removing any 

traditional Yapese money or other valuable for which such 

person does not have a properly signed document of ownership. 

Section 7102. EXCEPTIONS. Th e provisions of Section 7100 

and 7102 shall not apply to Yapese cultural objects presentiy 

being manufactured for sale or other disposition. 

27 
Notes 

See " References" for complete citations 

1

 A comparison of a primitive medium of exchange with an 

economic tool of our modern world was made in reference to 

Africa: "This manilla had no actual value in itself but was 

used to represent wealth—on the lines of a modern cheque.' ' 

JOHANSSON, Nigerian Currencies, p. 10. 

2

 MULLER, Yap, p. 131 (HRAF p. 228). 

3

 Th e Japanes e restricted entry to the area and, after World 

W a r II, the United States Navy imposed tight restrictions 

until 1 July 1963. Date given by the Department of the Interior, 

Office of Territories, February 1974. EINZIG, Primitive Money, 

p. 40. 

4

 PRICE, "Big Money of Yap,' ' p. 457. 

5

 MULLER, lap, p. 1 (HRAF, p. 1). Muller's version was 

repeated in 1944 by the UNITED STATES NAVY , Civil Affairs 

Handbook, p. 21 ; used in 1947-1948 by HARVARD UNIVERSITY, 

PEABODY MUSEUM, "Th e Micronesians of Yap and Their 

Depopulation, " p. 3 ; published in 1949 by HUNT , et al., The 

Micronesians of Yap and Their Depopulation, p. 3 ; and quoted 

in 1962 by LESSA, "Evaluation of Early Descriptions," p. 314 ff. 

Villalobes' coming in 1543 and Lezcano's in 1686 had been 

mentioned previously in 1907 by SALESIUS, Die KarolinenInsel Jap, pp. 1-3 (HRAF, pp. 1-3). Father Salesius of the 

Capuchin Order did field work on Yap around 1900. 

6

 LESSA, "Evaluation of Early Descriptions," p. 315. 

7

 Ibid. Also SHARP, Discovery of the Pacific Islands, p. 23. 

Sharp, however, does not mention Yap as one of the islands 

possibly sighted by Alvaro de Saavedra. 

8

 MULLER, Yap, p. 1 (HRAF, p. 1). Previously reported by 

TETENS and KUBARY, "Di e Carolineninsel Yap, " p. 126 

(HRAF, p. 58). Buenos dias, matelotas may be translated "Good 

morning, seafarers!" Matalotes is found in both Spanish and 

Portuguese, though now obsolete. According to the Language 

Services Division of the U.S. Department of State, February 

1974, the word came into both languages from the French 

matelot, meaning "seafarer." Th e UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT 

OF THE INTERIOR, OFFICE OF GEOGRAPHY, NIS Gazetteer West 

Pacific Islands, p. 71, lists four different spellings of this word as 

previous names for Ngulu Atoll, Caroline Islands. 

9

 In the seventeenth century there are accounts of Yapese 

lost at sea who had drifted to the Philippines where they heard 

the Spanish language. See KRAMER, Palau, p . 31. 

10

 SHARP , Discovery of the Pacific Islands, pp. 79-80. 

11

 CANTOVA, "Lettr e du P. Jea n Cantova, " and CLAIN, 

"Lettr e de Pere Paul Clain. " 

12

 CANTOVA, "Lettr e du P. Jea n Cantova, " p. 216. 

13

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 182. 

14

 Ibid., p. 183. 

15

 CHAMISSO, Reise urn die Welt, p. 377 (extract translated by 

Carl Jaeschke, Smithsonian Institution). 

16

 Welcome to Yap, p. 5. Th e taboo is also mentioned in relation 

to the stone money by MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the 

Ethnography of Micronesia," p. 164: "Th e Yapese do not like 

to have them touched by foreigners." 

17

 DUMONT D'URVILLE , Voyage au Pole Sud et dans L'Oceanie, 

p. 208 (extract translated by author). 

18

 Captain Cheyne's vessel brought to Yap the then deadly 

sickness, influenza. Finally, in the 1860s after "defrauding the 

natives of Koror and defaulting on his indebtedness," as well as 

supplying arms and ammunition to their enemies, the Palauans 

retaliated and brutally killed Cheyne. UNITED STATES NAVY, 

Civil Affiairs Handbook, p. 28. 

19

 SHINEBERG, Trading Voyages of Andrew Cheyne, p. 14. Cheyne 

did speak of the earlier though infrequent traffic tha t had been 

established with Ya p by other European vessels which had been 

there. Man y had been attacked and the crews massacred. 

Captain Cheyne took on board ship Lorio, a young man from 

Manila, who was himself from a crew of an attacked Spanish 

ship. See also CHEYNE, Description of Islands, p. 154. 

Muller stated that early European settlements must have been 

formed by the beginning of the nineteenth century. "Th e 

natives have a dim recollection of it." Ther e were "vestiges of 

the stay on Yap in the few earthen plates which the natives 

hold in high esteem." MULLER, Tap, p. 4 (HRAF, p. 4). 

20

 CHEYNE, Description of Islands, p. 148. 

21

 SHINEBERG, Trading Voyages of Andrew Cheyne, p. 248. 

22

 Ibid., Beche-de-mer (spelled "biche de mer " by Cheyne) 

is trepang or sea cucumber. 

23

 Ibid., p . 249. 

24

 Ibid. 

25

 Ibid., p. 261. 

26

 Ibid., pp. 14, 264-265, 281-284. 

27

 Muller reported on the location of rai. "Th e smaller ones 

are stored in houses, the larger ones stand leaning against the 

foundation or flanking the village roads and the large platforms 

in front of the clubhouses." MULLER, Yap, p. 130 (HRAF p . 224). 

28

 SHINEBERG, Trading Voyages of Andrew Cheyne, p. 264. 

29

 Ibid., p. 264, footnote 37. 

30

 SHINEBERG, Trading Voyages of Andrew Cheyne, p. 22-

31

 TETENS, Among the Savages of the South Seas, p. xxx. 

32

 SHINEBERG, Trading Voyages of Andrew Cheyne, p. 250. 

Editor Shineberg states tha t the "village" Rull was actually " a 

district and leader of a powerful alliance." 

33

 TETENS, Among the Savages of the South Seas, p. 12. 

34

 Ibid., pp. 62-63. 

35

 LESSA, "Evaluation of Early Descriptions," p. 335. 

36

 Ibid., p. 351. This is documented by Lessa as Francisco 

Carrasco, "Carolines: Descubbrimiente y descripcion de las 

islas Garbanzos, " Boletin de la Sociedad geografica de Madrid, 

vol. 10, no. 2(1881 ):264. 

37

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 19. 

38

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 102 (HRAF , p. 111). 

28 
NUMBER 23 29 

39

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage, p. 58 (HRAF p. 24). 

40

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 205. 

4 1

 TETENS and KUBARY, "Die Carolineninsel Yap," p. 126 

(HRAF, p. 58). 

42

 LESSA, "Evaluation of Early Descriptions," p. 362. 

43

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 193. 

44

 Ibid., p. 183. 

45

 Ibid., pp. 193-194. 

46

 SPOEHR, White Falcon, p. 72. 

47

 MULLER, Tap, p. 27 (HRAF, p. 47). Muller was quoting 

Kubary. 

48

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p . 57 (HRAF, p. 21). 

4 9

 TETENS and KUBARY, "Die Carolineninsel Yap, " p. 127 

(HRAF, p. 59), mention the schooner Dash from Boston, 

which visited Yap in 1834, and the full-rigged ship Ebba Brahe, 

which was stranded there in 1864. CHEYNE, Description of 

Islands, p. 154, tells of the two Manila ships that were attacked 

by the Yapese in 1836. 

50

 TETENS, Among the Savages of the South Seas, pp. 6-8, and 

SEMPER, Die Palau-Inseln im stillen Ocean, pp. 42, 255. 

51

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld," p. 4. 

52

 UNITED STATES NAVY , Civil Affairs Handbook, p. 28. 

53

 BUTRON Y DE LA SERNA, Memoria sobre las Islas Carolinas, 

p. 24. 

54

 SPOEHR, White Falcon, p. 47; UNITED STATES NAVY , Civil 

Affairs Handbook, p. 28. 

"LEHUNTE , "Report of HM S Espiegle to Sir G. W. Des 

Voeux, Acting High Commissioner for the Western Pacific," 

p. 28. Loaned to the author by Dr. Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, who copied the manuscript from Professor 

Harry Maude , retired, Department of Pacific History, Australian National University. 

56

 UNITED STATES NAVY, Civil Affairs Handbook, p. 28. 

57

 "Die Entwickelung der Deutschen Interessen in der 

Siidsee," pp. 367—374. 

58

 UNITED STATES NAVY, Civil Affairs Handbook, p. 28. 

59

 BUTRON Y DE LA SSSRNA, Memoria sobre las Islas Carolinas, 

p. 3, and MARENCO, La ficcion y la Verdad de lo ocurrido en Tap, 

p. 120. 

60

 LEHUNTE , "Report of HM S Espiegle, p. 25. 

61

 Ibid., p. 30. 

62

 Ibid., pp. 27-28. 

63

 MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of 

Micronesia," p. 164. Th e second American mentioned may 

have been a Mr. Holcomb, proprietor of the Bartola, who was 

mentioned by BUTRON Y DE LA S£RNA, Memoria sobre las Isles 

Carolinas, p. 25. 

64

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 51. 

65 "Walte r Charlton Hartridge. " 

68

 O'KEEFE , "Last Will and Testament. " 

6 7

 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, BUREAU OF 

THE CENSUS, Historical Statistics of the United States, p. 91. 

68

 SUTLIVE, "Savannah Ma n was King, " p. 5, and Deeken, 

Die Karolinen, p. 55. 

69

 HOBBS, Cruises Along By-Ways of the Pacific, p. 86. This 

expedition had a grant from the Honorable Chase S. Osborn, 

one time Governor of Michigan and regent of the University 

of Michigan. It was supported by the Navy Departments of 

the United States and of Japan , and sailed under the auspices 

of the University of Michigan. 

70

 EINZIG, Primitive Money, p. 393. 

71

 UNITED STATES NAVY, Civil Affairs Handbook, p. 24, and 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY, PEABODY MUSEUM, "Th e Micronesians 

of Yap, " p. 219. 

72

 MULLER, Tap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 222). 

73

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p. 153. 

74

 Robert Halvorsen, District Administrator, Yap, to Saul 

Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 10 December 1959, 

Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #228,912, 

catalog #400,073. D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap. " p . 

153, says tha t Yapese believe it is "derived from the Ulithian 

word for sexual intercourse." Defngin, "Th e Rai of Yap, " p. 17, 

says that/i?« orffey is Ulithian in origin and refers to the reproductive functions. He adds, "Whe n the first discus-shaped piece 

of stone was quarried, the Ulithian in the group stated that the 

word fee meant full moon, the obvious shape of the piece of 

stone." 

7 5

 TETENS and KUBARY, "Die Carolineninsel Yap, " p. 93 

(HRAF, p. 222). 

76

 ROBERTSON, "Caroline Islands," p. 48. 

77

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 83 (HRAF, p . 29). 

T h e definition of a span as the stretch of the index finger and 

thumb was given by FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 96. 

78

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld," p. 5. 

79

 MULLER, Tap, p. 249 (HRAF, p . 418). 

80

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 50 (HRAF, p. 4). 

81

 MULLER, Yap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 224). 

82

 Robert Halvorsen, District Administrator, Yap, to Saul 

Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 21 Januar y 1960, Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #228,912, catalog 

#400,073. 

83

 TETENS and KUBARY, "Die Carolineninsel Yap, " p . 93 

(HRAF, p. 18). 

84

 LEHUNTE , "Report of HM S Espiegle;' p. 25. 

8 5SWANSTON, "Journals 1857-1866, 1874-1885," p. 8. 

Loaned to the author by Dr. Saul Riesenberg. 

8 6

 ESCUDE Y BARTOLI, Las Carolinas, p. 79. 

87

 BUTRON V DE LA SERNA, Memoria sobre las Islas Carolines, 

p. 42. 

88

 MIKLUOHO-MACLAY, "Die Insel Wuap, " pp. 40-45. 

89

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 236. 

90

 FINSCH, Carolinen und Marianen p. 49. 

91

 VOLKENS, "Ube r die Karolinen-Insel Yap, " p. 74 (HRAF , 

p. 14). 

92

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 95 (HRAF, p . 103). 

93

 LUTJE, Beitrag zu einer Landeskunde des Karolinen-Archipels, 

p. 103. 

94

 See Table, rai numbers 128-142, Hans Schulman pieces 

offered for auction. 

9

= MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of 

Micronesia," p. 162. 

oo SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 96 (HRAF, pp. 

103-104). 

97

 FINSCH, Carolinen und Marianen, p. 49. 

98

 MULLER, Tap, p. 131 (HRAF, p. 227). 

99

 Ibid. 

100

 ROBERTSON, "Caroline Islands," p. 49. 

ioi MULLER, Tap, p. 131 (HRAF, p. 227). 

102

 Francis Defngin, Office of the District Administrator, 

Yap, "History of Stone," Smithsonian Institution Registrar's 

file, accession #228,912, catalog #400,073. 

103

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p. 153. 
30 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

104

 HERNSHEIM, Siidsee-Erinnerungen, p. 20. 

105

 EINZIG, Primitive Money, p. 36. 

1 0 6

 MULLER, Tap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 224), and D E BEAUCLAIR, 

"Stone Money of Yap, " p. 153. 

1 0 7

 MULLER, Tap, p. 130 (HRAF, p. 224), and D E BEAUCLAIR, 

"Stone Money of Yap, " p. 154. 

108

 Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology, 

accession #227,555, catalog #297,772. 

109

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p. 154. 

110

 Ibid. 

111

 Ibid., p. 156. 

112

 Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology, 

catalog #176,089 (no. 2). 

113

 MULLER, Tap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 224). 

114

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 97. 

115

 This may also be found in numismatic accounts, for 

example: OBOJSKI, "Stone Money from Yap, " p. 69. 

116

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p . 156. 

117

 Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology, 

accession #228,912, catalog #400,073. 

118

 Francis Defngin to author, 7 April 1972. 

119

 UNITED STATES NAVY, Civil Affairs Handbook, p. 181. 

120

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " pp. 154—155. 

121

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 95. 

122

 Ibid., p. 45. 

123

 MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of 

Micronesia," p. 165. 

124

 MULLER, Tap, p. 258 (HRAF, p. 431). 

125

 Ibid., p. 263 (HRAF, p. 441). 

126

 Ibid., p. 258 (HRAF, p. 431), and p. 262 (HRAF, p. 437). 

127

 ROBERTSON, "Caroline Islands," p. 48. 

128 "Deutsche Niederlassungen in der Siidsee," p. 97. 

129

 MULLER, Tap, p. 88 (HRAF, p. 153). 

130

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p . 45. 

131

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 291. 

132

 MULLER, Tap, p. 133 (HRAF, p . 231). 

133

 MAHONEY, "Projective Psychological Findings in Palau 

Personality," p. 22. 

134

 Ibid., p. 14. Also FURNAS, Anatomy of Paradise, p. 382. 

135

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 83 (HRAF, 

p. 29). 

136

 HERNSHEIM, Siidsee-Erinnerungen, p. 20. 

137

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discvoery, p. 210. 

138

 MULLER, lap, p. 223 (HRAF, p. 378). 

139

 Ibid, p. 268 (HRAF, p. 450). 

140

 Ibid., p. 254 (HRAF, p. 424). 

141

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 60 (HRAF, 

p. 28). 

142

 Francis Defngin to author, 7 April 1972. 

143

 MULLER, Tap, p. 133 (HRAF, p. 231). 

144

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld, " pp. 9-10. 

145 TETENS, Among the Savages of the South Seas, p. 63. 

14B

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld, " p. 4. 

147

 Ibid., p. 5. 

148

 Ibid., p. 10. 

149

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 210. 

150

 Danish National Museum, Copenhagen, Denmark, 

Ethnographical Department, to author, 10 March 1972. For 

relative comparison, only, the exchange rate of various foreign 

currencies compared to the then current United States dollar 

was as follows: 

1875 Denmark 1 crown U. S. $ . 2675 

1881,1905,1910 German Empire 1 mark .238 

1895, 1896 Netherlands 1 florin . 402 

1915, 1916 Japa n 1 yen 4985 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY, BUREAU 

OF THE MINT , Annual Report, 1875, p. 43 ; 1881, p. 42; 1895, 

p. 54; 1896, p. 67; 1905, p. 48 ; 1910, p. 64; 1915, p. 66; 1916, 

p. 217. 

151

 MIKLUCHO-MACLAY, "Die Insel Wuap, " p. 44. 

152 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Frankfurt, Germany, to 

author, 3 Jun e 1972. 

153

 MEINICKE, Polynesien und Mikronesien, p. 98. 

154

 BUTRON V DE LA SERNA, Memoria sobre las Islas Carolines, 

p. 42. 

155

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 291. 

156 "Deutsche Niederlassungen in der Siidsee," p . 97. 

157

 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, Germany, to author, 

19 November 1971. This piece was sold in 1931 to Th e Chase 

Manhattan Bank in New York City, New York. 

158

 Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden, Th e Netherlands, to author, 19 November 1971. 

159

 SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 60 (HRAF, 

p. 28). 

160

 Hamburgisches Museum fur Volkerkunde, Hamburg , 

Germany, accession #823:05. 

161

 Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #48,520, 

catalog #248,987. These items were originally cataloged to 

total 26, though Dr. Hough, then chairman of the Department 

of Anthropology, changed this to 27 before authorizing payment. Th e last item indicated on the bill that was presented by 

Mr. Costenoble of Guam lists "1 shell money Yap—$5.00. " 

It is not clear if this is the same item as that listed by Dr. Hough 

as "1 ornament " or the one indicated as "one stone disc." 

Perhaps the five dollars asked by Mr. Costenoble referred to the 

"stone disc" or stone money rather than to the shell money. 

It is impossible to say at this time. Th e current policy of the 

Smithsonian Institution is that Government funds are not available for the purchase of items for the collections. 

162

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 101. 

163

 EINZIG, Primitive Money, p. 40, and QUIGGIN, Survey of 

Primitive Money, p. 145. 

161

 BRYAN, "Money of the Pacific Islanders," p. 432. 

165

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 101. 

166

 Ibid. 

167

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 100 (HRAF, p . 108). 

Today a ton of copra sells for $182.50 to $162.50, depending on 

quality (Department of the Interior, Office of Territories, 

19 February 1974). See also Highlights, 1 December 1973, p. 1. 

168 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Frankfurt, Germany, to author, 

3 Jun e 1972. 

169

 Hamburgisches Museum fur Volkerkunde, Hamburg , 

Germany, accession 823:05. 

170

 MULLER, Tap, p. 131 (HRAF, p. 227). 

171

 DEEKEN, Die Karolinen, p. 55. 

172

 MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of 

Micronesia," p. 164. 

173

 The University of Tokyo, Library, Tokyo, Japan , to 

author, 27 December 1971. 
NUMBER 23 31 

174

 MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of 

Micronesia," p. 164. 

175

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 101. 

176

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 148 (HRAF, p. 166). 

Repeated in UNITED STATES NAVY, Civil Affairs Handbook, 

p. 44. 

177

 Ibid., p. 44. 

178

 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, Germany, to author, 

24 November 1971. 

179

 The Chase Manhatta n Bank Money Museum, New York 

City, New York, to author, 30 November 1971. 

180

 PRICE, Japan's Islands of Mystery, p. 80. 

181

 The Chase Manhatta n Money Museum did not wish to 

have quoted the prices paid for the rai. 

182

 The address of the Pittsburgh Numismatic Museum as 

indicated on correspondence concerning this rai is the same as 

that of Mr. Gibb's residence as given in the Pittsburgh telephone book of 1933. 

183

 T. Miura, First Secretary, Japanese Embassy, Washington, 

to Senator David A. Reed, 21 December 1933. 

184

 Senator D. A. Reed to H. D. Gibbs, 16 February 1934. 

185

 Endo & Kotachi, Inc., New York, bill concerning charges 

for stone money shipped on M.S. Nankai Maru, to Consulate 

of Japan, New York City, New York, 1 March 1934. 

1 8 6

 SCHULMAN COIN AND MINT , INC. Auction catalog, 18-20 

Jun e 1971, p. 102. During the same sale a piece about 16 cm 

(6% in) larger sold for $1,100 (prices realized). 

187

 National Bank of Detroit, Money Museum, Detroit, 

Michigan, to author, 26 November 1971. 

1 8 8

 UNITED STATES TRUST TERRITORY OF THE PACIFIC 

ISLANDS, TRIA L DIVISION OF THE HIG H COURT, Civil Action 25, 

Pretrial Order, 18 April 1961. 

189

 Ibid., Judgmen t Orde r (E. P. Furber, Chief Justice), 

26 October 1961. 

190 National Bank of Detroit, Money Museum, Detroit, 

Michigan, to author, 26 November 1971. 

191

 In Micronesia, lineage is not a casual affair. The facts are 

memorized and known by many. 

192

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 98 (HRAF, p. 106). 

193

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 106. 

194

 According to SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 100 

(HRAF, p. 108), who reckoned a ton of copra at 120-260 

marks. 

195

 Equivalents according to CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p . 

270: 2 sticks of tobacco = 1 large fowl, 1 stick of tobacco = 

1 small fowl. Equivalents according to SENFFT, "Ethnographische Beitrage," p. 83 (HRAF, p. 29): 1 stick of tobacco = 

10 coconuts, 10 sticks of tobacco = 1 fathom of cloth. Equivalents according to FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 106: 1 large 

pilot biscuit=3 coconuts, 1 stick of "nigger-head" tobacco and 

Japanese safety matches = 6 coconuts. 

198

 SALESIUS, Die Karolinen-Insel Jap, p. 168 (HRAF, p. 188). 

197

 Ibid., p. 92 (HRAF, p. 100). 

198

 Ibid., p. 97 (HRAF, p. 105). 

199

 Robert Halvorsen, District Administrator, Yap, to Dr. 

Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 10 March 1960, 

Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #228,912. 

200

 See Appendix 3. 

201

 Francis Defngin, Office of the District Administrator, to 

Dr. Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 7 November 

1961, and Robert Halvorsen, District Administrator, Yap, to 

Dr. Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 5 November 

1959, Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession 

#228,912. 

202

 Francis Defngin, Office of the District Administrator, to 

Howard Van Zandt, Vice President, International Telephone 

and Telegraph Corp., Tokyo, Japan , 21 April 1965. Stone 

money file, Office of the District Administrator, Yap. 

203

 Jame s Flannery, District Administrator, Yap to David 

Boyer, National Geographic Society, 6 March 1968, stone 

money file, Office of the District Administrator, Yap. 

204

 See Table. Stones purchased by Daniels (nos. 113-115), 

1968; by Robinson (no. 126), 1971; and by Sedore (no. 143), 

1971, were cited as $3.50 per inch (per 2.5 cm). Stone money 

file, Office of the District Administrator, Yap. 

205

 See Table, rai numbers 128-142, Schulman pieces. 

206

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 319, and MULLER, Tap, 

p. 129 (HRAF, p. 222). 

207

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 319. 

208

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 203. 

209

 CHRISTIAN, Caroline Islands, p. 319, mentions as a variant 

the shape of a fish. Th e shape of a turtle was added to this in 

CHRISTIAN, "O n Micronesian Weapons, " p. 300, but MULLER, 

Yap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 222), mentions only the shape of a new 

moon. 

DEFNGIN, "Th e Rai of Yap, " p. 16, states that the first shape 

was that of a whale. His version of the first piece of stone money 

varies from the others in that the fishermen from Rul village 

were driven by a storm to Palau. After finding the stone and 

returning home to Yap, they went to the king and gave him 

the stone. "They told the king that they had almost lost their 

lives while catching fish for him, and therefore the stone fish 

should be acceptable to the king, and considered as even more 

valuable than other Yapese treasures." 

210

 KOTZEBUE, Voyage of Discovery, p. 206. Kotzebue was told 

by Kad u about Enopei, an artist in conjuration, who at night 

in the full moon prepared a cake of taro dough. As he ate the 

cake, the shape of the moon was altered accordingly. He 

re-rolled the cake into a circle and again the moon became full. 

Simultaneously, the shape of the moon and of the cake increased 

and decreased as the conjurer decreed. 

D E BEAUCLAIR, "Some Ancient Beads of Yap and Palau, " 

p. 1, told the story of Giluai who went to the sky-world where 

he obtained beads, the largest of which was "crescentic in 

shape." 

211

 D E BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p. 151, ftn. 1. 

212

 MULLER, Yap, p. 131 (HRAF, p. 228). 

213

 WALLESER, "Religiose Anschauungen," p. 616. TETENS 

and KUBARY, "Carolineninsel Yap, " p. 109 (HRAF, p. 37), 

includes a vocabulary of Yap by J. T. Blohm and Alfred Tetens. 

Here kann is translated as "ghost " and also as "god. " 

214

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld," p. 25. 

215

 Ibid. 

218

 MICKLUCHO-MACLAY, "Die Insel Wuap, " p. 44. 

217

 MULLER, Yap, p. 130 (HRAF, p. 225). 

218

 Ibid. 

2,9

 PETRI, "Typenanalyse der Geldformen Ozeaniens," p. 

316. The "younger " type was also mentioned by MULLER, Tap, 
32 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

p . 132 (HRAF, pp. 228-229), who said "according to tradition 

the mbul or ma t money was invented to compete with the fa. 

When people of Rul and Tamil were able to procure the latter 

the west coast villages became jealous and made ma t money 

which accordingly would be more recent. " 

220

 GIFFORD and GIFFORD , "Archaeological Excavations in 

Yap, " pp. 198-199. 

221

 Ibid., p. 193. Gifford states that according to Professor 

Francis J. Turne r of the Department of Geology, University 

of California, the stone may be phosphate. 

222

 Ibid. 

223

 Ibid., p. 194. 

224

 Ibid., p. 193. 

225

 Ibid., p. 205. 

226

 Robert Halvorsen, District Administrator, Yap, to Dr. 

Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian Institution, 21 Januar y 1960. 

Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #228,912. 

227

 D.M. Schneider, Department of Anthropology, University 

of California, Berkeley, to Dr. Saul Riesenberg, Smithsonian 

Institution, 25 Januar y 1960, Smithsonian Institution Registrar's file, accession #228,912. 

228

 KUBARY, "Ube r das einheimische Geld, " p. 27. D E 

BEAUCLAIR, "Stone Money of Yap, " p. 151, points to the 

similarity of the Chinese jade disc pi. 

229

 MULLER, Yap, p. 129 (HRAF, p. 222), pi. 36, no. 5. 

230

 FURNESS, Island of Stone Money, p. 61, and MATSUMURA, 

"Contributions to the Ethnography of Micronesia," p. 107. 

231

 HUNT , et al., Micronesians of Yap, p. 36, table 1. 
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"Tre e Dedicated to Captain O'Keefe. " Savannah Evening Press, 

14 Januar y 1954. 

"Uncl e Sam Wants the Isle of Yap. " Savannah Evening Press, 

23 November 1939. 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, BUREAU OF THE 

CENSUS. Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial 

Times to 1957. Washington, D. C : Government Printing 

Office, 1961. 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT O F THE INTERIOR, OFFICE O F 

GEOGRAPHY. NIS Gazetteer West Pacific Islands. Washington, 

D. C : Central Intelligence Agency, 1957. 

UNITE D STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY, BUREAU OF 

T HE MINT . Annual Report of the Director of the Mint to the 

Secretary of the Treasury. Washington, D. C : Government 

Printing Office, 1875, 1881, 1895, 1896, 1905, 1910, 1915, 

1916. 

UNITED STATES NAVY . Civil Affairs Handbook: West Caroline 

Islands OPNAV 50E-7. Washington, D. C : Office of the 

Chief of Navy Operations, Navy Department, 1 April 1944. 

UNITED STATES TRUS T TERRITORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS. 

Stone Money File, Office of the District Administrator, Yap . 

UNITED STATES TRUS T TERRITORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS, 

TRIA L DIVISION OF THE HIG H COURT. Civil Action 25, 1961. 

UTINOMI, HUZIO . Bibiliography of Micronesia. (Bibliographia 

Micronesia: Scientiae Naturalis et Cultas). Edited and revised 

by O. A. Bushnell, Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1952. 

VOLKENS, G. "Ube r die Karolinen-Insel Yap " ["Concerning 

the Carolines Island of Yap"]. Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft 

fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin, volume 28 (1901), pages 62-76. 

[Translated for Yale Cross Cultural File, 1942. Huma n 

Relations Area Files, 1968.] 

WALLESER, P. SIXTUS. "Religiose Anschauungen und Gebrauche der Bewohner von Ja p (Deutsche Siidsee)." Anthropos, volume 8 (1913), pages 607-629 and 1044-1068. 

"Walte r Charlton Hartridge, " Page 435 in volume 33 of The 

National Cyclopaedia of American Biography. Ann Arbor, 

Michigan: University Microfilms, 1967. 

Welcome to Yap. Yap : Office of the District Administrator, Yap, 

Western Caroline Islands, October 1966. 

Western Pacific {New Guinea and Islands Northward). (Volume 4 

in Pacific Islands.) British Naval Intelligence Division, H. M . 

Service, 1945. 

WOOD , HOWLAND . "Th e Stone Money of Yap. " The Numismatist, volume 19, numbe r 1 (Januar y 1906), pages 7-11 . 

ZERBE, FARRAN. "Stone Money of the Island of Yap. " The 

Numismatist, volume 45, numbe r 1 (January 1932), pages 

10-13. 
NUMBER 23 37 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired 

ThickDiameter ness 

Hole Value at 

diam- time of 

eter acquisition 

Surface 

OWNE D BY MUSEUMS AND INSTITUTIONS 

AUSTRI A 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Vienna 

// 

CHIN A 

Institute of 

Ethnology, 

Academia 

Sinica, Taipei, 

Taiwan 

DENMAR K 

Danish National 

Museum, 

Copenhagen 

GERMAN Y 

Staatliche Mu -

seen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Berlin 

// 

90409 

a 

-

I.e. 447 

V I 7883a 

V I 7883b 

Finsch 

collection 

// 

Inez de 

Beauclair 

Captain 

Ravnkilde 

Kubary 

a 

*7 

*8 

*9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

// 

a 

a 

UberseeMuseum, 

Bremen 

a 

a 

a 

Staatliches 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Dresden 

a 

V I 20665 

V I 20666 

V I 46909 

D 3371 

D578 6 

D578 7 

D 13940 

35068 

42575 

Prof. Volkei 

a 

M a x Kelling 

-

-

-

Umlauff 

collection 

1910 

1961 

1877 

1885 

1925 

1929 

35-34 

29X2 4 

8.0-7.5 

4.3 

1901 

a 

1961, collected on 

Yap, 1900 

12 

9.5 

26.5-24 

40-38 65 m m 

m m 

13 mm 

6.5X6.5 

19X18 

18X18 

89X82 

24.8 

ca. 40-45 

10 Danish 

crowns 

Equal to 

pearl 

shell 

Rough, 

porous 

See footnotes at end of table. 
38 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

*16 

*17 

*18 

19 

20 

*21 

*22 

*23 

*24 

*25 

*26 

*27 

*28 

*29 

Location 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Frankfurt am 

Main 

n 

Hamburgisches 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Hambur g 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig 

a 

Accessions 

number 

51597 

51598 

53535 

NS2 4 

244 

NS2 8 

895 

E400 8 

E400 9 

823:05 

1168" 

M214 

1169 " 

M218 

1325 " 

M315 

1341 " 

M391 

M i 500 

M i 501 

See footnotes at end of table. 

Acquired 

from 

-

-

Tear 

acquired 

1952 

» 

1961 

Diameter 

4.8X3.7 

7.4 

25 

Thick- Hole 

ness diameter 

-

-

No documentation. "Foun d without mark of registration in 

Purchased from 

daughter of 

collector, 

August 

Mockel, who 

visited Yap 

1879-1883 

Consul F. 

Hernsheim 

a 

Dr. H. Hallier 

who purchased it 

from Chief 

Ruipung, 

1903 

Loan from 

Hamburgische Wissenschaftliche 

Stiftung. 

Acquired: 

Siidsee Expedition, Dr. 

Muller. 

» 

n 

a 

Purchased from 

Godeffroy 

firm 

a 

1932 

(1879-

1883) 

1903 

" 

30 Oct 

1903 

1908-1910 

it 

a 

a 

1885 

a 

28 

60 

71 

22 

14.5X11 

3.5-4.5 

66.5 

53 

5-6 

19.5 

13 

16 

6.5 

3 

-

13 

12 

-

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

-

--

the magazine 

Collector 

said 

"repre -

sents 

value of 

about 40 

mark " 

-

10 mark 

-

-

-

-

Surface 

-

-

during 1908. " 

Stepped 

a 

Bamboo 

stick 

(26cm) 

used for 

transporting 

stone 

Stepped 

-

-

Smooth 

Rough 
NUMBER 23 39 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired 

ThickDiameter ness Hole Value at 

diam- time of 

eter acquisition 

Surface 

Mi 502 

M i 503 

M i 504 

M i 505 

M i 506 

Mi 507 

M i 512 

M i 647 

M i 3387 

Mi 3388 

M i 4739 

Mi 4744 

Mi 4610 

Mi 4611 

Mi 4746 

a-c 

Without 

number, 

records 

destroyed 

Linden-Museum 109 560 

Gesellschaft 

fur Erd-und 

Volkerkunde, 

Stuttgart 

See footnotes at end of table. 

*30 

*31 

*32 

*33 

*34 

*35 

36 

'37 

*38 

*39 

*40 

*41 

*42 

*43 

*44 

*45 

*46 

•47 

*48 

Gift of Jaluit 

Society 

(Hernsheim) 

Gift of Arno 

Senfft 

Purchased from 

Lorenzen 

Transfer from 

Archaeological 

Museum, 

Weimar 

a 

Purchased from 

Deubner 

a 

Purchased from 

Schroder 

1904 

1904 

1911, collected 

1909 

a 

1957 

1960 

1969 

Gift of Ernst 

Heinrich, 

Stuttgart Bad 

Cannstatt 

(private collector of 

Oceanic & 

African Art) 

July 1932 

6.5-^.0 

5 

7.7-4.5 

7-4 

8 ^ 

5.5-4.0 

70 

82-70 

15.5-13.5 

22.5-22.0 

13-12 

12.5-8.5 

10.5 

13 

4, 3.5, 3 

71-66 

53-50 

8-7 

6.3-6.1 

Unworked 

surface, 

center 

hole 

Unworked 

(specimen missing—lost after war damage ) 

14 (at 

rim 

6-3) 

12 

10.5 12 

Thre e pieces 

strung together 

11 

1.4 (at 

rim 

•7) 

9-8 

1.3-1.2 Stepped 
40 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thickness 

2.6-2.5 

(at 

rim 

1.8-

1.7) 

5.4 (at 

Hole 

diameter 

6.2-6.0 

8 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

-

Surface 

Broken and 

repaired 

-

*49 120 541 22 Nov 

1958 

22.5-21 

•50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

•56 

*57 

a Records 

lost 

GREA T BRITAI N 

British Museum, 

Ethnography 

Department, 

London 

JAPA N 

Tokyo National 

Museum, 

Tokyo 

a 

a 

a 

T h e University 

of Tokyo, 

Department of 

Anthropology, 

99-23 

No number 

29875 

30605 

31488 

31489 

Faculty of Science, 

Tokyo 

Collected by 

F. W. 

Christian 

H. G. Beasley 

collection 

(Granmore 

Museum) 

Gift of Ukichi 

Taguchi who 

acquired it on 

Yap 

Gift of Mr. 

Sadajiro 

Shibata 

Gift of Chief of 

Yap on 

occasion of 

visit to Japa n 

ii 

Presented by 

Chief from 

Y a p on 

occasion of 

visit to 

Ministry of 

the Navy, 

Japan 

1899 

1944 

20 Oc t 

1891 

M a r 1903 

M a r 1915 

a 

Aug 1915 

39 

51 

46. 5 

31. 7 X 

30.25 

24.35 

77.8 X 

63. 6 

54. 8 X 

46. 9 

85 X 68 

2.0) 

4.75 

4.5 

10.0 

5.4 

12. 05 9. 65 

7.5 13.0 

15 

(note a) 

- Stepped 

Valued by Rough, 

donors weathered 

at 500 

yen. 

(note b) 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 41 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thick- Hole 

diameter 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Surface 

T H E NETHERLAND S 

•58 

59 

Rijksmuseum 

voor Volkenkunde, Leiden 

1109-36 Gift of Mr. 

P. K. A. 

Meerkamp van 

Embden, 

Consul of the 

Netherlands 

in Manila 

1896 ca. 24 ca. 2 

Museum voor 

land-en 

Volkenkunde, 

Rotterdam 

Purchased from 

estate of German physician, 

Dr. Lau, who 

purchased it 

in village of 

Dulukan, 

Yap, 1909 

1951, collected 

1909 

25.5 -

22. 5 

*60 

SWEDE N 

Svenska 

Handelsbanken, Stockholm 

•61 

SWITZERLAN D 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Basel 

Vc 47 

Acquired from 

Yapese citizen 

through administration, 

transported 

from LamerNgaff village, 

1967 

Purchased from 1911 

RautenstrauchJoest Museum 

fur Volkerkunde, 

Cologne, 

Germany 

M a r 1967 150-100 20-15 

Donor's 

comment, 

"value 

equal to a 

sack of 

copra 

equalling 

an 

amount 

of about 

D. Fl . 

1,50" 

Rough, 

interesting tool 

(?) mark 

around 

lip o" 

hole 

Stepped 

$30 per foot 

or $150 

Rough, 

weathered 

Piece strung 

with 

coconut 

rope 

See footnotes at end of table. 
42 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired 

ThickDiameter Hole 

diameter 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Surface 

*62 

^63 

'64 

:

65 

66 

'67 

a 

a 

a 

a 

Bernisches 

Historisches 

Museum, 

Berne 

U.S.S.R. 

Museum of 

Anthropology 

and Ethnography, 

Leningrad 

Vc 48 

Vc 254 

Vc 255 

Vc 99 

Mikr. 37 

N 168-

188i 

// 

a 

n 

Acquired from 

Mr. 

Koniezko by 

Prof. Felix 

Speiser who 

donated it to 

museum 

Gift of former 

curator, Dr. 

Zeller, who 

purchased it 

from A. J. 

Speyer, 

Berlin 

N.N . 

MikluchoMaclay 

" 11 

1911, said 7 

to be 

collected 

by A. 

Creifelds 

before 

1906 

" 3.5 

1921 35 

1920 36.0-28.5 

deposited 

in 

museum, 

1928 

donated 

1886 36.5 

16 m m — 

-

5 

11.3, at 4.5 

rim 

4 

8.5 

-

-

Taxation, 

1928, 

50 Swiss 

francs 

Donor 

wrote: 

"man y 

of the 

stone 

*68 

*69 

70 

71 

N 

N 

N 

N 

168-

188 2 

168-

188 3 

168-

188* 

168-

188» 

16.5 

18 

20-15 

13 

8.0-

5.5 

8 

8.5 

4 

pieces 

have a 

value of 

many 

hundred 

dollars".-

(note c) 

Large 

sloping 

hole 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 43 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thickness 

Hole Value at 

diam- time of 

eter acquisition 

Surface 

UNITE D STATES 

72 Th e American 80.1/ 

Museum of 4473 

Natura l 

History, New 

York City 

73 Bernice P. 

Bishop 

Museum, 

Honolulu, 

Hawaii 

74 

75 

76 

77 

78 

9653 

B5568 

C8432 

C8808 

D3674 

5851 

79 

80 

" D4357 

" D4538 

Purchased 

from Joh n H. 

Brandt, then 

a Trust Territory Government employee 

Gift of the 

Honorable 

Henry Naupu 

Collected by 

HansG . 

Hornbestel 

in Agana, 

Guam 

Collected by 

Yoshio 

Kondo at 

Uluach, Yap 

Collected by 

Museum's 

Micronesian 

Expedition 

Mrs. James 

Murray 

Gift of estate of 

Governor 

Ingram M. 

Stainback 

who acquired 

it from Rea r 

Admiral 

Richard B. 

Black 

Gift of 

Edmund 

Gilmer 

1962, collected in 

Kong, 

Yap, 1959 

1907 

5 ^ in 

(14 cm) 

116-100 15.5 

9 Oct 1922 19-15 

3 Jul 1936 35-33 

23-20 

20 mm 

17 Oct 

1936 

1 Jul 1965, 

collected 

in Koror, 

.,. 1953 

7 Feb 1963, 

collected 

before 

1952 

29Ju n 

1967 

55-50 

12 

60-56 

12 

3.7 

140-65 

m m 

82-65 

mm 

17.5-

15.2 

11.9-9.1 

28 mm 

10X10 

mm 

18-8 

m m 

Brownish 

color 

Flat, 

"modern 

manufacture " 

See footnotes at end of table. 
44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

81 

82 

•83 

•84 

•85 

Location 

a 

Museum of 

Science, 

Buffalo, New 

York 

T h e Robert H. 

Lowie Mu -

seum of 

Anthropology, 

Accessions 

number 

1973.14 

Kn42 8 

11-32430 

U. of California, 

Berkeley 

it 

n 

11-32743 

11-32750 

Acquired 

from 

Gift of Theo. J. 

Fabik, Rea r 

Admiral, 

Coast Guar d 

Ret. Presented to 

donor by 

Yapese Chief 

at commissioning of 

U.S . Loran C 

Station on 

Yap, 11 Sep, 

1964 

Knox Collection 

Collected by 

E. W. Gifford 

during 

archaeological 

investigations 

in Micronesia. Ob -

tained 21 

M a y 1956, 

from Ada 

Ariadna and 

Alexander A. 

Tretnoff, 

Rul, Yap 

Collected by 

E. W. Gifford 

from A. J. 

Roboman, 

Tomil, Yap, 

15 Ma y 1956 

Collected by 

E. W. Gifford 

from Ken t R. 

Groote, 

19 Ma y 1956 

Tear 

acquired 

1973 

(1964) 

Prior to 

1936 

1956 

1956 

1956 

Diameter 

44.5 

21-16 ^ 

in 

(53.5-

42 cm) 

24.8 

37.7 

27.1 

Thickness 

80 m m 

5 in 

(13 

cm) 

5.6 

5.3 

5.3 

Hole 

diameter 

7 

9 in 

(23 

cm) 

5.2 

7.7 

3.8 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

-

Surface 

(note d) 

Incised, 

spokelike 

lines 

Fairly 

smooth, 

sharp 

edged 

hole 

"Pala u 

mad e 

piece " 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 45 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

•86 

87 

(87a) 

•88 

89 

90 

91 

92 

Location 

T h e Chase 

Manhatta n 

Bank Money 

Museum, 

New York 

City 

// 

n 

T h e National 

Bank of 

Detroit, 

Michigan 

World Heritage 

Museum, U. 

of Illinois, 

Urbana , 111. 

National Geographic 

Society, 

Washington, 

D.C. 

Peabody 

Museum of 

Archaeology 

& Ethnology, 

Harvard 

University, 

Cambridge, 

Mass. 

n 

Accessions 

number 

_ 

(note e) 

-

-

Acquired 

from 

Purchased from 

Staadiche 

Museen 

Preussischer 

Kulturbesitz 

Museum fur 

Volkerkunde, 

Berlin 

a 

Purchased from 

M r. Pong, 

Bugol village, 

Tomil, Yap 

Gift of Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap 

Purchased from 

sources on 

Yap. Stone 

from Neff 

village. Ob -

tained by 

staff member 

David Boyer 

through 

offices of 

District Administrator, 

Y a p 

Collected by 

Museum 

Expedition 

headed by 

Schneider, 

Stevens, 

Kidder and 

Hun t 

n 

Tear 

acquired 

1931 

a 

1960 

M a r 1965 

1967 

1948 

a 

Diameter 

30-29 in 

(76.2-

73.7 

cm) 

12 in 

(30.5 

cm) 

5 ft 

(about 

152.3 

cm) 

18 in 

(45.7 

cm) 

5 ft 11 in 

(180.3 

cm) 

7-5 ^ in 

(17.8-

14 cm) 

9!4-83/8in 

(23.5-

21.3 

cm) 

Thickness 

7 ^ in 

(17.8-

10.2 

cm) 

Kin 

(1.3 

cm) 

1% in 

(2.9 

cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

10 in 

- (25.4 

cm) 

Vs in 

(1.5 

cm) 

1% in 

(3.5 

cm) 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Author 

asked not 

to cite 

price 

paid 

a 

$25 per ft 

or $125 

Surface 

Rough, 

weathered 

Rough 

(T.T. court 

records) 

$3.75 per 

inch or 

$266.25 

-

Broken 

"Fragmen t 

of larger 

stone" 

See footnotes at end of table. 
46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

93 

Location 

T h e University 

Museum, U. 

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 

Accessions 

number 

PI 743 

Acquired 

from 

Gift of 

Dr. William 

Furness 

Tear 

acquired 

1904 

collected 

1903 

Diameter 

Thickness 

Hole 

diameter 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Surface 

"94 

95 

96 

PI 744 

6 cm 

1 % 

(49.5 

cm) 

Ripley's 

"Believe It or 

Not " Museum 

St. Augustine, 

Fla. 

Department of 

Anthropology, 

National 

Museum of 

Natura l 

History, 

Smithsonian 

Institution, 

Washington, 

D.C. 

176,089 

(no. 1) 

On loan from 

Grover 

Criswell of 

Citra, Fla. 

who acquired 

it from A. 

Roboman of 

Yap. "Said to 

come from 

stone bank at 

Balabat (sic)" 

Not recorded 

1964 

5 Ja n 1897 

7K ft 

(228.4 

cm) 

58-56 rim 3 10 

Furness 

said: " a 

good pig 

worth 

stone of 

about 19 

inches" . 

Valued by 

Museum, 

1970 at 

$2,000, 

1967 at 

$1,000 

Cost paid 

in 1964, 

"several 

hundred 

dollars " 

Dull finish, 

gouge marks 

.5 cm 

wide, 

piece 

broken 

and 

repaired 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 47 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thick- Hole 

diameter 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Surface 

•97 

98 

"99 

*100 

101 

176,089 

(no. 2) 

61-59 rim 3 10 

II 

II 

II 

II 

ivision of 

Numismatics, 

National 

Museum of 

History and 

Technolgy, 

Smithsonian 

Institution, 

Washington, 

D.C. 

48,520 

(cat. 

248,-

987) 

227,555 

(cat. 

397,-

772) 

228,912 

(cat. 

400,-

073) 

244, 937 

(cat. 

400,-

679) 

242915 

(cat. 

69631) 

Purchased from 

H. L. Constenoble, 

Agana, Guam 

through W. E. 

Safford, 

Dept. of 

Agriculture 

Arnold C. 

Mason 

through 

Gilbert 

Corwin. Collected on 

Babelthnop, 

Palau Islands 

Chief Gaag of 

Rul, Yap 

Mrs. Dewitt C. 

Ramsey 

Purchased 

from H. H. 

Kricheldorf, 

Stuttgart, 

Germany 

30 Ma r 

1908 

6 Oct 1959 

(1948) 

22Ju n 

1962 

7 Nov 1962 

20 Dec 

1962 

25.5 

58^-8 

2.08-

1.83 

13.9 

(cat. 

card 

reads 

18.4) 

18 

4 (at 6.5 

rim 

1.5) 

10.2 

(at 

rim 

1.5) 

12 

$25 per ft 

or $175 

3.5 

Stepped only 

on one 

side, step 

begins 

6 cm from 

rim, 

creamy 

color, 

traces of 

gouging or 

filing 

One side 

flat, light 

color, 

crystallike 

surface 

Darkest of 

stones in 

coll. Very 

thick at 

center, 

smooth 

Stepped, 

yellowish 

or golden 

brown 

color, 

file marks 

See footnotes at end of table. 
48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

103 

104 

105 

106 

Location 

it 

Thoma s Burke 

Memorial 

Washington 

State 

Museum, 

Washington, 

University of 

Seattle 

it 

Accessions 

number 

303400 

(cat. 

72.-

172.1) 

4.13841 

4.13842 

4.13843 

Acquired 

from 

Col. William C. 

Moore , 

Arlington, 

V a . Item 

from central 

depositories 

on Yap. 

Given by 

chief to 

Douglas 

Xiques of 

Guam, 1967, 

then to a 

Major 

Raymon d E. 

Sullivan and 

finally to Col. 

Moor e 

Gift of Shig 

Kaneshiro, 

then a Trust 

Territory 

Government 

employee. 

Collected by 

Douglas 

Osborne for 

the museum 

Gift of Shig 

Kaneshiro. 

Collected on 

Koror at old 

Japanes e 

residential 

area. 

a 

Tear 

acquired 

13 Dec 

1972 

(1967) 

1953 

1954 

it 

Diameter 

60 

25-21 in 

(63.5-

53.3 

cm) 

19 in 

(48.2 

cm) 

Thickness 

11 

(at 

rim 

4.5) 

Hole 

diameter 

9 

4 in 

(10.2 

cm) 

3^i n 

(8.9 

c m) 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

_ 

Surface 

Smooth, 

stepped, 

broken 

when 

being 

unloaded 

from 

Palau 

Islander 

onto 

Guam 

Fragments 

of broken 

rai 

Broken, } i 

of rim 

missing 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 49 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thickness 

Hole Value at 

diam- time of 

eter acquisition 

Surface 

107 4.13844 

108 

109 

91.0/31 

91.0/333 

Gift of Shig 

Kaneshiro. 

Found in 

water of 

Koror by 

local 

Palauan. 

Given to 

Weather 

Bureau on 

Koror, men 

to donor by 

U.S. meterologist, 

Richard 

Hagelmeyer. 

Gift of Mrs. 

Ford Elvidge, 

Seatde 

Gift of, and collected by Mr. 

J i m Eslinger, 

Pan American 

pilot on Yap. 

1963 

1968 

22 in 

(55.8 

cm) 

Undrilled, 

incomplete 

shape 

14 in 

(35.6 

cm) 

16-15 in 

(40.7-

38.1 

cm) 

2 in 

(5.1 

cm) 

4 - 3 in 

(10.2-

7.7 

cm) 

2 in 

(5.1 

cm) 

2% in 

(6.4 

cm) 

PRIVATELY OWNED 

110 Abalos, Filomeno J. 

Colonia, Yap 

Sale registered 

in file of 

District Administrator, 

Yap, from 

Joh n D. 

Tamaglibian, 

Waned 

village, Maa p 

municipality, 

Yap. 

5 Aug 

1971 

15 in 

(38.1 

cm) 

(5.1 

cm) 

$6 

See footnotes at end of table. 
50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

111 

112 

113 

Location 

Becker, Neil 

Great Neck, 

N.Y. 

Crawford, 

Josephine and 

William, 

Hawaii 

Daniels, Bill 

(past Governor of Guam), 

Liberty, Tex. 

Accessions 

number 

(Schulman 

#827) 

-

Acquired 

from 

Purchased from 

Hans Schulman who said 

it was "re -

ceived by 

Catholic 

priest, T. 

Kurosawa, 

from Roupon 

of Yap " 

Sale registered 

from Andrew 

Roboman of 

Tomil, Yap 

Sale registered 

from Francis 

Defngin, 

Wonayan 

village, Gagil 

municipality, 

Yap 

Tear 

acquired 

27Ju n 

1973 

28 Aug 

1968 

15 Nov 

1968 

ThickDiameter ness 

6 in (15.2 

cm) 

20 in 

(50.8 

cm) 

18# in 

(47 cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

tf in 

(1.9 

cm) 

-

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Offered for 

$120-

$140 

$70 

Purchased 

for $3.50 

per inch 

or 3 

stones for 

$160.50 

Surface 

Stepped, 

light 

color, file 

marks 

-

114 

115 

116 

117 

a 

a 

Farrington, Mrs. 

Elizabeth, 

(past Director 

of Office of 

Territories, 

Department 

of Intel ior), 

Washington, 

D.C. 

Kahn , Paul J., 

Palo Alto, 

Calif. 

15 in 

(38 cm) 

16tf in 

(41.9 

cm.) 

Sale registered 

Given by Chief 

Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap, at dedication of Yap 

District Legislature Bldg. 

in appreciation of assistance given 

Yapese students at U. of 

Guam 

Jan 1969 1X10 in 

(27. I X 

25.4 

cm) 

IK in 

(3.8 

cm) 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 51 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

118 

119 

120 

•121 

122 

123 

124 

Location 

Kennedy, David 

M., Ambassador at Large 

(note f) 

// 

LaForest, Dr. 

Jame s R., 

Dean, Orange 

County 

Community 

College, 

Middletown, 

N.Y. 

Lannan, J. 

Patrick, Th e 

Lannan 

Foundation, 

Palm Beach, 

Fla. 

Linear, Captain 

Ova , S/Y 

Klaraborg, 

(Sweden) 

Montvel-Cohen, 

Marvin, 

Carbondale, 

111. 

Ostheimer III, 

A. J., Honolulu, Hawaii 

See footnotes at end of table 

Accessions 

number 

-

Acquired 

from 

Given to 

President 

Nixon via 

Ambassador 

Kennedy by 

Chief Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap 

// 

Acquired 

through offices of District Administrator Yap, by 

Howard F. 

Van Zandt, 

Vice President International 

Telephone & 

Telegraph 

Corp., Tokyo 

Given by Chief 

Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap, at dedication of Yap 

District 

Legislature 

Bldg. 

Sale registered 

from Fanechoor, Yap 

Tear 

acquired 

Spring 

1971 

// 

1966 

J a n 1969 

6 Aug 1968 

ThickDiameter ness 

ca. 3 ft ca. 

(ca 2% 

91.4 in 

cm) (6.4 

Dimen- cm) 

sions cited 

from 

memory 

// // 

14^ in 

(36.8 

cm) 

29X26 

in 

(73.6X 

66 cm) 

26 in 

(66 cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

-

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

-

Purchased 

for $60 

Surface 

-

Stepped, 

broken 

Stepped 
52 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

125 

126 

127 

128 

129 

130 

131 

Location 

n 

Robinson, 

David, University of 

Guam 

Schneider, 

David M., 

University of 

Chicago, 

Dept. of 

Anthropology, 

Chicago 

Schulman, Hans 

M . F., New 

York City. 

Pieces listed 

for auction 

23-24 Ma r 

1956 

Schulman 

auction 

28 Feb 1959 

it 

a 

Accessions 

number 

-

-

440 

2477 

2478 

2479 

Acquired 

from 

Sale registered 

from Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap 

Sale registered 

from Figir 

Leerwon of 

Wanava n 

village Gagil 

municipality, 

Yap 

Sale registered 

from Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap 

"Given by 

Chief Roupon 

to Mr. 

Kurosawa 

(Japanese 

sign painter) " 

Tear 

acquired 

-

29 Ma r 

1971 

28 Aug 

1968 

-

Diameter 

21 in 

(53.3 

cm) 

24 in 

(60.9 

cm) 

18 in 

(45.8 

cm) 

4 X 2 in 

(10.2X 

5.1 cm) 

9 in (22.9 

cm) 

11 in 

(27.5 

cm) 

6 in 

(15.3 

cm) 

Thickness 

-

-

Hin 

(1.3 

cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

-

-

l^i n 

(3.8 

cm) 

2 in 

(5.1 

cm) 

ltfin 

(3.2 

cm) 

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

-

Purchased 

for $3.50 

per inch 

or $84 

$63 

Offered 

at $100 

Offered 

a t $150, 

realized 

$90 

Offered 

a t $250, 

realized 

$100 

Offered 

at $100, 

realized 

$82.50 

Surface 

-

-

-

"Dar k 

brown 

and 

white, 

spotted 

with 

crystallized 

dots " 

See footnotes at end of table. 
NUMBER 23 53 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

132 

Location 

Schulman 

auction 6—8 

O c t 1970 

Accessions 

number 

1081 

Acquired 

from 

Howard D. 

Gibbs 

Tear 

acquired 

-

ThickDiameter ness 

2 and % 

in (5. I X 

1.9 cm) 

3 in 

(7.6 

cm) 

13 in 

(33 

cm) 

19H in 

(49.5 

cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

_ 

-

-

-

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Offered 

at $65-

$75, realized $60 

Offered 

at $75 -

$100, 

realized 

$35 

Offered 

at $500-

$600. 

Reported 

by Neil 

Becker 

to have 

been 

withdrawn 

from 

sale 

Offered 

at $1,000-

$2,000, 

realized 

$1,100 

Surface 

Reported 

by Neil 

Becker 

to be a 

Toga 

stone 

-

-

-

133 1082 

134 Schulman 

auction 

18-20 Ju n 

1971 

1361A Howard D. 

Gibbs who 

acquired 

it from 

Japanese 

administion in 

Yap 

135 1362 

136 

137 

1363 

1364 

1934 

Howard D. 

Gibbs 

(Schulman 

said 

"brought 

by a Navy 

officer 

who married 

a Yap girl 

related to 

a tribal 

chief." 

Howard D. 

Gibbs 

12 in 

(30.5 

cm) 

2J4X1J-1 

in 

(6.4X 

3.2 

cm) 

Offered 

at $350-

$400, 

realized 

$350 

Offered 

at $100-

$150, 

realized 

$52.50 

See footnotes at end of table. 
54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired 

ThickDiameter ness 

3 in — 

(7.6 

cm) 

12 in 

(30.5 

cm) 

20 in 

(50.8 

cm) 

16# in 

(41.9 

cm) 

5 in -

(12.7 

cm) 

14 in -

(35.5 

cm) 

Hole 

diameter 

-

-

-

Vtr} 

in 

( 1 -

2.5 

cm) 

-

Value at 

time of 

acquisition 

Offered 

at $150-

$200, 

realized 

$55 

Offered 

at $275 -

$300, 

realized 

$275 

Offered 

at $1,250, 

realized 

$400 

(note g) 

Offered 

at 

$1,250-

$1,750, 

realized 

$450 

Offered 

at $750-

$1,000 

$3.50 

per inch 

or $49 

Surface 

138 

139 

140 

141 

142 

Schulman 

auction 

1 Oc t 

1971 

Schulman 

auction 

31 May -

2Ju n 

1972 

Schulman 

auction 

27-29 

J u n 

1973 

1365 

1366 

550 

1128 

828 

" A Navy 

captain" 

Captain 

Don Kann , 

U.S. Air 

Force 

143 Sedore, 

William H. 

Reno, Nev. 

144 Seaby Ltd., 

B.A. London, 

Great Britain, 

Piece listed 

for auction 

Aug 1965 

See footnotes at end of table. 

Sale 

registered 

from Stanley 

Filmed of 

Kada y 

Village, 

Weloy 

municipality, 

Y a p 

-

Aug 1971 

21 in 

(53.3 

cm) 

5 pounds 
NUMBER 23 55 

TABLE.—Rai exported from Tap—Continued 

[Measurements in centimeters unless indicated otherwise] 

Rai 

number 

(•illustrated 

herein) 

Location 

Accessions 

number 

Acquired 

from 

Tear 

acquired Diameter 

Thick- Hole Value at 

diam- time of 

eter acquisition 

Surface 

145 

146 

147 

•148 

Smith, Dr. Don, 

George 

Mason College, Fairfax, 

Va . 

Tolentino, 

A. M. 

Manila, 

Philippines 

Weinrich, Mrs. 

Harriet, 

Hawaii 

Wilson, Prof. 

W. Scott, U. 

of Guam 

1970 36-32 

cm 

cm 9-4 cm 

Sale registered 

from Andrew 

Roboman, 

Yap 

Sale registered 

from Francis 

Defngin, 

Wonayan 

village, Gagil 

municipality, 

Yap 

Given by Chief 

Andrew 

Roboman 

at dedication 

of Yap District Legislature Bldg. 

21 Sept 

1968 

29 Aug 

1967 

1969 

18 in 

(45.1 

cm) 

26 in 

(66 

cm) 

40X3C 

cm 

Brown to 

yellowish 

color 

Purchased 

for $63 

Purchased 

for $65 

40X3 0 7.5 cm 7.5 cm 

a

 Illustrated by CHRISTIAN, "O n Micronesian Weapons, " pi. 23 : fig. 2. 

b

 MATSUMURA, "Contributions to the Ethnography of Micronesia," p. 164. 

c

 MIKLUCHO-MACLAY, "Di e Insel Wuap, " p . 44. 

d

 Illustrated by MOSHER, "Th e Story of Money, " pi. 9. 

e

 Th e Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, indicated that three pieces were sold to Th e Chase Manhattan Bank Money Museum. 

The curator of the Money Museum at the time of purchase was Farran Zerbe who wrote in The Numismatist, 45 (1932), p . 12, that 

the three pieces received measured 12, 26, and 30 inches (30, 65, and 75 cm). Th e 26-inch piece must be the one that the Berlin 

museum said was given by Consul Hernsheim in 1897. This original donor said that the item was "worth a piece of shell money 

of the value of D M 10." 

1

 Both Kennedy stones are now in Ambassador David M. Kennedy's home in a Chicago suburb though they have previously 

been displayed by various banks. 

« "Auction Reports, " Australian Coin Review, vol 8, No. 9 (March 1972), p . 15. 

NUMBER 23 57 

FIGURE l.—i?ai numbers 5-9, Staathche Museen Preussischer 

f

 '.... . . »«_!• r^,TM,TM, Fir tiRE 3—jRai number 15, Staadiches Museum fur VolkerKulturbesitz, Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, Germany. FIGURE :>. A<« numuci ' . 

,„ ' s kunde, Dresden, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 

(Courtesy of museum) *•"" ' ' 
58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

YSi& >^: w

 $ 

P -•.'• 

Vi,'-^ 

'££^ 

62 

, ' ' % • ' | •••% M* #&,&&;• 

$' Y 

EM 

i --.s-^ 

W ': 

FIGURE 4.—i?ae: a, number 13; 4, number 16; c, number 17; 

d, number 18. {a, Ubersee-Museum, Bremen, Germany; b—d, 

Staatliches Museum fur Volkerkunde, Dresden, Germany; 

courtesy of museums) 
NUMBER 23 59 

/^:Y«Y§ Y 

"^^^^^^^O 

ljL -^;^^^^^ ^ 

/ FIGURE 5.—Rai, Hamburgisches Museum fur Volkerkunde, 

Hamburg, Germany: a, number 21; b, number 22; c, number 

23, with bamboo carrying stick; d, number 24; e, number 25; 

/ , number 26; g, number 27. (Courtesy of museum) 
60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 6.—Rai number 28, Museum fur Volkerkunde, Leipzig, 

Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 7.—Rai number 29, Museum fur Volkerkunde, Leipzig, 

Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
NUMBER 23 61 

FIGURE 8.—Rai numbers 30-35, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
62 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

/ 

/ 

V> 

<**• 

- • 

y 

'• 

FIGURE 9.—Rai number 37, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
NUMBER 23 63 

mm? 

FIGURE 10.—Rai, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Leipzig, Germany : 

a, numbe r 38; b, numbe r 40. (Courtesy of museum) 

A 

FIGURE 11.—Rai numbe r 39, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
64 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 12.—Rai number 41, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 13.—Rai number 42, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
NUMBER 23 65 

FIGURE 14.—Rai numbe r 44, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 15.—Rai number 43, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 16.—Rai numbe r 45, Museum fur Volkerkunde, FIGURE 17.—Rai number 46, Museum fur Volkerkunde, 

Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) Leipzig, Germany. (Courtesy of museum) 
66 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 18.—Rai: a, number 47, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Leipzig, Germany; b, number 48, 

Linden-Museum Gesellschaft fiir Erd-und Volkerkunde, Stuttgart, Germany. (Courtesy of museums) 

FIGURE 19.—Rai, Linden-Museum Gesellschaft fiir Erd-und Volkerkunde, Stuttgart, Germany: 

a, number 49; b, number 50. (Courtesy of museum) 
NUMBER 23 67 

FIGURE 20.—Rai: a, numbe r 56, Tokyo 

National Museum, Tokyo, Japan ; b, 

number 57, The University of Tokyo, 

Department of Anthropology, Faculty 

of Science, Tokyo, Japan ; c, numbe r 

58, Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 

Leiden, The Netherlands. (Courtesy of 

museums) 
68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

' '• ' ^ * %,. "i: -«Y 

r v "V%a 

te ~ — • * J; 

« • .'• * - * - ' * . — - -— • • • 

Y - *"•*•• , J*. 

Y x- -v- £ 

u - "" F *••'• > '-: 

"^ Y. >. 

>#E> *Jfcr 

-.,-• 

d 
NUMBER 23 

• FIGURE 21.—Rai: a, numbe r 60; b, numbe r 61 ; c, numbe r 62; 

d, numbe r 63 ; {a, Svenska Handelsbanken, Stockholm, Sweden ; 

b-d, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Basel, Switzerland; courtesy of 

museums) 

69 

FIGURE 22.—Rai numbe r 64, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Basel, 

Switzerland. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 23.—Rai number 65, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Basel, 

Switzerland. (Courtesy of museum) 

FIGURE 24.—Rai numbers 67-69, Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Leningrad, U.S.S.R. 

(Courtesy of museum) 
70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 25.—Rai numbers 83-85, The Robert H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University of 

California, Berkeley, California. (Courtesy of museum) 
NUMBER 23 

FIGURE 26.—Rai number 86, The Chase Manhattan Bank 

Money Museum, New York City. (Courtesy of bank museum) 

v f 

§ : 

T v 

*• " ' •'-.'•' *••': . Y"•• Y ' '' 

'»' ' '.'- . Y •.•'' • - / % 

• . '',:••"?'•;• . Y - •>%*'-',.•'> - f 

> 

~ Y 

dss 

* "."*+& 

'T*. 

FIGURE 27.—Rai number 88, The National Bank of Detroit, Detroit, Michigan. 

(Courtesy of bank museum) 
72 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 28.—Rai numbe r 94, Th e University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 

Pennsylvania. (Courtesy of Th e University Museum) 
NUMBER 23 73 

FIGURE 29.—Rai numbers 97 and 100, Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural 

History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. (Smithsonian photo) 
74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 30.—Rai number 99, Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, 

Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. (Smithsonian photo) 

; 

! 

"Y'': 

Y,: -

..*. 

FIGURE 31.—Rai number 102, Division of Numismatics, National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. (Smithsonian photo) 
NUMBER 23 75 

FIGURE 32.—Rai number 121, The Lannan Foundation, Palm 

Beach, Florida. (Courtesy of J. Patrick Lannan) 

FIGURE 33.—Rai number 148. (Courtesy of Professor W. Scott 

Wilson, University of Guam, Agana, Guam) 

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1975 O - 572-509 

SERIA L PUBLICATION S OF THE SMITHSONIA N INSTITUTION 

The emphasis upon publications as a means of diffusing knowledge was expressed 

by the first Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. In his formal plan for the Institution, Joseph Henry articulated a program that included the following statement: 

"It is proposed to publish a series of reports, giving an account of the new discoveries 

in science, and of the changes made from year to year in all branches of knowledge." 

This keynote of basic research has been adhered to over the years in the issuance 

of thousands of titles in serial publications under the Smithsonian imprint, commencing with Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge in 1848 and continuing 

with the following active series: 

Smithsonian Annals of Flight 

Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 

Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics 

Smithsonian Contributions to Botany 

Smithsonian Contributions to the Earth Sciences 

Smithsonian Contributions to Paleobiology 

Smithsonian Contributions to Zoology 

Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology 

In these series, the Institution publishes original articles and monographs dealing 

with the research and collections of its several museums and offices and of professional colleagues at other institutions of learning. These papers report newly acquired 

facts, synoptic interpretations of data, or original theory in specialized fields. These 

publications are distributed by mailing lists to libraries, laboratories, and other interested institutions and specialists throughout the world. Individual copies may be 

obtained from the Smithsonian Institution Press as long as stocks are available. 

S. DILLON RIPLEY 

Secretary 

Smithsonian Institution