SMITHSONIA N STUDIES IN HISTOR Y AND TECH N OLOGY/NUMBER 41 

BLOODLETTING INSTRUMENTS 

in the 

NATIONAL MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Audrey Davis and Toby Appel 

Smithsonian Institution Press 

City of Washington 

1979 
ABSTRAC T 

Davis, Audrey, and Toby Appel. Bloodletting Instruments in the National 

Museum of History and Technology. Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, number 41, 103 pages, 124 figures, 1979.—Supported by variety o£ instruments, bloodletting became a recommended practice in antiquity and remained 

an accepted treatment for millenia. Punctuated by controversies over the amount 

of blood to take, the time to abstract it, and the areas from which to remove it, 

bloodletters employed a wide range of instruments. All the major types of equipment and many variations are represented in this study of the collection in the 

National Museum of History and Technology. 

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is recorded 

in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. COVER DESIGN: "Phlebotomy, 1520" (from 

Seitz, 1520, as illustrated in Hermann Peter, Der Ant und die Heilkunst, Leipzig, 1900; photo 

courtesy of NLM). 

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 

Davis, Audrey B 

Bloodletting instruments in the National Museum of History and Technology. 

(Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 41) 

Bibliography; p. 

Supt. of Docs, no.: SI 1.28:41 

1. Bloodletting—Instruments—Catalogs. 2. Bloodletting—History. 3. National Museum of History and Technology. I. Appel, Toby, 1945- joint author. II. Title. III. Series: Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 41 [DNLM: 1. Bloodletting—History. 2. Bloodletting—Instrumentation—Catalogs. 3. Bloodletting—Exhibitions— 

Catalogs. 

RM182.D38 617'.9178 78-606043 
CONTENTS 

Page 

Preface v 

Introduction 1 

Sources 2 

Bleeding: The History 3 

How Much Blood to Take 5 

When to Bleed 7 

Barber-Surgeons 8 

Bloodletting and the Scientific Revolution 9 

Instrumentation and Techniques . . 10 

Spring Lancets 12 

The Decline of Bleeding . . 15 

Cupping 17 

Early Cupping Instruments 17 

Instruments of the Professional Cupper 21 

Cupping Procedure ... . 24 

Nineteenth Century Attempts to Improve Cupping Technology 25 

Dry Cupping . . 31 

Breast Cupping 32 

The Decline of Cupping 34 

Leeching 34 

Leeches 34 

Artificial Leeches 36 

Veterinary Bloodletting 40 

Physical Analysis of Artifacts 41 

Catalog of Bloodletting Instruments 42 

Phlebotomy 44 

Flint and Thumb Lancets 44 

Spring Lancets 44 

Bleeding Bowls 47 

Extra Blades and Cases 47 

Cupping 48 

Scarificators 48 

Cups 50 

Cupping Sets 50 

Cupping Apparatus 52 

Breast Pumps 52 

Leeching 53 

111 
IV SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Veterinary Bloodletting 

Fleams 

Spring Lancets 

Related Artifacts 

Notes 

List of Trade Catalogs Consulted 

Figures 26-124 

Page 

53 

53 

54 

55 

57 

63 

64 
PREFACE 

Among the many catalogs of museum collections, 

few describe objects related to the practice of medicine. This catalog is the first of a series on the medical sciences collections in the National Museum of 

History and Technology (NMHT). Bloodletting 

objects vary from ancient sharp-edged instruments 

to the spring action and automatic devices of the 

last few centuries. These instruments were used in 

a variety of treatments supporting many theories 

of disease and therefore reflect many varied aspects 

of the history of medicine. Beginning with an essay 

sketching the long history of bloodletting, this catalog provides a survey of the various kinds of instruments, both natural and man-made, that have been 

used throughout the centuries. 

It is a pleasure to thank the Smithsonian Research Foundation, the Commonwealth Foundation, and the Houston Endowment for their 

financial support of this project. 

Miss Doris Leckie, who did much of the preliminary research and organized part of the collection 

that led to a draft of this catalog with special emphasis on the cupping apparatus, receives our highest gratitude. Her public lectures on the topic drew 

much praise. The usefulness of this catalog is due 

in no small part to her devoted efforts. 

For photographing the Smithsonian objects so 

well we thank Richard Hofmeister, John Wooten, 

and Alfred Harrell of the Smithsonian Office of 

Printing and Photographic Services. For analyzing 

selected objects and answering our requests 

promptly we thank Dr. Robert Organ, chief; Barbara Miller, conservation director; and Martha 

Goodway, metallurgist, of the Conservation Analytical Laboratory. 

To those who helped us to solve specific problems 

we extend appreciation to Dr. Arthur Nunes; Dr. 

Uta C. Merzbach, curator of mathematics, NMHT 

(especially for finding the poem by Dr. Snodgrass); 

and Silvio Bedini, deputy director, NMHT, whose 

enthusiasm and unmatched ability for studying 

objects has sustained us throughout the period of 

preparation. 

While it is traditional to add a reminder that 

various unnamed people contributed to a publication, it is imperative to state here that numerous 

people are essential to the collection, conservation, 

preservation, and exhibition of museum objects. 

Without them no collection would survive and be 

made available to those who come to study, admire 

or just enjoy these objects. We hope this catalog 

brings out some of the joy as well as the difficulties 

of maintaining a national historical medical collection. 
BLOODLETTING INSTRUMENTS 

IN THE 

NATIONAL MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

AUDREY DAVIS and TOBY APPEL 

Introduction 

Bloodletting, the removal of blood from the body, 

has been practiced in some form by almost all societies and cultures. At various times, bloodletting 

was considered part of the medical treatment for 

nearly every ailment known to man. It was also 

performed as punishment or as a form of worship to 

a Superior Power or Being. It still retains therapeutic value today, although only for an extremely 

limited range of conditions. In early attempts to 

extract blood from the body, the skin was penetrated in various places with a sharp iujstrument 

made of stone, wood, metal, bristle, or any other 

rigid material. When it was recognized that a vein 

visible on the surface of the skin as a blue-green 

stripe contained blood, the vein was incised directly. To facilitate "breathing a vein" and to provide greater safety, more refined and sharper 

instruments were devised. As theories supporting 

bloodletting grew more complex, so too did the 

instruments. 

Spontaneous forms of bleeding, including nosebleed, menstruation, and those instances produced 

by a blow to any part of the body, apparently inspired the earliest human bloodletters. The Egyptians claimed that the hippopotamus rubbed its 

leg against a sharp reed until it bled to remove 

excess blood from its body.^ The Peruvians noted 

that a bat would take blood from the toe of a sleeping person when the opportunity presented itself. 

A deer, and goat, would pick a place near its diseased eye for relief.^ The methods employed by animals increased interest in using artificial methods 

for letting blood in man. 

Audrey Davis, Department of History of Science, National 

Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, 

Washington, D.C. 20560. Toby Appel, Charles Willson Peale 

Papers, National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 

Washington, D.C. 20560. 

The devices man has employed to remove blood 

from the body fall into two major categories: (1) 

those instruments used for general bloodletting, 

that is, the opening of an artery, or more commonly a vein, and (2) those instruments used in 

local bloodletting. Instruments in the first category 

include lancets, spring lancets, fleams, and phlebotomes. Associated with these are the containers to 

collect and measure the blood spurting from the 

patient. In the second category are those instruments associated with leeching and cupping. In 

both of these methods of local bloodletting, only 

the capillaries are severed and the blood is drawn 

from the body by some means of suction, either by 

a leech or by an air exhausted vessel. Instruments 

in this category include scarificators, cupping 

glasses, cupping devices, and many artificial leeches 

invented to replace the living leech. 

Much effort and ingenuity was expanded, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, 

to improve the techniques of bloodletting. In the 

eighteenth century, delicate mechanical spring lancets and scarificators were invented to replace the 

simpler thumb lancets and fleams. In the nineteenth century, as surgical supply companies began 

to advertise and market their wares, many enterprising inventors turned their hand to developing 

new designs for lancets and scarificators, pumps, 

fancy cupping sets, rubber cups, and all manner of 

cupping devices and artificial leeches. If we also 

consider treatments related to bloodletting, in 

which blood is transferred from one part of the 

body to another, without actual removal from the 

body, then we can add the many inventions devoted 

to dry cupping, irritating the body, and exhausting 

the air around limbs or even the entire body. Although many physicians continued to use the 

traditional instruments that had been used for cen-
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

turies, many others turned eagerly to the latest 

gadget on the market. 

Bloodletting instruments, perhaps the most common type of surgical instrument little more than a 

century ago, are now unfamiliar to the average person. When one sees them for the first time, one is 

often amazed at their petite size, careful construction, beautiful materials, and elegant design. One 

marvels at spring lancets made of silver, thumb 

lancets with delicate tortoise shell handles, and sets 

of hand-blown cups in the compartments of a 

mahogany container with brass and ivory latches 

and a red plush lining. Those finding such instruments in their attic or in a collection of antiques, 

even if they can determine that the instruments 

were used for bloodletting, often have no idea 

when the instruments were made or how they were 

used. Frequently a veterinary spring lancet or fleam 

is mistaken for a human lancet, or a sacrificator for 

an instrument of venesection. Almost nothing has 

been written to describe these once common instruments and to place them in historical context. 

Historians who study the history of medical theory 

usually ignore medical practice, and they rarely 

make reference to the material means by which a 

medical diagnosis or treatment was carried out. It 

is hoped that this publication will fill a need for a 

general history of these instruments. This history 

is pieced together from old textbooks of surgery, 

medical encyclopedias, compilations of surgical instruments, trade catalogs, and the instruments 

themselves. 

The collection of instruments at the National 

Museum of History and Technology of the Smithsonian Institution contains several hundred pieces 

representing most of the major types of instruments. Begun in the late nineteenth century when 

medical sciences were still part of the Department 

of Anthropology, the collection has grown steadily 

through donations and purchases. As might be 

expected, it is richest in bloodletting instruments 

manufactured in America in the nineteenth century. One of its earliest acquisitions was a set of 

four flint lancets used by Alaskan natives in the 

1880s. A major source for nineteenth-century instruments is the collection of instruments used by 

the members of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland, a medical society founded in 

1799. The Smithsonian collection also includes 

patent models of bloodletting instruments submitted to the U.S. Patent Office by nineteenthcentury inventors and transferred to the Smithsonian 

in 1926. 

Because we have made an effort to survey every 

major type of instrument related to bloodletting, it 

is hoped that this publication will serve as a general introduction to bloodletting instruments, and 

not merely a guide to the Smithsonian collection. 

With this goal in mind, the catalog of bloodletting 

instruments has been preceded by chapters surveying the history of bloodletting and describing, in 

general terms, the procedures and instruments that 

have been used since antiquity for venesection, cupping, leeching, and veterinary bloodletting. In the 

course of our research we have consulted several 

other collections of bloodletting instruments, notably the collections of the Wellcome Museum of 

London, the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, 

the College of Physicians in Philadelphia, the Institute of the History of Medicine at the Johns Hopkins University, the Howard Dittrick Medical 

Museum in Cleveland, and the University of Toronto. Illustrations from these collections and references to them have been included in the cases where 

the Smithsonian collection lacks a particular type 

of instrument. 

Sources 

While primary sources describing the procedures 

and presenting theoretical arguments for and 

against bloodletting are plentiful, descriptions of 

the instruments and their manufacture are often 

difficult to find. Before the nineteenth century, one 

may find illustrations of bloodletting instruments 

in the major textbooks on surgery, in encyclopedias 

such as that of Diderot, and in compendia of surgical instruments written by surgeons. The descriptions following the drawings are often meager and 

give little indication of where, when, and how the 

instruments were produced. Until well into the 

nineteenth century, the tools used by barbersurgeons, surgeons, and dentists were made by 

blacksmiths, silversmiths, and cutlers. These craftsmen generally left little record of their work. As 

the demand for surgical instruments increased, specialized surgical instrument makers began to appear, and the cutler began to advertise himself as 

"Cutler and Surgical Instrument Maker" rather 
NUMBER 41 

than simply "Cutler and Scissor Grinder." A few 

advertising cards dating from the eighteenth century may be found, but the illustrated trade catalog 

is a product of the nineteenth century. Among the 

earliest compendia/catalogs of surgical instruments 

written by an instrument maker, rather than by a 

surgeon, was John Savigny's A Collection of Engravings Representing the Most Modern and Approved Instruments Used in the Practice of Surgery 

(London, 1799). This was followed a few decades 

later by the brochures and catalog (1831) of the 

famous London instrument maker, John Weiss. By 

the 1840s John Weiss, Charri^re of Paris, and a few 

other instrument makers had begun to form surgical supply companies that attempted to market 

instruments over a wide area. While there are a 

handful of company trade catalogs dating from the 

1840s, 1850s, and 1860s, the great influx of such 

catalogs came after 1870. Trade catalogs, a major 

source of information on the new instruments of 

the nineteenth century, provide the historian with 

line drawings, short descriptions indicating the 

mechanism and the material of which the instrument was composed, prices, and patent status. For 

more details on nineteenth-century instruments one 

must turn to brochures and articles in medical 

journals introducing the instruments to the medical profession. These sources provide the most detailed descriptions of how the instruments were 

constructed, how they were used, and why they 

were invented. For many American instruments, the 

descriptions available at the U.S. Patent Office offer 

illustrations of the mechanism and a discussion of 

why the instrument was considered novel. One finds 

specifications for many bizarre instruments that 

never appear in trade catalogs and may never have 

been actually sold. 

A final source of information is the instruments 

themselves. Some are engraved with the name of 

the manufacturer, and a few are even engraved with 

the date of manufacture. Some have been taken 

apart to study the spring mechanisms and others 

examined in the Conservation Analytical Laboratory of the Smithsonian Institution to determine 

their material content. The documentation accompanying the instruments, while sometimes in error, 

may serve to identify the individual artifact by 

name, place and date of manufacture, and to augment our knowledge of the historical setting in 

which these instruments were used. 

Bleeding: The History 

The history of bloodletting has been marked by 

controversy. The extensive literature on bloodletting contains numerous polemical treatises that 

both extol and condemn the practice. Bloodletting 

was no sooner criticized as ineffective and dangerous 

than it was rescued from complete abandonment 

by a new group of zealous supporters. 

From the time of Hippocrates (5th century B.C.) 

—and probably before, although no written record 

is available—bloodletting had its vocal advocates 

and heated opponents. In the 5th century B.C. 

Aegimious of Eris (470 B.C.) , author of the first 

treatise on the pulse, opposed venesection, while 

Diogenes of Appolonia (430 B.C.) , who described 

the vena cava with its main branches, was a proponent of the practice. Hippocrates, to whom no 

specific text on bloodletting is attributed, both approved and recommended venesection.^ 

The anatomist and physician Erasistratus 

(300-260 B.C.), was one of the earliest physicians to 

leave a record of why he opposed venesection, the 

letting of blood from a vein. Erasistratus, who 

practiced at the court of the King of Syria and later 

at Alexandria, a celebrated center of ancient medicine, recognized that the difficulty in estimating the 

amount of blood to be withdrawn and the possibility of mistakenly cutting an artery, tendon, or 

nerve might cause permanent damage or even 

death. Since Erasistratus believed that only the 

veins carried blood while the arteries contained air, 

he also feared the possibility of transferring air 

from the arteries into the veins as a result of venesection. Erasistratus was led to question how excessive venesection differed from committing murder.* 

Through the writings of Aulus Cornelius Celsus 

(25 B.C.-?), the Roman encyclopedist, and Galen 

(ca. A.D. 130-200) venesection was restored as a 

form of orthodox medical treatment and remained 

so for the next fifteen hundred years. By the time of 

Celsus, bloodletting had become a common treatment. Celsus remarked in his well-known account 

of early medicine: "To let blood by incising a vein 

is no novelty; what is novel is that there should be 

scarcely any malady in which blood may not be 

let." ^ Yet criticism of bloodletting continued, for 

when Galen went to Rome in A.D. 164 he found the 

followers of Erasistratus opposing venesection. 

Galen opened up discussion with these physicians 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

in two books. Against Erasistratus and Against the 

Erasistrateans Dwelling in Rome. These argumentative dialectical treatises, together with his Therapeutics of Venesection, in which he presented his 

theory and practice of venesection, established 

Galen's views on bloodletting, which were not effectively challenged until the seventeenth century.^ 

The fundamental theory upon which explanations of health and disease were based, which had 

its inception in ancient Greek thought and lasted 

up to the eighteenth century, was the humoral 

theory. Based on the scientific thought of the PreSocratics, the Pythagoreans, and the Sicilians, this 

theory posited that when the humors, consisting of 

blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile, were in 

balance within the body, good health ensued. Conversely, when one or more of these humors was 

overabundant or in less than adequate supply, disease resulted. The humors were paired off with 

specific qualities representing each season of the 

year and the four elements according to the wellaccepted doctrine of Empedocles, in which all 

things were composed of earth, air, fire, and water. 

Thus, yellow bile, fire, and summer were contrasted 

to phlegm, water, and winter, while blood, air, and 

spring were contrasted to black bile, earth, and autumn. When arranged diagrammatically, the system 

incorporating the humors, elements, seasons, and 

qualities appears as shown in Figure 1. The earliest 

formulation of humoralism was to be found in the 

physiological and pathological theory of the Hippocratic treatise. On the Nature of Man."^ 

Plethora, an overabundance of body humors, including blood, which characterized fevers and inflammations, was properly treated by encouraging 

evacuation. This could be done through drugs that 

purged or brought on vomiting, by starvation, or 

by letting blood. During starvation the veins became empty of food and then readily absorbed 

blood that escaped into the arteries. As this occurred, inflammation decreased. Galen suggested 

that instead of starvation, which required some time 

and evacuated the system with much discomfort to 

the patient, venesection should be substituted to 

remove the blood directly.^ 

Peter Niebyl, who has traced the rationale for 

bloodletting from the time of Hippocrates to the 

seventeenth century, concluded that bloodletting 

was practiced more to remove excess good blood 

rather than to eliminate inherently bad blood or 

YELLOW BILE-FIRE-SUMMER 

PHLEGM-WATER-WINTER 

FIGURE 1.—Chart of elements, seasons, and humors. 

foreign matter. Generally, venesection was regarded 

as an equivalent to a reduction of food, since according to ancient physiological theory, food was 

converted to blood.^ 

Galen defined the criteria for bloodletting in 

terms of extent, intensity, and severity of the disease, whether the disease was "incipient," "present," or "prospective," and on the maturity and 

strength of the patient.!** Only a skilled physician 

would thus know when it was proper to bleed a 

patient. Venesection could be extremely dangerous 

if not correctly administered, but in the hands of a 

good physician, venesection was regarded by Galen 

as a more accurate treatment than drugs. While 

one could measure with great accuracy the dosages 

of such drugs as emetics, diuretics, and purgatives, 

Galen argued that their action on the body was directed by chance and could not easily be observed 

by the physician.^^ However, the effects of bloodletting were readily observed. One could note the 

change in the color of the blood removed, the complexion of the patient, and the point at which the 

patient was about to become unconscious, and 

know precisely when to stop the bleeding. 
NUMBER 41 

Galen discussed in great detail the selection of 

veins to open and the number of times blood might 

be withdrawn.i2 j ^ choosing the vein to open, its 

location in respect to the disease was important. 

Galen recommended that bleeding be done from a 

blood vessel on the same side of the body as the 

disease. For example, he explained that blood from 

the right elbow be removed to stop a nosebleed 

from the right nostril.i^ Celsus had argued for 

withdrawing blood near the site of the disease for 

"bloodletting draws blood out of the nearest place 

first, and thereupon blood from more distant parts 

follows so long as the letting out of blood is 

continued." i* 

Controversy over the location of the veins to be 

opened erupted in the sixteenth century. Many 

publications appeared arguing the positive and 

negative aspects of bleeding from a vein on the 

same side (derivative—from the Latin derivatio 

from the verb derivare, "to draw away," "to divert") 

or the opposite side (revulsion—from the Latin 

revulsio, "drawing in a contrary direction") of the 

disordered part of the body. This debate mirrored 

a broader struggle over whether to practice medicine on principles growing out of medieval medical 

views or out of classical Greek doctrines that had 

recently been revived and brought into prominence. 

The medieval practice was based on the Moslem 

medical writers who emphasized revulsion (bleeding from a site located as far from the ailment as 

possible) .15 This position was attacked in 1514 by 

Pierre Brissot (1478-1522), a Paris physician, who 

stressed the importance of bleeding near the locus 

of the disease (derivative bleeding). He was declared a medical heretic by the Paris Faculty of 

Medicine and derivative bleeding was forbidden 

by an act of the French parliament. In 1518, Brissot 

was exiled to Spain and Portugal. In 1539, the 

celebrated anatomist, Andreas Vesalius, continued 

the controversy with his famous Venesection Letter, 

which came to the support of Brissot.^^ 

Only with the gradual awareness of the implications of the circulation of the blood (discovered in 

1628) did discussion of the distinction between derivative and revulsive bloodletting become pass^.^'^ 

Long after the circulation of the blood was established, surgical treatises such as those of Lorenz 

Heister (1719) recommended removing blood from 

specific parts of the body—such as particular veins 

in the arm, hand, foot, forehead, temples, inner 

corners of the eye, neck, and under the tongue. In 

the nineteenth century this practice was still challenged in the literature as a meaningless procedure.^^ (Figure 2.) 

How Much Blood to Take 

According to Galen, safety dictated that the first 

bloodletting be kept to a minimum, if possible. 

Second, third, or further bleedings could be taken 

if the condition and the patient's progress seemed 

to indicate they would be of value. The amount 

of blood to be taken at one time varied widely.^® 

Galen appears to have been the first to note the 

amount of blood that could be withdrawn: the 

greatest quantity he mentions is one pound and a 

half and the smallest is seven ounces. Avicenna 

(980-1037) believed that ordinarily there were 25 

pounds of blood in a man and that a man could 

bleed at the nose 20 pounds and not die.^o 

The standard advice to bloodletters, especially 

in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, was 

"bleed to syncope." "Generally speaking," wrote 

the English physician and medical researcher, Marshall Hall, in 1836, "as long as bloodletting is required, it can be borne; and as long as it can be 

borne, it is required." ^i The American physician, 

Robley Dunglison, defined "syncope" in his 1848 

medical dictionary as a "complete and, commonly, 

sudden loss of sensation and motion, with considerable diminution, or entire suspension of the 

pulsations of the heart and the respiratory movements." 22 Today little distinction is made between 

shock and collapse, or syncope, except to recognize 

that if collapse or syncope persists, shock will result. 

We know today that blood volume is about onefifteenth to one-seventeenth the body weight of an 

adult. Thus an adult weighing 150 pounds has 9 or 

10 pounds of blood in his body. Blood volume may 

increase at great heights, under tropical conditions, 

and in the rare disease polycythemia (excess red 

blood cells). After a pint of blood is withdrawn 

from a healthy individual, the organism replaces 

it to some degree within an hour or so. However, 

it takes weeks for the hemoglobin (the oxygenbearing substance in the red blood cells) to be 

brought up to normal. 

If blood loss is great (more than 10 percent of 

the total blood volume) there occurs a sudden, 

systemic fall in blood pressure. This is a well-known 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 2.—Venesection manikin, 16th century. Numbers indicate locations where in certain 

diseases venesection should be undertaken. (From Stoeffler, 1518, as illustrated in Heinrich 

Stern, Theory and Practice of Bloodletting, New York, 1915. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
NUMBER 41 

protective mechanism to aid blood clotting. If the 

volume of blood lost does not exceed 30 to 40 

percent, systolic, disastolic, and pulse pressures rise 

again after approximately 30 minutes as a result 

of various compensatory mechanisms.^^ 

If larger volumes than this are removed, the organism is usually unable to survive unless the loss is 

promptly replaced. Repeated smaller bleedings may 

produce a state of chronic anemia when the total 

amount of blood and hemoglobin removed is in 

excess of the natural recuperative powers. 

When to Bleed 

Selecting a time for bleeding usually depended on 

the nature of the disease and the patient's ability 

to withstand the process. Galen's scheme, in contrast to the Hippocratic doctrine, recommended 

no specific days.^* Hippocrates worked out an elaborate schedule, based on the onset and type of 

disease, to which the physician was instructed to 

adhere regardless of the patient's condition. 

Natural events outside the body served as indicators for selecting the time, site, and frequency 

of bloodletting during the Middle Ages when astrological influences dominated diagnostic and 

therapeutic thought. This is illustrated by the fact 

that the earliest printed document relating to medicine was the "Calendar for Bloodletting" issued 

in Mainz in 1457. This type of calendar, also used 

for purgation, was known as an Aderlasskalender, 

and was printed in other German cities such as 

Augsburg, Nuremberg, Strassburg, and Leipzig. 

During the fifteenth century these calendars and 

Pestblatter, or plague warnings, were the most 

popular medical literature. Sir William Osier and 

Karl Sudhoff studied hundreds of these calendars.^s 

They consisted of a single sheet with some astronomical figures and a diagram of a man (Aderlassmann) depicting the influence of the stars and the 

signs of the zodiac on each part of the body, as well 

as the parts of the anatomy suitable for bleeding. 

These charts illustrated the veins and arteries that 

should be incised to let blood for specific ailments 

and usually included brief instructions in the margin. The annotated bloodletting figure was one of 

the earliest subjects of woodcuts. One early and 

well known Aderlassmann was prepared by Johann 

Regiomontanus (Johannes Miiller) in 1473. It contained a dozen proper bleeding points, each suited 

for use under a sign of the zodiac. Other Aderlassmanner illustrated specific veins to be bled. The 

woodcut produced by the sixteenth-century mathematician, Johannes Stoeffer, illustrated 53 points 

where the lancet might be inserted.^^ 

"Medicina astrologica" exerted a great influence 

on bloodletting. Determining the best time to bleed 

reached a high degree of perfection in the late 

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries with the use of 

volvella or calculating devices adopted from astronomy and navigation. These were carried on a 

belt worn around the waist for easy consultation. 

Used in conjunction with a table and a vein-man 

drawing, the volvella contained movable circular 

calculators for determining the accuracy, time, 

amount, and site to bleed for an illness. The dangers of bloodletting elicited both civic and national 

concern and control. Statutes were enacted that 

required every physician to consult these tables 

before opening a vein to minimize the chance of 

bleeding improperly and unnecessarily. Consultation of the volvella and vein-man was more important than an examination of the patient.^^ (Figure 

3.) 

For several centuries, almanacs were consulted to 

determine the propitious time for bleeding. The 

"woodcut anatomy" became a characteristic illustration of the colonial American almanac. John 

Foster introduced the "Man of Signs," as it was 

called, into the American almanac tradition in his 

almanac for 1678, printed in Boston. Other examples of early American almanacs featuring illustrations of bleeding include Daniel Leed's almanac 

for 1693, printed in Philadelphia, and John Clapp's 

almanac for 1697, printed in New York. 

As in many of the medieval illustrations, the 

woodcut anatomy in the American almanac consisted of a naked man surrounded by the twelve 

signs of the zodiac, each associated with a particular part of the body (the head and face with Aries, 

the neck with Taurus, the arms with Gemini, etc.). 

The directions that often accompanied the figure 

instructed the user to find the day of the month in 

the almanac chart, note the sign or place of the 

moon associated with that day, and then look for 

the sign in the woodcut anatomy to discover what 

part of the body is governed by that sign. Bloodletting was usually not specifically mentioned, but 

it is likely that some colonials still used the "Man 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 3.—Lunar dial, Germany, 1604. Concentric scales mark 

hours of the day, days, months, and special astrological numbers. In conjunction with other dials, it enables the user to 

determine the phases of the moon. (NMHT 30121; SI photo 

P-63426.) 

of Signs" or "Moon's Man" to determine where to 

open a vein on a given day.^^ 

The eighteenth-century family Bible might contain a list of the favorable and unfavorable days in 

each month for bleeding, as in the case of the Bible 

of the Degge family of Virginia.^^ 

Barber-Surgeons 

Even though it was recognized that bleeding was a 

delicate operation that could be fatal if not done 

properly, it was, from the medieval period on, often 

left in the hands of the barber-surgeons, charlatans, 

and women healers. In the early Middle Ages the 

barber-surgeons flourished as their services grew 

in demand. Barber-surgeons had additional opportunities to practice medicine after priests were instructed to abandon the practice of medicine and 

concentrate on their religious duties. Clerics were 

cautioned repeatedly by Pope Innocent II through 

the Council at Rheims in 1131, the Lateran Council in 1139, and five subsequent councils, not to devote time to duties related to the body if they must 

neglect matters related to the soul.^o 

By 1210, the barber-surgeons in England had 

gathered together and formed a Guild of BarberSurgeons whose members were divided into 

Surgeons of the Long Robe and Lay-Barbers or Surgeons of the Short Robe. The latter were gradually 

forbidden by law to do any surgery except bloodletting, wound surgery, cupping, leeching, shaving, 

extraction of teeth, and giving enemas.^^ The major 

operations were in the hands of specialists, often 

hereditary in certain families, who, if they were 

members of the Guild, would have been Surgeons 

of the Long Robe. 

To distinguish his profession from that of a 

surgeon, the barber-surgeon placed a striped pole 

or a signboard outside his door, from which was 

suspended a basin for receiving the blood (Figure 

4). Cervantes used this type of bowl as the 

"Helmet of Mambrino" in Don Quixote.^^ Special 

FIGURE 4.—Bleeding bowl with gradations to measure the 

amount of blood. Made by John Foster of London after 1740. 

(Held by the Division of Cultural History, Greenwood Collection, Smithsonian Institution; SI photo 61166-C.) 
NUMBER 41 

bowls to catch the blood from a vein were beginning to come into fashion in the fourteenth century. 

They were shaped from clay or thin brass and later 

were made of pewter or handsomely decorated pottery. Some pewter bowls were graduated from 2 to 

20 ounces by a series of lines incised around the 

inside to indicate the number of ounces of fluid 

when filled to that level. Ceramic bleeding bowls, 

which often doubled as shaving bowls, usually had 

a semicircular indentation on one side to facilitate 

slipping the bowl under the chin. Bowls to be used 

only for bleeding usually had a handle on one side. 

Italian families had a tradition of passing special 

glass bleeding vessels from generation to generation. 

The great variety in style, color, and size of bleeding and shaving bowls is demonstrated by the beautiful collection of over 500 pieces of Dr. A. Lawrence 

Abel of London and by the collection of the Wellcome Historical Museum, which has been cataloged 

in John Crellin's Medical Ceramics.^^ These collections illustrate the stylistic differences between 

countries and periods. 

The barber-surgeons' pole represented the stick 

gripped by the patient's hand to promote bleeding 

from his arm. The white stripe on the pole corresponded to the tourniquet applied above the vein 

to be opened in the arm or leg. Red or blue 

stripes appeared on early barber poles, but later 

poles contained both colors.^^ 

The dangers posed by untutored and unskilled 

bleeders were noted periodically. In antiquity Galen 

complained about non-professional bleeders, and 

in the Middle Ages, Lanfranc (1315), an outstanding surgeon, lamented the tendency of surgeons of 

his time to abandon bloodletting to barbers and 

women.^^ Barber-surgeons continued to let blood 

through the seventeenth century. In the eighteenth 

and nineteenth centuries, the better educated surgeon, and sometimes even the physician, took charge 

of bleeding. 

Bloodletting and the Scientific Revolution 

The discovery of the blood's circulation did not 

result in immediate changes in the methods or 

forms of bloodletting. William Harvey, who published his discovery of circulation in 1628, recognized the value of investigating the implications of 

his theory. Harvey could not explain the causes and 

uses of the circulation but he believed that it did 

not rule out the practice of bloodletting. He claimed 

that 

daily experience satisfies us that bloodletting has a most 

salutary effect in many diseases, and is indeed the foremost 

among all the general remedial means: vitiated states and 

plethora of blood, are causes of a whole host of disease; and 

the timely evacuation of a certain quantity of the fluid frequently delivers patients from very dangerous diseases, and 

even from imminent death.^" 

The English scientist Henry Stubbe brought to 

the surface what would appear to be an obvious 

dilemma: How could one bleed to produce local 

effect if the blood circulated? Stubbe commented 

in 1671: 

I do say, that no experienced Physician ever denied the 

operation of bloodletting though since the tenet of the Circulation of the Blood the manner how such an effect doth 

succeed admits of some dispute, and is obscure. We the silly 

followers of Galen and the Ancients do think it an imbecility 

of judgement, for any to desert an experienced practice, 

because he doth not comprehend in what manner it is 

effected.^' 

In the early nineteenth century the physiologist 

Francois Magendie (1783-1855), who argued 

against bloodletting, showed that the physiological 

effects of opening different veins was exactly the 

same, and therefore the choice of which vein to 

bleed did not affect the procedure.^s 

The first serious modern challenges to bloodletting were made in the sixteenth and seventeenth 

centuries under the leadership of the German alchemist Paracelsus and his Belgian follower, Van 

Helmont. The medical chemists or iatrochemists 

espoused explanations for and treatments of diseases based on chemical theories and practices. They 

believed that the state of the blood could best be 

regulated by administering the proper chemicals 

and drugs rather than by simply removing a portion of the blood. latrochemistry provided a substitution in the form of medicinals to quell the flow 

of blood for therapeutic purposes.^^ 

The revival of Hippocratic medicine in the late 

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also led to 

questioning the efficacy of bloodletting. The Hippocratic treatises, while they occasionally mentioned 

bloodletting, generally stressed nature's power of 

cure. This school of medicine advocated a return 

to clinical observation and a reduction of activist 

intervention. Treatments such as bloodletting, it 

was felt by the neo-Hippocratists, might merely 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

serve to weaken the patient's strength and hinder 

the healing processes of nature.^" 

A rival group of medical theorists also flourished 

in this period. The iatrophysicists, who concentrated on mechanical explanations of physiological 

events, remained adherents of bloodletting. Their 

support of the practice ensured its use at a time 

when the first substantial criticism of it arose. 

Instrumentation and Techniques 

Sharp thorns, roots, fish teeth, and sharpened stones 

were among the early implements used to let 

blood.^i Venesection, one of the most frequently 

mentioned procedures in ancient medicine, and 

related procedures such as lancing abcesses, puncturing cavities containing fluids, and dissecting tissues, were all accomplished in the classical period 

and later with an instrument called the phlebotome. Phlebos is Greek for "vein," while "tome" 

derives from temnein, meaning "to cut.'' In Latin, 

"phlebotome" becomes "flebotome," and in an 

Anglo-Saxon manuscript dating from A.D. 1000, 

the word "fleam" appears. The phlebotome, a type 

of lancet, was not described in any of the ancient 

literature, but its uses make it apparent that it was 

a sharp-pointed, double-edged, and straight-bladed 

cutting implement or scalpel similar to the type 

later used for splitting larger veins.^^ 

Several early Roman examples of phlebotomes 

have been collected in European museums. One, 

now in the Cologne Museum, was made of steel 

with a square handle and blade of myrtle leaf 

shape. Another specimen, made of bronze, was uncovered in the house of the physician of Strada del 

Consulare of Pompeii. This specimen, now in the 

Naples Museum, is 8 cm long and 9 mm at the 

broadest part of the blade, and its handle bears a 

raised ring ornamentation.^^ A number of copies 

of Roman instruments have been made and some 

have passed into museum collections. Some of the 

copies were commissioned by Sir Henry Wellcome 

for the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum collection and the Howard Dittrick Historical Medical 

Museum in Cleveland. They emulate the size, 

color, and aged condition of the originals and make 

it very difficult for the inexpert to distinguish an 

original from its replica. It is, however, impossible 

to fully duplicate the patina of ancient bronze.^* 

Seventeenth-century and later bloodletting instruments usually have not been copied.*^ 

From the earliest examples of the fleam, such as 

the specimen found at Pompeii, this instrument has 

been associated with the veterinarian. Since early 

practitioners, particularly the Roman physician, 

performed the duties of the surgeon as well as those 

of the veterinarian, it is possible that they used the 

same instrument to open blood vessels in humans 

and animals.^^ 

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a 

type of fleam (German fliete, French flamette), 

which had a pointed edge at right angles to the 

handle, was in use in Germany, Holland, and 

Vienna, Austria.^^ Since the specimens found in 

museums vary in size, it is likely that this type of 

fleam was used on both animals and humans. 

In about the fifteenth century the thumb lancet, 

also called a gladiolus, sagitella, lanceola, lancetta, 

or olivaris, was introduced.*^ It soon became the 

preferred instrument for opening a vein in any part 

of the body. The double-edged iron or steel blade 

was placed between two larger covers, usually made 

of horn or shell, and all three pieces were united 

at the base with a riveted screw. The blade could 

be placed at various angles of inclination when in 

use. The shape of the blade, whether broad or 

narrow, determined the ease with which the skin 

and vein could be penetrated. A long slender blade 

was essential to pierce a vein located below many 

layers of fatty tissue.*^ These tiny and delicate 

thumb lancets were often carried in small flat cases 

of silver, tortoise shell, shagreen, or leather with 

hinged tops and separate compartments for each 

lancet. (Figure 5.) 

A surgeon was advised to carry lancets of various 

sizes and shapes in order to be prepared to open 

veins of differing sizes and in different locations. 

Even Hippocrates had cautioned bloodletters not 

to use the different size lancets indiscriminately, 

"for there are certain parts of the body which have 

a swift current of blood which it is not easy to 

stop." ^^ For vessels that bled easily, it was essential 

to make narrow openings; otherwise it would be 

difficult, if not impossible, to stop the flow of the 

blood. For other vessels, lancets that made larger 

openings were required or the blood would not 

flow satisfactorily. 

The blood as it spurted from the vein would be 

collected in a container and measured. When 

enough blood was removed, the bleeding would 
NUMBER 41 11 

FIGURE 5.—18th-19th century lancets and lancet cases. The cases are made of mother-of-pearl, 

silver, shagreen, and tortoise shell. (NMHT 308730.10. SI photo 76-9116.) 

be Stopped by a bandage or compress applied to 

the incision. 

Teaching a medical student how to bleed has 

had a long tradition. Before approaching a patient, 

the student practiced opening a vein quickly and 

accurately on plants, especially the fruits and 

stems.^i The mark of a good venesector was his 

ability not to let even a drop of blood be seen after 

the bleeding basin was removed.^^ 

It required some degree of skill to strike a vein 

properly. The most common vein tapped was in 

the elbow, although veins in the foot were also 

popular. The arm was first rubbed and the patient 

given a stick to grasp. Then a tourniquet would 

be applied above the elbow (or, if the blood was 

to be taken from the foot, above the ankle), in 

order to enlarge the veins and promote a continuous flow of blood. Holding the handle between 

the thumb and the first finger, the operator then 

jabbed the lancet into the vein. Sometimes, especially if the vein was not close to the surface of 

the skin, the instrument was given an extra impetus 

by striking it with a small mallet or the fingers to 

insure puncturing the vein.^^ xhe incisions were 

made diagonally or parallel to the veins in order 

to minimize the danger of cutting the vein in two.^* 

For superficial veins, the vein was sometimes 

transfixed, that is, the blade would be inserted underneath the vessel so that the vessel could not 

move or slip out of reach. The transfixing procedure 

ensured that the vein would remain semi-divided 

so that blood would continuously pass out of it, 

and that injury to other structures would be 

avoided. Deeplying veins of the scalp, for example, 

could not be transfixed. They were divided by cutting through everything overlying them since there 

were no important structures to injure.^^ 

The consequences of puncturing certain veins 

incorrectly were discussed by many early writers 

including Galen, Celsus, Antyllus, and Paul of 

Aegina.^^ Injury to a nearby nerve, muscle, or artery 

resulted in convulsions, excessive bleeding, or paralysis. 

Bloodletting was at its most fashionable in the 

eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In this 

period it was considered an art to hold the lancet 

properly and to support the arm of the patient 

with delicacy and grace.^^ Many patients had by 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

repeated bloodlettings become inured to its potential danger and unpleasantness. In the mideighteenth century one British physician declared: 

"People are so familiarized to bleeding that they 

cannot easily conceive any hurt or danger to ensue, 

and therefore readily submit, when constitutional 

fear is out of the question, to the opening of a 

vein, however unskillfully advised." ^^ In England 

in the early nineteenth century people came to the 

hospital to be bled in the spring and fall as part 

of the ritual for maintaining good health. At some 

periods there were so many people undergoing 

prophylactic bloodletting that they could be seen 

lying on the floor of the hospital while recovering 

from the faintness induced by venesection.^9 

The lancet was perhaps the most common medical instrument. The Lancet was the name of one 

of the oldest and most socially aware English medical journals, founded by Thomas Wakeley in 

1823.60 

In America, Benjamin Rush (1746-1813) promoted vomits, purges, salivation, and especially 

bleeding. Rush, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, is notorious in medical history for his 

resorting to massive bleedings during the epidemics 

of yellow fever at the end of the eighteenth century. 

Rush told a crowd of people in 1793: "I treat my 

patients successfully by bloodletting, and copious 

purging with calomel and jalop and I advise you, 

my good friends, to use the same remedies." 

"What?" called a voice from the crowd, "Bleed and 

purge everyone?" "Yes," said the doctor, "bleed 

and purge all Kensington." ^^ 

The alternatives to bleeding in this period included administering mercury (calomel) to promote salivation and tartar emetic to induce 

vomiting. These substitutes could be as hazardous 

as bleeding and offered little choice to the patient 

who had to bear the unpleasant effects. Thus, the 

late eighteenth and early nineteenth century has 

been referred to by historians as the era of heroic 

medicine because of the large amounts of strong 

medications given and excessive bloodletting.®^ 

One of the most notable victims of heroic medicine during this period was George Washington 

(1732-1799), who was bled four times in two days 

after having contracted a severe inflammation of 

the throat. Washington's physician. Dr. Craik, admitted that the removal of too much blood might 

have been the cause of his death. Additional bleeding was prevented only by Washington's request to 

be allowed to die without further medical intervention, since he believed that his illness was incurable.^^ 

Bloodletting was especially resorted to in times 

of crisis. One woman, Hannah Green, had been 

anesthetized in 1848 by chloroform before undergoing a minor operation on her toe. The physician 

bled her in a futile attempt to revive her, but she 

died, becoming the first known victim of inhalation 

anesthesia.6* 

Spring Lancets 

The great vogue in phlebotomy inspired the invention of ingenious instruments. From Vienna 

came the automatic or spring lancet, originally 

called a Schnepper or Schnepperlein, which permitted the operator to inject the blade into a vein 

without exerting manual pressure.*"^ It was widely 

adopted if the variety of models now extant is a 

proper indication. In the spring lancet, the blade 

was fixed into a small metal case with a screw and 

arranged to respond to a spring that could be released by a button or lever on the outside of the 

case. The blade was positioned at right angles to 

the spring and case, thus adopting the basic shape 

of the fleam. The case of the spring lancet was 

usually made of copper, silver, brass, or an alloy. 

It was often decorated with engraved furbelows or 

embossed with political or other symbols depending on the preference of the owner and the fashion 

of the period. The mechanism of this handsome 

implement has been described by a modern collector (Figures 6, 7) : 

The curved projection (1) is the continuation of a heavy 

coiled spring. When pushed up it catches on a ratchet. A 

razor sharp blade (2), responding to the pressure of a light 

spring placed under it, follows the handle as it goes up. A 

lever (3) acting on a fulcrum (4) when pressed down, releases 

handle which in turn strikes the lancet down with lightning 

speed."* 

The spring lancet was initially described by Lorenz Heister in 1719.^''^ Another early description 

appeared in 1798 in the first American edition of 

the Encyclopedia or Dictionary of Arts and 

Sciences, in which the spring lancet was called a 

"phleam." ^^ 

The spring lancet for use on humans was a 

rather tiny instrument. Its casing was about 4 cm 
NUMBER 41 13 

BLADE 

HANDLE OF 

SPRING 

..t'' 

RATCHET 

COILED 

SPRING 

FIGURE 7.—Interior of spring lancet. (NMHT 308730.10; 

SI photo 76-13535.) 

FIGURE 6.—Spring lancet, 19th century. (NMHT 321636.01; 

SI photo 73-4236.) 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

long and 1.5 to 2 cm wide. The blade added another 

centimeter in length. Larger size instruments, often 

with a metal guard over the blade, were made for 

use on animals. Eighteenth- and early nineteenthcentury spring lancets are found in a wide variety 

of shapes. Mid- and late nineteenth-century spring 

lancets are more uniform in shape, most having 

the familiar knob-shaped end. In most lancets the 

blade was released by a lever, but in the late nineteenth century, the blade of a more expensive model 

was released by a button. 

In general, German, American, and Dutch surgeons preferred the spring lancet to the simple 

thumb lancet. In contrast, the French tended to 

prefer the thumb lancet. Ristelhueber, a surgeon 

in Strasbourg, maintained in 1819 that the simple 

lancet was preferable to the spring lancet both in 

terms of simplicity of design and application. While 

allowing German surgeons some credit for attempting to improve the spring lancet, Ristelheuber remained firm in his view that the spring lancet was 

too complicated and performed no better than the 

thumb lancet. The only advantage of the spring 

lancet was that it could be used by those who were 

ignorant of anatomy and the art of venesection. 

Untutored bleeders could employ a spring lancet 

on those veins that stood out prominently and be 

fairly confident that they could remove blood without harming other blood vessels. The bagnio men 

(bath attendants), who routinely bled the bathers 

in public baths, preferred the spring lancet.^^ It 

was more difficult to sever a vein with a spring 

lancet and thereby cause serious hemorrhaging. 

However, since the spring lancet was harder to clean 

because of its small size and its enclosed parts, it 

was more likely to induce infection (phlebitis). 

While the French and British surgeons remained 

critical of the spring lancet, it became popular in 

the United States. John Syng Dorsey, a noted Philadelphia surgeon, wrote in 1813: 

The German fleam or spring lancet I prefer greatly to the 

common English lancet for phlebotomy; it is now in some 

parts of the United States almost exclusively used. In a country situated like the United States, where every surgeon, 

except those residing in our largest cities, is compelled to be 

his own cutler, at least so far as to keep his instruments in 

order, the spring-lancet has a decided preference over the 

lancet; the blade of this can with great ease be sharpened by 

any man of common dexterity, and if not very keen it does 

no mischief, whereas a dull lancet is a most dangerous instrument; and no one can calculate with certainty the depth to 

which it will enter. To sharpen a lancet, is regarded by the 

cutler as one of his nicest and most difficult jobs; it is one to 

which few surgeons are competent. 

The safety of using the fleam is demonstrated by daily 

experience; there is no country in which venesection is more 

frequently performed than in the United States, and perhaps 

none where fewer accidents from the operation have occurred, 

of those few, I beg leave to state, that all the aneurisms 

produced by bleeding, which I have seen, have been in cases 

where the lancet was used. Among the advantages of the 

spring-lancet economy is not the least. A country practitioner 

who is constantly employing English lancets, and who is 

particular in using none but the best, must necessarily consume half the emoluement derived from the operation, in the 

purchase of his instruments. One spring-lancet, with an 

occasional new blade, will serve him all his life.TM 

This popularity is also reflected in various medical 

dictionaries of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that described the instrument and in the 

wide variety of spring lancets in the Smithsonian 

collection. 

One American user of the spring lancet, J. E. 

Snodgrass of Baltimore, was inspired to compose a 

poem about the instrument, which appeared in the 

Baltimore Pheonix and Budget in 1841. He wrote: 

To My Spring-Lancet 

Years have passed since first we met, 

Pliant and ever-faithful-slave! 

Nobly thou standest by me yet, 

Watchful as ever and as brave. 

O, were the power of language thine. 

To tell all thou hast seen and done, 

Methinks the curious would incline. 

Their ears to dwell they tales upon! 

I love thee, bloodstaln'd, faithful friend! 

As warrior loves his sword or shield; 

For how on thee did I depend 

When foes of Life were in the field! 

Those blood spots on thy visage, tell 

That thou, thro horrid scenes, hast past. 

O, thou hast served me long and well; 

And I shall love thee to the Last! 

A thousand mem'ries cluster round thee 

In all their freshness! thou dost speak 

Of friends far distant-friends who found thee 

Aye with thy master, prompt to wreak 

Vengeance on foes who strove to kill 

With blows well aim'd at heart or head— 

Thieves that, with demon heart and will. 

Would fain have on they vials fed. 

O, They have blessed thee for thy aid, 

When grateful eyes, thy presence, spoke; 

Thou, anguish'd bosoms, glad hast made. 

And miser's tyrant sceptre broke. 
NUMBER 41 15 

Now, when 'mong strangers, is our sphere. 

Thou, to my heart, are but the more. 

Endear'd^—as many a woe-wring tear 

Would plainly tell, if from me tore! 

There was little change in the mechanism of the 

spring lancet during the nineteenth century, despite the efforts of inventors to improve it. Approximately five American patents on variations of the 

spring lancet were granted in the nineteenth century. One patent model survives in the Smithsonian 

collection. Joseph Gordon of Catonsville, Maryland, in 1857 received patent No. 16479 for a spring 

lancet constructed so that three different positions 

of the ratchet could be set by the sliding shield. 

The position of the ratchet regulated the force 

with which the blade entered the vein. This also 

had the advantage of allowing the blade to enter 

the vein at the same angle irrespective of the depth 

to which it penetrated.'^^i 

The Decline of Bleeding 

Throughout the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, most physicians of note, regardless 

of their explanations of disease, including Hermann 

Boerhaave, Gerard Van Swieten, Georg Ernst Stahl 

(phlogiston), John Brown and Friedrich Hoffmann (mechanistic theories), Johann Peter Frank, 

Albrecht von Haller, Percival Pott, John Pringle, 

William Cullen, and Francois Broussais, recommended bloodletting and adjusted their theories to 

provide an explanation for its value. At the end 

of the eighteenth century and in the early nineteenth century, the practice of bloodletting reached 

a high point with the theories of F.-J.-V. Broussais 

(1772-1838) and others. After 1830, however, the 

practice gradually declined until, by the end of the 

century, it had all but disappeared. 

This decline occurred even though many medical 

theories were brought to the defense of bleeding. 

A French medical observer commented in 1851 that 

"I'histoire de la saign^e consider^e dans son ensemble, constituerait presque a elle seule I'histoire de 

toutes les doctrines m^dicales" (the history of 

bloodletting, considered in its totality, would constitute almost by itself the history of all medical 

doctrines)."^2 There was no crisis of medical opinion, and no one event to account for this decline. 

The French physician, Pierre Louis's statistical investigation (numerical method) into the effect of 

bloodletting in the treatment of pneumonia has 

often been cited as a cause for the downfall of 

venesection,'^^ but the results of Louis's research 

showed only that bloodletting was not as useful as 

was previously thought. Louis's work, however, was 

typical of a new and critical attitude in the nineteenth century towards all traditional remedies. A 

number of investigators in France, Austria, England, and America did clinical studies comparing 

the recovery rates of those who were bled and those 

who were not.'^^ Other physicians attempted to 

measure, by new instruments and techniques, the 

physiological affects of loss of blood. Once pathological anatomy had associated disease entities with 

specific lesions, physicians sought to discover exactly how remedies such as bloodletting would 

affect these lesions. In the case of pneumonia, for 

example, those who defined the disease as "an 

exudation into the vessels and tissues of the lungs" 

could not see how bloodletting could remove the 

coagulation. John Hughes Bennett, an Edinburgh 

physician, wrote in 1855: "It is doubtful whether 

a large bleeding from the arm can operate upon 

the stagnant blood in the pulmonary capillaries— 

that it can directly affect the coagulated exudation 

is impossible." "^^ Bennett felt that bloodletting 

merely reduced the strength of the patient and thus 

impeded recovery. 

Bloodletting was attacked not only by medical 

investigators, but much more vehemently by members of such medical sects as the homeopaths and 

botanies who sought to replace the harsh remedies 

of the regular physicians by their own milder systems of therapeutics.'^^ 

As a result of all this criticism the indications for 

bleeding were gradually narrowed, until at the 

present time bloodletting is used in only a few very 

specific important instances. 

In England and America, in the last quarter of 

the nineteenth century, a last serious attempt was 

made to revive bloodletting before it died out altogether. A number of Americans defended the 

limited use of bleeding, especially in the form of 

venesection. The noted American physician, Henry 

I. Bowditch, tried in 1872 to arouse support for 

venesection among his Massachusetts Medical Society colleagues. He noted that venesection declined 

more than any other medical opinion in the esteem 

of the physician and the public during the previous 

half century. At the beginning of his career, he had 

ignored the request of his patients who wanted 
16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

annual bloodlettings to "breathe a vein" to maintain good health. He eventually found that to give 

up the practice entirely was as wrong as to overdo 

it when severe symptoms of a violent, acute cardiac 

disease presented themselves. Lung congestion and 

dropsy were other common disorders that seemed 

to him to be relieved, at least temporarily, by 

venesection.'^^ 

In 1875 the Englishman W. Mitchell Clarke, 

after reviewing the long history of bloodletting and 

commenting on the abrupt cessation of the practice 

in his own time, wrote: 

Experience must, indeed, as Hippocrates says in his first 

aphorism, be fallacious if we decide that a means of treatment, sanctioned by the use of between two and three thousand years, and upheld by the authority of the ablest men of 

past times, is finally and forever given up. This seems to me 

to be the most interesting and important question in connection with this subject. Is the relinquishment of bleeding final? 

or shall we see by and by, or will our successors see, a resumption of the practice? This, I take it, is a very difficult 

question to answer; and he would be a very bold man who, 

after looking carefully through the history of the past, would 

venture to assert that bleeding will not be profitably employed 

any more." 

An intern, Henri A. Lafleur of the newly founded 

Johns Hopkins Hospital, reported on five patients 

on whom venesection was performed between 1889 

and 1891. Lafleur defended his interest in the subject by calling attention to other recent reports of 

successes with bleeding, such as that of Dr. PyeSmith of London. He concluded that at least temporary relief from symptoms due to circulatory 

disorders, especially those involving the pulmonary 

system, was achieved through venesection. 

Pneumonia and pleurisy were the primary diseases for which venesection was an approved remedy.'^^ It had long been believed by bloodletters 

that these complaints were especially amenable to 

an early and repeated application of the lancet.^^ 

Austin Flint had explained in 1867 that bloodletting "is perhaps more applicable to the treatment 

of inflammation affecting the pulmonary organs 

than to the treatment of other inflammatory affections, in consequence of the relations of the former 

[pulmonary organs] to the circulation." ^i Thus, 

while bloodletting for other diseases declined 

throughout the nineteenth century, it continued to 

be advocated for treating apoplexy, pneumonia, 

and pulmonary edema.^^ 

The merit of phlebotomy for those afflicted with 

congestive heart failure was emphasized again in 

1912 by H. A. Christian. This condition led to 

engorgement of the lungs and liver and increased 

pressure in the venous side of the circulation. Articles advocating bloodletting continued into the 

1920s and 1930s.83 

Bloodletting is currently being tested as a treatment for those suffering from angina or heart attacks. Blood is removed on a scheduled basis to 

maintain the hematocrit (the percentage of red 

blood cells in the blood) at a specified level. Keeping the hematocrit low has provided relief to those 

being tested.^^ Other benefits of removing blood, 

including the lowering of blood pressure, can be 

obtained by the use of antihypertensive drugs. 

Thus the valid indications for bleeding are being 

supplanted by the use of modern drugs that accomplish the same end. 

By the twentieth century the lancet was replaced 

in some quarters by safer devices for removing 

blood and injecting fluids into the bloodstream. 

Heinrich Stern improved Strauss's special hyperdermic needle. In 1905 Stern designed a venepuncture or aspirating needle that was 7 cm long with 

a silver cannula of 4 cm. Attached to the handle 

was a thumb-rest and a tube for removing or adding 

fluids and a perforator within the cannula. He recommended that the forearm be strapped above the 

elbow and that the instrument be thrust into the 

most prominent vein. This streamlined vein puncturing implement reduced the possibility of injecting air and bacteria into the blood.^^ It was, and 

continues to be, used to withdraw blood for study 

in the laboratory, to aid in diagnosis of disease, 

and to collect blood for transfusing into those who 

need additional blood during an operation or to 

replace blood lost in an accident or disease. The 

blood is collected in a glass or plastic graduated 

container and stored under refrigeration. The 

study of blood donors has, incidentally, given insights into the physiology of bloodletting since the 

volume customarily removed from a donor is about 

the same in volume as that taken by a bleeder (one 

pint or 500 cc) .^^ 

The annual physical examination today includes 

taking a small amount of blood from the finger 

or a vein in the elbow. This blood is then 

analyzed for the presence of biochemical components of such diseases as diabetes, anemia, arteriosclerosis, etc. A tiny sterile instrument called a 
NUMBER 41 17 

blood lancet may be used by the technician who 

draws the blood, who is still called by the historical 

name, phlebotomist. 

Cupping 

"Cupping is an art," wrote the London cupper 

Samuel Bayfield in 1823, "the value of which every 

one can appreciate who has had opportunities of 

being made acquainted with its curative power by 

observing its effects on the person of others, or by 

realizing them in his own." ^7 The curious operation of taking blood by means of exhausted cups 

had been part of Western medicine since the time 

of Hippocrates, and has been found in many other 

cultures as well. It is still practiced in some parts 

of the world today. 

Since antiquity medical authors have distinguished two forms of cupping, dry and wet. In dry 

cupping, no blood was actually removed from the 

body. A cup was exhausted of air and applied to the 

skin, causing the skin to tumefy. In wet cupping, 

dry cupping was followed by the forming of several 

incisions in the skin and a reapplication of the cups 

in order to collect blood. It was possible to scarify 

parts of the body without cupping—through the 

nineteenth-century physicians recommended scarifying the lips, the nasal passages, the eyes, and the 

uterus. In order to remove any sizeable amount of 

blood, however, it was necessary to apply some sort 

of suction to the scarifications, because capillaries, 

unlike arteries and veins, do not bleed freely. 

(Figure 8.) 

Cupping was generally regarded as an auxiliary 

to venesection. The indications for the operation 

were about the same as the indications for phlebotomy, except that there was a tendency to prefer 

cupping in cases of localized pain or inflammation, 

or if the patient was too young, too old, or too 

weak to withstand phlebotomy. "If cutting a vein 

is an instant danger, or if the mischief is still localised, recourse is to be had rather to cupping," 

wrote the encyclopedist Celsus in the first century 

A.D.88 

As noted above, the ancients usually recommended cupping close to the seat of the disease. 

However, there were several examples in ancient 

writings of cupping a distant part in order to divert 

blood. The most famous of these examples was 

Hippocrates' recommendation of cupping the 

breasts in order to relieve excessive menstruation.^^ 

As was the case for phlebotomy, the number of 

ills that were supposedly relieved by cupping was 

enormous. Thomas Mapleson, a professional cupper, gave the following list of "diseases in which 

cupping is generally employed with advantage" in 

1801: 

Apoplexy, angina pectoris, asthma, spitting blood, bruises, 

cough, catarrh, consumption, contusion, convulsions, cramps, 

diseases of the hip and knee joints, deafness, delirium, dropsy, 

epilepsy, erysipelas, eruptions, giddiness, gout, whooping 

cough, hydrocephalus, head ache, inflammation of the lungs, 

intoxication, lethargy, lunacy, lumbago, measles, numbness 

of the limbs, obstructions, ophthalmia, pleurisy, palsy, defective perspiration, peripneumony, rheumatism, to procure rest, 

sciatica, shortness of breath, sore throat, pains of the side and 

chest.s" 

Early Cupping Instruments 

Mapleson believed that cupping was first suggested 

by the ancient practice of sucking blood from 

poisoned wounds. In any case, the earliest cupping 

instruments were hollowed horns or gourds with a 

small hole at the top by which the cupper could 

suck out the blood from scarifications previously 

made by a knife. The Arabs called these small 

vessels "pumpkins" to indicate that they were frequently applied to a part of the body in which the 

organs contained air or that they were vessels that 

had to be evacuated before they could be applied.^^ 

The use of cattle horns for cupping purposes 

seems to have been prevalent in all periods up to 

the present. When Prosper Alpinus visited Egypt 

in the sixteenth century, he found the Egyptians 

using horns that were provided with a small valve 

of sheepskin to be maintained in place by the 

cupper's tongue and serving to prevent the intake 

of air once the cup was exhausted.^^ 

In nineteenth-century America, at least one physician still recommended horns as superior to glass 

cups for rural medical practice. A Virginia physician. Dr. W. A. Gillespie, disturbed by the high 

cost of cupping instruments, suggested to his 

readers in The Boston Medical and Surgical Journal for 1834 that since glass cups were often broken 

when carried from place to place, "an excellent 

substitute can be made of a small cow horn, cornicula, which may be scraped or polished until perfectly diaphanous or transparent." ^^ 

The Smithsonian collection contains a cow's 
18 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 8.—Scarification without cupping in Egypt in the 16th century. To obtain sufficient blood, 

20 to 40 gashes were made in the legs and the patient was made to stand in a basin of warm 

water. (From Prosper Alpinus, Medicina Aegyptorum, Leyden, 1719. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
NUMBER 41 19 

horn from Madaoua, Niger Republic (West Africa), 

used for drawing blood in the 1960s. The director of the Baptist Mission, who sent the horn, noted 

that he had often seen Africans sitting in the market place with such horns on their backs or their 

heads. Scarifications were made with a handmade 

razor.^* 

In addition to horn cups, the ancients employed 

bronze cups in which a vacuum was obtained by 

inserting a piece of burning flax or linen into the 

cup before its application to the skin. Most Greek 

and Roman cups were made of metal.^^ Although 

Galen already preferred glass cups to metal cups for 

the simple reason that one could see how much 

blood was being evacuated, metal cups were used 

until modern times. Their main virtue was that 

they did not break and thus could be easily transported. For this reason, metal cups were especially 

useful to military surgeons. Brass and pewter cups 

were common in the eighteenth century, and tin 

cups were sold in the late nineteenth century. 

Since the latter part of antiquity, cups have been 

made of glass. The Smithsonian possesses two Persian opaque glass cups dating from the twelfth 

century, called "spouted glasses" because of the 

spout protruding from the side of the cup by which 

the cupper exhausted the air with his mouth. 

Similar spouted glasses were illustrated by Prosper 

Alpinus (sixteenth century), so designed that the 

blood would collect in a reservoir instead of being 

sucked into the cupper's mouth. Like the horn 

cups illustrated by Alpinus, the glass cups were provided with a small valve made of animal skin. It 

appears that the sixteenth-century Egyptians were 

not familiar with the use of fire for exhausting 

cups. (Figure 9.) 

Cupping and leeching were less frequently practiced in the medieval period, although general 

bloodletting retained its popularity.^^ When the 

eastern practice of public steam baths was reintroduced into the West in the late sixteenth and 

early seventeenth centuries, cupping tended to be 

left in the hands of bath attendants (Bagnio men) 

and ignored by regular surgeons. Some surgeons, 

such as Pierre Dionis, who gave a course of surgery 

in Paris in the early eighteenth century, saw little 

value in the operation. He felt that the ancients 

had greatly exaggerated the virtues of the remedy.^'^ 

Another French surgeon, Ren^ de Garengeot, argued in 1725 that those who resorted to such 

FIGURE 9.—Persian spouted cupping glass, 12 th century. 

(NMHT 224478 [M-8037]; SI photo 73-4215.) 

outdated remedies as cupping had studied the 

philosophical systems of the ancients more than 

they had practiced medicine. He accused the admirers of the ancients of wishing to kill patients 

"with the pompous apparatus of wet cupping." ^^ 

(Figure 10.) 

Nineteenth-century cuppers tended to blame the 

baths for the low status of cupping among surgeons. 

Dionis had described the baths in Germany as great 

vaulted halls with benches on two sides, one side 

for men and the other for women. Members of 

both sexes, nude except for a piece of linen around 

the waist, sat in the steamy room and were cupped, 

if they so desired, by the bath attendants. The 

customers' vanity was satisfied by making the scarifications (which left scars) in the form of hearts, 

love-knots, and monograms.^^ Mapleson's complaint 

against the baths in 1813 was typical of the reaction 

of the nineteenth-century professional cupper: 

The custom which appears to have become prevalent of resorting to these Bagnios, or Haumaums, to be bathed and 

cupped, appears to have superseded the practice of this 

operation by the regular surgeons. Falling into the hands of 

mere hirelings, who practiced without knowledge, and without any other principle than one merely mercenary, the 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 10.—Cupping in the bath, 16th century. (From a woodcut held by the Bibliotheque 

Nationale. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
NUMBER 41 21 

operation appears to have fallen into contempt, to have been 

neglected by Physicians, because patients had recourse to it 

without previous advice, and disparaged by regular Surgeons, 

because, being performed by others, it diminished the profits 

of their profession.^"^ 

After a period of neglect, cupping enjoyed renewed popularity in the late eighteenth and early 

nineteenth centuries. In that period a numbe r of 

professional cuppers practiced in the cities of Europe and America. Both Guy's and Westminster 

Hospitals in London employed a professional cupper to aid physicians and surgeons. Of these hospital 

cuppers, at least four, Thoma s Mapleson, Samuel 

Bayfield, George Frederick Knox, and Monson 

Hills published treatises on the art of cupping, 

from which we gain the clearest account of cupping 

procedure.i'^'^ Knox, who succeeded Mapleson as 

Cupper at Westminster Hospital, was petitioned 

by 59 medical and surgical students to write his 

practical and portable text.i*'^ 

Instruments of the Professional Cupper 

Cupping instruments in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were generally simple dome-shaped 

glass cups provided with thick rims so that the 

cups would be less painful when applied and removed. Cups were sold in various sizes, ranging 

from about 45 mm to 75 mm high. Some were 

made with a smaller diameter and a larger belly 

for cupping on parts of the body with a limited 

surface area. For the same reason, cups with an 

oval rim were recommended. (Figure 11.) 

Ther e were several common methods for exhausting cups, of which the simplest and most widely 

used was that of throwing burning lint or tow 

(the coarse part of flax, hemp, or jute) inside the 

glass before applying the glass to the skin of the 

patient. Th e professional cuppers vehemently disapproved of this clumsy practice, for the patient 

could easily be scorched.i^s Various improvements 

were suggested to avoid burning the patient. Dionis 

(1708) had recommended placing a small card 

with lighted candles over the scarifications, and 

then applying the cup.io* Other methods included 

the brief introduction of a wire holding a bit of 

sponge soaked with alcohol and ignited, or attaching 

a bit of sponge to the inside of the glass by means 

of wax and a piece of wood. All such methods were 

deemed "clumsy expedients" by professional cupFIGURE 11.—Typical glass cupping cups, late 19th century. 

(NMHT 152130 [M-4766-68]; SI Photo 61135-C.) 

pers,^*^^ who preferred to employ a lamp or torch 

especially made for cupping. Eighteenth-century 

surgical texts illustrated brass grease lamps with 

covers to regulate the flame. Probably less difficult 

to maneuver was the alcohol lamp first introduced 

in the 1790s. Alcohol lamps for cupping were made 

of metal, shaped like teapots, and contained a heavy 

cotton wick protruding from the spout.^^^ 

Although Mapleson (1813) employed an alcohol 

lamp, the cuppers writing after him preferred the 

more recently-introduced cupping torch. This consisted of a piece of hollow metal tubing cut 

obliquely at one end and provided with a metal 

bulb or ring at the other end. A cotton wick was 

stuffed as compactly as possible into the tube so 

that a small piece of wick protruded from the 

oblique end. Th e wick was dipped in alcohol, 

ignited, and inserted briefly into the cup. Th e torch 

was more convenient than the older teapot lamp 

because it was easier to insert into the cup, and was 

small enough to hold in the hand at the same time 

as one held the scarificator.^^*'^ 

T h e introduction of the scarificator represented 

the major change in the art of cupping between 

antiquity and the nineteenth century. Unlike later 

attempts at improving cupping technology, the 

scarificator was almost universally adopted. Previous to its invention, the cupper, following ancient 

practice, severed the capillaries by making a series 

of parallel incisions with a lancet, fleam, or other 

surgical knife.^"^^ This was a messy, time consuming, and painful procedure. Ambroise Par^ 

(1510?-1590) was the first to employ the word 

"scarificator" and the first to illustrate a special 

instrument for scarification in his compendium of 
22 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

surgical instruments.^^^ However, a precursor to 

the scarificator had been suggested by Paulus of 

Aegina (625-690), who described an instrument 

constructed of three lancets joined together so that 

in one application three incisions could be made in 

the skin. The instrument, recommended for the 

removal of coagulated blood in the wake of a blow, 

was considered difficult to use and was not generally 

adopted.11" Park's scarificator had a circular case 

and eighteen blades attached to three rods projecting from the bottom. A pin projecting from the side 

may have served to lift the blades and a button 

on the top to release them although Pare did not 

describe the spring mechanism. ^ Par^ did not 

recommend the instrument for cupping, but rather 

for the treatment of gangrene. Several sixteenthand seventeenth-century surgical texts made reference to Park's instrument, among them Jacques 

Delechamps (1569) and Hellkiah Crooke (i631).ii2 

It is not known who made the first square scarificator and adapted it to cupping. The instrument 

was not found in Dionis (1708), but it did appear 

in Heister (1719) and in Garengeot (1725). Thus 

it appears that the scarificator was invented between 

1708 and 1719. Garengeot disliked cupping in general and he had little good to say of the new 

mechanical scarificator. "A nasty instrument," he 

called it, "good only for show." ii^ The German 

surgeon, Lorenz Heister, was more appreciative of 

the innovation. After describing the older method 

of making sixteen to twenty small wounds in the 

skin with a knife, he announced that "The modern 

surgeons have, for Conveniency for themselves and 

Ease to the Patient, contrived a Scarificator . . . 

which consists of 16 small Lancet-blades fixed in a 

cubical Brass Box, with a Steel Spring." n^ Heister 

noted that while Pare had used the scarificator only 

for incipient mortification, it was now "used with 

good success by our Cuppers in many other Diseases, as I myself have frequently seen and experienced." 115 

The earliest scarificators were simple square 

brass boxes, with cocking and release levers and 16 

pointed blades. By 1780, illustrations in surgical 

works showed that the bottom of the scarificator 

was detachable. Thus, although the illustrations do 

not show the screw for regulating the height of the 

blade cover, provision may already have been made 

for adjusting the depth of cut of the blades.n^ 

Square or German-style scarificators continued to 

be sold in Germany throughout the nineteenth 

century. The earlier models (late eighteenth, early 

nineteenth century) were frequently embellished 

with ornate decoration, and had pointed blades. 

Some were quite tall. A specimen dated 1747, in 

the Wellcome Medical Museum collection, is 14.4 

cm high and 4.5 cm wide at the base. (Figure 12.) 

FIGURE 12.—Lavishly decorated scarificator. 18th century. 

(Held by the Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, 

London. Photo courtesy of the Wellcome.) 

The later models (mid- to late nineteenth century) were wider and plainer and had arched or 

crescent shaped blades (which made a cleaner 

lesion), but the internal mechanism remained the 

same. Square scarificators all had 16 steel blades 

that cut in the same direction and were arranged 

on three rods of five, six, and five blades respectively. At one end of each rod was a gear pinion. 

The cocking lever, protruding through an aperture 

at the top of the scarificator, broadened out into 

a flat plate with as many gear sectors as blade 

rods. The plate was held against the interior of 

the scarificator by a heavy support rod running 

the width of the scarificator, in such a way that the 

gear sectors of the cocking lever meshed with the 
NUMBER 41 23 

pinions on the blade rods. Pulling up on the cocking lever turned the blades 180 degrees. A heavy 

flat cantilever spring, attached at one end to the 

bottom of the case, was caught under a protuberance on the cocking lever and bent as the cocking lever was pulled. As the blades were turned, 

a catch slipped over a tooth on the cocking lever, 

and held the blades in place. Nineteenth-century 

octagonal scarificators generally had two catches, 

the first exposing the blades, and the second rotating them a full 180 degrees. Pressure on the 

release lever pushed the catch off the tooth on the 

cocking lever, thereby releasing the lever and allowing the spring to snap the apparatus back to its 

original position. Releasing the spring brought the 

blades around so quickly that their movement could 

not be seen. (Figure 13.) 

SUPPORT ROD 

SPRING 

SCREW TO 

RAISE OR 

LOWER BLADE 

COVER RELEASE 

LEVER 

• 

FIGURE 13.—Interior of square scarificator. (NMHT 152130 

[M-4771]; SI photo 76-9111.) 

In the square scarificators, the top and two sides 

were detachable from the bottom and the other 

two sides. Turning the wing-tip nut on the top 

of the scarificator lowered, by means of a yoke, the 

bottom of the scarificator that was fitted by grooves 

into the top. By raising and lowering the bottom, 

one could regulate the length of blade protruding 

beyond the bottom, and hence the depth of cut. 

In the 1790s, the octagonal scarificator that was 

to become the standard English-American model 

began to appear in surgical texts. The early octagonal scarificator, as illustrated in Latta (1795) 

and Bell (1801), had sixteen rounded blades arranged as in the square scarificator, an iron triggering lever similar to that of the square scarificator, a 

button release on the side, and a flat key on top 

for regulating depth of cut.n^ Early in the nineteenth century the flat keys were replaced by round 

screws. Only the bottom or blade cover of the 

octagonal scarificator was detachable. In some of 

the octagonal scarificators, the round screw on top 

ran the height of the scarificator and screwed directly into an internally threaded post inside the 

blade cover. In other scarificators, the screw raised 

and lowered a yoke whose two sides were attached 

by additional screws to side projections of the blade 

cover. 

A notable improvement was made in the early 

nineteenth century when John Weiss, a London 

instrument maker, introduced a 12 blade octagonal 

scarificator whose blades, arranged on two rods or 

pinions, were made to cut in opposite directions. 

This advance was mentioned by Mapleson in 1813 

and adopted by London professional cuppers thereafter. The advantage of the innovations was that 

the skin was thereby stretched, and a smoother, 

more regular cut could be made. Weiss's Improved 

Scarificator also featured blades that could easily 

be removed for cleaning and repair. In place of two 

rows of six blades, one could insert a single row 

of four blades to adopt the scarificator for cupping 

on small areas such as the temple.n^ The feature of inserting a pinion with clean and sharp 

blades permitted the cupper to own only two scarificators. For cleansing the blades the manufacturer 

supplied a thin piece of wood covered with wash 

leather or the pith of the elder tree.n^ 

Scarificators in which the blade rods turned in 

opposite directions (called "reversible" scarificators in trade catalogs) were more complicated to 

manufacture and therefore somewhat more expensive than unidirectional scarificators. The cocking 

lever meshed directly with only the first blade rod. 

To make the second blade rod turn in the opposite 

direction, an extra geared plate (or idler lever) was 
24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

necessary to act as an intermediary between the 

cocking lever and the second blade pinion. The 

cocking lever turned the idler lever, which then 

turned the second pinion. Two support rods and 

two cantilever springs were needed in place of the 

one in unidirectional scarificators. 

The brass, octagonal scarificator with 8, 10, and 

particularly 12 blades became the standard scarificator sold in England and America.i^o Both unidirectional ("plain") and reversible scarificators 

were offered through trade catalogs. Smaller octagonal scarificators with four to six blades were sold 

for cupping parts of the body with limited surface 

area. 

Cupping Procedure 

The art of cupping, it was generally agreed, required a high degree of dexterity that could be 

maintained only by constant practice. Professional 

cuppers were concerned with avoiding any appearance of clumsiness, else the patient might come to 

fear an operation essential to his health. In the 

hands of an inexperienced physician or surgeon, 

cupping could be highly painful to the patient, 

and yet fail to produce the requisite amount of 

blood. While expert cuppers were usually available 

in cities, the rural doctor was not trained in the 

operation. It was to these rural practitioners that 

the treatises of the professional cuppers were addressed. One cupper, George Frederick Knox, offered in addition personal instruction in cupping 

procedures. His charge was a guinea for medical 

students and three guineas for non-medical students for a three month course.i^i 

Physicians and surgeons took a renewed interest 

in cupping in the early nineteenth century. Cupping was no longer regarded as merely a useful substitute for bloodletting. Recent physiological 

research seemed to prove to the advocates of cupping that the effects of slow withdrawal of blood 

from the capillaries produced a different effect on 

the constitution than the quick withdrawal of blood 

from a vein. Thus, Knox was convinced by the 

results of this research that, while phlebotomy was 

indicated in cases of high fever, "particular phlegmasiae" specifically required the intervention of 

cupping.122 

The procedure that the experts followed in wet 

cupping was as follows. First, the cups were immersed in hot water. Bayfield recommended that 

one glass be used for every four ounces of blood 

required. Thus, to abstract 18 to 20 ounces, as was 

common in cupping on the back or abdomen, four 

or five glasses were needed. The spot chosen for 

placement of the cups should be free of bone, but 

also not overly fatty. Cupping over the belly of a 

muscle was especially recommended. After the spot 

was fomented with hot water, the torch was dipped 

in alcohol, lit, and inserted into the cup for about 

two seconds. Once the torch was removed, the cup 

was allowed to sink of its own weight into the 

skin. During the minute that the skin was allowed 

to tumefy under the cup, the scarificator was 

warmed in the palm of the hand in preparation for 

the most difficult part of the operation. It required 

great skill to manage torch, scarificator, and cups 

in such a way as to lift the cup, scarify, and recup 

before the tumefaction had subsided. Monson Hills 

(1834) described the manipulations involved thus: 

The torch is held in and across the palm of the right hand, 

by the little and ring finger, leaving the thumb, the fore and 

middle fingers free to hold the scarificator, which may be 

done by the thumb and fore finger only; the glass is then 

grasped by the thumb, fore and middle fingers of the left 

hand, leaving the little and ring fingers free; the edge of the 

glass is then detached from the skin by the middle finger of 

the right hand; the scaiificator being set, care must be taken 

not to press upon the button with the thumb too quickly; 

directly the glass comes off, we apply the scarificator, spring 

it through the integuments, and then placing it between the 

free little and ring fingers of the left hand, we apply the 

torch to the glass, and glass to the skin over the incisions, as 

before recommended.^^ 

Hills recommended practicing on a table, "taking 

care, of course, that the lancets are not allowed to 

strike the table." 

According to Bayfield, the blades of the scarificator were generally set at y^'\ If cupping behind 

the ears, they should be set at i/^", if on the temple 

at YQ", and if on the scalp at Yf/'. When the cups 

were two-thirds full, they were removed and reapplied if necessary. This, too, was no easy task. 

One had to manipulate cup and sponge deftly in 

order to avoid spillage. Cupping was to be not 

merely a neat operation, but an elegant one. After 

cupping, the wound was dabbed with alcohol or 

dressed, if necessary. Scarificator blades could be 

used some twenty times. After each use, the scarificator was to be cleaned and greased by springing 

it through a piece of mutton fat.i24 
NUMBER 41 25 

A great variety of bodily parts were cupped, just 

about any part that had sufficient surface area to 

hold a small cup in place. Knox, for example, gave 

directions for cupping on the temple, back of the 

head, behind the ears, throat, back of the neck, 

extremities, shin, chest, side, abdomen, back and 

loins, back of the thighs, perineum, sacrum, and on 

buboes.125 In reply to those who wondered if cupping hurt, Knox asserted that "those who calculate 

the pain incurred in cupping by comparison with 

a cut finger are very much deceived." The scarificator itself produced little pain, he claimed, but 

he admitted that the pressure of the rims of the 

glasses could cause a degree of discomfort.i2<> 

Nineteenth Century Attempts 

to Improve Cupping Technology 

The story of nineteenth-century attempts to improve cupping technology is an interesting one, 

in that a great deal of effort was expended on comparatively short-lived results. For those who were 

adept at cupping, the cups, torch, and standard 

scarificator were quite adequate. Innovations were 

thus aimed at making the operation more available 

to the less practiced. The new gadgets could not 

rival the traditional instruments in the hands of 

an experienced cupper, and, moreover, they were 

usually much more expensive. 

Most of the attempts at innovation centered in 

eliminating the need for an alcohol lamp or torch 

to exhaust the cups. As far back as Hero of Alexandria, we find directions for the construction of 

"a cupping-glass which shall attract without the aid 

of fire." Hero's device combined mouth suction 

with a system of valves. Another famous inventor 

of assorted devices, Santorio Santorii (1561-1636), 

described a cup that contained a syringe in the early 

seventeenth century.i^^ From the 1780s on, cups 

with brass syringes began to appear in compendia 

of instruments. A cup with brass fixings would be 

screwed onto a brass pump, placed on the skin, and 

the air within removed by a few strokes of the 

piston.129 This sounded better in theory than it 

worked in practice. Expert cuppers agreed that 

they thoroughly disliked using the syringe. Mapleson (1813) offered three strong objections to the 

instrument. First, exhaustion could easily be carried too far, so as to obstruct the flow of blood. 

Second, the operation become tedious and fatiguing to the bloodletter because of the repeated 

screwing and unscrewing of syringe and glasses. 

Third, the valves were liable to malfunction.i^o 

Twenty-three years later Knox continued to disapprove of the syringe for the very same reasons. 

Of all the new inventions for cupping, he declared 

in 1836, "the worst is the syringe, as it makes that a 

most complicated and bungling operation that 

which, with common care and attention is one of 

the most simple in surgery." i^i 

Despite rejection by experienced cuppers, manufacturing of an air-tight syringe continued to challenge inventors throughout the nineteenth century. 

Some attempted to substitute stopcocks for valves, 

and some to place long flexible tubes between 

pump and glasses so that the pumping motions 

would not be communicated to the patient. Pumps 

were gradually improved, and, although rarely 

recommended by experts, were sold in great numbers as part of fancy and expensive cupping sets. 

These sets, with prices as high as fifteen dollars, 

consisted of a mahogany or leather box with brass 

latches, lined in plush, and containing compartments for scarificators, a brass pump, and an assortment of glasses provided with metal attachments. 

Some of the most elegant of the cupping sets were 

those made by Maison Charriere of Paris. Today 

the luxury of these cupping sets seems rather incongruous with the bloody purposes for which the 

instruments were used. Yet, the beauty of the instruments and their containers must have added to 

the esteem of the physician or surgeon in the mind 

of the patient. 

Syringes were not only useful in cupping but 

also were employed in a wide variety of medical 

and surgical operations. Creating an all-purpose 

syringe that would extract or inject liquids into any 

part of the body was yet another inventor's dream. 

Two of the earliest English surgical patents were 

awarded to two such syringes. John Read (1760-

1847), surgical instrument maker for the British 

Army and the East India Company, patented a 

pump in 1820 for use in "extracting poison from 

the stomach, administering clysters, introducing 

tabacco fumes into the bowels, transfusion of blood, 

draining off the urine, injecting the bladder, female 

injection, anatomical injection, administration of 

food and medicine, cupping, drawing the breasts 

. . . Sec." 1^2 John Weiss, inventor of the improved 

scarificator, invented his own patent syringe in 1825, 
26 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

which he claimed to be superior to all previous 

syringes because it employed stopcocks in place of 

valves, which were subject to leakage and clogging. 

Cupping was only one of many operations that 

could be performed with its aid. The Truax Surgical Pump is an example of a late nineteenth-century 

all-purpose patent pump outfit that included cups 

among its numerous optional attachments.i^^ 

(Figure 14.) 

Those who went a step further in their efforts to 

improve cupping procedure attempted to combine 

cup, lancet, and exhausting apparatus all in one 

instrument. Bayfield described and rejected several 

such devices in 1823, including perhaps the earliest, 

that of the Frenchman, Demours. Demours' instrument, first introduced in 1819, consisted of a 

cupping glass with two protruding tubes, one containing a lancet, and the other an exhausting 

syringe. The lancet, surrounded by leather to keep 

air out of the cup, could be supplemented by a cross 

with four additional blades, if more than one puncture was desired.12^ In 1819, Thomas Machell, a 

member of the Royal College of Surgeons in London, described a similar apparatus in which the 

glass cup was separated from the tin body of the 

apparatus by a flexible tube. The facility and precision of the instrument, claimed Machell, "are 

incalculably surpassed by the power of its application to any part whatever of the surface, under any 

circumstances indicating its propriety, and by any 

person untrained to the manual dexterity of a professed cupper." 135 

Professional cuppers who took pride in their skill 

naturally avoided such novelties. Bayfield found 

the complex instruments objectionable because even 

"the most trifling degree of injury is generally sufficient to render the whole apparatus useless." i^^ 

The Smithsonian collection contains two patent 

models of American wet cupping devices. The first 

is an ingenious cupping set patented by a Philadelphia navy surgeon, Robert J. Dodd, in 1844. 

It consisted of a metal syringe provided with a plate 

of lancets that screwed on to a glass tube with a 

protuberance for collecting blood. The most interesting feature of the apparatus was the provision 

made for cupping internal parts of the body such 

as the vagina, throat, or rectum. One could attach 

to the pump either a curved or a straight tapering 

glass tube, seven to eight inches long, and corresponding flexible metal lancet rod. The pump 

could also be adapted for extracting milk from the 

breasts of women by attaching a metal cap with a 

hole just large enough to accommodate the nipple.i^^ The second patent model is that of W. D. 

Hooper of Liberty, Virginia, who invented in 1867 

an apparatus combining cup, pump, and scarificator. The novel part of the instrument was the 

tubular blades that were injected into the flesh and 

then left in place while the blood was being removed, "by which means the punctures are kept 

from being closed prematurely, as frequently happens with the ordinary device." i^^ 

It is unlikely that any of these ingenious devices 

were marketed in quantity. For those skilled in the 

art of cupping, the torch, cups, and scarificator were 

more effective. For those not experienced in the 

art, the new devices were simply too expensive, inconvenient to carry about, and fragile. While doubtless some surgeons bought fancy equipment in order 

to impress their patients, other surgeons, and the 

professional cuppers, realized that expensive and 

unfamiliar gadgets could inspire more dread than 

awe, especially among rural patients. The cupper 

Monson Hills advised his readers: 

A person about to be cupped, is often needlessly alarmed by 

the arrival of his operator, with a capacious box of instruments; and he measures the severity of the pain he is about 

to undergo, by the seeming multitude of instruments required 

to inflect it. If, on the contrary, the few implements used are 

carried in the pocket, and produced when about to be used, 

unobserved by the patient, this evil is easily avoided.^"* 

In seconding Hills' sentiments, W. A. Gillespie, 

the Virginia country physician mentioned earlier, 

went a step further. Gillespie felt that the rural 

physician could dispense with the glass cups, torch, 

and scarificator and substitute in their place a simple thumb lancet and cow's horn. Not only would 

these instruments save money, but they would also 

"excite less dread in the mind of the patient than 

a formidable display of numerous and comphcated 

instruments." i^" 

Some inventors concentrated on more modest 

improvements in cupping technology, namely, 

modification of cups and scarificators. One of the 

simplest improvements was that of Dr. Francis Fox, 

House Surgeon to the Derbyshire General Dispensary. In 1827, Dr. Fox introduced a new glass cup 

with a short, curved, wide neck and an oval belly 

that hung downwards. When applied to the skin, 

the glass hung in the manner of a leech, and so the 
NUMBER 41 27 

fig.3 

Fip.I 

Fi^.4-

-kUifcFIGURE 14.—Weiss's improved patent cupping apparatus. Illustrated are Weiss's patent 

syringe applied to cupping and Weiss's improved scarificator. (From John Weiss, Surgical 

Instruments, 2nd.edition, London, 1831. SI photo 73-5184.) 
28 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

glass was called "The Glass Leech." Since the burning tow could be placed in the hanging belly of the 

glass, away from the skin, it was easier to apply and 

remove the ordinary cup.i^i Other modifications of 

the cupping cup included the addition of a stopcock to let the air back in, graduations to measure 

the blood, and the attachment of a metal bar inside 

the cup in order to hold the burning sponge or 

wick away from the body of the patient.i^^ (Figure 

15.) 

The most significant innovation in cups came 

with the manufacture of cups of vulcanized rubber 

in the 1840s. Rubber cups could be easily exhausted 

without need of a torch, and they were far cheaper 

and easier to manipulate than cups attached to a 

pump. Most surgical catalogs in the late nineteenth 

century offered both all-rubber cups and glass cups 

to which a rubber bulb was attached. In the late 

nineteenth century, sets of cups were sometimes 

sold with rubber rims because the rubber fit more 

comfortably against the skin and prevented air 

from entering the cup. Museum collections contain 

few rubber cups because nineteenth-century rubber 

tended to deteriorate in time. However, the appearance of these cups in all surgical catalogs indicates that they were widely sold.i^^ 

Several inventors tried to improve upon the 

scarificator. The defects of the ordinary scarificator 

were widely recognized. It was too bulky and heavy, 

and it cost too much—the most inexpensive scarificator offered by George Tiemann & Co. in 1889 

cost $4.50.1^^ A strong hand was required to trigger 

the blades, and when the trigger was released, the 

force of the spring was so great that the lever moved 

FIGURE 15.—Fox's glass leech. Cupping set contains two hanging "glass leeches," a scarificator, a 

bottle of alcohol, and a torch with a ring handle such as the cupper Knox recommended. (Set 

held by the Academy of Medicine, Toronto. Photo courtesy of the Academy.) 
NUMBER 41 29 

back with great force and produced a loud, unpleasant click. The force of the lever moving against the 

case of the scarificator made it impossible to use 

any but expensive materials (brass and German 

silver) in making the scarificator casing. Furthermore, the springs were liable to break. Finally, the 

scarificator was difficult to clean.i^^ Late in the century, when sterilization became important, some 

cuppers went back to the lancet because the scarificator could not be surgically cleansed. The surprising thing is, that despite all the defects, the 

same scarificator was sold in 1930 as in 1830. Either 

the claims of the inventors of improved scarificators 

were unjustified, or cuppers were unwilling to try 

novel instruments in what was becoming an oldfashioned and increasingly less popular operation. 

(Figure 16.) 

A few British and American surgical supply companies sold special models of scarificator, but always 

in addition to the common scarificator. The special 

models were generally higher in price. For example, 

the Englishman, James Coxeter, announced in 1845 

a new scarificator with a rotating lever on the side 

instead of a cocking lever on the top. The rotolever, according to Coxeter, could be turned to set 

the scarificator by a child of six. Furthermore, the 

scarificator was so constructed that when the spring 

was released only internal parts moved. There was 

no lever that snapped back and no resounding 

click. This special model of scarificator continued 

to be sold by Coxeter and Son (London) until late 

in the nineteenth century.i^^ 

Coxeter did not patent the roto-lever scarificator. 

In fact, through 1852 there were no British patents 

on scarificators. In contrast, there were eight French 

patents on scarificators before 1860.i*^ Of these, the 

most important was the 1841 patent of JosephFrdderic-Benoit Charriere (1803-1973), a Swissborn cutler who founded a major surgical supply 

company in Paris. Charri^re's octagonal scarificator 

substituted two flat coiled springs (like watch 

springs) for the two cantilever springs normally 

found in "reversible" scarificators. One end of each 

coiled spring was attached to the scarificator casing 

and the other to one of the support rods. As the 

cocking lever was pulled, the support rods turned 

and wound the springs more tightly about the rods. 

According to Charriere, these springs were more 

efficient and less likely to break than the ordinary 

springs.^^8 

Charri^re's company later employed the coiled 

springs in the making of a circular scarificator. The 

circular scarificators, associated particularly with 

French manufacture, were the most elegant of 

nineteenth-century scarificators and a fitting complement to the Charriere cupping sets.i^^ They 

were generally not sold by British and American 

surgical supply companies, but a number of them 

appear to have reached the hands of American physicians. 

In America, there were five patents on scarificators, of which the Smithsonian possesses three 

patent models. The most significant American patent was that of George Tiemann in 1846. Tiemann's scarificator had a flattened base and an 

ebony handle, which contained a coiled spring. The 

blades were moved by a rack and pinion mechanism, and triggered by a knob at the end of the 

handle. The advantages claimed by the inventor 

were ease in handling, ease in cleaning, and the 

diagonal cut of the blades that allowed the blood 

to flow more freely and the wounds to heal more 

readily. Tiemann Sc Co. was still selling their patent 

scarificator as late as 1889 for a price of $7.00.1^" 

The Smithsonian possesses a marketed version in 

addition to the patent model. 

The two other patent scarificators in the Smithsonian collection were both invented by Frederick 

M. Leypoldt of Philadelphia. The first, patented 

in 1847, was similar in external appearance to the 

common scarificator. The novelty consisted of a new 

arrangement of the cocking lever and cantilever 

spring that allowed use of a lighter and cheaper 

casing. Although the patent model was made of 

brass, Leypoldt claimed that with his improvements 

in the internal mechanism, the case could, with 

safety, be made of tin.i^i 

Leypoldt's second patent, issued in 1851, was for 

a scarificator with a greatly simplified inner mechanism allowing for a substantially smaller and lighter 

case. The cocking lever was placed horizontally in 

the casing and engaged the blade rods through a 

rack and pinion mechanism. According to Leypoldt, this scarificator was more convenient, more 

portable, cheaper, safer, and more reliable than the 

common scarificator.i^^ Leypoldt probably marketed his scarificators, there being in the Smithsonian collection other bloodletting instruments 

with his name, but he did not form a major surgical 

supply company as did George Tiemann. 
30 SMITHSONLVN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

GEORGE TIEMzVNN & CO.'.S Sl'HCilCAL IXSTIUMEXTS. li ; 

FIG . ir]45.—.'>pcar-]ioini 

I'liuiiil) I.aiici't. 

PHLEBOTOMY. 

Vl ,. I''>4(.. —l;i.-..i(l-iioiiili-.l 

" luinil. L.TiicL't. 

No. 1 Cupping Set. 

$13- ContaiiiN : 

I Brahs Cupjiiii.!.; runni. 

3 .St(ji>-cocks. 

3 Glass ru[)-.. 

I 'J'uri-lilailcd Scaiilicntor. 

I .Maho^jaiiy or IJIacU-w iliuil C.TM-. ImiM u ith VL-1VLI. 

N o . 1. ^Vilh^pul. .Scaiillcalwi . . . . J^q.oo 

Al.so, liruasl ruiiiii>. 

No. 2 Cupping Set. 

Conlain^ 

1 I!r.i^~ ( uppiiiL; I'ump. 

(. (.1,1- ( lip,. 

I lui^Kv-lila.lol SLinl'iratm. 

1 M,ili..-.iiiN or r.l.uk-u.ihiui CHM'. liiiol uith velvet 

N o . 2 . Wiihiiiil .scaiiiiialoi. . , . $1.1.511 

FIGURE 16.—Advertisement for phlebotomy and cupping instruments. Note the rubber cups. 

(From George Tiemann & Co., American Armamentarium Chirurgicum, New York, 1889. 

SI photo 76-13542.) 
NUMBER 41 31 

After 1860, interest in inventing new scarificators 

declined as wet cupping decreased in popularity. 

The improved cups and scarificators, while they 

had achieved a limited success, had still failed to 

supplant the common octagonal scarificator and the 

plain glass cup. As interest in wet cupping declined, 

medical attention shifted to the therapeutic virtues 

of dry cupping. Dry cupping offered even greater 

opportunities for inventors, who sought means to 

bring the effects of the vacuum to more areas of the 

body for greater lengths of time. 

Dry Cupping 

Dry cupping, in its simplest form, was said to act 

as a "revulsive" or "derivant." By the nineteenth 

century these once hotly debated terms had become 

nearly interchangeable in discussions of cupping. 

In cupping for revulsive purposes, one cupped on a 

distant part to relieve excess of blood in the affected part. In applying cupping as a "derivant," 

one cupped closer to the affected part. In either 

case, the source of pain was presumed to be somewhere below the skin, and the pain was relieved 

by bringing blood away from the affected part to 

the surface of the body. Thus, one nineteenthcentury cupper concluded, revulsion was only derivation at a distant point.i^^ 

If dry cupping was applied for ten minutes or 

longer so that the capillaries burst, the action of 

the cups was said to be that of a counter-irritant. 

According to ancient medical theory, the counterirritant was a means of relieving an affected part 

by deliberately setting up a secondary inflammation 

or a running sore in another part. Counterirritations were traditionally produced in a number 

of ways, among them, blisters, cautery, setons, 

moxa, and dry cupping.i^* 

One of the most popular counter-irritation devices commonly associated with cupping instruments in catalogs of surgical goods, was Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker, sold by most American 

surgical supply houses in the second half of the 

nineteenth century. The Lebenswecker, or "Awakener of Life," was the mainstay of the mystical 

medical system known as Baunscheidtismus, after 

the founder of the device, Carl Baunscheidt of 

Prussia (1809-1860) .i^^ The system apparently 

gained much notoriety in Germany, England, and 

America, for Baunscheidt's book went through ten 

German editions and several British and American 

editions. At least two Americans patented improvements on the Lebenswecker.^^^ The device was 

made of ebony, about 250 mm long, and contained 

a coiled spring attached to a handle. At the other 

end of the spring was a place about 20 mm in diameter, with about thirty projecting needles. By pushing upon the handle, one sent the needles into the 

skin. The ability of the instrument to create blisters 

was enhanced by the application of Baunscheidt's 

special oil to the irritation (Figure 17). 

FIGURE 17.—^Venus and Adonis with marks showing where 

Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker should be applied. (From Carl 

Baunscheidt, Baunscheidtismus, by the Inventor of the New 

Curing Method, Bonn, 1859(?). Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
32 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Dry cupping stimulated much theoretical debate 

in the nineteenth century as well as a number of 

physiological experiments.i^'^ Although physicians 

generally agreed that dry cupping had curative 

value if employed properly, they disagreed widely 

on when to employ the remedy, and on the manner 

in which the remedy operated. Did application of 

cups affect only the surface vessels, or could cupping 

affect the entire nervous system, and through the 

nerves, the action of the secretory organs? Were the 

effects of dry cupping of only a temporary nature, 

or were they permanent? An interesting series of 

investigations in Europe and America sought to 

ascertain the value of dry cupping in checking the 

absorption of poison. An American, Dr. Casper 

Wistar Pennock, replying to investigations performed by Martin Barry, an Edinburgh physician 

residing in Paris, carried out an impressive series 

of physiological experiments in 1827, in which he 

administered strychnine and arsenic under the skin 

of dogs and rabbits and then cupped over the 

wounds. He concluded that while dry cupping prevented almost certain death from the poisons, once 

the cups were removed, death would ensue, unless 

the poisons were surgically removed.i^^ 

Interest in dry cupping led to attempts to apply 

the therapeutic effects of the operation to larger 

areas of the body than could be accommodated by a 

cup. In France, Victor-Theodore Junod (1809-

1881) adapted cupping to entire limbs. Shortly 

after receiving his degree in medicine in 1833, 

Junod presented at the Academy of Sciences his 

apparatus, known thereafter as Junod's boot. Junod 

believed that actual extraction of blood was a 

dangerous remedy and that the benefits of bleeding 

might as easily be obtained by his "derivative 

method," which withdrew blood from the general 

circulation but allowed it to be returned at will. 

Junod's boot and Junod's arm, which sold for as 

much as |25.00 apiece,i59 were constructed of metal 

and secured against the limb by a silk, and later a 

rubber, cap. To the boot was attached a flexible 

tube, stopcock, pump, and if desired, a manometer 

for measuring the vacuum produced. In chronic 

illnesses, Junod recommended that the boot be 

applied for an hour. So much blood was withdrawn 

from the circulation by use of the apparatus that 

the patient might easily faint. To explain how his 

boot worked, Junod invented a theory that he 

called "hemospasia," meaning the drawing of 

blood.i^*' This was typical of a number of attempts 

to introduce sophisticated terminology into discussions of traditional remedies. Junod's arm and 

boot were widely available through American surgical supply companies. As late as 1915, Heinrich 

Stern, previously mentioned as a latter-day proponent of bloodletting, had no doubt that application of the boot to the foot would relieve congested 

states of the abdominal viscera.i^i (Figure 18.) 

Americans patented a number of modifications 

of the arm and boot, and in addition they patented 

a number of whole body devices called "depurators." Junod had introduced such a device along 

with his boot—a metal casing in which a patient 

would be placed leaving only his face showing. The 

air inside would then be exhausted by means of a 

gigantic syringe. In America such "depurators" 

may have been regarded more as quackery than as 

a legitimate extension of cupping, for despite the 

fact that Americans patented some twenty of these 

devices, surgical supply houses did not sell them 

and little was written about them. 

In the last decade of the nineteenth century. 

Dr. August Bier, professor at the University of 

Bonn, developed another sophisticated theory supporting the use of blood-suction devices, known as 

the theory of hyperemia, meaning "excess of blood." 

According to the doctrine, lesions are always accompanied in nature by hyperemia, "the most widespread of auto-curative agents." 1^2 if -^g^ therefore, 

wish to imitate nature, we create an artificial 

hyperemia. Bier recommended several means of increasing the blood supply of an affected part, including hot-air baths, suction devices such as 

Junod's boot, and dry cupping. Several American 

surgical suppliers sold Bier's Hyperemic Cups in 

the early twentieth century. These were glass cups, 

of a great variety of shapes and sizes including some 

with curved rims, each fitted with a rubber tube 

and bulb for exhausting the air. A major function 

of these cups was to collect wound secretions from 

boils or furuncles.163 

Breast Cupping 

Related to cupping by its technology is the practice 

of drawing milk from the breasts by means of 

breast pumps. Mothers with underdeveloped or inflamed breasts posed a frequent problem for the 

nineteenth-century physician, who treated them 
NUMBER 41 35 

, mM 

m.;;! f 11 

^ ^ v Ik '• 

il^-> k;>^i^^^M 

it^' 

FIGURE 18.—Junod's boot applied to a baby in the cradle. (From Vifctor ^Theodore Junod, 

A Theoretical and Practical Treatise on Maemespasia. London, 1879. Photo courtesy ,pf NLM.) 
34 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

with either large doses of tartar emetic, a strong 

purgative, or with cupping.i^^ Breast pumps were 

small glass cups with fluted edges made to accommodate the nipple. While some surgeons, as the 

American Samuel Gross, recommended using a bottle with a long neck in which the air had been rarified by means of hot water,i6^ most breast pumps 

were exhausted by mechanical means. For reasons 

of modesty, the pumps were usually designed so 

that the woman could draw her breasts herself. 

Perhaps the simplest design of a breast pump was 

a glass cup having a long spout extending in such 

a way that the woman could perform suction herself. Such all-glass cups were illustrated in the 

eighteenth century.i^^ A few, reputedly made centuries earlier, are found in the Wellcome Historical 

Medical Museum. Early in the nineteenth century, 

breast pumps, just as glass cups for bleeding, were 

attached to brass syringes, and were often included 

among the variety of cups in cupping sets provided 

with syringes. Read's and Weiss's patent syringe as 

well as Thomas Machell's cupping device were 

adapted for breast pumping. With the invention of 

vulcanized rubber, the breast pump was frequently 

attached to a large rubber bulb. A glass protuberance was often added to pumps exhausted by syringes or rubber bulbs, in order to collect the milk 

so that it could be fed to the infant. In the 1920s 

some breast pumps were attached to electric 

motors.16^ Breast pumps have continued to be employed up to the present day. Of all instruments 

employing the principle of the cupping device, 

breast pumps were the most frequently patented. 

From 1834 to 1975, more than 60 breast pumps were 

patented, the majority in the period from 1860 to 

1920.168 

The Decline of Cupping 

Cupping died out in America in the early twentieth 

century, but its disappearance was gradual and 

scarcely noticed. Some of the most complex of cupping devices were invented in a period when most 

physicians regarded cupping as ineffectual. Patents 

for cupping devices continued to be issued as late 

as 1916 when Joel A. Maxam of Idaho Springs, 

Colorado, patented a motorized pump, which by 

means of various sizes of cups, could subject a part 

of the patient's body to either a prolonged suction 

or a prolonged compression.i^s One of America's 

last advocates of bloodletting, Heinrich Stern, writing in 1915, also advocated the use of an electrical 

suction pump to evacuate cups. With an electric 

motor, he declared, one could prolong hyperemia 

for 15, 30, or more minutes. 

Stern also invented a theory to account for the 

therapeutic effects of his inventions, namely, the 

theory of phlebostasis. Instead of pumping air out 

of a device, Stern pumped air into a device, for the 

same purpose of removing a portion of blood from 

the general circulation. His "phlebostate," manufactured by Kny-Scheerer of New York, was quite 

similar to a sphygmomanometer. It consisted of a 

set of cuffs that fit about the thighs, rubber tubes, 

a manometer, and a suction bulb or an electric 

force pump. For stubborn cases, such as migraine 

headaches. Stern recommended using the cuffs for 

30 minutes or more. To facilitate the application of 

the cuffs, Stern invented a "phlebostasis chair," one 

of the most complex "cupping" devices ever made. 

Like an electric chair, the phlebostasis chair was 

supplied with cuffs for both arms and legs. Air was 

pumped into the cuffs by means of an electric 

motor. According to Stern, compression of the upper segment of both arms withheld 300 cc of blood 

from circulation, while compression of the thighs 

withheld as much as 600 cc.i'^° 

In addition to these sophisticated devices, simple 

cupping, especially dry cupping, continued well 

into the 1930s. Although cupping was no longer 

generally recommended by physicians, most surgical companies advertised cups, scarificators, and 

cupping sets in the 1920s and even the 1930s. The 

last bastions of cupping in the United States were 

the immigrant sections of large cities. In the lower 

East Side of New York, in particular, cupping was 

still flourishing in the 1920s. By then cupping was 

no longer performed by the physician, but had 

been relegated back to the lowly barber, who advertised in his shop window, "Cups for Colds." I'^i 

Leeching 

Leeches 

The word "leech" derives from the Anglo-Saxon 

loece, "to heal." Thus, the Anglo-Saxon physician 

was called a "leech" and his textbook of therapeutic methods a "leechdom." The animal itself 

was already known to the ancients under its Latin 
NUMBER 41 35 

name hirudino. It appears, however, that the introduction of leeches into Western medicine came 

somewhat later than that of phlebotomy or cupping, for Hippocrates made no mention of them. 

The earliest references to the use of leeches in medicine are found in Nicander of Colophon (2nd century B.C.) and in Themison 1st century B.C.). 

Thereafter they were mentioned by most Greek, 

Roman, and Arabic medical writers.i'^^ 

The leech is a fresh-water parasitic invertebrate 

belonging to the Phylum Annelida. On one end of 

its worm-like body is a large sucker by which the 

animal fastens itself to the ground, and at the other 

end is a smaller sucker, in the middle of which is a 

chitinous mouth that makes a triangular puncture. 

As items of materia medica, leeches were described 

in dispensatories, or compilations of medicaments, 

and sold by apothecaries, both to physicians and 

directly to patients. The species most commonly 

used for bleeding was Hirudo medicinalis, indigenous to the streams and swamps of Central and 

Northern Europe, and known in commerce as the 

Swedish or German leech. It was 50-75 mm long, 

with a dull olive green back and four yellow longitudinal lines, the central two broken with black. 

Somewhat less popular was the Hungarian leech, 

indigenous to Southern Europe. In addition, there 

was an American species of leech, Hirudo decora, 

which was gathered principally from the lower 

Delaware River, but, since it drew much less blood 

than the Swedish leech, it was regarded as greatly 

inferior.i''^^ Most American physicians imported 

their leeches. In the late nineteenth century, one 

could buy Swedish leeches for $5.00 per hundred.i'^^ 

Leeches were gathered in the spring of the year 

either by means of a pole net, or, more primitively, 

by wading into the water and allowing the leeches 

to fasten themselves onto the legs. Sometimes horses 

and cattle were driven into the water to serve as 

bait for the leeches.i^^ (Figure 19.) 

FIGURE 19.—Lithograph published in London in 1814 showing three women gathering leeches by 

a stream. (NMHT 320033.08; SI photo 76-7741.) 
36 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Leeching, like other forms of bloodletting, enjoyed a revival in the early nineteenth century, particularly in France, where the doctrines of heroic 

medicine preached by Broussaisi'^^ jed to an increase of leech usage from about 3 million in 1824 

to 41.5 million in 1833.1'^'^ Leechers, although not as 

high in status as professional cuppers, practiced in 

many large cities, and numerous tracts were written 

on the care and breeding of leeches. "Leech farms" 

were unable to increase the leech supply to meet 

the rising demand, and most leechers complained 

of the scarcity and great expense of the little animals.i'^^ 

Leeching and cupping each had their advocates. 

T h e major advantage of the leech over the cup was 

that the leech could be employed on almost any 

part of the anatomy, including around the eyes, in 

the mouth, the anus, and the vasrina. In fact, leeching the internal membranes enjoyed quite a vogue 

in the early nineteenth century. Leeches were applied to the larynx and the trachea for bronchitis 

and laryngitis and for relieving the cough of 

phthisis. For inflammations of the conjunctiva (the 

membrane lining the eyelids) they were applied to 

the nasal membrances of the adjacent nostril, and 

for inflammations of the ear they were applied to 

the meatus of the ear and behind the ear. Th e 

French popularized the practice of leeching the 

anus to treat inflammations of the mucous membranes of the bowel. T o prevent leeches from getting lost in the body cavities, Jonathan Osborne, 

a British physician, recommended in 1833 that a 

thread should be passed through the leech's tail. 

I n addition, he invented a device, which he called 

a "polytome," specifically for introducing leeches 

into the rectum.i^^ In the mid-nineteenth century, 

special leech tubes were widely sold for applying 

leeches to internal membranes.i^^ 

A second advantage of leeches over cupping was 

that leeches could extract blood more readily. Not 

only was dexterity not required in order to apply 

a leech, but also it was soon noticed that leech bites 

continued to bleed even after the leech let go, 

while scarificator incisions often coagulated before 

any blood was obtained. In 1884 it was shown by 

John Berry Haycroft, a Birmingham chemist, that 

this phenomenon was due to an anti-coagulant, 

now called "hirudin," that the leech injected into 

the blood.181 

To apply a leech, the animal was first dried with 

a bit of linen, and the skin of the patient was prepared by washing with warm water and then shaving. T o direct it to the right spot, the leech was 

often placed in a small wine glass that was inverted 

over the area to be bitten. Since leeches were sometimes perversely unwilling to bite, they were enticed 

by the placement of a bit of milk or blood on the 

patient's skin. Small children were given one or 

two leeches, and adults 20 or more. Broussais employed u p to 50 leeches at one time.i^^ Th e leech 

was usually allowed to drop off of its own accord 

when it had satiated itself, which took about an 

hour. Sometimes the tail of the leech was cut off 

so that it would continue to suck. Once used, 

leeches could not be reused for several months unless they were made to disgorge their meal by dropping them in salt water or weak vinegar. A healthy 

leech drew one or two fluid drachms of blood, and 

as much would flow after the leech had dropped 

off. Thu s a good Swedish leech could remove about 

an ounce of blood. This quantity could be increased 

by employing a cupping glass over the bite.i^^ 

Leeches were kept in a glass container of water 

covered with gauze or muslin and placed in a cool, 

dark room. Th e water had to be changed frequently, as much as every other day in summer. 

Pebbles or moss were placed in the bottom of the 

vessel to aid the leech in removing the slimy epidermis that it shed every four or five days. In the 

nineteenth century leeches were often sold in drug 

stores from large, elegant containers with perforated caps. Actually, only the day's supply of the 

pharmacist's leeches was kept in the attractive 

storefront jars; the rest were kept out of sight. 

While most leech jars were simple white crockery 

pieces with "leeches" lettered in black on the front, 

some leech jars were over two feet tall and decorated 

with elegant floral and scroll work. Among the most 

ornate leech jars were those made in Staffordshire, 

England.184 (Figure 20.) 

Artificial Leeches 

One of the characteristics of nineteenth-century 

technology was the attempt to replace natural materials and processes by imitations and mechanisms. 

Considering the properties of the natural leech, it 

is no wonder that very early in the nineteenth century inventors began to seek a mechanical substitute. Th e disadvantages of the leech were many. 
NUMBER 41 37 

FIGURE 20.—Staffordshire leech jars, 19th century. (NMHT 263554 [M-11504]; SI photo 73-4231.) 

Wrote one inventor of an artificial leech: 

In the first place the appearance of the animal is repulsive 

and disgusting, and delicate and sensitive persons find it 

difficult to overcome their repugnance to contact with the 

cold and slimy reptile. This is especially the case when it is 

a question of their application about or within the mouth. 

Then again, their disposition to crawl into cavities or passages results sometimes in very annoying accidents. Another 

source of annoyance is that they are often unwilling to bite— 

the patience of all concerned being exhausted in fruitless 

efforts to induce them to take hold. 

The expense, too, of a considerable number is by no means 

trifling.'* 

In addition, leeches were often difl&cult to obtain. 

and the rural physician could not easily carry them 

about. Leech bites could have unfortunate consequences, for many times the bleeding could not be 

stopped. For these and other reasons, several inventors in Europe and America sought to create a 

mechanical or artificial leech.i^s Such artificial 

leeches are often difficult to distinguish from cupping devices, because both sorts of instruments employed some form of scarification and suction. Artificial leeches however, were usually adaptable to 

small areas of the anatomy, and the puncture wound 

generally attempted to imitate a leech bite. 

Perhaps the earliest instrument offered as a sub-
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

stitute for leeches was Sarlandi^re's "bdellometer," 

from the Greek bdello, "leech." Sarlandi^re, a 

French manufacturer, introduced his instrument in 

1819 and, incidentally, had the prototype sent to 

New Orleans. The bdellometer consisted of a glass 

bell with two protruding tubes, one perpendicular 

for performing scarification, and the other oblique, 

for attaching the aspirating pump. A plug could be 

removed to allow air to enter the bell after the 

operation was completed, and a faucet allowed for 

drainage of blood without having to remove the 

apparatus from the body. A curved canula could 

be attached to the bdellometer for bleeding in the 

nasal passages, the mouth, the vagina, and the 

rectum. For internal bloodletting, the disk, with 

lancets, normally used for scarification, was replaced 

by a small brush of hog bristles.i^''' Sarlandi^re's 

bdellometer attracted sufficient attention in America to be included in the numerous editions of Robley Dunglison's medical dictionary,iss but it was 

ultimately no more successful than the complicated 

cupping devices discussed in the previous chapter. 

A second French invention, also given a pretentious name, was Damoiseau's "terabdella" (meaning 

"large leech"), or pneumatic leech. This invention, 

introduced some time before 1862, met with skepticism at the outset on the part of the reviewers at 

the French Academy of Medicine. It consisted of 

two pistons attached to a plate to be placed on the 

floor and held down by the feet of the operator. 

Each piston was connected by a tube to a cup, and 

the whole apparatus was operated by means of a 

hand lever connected with both pistons. More a 

cupping device than an artificial leech, the terabdella met with little success beyond the French 

province where Damoiseau practiced.i^^ (Figure 21.) 

Perhaps the most successful of the mechanical 

leeches was known as Heurteloup's leech, after its 

inventor, the Frenchman, Charles Louis Heurteloup 

(1793-1864). Sold in most late nineteenth-century 

surgical catalogs for as much as $15.00, the device 

consisted of two parts, one a spring scarificator that 

made a small circular incision (about 5 mm in 

diameter) and the other, a suction pump, holding 

an ounce of blood, whose piston was raised by 

means of a screw. For the treatment of eye ailments, 

one of the major purposes for which the device was 

invented, it was applied to the temples.I'^o A similar 

two-part mechanical leech was sold under the name 

"Luer's Leech." 

One of the most interesting leech substitutes, sold 

by George Teimann & Co. as its "Patent Artificial 

Leech," employed ether in exhausting the glass 

"leeches." Patented by F. A. Stohlmann and A. H. 

Smith of New York in 1870, the "leech" consisted 

of a glass tube, either straight or with a mouth on 

the side so that the tube would hang somewhat like 

a living leech. To expel air from the tube, a few 

drops of ether were placed in it, after which it was 

immersed to its mouth in hot water until the ether 

vaporized. The tube was then applied to the skin 

and allowed to cool, thus sucking blood from a 

wound made by the scarificator, a long metal tube 

that was rotated to make a circular incision. One of 

the patentees explained the advantages of the device: 

In all previous attempts at an artificial leech the vacuum has 

been produced by the action of a piston. This renders the 

instrument too heavy to retain its position, and necessitates 

its constantly being held. This precludes the application of 

any number at once, even if the cost of half-a-dozen such 

instruments were left out of the account. But in the case of 

this leech, the tubes, being exceedingly light, attach themselves at once, remaining in position until filled; and as the 

cost of them is but a few cents, there is no limit to the number which may be applied."^ 

To take the place of leeches in the uterus, quite 

a number of uterine scarificators were sold. These 

were generally simple puncturing instruments without spring mechanisms. If insufficient blood flowed 

from the scarification, Thomas's Dry Cupper, a 

widely available vulcanite syringe, could be inserted 

into the vagina to cup the cervix before puncturing.1^2 At least one attempt was made to combine 

puncture and suction in a device for uterine application. This was Dr. William Reese's "Uterine 

Leech," introduced in 1876. It consisted of a graduated glass cylinder 190 mm long and 12 mm in 

diameter containing a piston and a rod with a 

spear point. The rod was surrounded by a spring 

that withdrew the blade after it punctured the 

cervix. Several American companies, including 

George Tiemann & Co., offered the device for 

sale.193 

Despite all the efforts to find a suitable substitute, the use of natural leeches persisted until the 
NUMBER 41 39 

FIGURE 21.—Damoiseau's terabdella. (From Damoiseau, La Terabdelle ou machine pneumatique, 

Paris, 1862. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

practice of local bloodletting gradually disappeared 

in America. By the 1920s leeches were difficult to 

find except in pharmacies in immigrant sections of 

large cities like New York or Boston. One of the last 

ailments to be regularly treated by leeches was the 

common black eye. Leeches commanded rather high 

prices in the 1920s, if they could be found at all. 

One Brooklyn pharmacist, who deliberately kept 

an old-fashioned drugstore with the motto "No 

Cigars, No Candy, No Ice Cream, No Soda Water, 

But I Do Sell Pure Medicines," wrote in 1923: 

Here in this atmosphere free from the lunch room odor my 

armamentarium consists of drugs and preparations from the 

vegetable, mineral and animal kingdoms. Among the latter 

are leeches, prominently displayed in a number of glass jars 

in different parts of the store, including one in the show 

window. Anything moving, anything odd, arouses the curiosity of the public, and my reputation as a "leecher" has 

spread far beyond the "City of Churches." Besides, this leech 

business is also profitable, as they are retailed at $1.00 per 

head without any trouble; in fact patients are only too glad 

to be able to obtain them."* 
40 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Veterinary Bloodletting 

The same theories and practices that prevailed for 

human medicine were applied to the treatment of 

animals. Not only were horses routinely bled, they 

were also cupped and leeched.i^^ Manuals of veterinary medicine gave instructions for the bleeding 

of horses, cows, sheep, pigs, dogs, and cats.i^^ 

There was one major difference between bleeding 

a man and bleeding a horse or cow, and that was 

the amount of strength required to open a vein. 

The considerable force needed to pierce the skin 

and the tunic of the blood vessel made the operation much more difficult to perform than human 

phlebotomy.i^'^ As in the case of cupping, the simplest instruments, those most often recommended 

by experts, were not easy to use by those without 

experience. Although a larger version of the thumb 

lancet was sometimes employed, most veterinarians 

opened the vein of a horse with a fleam, that is, 

an instrument in which the blade (commonly double beveled) was set at right angles to the blade 

stem. These are enlarged versions of the fleam 

employed in human bloodletting. The fleams sold 

in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries consisted of one or more blades that folded out of a 

fitted brass shield. In the late nineteenth century 

fleams with horn shields were also sold. The largest 

blades were to be used to open the deeper veins 

and the smaller blades to open the more superficial veins. 

To force the fleam into the vein, one employed 

a bloodstick, a stick 35-38 cm long and 2 cm in 

diameter. The blade was held against the vein and 

a blow was given to the back of the blade with the 

stick in such a way that the fleam penetrated but 

did not go through the vein. Immediately the fleam 

was removed and a jet of blood came forth that 

was caught and measured in a container. When 

enough blood had been collected, a needle would 

be placed in the vein to stop the bleeding. 

Horses were most frequently bled from the jugular vein in the neck, but also from veins in the 

thigh, the fold at the junction of breast and forelegs, the spur, the foreleg, the palate, and the toe. 

Since applying the bloodstick required a degree 

of skill, the Germans attempted to eliminate its 

use by adapting the spring lancet to veterinary 

medicine. The common veterinary spring lancet 

(which sometimes was also called a "fleam" or 

FIGURE 22.—Knob end spring lancet used on humans compared to a knob end lancet used on horses and cattle. Note 

the blade guard on the veterinary spring lancet. (NMHT 

302606.09 and NMHT 218383 [M-9256]: SI photo 76-7757.) 

"phleme") was nothing but an oversized version of 

the brass, nob end spring lancet used on humans. 

Sometimes the lancet was provided with a blade 

guard that served to regulate the amount of blade 

that penetrated the skin. Although the veterinary 

spring lancet was quite popular in some quarters, 

the French preferred the simple foldout fleam as a 

more convenient instrument.i^^ (Figure 22.) 

In contrast to the few attempts made to modify 

the human spring lancet, there were a large number 

of attempts to modify the veterinary spring lancets. 

Veterinary spring lancets can be found with a wide 

assortment of shapes and a wide variety of spring 

mechanisms. In the enlarged knob end spring lancet, pushing upon the lever release simply sent the 

blade forward into the skin. By a more complex 

mechanism, the blade could be made to return after 

it was injected, or the blade could be made to sweep 

out a curve as do the blades of the scarificator. 

Perhaps one of the earliest attempts to introduce a 

more complex internal mechanism into the veterinary spring, lancets is found in John Weiss's 

"patent horse phlemes" of 1828. The first model invented by Weiss was constructed on the principle 
NUMBER 41 41 

of the common fleam and bloodstick. As in the 

knob end spring lancet, the spring acted as a hammer to drive the blade forward. In a second improved "horse phleme," Weiss mounted the blade 

on a pivot so that the blade swept out a semicircle 

when the spring was released.i^^ 

The Smithsonian collection contains a number 

of different types of veterinary spring lancets. Perhaps this variety can best be illustrated by looking 

at the two patent models in the collection. The 

first is an oval-shaped lancet patented in 1849 by 

Joseph Ives of Bristol, Connecticut.^oo By using a 

wheel and axle mechanism, Ives had the blade 

sweep out an eccentric curve. The lancet was set 

by a detachable key (Figure 23). 

The second patent lancet was even more singular 

in appearance, having the shape of a gun. This 

instrument, patented by Hermann Reinhold and 

August Schreiber of Davenport, Iowa, in 1880, 

featured a cocking lever that extended to form a 

coiled spring in the handle portion of the gun. 

Also attached to the cocking lever was an extended 

blade with rachet catches, so that by pulling on the 

cocking lever, the blade was brought inside the 

casing and the spring placed under tension. Pushing upon the trigger then shot the blade into the 

vein.201 (Figure 24.) 

Physical Analysis of Artifacts 

The Conservation Analytical Laboratory of the 

Smithsonian Institution analyzed selected bloodletting instruments and one drawing from the 

Museum's collection. Instruments were chosen on 

the basis of their unique appearance and as representative examples of the major types of instruFIGURE 23.—Patent model, J. Ives, 1849. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4292]: SI photo 73-4211.) 

FIGURE- 24.—Patent model, Reinhold and Schreiber, 1880. 

(NMHT 89797 [M-4327]; SI photo 73-4210.) 

ments in the collection. Six lancets and cases, two 

scarificators, and one pen and ink drawing were 

analyzed. 

X-ray fluorescence analysis, response to a magnet, 

reaction to nitric acid, and the Vickers pyramid 

hardness test were among the methods of analysis 

used that involved no damage to the objects. 

The instrument for X-ray fluorescence analysis 

has been modified to permit analysis of selected 

areas on the objects. This instrument produces, 

detects, and records the object's X-ray fluorescence 

spectrum, which is characteristic of its composition. 

X-rays produced by a target in the instrument 

strike the object and cause it, in turn, to fluoresce, 

or emit. X-rays. This fluorescence is detected by a 

silicon crystal in the detector and dispersed into a 

spectrum, which is displayed on an ocilloscope 

screen. The entire spectrum—from 0 to 40 Ke 

V—can be displayed or portions of it can be expanded and displayed at an apparently higher 

resolution that permits differentiation between 

closely spaced fluorescent peaks, such as those from 

iron and manganese. The spectrum may be transferred from the oscilloscope to a computer for calculation of the percentage of composition and for 

comparison with spectra of other samples. During 

analysis the objects can be supported and masked 

by sheets of plexiglas or metal foils to limit the 

radiation to a certain area of the object. Masks also 

prevent scattering of radiation off other parts of the 

object and off the Instrument itself, which otherwise 

might be detected and interpreted as less concentrated components in the object. 
42 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Brass was the most common metal used in the 

fabrication of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century 

lancets and scarificators. Upon analysis the brass 

was found to contain 70^0-75% copper, 20%-30% 

zinc, and other trace elements. The blades, cocking 

levers, and button releases of lancets and scarificators were found to be made of ferrous metal (iron 

or steel). In addition to the typical brass pieces, a 

number of "white metal" pieces were analyzed. 

(The term "white metal" is used to designate any 

undetermined silver-colored metal alloy.) Those 

white metal pieces dating from the eighteenth 

century (a Swiss or Tyrolean fleam and an English 

veterinary spring lancet) were found to be composed entirely of ferrous metal. The hardness of 

the fleam metal indicated that it was carburized 

sufficiently to be made of steel. Two of the spring 

lancets, dating from the late nineteenth century, 

were found to be made of a silver-copper composition that was not rich enough in silver to be sterling silver. These lancets were probably typical 

of the lancets advertised as silver in the late 

nineteenth-century trade catalogs. About 1850 an 

alloy imitating silver began to be widely used in 

the making of surgical instruments. This was German silver or nickel-silver, an alloy containing no 

silver at all, but rather copper, zinc, and nickel. A 

patent model scarificator dating from 1851 was 

found to contain about 63% copper, 24% zinc, and 

13% nickel. This alloy is presently called "nickelsilver 65-12" alloy. The French made scarificators 

out of their own version of nickel-silver that was 

called "maillechort." The French circular scarificator was found to contain copper (55%-70%), 

nickel (10%,-20%,), zinc (20%-30%,), and tin 

(less than 10%). The cases in which the lancets 

and scarificators were carried were covered with 

leather, despite the fact that several appeared to 

be covered with paper. X-ray analysis revealed that 

several cases contained tin, leading to the possibility 

that a tin salt was used in the dye-mordant for 

leather. The clasps on the cases were made of brass. 

One case was trimmed in gold leaf. 

The most difficult item to analyze was the pen 

and ink drawing in black and red of a bloodletting 

man purported to be a fifteenth-century specimen 

(1480) from South Germany. The text is in German 

(Figure 25). 

The watermark of the paper—a horned bull 

(ox) with crown—is believed to have appeared in 

1310 and was used widely for two hundred years. 

The paper was heavily sized and no feathering of 

the black ink or red paint appears. 

The paper fluoresced only faintly under ultraviolet light and much less brightly than new paper, 

leading to the conclusion that the paper is not 

modern. Various stains on the paper fluoresce 

yellow, which also indicates a considerable history 

for the document. 

The guard strip is vellum. Red stains on this 

strip may have been made by blood. 

The inks (brown and red) may have come from 

different sources or been applied at different times 

because of their various compositions and densities. Iron and lead were found in an area of writing 

on the left foot. Iron is typical of an iron gall ink. 

Some of the lighter lines contain graphite. The red 

lines contain mercury and lead suggesting a mixture of vermilion and red lead. 

Analysis of the ink and paper indicates that the 

document has had a varied history and seems not 

to have been a deliberate production intended to 

simulate age. 

Catalog of Bloodletting Instruments 

Several systems of catalog numbers have been employed for instruments in the collections. The 

earliest instruments were originally collected by 

the Division of Anthropology and were given a 

six-digit number in the division catalog (referred 

to as "Anthropology"). Later objects in the collections have been given a six-digit National Museum 

of History and Technology (NMHT) accession 

number, which serves for all items obtained from 

one source at a given date. Before 1973, the Division of Medical Sciences used a system of numbering individual items by M numbers (e.g., 

"M-4151"). Since 1973, individual items have been 

distinguished by adding decimal numbers to the 

accession numbers (e.g., "308730.10"). Objects on 

loan have been marked as such and given a sixdigit number. Other institutional abbreviations are 

as follows: SI = Smithsonian Institution; USNM 
NUMBER 41 43 

?-; -?. " [J. ^ B-^cx^ 

'VlA^* ^ 

-^ 

FIGURE 25.—Bloodletting manikin. (NMHT 243033 [M-10288]; SI photo 76-13536.) 
44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

= the former United States National Museum; 

N LM — National Library of Medicine. 

Photograph numbers are labeled "B W for black 

and white negative and "CS" for color slide. 

(Copies of photographs or slides may be purchased 

through the Office of Printing and Photographic 

Services, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 

20560.) Abbreviations for dimensions of objects 

are as follows: D = diameter; L = length; W = 

width; H = height. 

Instruments within each group are arranged 

chronologically as accessioned by the museum. 

Phlebotomy 

FLINT AND THUM B LANCETS 

Flint lancets (4). Pieces of flint used to let blood by native 

doctors in Alaska in the 1880s. Donated by William J. 

Fisher late 19th century. L 22 mm, 35 mm, 43 mm, 50 mm. 

Anthropology vol. 30, catalog no. 127758. Neg. 73-4208 

(BW, CS). (Figure 30.) 

Thumb lancet, 19th century. Typical thumb lancet with 

steel blade and tortoise shell shield, engraved with a crown 

and "Evans/Old Change/London" (manufacturer). Purchased 1898. Shield: L 56 mm. Blade: L 50 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, catalog no. 143079. 

Flint lancet. "Indian scarificator" collected by the Section of 

Ethnology of the Smithsonian 1902. L 44 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, catalog no. 143156. 

Thumb lancets (4) with case, 19th century. Lancets are 

engraved "S. Maw" (manufacturer). The case is made of 

cardboard covered with brown leather and has four compartments. Used by the donor's father while a missionary 

in Samoa in the 1830s. Donated in 1936 by the Rev. Robert 

G. Harbutt. Lancets: L 55 mm. Case: L 60 mm, W 28 mm, 

H 10 mm. Neg. 73-4230 (BW) four lancets with case; negs. 

73-4226, 73-4227, 73-4228, 73-4229 (BW & CS), individual 

lancets. NMHT 139980 (M-4151). (Figure 38.) 

Thumb lancets (2), 19th century. Lancets are typical 19th 

century thumb lancets. Shell shields are broken. Second 

lancet is engraved with a crown denoting British manufacture. Owned by S. K. Jennings of Baltimore (1771-1854). 

Donated by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. First lancet: L 54 mm; L of blade 46 mm. Second 

lancet: L 58 mm; L of blade 42 mm. NMHT 302606.062. 

Thumb lancets (2), 19th century. Shell shields. One shell is 

marked "A. L. Hernstein." Purchased 1976. First lancet: 

L 60 mm. Second lancet: L 70 mm. NMHT 1977.0789. 

Bloodletting knife, 19th century. Handle is cylindrical and 

made of carved wood, which has been turned, a brass ring, 

and an ivory tip with a hole bored through it. Blade is 

double beveled and engraved "Rodgers/Cutlers to Her Majesty," which indicates that the piece is Victorian. It could 

have been used for many purposes, including bloodletting. 

Purchased 1976. L 129 mm; L of blade 30 mm. Neg. 

76-76108 (BW). NHMT 321697.39. 

Thumb lancets in cases (8), 19th century. Seven of the cases 

have silver trimming and are closed by a hinged cap. 

These are similar in appearance to cigarette lighters. The 

first case, made of tortoise shell, contains four thumb 

lancets (with tortoise shell sheaths). Two blades are marked 

"Savigny & Co.," two are marked with a cross on top of 

crown symbol. The second case is made of mother-of-pearl 

carved with an intricate floral design. It has space for four 

lancets but contains only one lancet marked "Thompson" 

on the inner side of the shell cover, and a silver pincers. 

The scroll initials "J H" appear on the side of the case. 

The third case is silver, decorated with a floral relief, and 

contains two lancets. The fourth case is made of shagreen 

and contains six lancets, three engraved "Savigny" and one 

"Morgan." The fifth case is made of shagreen. One blade 

is inscribed "STODART." Blades are rusted. The sixth 

case is made of shagreen. It contains one shell-covered lancet of a possible six. The blade is marked Paris. "J. P. 

Honard" is engraved on the silver top of the case. The 

seventh case is made of shagreen. It contains two lancets, 

one with a pearl shield and one with a shell shield. On 

the blade of the shell encased lancet is inscribed "B. Radford, 9 Patrick St. Conn." The last case is made of leather, 

which is worn. It contains one shell-encased lancet. The 

blade is marked "Gouldig & Ford, N.Y." Purchased 1976. 

Case one: L 70 mm, W 36 mm. Case two: L 69 mm, W 33 

mm. Case three: L 65 mm, W 30 mm. Case four: L 74 mm, 

W 50 mm. Case five: L 71 mm, W 33 mm. Case six: L 75 

mm, W 43 mm. Case seven: L 68 mm, W 32 mm. Case 

eight: L 75 mm, W 17 mm. Neg. 76-9116 (BW). NMHT 

1977-0789. (Figure 5.) 

SPRING LANCETS 

NOTE: Lancets are measured to the tip of the casing rather 

than to the tip of the blade. The blade length depends upon 

the setting, and varies from an additional 8 to 13 mm. 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Brass Knob end lancet with brass 

lever release. Purchased 1898. L 42 mm, W 20 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, catalog no. 143078. 

Spring lancets (2) with case, 19th century. One lancet is plain 

with a brass lever release. Second lancet is brass with a 

steel lever release and has a floral design on the front and 

back panels. There are three settings for the height of the 

blade instead of the usual two. Blade is broken off. Case 

is square and made of wood covered with black leather and 

lined with rose plush. It is stamped "Braumiller, jun.'' 

Wood is broken. Leather and plush are badly torn. Donated 

by George B. Roth 1925. Both lancets: L 44 mm, W 20 mm. 

Case: L 62 mm, W 64 mm, H 20 mm. NMHT 88734 

(M-2099). 
NUMBER 41 45 

Spring lancet, patent model, 1857. Lancet has a cupped end 

instead of the usual knob end. According to analysis by the 

Conservation Laboratory, the lancet is made of silvercopper alloy. A screw on the back regulates the depth of 

cut by moving the spring mechanism back and forth inside 

the outer casing. Patented by James W. W. Gordon (U.S. 

patent 16479). Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 

1926. L 36 mm, W 25 mm, H 6 mm. Neg. 73-10318 (BW) 

and 73-116 (CS), front view; 73-10319 (BW) and 73-11147 

(CS), back view. NMHT 89797 (M-4298). (Figures 48, 49.) 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Lancet is brass and has a brass 

lever release. It is engraved with the initials "A. F." Donor 

claimed it was a 17th-century import from Wales, but it 

appears to be a standard 19th century lancet. Donated by 

Edward Pryor 1930. L 45 mm, W 19 mm. Neg. 73-4235 

(BW &: CS). NMHT 112827 (M-2995). (Figure 105.) 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Lancet is brass with a brass 

lever release. Engraved "Wiegand & Snowden/Philadelphia" 

(manufacturer). Donated by Dr. H. S. West 1934. L 44 mm, 

W 22 mm. NMHT 131386 (M-3636). 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Standard I9th century 

lancet with typical case made of wood, covered with brown 

leather and lined with chamois. Case closes by a latch, and 

is stamped "Traunichtessticht," which translates, "Do not 

trust, it stabs." Many 19th century cases were stamped with 

this motto. Donated by Fred G. Orsinger 1937. Lancet: L 

41 mm, W 20 mm. Case: L 71 mm, W 35 mm, H 18 mm. 

Neg. 73-4237 (BW & CS), without case. NMHT 145365 

(M-4510). 

Spring lancet blade with case, 19th century. The case is made 

of wood and covered with red paper, and has "F D" 

stamped on the bottom. A piece of paper with the date 

"1877" is affixed to the top of the case. This is the date 

that the donor received the blade from his mother, daughter of the owner. Dr. Joseph S. Dogan (1793-1870), who 

practiced as a country doctor in South Carolina. Donated 

by B. F. Arthur 1937. Blade: L 42 mm. Case: L 64 mm, 

W 20 mm, H 15 mm. NMHT 145290 (M-4513). 

NOTE: In the Wellcome Museum there are two spring lancets 

in a case. (R 3689/1936) One of these is marked "F. D." 

and the other "Fischer Peter," which may indicate that 

this is the name of the maker of all instruments so marked. 

The Wellcome instruments were part of the Hamonic 

Collections. Dr. Hamonic listed them as 18th century instruments. Another lancet that appears to be veterinary, 

because of its size, is stamped "P. Fischer" (Wellcome 

13516). Note that several items in this catalog are so 

marked. 

Spring lancet with case, late 19th-early 20th century. Tiemann & Co.'s spring lancet, a modified lancet sold by 

George Tiemann & Co. and advertised in the Tiemann 

catalogs of 1879 and 1889. Lancet is made of German silver 

and has a domed rather than a knob end. It is stamped 

"Tiemann" on the back panel. Release lever is a short bar 

across the top. Leather case is lined in red plush and has 

a partition in which four extra lancet blades are contained. 

Lancet was one of various instruments in a medical bag 

used by Dr. Augustus Stabler of Brighton, Maryland, who 

practiced from 1889 to 1914. Donated by Sidney Snowden 

Stabler 1942. Lancet: L 34 mm, W 16 mm. Case: L 62 mm, 

W 40 mm, H 23 mm. Neg. 73-5644 (BW). NMHT 163863 

(M-5141). (Figure 47.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass lancet with brown 

leather case. Lancet was a part of the Squibb Ancient 

Pharmacy, a collection of medical and pharmaceutical objects brought by E. Squibb and Sons to the United States 

in 1932. On deposit from the American Pharmaceutical 

Association 1945. Lancet: L 40 mm, W 19 mm. Case: L 70 

mm, W 38 mm, H 24 mm. NMHT 170211 (M-6385). 

Spring lancets (2) with case, 19th century. Lancets are made 

of brass and have steel lever releases. They are engraved 

front and back with a floral pattern. Tip of the blade of 

one of the lancets is broken. Case is wood covered with red 

leather and is missing the top. Donated by the University 

of Pennsylvania 1959. First lancet: L 43 mm, W 21 mm. 

Second lancet: L 75 mm, W 49 mm, H 11 mm. NMHT 

218383 (M-9260). 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass lancet with brass 

lever release. Case is covered with red cloth and lined with 

black plush. Used by Dr. Samuel Fahnestock (1764-1836) 

or by his son. Dr. WiUiam Baker Fahnestock (1804-1886) 

of Pennsylvania. Donated by Capt. Henry Fahnestock 

MacComsey, U.S.N., and Dr. G. Horace Coshow 1968. Lancet: L 40 mm, W 20 mm. Case: L 74 mm, W 40 mm, H 

26 mm. NMHT 280145 (M-12341). 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet has a steel lever 

release and is stamped "F. D." on the back panel. Other 

lancets have been found with these initials but so far no 

manufacturer has been traced. Leather of case is damaged. 

Owned by Dr. Harry Friedenwald of Baltimore, Maryland 

(b. 1864). Donated by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty 

of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 40 mm, W 20 mm. Case: 

L 72 mm, W 34 mm, H 20 mm. NMHT 302606.008. 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass spring lancet with 

a brass lever release. Case is stamped "Traunichtessticht" 

(see NMHT 145365 [M-4510]). Used by Dr. Wilbur Phelps, 

Baltimore, Maryland (1841-1922). Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 38 

mm, W 34 mm. Case: L 71 mm, W 34 mm, H 17 mm. Neg. 

76-7757 (BW & CS), compares lancet to a veterinary spring 

lancet. NMHT 302606.009. (Figure 22.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass spring lancet with 

a brass release. Case is covered with navy blue leather, 

lined with chamois, and stamped with a small flower and 

leaf design. Owned by Dr. Launcelot Jackes of Hancock. 

Maryland (b. late 18th century). Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 40 

mm, W 22 mm. Case: L 66 mm, W 34 mm, H 20 mm. 

NMHT 302606.039. 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet and case are 

very similar to NMHT 302606.039. The case is more 

rounded on top, is covered with black leather, and bears 

the same floral motif. Lancet blade is broken. Owned by 

Dr. George Washington Crumm of Clearspring and Jefferson, Maryland (1811-1896). Donated by the Medical and 

Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 42 mm, 

W 22 mm. Case: L 66 mm; W 38 mm, H 22 mm. NMHT 

302606.056. 
46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Brass lancet with steel lever release. Owned by Dr. Joseph Tate Smith of Baltimore, 

Maryland (1850-1930). Donated by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 42 mm, W 20 

mm. NMHT 302606.057. 

Spring lancets (2) with case, 19th century. Wood case, covered 

with brown leather and lined with brown velvet, has space 

for two rectangular lancets. One brass lancet, knob end, 

does not belong with the set. It has a steel lever release 

and three settings for blade height. The rectangular lancet, 

also made of brass, with an iron lever release and three 

settings for the height of the blade, is unusual in that it 

is triggered by a slide catch on the facing side rather than 

by a lever on top. The set was owned by Dr. Charles W. 

Owen of Maryland (1823-1857). Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Rectangular 

lancet: L 50 mm, W 16 mm. Knob end lancet: L 42 mm, 

W 18 mm. Case: L 150 mm, W 34 mm, H 22 mm. NMHT 

302606.058. 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet and case are 

similar to NMHT 302606.039. The leather of the case is 

torn and the lancet blade is broken. Donated by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Lancet: 

L 42 mm, W 22 mm. Case: L 66 mm, W 38 mm, H 24 mm. 

NMHT 302606.061. 

Spring lancet with case, I9th century. The Conservation 

Analytical Laboratory found the lancet to be made of a 

silver-copper alloy with an iron or steel lever release. It 

has a border around the top and along the edge and is 

marked "Reinhardt & C°/Balt°." Case is covered with black 

leather and lined in pink plush. It is decorated by a gold 

border and a small scroll motif. Donated by Harry L. 

Schrader 1972. Lancet: L 42 mm, W 21 mm. Case: L 68 

mm, W 34 mm, H 20 mm. NMHT 302607 (M-14682). 

Spring lancet with case, late 19th-early 20th century. Lancet 

is similar to the preceding lancet. It is made of white 

metal* (probably silver-copper) and has a border decoration along the top and around the edge. Case, which is 

badly rotted from water damage, is a folding style case and 

is closed by a clasp. There is a pocket for extra blades. 

Donated by John and James Draper 1973. Lancet: L 42 

mm, W 21 mm. Case: L 74 mm, W 40 mm, H 18 mm. 

NMHT 304826.067. 

Spring lancet with case, late 19th-early 20th century. Brass 

knob end lancet with brass lever release. Case is covered 

with brown leather and lined with chamois. Case is 

stamped "Traunichtessticht" (See NMHT 145365 [M-4510]), 

Owned by Dr. F. L. Orsinger of Chicago (1852-1925). Donated by Dr. William Orsinger 1973. Lancet: L 43 mm, 

W 22 mm. Case: L 70 mm, W 30 mm, H 20 mm. Neg. 

74-4088 (BW & CS); 76-13535 (BW), interior view of spring 

mechanism. NMHT 308730.10. (Figures 7, 39.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass Lancet with steel 

lever release. Leather of case is water damaged and is 

stamped "Traunichtessticht." Latch is missing. Donated by 

Peter H. Smith Jr., 1975 Lancet: L 50 mm, W 25 mm 

•"White metal" is the technical term for an undetermined 

silver colored metal alloy. See discussion of materials at beginning of index. 

(w/blade extended), H 15 mm. Case: L 75 mm, W 42 mm, 

H 23 mm. NMHT 316508.01. 

Spring lancet with case, 18th-early I9th century. Wooden 

case has a. hand-carved space for lancet. Lancet is brass and 

has an unusual boot shape. The short lever release operates a catch at the very top of the lancet casing. The large 

blade has a guard that is regulated by a screw on the 

side. Purchased 1976. Lancet: L 35 mm, W 24 mm. Case: 

L 68 mm, W 33 mm, H 20 mm. Neg. 76-9114 (BW). 

NMHT 316478. (Figure 46.) 

Spring lancet, late 18th-early 19th century. Unusually shaped 

large brass and steel spring lancet, nicely decorated and 

engraved with the name "M. A. Prizzi." Lancet is set by 

a slide cocking lever on the facing side and released by 

another lever. A brass plate at the top of the lancet can 

be moved back and forth by a screw in order to regulate 

the depth of cut of the lancet blade. Lancet comes with a 

spare blade. Purchased 1975. Lancet: L 86 mm. Neg. 

76-7763 (BW, CS). NMHT 320033.06. (Figure 45.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet is brass with a 

steel lever release and has a zig-zag decoration on the 

front and back panels. Case is covered with brown leather 

and lined with chamois and has a small basket of flowers 

stamped on the top. Purchased 1976 Lancet: L 42 mm, W 

19 mm. Case: L 71 mm, W 34 mm, H 19 mm. Neg. 73-4236 

(BW & CS). NMHT 321636.01. (Figure 6.) 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Lancet is engraved "F. D." on 

back (see NMHT 302606.008). Analysis by the Conservation 

Laboratory shows that the lancet is made of brass composed of 70% copper and 30% zinc plated with a tin-lead 

alloy. Most of the plating has been rubbed away. The 

blade, cocking lever, and release lever are of iron qr steel. 

Purchased 1976. Lancet: L 43 mm, W 21 mm. NMHT 

321636.02. 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet is brass and has 

a brass lever release. Engraved "Goulding/New York" (manufacturer). Case is made of wood, covered with black 

leather and lined with light brown plush. It has a tab 

closure. Lancet and case were not originally a set; the case 

was designed for a larger lancet. Donated by the American 

Pharmaceutical Association 1970. Lancet: L 40 mm, W 20 

mm. Case: L 74 mm, W 38 mm, H 12 mm. NMHT 

321641 (M-13060). 

Spring lancet with case, late I9th century. Silver lancet with 

a button release and a border decorating the top and edge. 

Button release lancets were sold in the late 19th century 

for slightly more than lever release lancets. Analysis by the 

Conservation Laboratory shows that the silver is not sterling but a silver-copper alloy containing twice as much 

copper as sterling silver. The button release is made of 

ferrous metal plated with silver. The blade and cocking 

lever are also of ferrous metal. The case is made of wood, 

covered with brown leather and trimmed with gold leaf. 

It is closed by an ornate clasp made of ferrous metal plated 

with brass. Donated by the American Pharmaceutical Association 1970. Lancet: L 42 mm, W 22 mm. Case: L 73 

mm, W 40 mm, H 11 mm. NMHT 321641 (M-13060.1). 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Silver lancet with lever 

release described by seller as dating from 1800, although 

it is probably of a later date. Lancet has a border decora-
NUMBER 41 47 

tion, and the back plate is opened by a shell-design protuberance. The case is covered with brown leather with 

gold leaf edging, and is stamped "A. St." Case is lined with 

rose plush below and white silk above. Lancet is engraved 

"Cotzand." Purchased 1976. Lancet: L 42 mm, W 17 mm. 

Case: L 68 mm, W 37 mm, H 20 mm. Neg. 76-7752 (BW, 

CS). NMHT 321687.02. (Figure 44.) 

Spring lancet with case, late 19th century. Silver lancet with 

a button release and a border decorating the top and the 

edge. Mechanism is frozen. Purchased 1976. Lancet: L 40 

mm. NMHT 321697.01. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. White metal including the 

blade, which may have been a replacement for the original. 

The blade is more highly polished than the case. The 

black case is worn so that an indistinct mark appears on 

its cover. It is lined with chamois. Lancet: L 41 mm, W 

17 mm, blade extends 10 mm. Case: L 65 mm, W 38 mm. 

NMHT 1977.0789.13. 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass lancet with steel 

lever release. Case is covered with brown leather and lined 

with chamois. Leather is torn and latch is missing. Owned 

by Dr. Launcelot Jackes of Hancock, Maryland (b. late 

18th c). Donated by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty 

of Maryland 1976. Lancet: L 40 mm, W 20 mm. Case: 

L 72 mm, W 42 mm, H 24 mm. NMHT 302616.040. 

Spring lancets (2) with case, late 18th-early 19th century. 

Pair of brass lancets in a hand-carved wooden case. First 

lancet has a steel lever release and is engraved with a zigzag pattern and the initials "F. D." Second lancet is 

shorter than usual and missing the lever release and cocking lever. Case has space cut for each lancet and an additional space for extra blades or a thumb lancet. Purchased 1976. First lancet: L 40 mm. Second lancet: L 30 

mm. Case: L 84 mm. W 56 mm, H 17 mm. NMHT 

321697.02. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass decorated with flowers, 

has tulip and leaves on reverse side with iron blade and 

lever. Lancet: L 39 mm, W 21 mm. Case: L 65 mm, W 33 

mm. NMHT 1977.0789.14. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass case is unmarked. The 

leather case had a red lining and a top that slips off. 

Lancet: L 44 mm, W 18 mm. Case: L 77 mm, W 35 mm. 

NMHT 1977.0789.15. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass case with unclear lettering "WIEGANL Phila Powten." Leather case has red 

lining and closes with a hook. Lancet: L 41 mm, W 22 

mm. Case: L 70 mm. W 33 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.9. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass case. Leather case has 

a chamois lining and closed with a hook. An eagle on the 

cover is worn. Lancet: L 43 mm, W 19 mm. Case: L 70 

mm, W 35 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.10. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Light yellow brass case. 

Case is leather (worn) with a chamois lining and hook 

closure. Lancet: L 41 mm, W 20 mm. Case: L 71 mm, W 

35 mm. NMHT 1977.0989.11. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass case with small guard 

over blade. Cover on the back appears to be a replacement 

for the original. Crude wooden case is red and worn. Lancet: L 45 mm, W 33 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.12. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Brass case with cover of the 

lancet missing. Leather case has a chamois lining and hook 

closure. Lancet: L 38 mm, W 20 mm. Case: L 70 mm, W 

34 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.7. 

Spring lancet, late 19th century. Lancet is of white metal 

including the blade. The leather case has a gold decoration 

around the edges. Lancet: L 41 mm, W 22 mm. Case: 

L 70 mm, W 36 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.8. 

NOTE: For additional spring lancets, see "Cupping Sets'' 

(NMHT 268719 [M-11878]) and "Related Artifacts" (NMHT 

199536 [M-6689]) and NMHT 285125 [M-12352]). 

BLEEDIN G BOWL S 

Bleeding bowl, after 1740. Pewter bowl with horizontally projecting handle. Handle is decorated with cut out tracery, 

a coat of arms, and the name of the London maker, John 

Foster. Bowl has graduated rings every 2 ounces from 2 to 

16. Held by Divison of Cultural History, Smithsonian Institution (Greenwood Collection). L 200 mm to tip of handle, D 132 mm, H 45 mm. Neg. 61166-C (BW). (Figure 4.) 

Barber's basin, 18th century. Blue faience basin with green, 

red, and blue floral decoration. Used for shaving and 

probably for phlebotomy as well. Bowl is indented to fit 

against the neck. Purchased 1959. L 260 mm, W at indentation 173 mm, H 68 mm. Neg. 73-4220 (BW, CS). NMHT 

225114 (M-9399). 

Bleeding bowl. Circular bleeding bowl made of pewter and 

typical of the bowls used to collect and measure blood in 

the 18th century. Such bowls were no longer generally 

used in the 19th century. Bowl has a plain, flat, horizontally projecting handle and graduated circles marking every 

4 ounces from 4 to 24. Purchased 1976. L 233 mm to tip 

of handle. D 166 mm, H 55 mm. NMHT 322691.01. 

Bleeding bowl. Pewter bowl with a cut out tracery handle. 

Bowl has graduated markings every 2 ounces from 2 to 16. 

Purchased 1976. D 127 mm, H 64 mm. NMHT 322691.02. 

EXTR A BLADES AND CASES 

Spring lancet blades (2), 18th-19th century. Used by Dr. 

John Cooper, Easton, Pennsylvania, great-grandfather of 

the donor. Donated by the Rev. J. V. Cooper 1936. Blades: 

L 44 mm, W 14 mm. NMHT 139877 (M-4145). 

Spring lancet case, 19th century. This case is unlike other 

lancet cases in the collection in that the top half is a cap 

which slips off. The bottom half opens lengthwise and has 

space for a lancet and two pockets for extra blades. Case, 

made of cardboard and covered with black leather, is lined 

in tan plush. Purchased 1963. Case: L 62 mm, W 32 mm, 

H 22 mm. NMHT 251481 (M-10463). 

Spring lancet case, 1827. Case is handmade of wood, with 

fabric panels covered with glass on five sides. In the top 

panel, a spring lancet has been hand drawn in blue. The 

bottom panel contains several symbolic images and the 

motto. "Memento Mori." The end panel has the name of 

the owner. "W. M. Bonwiirs/1827." The case opens by a 

hinge and has space carved out for two knob end lancets. 
48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Pasted to the lid is a leather pocket containing two lancet 

blades of different sizes. The Smithsonian Institution also 

owns a matching toilet case, given by the same donor. 

Donated by the University of Pennyslvania 1959. Case: L 

87 mm, W 48 mm, H 18 mm. Neg. 73-5847, 73-5848, 

73-5849, 73-5850 (BW, various views with toilet case)/ 

73-7680 to 73-7693 (CS, various views with toilet case). 

NMHT 218383 (M-9261). 

Spring lancet case. 19th century. Two part red leather case. 

Inner box has space for a knob end spring lancet and two 

spare blades. Box slides into an outer shell with a tab 

closure. Owned by Dr. Robert Moore (1764-1844), who 

served as President of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty 

of Maryland from 1820 to 1826. Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Case: L 78 mm, 

W 50 mm, H 12 mm. NMHT 302606.054. 

Cupping 

SCARIFICATORS 

NOTE: Height is measured to the top of the casing. The 

height may vary by a few millimeters because setting the 

depth of cut of the blades is accomplished by raising or 

lowering the bottom of the scarificator. 

Scarificator. 12 blades, 19th century. Octagonal brass scarificator with blades arranged on two rods which cut in 

opposite directions. This is a standard English-American 

19th c. scarificator. As is true of all scarificators, the blades 

and cocking lever are made of ferrous metal (iron or steel). 

Two small stars on one side indicate how the top and 

bottom of the scarificator fit together. Purchased 1898. 

L 46 mm, W 42 mm, H 30 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, 

catalog no. 143080. 

Scarificator with case, 12 blades, 19th century. Standard 

scarificator with blades cutting in opposite directions. Case 

is wood covered with red leather, lined in purple plush 

and closed by a latch. On top of the case is an American 

eagle. Donated by Dr. D. H. Welling 1925. Scarificator: 

L 52 mm, W 46 mm, H 36 mm. Case: L 61 mm, W 56 mm, 

H 77 mm. NMHT 86124 (M-2087). NOTE: American eagles 

of this type were imprinted on many objects at the time of 

the Centennial (1876). 

Scarificator, 12 blades, patent model, 1846. Patented by George 

Tiemann of New York (U.S. patent 4705). Engraved "Geo. 

Tieman[5Jc]/No. 63 Chatham Street/New York/March 

1846." The novel feature of the scarificator was the addition of an ebony handle in which a coiled spring was 

contained. See NMHT 254866 (M-10700), which is the same 

instrument as marketed by George Tiemann & Co. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. Overall L 176 mm. 

Base: L 42 mm, W 42 mm, H 18 mm. Neg. 76-9115 (BW). 

NMHT 89797 (M-4289). (Figure 76.) 

Scarificator, 13 blades, patent model, 1847. Patented by Frederick M. Leypoldt of Philadelphia (U.S. Patent 5111). Scarificator is brass, octagonal with three rods containing 4, 5, 

and 4 blades respectively. Blades turn in same direction. 

The innovation consisted of a new arrangement of the 

cocking lever and spring. Engraved "F. Leypoldt/Philada." 

Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. L 44 mm, 

W 44 mm, H 40 mm. Neg. 73-4213 (BW & CS). NMHT 

89797 (M-4290). (Figure 77.) 

Scarificator, 10 blades, patent model, 1851. Patented by Federick Leypoldt of Philadelphia (U.S. patent 8095). This is 

a flattened model of scarificator made of a copper-zincnickel alloy known as "nickel-silver," or German silver. 

The innovation in this patent model was a flat lever extending from the side instead of the top, which fits into 

slots in two racks which move back and forth and turn 

the pinions of the blade rods. Blades cut in opposite directions. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. 

L 42 mm, W 40 mm, H 16 mm. Neg. 76-9112 (BW). NMHT 

89797 (M-4293). (Figure 78.) 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. Octagonal scarificator in 

which blades cut in the same direction. Donated by Dr. 

George B. Roth 1928. L 44mm, W 40 mm, H 38 mm. Neg. 

76-7744 (BW, CS). NMHT 99749 (M-2336). (Figure 106.) 

Scarificator, 12 blades, late 19th century. Octagonal scarificator; blades cut in opposite directions. Used by the donor's 

father. Donated by Aida Doyle 1932. L 48 mm, W 42 mm, 

H 34 mm. NMHT 118000 (M-3182). 

Scarificator, 10 blades, early 19th century. Octagonal scarificator with blades cutting in the same direction. Donated 

by H. S. West 1934. L 46 mm, W 44 mm, H 34 mm. NMHT 

131386 (M-3635). 

Scarificator, 16 blades, early 19th century. This scarificator is 

typical of Germanic manufacture during the late 18th and 

early 19th centuries. It is square, hand engraved, and has 

has pointed blades. Blades are arranged on three rods that 

turn in the same direction. Engraved "J. T./Wien." Vienna 

was the center of early sacrificator manufacture. Sacrificator 

said by donor to date from 1806. Donated by the University of Pennsylvania 1959. L 35 mm, W 34 mm, H 39 mm. 

Neg. 73-4212 (BW, CS). NMHT 218383 (M-9257). (Figure 60.) 

Scarificator, 16 blades, 19th century. Square scarificator, made 

somewhat later than the previous one because the blades 

are no longer pointed. Donated by the University of 

Pennsylvania 1959. L 36 mm, W 36 mm, H 32 mm. NMHT 

218383 (M-9258). 

Scarificator, 16 blades, late 18th-early 19th century. Square 

scarificator. Donated by the University of Pennsylvania 

1959. L 40 mm, W 30 mm, H 32 mm. Neg. 61130-B (BW). 

NMHT 218383 (M-9259). 

Scarificator with case, 4 blades, 19th century. Small octagonal 

scarificator used for cutting the temples. Bottom of scarificator is engraved with an American eagle. Case is covered 

with navy blue leather, lined with purple plush, and closed 

by a latch. Purchased 1960. Scarificator: L 28 mm, W 26 

mm, H 26 mm. Case: L 42 mm, W 40 mm, H 60 mm. 

Neg. 76-7745 (BW, CS). NMHT 233056 (M-9639). (Figure 

107.) 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. This octagonal scarificator is significant in that it bears a French patent. Turning 

the large wing-shaped handle on the top of the instrument 

cocks the blades, and turning a small key on the side regulates the depth of cut of the blades. Blades cut in opposite 

directions. Scarificator engraved "Brevete, S.G.D. Gouv." 
NUMBER 41 49 

Purchased 1964. L 42 mm, W 38 mm, H 32 mm. NMHT 

254866 (M-10695). 

Scarificator with case, 12 blades, 19th century. This is the 

market version of Tiemann's patent scarificator (NMHT 

89797 [M-4289]), with a bone handle. Engraved "Geo. Tiemann/Patent/August 20/1846." This scarificator was advertised as late as 1889. Purchased 1964. Scarificator: L 172 

mm, W 45 mm, H 45 mm. Neg. 73-4237-D (CS). NMHT 

254866 (M-10700). 

Scarificator, 13 blades, 19th century. Octagonal scarificator 

with unusual number of blades arranged on three rods 

and cutting in the same direction. Purchased 1964. L 51 

mm, W 46 mm, H 34 mm. NMHT 254866 (M-10706). 

Scarificator with case, 10 blades, 19th century. Used by Mary 

Fueurstien Kuhn, who practiced as a midwife in Ohio and 

also cupped and bled people during the period 1850-1890. 

Scarificator was brought to the United States from Germany 

by Mrs. Kuhn's father, who was a doctor. Blades cut in 

opposite directions. Case is covered in brown leather and 

lined in rose plush. Donated by Mrs. Arthur Peterman 

1964. Scarificator: L 45 mm, W 42 mm, H 32 mm. Case: 

L 58 mm, W 55 mm, H 71 mm. NMHT 255254 (M10892). 

Scarificator, 16 blades, late 18th-early 19th century. Square 

scarificator. Top cap has a scalloped edge. Blades appear 

to be pointed. Mechanism is frozen. Donated by Harry 

L. Schrader 1972. L 34 mm, W 34 mm, H 34 mm. NMHT 

302607 (H-14681). 

Scarificator, 16 blades, late ISth-early 19th century. Square 

scarificator. Mechanism is frozen. Donated by John and 

James Draper 1973. L 38 mm, W 35 mm, H 32 mm. NMHT 

304826.066. 

Scarificator with case, 12 blades, late 19th-early 20th century. 

Octagonal scarificator with blades cutting in opposite directions. Two stars are engraved on the top and the 

bottom of one side. Case is cardboard covered with leather. 

Owned by Dr. F. L. Orsinger of Chicago (1852-1925). Donated by Dr. William Orsinger 1973. Scarificator L 45 mm, 

W 40 mm, H 35 mm. Case L 54 mm, W 48 mm, H 80 

mm. Neg 74-4089 (BW, CS). NMHT 308730.11. 

Scarificator with case, 12 blades, 19th century. Octagonal 

scarificator with blades cutting in the same direction. 

There are two star markings on the top and the bottom 

of one side. Case is made of cardboard covered with black 

leather. Donated by Ada and Grace Abrahamson 1975. 

Scarificator: L 43 mm, W 40 mm, H 34 mm. Case: L 56 

mm, W 47 mm, H 73 mm. NMHT 318916.01. 

Scarificator, 13 blades, 1973. Unusual hand-made brass and 

iron scarificator, engraved with decoration and the name 

"Domenico Pica" and date "1793." Blades are set on three 

rods of four, five, and four blades (see NMHT 254866 

[M-10706]). The scarificator is octagonal but much taller 

than the standard octagonal model. Unlike all other 

scarificators in the collection, the bottom opens by a hinge, 

and a. key on top raises and lowers the interior mechanism 

so as to regulate the depth of cut. Blades are cocked by 

a lever on top and released by a button on the side. Purchased 1975. L 50 mm, W 42 mm, H 60 mm. Neg. 76-7742 

and 76-7743 (BW, CS). NMHT 320033.01. (Figure 66.) 

NOTE: The earliest marked scarificator known to the authors 

is one in the Wellcome Medical Collection (Wellcome number R 2.852/1930 C.H.M.), inscribed 1747. The case and 

blade are made entirely of iron or steel. L 144 mm, W 45 

mm. Another one with a brass case (Wellcome number 290 

or 6 7/36, in the Hamonic Collection) is inscribed Johann 

Darmreuther in Vendelstein 1769. A third one with a brass 

case and thirteen blades (Wellcome number 13555) is marked 

"Jo. Bat. Boeller Fece anno 1762." 

Scarificator, 16 blades, late 18th-early 19th century. Square 

scarificator with 16 pointed blades engraved, in script, 

"Joseph Plunger in Briinn." Case is covered with brown 

leather. Purchased 1975. L 32 mm, W 32 mm, H 30 mm. 

NMHT 320033.02. 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. Standard octagonal scarificator with blades cutting in opposite directions. Stamped 

on the bottom with an American eagle, similar to that 

of NMHT 233056 (M-9639). This may mean the scarificators were made around the time of the Centennial. 

Purchased 1975. L 48 mm, W 45 mm, H 28 mm. NMHT 

320033.03. 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. Standard octagonal 

scarificator with blades cutting in opposite directions. Engraved "H & H Hilliard/Edinburgh." Purchased 1975. L 

54 mm, W 47 mm, H 35 mm. NMHT 320033.04. 

Scarificator, 16 blades, mid-late 19th century. Circular scarificator with fluted sides of the type manufactured by 

Maison Charriere in Paris. Seller describes instrument as 

French, mid-19th century. Analysis by the Conservation 

Laboratory shows that the instrument was made of an 

alloy of copper, zinc, nickel, and tin—probably the alloy 

that the French called "maillechort." Winged lever on top 

triggers the sixteen small blades arranged on two rods 

and cutting in opposite directions. A round knob on the 

side is pushed downward to release the blades. Presumably 

by turning the bottom, one can regulate the depth of cut. 

However, the bottom is frozen. Purchased 1975. H 31 mm, 

D 45 mm. Neg. 76-7746. NMHT 320033.05. (Figure 74.) 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. Standard octagonal 

scarificator with blades cutting in opposite directions. Used 

by Dr. G.W.M. Honberger (b. 1819). Donated by the 

Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. L 46 

mm, W 44 mm, H 32 mm. NMHT 302606.006. 

Scarificator with case, 12 blades, I9th-20th century. Standard 

octagonal scarificator. Mechanism is frozen. Case covered 

with brown leather and lined with brown plush. Used by 

Dr. Jesse O. Purvis (b. 1880). Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Scarificator: 

L 48 mm, W 46 mm, H 32 mm. Case: L 61 mm, W 54 

mm, H 79 mm. NMHT 302606.059. 

Scarificator, 10 blades, late 19th century. Standard scarificator, blades cutting in opposite directions, owned by Dr. 

Charles Carroll Shippen of Baltimore (b. 1856). Donated 

by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. 

L 48 mm, W 44 mm, H 34 mm. NMHT 302606.060. 

Scarificator, 12 blades, 19th century. Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. L 48 mm, W 

44 mm, H 36 mm. NMHT 302606.217. 
50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Scarificator, 10 blades, 19th century. Octagonal scarificator 

of white metal with an iron lever. Purchased 1976. L 41 

mm, W 39 mm, H 31 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.40. 

Scarificator, 16 blades, 19th century. Purchased 1976. L 41 

mm, W 35 mm, H 32 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.41. 

NOTE: Additional scarificators are found under "Cupping 

Sets" and in the "Barber-surgeon's kit" listed under "Related Artifacts." 

CUPS 

Cupping cup, glass, 19th century. Large dome-shaped cup. 

Purchased 1898. H 82 mm, D 66 mm. Anthropology vol. 

30, catalog no. 143081. 

Cupping cup, glass, 18th-19th century. Hand-blown bellied 

cup from Hebron, Palestine. Donated by Dr. Cyrus Adler 

1902. H 53 mm, diameter 31 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, 

catalog no. 143155. Neg. 59139-A (BW). 

Cupping cup, 12th century. Cup is made of opaque greenish glass and is triangular in shape. A vacuum is created 

in the cup by sucking air from the cup through a tubular 

extension on the side. This 12th century cup was recovered in Nishapur, Persia, by Dr. Richard Ettinghausen. 

On loan from Dr. Ettinghausen 1955. H 68 mm, D 42 mm. 

Neg. 73-4205 (BW, CS). NMHT 207389 (M-6836). (Figure 

108.) 

Cupping cups (2), Pewter, 18th century. These cups are 

similar to those found in a Revolutionary War surgeon's 

kit held by the Smithsonian, and may therefore be of 

military issue. Metal cups were often preferred to glass for 

military purposes because they were unbreakable. Donated 

by Hattie Brunner 1955. M-6829 H 42 mm, D 34 mm. 

M-6830 H 38 mm, D 34 mm. Neg. 76-9109 (BW), includes 

German brass cup. NMHT 207399 (M-6829 and M-6830). 

Cupping cup, 12th century. A second Persian spouted cup 

(cf. NMHT 207389 [M-6836]), also made of opaque greenish glass, but more dome shaped. Purchased 1959. H 52 

mm, D 50 mm. Neg. 73-4215 (BW). NMHT 224478 

(M-8037). 

Cupping cups (3), glass, 18th-19th centuries. Cups of smaller 

diameter such as these were used for cupping on the 

temples and other parts of the body with limited surface 

area. Cups are molded and slightly bellied. Purchased 

1964. First cup: H 54 mm, D 36 mm. Second and third 

cups: H 56 mm, D 36 mm. NMHT 254866 (M-10694). 

Cupping cup, horn, 20th century. A horn of a cow from 

Madaoua, Niger Republic, West Africa, used for drawing 

blood as late as the 1960s. There is a small foramen at 

the tip for exhausting the air by sucking. Purchased 1966. 

L 88 mm, D 52 mm. Neg. 73-5643 (BW, CS). NMHT 

270023.01 (M-11998). (Figure 37.) 

Cupping cups, glass, 19th century. Set of five dome-shaped 

cups ranging from 50 mm to 60 mm in diameter and 64 

mm to 72 mm in height. They were dated by the seller 

as 1895. Purchased 1969. NMHT 287162 (M-12872). 

Cupping cups (2), glass, 20th century. These two small cups 

were purchased about 1912 by Mr. Harry Zucker from a 

drug supply company on 2nd Street and Avenue B on 

the Lower East Side of New York City. Mr. Zucker used 

the cups for dry cupping only. Donated by Ruth Zucker 

1972. H 54 mm, D 34 mm. NMHT 302834.1 and 302834.2. 

Cupping vessels (5), glass, 19th-20th centuries. Set of five 

dome-shaped cups ranging from 52 mm to 56 mm in height 

and 44 mm to 48 mm in diameter. Owned by Dr. E. L. Orsinger of Chicago (1852-1925). Donated by Dr. William 

Orsinger 1973. Neg. 74-4087 (BW, CS). NMHT 308730.09. 

Cupping vessels (3), glass, 18th-19th centuries. These three 

cups have button like protuberances on top for ease in 

handling. Cups were often pictured in 18th century surgical texts with such protuberances. In the 19th century 

most cups lacked them. Purchased 1976. NMHT 314016 

.236-.239. (Figure 109.) 

Cupping vessel, glass, 19th century. Slightly bellied, handblown cup. Donated by Ada and Grace Abrahamson 1975. 

H 47 mm, D 43 mm. NMHT 318916.02. 

Cupping vessel and bloodletting knife, I7th century. Persian 

brass conical cupping cup with a small hole at the tip 

for mouth suction. Knife has a wood and brass handle and 

a folding blade. Seller gives date as 17th century. Purchased 1976. Knife L 110 mm (folded). Cup L 86 mm. D 

46 mm. Neg. 76-7749 (BW, CS). NMHT 320033.07. (Figure 

110.) 

Cupping vessel, brass, 18th century. German brass cupping 

vessel. Purchased 1976. H 30 mm, D 35 mm. Neg. 76-9109 

(BW), includes two pewter cups. NMHT 321697.22. (Figure 

111.) 

Cupping vessels, glass, 19th century. Five small, hand-blown, 

green glass cupping cups. All are approximately the same 

size. Purchased 1976. Average dimensions: H 44 mm, D 

35 mm. NMHT 321697.23-.27. 

Cupping vessels, glass, 19th and 20th centuries. Assortment 

of 22 cupping cups, either dome-shaped or slightly bellied. 

Various sizes. Purchased 1976. NMHT 321697.28-.49. 

CUPPING SETS 

Cupping set, 19th-20th century. Set consists of three cupping 

glasses, two dome-shaped and one bellied (M-4766, M^767, 

M-4768), a 16 blade square scarificator (M-4771), a candle 

in a metal holder used to ignite the alcohol (M-4769), 

and a bit of sponge in a wire holder (M-4770). Presumably, the sponge would be dipped in alcohol, ignited, and 

inserted into the glasses. Used by Dr. Fred L. Orsinger of 

Chicago in the early 20th c. Donated by Fred G. Orsinger 

1939. Scarificator: L 46 mm, W 37 mm, H 33 mm. Sponge 

and holder: L 78 mm. Neg. 61135-C (cupping glasses); 

61130-B and 61130-C (scarificator), front and back views; 

61164-B (candle in metal holder); 61129-D (sponge with 

wire holder); 76-9111 and 76-9113, internal views of scarificator. All negatives BW. NMHT 152130 (M-4766-71). (Figures 13, 43, 62.) 

Cupping set, 19th century. Contained in a mahogany case 

with red velvet lining are two glass cups without valves, 

a square model 16 blade scarificator with a leather case 

top, a braided leather tourniquet, a standard brass spring 

lancet in a case with an American eagle stamped in gold, 

and two lancets used on the gums with tortoiseshell 

shields. One gum lancet is engraved "Kuemerle & Kolbe," 
NUMBER 41 51 

a Philadelphia manufacturer. Case was originally intended 

for a set of six brass valved cupping glasses and a pump. 

Owned and used by Dr. Elam Dowden Talbot of Barlow 

County, Virginia (1810-1881). Donated by Elam D. Talbot 

through Edna G. Dorr 1966. Case: L 204 mm, W 140 mm, 

H 110 mm. NMHT 268719 (M-11878). 

Cupping set, late 19th century. Set of four cupping glasses 

with brass fixtures, a pump, and two octagonal scarificators. Three of the cups are identical in size, and the 

fourth is slightly larger. One scarificator has 13 blades 

arranged on three rods turning in the same direction (cf. 

NMHT 254866 [M-10706]). Scarificator is engraved 

"Schively/Philad." (manufacturer). The other scarificator 

has 10 blades turning in opposite directions. Used by Dr. 

Robert Evans Bromwell, Port Deposit, Maryland, in the 

late 19th century. Donated by Dr. Bromwell's daughter, 

Roberta Bromwell Craig, 1970. Case: L 203 mm, W 135 

mm. H 110 mm. NMHT 290051 (M-13113). 

Cupping set. 19th century. Mahogany case lined in rose 

plush has six compartments holding 5 valved cups of 

slightly varying shapes. One cup and pump are missing. 

Used by Dr. Launcelot Jackes, a member of the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland. Donated by the 

Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Case 

L 184 mm. W 143 mm. M 94 mm. NMHT 302606.005. 

Cupping set. 19th century. This elegant set was manufactured by Charriere of Paris. Set includes a circular scarificator with fluted sides similar to NMHT 320033.05 but 

made of brass. Scarificator is engraved "Brevet^ S.G.D. 

Gouv." Also in the set are a brass pump, tubing, and three 

distinctive mushroom shaped glasses provided with stopcocks. Case is made of wood and lined with fabric. All 

pieces except tubing and scarificator are engraved with the 

Charriere name. Set was said to have been purchased in 

Paris in 1850 by Dr. Asa Shinn Linthicum. Donated by 

the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. 

Case: L 240 mm, W 150 mm, H 94 mm. First glass: H 110 

mm, D 74 mm. Second glass: H 130 mm, D. 80 mm. Third 

glass: H 94 mm, diameter 54 mm. Pump: L 160 mm, D 

26 mm. Scarificator: H 32 mm, D 46 mm. Tube: L 450 mm. 

Neg. 75-090 (BW & CS). 75-4237-C (CS). NMHT 302606.007. 

(Figure 70.) 

Cupping set. 19th century. Mahogany case lined in purple 

plush has compartments for eight cups and space for a 

pump. Seven cups with valves remain, one of them a 

narrow necked fluted cup for cupping the breasts. Found 

in the case, though not part of the set, are an envelope 

with a lancet blade and a packet of six lancet blades, 

each of slightly different shape. On the packet is handwritten "American/25 each." Donated by the Medical 

and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. Case: L 249 

mm, W 130 mm, H 100 mm. NMHT 302606.035. 

Cupping set, mid-19th century. Charri6re cupping set with 

four mushroom-shaped glass cups (the largest two with 

round edges and the smaller two with oval edges) with 

brass stopcocks, a pump, and a scarificator. Two of the 

cups and the scarificator are engraved with the Charriere 

name. The scarificator is octagonal and has twelve small 

blades cutting in opposite directions. Internally it has two 

rolled springs as described in the Charriere patent of 1841. 

Brass wrench case is mahogany and lined with a reddish 

chamois above. Pasted to the chamois is a bit of leather 

with wording in gold which reads "Paris/Charritre/Frabricant/Des/Hopitaux/Civils/et/Mil. Rue de I'ficole de M^d. 

No. 7 (Bis)." Purchased 1976. Scarificator: L 42 mm, W 

40 mm, H 34 mm. Pump: L 180.8 mm. Wrench: L 76.2 

mm. Case: L 250 mm, W 133 mm, H 105 mm. Neg. 76-9117 

(BW); 76-9110 (BW), scarificator showing springs. NMHT 

1977.0789.44. 

Cupping set, 19th century. Set may date from early to mid 

19th century. Wooden case, lined with brown velvet, contains two glass cups, two scarificators, a ball handled torch 

stuffed with a cotton wick, and a cut glass alcohol bottle. 

Large scarificator has eight blades, almost pointed in 

shape and cutting in opposite directions. Smaller scarificator has four blades on one rod. Both scarificators are 

engraved, in script, "H. Johnson/31 King Street/Borough." 

On top of the case is a silver plate with the name of the 

owner, "Mr. Sam Richards." Purchased 1976. Torch: L 

Ul mm. Bottle: H 65 mm. Large scarificator: L 54 mm, 

W 48 mm, H 37 mm. Small scarificator: L 36 mm, W 35 

mm, H 29 mm. Case: L 248 mm, W 109 mm, H 94 mm. 

Neg. 76-9119 (BW). NMHT 1977.0789.48. (Figure 68.) 

Cupping set, 19th century. This unique set consists of a red 

leather case lined in purple velvet, four cups with brass 

fittings, a large octagonal scarificator, and a pump. The 

most interesting piece in the set is the pump, an oval 

cylinder enameled in yellow with a gold and black floral 

design on front and back. On top of the cylinder are 

both the brass pump and the attachment to the cups. The 

scarificator has twelve blades cutting in opposite directions 

and is engraved, in script, "J & W Wood/74 King Street/ 

Manchester." The four cups vary widely in size, the largest 

having a diameter of 73 mm, the smallest a diameter of 

43 mm. Purchased 1976. Pump: H 170 mm, L 78 mm, W 

56 mm. Case: L 300 mm, W 150 mm, H 113 mm. Neg. 

76-9118 (BW). NMHT 1977.0789.47. 

Cupping set, 19th century. Case is mahogany with two 

ivory keyholes and a brass handle. It is lined in red plush. 

Set includes nine glass cups of various sizes (including an 

oval cup), each with screw threads covered by a brass cap. 

Pump is brass, 142 mm long, and has a bit of leather 

wrapped around the outside of the screw threads. There 

is an extra compartment in the case that might have held 

a tenth cup, but now contains only the key. In a compartment lined with silver paper and covered by a red 

plush top with ivory handle are two octagonal scarificators. The first is a common twelve blade scarificator in 

which the blades cut in opposite directions. It is engraved with a crown and "Evans/London." The second is 

unusual in that it has eleven blades arranged on two 

rods. It is also engraved "Evans/London," and on top is 

engraved, in script, "W Tothill," and in block letters, 

"Staines No 2." The mechanism is frozen. Purchased 1976. 

Case: L 285 mm, W 210 mm, H 106 mm. Neg. 76-7747 

(BW, CS), pieces in case; 76-7748 (BW, CS), pieces out of 

case. NMHT 321697.21. (Figure 112.) 

Cupping set, 19th century. Case is mahogany, lined in red 

velvet, with brass bindings on the corners and is incom-
52 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

plete. A brass plate on the cover is blank. The key is 

missing. Set includes two glass cups without fittings, two 

brass stopcocks, one 12-blade scarificator, and a brass 

holder for a wick, which is missing. The scarificator bears 

the inscription on one side, "Salt &: Son/Birmingham." 

Purchased 1976. Brass wick holder: L 101.6 mm. Cups: 

D 53.8 mm and 52.3 mm. Case: L 223 mm, W 127 mm, 

H 103 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.45. 

Cupping set, 19th century. Case is mahogany with brass 

"straps" and a brass handle that rests flush with the lid 

on the case. The key is missing. Set contains two glass 

cups, one alcohol lamp, and one octagonal bladed scarificator. One cup is shaped like the early bronze cups. 

Purchased 1976. Alcohol lamp: L 67 mm, D of base 45 

mm, D of top 20 mm. First Cup: L 90 mm, D at opening 

50 mm. Second cup: L 63 mm, D of base 45 mm. Case: 

L 260 mm, W 105 mm, H 98 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.46. 

Cupping set, 19th century. Case is red leather and closes 

with two brass hooks. It contains two glass cups with 

fittings, a brass syringe, a small glass bottle shaped like 

a test tube, and a brass three-point scarifier with a spring 

setting and a button release. The set is unusual for its 

small size. Purchased 1976. Case: L 154 mm, W 108 mm, 

H 42 mm. Syringe: L (closed) 101 mm, D 25 mm. Cups: L 

60 mm and 67 mm, D 28 mm and 23 mm. Scarificator: L 

52 mm, D 20 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.49. 

CUPPIN G APPARATU S 

Cupping apparatus with case, patent model, 1844. Cupping 

set patented by Dr. R. J. Dodd, Surgeon, U.S.N. (U.S. 

patent 3537). Brass syringe with ivory handle is stamped 

"Dr. Dodd's Improved Cupping Apparatus." Syringe can 

be fitted with either a large or small plate with blades. 

To operate an internal part, a straight or curved glass 

tube is attached to the syringe along with a flexible metal 

lancet that runs the length of the tube. Straight glass tube 

is broken in two parts. Case is mahogany and lined with 

red velvet. On hinge is stamped "Home Patent." Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. Case: L 307 mm, 

W 178 mm, H 80 mm. Neg. 73-4237B (CS). NMHT 89797 

(M-4288). 

Cupping apparatus, patent model, 1856. Patented by Mr. 

Loyall Tillotson of Thompson, Ohio (U.S. patent 15626). 

Model of plunger apparatus is made of wood, though the 

actual instrument would have been made of metal. The 

body of the instrument was to be attached to a cup (not 

included in the model) with a spiral wire to which a 

battery would be attached. The novelty of the apparatus 

was that electricity would be employed in conjunction with 

dry cupping. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. 

H 160 mm, D 60 mm. NMHT 89797 (M-4296). 

Cupping apparatus, patent model, 1867. Patented by Mr. 

William D. Hooper of Liberty, Virginia (U.S. patent 

68985). Model consists of a brass syringe attached to a 

wooden cup. In the working instrument the cup would 

be made of glass. Model does not contain the diaphragm 

and cutting blades. The novelty was that blades were to 

be tubular with adjustable length and that they would 

remain in the skin while blood was being removed. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. Overall L 202 

mm. Cup: L 47 mm, D 36 mm. Neg. 73-4214 (BW, CS). 

NMHT 89797 (M-4309). 

Cupping apparatus with case, late 19th century. Invented 

by the Drs. W. S. Black and F. Black and manufactured 

by Wm. B. Stewart, Trenton, New Jersey, this set includes 

a hard rubber pump, three glass cups, the smallest for 

cupping the breasts, a valve, and a head for the pump. 

Missing are a nipple shield and rubber tubing. Case is 

made of wood and has a label attached to the inside top 

with an illustration of the set, the title, "Drs. W. S. & 

F. Black's Combined Cupping Apparatus, Breast Pump, 

Stomach Pump, Aspirator, Atomizer, Etc., Etc.," the name 

of the manufacturer, and directions for use. Donated by 

the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. 

Case: L 250 mm, W 120 mm, H 78 mm. NMHT 302606.-

036. 

Cupping apparatus with case, late 19th century. Another 

example of the previous all-purpose cupping set with the 

same pieces and three fragments of rubber tubing. Donated 

by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland 1976. 

NMHT 302606.037. 

BREAS T PUMP S 

Breast pump, patent model, 1879. Patented by William Kennish of Philadelphia (U.S. patent 219738). this breast 

pump consists of a glass receiver with a hanging glass 

globe to catch the milk, and a rubber bulb to provide 

suction. The innovation was the addition of an internal 

valve and a valve at the bottom of the globe in such a 

way that continued compression and expansion of the 

large rubber bulb would cause milk to flow out of the 

valve at the base of the globe. Transferred from the U.S. 

Patent Office 1926. L 141 mm. NMHT (M-4343). 

Breast pump. Glass breast cup with brass fittings and brass 

pump in a wooden case lined with green felt. Donated by 

the College of Physicians, Philadelphia, 1958. Cup: L 99 

mm, W 72 mm at widest point. Pump: L 88 mm. Case: 

L 132 mm, W 121 mm, H 82 mm. Neg. 76-7761 (BW, CS). 

NMHT 220170 (M-7435). (Figure 113.) 

Breast pump. Glass breast pump with tube for self-suction 

of the breasts. Tip is broken. Purchased from the Medizinhistorisches Institut, Universitat, Zurich, 1960. L 305 mm, 

H 80 mm. NMHT 232067 (M-9578). 

Breast pump. Glass breast cup with protuberance for holding milk, attached to a rubber bulb. Top of bulb is 

stamped "Union India Rubber Co/Goodyear's Patent/New 

York/1844 & 48." Part of the original cardboard carton is 

extant. Donated by Mr. and Mrs. Elliston P. Morris 1964. 

L 205 mm, W of bulb 87 mm. Neg. 76-7762 (BW, CS). 

NMHT 252497 (M-10510). (Figure 84.) 

Breast pump. Hand blown breast pump with glass tube 

for self-suction. Purchased 1965. L 233 mm, W 103 mm 

at widest point, D 70 mm. Neg. 76-7759 (BW, CS); 76-

7760 (BW, CS). NMHT 260557 (M-11467). (Figure 83.) 

Breast pump, 19th century. Glass breast cup with protuberance for holding milk attached to a vulcanite pump. Pur-
NUMBER 41 53 

chased 1965. L 242 mm. NMHT 260557 (M-11467.1). 

Breast pump. Glass cup with "white metal" syringe similar 

to Meig's Piston Breast Pump that was sold through 

surgical and pharmaceutical catalogs towards the end of 

the 19th century. Handle is missing. Donated by George 

Watson 1968. L 200 mm. NMHT 281244 (M-12343). 

Breast pump. Another example similar to the one above. 

Used by Dr. Robert E. Bromwell, Port Deposit, Maryland 

d. 1906). Donated by Roberta Craig 1972. L 168 mm, D 

of bulb 79 mm, D 35 mm. NMHT 299502 (M-14703). 

Leeching 

Leeches. Two leeches (Hirudo medicinalis) purchased in 

1898, preserved and later mounted in plastic. L of leeches 

83 mm. Anthropology vol. 30, catalog no. 143077. Neg. 

73-4233 (BW, CS). (Figure 91.) 

Leech jar, 19th century. White ceramic leech jar typical of 

jars found in late 19th century pharmacies. Word 

"leeches" is painted in black with the symbol of medicine 

below in gold. Top is missing. On loan from Dr. Frederick 

D. Lascoff 1954. H 242 mm, D 229 mm. Neg. 73-4232 (BW, 

CS). NMHT 201821 (M-6712). (Figure 114.) 

Leech jars, 19th century. Elegant pair of tall Staffordshire 

leech jars. They are light blue, ornamented with gold 

bordered leaves in relief, and marked "Leeches" in gold 

on a dark blue decorated panel. Covers are perforated and 

have flower-shaped finials. Donated by Smith, Kline, and 

French Laboratories 1965. H 460 mm, D at widest point 

215 mm. Neg. 73-4231 (BW, CS). NMHT 263554 (M-11504). 

(Figure 20.) 

Leech jar, 19th century. In contrast to the other jars in the 

Smithsonian collection, this one is small and plain, and 

perhaps more typical of 19th century leech jars. It is a 

white ceramic jar shaped like a canister with two knob 

handles and a perforated lid with its own knob handle. 

Jar is labeled "Leeches" in black and stamped "Germany" 

and "IQ" below. Purchased 1976. It was formerly owned 

by Dr. Sydney N. Blumberg. H 175 mm, D 107 mm. 

NMHT 1977.0789.43. 

Leech jars, 19th century. Pair of tall Staffordshire leech jars 

with royal blue handles and royal blue perforated canopy 

tops. The jars are decorated with a multi-colored floral 

design upon a magenta background. Purchased 1976. H 

710 mm, W 265 mm. Neg. 76-7765 (BW, CS). NMHT 

321697.18-19. (Figure 115.) 

Lithograph, 1814. Framed colored lithograph dated "London/ 

1814" and titled "Leech Finders." Picture shows three 

women gathering leeches by a stream. Purchased 1975. 

W 454 mm, H 363 mm. Neg. 76-7741 (BW, CS). NMHT 

320033.08. (Figure 85.) 

Artificial leech, 19th century. Brass, cylindical "scarificator" 

has three pointed blades arranged in a triangle so as to 

simulate a leech bite. Blades are cocked by pulling on the 

handle of the device, and released by pushing a small 

button on the cylinder. Set also includes two small oval 

glass cups with brass stopcocks and a brass pump, a glass 

tube with cork lid for collecting blood, and a mass of 

silvery thread. The use of the thread is uncertain. Case 

is made of wood covered with red leather and lined with 

black plush. Unfortunately there are no manufacturer 

markings or other clues to the provenance of this unusual 

set. Purchased 1976. "Leech:" L 61 mm, D 20 mm. Pump: 

L 102 mm. Case: L 155 mm, W 107 mm, H 45 mm. Neg. 

76-9120 (BW). NMHT 316478. (Figure 98.) 

Leech cage, 19th century. Tin, nickel, lead composition. The 

surface is worn and five holes are punctured in the hinge 

at one end. Purchased 1976. L 120 mm, H 32 mm, W 31 

mm. Neg. 77-13984 (BW, CS). NMHT 1977.0576.02. (Figure 

116.) 

Veterinary Bloodletting 

FLEAMS 

NOTE: Widths are measured at the widest point. 

Fleam, 18th-19th century. Fleam has a brass shield and three 

fold out blades of different sizes. Donated by M. Lamar 

Jackson 1932. L 80 mm, W 27 mm. Neg. 73-4206 (BW, 

CS). NMHT 121573 (M-3462). (Figure 100.) 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield, one blade, 

and a tenaculum (hook). Shield is engraved "Proctor" 

(manufacturer). Donated by Joseph L. Clough 1947. L 84 

mm, W 27 mm. Neg 73-4209 (BW). NMHT 176124 (M6480). 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield, three blades, 

and a knife. Donated by the University of Pennsylvania 

1959. L 81 mm, W 25 mm. Neg. 61125-A (BW). NMHT 

218383 (M-9255). (Figure 117.) 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield and three 

blades, each marked with a crown denoting British manufacture and a "W." Said to have been made in Sheffield, 

England. Purchased 1960. L 97 mm. W 33 mm. Neg. 

59139-H (BW), case open, blades displayed; 59139-G (BW), 

case closed. NMHT 233570 (M-9665). (Figure 118.) 

Fleam, 17th or 18th century. Hand-made curved bar with 

projecting blade, described by seller as Swiss or Tyrolean. 

Case is wooden and hand-carved. It is not clear whether 

this fleam was used for human or for animal bloodletting. 

Purchased 1960. Fleam: L 129 mm. Case: L 146 mm, W 47 

mm at widest point. Neg. 59139-E (BW). NMHT 233570 

(M-9666). (Figure 42.) 

NOTE: There are two interesting early fleams in the Medical 

Historical Collection of Zurich University. One has a plain 

wooden handle and one has a turned metal handle with a 

metal extension. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield and three 

blades. The first blade is stamped "Borwick," an English 

manufacturer. Purchased 1964. L 82 mm, W 28 mm. 

NMHT 254866 (M-10696). 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield and two blades. 

First blade is stamped "Harmer & Co's/Cast Steel Fleams/ 

Sheffield." Donated by H. J. Hopp 1970. L 82 mm, W 27 

mm. NMHT 291361 (M-13828). 
54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has brass shield and three blades. 

First blade is stamped "W. Harmar & Co. Cast Steel fleams 

Sheffield." Purchased 1976. L 80 mm, W 27 mm. NMHT 

321697.24. 

Fleam. 18th century. Five-bladed fleam said to have been 

made in Denmark. Instrument appears to be hand-made. 

Brass shield has a hinged piece covering the blades that 

is held closed by a brass latch. Purchased 1976. L 89 mm, 

W 30 mm, H 17 mm. NMHT 321697.16. 

Fleam with case, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield and 

three blades, engraved with a "W" over the name "Pepys." 

Fitted leather case. Purchased 1976. Fleam: L 102 mm, W 

40 mm. NMHT 321697.03. 

Fleam with case, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield, two 

blades, and a knife. Fitted leather case. Purchased 1976. 

L 94 mm, W 26 mm. NMHT 321697.04. 

Fleam with case, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield, 

two blades, and is engraved "Green & Pickslay." Fitted 

black leather case. Purchased 1976. L 100 mm, W 32 mm. 

Neg. 76-7758 (BW, CS). NMHT 321697.05. (Figure 101.) 

Fleam with case, 19th century. Fleam has a brass shield and 

four blades. Fitted leather case. Owner's name, "C. Famell 

Isleworth[?]," is written in ink on the case. Purchased 

1976. L 79 mm, W 27 mm. NMHT 321697.06. 

Fleam, 19th century. Brass shield, four blades, and one hook. 

Purchased 1976. L 122 mm, W 30 mm, W with pocket for 

hook 15 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.17. 

Fleam, 19th century. Brass shield with five blades. An arrow 

is stamped on one side of the shield. Purchased 1976. 

L 88 mm, W 27 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.18. 

Fleam, 19th century. Brass shield with three different sized 

blades. Case is inscribed "Gorham Parsons, Byfield." Purchased 1976. L 88 mm, W 30 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.19. 

Fleam, 19th century. Brass case with three different sized 

blades. Purchased 1976. L 82 mm, W 26 mm. NMHT 

1977.0789.20. 

Fleam, I9th century. Brass shield with five blades and one 

hook. On one side of the case appears indistinctly, "HOW: 

IN London" on each of the blades except the straight 

blade and the hook. Purchased 1976. L 85 mm, W 23 mm. 

NMHT 1977.0789.21. 

Fleam, 19th century. Five blades in a brass case. On two of 

the blades appears "How: in LONDON." Purchased 1976. 

L 80 mm, W 22 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.23. 

Fleam with case, 19th century. Four blades in brass case. 

Purchased 1976. L 95 mm, W 25 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.22. 

Fleam, 19th century. Brass case with three blades. Purchased 

1976. L 94 mm, W 32 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.25. 

Fleam, 19th century. Three blades in brass case. Purchased 

1976. L 83 mm. W 29 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.26. 

Fleam. 19th century. Single blade in brass case. On blade is 

marked "ARNOLD & SONS LONDON." Purchased 1976. 

L 98 mm, W 38 mm. NMHT 1977.0789.27. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield and two blades 

engraved "J & S Maw/London." Horn shield is broken on 

one side, and has openings for a thumb lancet on each 

side. Only one thumb lancet with tortoise shell shield remains. Purchased 1976. L 84 mm, W 28 mm. NMHT 

321697.12. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield and three 

blades. Purchased 1976. L 83 mm, W 26 mm. NMHT 

321697.13. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield and three 

blades; "G. Gregory Cast Steel." Purchased 1976. L 87 mm, 

W 31 mm. NMHT 321697.14. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield and one blade. 

Blade is engraved "Arnold and Sons/Smithfield." Purchased 

1976. L 97 mm, W 37 mm. NMHT 321697.15. 

Fleam, 19th century. Fleam has a horn shield, two blades, and 

is engraved "Borwick." Purchased 1976. L 82 mm, W 27 

mm. NMHT 321697.16. 

SPRING LANCETS 

Spring lancet, patent model, 1849. Lancet is brass and oval 

shaped. A wheel and axle mechanism allows the blade to 

sweep out an elliptical curve. Lancet is set by a detachable 

key and released by a lever protruding from the side. Lever 

is missing or hidden inside the case and the mechanism is 

frozen. Patented in 1849 by Joseph Ives of Bristol. Connecticut (U.S. patent 6240). Transferred from the U.S. 

Patent Office 1926. L 97 mm, W 33 mm, H 14 mm. Neg. 

73-4211 (BW, CS). NMHT 89797 (M-4292). (Figure 23.) 

Spring lancet, patent model, 1880. Instrument is made of 

brass and shaped like a gun. The cocking lever is attached 

to both a coiled spring in the handle of the gun and an 

extension of the blade. Pushing the trigger injects the 

blade. Blade is dart form with double beveled edges, as was 

typical of veterinary fleams. Patented by Hermann Reinhold and August Schreiber of Davenport, Iowa (U.S. patent 

236084). Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. L 

105 mm (to tip of blade), H 77 mm. Neg. 73-4210 (BW, CS). 

NMHT 89797 (M-4327). (Figure 24.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass knob end lancet, 

a larger version of the spring lancet used in human phlebotomy. Case is also similar to the spring lancet cases for 

human use. It is made of wood covered with brown leather, 

lined with chamois, and closed by a latch. Case has a 

chalice decoration on top. Donated by Dr. A. J. Olmstead 

1945. Lancet: L 74 mm, W 38 mm. Case: L 133 mm, W 60 

mm, H 33 mm. NMHT 171080 (M-6418). 

Spring lancet, I9th century. Veterinary lancet similar to the 

previous lancet except that the blade is larger and provided 

with a blade guard. Blade guard can be set by a screw in 

order to regulate the size of the blade. Stamped on back 

panel is "F. Leypoldt/Phila." This is presumably the same 

Frederick Leypoldt who patented two scarificators, one in 

1847 and one in 1851. Donated by the University of Pennsylvania 1959. L 74 mm, W 34 mm. Neg. 76-7757 (BW, CS), 

compares lancet to one used in human phlebotomy, 

NMHT 218383 (M-9256). (Figure 22.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Brass knob end lancet 

with large blade and blade guard. Lancet has a rim around 

the top and a lever release molded to resemble a torch. 

Case is lined with black plush and covered with black 

cloth. Purchased 1976. Lancet: L 85 mm (not including 

blade), W 40 mm. Case: L 142 mm, W 78 mm, H 39 mm. 

NMHT 316478. 
NUMBER 41 55 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Instrument is made of 

brass and has a ball-shaped handle. The blade is double 

beveled, typical of blades for veterinary bleeders. The ball 

handle contains a spring that is attached to a small projecting cylinder with string tied to it. By pulling on the 

string, one can pull the blade in, and by pushing a button 

one can inject the blade. Case is made of wood covered 

with leather and is coffin-shaped. Purchased 1976. L 95 mm 

(to tip of blade), D of ball 34 mm. Neg. 76-7750 (BW, CS). 

NMHT 321697.07. (Figure 104.) 

Spring lancet with case, 19th century. Lancet is brass and has 

a triangular shape. It is triggered by a slide catch on the 

front of the instrument. The triggering handle is a detachable piece that lifts off a square peg. Hinged from the side 

is a curved piece for ease in holding. Screw on front of the 

instrument probably regulates blade depth and a rectangular button at the top corner probably releases the 

blade. Mechanism is jammed and the blade is hidden 

within the instrument. Only the bottom half of the case 

remains. Purchase 1976. L 83 mm, W 59 mm. Neg. 76-7756 

(BW, CS). NMHT 321697.08. (Figure 119.) 

Spring lancet, late 18th-early 19th century. Triangular-shaped 

lancet made of brass and iron and decorated with a floral 

design. Blade (missing) is attached to an iron lever, which, 

when pulled back, is held in place by a lever with ratchets 

attached to the facing side of the instrument. Pressing 

upon this same lever releases the ratchets and injects the 

blade. Purchased 1976. H 97 mm, W 80 mm. Neg. 76-7755 

(BW, CS). NMHT 321697.09. (Figure 120.) 

Spring lancet with case, 18th century. This rather elegant 

lancet consists of a body and a detachable handle. According to analysis by the Conservation Laboratory, the lancet 

is made of ferrous metal (iron or steel). Blade is screwed 

into a curved lever. Pulling upon the handle pulls back the 

lever with the blade, and releasing the handle releases the 

blade. Case is made of wood, covered with black leather 

and lined with green silk and green plush. Seller says that 

the lancet was made in England, ca. 1700. This date seems 

somewhat too early. Purchased 1976. H 112 mm, W 72 mm 

(to tip of blade). Neg. 76-7753 (BW, CS). NMHT 321697.10. 

(Figure 121.) 

Spring lancet. 19th century. Instrument is made of brass and 

has an odd, irregularly curved shape. A large blade with a 

blade guard protrudes from the side. Blade is triggered by 

an iron slide catch on the front of the instrument and released by a brass lever release similar to that found in 

knob end lancets. Purchased 1976. L 138 mm, W 82 mm (to 

tip of blade). Neg. 76-7754 (BW, CS). NMHT 321697.11. 

(Figure 103.) 

Spring lancet, 19th century. Instrument is made of brass with 

steel screws. It is inscribed on one side: "Weiss improved 

bleeding instrument 33 Strand London." There is a brass 

guard on the blade that can be moved along the blade by 

a screw attached directly opposite the blade. It fits into a 

red leather case with beige velvet lining. The case closes 

with two brass hooks. Purchased 1976. Case: L 92 mm, W 75 

mm. Height without lever 66 mm. Width at widest point 

64 mm, overall width 12 mm. Neg. 77-13961 (BW, CS) 

NMHT 1977.0576.01. (Figure 122.) 

Related Artifacts 

Counter-irritation device, patent model, 1860. Improved version of Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker patented by Alfred 

Stauch of Philadelphia (U.S. patent no. 28697). Stauch 

added a brush around the needles and an additional spring 

to force the needles back after they had entered the skin. 

The brush could be oiled before the operation, thus saving 

the need to oil the wound afterwards. The device is similar 

to the Lebenswecker in size and construction, except that it 

was made of a lighter colored wood and was trimmed in 

brass. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. L 245 

mm, D 20 mm. Neg. 72-11290 (BW). NMHT 89797 

(M-4299). 

Counter-irritation device, patent model, 1866. Patented by 

Friederich Klee of Williamsburg, New York (U.S. Patent 

55775), this instrument is another modification of Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker. It is made of wood and brass, and 

is much shorter than the Lebenswecker but operated in 

the same manner. A screw on the handle served to regulate 

the length of the needles. A further innovation was the 

addition of a diaphragm of leather through which the 

needles pass. The leather could be saturated with oil before the operation, thus again saving the need to apply oil 

afterwards. Transferred from the U.S. Patent Office 1926. 

L 92 mm. Neg. 72-11274. NMHT 89797 (M-4305). (Figure 

123.) 

Barber-surgeon's kit, late 18th- early 19th century. Kit includes a teakettle lamp (M-6991), a deck of playing cards 

to amuse customers, four standard glass cupping cups 

(M-6686), two scarificators (M-6687, M-6688), two rectangular spring lancets in a case (M-6689), a dental kit, a 

barber kit. a tourniquet M-6692). and a comb. Scarificators 

are both 16 blade square models. One is unusual in that 

only the bottom is detachable as in octagonal scarificators. 

The spring lancets are of an unusual shape, with straight 

edges and curved tops and bottoms. Donated by Mrs. Frank 

J. Dehnger, Jr., through Mrs. Paul J. Delinger, 1953. Lamp: 

D of base 65 mm, W 145 mm, H 95 mm. Spring lancets: 

L 49 mm, W 18 mm. Tourniquet: L 1260 mm. W 35 mm. 

Neg. 73-4207, entire kit plus barber's basin (NMHT 

225114 [M-9399]), which is not part of kit; 73-4225, cups; 

73-4219. two scarificators; 73-4221, dental set; 73-4222. 

barber set; 73-4223, deck of cards; 73-4224, tourniquet; 

73-4234, set of spring lancets; 73-4218, teakettle lamp. All 

negatives BW. CS. NMHT 199536 (M-6684 to M-6693). 

Barber-surgeon's sign (replica). Reproduction of a 1623 

barber-surgeon's sign (original is in Wellcome Medical 

Museum) illustrating the various specialties of the barbersurgeon of the period. Phlebotomy is shown in the upper 

right hand corner. Made by Richard Dendy of London and 

donated by him 1958. L 724 mm, W 624 mm. Neg. 44681 

(BW). NMHT 215690 (M-7343). (Figure 32.) 

Greek votive tablet (replica). Reproduction of a Greek votive 

tablet found on the site of the Temple of Aesculapius. The 

original is in the Athens Museum. Illustrated are two metal 

cupping cups and a case containing six scalpels. Replica 

made by Dorothy Briggs of the Smithsonian Institution 

1960. W 400 mm, H 295 mm. Thickness 30 mm. Neg. 
56 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

73-4217 (BW, CS). NMHT 233055 (M-9617). (See Figure 54.) 

Greek vase (replica). Reproduction of a. small Greek vase depicting a 5th century B.C. medical "clinic," including a 

Greek physician bleeding a patient. Original is in the 

Louvre. Made by Dorothy Briggs of the Smithsonian Institution 1960. H 85 mm, W 75 mm. Neg. 73-4216 (BW, CS); 

73^21fr-A (CS), red background. NMHT 233055 (M-9618). 

(Figure 26.) 

Bloodletting manikin, 15th century. Pen and ink drawing in 

black and red inks on a folded sheet of paper with the 

watermark "Ochsenkapf mit Krone" reportedly made in 

Southern Germany in 1480. The paper is backed at the fold 

by a piece of vellum. Drawing is of a man with astrological 

signs and instructions in German in balloons pointing at 

25 points of his body, of which 4 are symmetrical. Such a 

drawing used in conjunction with a dial would be used 

to determine when and where to bleed. On the reverse are 

astronomical tables. According to analysis by the Conservation Laboratory at the Smithsonian, the paper might well 

date from the 15th century and the ink has been applied 

at various times. Purchased 1962. L 310 mm, W 225 mm. 

Neg. 76-13536 (BW). NMHT 243033 (M-10288). 

Surgeon's kit, late 18th century. Revolutionary War surgeon's 

kit includes a leather case with brass handle, three pewter 

cupping cups, a spring lancet, syringe, two trocars, knife, 

probe, and scraper. There is space for two other missing 

instruments, one of which may have been a scarificator. 

Lancet has an unusual boot shape and is decorated with 

a floral design. It is made of brass and has a steel lever release. Purchased 1969. Neg. 73-4237-A (CS). NMHT 285125 

(M-12352). 

Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker, mid 19th-early 20th century. 

Carl Baunscheidt of Bonn exhibited his Lebenswecker 

("Life Awakener") at the Great Exhibition in London in 

1851. It consists of a long hollow tube made of ebony and 

containing a coiled spring attached to a handle. A cap 

covers a plate with some thirty sharp needles. Pushing 

upon the handle injects the needles into the skin. The devise was used with Baunscheidt's special oil, which was applied to the skin after the needles had irritated it. Donated 

by Grace Sutherland 1970. L 250 mm, W 30 mm. Neg. 

76-7751 (BW). NMHT 287885 (M-12936). (Figure 79.) 

Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker, mid 19th-early 20th century. Another example of the previous instrument. Donated by Mrs. 

William F. Press 1970. L 245 mm, W 20 mm. H 25 mm. 

NMHT 290304 (M-13832). 

Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker, mid I9th-early 20th century. 

Another example of the previous instruments. Purchased 

1976. NMHT 1977.0789. 

Alcohol lamp, late 19th-early 20th century. Glass lamp with 

glass cap and cotton wick, used in exhausting air from 

cups. Used by Dr. F. L. Orsinger of Chicago (1852-1925). 

Donated by Dr. William H. Orsinger 1973. H 100 mm, D 83 

mm. Neg. 74-4086 (BW, CW). NMHT 308730.08. 

Junod's boot, 19th-early 20th century. Copper boot first introduced by Victor-Theodore Junod in the 1830s. The boot 

fits tightly about the foot and air is exhausted from it by 

means of a pump. John S. Billings described the boot as 

"An apparatus for enclosing a limb, and from which air 

can be exhausted so as to produce the effect of a large 

cupping glass." (The National Medical Dictionary. Philadelphia, 1890 p. 732.) On loan from the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology. L 280 mm, H 430 mm. Neg. 73-7885 

(BW). (Figure 81.) 

Barber pole, ca. 1890-1900. This small, red, white, and blue 

striped pole, with a newel post and no globe on the top, 

was used in Binghamton, New York. The colors are faded 

into an orange and tan color. Purchased 1974. Pole L 2600 

mm, W at widest point 900 mm. NMHT 312616. 

Barber pole, ca. 1920. A red, white, and blue striped pole full 

size. It has a silver wooden top. It was used in New Jersey. 

Pole: L 63 mm, W at widest point 20 mm. Top: L 33 

mm. Gift of H. E. Green. NMHT 322,655.01. 
NOTES 

* Julius Gurlt's bibliographical essay on bloodletting, originally published in 1898, is a prime source for tracing in detail the specific contributions of European and Asian authors 

in the ancient, medieval, and Renaissance periods. See JULIUS 

GuRLT, Geschichte der Chirurgie und ihrer Ausuebung (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1964), volume 3, page 556-565. 

^GEORGE F . KNOX. The Art of Cupping (London, 1836), 

page 30. 

*For a general history of bloodletting, see TOWNSEND W . 

THORNDIKE, "A History of Bleeding and Leeching," British 

Medical and Surgical Journal, volume 197, number 12 (Septemper 1927), pages 437-477. For a detailed account of ancient 

bloodletting, see RUDOLPH SIEGEL, "Galen's Concept of Bloodletting in Relation to His Ideas on Pulmonary and Peripheral 

Blood Flow and Blood Formation" (chapter 19 in volume 1 

of Science, Medicine and Society in the Renaissance edited by 

Allen Debus, New York: Science History Publications, 1973), 

pages 247-275. 

* ROBERT MONTRAVILLE GREEN, "A Translation of Galen's 

Temperaments and Venesection" (manuscript, Yale Medical 

Library, New Haven, Connecticut), page 102. 

^Ibid., page ii-iv. 

^ CELSUS, De Medicina, translated by W. G. Spencer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), volume 1, book 2, 

page 155. 

''HENRY E. SIGERIST, A History of Medicine (New York: 

Oxford University Press, 1961), volume II, pages 317-335. 

^ GREEN, op. cit. [note 4], page 105. 

* PETER H . NIEBYL, "Galen, Van Helmont and Blood Letting," (chapter 21 in volume 2 of Science, Medicine and 

Society in the Renaissance edited by Allen Debus, New York: 

Science History Publications, 1972); PETER NIEBYL, "Venesection and the Concept of the Foreign Body: A Historical Study 

in the Therapeutic Consequences of Humoral and Traumatic 

Consequences of Diseases" (doctoral dissertation. Yale University. 1969), page 156. 

"GREEN, op. cit. [note 4], page 171. 

"Ibid., page 114. 

"Ibid., page 173. 

"Ibid., pages 174, 180. 

" CELSUS. op. cit. [note 6], page 163. 

^CHARLES H . TALBOT. Medicine in Medieval England 

(London: Oldbourne, 1967), pages 127-131. 

"CHARLES D . O'MALLEY, Andreas Vesalius of Brussels 

1514-1564 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964), pages 66-67. 

"See, for example, M. DAVID, Recherches sur la maniere 

d'agir de la saignee et sur les effets qu'elle produit relativement a la partie ou on la fait (Paris, 1762), page iv. 

*^ LORENZ HEISTER, Chirurgie, in welcher alles, was zur 

wund artzney gehoret , . . (Nuremberg, 1719). 

"GREEN, op. cit. [note 4], page 179. 

""JOSEPH T . SMITH, SR., "An Historical Sketch of Bloodletting," Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, volume 21 (1910), 

page 312. 

^MARSHALL HALL, Observations on Bloodletting Founded 

upon Researches on the Morbid and Curative Effects of Loss 

of Blood (London, 1836), page 280. 

^RoBLEY DUNGLISON, Medical Lexicon—A Dictionary of 

Medical Science (Philadelphia, 1848), page 820. 

^ JAMES E. BOWMAN. "Blood," Encyclopaedia Britannica 

(Chicago: William Benton, 1972), volume 34, pages 795-800. 

^ GREEN, op. cit. [note 4], page 187. 

^ KARL SUDHOFF, Deutsche medizinische Inkunabeln (Leipzig, 1908); Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin heft 2/3. SIR 

WILLIAM OSLER, Incunabula Medica: A Study of the Earliest 

Printed Medical Books, 1467-1480 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923). 

^ FRANCISCO GUERRA, "Medical Almanacs of the American 

Colonial Period," Journal of the History of Medicine and 

Allied Sciences, volume 16 (1961), pages 235-237. The number of veins illustrated in the vein man varied a great deal 

but became fewer after the seventeenth century. 

^TALBOT, op. cit. [note 15], pages 127-131. 

^8 GUERRA, op. cit. [note 26], pages 237; MARION BARBER 

STOWELL, Early American Almanacs: The Colonial Weekday 

Bible (New York: Burt Franklin, 1977). The latter work contains numerous illustrations of "anatomies" from colonial 

almanacs. 

'^ "Original Letters," General William F. Gordon to 

Thomas Walker Gilmar, 11 December 1832, William and 

Mary Quarterly, volume 21 (July 1912), page 67. 

^"TALBOT, op. cit. [note 15], pages 50, 51. For another view 

of the religious impact upon medieval medical and surgical 

practices, see JAMES J. WALSH, The Popes and Science (New 

York: Fordham University Press, 1908), pages 167-198. 

^ THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477. 

®* MIGUEL DE CERVANTES SAAVEDRA, Don Quixote de la 

Mancha, translated by Walter Starkie New York: Mentor, 

1963), pages 91, 92. 

^CHARLES ALVERSON, "Surgeon Abel's Exotic Bleeding 

Bowls," Prism, volume 2 (July 1974). pages 16-18; JOHN K. 

CRELLIN, "Medical Ceramics," in A Catalogue of the English 

and Dutch Collections in the Museum of the Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine (London: Wellcome Institute 

of the History of Medicine, 1969), pages 273-279. 

^ THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477; CAREY P. MCCORD, 

"Bloodletting and Bandaging," Archives Environmental 

Health, volume 20 (April 1970), pages 551-553. 

* LEO ZIMMERMAN and VEITH ILZA, Great Ideas in the History of Surgery (New York: Dover Books, 1967), page 126. 

'« WILLIAM HARVEY, Works, edited by Robert Willis (London: Sydenham Society, 1847), page 129. Harvey reaffirmed 

later: "I imagine that I shall perform a task not less new and 

57 
58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

useful than agreeable to philosophers and medical men, if I 

here briefly discourse of the causes and uses of the circulation, and expose other obscure matters respecting the blood" 

(page 381). 

^•^ HENRY STUBBE, The Lord Bacons Relation of the 

Sweating-Sickness Examined . . . Together with a Defense of 

Phlebotomy . . . (London, 1671), page 102. 

^FIELDING H . GARRISON. "The History of Bloodletting," 

New York Medical Journal, volume 97 (1913), page 499. 

Magendie was firmly opposed to bloodletting and ordered 

physicians working under him not to bleed. However, their 

belief in the practice was so strong that they disobeyed his 

instructions and carried out the procedure. See ERWIN ACKERKNECHT. Therapeutics from the Primitives to the 20th Century (New York: Hafner, 1973), pages 111-112. 

^' AUDREY B. DAVIS, Circulation Physiology and Medical 

Chemistry in England, 1650-1680 (Lawrence, Kansas: Coronado Press. 1973). pages 135, 167, 219. For the history of injecting remedies into the blood, see HORACE M . BROWN, "The 

Beginnings of Intravenous Medication," Annals of Medical 

History, volume 1 (1917), page 182. 

"ARTURO CASTIGLIONI, A History of Medicine, translated 

from Italian by E. B. Krumbhar, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1958), page 444; NIEBYL, 

"Venesection" [note 9], page 414. 

*^JoAN LiLLico, "Primitive Bloodletting," Annals of Medical History, volume II (1940), page 137. 

^^ C.J.S. THOMPSON, Guide to the Surgical Instruments and 

Objects in the Historical Series with Their History and Development (London: Taylor and Francis, 1929), page 40. 

^'JOHN STEWART MILNE, Surgical Instruments in Greek and 

Roman Times (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1970), reprint 

of 1907 edition, pages 32-35. A bronze knife of this type is 

illustrated in THEODOR MEYER-STEINEG, Chirurgische Instrumente des Altertum (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1912), page iv, 

figure 9. The instrument was donated by Dr. Nylin of the 

Kardinska Institute in Stockholm, who used a lancet until 

1940. Replicas of the early bronze medical instruments were 

sold in 1884 by Professor Francesco Scalzi of Rome. He exhibited 45 of them at the Exposition Universelle de Paris in 

1878. He won an honorable mention award, "Collezione di 

Istrumenti Chirurgici de Roma Antica," 1884. 

**S. HOLTH, "Greco-Roman and Arabic Bronze Instruments 

and Their Medico-Surgical Use," Skriften utgit an Videnskapsselskapet I Kristrania (1919), page 1 (below). Holth lists 

the content of lead, tin, zinc, iron, copper, and cobalt found 

in a number of ancient bronze medical items in his collection, 

which formerly belonged to Baron Ustinov of Russia. These 

instruments were unearthed in Syria and Palestine from 1872 

to 1890. 

^ An occasional curious item like the spring lancet on display in the Welch Medical Library of the Johns Hopkins 

University is an exception. 

^ MILNE, op cit. [note 43], pages 35-36. 

*'' LAURENCE HEISTER, A General System of Surgery in Three 

Parts, translated into English (London, 1759), 7th edition, 

page 294. 

*«GURLT, op. cit. [note 1], volume III, page 558. 

*^G. GAUJOT and E. SPILLMAN, Arsenal de la Chirurgie 

Contemporaine (Paris: J. B. Bailliere et fils, 1872), pages 

274-276. 

^° MILNE, op. cit. [note 43], page 33. 

^1 GARRISON, op. cit. [note 38], page 433. 

^"SiR WILLIAM FERGUSON, Lectures on the Progress of Anatomy and Surgery during the Present Century (London: 

John Churchill & Sons, 1867), page 284. 

^ JAMES EWELL, The Medical Companion (Philadelphia, 

1816), pages 405, 406. 

^For an illustration of incisions, see HEISTER, 1759), op cit. 

[note 47]. 

^ MILNE, op. cit. [note 43], page 36. 

^GuRLT, op. cit. [note 1], volume III, page 556. 

^^ P. Hamonic describes an eighteenth-century Naples porcelain figure of a woman being bled that illustrates the elegant manner in which the operation was performed. P. 

HAMONIC, La Chirurgie et la medicine d'autrefois d'apres 

une premiere serie d'instruments anciens renfermes dans mes 

collections (Paris: A. Maloine. ed.. 1900), pages 91, 93. 

^THOMAS DICKSON, A Treatise on Bloodletting with an 

Introduction Recommending a Review of the Materia Medica 

(London, 1765), page 1. 

^*SiR D'ARCY POWER, editor, British Medical Societies (London: The Medical Press Circular, 1939), page 23. 

TM Wakeley was a heretic wealthy doctor who led the campaign in Britain against the monopoly of surgical training 

and practice held by the Royal College of Surgeons of London. ALAN ARNOLD KLASS, There's Gold in "Them Thar Pills" 

(Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1975), pages 158-159. 

'^JOHN HARVEY POWELL, Bring Out Your Dead (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949), page 123. 

®^ See, e.g.. RICHARD SHRYOCK. Medicine and Society in 

America: 1660-1860 (New York: New York University Press, 

1960), pages 67, 111-112. 

*^ JAMES T . FLEXNER, George Washington: Anguish and 

Farewell (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), pages 457-459. 

^ BARBARA DUNCUM, The Development of Inhalation Anesthesia, (The Wellcome Historical Medical Museum, Oxford 

University Press, 1947), page 195. 

"^ HAMONIC, op. cit. [note 57], pages 95-96. 

""DONALD D . SHIRA, "Phlebotomy Lancet," Ohio State Medical Journal, volume 35 (1939), page 67. 

«'HEISTER, (1719) loc. cit. [note 18]. 

'^Encyclopedia or Dictionary of the Arts and Sciences, 1st 

American edition (Philadelphia, 1798). 

«« RISTELHUEBER, "Notice: sur la flammette, phlebotome des 

Allemands, Fliete, Schnepper oder gefederte Fliete, phlebotomus elasticus, Flamme ou flammette," Journal de Medecine, chirurgie et pharmacologic, volume 37 (Paris, 1816), 

pages 9-17. 

•""JOHN SYNG DORSEY, Elements of Surgery: For the Use of 

Students, volume 2 (Philadelphia, 1813), pages 279-281. 

'^ Patent specifications, U.S. patent 16479. 

^^M. MALGAIGNE, "Esquisse historique sur la saignee consid^r^e au point de vue opdratoire; extrait des lemons du 

Professeur Malgaigne." Revue Medico Chirurgicale de Paris, 

volume 9 (1851), page 123. 

•^ GARRISON, op. cit. [note 38], page 501. 

""• Some of these studies are cited in B. M. RANDOLPH, "The 
NUMBER 41 59 

Bloodletting Controversy in the Nineteenth Century," Annals 

of Medical History, volume 7 (1935), page 181. 

's Quotation cited by LESTER S. KING, "The Blood-letting 

Controversy: A Study in the Scientific Method," Bulletin of 

the History of Medicine, volume 35 (1961), page 2. 

•'^ MARTIN KAUFMANN, Homeopathy in America (Baltimore: 

Johns Hopkins Press, 1971), pages 1-14. Other references on 

the decline of bloodletting include: LEON S. BRYAN, JR., 

"Blood-letting in American Medicine, 1830-1892," Bulletin 

of the History of Medicine, volume 38 (1964), pages 516-529; 

B. M. RANDOLPH, op. cit. [note 74], pages 177-182; JAMES POLK 

MORRIS. "The Decline of Bleeding in America, 1830-1865" 

(manuscript. Institute for the Medical Humanities, University of Texas Medical Branch, Galveston, Texas), 11 pages. 

''•'HENRY I. BOWDITCH. Venesection, Its Abuse Formerly— 

Its Neglect at the Present Day (Boston: David Clapp & Son. 

1872), pages 5, 6. 

^*W. MITCHELL CLARKE, "On the History of Bleeding, and 

Its Disuse in Modern Practice," The British Medical Journal 

(July 1875), page 67. 

•" HENRY LAFLEUR, "Venesection in Cardiac and Arterial 

Disease," The Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, volume 2 

(1891), pages 112-114. 

* See. for example. JOHN RETO, "Bleeding," Essays on Hypochrondriasis and Other Nervous Affections (London. 1821) , 

essay 22 page 334. 

^ AUSTIN FLINT. A Treatise on the Principles and Practice 

of Medicine, 3rd edition (Philadelphia. 1868), page 150. 

^ MARTIN DUKE, "Arteriosclerotic Heart Disease, Polychthenic and Phlebotomy—Rediscovered." Rhode Island Medical 

Journal, volume 48 (1965), page 477. 

® SAMUEL LEVINE. Editorial, "Phlebotomy, An Ancient Procedure Turning Modem?," Journal of the American Medical 

Association (January 26, 1963). page 280. 

»* GEORGE BURCH and N. P. DEPASQUALE. "Phlebotomy Use 

in Patients with Erythrocytosis and Ischemic Heart Disease," 

Archives of Internal Medicine, volume 3 (June 1963), pages 

687-695. See also GEORGE BURCH and N. P. DEPASQUALE, 

"Hematocrit, Viscosity and Coronary Blood Flow," Diseases 

of the Chest, volume 48 (September 1965), pages 225-232. 

** HEINRICH STERN, "A Venepuncture Trocar (Stem's Trocar)," Medical Record (December 1905), pages 1043, 1044. 

TMDELAVAN V. HoLMAN, "Vcncsection, Before Harvey and 

After," Bulletin New York Academy of Medicine, volume 31 

(September 1955), pages 662, 664. 

^ SAMUEL BAYFIELD, A Treatise on Practical Cupping (London. 1823), page 11. 

»8 CELSUS, De Medicina, op. cit. [note 6], page 169. For 

bibliography on cupping, see WILLIAM BROCKBANK, Ancient 

Therapeutic Arts (London: William Heinemann, 1954); JOHN 

HALLER, "The Glass Leech: Wet and Dry Cupping Practices 

in the Nineteenth Century," New York State Journal of 

Medicine (1973), pages 583-592; BROCHIN, "Ventouses," Dictionnaire encyclopddique des sciences mddicales, series 5, 

volume 2 (1886), pages 750-752; and, the Index Catalogue of 

the Library of the Surgeon-General's Office, U.S. Army. 

*» HIPPOCRATES, Aphorisms, V, page 50. 

»" THOMAS MAPLESON, A Treatise on the Art of Cupping 

(London, 1813). opposite page 1. 

"^GURLT, op. cit. [note 1], volume 3, page 151. 

*^ CHARLES COURY, "Saign^es, ventouses et caut'drisations 

dans le medecine orientale k I'^poque de la Renaissance," 

Histoire de la medecine, volume 11 (November-December 

1961), pages 9-23. 

^ W. A. GILLESPIE, "Remarks on the Operation of Cupping, 

and the Instruments Best Adapted to Country Practice," JBo5-

ton Medical and Surgical Journal, volume 10 (1834), page 28. 

•** Letter from Rev. Robert Richards to Dr. Sami Hamarneh, 

1 September 1966 (Division of Medical Sciences, Museum of 

History and Technology). 

*^ On ancient cups, see CELSUS. op. cit. [note 6], pages 

165-167; Milne, op cit. [note 43], pages 101-105 and plates; 

and BROCKBANK, op. cit. [note 88], pages 65-72. The Institute 

of the History of Medicine, Johns Hopkins University, has 

several metal cups dating from about A.D. 100. 

"'CASTIGLIONI, op. cit. [note 40], page 380. 

*'' PIERRE DIONIS, Cours d'operations de chirurgie demonstrees au Jardin Royal (Paris, 1708), page 584. 

"* RiiNE JACQUES CROISSANTE DE GARENGEOT, Nouveau Traite 

des Instrumens de Chirurgie les plus utiles (The Hague, 

1725), page 342. 

«" DIONIS, op. cit. [note 97], page 585. 

^""MAPLESON, op. cit. [note 90]. pages 27-28. See also 

GEORGE FREDERICK KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], page 29. 

^"1 MAPLESON, op. cit. [note 90]; BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87]; 

KNOX, op. cit. [note 2]; and MONSON HILLS, "A Short Treatise 

on the Operation of Cupping," Boston Medical and Surgical 

Journal, volume 9 (1834), pages 261-273. 

"" KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], page vi. 

i"® BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], page 125. 

^•^ DIONIS, op. cit. [note 97], page 587 and figure 57 on page 

583. 

1"^ KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], page 33. 

^""JOHN H . SAVIGNY, A Collection of Engravings representing the Most Modern and Approved Instruments Used in the 

Practice of Surgery (London, 1798), plate 7. For the earlier 

grease lamp, see J. A. BRAMBILLA, Instrumentarium Chirurgicum Viennense oder Wiennerliche Chirurgische Instrumenten 

Sammlung (Vienna, 1780). plate 2. 

^o'BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], page 123; KNOX, op. cit. 

[note 2], page 33; HILLS, op. cit. [note 101], page 263. 

"*See DIONIS, op. cit. [note 97], page 587 and figure 58 on 

page 583; and LAURENCE HEISTER, op. cit. [note 47], page 329 

and plate 12. The parallel incisions were described in antiquity by Oribasius (ca. A.D. 360), the most important medical author after Galen and the friend of the emperor Julian. 

See GURLT, op. cit. [note 1], volume 3, page 563. 

^°® AMBROISE PARE, The Collected Works of Ambroise Pare, 

translated by Thomas Johnson (London, 1634). Reprint edition (Pound Ridge. New York: Milford House, 1968), page 

446. The drawing first appeared in Park's treatise "Methode 

de traiter des playes de la teste" in 1561. 

^"PAULUS AEGINETA, Medicinae Totius enchiridion (Basileae, 1541), page 460. 

"^ALBERT WILHELM HERMANN SEERIG, Armamentarium 

chirurgicum oder moglichst vollstdndige Sammlung von Abbildungen und Beschreibung Chirurgischer Instrument alterer und neuerer Zeit (Breslau, 1838), page 598. 

"^JACQUES DELECHEMPS, Chirurgie Frangoise Recueillie 

(Lyon, 1564, page 174; HELLKIAH CROOKE. Micrographia: A 
60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Description of the Body of Men . . with an Explanation of 

the Fashion and Use of Three & Fifty Instruments of 

Chirurgy (London, 1631). 

"* GARENGEOT, op. cit. [note 98], pages 347, 351. 

"* HEISTER (1719), op. cit. [note 18], page 329. Lorenz 

Heister . . . Chirurgie . . . (Nuremberg, 1719) includes the 

same picture of the scarificator as the 1759 English translation, 

lis HEISTER (1759), op. cit. [note 47], page 330. 

"'See BRAMBILLA, op. cit. [note 106], plate 2; DENIS DIDEROT, 

Dictionnaire risonne des sciences, arts et metiers. Recueil des 

planches (Lausanne and Berne, 1780), volume 2. plate 23; 

and BENJAMIN BELL, A System of Surgery, 5th edition (Edinburgh, 1791), volume 1, plate 5. 

n^ JAMES LATTA, A Practical System of Surgery (Edinburgh, 

1795), volume 1, plate 1; BENJAMIN BELL, A System of 

Surgery, 7th edition Edinburgh, 1801), volume 3, plate 7. 

H'JOHN WEISS, An Account of Inventions and Improvements in Surgical Instruments Made by John Weiss, 62, 

Strand, 2nd edition (London, 1831), pages 12-13. A Mr. 

Fuller introduced a similar improvement, which Weiss 

claimed Fuller had pirated from him. The only difference 

between Weiss's Improved Scarificator and Fuller's Improved 

Scarificator was that the blades in Weiss's were arch shaped 

and those of Fuller's crescent shaped. The cupper, Knox, preferred the crescent blades because they gave a sharper cut. 

In any case, most nineteenth-century scarificators were made 

with crescent-shaped blades. On Fuller's scarificator, see 

BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], pages 99-100; and, SEERIC, op. cit. 

[note 111], pages 604-605 and plate 56. 

n* Extract du Catalogue de la maison Charriere (Paris. 

1843), page 30; KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], pages 39, 40. 

1*" This statement is based on the perusal of a wide variety 

of nineteenth-century trade catalogs. See "List of Trade Catalogs Consulted." 

1^ KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], page xii. 

i^Ibid., pages 14-15. 

1^ HILLS, op. cit. [note 101], page 266. 

1^* BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], page 116. 

1^ KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], pages 53-64. 

1^ Ibid., page 68. 

1^ HERO OF ALEXANDRIA, The Pneumatics of Hero of 

Alexandria, translated by Bennet Woodcroft (London, 1851). 

1^^ GURLT, op. cit. [note 1], volume 2, page 565 and plate X. 

1^ BRAMBILLA, op. cit. [note 106], page 42, mentioned but 

did not picture a cup with air pump. One of the earliest 

illustrations of a cup with pump is found in SAVIGNY, op. cit. 

[note 106], plate 7. 

1^* MAPLESON, op. cit. [note 90], page 63. 

1=^ KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], page 32. 

I'^JoHN READ, A Description of Read's Patent Syringe 

Pump (London, no date). See also JOHN READ, An Appeal to 

the Medical Profession on the Utility of the Improved Patent 

Syringe, 2nd edition (London, ca. 1825). 

1^ WEISS, op. cit. [note 118], page 87; CHAS. TRUAX, GREENE 

& Co., Price List of Physicians' Supplies, 6th edition (Chicago, 1893), pages 989-1010. 

131 "Notice sur I'acupuncture et sur une nouvelle esp^ce de 

ventouse arm6e de lancettes, inventee par A. -P. Demours," 

Journal universal des sciences niedicales, volume 15 (1819), 

pages 107-113; BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], pages 73-81. 

"= THOMAS MACHELL, "Description of an Apparatus for 

Cupping, Dry Cupping, and Drawing the Breasts of Females; 

With some Observations Respecting Its Use.'' London Medical and Physical Journal, volume 42 (1819), pages 378-380; 

BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], pages 81-89. 

1^ BAYFIELD, op. cit. [note 87], pages 92-93. 

"''ROBERT J. DODD, "Improved Cupping Apparatus." The 

American Journal of the Medical Sciences, new series, volume 

7 (1844), page 510. See also patent specifications, U.S. patent 

3537. 

"5 Patent specifications, U.S. patent 68985. 

1'* HILLS, op. cit. [note 101], page 261. 

"" GILLESPIE, op. cit. [note 93], page 29. 

11 FRANCES FOX, JR., "A Description of an Improved Cupping Glass, with Which from Five to Eight Ounces of Blood 

May Be Drawn, with Observations," The Lancet, volume 12 

(1827), pages 238-239. KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], pages 36-37, 

recommended these glasses especially for use on young ladies 

who feared scars left by cupping. One of the "glass leeches" 

fixed below the level of the gown could draw all the blood 

necessary. 

i"See JOHN GORDON, "Remarks on the Present Practice of 

Cupping; With an Account of an Improved Cupping Glass," 

The London Medical Repository, volume 13 (1820), pages 

286-289. J. WELSH, "Description of a Substitute for Leeches," 

The Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal, volume H 

(1815), pages 193-194; P. MOLONEY, "A New Cupping Instrument," Australia Medical Journal, new series, volume 1 

(1879), pages 338-340. At least two American patents were 

given for improved cups, one to C. L. Myers in 1884 (U.S. 

patent 291388) and one to Jaime Catuela in 1922 (U.S. patent 

1463458). 

1" SAVIGNY, op. cit. [note 106], plate 18, illustrated in 1798 

"elastic bottles" that could be attached to glass cups for 

drawing the breasts; however, not until Charles Goodyear's 

discovery of the vulcanization process in 1838 was rubber 

widely used in cupping. An American surgeon, Samuel Gross, 

wrote in 1866 that the glass cup with a bulb of vulcanized 

rubber was the "most elegant and convenient cup, by far." 

See SAMUEL GROSS, A System of Surgery, 4th edition, 2 volumes (Philadelphia, 1866), volume 1, page 451. 

1" GEORGE TIEMANN & Co., American Armamentarium 

Chirurgicum (New York, 1889), page 825. 

"=For one listing of the disadvantages of the common 

scarificator, see BLATIN, "Scarificator nouveau," Bulletin de 

I'Academie Royale de Medicine, volume 11 (1845-1846), 

pages 87-90. Blatin patented a new scarificator in 1844 that 

supposedly overcame the difficulties he listed. 

"« JAMES COXETER, "New Surgical Instruments," The Lancet (November 15, 1845), page 538; JAMES COXETER & SON, 

A Catalogue of Surgical Instruments (London, 1870), page 48. 

Coxeter sold his scarificator for 2 pounds, 2 shillings, while 

he offered his "best scarificator, with old action" for two 

pounds. 

"^ GREAT BRITAIN PATENT OFFICE, Subject-Matter Index of 

Patents of Invention, 1617-1852, 2 volumes (London, 1957); 

U.S. PATENT OFFICE, Subject Matter Index of Patents for 
NUMBER 41 61 

Invention (Brevets d'invention) Granted in France from 

1791 to 1876 Inclusive (Washington, 1883). 

"^CHARRIERE [firm], Cinq notices reunies presentees a MM. 

les membres des jurys des expositions frangaises de 1834, 

1839, 1844, et 1849, et de I'exposition universelle de Londres 

en 1851 (Paris, 1851), page 56. 

" • MAISON CHARRIERE, ROBERT ET COLLIN, SUCCESSEURS, [Catalogue gdn^rale] (Paris, 1867), pages 42. 44, and plate 9. 

1^" Patent specifications, U.S. patent 4705; TIEMANN & Co., 

op. cit. [note 144], page 115. Tiemann was awarded an earlier 

patent for a scarificator in 1834 (unnumbered U.S. patent, 

26 August 1834), which seems to have employed a coiled 

spring similar to that found in the Charriere scarificator. 

The fifth U.S. patent for a scarificator was issued in 1846 to 

A. F. Ahrens of Philadelphia (U.S. patent 4717) for a circular 

scarificator in which all the blades were attached to a movable plate. 

1^ Patent specifications, U.S. patent 5111. 

^ Patent specifications, U.S. patent 8095. 

"'DYC E DUCKWORTH, "On the Employment of Dry-Cupping," The Practitioner: A Monthly Journal of Therapeutics, 

volume 2 (1869), page 153. 

^•"Ibid., page 155. For more information on counterirritation, see BROCKBANK. op. cit. [note 88] Blisters were 

substances (including mustard and cantharides) that when 

applied to the skin, occasioned a serous secretion and the 

raising of the epidermis to form a vesicle. Cautery was the 

application of a red-hot iron to the skin. A seton was a long 

strip of linen or cotton thread passed through the skin by a 

seton needle. Each day a fresh piece of thread was drawn 

through the sore. Moxa were cones of cotton wool or other 

substances which were placed upon the skin and burned. 

1*^ CHARLES BAUNSCHEIDT, Baunscheidtismus, by the Inventor 

of the New Curing Method, 1st English edition, translated 

from the 6th German edition by John Cheyne and L. Hayman (Bonn., 1859?). 

i^The patent models are in the Smithsonian collection. 

See "Catalog" herein. The Aima Tomaton, a device invented 

and manufactured by Dr. L. M'Kay, was yet another American variation on the Lebenswecker. See L. M'KAY, Aima 

Tomaton: Or New Cupping and Puncturing Apparatus 

(Rochester, 1870). An example can be found in the collection 

of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology. 

i^See DUCKWORTH, op. cit. [note 153]; ISAAC HOOVER, "An 

Essay on Dry Cupping." Transactions of the Belmont Medical 

Society for 1847-48^9-50 (Bridgeport. 1851). pages 30-32; 

MARSHALL HALL. Practical Observations and Suggestions in 

Medicine (London, 1845), pages 51-53; and B. H. WASHINGTON, "Remarks on Dry Cupping," The New Jersey Medical 

Reporter and Transactions of the New Jersey Medical Society (1852-53), pages 278-281. 

1^ CASPER WISTAR PENNOCK, "Observations and Experiments 

on the Efficacy and Modus Operandi of Cupping-Glasses in 

Preventing and Arresting the Effects of Poisoned Wounds," 

The American Journal of Medical Sciences, volume 2 (1828), 

pages 9-26. For a discussion of the debate over absorption, 

see KNOX, op. cit. [note 2], pages 21-24. 

i^» TIEMANN, op. cit. [note 144], pages 116, 800. 

1** VICTOR-TH£ODORE JUNOD, A Theoretical and Practical 

Treatise on Hemospasia, translated by Mrs. E. Howley Palmer 

(London, 1879). 

1"! HEINRICH STERN, Theory and Practice of Bloodletting 

(New York: Rebman Co., 1915), pages 71-72. 

1"^ AUGUST BIER, Hyperemia as a Therapeutic Agent (Chicago, 1905), page 21. 

1°* WILLY MEYER and VICTOR SCHMIEDEN, Bier's Hyperemic 

Treatment, 2nd edition (Philadelphia, 1909). 

1" HALLER, op. cit. [note 88; see also note 72], page 585. 

1"= GROSS, op. cit. [note 143], volume 2. page 906. 

""Such a breast pump was illustrated by HEISTER (1719), 

op. cit. [note 17], plate 14. All glass breast pumps were 

probably more typical of the eighteenth than the nineteenth 

century. In the nineteenth century the glass tube was replaced by a flexible tube with a mouthpiece. 

107 poj. example, see TH E J. DURBIN SURGICAL SUPPLY CO., 

Standard Surgical Instruments (Denver, 1929), page 59. 

1°^ Data on the numbers of breast pumps patented was 

obtained from the files of the U.S. Patent Office in Arlington, 

Virginia. 

1^ Patent specifications, U.S. patent 1179129. For other illustrations of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century 

patents for cupping devices, see HALLER, op. cit. [note 88]. 

""STERN, op. cit. [note 85], page 74. 

1" MABELLE S. WELSH, " 'Cups for Colds': The Barber, the 

Surgeon and the Nurse," The American Journal of Nursing, 

volume 19 (1918-19), pages 763-766. See also HALLER, op. cit. 

[note 88], and J. EPSTEIN, "The Therapeutic Value of Cupping: Its Use and Abuse," New York Medical Journal, 

volume 112 (1920), pages 584-585. 

"^THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477. For bibliography 

on leeching, see BROCKBANK, op. cit. [note 88]; MERAT, "Sangsue," Dictionnaire des sciences medicates, volume 49 (1820), 

pages 520-541; G. CARLET AND EMILE BERTIN, "Sangsue." 

Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences mddicales, 3rd series, volume 6 (1878), pages 660-681; and the Index Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon-General's Office, U. S. 

Army. 

1'''ALFRED STILLE AND JOHN M . MAISCH, The National Dispensatory, 2nd edition (Philadelphia, 1880). page 713; JAMES 

THACHER, The American Dispensatory, 2nd edition (Boston. 

1813), page 230; C. LEWIS DIEHL, "Report on the Progress of 

Pharmacy." Proceedings of the American Pharmaceutical 

Association, volume 25 (1876). page 205. 

"^W. H. SCHIEFFELIN & Co.. General Prices Current (New 

York. 1887), page 39. 

"s DIEHL, op. cit. [note 173]; JOHN C. HARTNETT, "The Care 

and Use of Medicinal Leeches in 19th Century Pharmacy and 

Therapeutics," Pharmacy in History, volume 14 (1972). page 

133. 

1^° Broussais offered the following explanation for the effectiveness of leeching. Congestion of blood vessels in a healthy 

person gives rise to a sympathetic irritation in the mucous 

surfaces of bodily orifices. Equilibrium may be restored 

naturally by hemorrhage through the nose. Without this 

release of blood, congestion builds up into an inflammation. 

Local bloodletting relieves the congestion when applied on a 

portion of the skin corresponding to the inflamed organ. 

Broussais's favorite remedy was the application of leeches to 

the stomach and head. For this purpose he ordered hundreds 
62 SMITHSONL\N STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

of leeches daily. See F.J.V. BROUSSAIS, A Treatise on Physiology Applied & Pathology, translated by John Bell and R. 

La Roche, 2nd American edition (Philadelphia, 1828), page 

414, and Castiglioni, op. cit. [note 40], page 609. 

1''''THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477. See also KARL-OTTO 

KUPPE, Die Blutegel in der Aerztlichen Praxis (reprint, Stuttgart: Hippocrates-Verlag, 1955), pages 9-11. 

"^ HARTNETT, op. cit. [note 175], page 132. 

1TM JONATHAN OSBORNE, "Observations on Local Bloodletting, and on Some New Methods of Practicing It," Dublin 

Journal of Medical and Chemical Science, volume 3 (1833), 

pages 334-342. 

i^^See, for example, MAISON CHARRIERE, ROBERT ET COLLIN, 

op. cit. [note 149], page 42 and plate 9. 

i^JoHN BERRY HAYCRAFT, "On the Coagulation of the 

Blood," 9 pages, extracted from Proceedings of the Royal 

Society of London, volume 231 (1884). 

i*" THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477. MERAT. op. cit. 

[note 172], page 528, cited an extreme case in which a woman 

suffering from peritonitis was given a total of 250 leeches in 

24 hours. She died soon after. 

1*^ STILLE AND MAISCH, op. cit. [note 173], page 715; 

THACHER, op. cit. [note 173], page 231. 

!«* HARTNETT, op. cit. [note 175], page 132; J. K. CRELLIN, 

op. cit. [note 33], pages 127-134. 

1TM ANDREW H . SMITH, "An Artificial Leech," Medical Record, volume 4 (1869-70), page 406. 

"* In addition to the references below, articles on artificial 

leeches include DR. MONTAIN, "Considerations th^rapeutiques 

sur I'emploi du pneumo-derme, nouvel instrument destind k 

remplacer les sangsues et les ventouses." Bulletin General de 

thSrapeutique, volume 11 (1836), pages 311-315; J. J. TWEED. 

"A Description of the Apparatus for Employing the Mechanical Leeches." Medical Times, volume 21 (1850), pages 36-37; 

and SAMUEL THEOBALD. "An Improved Method of Applying 

the Artificial Leech," American Journal of Medical Science, 

new series, volume 70 (1875), pages 139-142. 

1*^ SARLANDIERE, "Ventouse," Dictionnaire des sciences 

medicates, volume 57 (Paris, 1821), pages 174-178; PAULET, 

"Bdellometre," Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences 

medicates, series 1, volume 8 (Paris, 1868), pages 632-633; 

L. GRESELY, "Dissertation sur les sangsues, le nouveau scarificateur, et sur leur emploi en medecine" (Paris: Faculty of 

Medicine, 1820). dissertation no. 202. 

1** ROBLEY DUNGLISON, Medical Lexicon: A New Dictionary 

of Medical Science, 3rd edition (Philadelphia. 1842). The 

bdellometer was listed in later editions of this dictionary 

throughout the nineteenth century. 

1** DAMOISEAU, La terabdelle ou machine pneumatique 

operant a volonte la saignee locale et la revulsion aux principales regions du corps humains (Paris, 1862), 60 pages. 

See also GAUJOT and SPILLMAN, op. cit. [note 49], pages 194-

195. 

1"" L. WECKER, "De la sangsue artificielle (module du baron 

Heurteloup), et de son emploi dans le traitment des maladies des yeux." Bulletin general de therapeutique medicate 

et chirurgicale, volume 62 (1862), pages 107-116. For price 

information, see CASWELL, HAZARD & Co. (W. F. Ford), Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and Appliances 

(New York, 1874), page 18. An example of Heurteloup's leech 

as well as a larger, modified Heurteloup's leech can be found 

in the collection of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology. 

"1 SMITH, op. cit. [note 185], page 406; TIEMANN, op. cit. 

[note 144], page 116; Patent specifications, U.S. patent 

100210. An example of this artificial leech can be found in 

the collection of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology. 

"^TIEMANN, op. cit. [note 144], page 506. 

1^ WILLIAM REESE, "Uterine Leech and Aspirator," Medical 

Record, volume 11 (1876), page 596. 

iM OTTO RAUBENHEIMER, "Leeches—How to Dispense Them," 

Journal of the American Pharmaceutical Association, volume 

12 (1923), page 339. THORNDIKE, op. cit. [note 3], page 477, 

notes that in 1927, leeches still could be had in Boston for 

75^ apiece. In Cleveland they were still obtainable in the 

1950s. 

^"^Dictionnaire usuel de chirurgie et de medicine veterinaire, 2 volumes (Paris, 1835-36), articles "Ventouses" and 

"Sangsues." 

1** Ibid., article "Saignee." 

^^Encyclopedie methodique: Medecine, volume 9 (Paris, 

1816), page 478. 

^°^ Dictionnaire usuel, op. cit. [note 195], volume 2, page 

605. 

i«« WEISS, op. cit. [note 118], page 100, plate 27. 

=^ Patent specifications. U.S. patent 6240. 

*" Patent specifications, U.S. patent 236084. 
LIST OF TRADE CATALOGS CONSULTED 

Aloe, A. S. Company. Illustrated and Priced Catalogue of 

Surgical Instruments, Physicians' Supplies and Hospital 

Furnishings. 6th edition. St. Louis, 1891. 

. Catalogue of Superior Surgical Instruments and Physicians' and Surgeons' Supplies. 6th Edition. St. Louis, 

1895. 

Becton, Dickinson & Co. Trade Catalogue of Gold, Silver and 

Plated Instruments for Surgeons and Veterinarians. New 

York, 1904. 

. [Catalogue.] Rutherford, N. J., 1911. 

—. A Catalogue of Opthalmic Instruments and Appliances, etc. London, 1863. 

A Catalogue of Opthalmic Instruments and Appli-

. Illustrated Catalog of Druggists, Surgical, and Veterinary Specialties. Rutherford, N.J., 1917. 

Caswell, Hazard & Co., W. F. Ford. Illustrated Catalogue of 

Surgical Instruments and Appliances. New York, 1874. 

Ch. Dubois. Catalogue illustre des instruments de chirurgie. 

Paris, 1884. 

Charles Lentz & Sons. Illustrated Catalogue and Price List of 

Surgical Instruments. 3rd edition. Philadelphia, ca. 1888. 

Charles Henry Truax. The Mechanics of Surgery, Comprising 

Detailed Descriptions, Illustrations and List of the Instruments, Appliances and Furniture Necessary in Modern Surgical Arts. Chicago, 1899. 

Codman and Shurtleff. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and Appliances. Boston, 1879. 

. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and 

Appliances. Boston, 1886. 

. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and 

Appliances. Boston, 1890. 

Coxeter, J., & Son. Surgical Instruments Catalogue. London, 

1870. 

Down Bros. Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and Appliances. London, 1885. 

Dubois, Ch. See Ch. Dubois 

Durbin, J.. Surgical Supply Co. (Catalogue.) Denver. 1929. 

Feick Bros. Illustrated Catalogue and Price List of Surgical 

Instruments. Pittsburgh, 1896. 

Fred Haslam & Co. Standard Surgical Instruments. Brooklyn, 

1922. 

Fr. Lindstaedt. Illustrirter Catalog chirurguscher Instrumente. 

Bremen, 1882. 

George Tiemann & Co. American Armamentarium Chirurgicum. New York, 1879. 

. The American Armamentarium Chirurgicum. New 

York, 1882. 

.The American Armamentarium Chirurgicum. New 

York, 1889. 

Haslam & Co. See Fred Haslam & Co. 

John Reynders & Co. Illustrated Catalogue and Price List of 

Surgical Instruments, Orthopaedical Apparatus, Trusses, 

etc. 5th edition. New York, 1884. 

John Weiss. An Account of Inventions and Improvements 

Made by John Weiss. 2nd edition. London, 1831. 

John Weiss & Son. Weiss and Son's Catalogue of Surgical Instruments for 1836. London, 1836. 

ances. Manchester, 1898. 

Kennedy, J. E., & Co. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments and of Allied Lines. New York, 1917. 

Kny-Scheerer Co., The. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments. 3 volumes. New York, 1899. 

. Illustrated Catalogue of Surgical Instruments. 16th 

edition. New York, no date (20th century). 

Krohne & Sesemann. Catalogue of Surgical & Orthopedic 

Instruments. London, 1878. 

Lentz & Sons. See Charles Lentz & Sons. 

Lindstaedt, Fr. See Fr. Lindstaedt. 

Maison Charriere, Robert et Collin, Successeurs. [Catalogue.] 

Paris, 1867. 

. Catalogue generate illustre. Paris, 1879. 

. Catalogue generate illustre. Paris, 1885. 

. Catalogue generate illustre. Paris, 1890. 

. Catalogue generate illustre. Paris, 1894. 

Maison Luer (H. Wulfing-Luer). Catalogue generate Illustre. 

Paris, ca. 1904. 

Mathay Hospital Supply Co. Surgical Instruments. Los Angeles, ca. 1937. 

Maison Mathieu. Arsenal Chirurgical. 15th edition. Paris, 

ca. 1905. 

Matthews Bros. ,4 Catalogue of Surgical Instruments. London, 

ca. 1875. 

Maw, S., Son & Thompson's. Surgical Instruments, etc. London, 1882. 

Obstetrical Society of London. Catalogue and Report of 

Obstetrical and Other Instruments Exhibited at the 

Converzatione of the Obstetrical Society of London, 1867. 

Pittsburgh Physicians' Supply Co. Illustrated Catalogue. 

Pittsburgh, 1908. 

Reiner, H. Catalog medicinisch-chirurgischer Instrumente 

und Apparate. Vienna, 1885. 

Reynders, John, & Co. See John Reynders & Co. 

Robert et Collin. See Maison Charriere. 

Scheffelin, W. H., & Co. General Prices Current. New York, 

1887. 

Sharp and Smith. Surgical Instruments. 16th edition. Chicago, 

ca. 1892. 

Shepard & Dudley. Descriptive Catalogue. New York, 1873. 

Tiemann, George, & Co. See George Tiemann & Co. 

Truax, Charles Henry. See Charles Henry Truax. 

Truax, Green & Co. Price List of Physicians Supplies. 6th 

edition. Chicago, 1893. 

Weiss & Son. See John Weiss & Son. 

W. H. Wigmore. Surgical, Dental and Veterinary Instruments. 

Philadelphia, no date (pre-1895). 

W. Windier. Preis-Verzeichniss der Fabrik chirurgischer Instrumente und Bandagen. Berlin, 1888. 

63 
FIGURES 26-124 

26 

FIGURE 26.—Reproduction of a Greek 

vase showing a 5th century B.C. 

medical "clinic." Original is in the 

Louvre. Patient is about to undergo 

venesection in the arm. Bronze bleeding bowl catches the blood. (NMHT 

233055 [M-9618]; SI photo 73-4216.) 

FIGURE 27.—Bloodletting man from a 

New York almanac, 1710. (From Daniel 

Leeds, The American Almanack for 

the Year of Christian Account, 1710. 

Photo courtesy of the Library of Congress.) 

FIGURE 28.—Phlebotomy manikin in 

Johannes de Ketham Fascicules Medicinae. Venice, 1495. (From the Dibner 

Library of the History of Science and 

Technology, NMHT.) 

Ciafc, the World mayfay, oneofus twain arebotl^^ 

Lyars, or &t leaft foil of Errors* For, 

No place but is of Errors rife, 

^ Jn L hours, leflu^ Sy Uaves, LtntTy x^^ 

//^i®rro;5 in «• 5^<?^ ^^ Conter?ds, 

Mdfo do h ivhenas a (SHafs of TOlinr^ ^ , 

JfwcfhouH msetAfid ^.rink. mhht make us jf ci«Wf^ 

H

Ere fits agiiri the \)Id An^rOmy, 

Which ufe ;to plejfe the Country Peoples eye % 

VoT if they, in tliis place, do^nc fee his Features, 

They'll not know at what time to Cut their Crcaures* 

T Head ^A face* 

^ Neck> 

£ Breft, 

V Knees, 

M The Feet 

'« 

27 

The Names & CharsElers of $hc 7 Planets* I 

li Saturn, X Jupiter, i Mah^ (J Sol, 5 Venuii^ 

$ Mercury, D Luna, Q, Dragons head ^ y TailJ 

^ ' ^ ' 'Phe five Af^Uf, j 

Irf Conjunaioni * Sex tile, 5 Oppofition, • Tritiei 

DOUartilc. 

64 
NUMBER 41 

65 

« * »l> 

-t 

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oowum nviplUiram Twntra' 

pwntamf fctOKmiurium< I 

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nwaie. 

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flo ipfliM vjkt CTU) ilU0 4iit;| 

framto-uliditD) attra^S«i 

f fpiraniiiia friiMmen (re 

btrtbae. 

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apcnrf |no p4(rtone<patfe« 

(t)Unia ant pnfrAiae tAotU 

tar drca iMnamAnillrfltn. 

yya pKRonc multnm'pto/ 

Hit. 

_ 

ttl 

lOStoft pefite flib mibns va I 

knt apcArn»nb*{Osaru tea | 

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ootamtonArfcttoncjf'Cnmo ' 

rcmtmcnflniotamflibtractl f 

on€0* 

f - ^ 

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fctfuamnuioMm vaUtcdtra' 

obtdmUm 1 (onrra taHtipa 

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cnajmaUcnboBqai tarn 

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taptcpadwmnactin lu, 

mcfKUoniti'ttftKvloiu 

< boloii rrnDiB i ttcurt* 

vlffto. 

ixna foptapwtpodojva 

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rtencrBrmcalowm«c6' 

tra omnia vicu vcnce aarena calculo «.c«r» alu 

mata. 

J u 

Tome rtlnatclletti twftr a panr 

tr cott>otia vaientcAtra iettn 

ta.'».t)unUiatilU nrtH pin \' 

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pKcotAavocem. 

28 
66 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
NUMBER 41 67 

31 

FIGURE 30.—Flint lancets used by native doctors 

in Alaska, 1880s. (Anthropology Catalog 127758; 

SI photo 73-4208). 

FIGURE 31.—Instruments and technique of phlebotomy: Fig. 1 shows an 

arm about to be bled. A ligature has been applied to make the veins swell. 

The common veins bled—cephalic, basilic, and median—are illustrated. 

Fig. 2 shows several types of incisions. Fig. 3 is a fleam, Fig. 4 a spring 

lancet, and Fig. 5 a 'Trench lancet." (From Laurence Heister, A General 

System of Surgery, London, 1759. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 29.—Lionel Wepfer, -a. 17th century 

traveler, described the Indian method of bloodletting as follows: "The patient is seated on a 

stone in the river, and one with a small bow 

shoots little arrows into the naked body of the 

patient, up and down, shooting them as fast as 

he can and not missing any part. But the 

arrows are guarded, so that they penetrate no 

farther than we commonly thrust our lancets; 

and if by chance they hit a vein which is full of 

wind, and the blood spurts out a little, they will 

leap and skip about, shewing many antic 

gestures, by way of rejoicing and triumph." 

(From Lionel Wepfer, A New Voyage and 

Description of the Isthmus of America, London, 

1699. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

i:^ 

Tir\ 

#^ ^ 

y 

^^ w. 

32 
NUMBE

R 41 

69 

FIGURE 32.—Replica of a barber-

surgeon's signboard dated 1623. Top 

left corner shows a phlebotomy 

being performed. (NMHT 215690 

[M-7343]; SI photo 44681.) 

FIGURE 33.—Instruments for bleed-

ing from the arm, 1708: A, a 

serviette to cover the patient's 

clothing; B, a cloth ligature to 

place around the arm; c, a lancet 

case; D, a lancet; E and F, candles 

to give light for the operation; G, a 

baton or staff for the patient to 

hold; H, I, and K, basins for collect-

ing blood; L and M, compresses; N, 

a bandage to be placed over the 

compress; P, eau de la Reine 

d'Hongrie that can be used instead 

of vinegar to revive the patient if he 

faints; Q, a glass of urine and water 

for the patient to drink when he 

revives; R, S, T, implements for 

washing the hands and the lancets 

after the operation. (From Pierre 

Dionis, Cours d'operations de 

chirurgie demontrees au Jardin 

Royal, Paris, 1708. Photo courtesy 

of NLM.) 

0""\ 
70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

J?yl Z 07? r MA KEJi ,^ 

A t tkc ( nl'r oi Kniv o ui S Liino.<.s>[nrket. 

V/,th ^^U•//•< iiZ/.v/ti t-^{wd-/y ftt/rr. u<. '('/f/tr.i /•. Tr>d' 

rr.H'crtK, f(/vt-riinJ O/iit/ii. c (/"// i^t/irrlum'tis /hW(Hci 

— Moiintc<l />/ f/tr foil ^'^Ih/iii jT —'• 

Uaunic ^ijitti^t .lit . Ho:rtl\-liiii .1 u.il-iu-r J'l .'Acy ^irl d IICIWIICJL' iiinccHrj 

garny Umt • i -rti- di-lhiiU^ct Juit toiiti-ji-rr, ih-f.-r.-i-nujitj Jc I'liinirtjKrm ct 

crj iMiiuw wit fft la. lucdc la Coiti^ dau u A .j/»£fic dcla Clef a Twu. 

FIGUR*'34.—Two 18th century trade cards advertising 

lancets. (Photo courtesy of Wellcome Institute, London.) 

FIGURE 35.—Lithograph, London, 1804, showing a phlebotomy. (On loan from Armed Forces Institute of 

Pathology; SI photo 42579.) 

'///tf^d' i-. 'i/'^'7hf2,'AVh/k//:i7/!i/mi.. l/wnRtu JW/VK. ///// 

i J.iko\vif<"SurfrcQiuiLiilnin\nirs 111 V uiMTfli-friiiinipr. -
NUMBER 41 71 

36 

FIGURE 36.—18th-century cutler's illustrations for making 

lancets. Note the variations in the shape of the lancet 

blades. (From Jean Jacques Perret, L'4rt du Coutelier, 

Paris, 1772. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
72 SMITHSONL\N STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

3 8 ztiBn^ii. 

37 

39 t)*>:>-u«^" 

FIGURE 37.—Thumb lancet, 16th century. 

(From Leonardo Botallo, De Curatione 

per Sanguinis Missionem, Antwerp, 1583. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 38.—Typical 19th-century thumb 

lancets, engraved "S. Maw, London." 

(NMHT 139980 [M-4151]; SI photo 

73-4230.) 

FIGURE 39.—Typical 19th-century brass 

spring lancet and case. The case is 

stamped "Traunichtessticht," which translates, "Watch out, it stabs." (NMHT 

308730.10; SI photo 74-4088.) 

FIGURE 40.—Spring lancets, dated 1775. 

(Held by Rhode Island Medical Society; 

SI photo 73-5762.) 
NUMBER 41 

42 

FIGURE 41.—Fleam, 16th century. (From Leonardo Botallo, 

De Curatione per Sanguinis Missionem, Antwerp, 1583. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 42.—Hand-forged fleam with hand-carved wooden 

case, 17th and 18th century, Swiss or Tyrolean. (NMHT 

233570 [M-9666]; SI photo 59139-E.) 

FIGURE 43.—Fleam made by E. Dalman, London. 

Note unusual curved shape to blade. (From the original 

in the Wellcome Museum by courtesy of the Trustees, 

photo L. 1346.) 

FIGURE 44.—Silver spring lancet in case. Case is lined with 

white silk and rose plush and has a gold leaf border. 

(NMHT 321687.02; SI photo 76-7752.) 

FIGURE 45.—Unusual spring lancet with extra blade, 

engraved "M.A. Prizzi," 18th century. (NMHT 320033.06; 

SI photo 76-7763.) 
74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

46 47 

48 

FIGURE 46.—Unusual spring lancet in hand-carved wooden 

case, 18th century. Note the large blade and blade guard 

regulated by a screw. (NMHT 321.697.12; SI photo 

76-9114.) 

FIGURE 47.—George Tiemann & Co.'s spring lancet, late 

19th century. (NMHT 163863 [M-5141]; SI photo 73-5644.) 

49 

FIGURE 48.—Patent model spring lancet, patented by 

J.W.W. Gordon in 1857. Back view. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4298]; SI photo 73-10319.) 

FIGURE 49.—Patent model spring lancet, patented by 

J.W.W. Gordon in 1857. Front view. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4298]; SI photo 73-10318.) 
. NUMBER 41 75 

FIGURE 50.—^Wet cupping for a headache. (From Frederik Dekkers, 

Exercitationes Practicae Circa Medendi Methodum, Leyden, 1694. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 51.—Dry cupping for sciatica. (From Frederik Dekkers, 

Exercitationes Practicae Circa Medendi Methodum, Leyden, 1694. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 52.—Horn cups used in Egypt in the 16th century. (From 

Prosper Alphinus, Medicina Aegyptorum, Leyden, 1719. Photo 

courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 53.—Horn cup used in the Niger Republic of West Africa 

in the 1960s. (NMHT 270023 [M-11998]; SI photo 73-5643.) 
76 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

55 

FIGURE 54.—Replica of a Greek votive tablet found in the 

remains of the Temple of Aesculapius. Pictured are two 

metal cups and a set of scalpels. (NMHT 233055 

[M-9617]; SI photo 73-4217.) 

FIGURE 55.—Egyptian spouted cupping cups, 16th century. 

(From Prosper Alpinus, Medicina Aegyptorum, Leyden, 

1719. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

57 

FIGURE 56.—Cupping instruments illustrated by Dionis, 1708: 

A, cups made of horn; B, lamp for exhausting air; c, fleam for 

making scarifications; D, horns with holes at the tip for mouth 

suction; E, balls of wax to close the holes in the horn cups; F, G, 

glass cups; H, candle to light the tow or the small candles; i, tow; 

K, small candles on a card which is placed over the scarifications and 

lit in order to exhaust the cup; L, lancet for making scarifications; 

M, scarifications; N, plaster to place on the wound. (From Pierre 

Dionis, Cours d'operations de chirurgie demontrees au Jardin 

Royal, Paris, 1708. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 57.—Teapot lamp, 18th century. (NMHT 199536 [M-6691]; 

SI photo 73-4218.) 
NUMBER 41 77 

o I 

58 

% 

FIGURE 58.—13th-century Arabic cupping scene. (From a manuscript 

held by the Freer Gallery. SI photo 43757-J.) 
78 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

59 

61 

60 

FIGURE 59.—Fare's scarificator, 16th century. 

(From The Workes of that Famous Chirurgeon, 

Ambrose Parey, translated by Thomas Johnson, 

London, 1649. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 60.—Square scarificator, engraved 

"J.T./Wien," late 18th-early 19th century. 

Vienna was an early center for the making of 

scarificators. (NMHT 218383 [M-9257]; SI photo 

73-4212.) 

FIGURE 61.—An early illustration of the scarificator. Also pictured are a fleam for making 

scarifications, the pattern of scarifications, o. 

metal cup, and a leech. (From Laurence Heister, 

A General System of Surgery, 7th edition, 

London, 1759. SI photo 73-4182.) 

FIGURE 62.—Square scarificator taken apart. 

(NMHT 152130 [M-4771]; SI photo 76-9113.) 

62 

FIGURE 63.—Cupping and bleeding instruments, 

1780. Illustrated are spring lancets, thumb 

lancets, cups, a square scarificator with pointed 

blades, and a lamp in which animal fat was 

burned. Figs. 16, 17, and 18 are unrelated to 

bloodletting. (From J. A. Brambilla, Instrumentarium Chirurgicum Viennense, Vienna, 1780. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 
NUMBER 41 79 

Ji;. 

lliA'l. 

m 

JtllML'VlVJUtSI i 

63 
80 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

64 

66 

65 
NUMBER 41 81 

FIGURE 64.—Set of scarificator blades. Each row of blades may be 

inserted in place of those in need of cleaning or repair. (From 

the original in the Wellcome Museum by courtesy of the 

Trustees. Photo L. 2418.) 

FIGURE 65.—^An early illustration of the octagonal scarificator, 

1801. This plate also includes one of the earliest illustrations of 

the syringe applied to cupping cups. (From Benjamin Bell, 

A System of Surgery, 7th edition, volume 3, Edinburgh, 1801. 

SI photo 73-5181.) 

FIGURE 66.—^An unusual octagonal scarificator made by Domenico 

Pica in 1793. The blade cover is attached by a hinge, and the 

turnkey on top raises and lowers the entire interior chassis in 

order to regulate depth of cut. (NMHT 320033.01; SI photo 

7&-7742.) 

FIGURE 67.—Scarificator marked Dom° Morett, 1813. (From the 

original in the Wellcome Museum, by courtesy of the Trustees. 

Wellcome R2909/1936; photo L 1159.) 

FIGURE 68.—Cupping set with base handled torch, 8 blade 

scarificator, 4 blade scarificator for cupping on temples, 2 cups 

and alcohol bottle. (NMHT, SI photo 76-9119.) 

FIGURE 69.—Calling card, ca. 1860. (SI photo.) 

PETE*R GOOD 

Does 

Cupping and Bleeding 

For 

Rheumatism, Backache, Bruises, Pain in 5ide, Pleurisy, 

Apoplectic Stroke, Etc. 

CALL AT OR ADDRESS, ONLY AT NIGHT AND SUNDAYS, 

NO. 1404 Cotton St., - - READING, PA. 

69 
82 

SMITHSONMN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

70 

FIGURE 70.—Cupping set manufactured by 

Charriere of Paris, mid-19th century. Note 

the tubing used to connect the pump to the 

cups, and the circular scarificator with blades 

cutting in opposite directions. (NMHT 

302606.007; SI photo 75-090.) 

FIGURE 71.—W. D. Hooper's patent cupping 

apparatus with tubular blades. (From patent 

specifications, U.S. patent no. 68985. SI photo 

73-5193.) 

FIGURE 72.—Demours' device for combining 

cup, scarifier and exhausting apparatus. 

(From Samuel Bayfield, A Treatise on 

Practical Cupping, London, 1823. Photo courtesy of the NLM.) 

FIGURE 73.—R. J. Dodd's patent cupping 

apparatus. Figs. 4 and 5 are the tubes for 

cupping the uterus. Fig. 3 is the flexible 

match scarifier. (From patent specifications, 

U.S. patent no. 3537. SI photo 73-5192.) J^Ve/ J. J^j 3. 

72 
NUMBER 41 83 

JT^S^S37. 

RJ.UooId, 

u lipping J-lpparah^. 

Patentedj?pr. /S/944 

^ 

t** 

N 

73 
84 

SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

79 
NUMBER 41 85 

-^>^^ 80 

FIGURE 74.—Circular scarificator. (NMHT 320933.05; SI photo 76-7746.) 

FIGURE 75.—Scarificator for vaccination. Mallam's, made by Arnold & Sons, 

London. Patent 1406. (From the original in the Wellcome Museum by 

courtesy of the Trustees. Wellcome 13557; photo 125/1960.) 

FIGURE 76.—Patent model of Tiemann's scarificator. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4289]; SI photo 76-9115.) 

FIGURE 77.—Patent model of Leypoldt's scarificator, 1847. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4290]; SI photo 73-4213.) 

FIGURE 78.—Patent model of Leypoldt's scarificator, 1851. (NMHT 89797 

[M-4293]; SI photo 76-9112.) 

FIGURE 79.—Baunscheidt's Lebenswecker, a counter-irritation device. (NMHT 

287885 [M-12936]; SI photo 76-7751.) 

FIGURE 80.—^Depurator patented by A. F. Jones, 1866. (From patent specifications, reissue 2276. SI photo.) 

FIGURE 81.—^Junod's boot. (On loan from the Armed Forces Institute of 

Pathology. SI photo 73-7885.) 
86 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 82.—Woman cupping her breast. 

(From Maw, Son & Thompson, Surgeon's 

Instruments, etc, London, 1882. SI photo 

76-13540.) 

FIGURE 83.—Glass breast pump with spout for 

self application. (NMHT 260557 [M-11467]; 

SI photo 76-7759.) 

FIGURE 84.—Goodyear's patent breast pump, 

manufactured by the Union India Rubber 

Co. (NMHT 252497 [M-10510]; SI photo 

7&-7762.) 

FIGURE 85.—Brier's Hyperemia Apparatus, 

1930s. (From Matthay Hospital Supply Co., 

Surgical Instruments, Los Angeles, 1937(?). 

SI photo.) 

P*^ 

84 
NUMBER 41 87 

8702 

X 

8710 

O • "nto 

8712 

8705-06 

BIER' S HYPEREMI A 

A N D PUMP S 

CUP S 

8650 . Plane edge, 1" 

8651 . . Plane edge, 154" 

8652 . Plane edge, I'/z" 

8653 . Plane edge, 2" 

8654 . . Plane edge, 2W 

8658 . . Plane edge. Vz" and 3^" 

8659 . Concave, V2" and YA" 

8662 Plane edge, IYA" 

8663 . .Plane edge. 1^4" 

8668 Concave edge, l%" 

8669 . . Concave edge, IV^" 

8676 Concave edge, 1^4" 

8677 . . Concave edge, V/z" 

8678 . . Concave edge, 2" 

8679 . . Concave edge, 23/^" 

8680 . . Concave edge, 2V^" 

8685 . . Plane edge, 1" 

8686 . . Plane edge, \%" 

8687 . . Plane edge. IY2" 

8688 . . Plane edge, 2" 

8689 . . Plane edge, 2H " 

8695 . . Plane edge, 1" 

8696 . Plane edge, 1%" 

8697 . . Plane edge, V/2" 

8700 . . Vaginal, one size 

8702 . . Tonsil, in pairs r. and 1.. 

with one bulb, 6 sizes 

8705 . . Mastitis, 43^" 

8706 . . Mastitis, 5" 

8710 . . Suction Pump, small, 

for use by patient 

8712 . . Suction Pump, large 

*8715 . . Rubber Bulbs only, for 

above, 13,4", 2", 214". 

25/2", 234" diam. 

85 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

J. A. MAXAM. 

SUCTION ANO COMPRESStON CUPPING APPARATUS. 

ApriicMioti riico Kfn.n, i9is. 

1,179,139. I'atontwl Apr. 11. ll»!6. 

86 
NUMBER 41 89 

FIGURE 86.—Patent for a complex cupping pump, J. A. 

Maxam, 1916. (From patent specifications, U.S. patent 

1179129. SI photo 73-5186.) 

FIGURE 87.—Heinrich Stern's phlebostasis chair, 1915. 

(From Heinrich Stern, Theory and Practice of 

Bloodletting, New York, 1915. SI photo.) 

FIGURE 88.—Old-fashioned cupping in a German physician's office, Chicago, Illinois, 1904. (SI photo 45726-B.) 
90 SMITHSONMN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 89.—^A man employing leeches to reduce his weight, 

16th century. (From P. Boaistuau, Histoire Podigieuses, 

Paris, 1567. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 90.^Osborne's instrument for inserting leeches 

into the rectum. (From J. Osborne, "Observations on 

Local Bloodletting," Dublin Journal of Medical and 

Chemical Science, volume 3 (1833). Photo courtesy of 

NLM.) 

FIGURE 91.—Two leeches (Hirudo medicinalis) preserved 

in plastic. (Anthropology Catalog no. 143,077; SI photo 

73-4233.) 

FIGURE 92.—Satire on the theories of Broussais. The caption read, "But, I haven't a drop of blood left in my 

veins! No matter, another fifty leeches." (Undated print. 

Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

91 
NUMBER 41 91 
92 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
NUMBER 41 93 

^"; 5\ 

^^. lO 

% • 2] 

fijtao. ^yv / 

fig .22 

Jl tie: 24 

ificrrr r~i> 

1 "" 1 

u.:.. - u 

il^l 26 

^/ /f' 

,97 

FIGURE 93.—Woman using leeches, 17th 

century. (From Guillaume van den 

Bossche, Historica Medica, Brussels, 

1639. Photo courtesy of NLM.) 

FIGURE 94.—Heurteloup's leech. (From 

George Tiemann & Co., American 

Armamentarium Chirurgicum, New 

York, 1889. SI photo 76-13541.) 

FIGURE 95.—Tiemann & Co.'s patent 

artificial leech. (From George Tiemann 

& Co., American Armamentarium 

Chirurgicum, New York, 1889. SI photo 

76-13541.) 

FIGURE 96.—Reese's uterine leech. 

(From George Tiemann & Co., American Armamentarium Chirurgicum, 

New York, 1889. SI photo 76-13539.) 

FIGURE 97.—Sarlandifere's bdellometer. 

Fig. 13 and Fig. 14 are a teapot lamp 

and a glass for measuring the blood 

taken in cupping. All the other figures 

illustrate variations on the bdellometer. Fig. 19 and Fig. 20 are attachments for bleeding the internal 

membranes. (From Sarlandi^re, "Ventouse," Dictionnaire des sciences 

medicates, volume 57, 1821. Photo 

courtesy of NLM.) 
94 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

98 

FIGURE 98.—An artificial leech. Note the three blades on 

the scarificator that simulate the triangular puncture of 

the leech. (NMHT; SI photo 7fr-9120.) 

FIGURE 99.—^An 18th-century cutler's illustration of 

veterinary instruments. Shown are a spring lancet and a 

fleam. Knives and hooks were often added to the bloodletting blades in foldout fleams. (From Jean Jacques 

Perret, L'Art du Coutelier, Paris, 1772. Photo courtesy 

of the NLM.) 
NUMBER 41 95 

Fuf.zS. 

99 
96 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

100 

FIGURE 100.—Fleam with brass shield, 18th-19th 

century. (NMHT 121573 [M-3462]; SI photo 

73-4206.) 

FIGURE 101.—Fleam with horn shield, 19th 

century. (NMHT 321697.05; SI photo 76-7758.) 

FIGURE 102.—Phlebotomy knife by Rodgers & 

Co., London. (Loan no. 316478; SI photo 

76-9108.) 

FIGURE 103.—Unusual shaped brass spring lancet 

set by a sliding catch and released by a release 

lever. (NMHT 321697.11; SI photo 76-7754.) 

FIGURE 104.—Brass spring lancet that is set by 

pulling on the string and released by pushing 

upon the button. (NMHT 321697.07; SI photo 

76-7750.) 
NUMBER 41 

97 

107 

FIGURE 105.—Spring lancet. (NMHT 112827; SI 

photo 73-4235.) 

FIGURE 106.—Scarificator, 12 blades. (NMHT 

99749 [M-2336]; SI photo 76-7744.) 

FIGURE 107.—Temple scarificator with case. 

(NMHT 233056 [M-9639]; SI photo 76-7745.) 
98 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

108 

109 

110 
NUMBER 41 99 

FIGURE 108.—Persian cupping glass, 12th 

century. (NMHT 207389 [M-6836]; SI photo 

73-4205.) 

FIGURE 109.—Cupping cups, glass. (NMHT 

308730.09; SI photo 74-4087.) 

FIGURE 110.—Persian cupping cup and razor. 

(NMHT 320033.07; SI photo 76-7749.) 

FIGURE 111.—Brass cup (1) and pewter cups 

(2). (NMHT 321697.22 and NMHT 207399 

[M-6829 and M-6830]; SI photo 76-9109.) 

FIGURE 112.—Cupping set. NMHT 321697.21; 

SI photo 76-7747.) 

FIGURE 113.—Breast pump. (NMHT 220170 

[M-7435]; SI photo 76-7761.) 
100 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 114.—Leech jar, minus top. (NMHT 

201821 [M-6712]; SI photo 73-4232.) 

FIGURE 115.—Staffordshire leech jars. (NMHT 

321697.18 & .19; SI photo 76-7765.) 

FIGURE 116.—Leech cage. (NMHT 

1977.0576.02; SI photo 77-13984.) 

A 114 

') 

116 

115 
NUMBER 41 101 

FIGURE 117.—Veterinary fleam. (NMHT 

218383 [M-9255]; SI photo 61125-A.) 

FIGURE 118.—Veterinary fleam. (NMHT 

233570 [M-9665]; SI photo 59139-H.) 

FIGURE 119.—Veterinary spring lancet. 

(NMHT 321697.08; SI photo 76-7756.) 

FIGURE 120.—^Veterinary spring lancet. 

(NMHT 321697.09; SI photo 76-7755.) 

120 
102 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

121 

FIGURE 121.—Spring lancet, 18th century. (NMHT 321697.10; SI photo 

76-7753.) 

FIGURE 122.—Spring lancet, 19th century. (NMHT 1977.0576.01; SI photo 

77-13961.) 

FIGURE 123.—Counter-irritation device. 

(NMHT 89797 [M-4305]; SI photo 

72-11274.) 

FIGURE 124.—Barber surgeon's set, 18th 

century. (NMHT 199536 [M-6684-

6692]; SI photo 73-4207.) 
NUMBER 41 103 

124 

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