Georg Scheutz and the 

First Printing Calculator 

Uta C. Merzbach 

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For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. QoTermnent Printing Office 

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Stock No. 047-K)0(H)0342^ 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY / NUMBER 36 

Georg Scheutz and the 

First Printing Calculator 

Uta C. Merzbach 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 

City of Washington 

1977 
ABSTRAC T 

Merzbach, Uta C. Georg Scheutz and the First Printing Calculator. Smitlisonian 

Studies in History and Technology, number 36, 74 pages, 35 figures, 1977.— 

The Swedish publisher Georg Scheutz (1785-1873) was a man who combined 

literary, political, scientific, and technological interests. Inspired by the difference 

engine of Charles Babbage, he and his son, the engineer Edvard Scheutz (1821-

1881), designed and constructed a machine to compute tabular differences and 

print the results. The machine, built with a grant from the Swedish governnient and 

underwritten by a group of Swedish supporters of Scheutz, was completed in 1853. 

It was patented in Great Britain in 1834, shown at the Paris Universal Exhibition 

in 1855, and purchased for the Dudley Observatory in Albany, New York, in 1856. 

A copy of the machine was constructed in 1857. For a short time, in 1858, work 

contracted by the United States Department of Navy for the Nautical Almanac 

Office was performed on the machine. Because of the departure (resulting from a 

major dispute) of the astronomer Benjamin A. Gould and his assistants from the 

Dudley Observatory, the machine was used rarely in later years and gradually 

fell into total disuse. 

The arguments surrounding the construction, purchase, and use of the machine 

portray two recurring themes in the history of technology. One is the conflict 

between defenders of established procedures and those of new innovations within a 

given field. The other is the influence of social, economic, or political currents on the 

activities in that field. 

The Scheutz calculator is significant because it made feasible the concept of a 

machine that computes and then retains results in printed form. 

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is 

recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. 

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 

Merzbach, Uta C. 1933-

Georg Scheutz and the first printing calculator. 

(Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 36) 

Bibliography: p. 

Includes index. 

1. Calculating-machines—History. 2. Scheutz, Georg, 1785-1873. I. Title. II. Series: 

Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 36. 

QA75.M46 68r.l4'09 76-15379 
Contents 

Page 

Introduction 1 

Georg Scheutz 2 

Early Influences 2 

Publisher and Publicist 4 

First Encounter with Babbage's Work 5 

Creation of the Calculator 8 

Edvard Scheutz, the Engineer 8 

Performance Tests of the Model 9 

A Period of Waiting 9 

Obtaining a Government Grant 10 

Structure and Operation of the Scheutz Calculator 13 

Promotion of the Calculator 17 

Finding a Buyer in Europe 17 

Publicity and a Patent 19 

The Paris Exposition 20 

The Scientists Debate 21 

Purchase and Use in America 22 

Babbage's New World Supporters 22 

Effecting the Purchase 24 

The Calculator at Work 25 

A Government Contract 27 

Propagation of Recording Calculators 28 

Difference Machines 29 

General Purpose Machines 37 

Epilogue 38 

Appendix I: British Patent A.D. 1854, No. 2216 43 

Appendix II: Gravatt on the Operation of the Calculator 52 

Appendi.x III: Discussion at the Academy of Sciences, Paris 56 

Bibliography 59 

Introduction 59 

Location of Sources 59 

Bibliographic Guide 60 

References 63 

Titles Published by Georg Scheutz 68 

Index of Persons 73 

111 

Georg Scheutz and the 

First Printing Calculator 

Uta C Merzbach 

Introduction 

The story of Georg Scheutz and the first printing 

calculator is the story of an innovative contribution 

to technology, born of currents of thought and action 

that characterize the times as well as the place in 

which they were shaped. It also depicts vividly the 

commonality and diversity of intellectual factions in 

some of the countries that dominated Western thought 

in the 1800s. At the same time, the story of Georg 

Scheutz again raises questions about a man who 

distinguishes himself by doing that which supposedly 

cannot be done in his time. 

In recent years there have been attempts to establish models of scientific and technological national 

growth, usually influenced by the concept of "stages 

of economic growth." Frequently, these models are 

constructed by juxtaposing developments between and 

within major power nations and emerging nations. 

Such nations usually exhibit a strong native tradition, or a combination of native tradition with 

methods superimposed by a ruling power. This limits 

the utility of the model. There is a third group of 

countries, however, which offers a unique opportunity to view the adoption of competing technological or theoretical systems or ideas on more or less 

neutral ground. This group is composed of independent nations which, by virtue of geography and 

relatively extended periods of neutrality, are in a 

position to interact simultaneously with several major 

powers exhibiting distinctive or competing patterns. 

Modern Sweden has played this role of serving 

Uta C. Merzbach, Department of Science and Technology, 

National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian 

Institution, Washington, D. C. 20560. 

as a neutral testing ground in several periods. In the 

eighteenth century it made a place for the forging 

of Newtonian ideas onto continental concepts. In the 

nineteenth century it provided a distinctive setting 

for the adoption of technological products, such as 

the railway, the postage stamp, and the telegraph, 

then sweeping the Western countries. A tendency by 

scholars to neglect these activities has deprived historians of a valuable resource. It has also led to 

superficial treatments of superior contributions by 

Swedish inventors or entrepreneurs, causing them to 

be considered either as totally derivative, or as the 

products of geniuses. The first printing calculator, a 

Swedish contribution, provides a vivid example of an 

achievement that owed as much to the trends and 

currents of the times as it did to the talents of the 

remarkable Georg Scheutz. 

AcKNOv^^LEDGMENTS.—Thanks are due to Christine Bain, librarian of the Dudley Observatory, 

Albany, for making available for study and photography a set of the extant refraction tables; to Jane 

Pugh of the Science Museum in London for taking 

time to answer several questions about the ScheutzDonkin engine, and for providing photographs and 

copies of documentation not available elsewhere; to 

Reidar Norby of the National Museum of History and 

Technology, Smithsonian Institution, for assisting in 

translating some passages pertaining to the early history of Swedish postage stamps; to Sheila Ford for 

aiding with that portion of the bibliography dealing 

with events at the Dudley Observatory; to Donna J. 

Elliott for preparation of the typescript; and to 

Audrey B. Davis for reading and giving critical comments on the typescript. Margaret Kober Merzbach 

gave invaluable assistance by translating for me 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Bergstedt's essay on Scheutz from the Swedish, and 

by providing an analysis of the source journals 

Scheutz used in his Journal for manufakturer. 

Georg Scheutz 

Georg Scheutz is best known outside of Sweden 

for his difference engine, a special-purpose calculating machine designed after a similar one proposed by 

the English mathematician Charles Babbage in the 

1820s. Babbage has been resurrected in our times 

because in his design for a different machine, the 

"Analytical Engine," he outlined very clearly the 

concept of today's automatic computer. Neither of 

Babbage's machines was ever completed. He had 

received a government grant for the construction of 

the difference engine; yet neither this support nor 

the money he invested personally sufficed to produce 

a finished product. 

It has become fashionable to speculate on the 

cause of Babbage's failure to achieve a working 

machine. Some commentators follow Babbage's lead 

by attributing his problem to the stupidity, if not 

the ill will, of those on whom he had to depend, 

particularly those within the scientific and political 

power structures of Victorian England. Others assign the common but meaningless explanation that 

he was a man ahead of his time. Still others refine 

this by declaring that the technology of his time was 

not up to the task he had set for it. Yet another, 

more knowledgeable few suggest the failure lay in his 

being more of a mathematician than an engineer. 

Whatever the explanation, none account for the fact 

that a contemporary of Babbage, who lived in a 

country which at that time derived much of its 

technological know-how from England, who was 

neither mathematician nor engineer, and who, like 

Babbage, opposed the ruling powers of his homeland during much of his life, designed a machine 

intended to do precisely what Babbage's difference 

engine was intended to do, and saw it completed, 

purchased, and used. That man was Georg Scheutz. 

EARLY INFLUENCES 

Georg Scheutz was born in Jonkoping, Sweden, 

on 23 September 1785 (Figure 1). His mother 

counted a well-known hymn-writer, Andreas Lenaeus, 

among her ancestors. His paternal grandfather, a 

German immigrant, had been a cook in the royal 

FIGURE 1.—Georg Scheutz. 

Danish service. Georg Scheutz's father, Frederik 

Christian Scheutz, born in Copenhagen and also 

trained as a cook, became an innkeeper in Jonkoping. 

At the time of his birth, Jonkoping was a town of 

some 2000 inhabitants. Because of its strategic location at the southern tip of Lake Vettern, it was an 

important stopping point for travelers in a country 

that had been one of Europe's leading powers in the 

seventeenth century and had demonstrated leadership 

in the science of the eighteenth. The Scheutz inn 

gained the reputation of being Jonkoping's foremost 

hostelry. Presumably, questions of political and 

scientific leadership were of less concern to Scheutz's 

parents than were everyday realities, such as the 

fires that repeatedly devastated the town, one of the 

major ones occurring just a few months before 

Scheutz's birth. As late as 1812, Jonkoping could still 

be described by travelers (Thomson, 1813:284) as 

a small town consisting chiefly of two parallel streets runing east and west. It is . . . the seat of the superior Court 

of Justice for . . . Gothland. It is said to contain about 

3000 inhabitants. The houses are almost all of wood, and 

covered on the roof either with turf or wood. 

At his home, the inn, young Georg was exposed to 

representatives of a variety of classes and profes-
NUMBER 36 

sions. Since his father's business interests included 

the importation of wines and Mediterranean fruits, 

and for some time catering services for the famous 

spa at Medevi, the boy's early contacts acquainted 

him with languages and life styles far beyond those 

to be expected in an average community fitting 

Jonkoping's description. 

Georg Scheutz received his early formal education 

at the local elementary school. The teachers there 

encouraged their better students. Ludvig Borgstrom 

(1788-1862), who shared with his friend Scheutz a 

two-fold interest in literature and science, told of 

his teachers at Jonkoping supplementing the curriculum by providing him with free instruction in Latin, 

German, and French. Similarly, Georg Scheutz obtained special guidance from the school's co-rector, 

G. Von Alander, who roomed at the Scheutz inn. 

Georg completed his secondary schooling at the gymnasium of Vaxjo. He compensated for the lack of 

formal scientific training in these schools by frequent 

and extensive field trips in the country with groups 

of his contemporaries. 

In 1803 Scheutz matriculated at the University 

of Lund, where in 1805 he took the juridical examinations that ordinarily were preliminary to the final 

preparation for the Bergexamen. He soon became 

vice-actuary at the Gota Supreme Court, a position 

that led to his serving as judge from time to time. 

Although he attended the University of Uppsala 

briefly, it appears that he did not complete the 

Bergexamen, presumably for lack of funds. Instead, 

he moved to Stockholm where, about 1812, he entered government service. After a short period of 

working in one of the ministries, he became viceauditor with the Swedish artillery, a position that led 

to the title of auditor but to no salary. 

The period of Scheutz's university studies and subsequent judicial apprenticeship had provided few opportunities for communicating on scientific matters. 

His contemporary, Ludvig Borgstrom, who had spent 

a portion of this period in Stockholm studying under 

Johan Jacob Berzelius, upon his return to Jonkoping 

singled out Georg Scheutz as being the only one 

there whose scientific interests and knowledge he 

could enjoy and admire. 

If Jonkoping provided little scientific stimulation, 

the opportunities in literature were greater. In particular Scheutz's superior at the Gota court, the 

Honorable J. Wetterbergh, opened his home to the 

young Jonkoping men of Scheutz's generation for 

hours of discussion on literary topics. Wetterbergh, 

like Scheutz, had chosen a legal career from necessity. His primary inclinations favored literature and 

scholarship. He combined a preference for traditional 

literary style with a politically liberal outlook—not 

surprising in a man known to regard Voltaire, Pope, 

and Helvetius as his heroes (Borgstrom, 1836). 

Wetterbergh had sponsored Jonkoping's first newspaper in the days of Gustavus in. Having run afoul 

of the censors of this monarch's regime, this activity 

brought him a certain renown as a champion of 

freedom of the press. The new constitution of 1809 

set the stage for the gradual restoration of freedom 

of the press. The topic was one that was to become 

a well-known issue over the next decade and a 

major factor in Georg Scheutz's career. 

Scheutz's last years in Jonkoping marked the beginning of his life-long publishing activities. In 1809 

appeared his translation into Swedish of an account 

of far-off Brazil by the German traveler and geographer, Eberhard August Wilhelm Zimmermann (1743-

1815). Scheutz's choice of this work is characteristic. 

Throughout his career he was to translate, publish, 

or print works that fed a reader's imagination with 

information surrounded by an aura of adventure, or 

tales of adventure through which shone an everrecurring practical realism. 

Scheutz's early literary efforts also included attempts at poetry and other forms of belles-lettres. 

However, his greatest literary contributions were to 

come through his translations, his editing, and his 

nonfictional prose writings. 

In 1816, Scheutz's translation into Swedish of 

Shakespeare's Julius Caesar appeared. It was the first 

translation into Swedish of this particular work, and 

only the second of any Shakespearean work, having 

been anticipated by Erik Gustaf Geijer's (1783-

1847) version of MacbetJi in 1813. Scheutz's translation was published by Cederborgh & Co. in Stockholm. The next year, Scheutz, freed of governmental 

service by the dissolution of the Second Artillery, 

and having recently come into a small inheritance, 

went into partnership with Fredrik Cederborgh in 

the publishing enterprise thence known as "Cederborgska boktryckeriet." 

Fredrik Cederborgh, who was a year older than 

Scheutz, was making a name for himself. At a time 

when Swedish readers had to rely heavily on translations for fictional prose entertainment, Cederborgh 

had endeared himself to the public by producing two 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

spicy novels. His picaresque realism found less favor 

with the school of the "New Romantic" critics 

clustered about Uppsala; but it gave him a place 

in the history of the Swedish novel, setting him at 

the beginning of a line that was to lead to Nobel 

prize height within less than a century. In 1816 

Cederborgh embarked on another activity that was 

to make his name equally familiar among those in 

government circles not inclined to reading novels. 

He published a weekly, Anmdrkaren, that marks the 

start of the trend in opposition journalism in nineteenth-century Sweden. Scheutz's name soon became 

linked with that of Cederborgh in this pioneering 

activity. 

PUBLISHER AND PUBLICIST 

The Cederborgh-Scheutz venture involved a good 

share of simple muck-racking. Thus it was Anmiirkaren that brought to public notice in 1819 the 

false murder confessions obtained by torture from the 

innocent family of a servant who alone had been 

guilty; the steady pursuit of the case by the publishers resulted in the acquittal of the innocent and 

the removal from office and imprisonment of a high 

ranking responsible official. For three years Scheutz 

and Cederborgh divided the work on Anmdrkaren 

—for a while their contract stipulated that Cederborgh would be responsible for the odd numbers of 

the paper, Scheutz for the even ones! In 1820 

Scheutz took over Cederborgska boktryckeriet, 

which henceforth bore his own name. 

In 1819 Scheutz had taken out a permit for a new 

journal, Anmdrkarne; the earlier journal, Anmdrkaren, soon thereafter passed to another publisher. 

Anmdrkarne in turn became Argus, which was to 

gain fame as Sweden's leading political opposition 

journal of the 1820s. Scheutz continued to print 

Argus through 1836 and remained its coeditor until 

1831, although it soon became identified with the 

active intelligence of his associate, Johan Johansson 

(1792-1860). Strictly speaking, there were seven 

Argus magazines during this time. Under the "liberty 

of the press" regulations of 1812 the publication 

regularly lost its license to the government censor. 

This meant reissuance of a new license to a different 

applicant for a publication with a "new" neime. 

When Scheutz lost the license for Argus in January 

1822, the engraver J. Malm obtained a license for 

The Second Argus the following day. Before the end 

of the year there was a Third Argus, and by 1834, 

a license for a Third New Argus was issued to a 

printer's apprentice. 

Many of the men with whom Scheutz came into 

contact during the Argus period were to play a significant role in the growth of the emerging industrial 

Swedish nation. Presumably their shared points of 

view, as well as their respect for the indefatigable 

Scheutz, were factors in providing him with the 

support he eventually needed to bring about the 

production of his calculator. Not least among these 

men was Lars Hierta (1801-1872), who collaborated on Argus in the midtwenties, prior to founding the influential Stockholm paper Aftonbladet. 

During the next decades, Scheutz's political activities appeared to recede behind his literary and 

technological interests. In fact, however, these overlapped. His championship of free speech and governmental justice was reflected in the selections of 

works published and translated, whether it was one 

of the "subversive" writings of Crusenstolpe in the 

1830s or a Victor Hugo satire of the 1850s. Similarly 

his opposition to protectionism, manufacturers' associations or the guild system did not wane or become 

less effective by being transferred to the pages of 

the economic and technological journals that he produced. 

The 1820s marked a widening of Scheutz's nonjournalistic literary endeavors. His initial translating 

and publishing efforts had been geared largely to potential bestsellers. Julius Caesar had been followed 

by translations of works by La Motte-Fouque, Werner, Kotzebue and Boccaccio in 1817 and 1818. 

Gradually such tales of romance and adventure were 

complemented by the classical works of Aristophanes 

and Xenophon, native literature such as the historic 

plays of Per Henrik Ling (1776-1839), and language 

readers for learning Latin or Italian. Scheutz's most 

noted literary achievement of the decade was the 

first Swedish publication of the collected works of 

Shakespeare; the translations were his and those of 

the literary scholar Bishop Johan Henrik Thomander 

(1798-1865). 

Science and technology assumed a prominent place 

in Scheutz's pursuits during the 1820s. Even without 

prior inclinations i n this direction, as head of a 

printing establishment Scheutz could not have long 

escaped the implications of the technological advances of his time. He had entered the printing profession while this was undergoing revolutionary 
NUMBER 36 

change. The iron press, rotary printing, stereotyping, 

zincography were but a few of the major innovations 

that captured the attention of European and American printers of the age. The introduction of these 

products in Sweden tended to lag behind, clustering 

around the year 1830. Thus, the first Stanhope press 

was introduced and purchased by Norstedt in 1828, 

nearly three decades after its invention. The first 

major cylinder press, a multipurpose machine made 

by Applegarth and Cowper in London, was purchased in 1829 by Nils Magnus Lindh of Orebro, 

whose brother had established one of the first major 

Swedish type-foundries in Stockholm. A second cylinder press was soon acquired by Lars Hierta for 

printing his newspaper Aftonbladet. Stereotyping 

came to Sweden in 1832. However, though the importation of these important tools of the trade lagged 

behind the rest of Western Europe, and native manufacture proceeded even more slowly, there had been 

considerable interest in such matters for years. 

Georg Scheutz not only studied and propagated 

word of the significant inventions of the time, but 

tried his own hand at similar contributions. There 

were unsuccessful efforts at devising a color-grinder 

and a letter-etching device; and as early as 1823, he 

invented a cylinder press that incorporated special 

features to allow for regular bookwork, stone lithography, and zincography. Neither this press nor 

Scheutz's other inventions of the period were developed and exploited; but they are indicative of 

Scheutz's creative drive and his sense of the timely. 

More influential than his inventions were Scheutz's 

contributions to the diffusion of technological and 

scientific knowledge through his publications. These 

took a variety of forms, prominent among which were 

the journals edited, published, and printed by him. 

Scheutz also published a series of translations of 

handbooks and modern classics in technology and 

science. What the Encyclopedia Metropolitana was 

to English readers, Scheutz's Bibliotek for konst, 

slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap provided for the Swedish in the 1830s. Here were handbooks on dyeing and 

brewing, works by Lacroix and Terquem on surveying and algebra, Bailly on natural science, Brunton 

on mechanics, and Hermbstadt on technology. Works 

that were not included in their entirety in the Bibliotek were excerpted and serialized in one of the 

journals. 

Characteristic of his approach was Scheutz's 

handling of the Journal for manufakturer och 

hushdllning. It was essentially a digest containing 

articles from the major scientific and technological 

journals of England, Germany, and France. Besides 

standard publications, such as the Bulletin de la 

Societe d'Encouragement pour ITndustrie Nationale 

or Dingler's Polytechnisches Journal, newcomers like 

the Journal of the Franklin Institute were included, 

along with summaries of recently issued patents, reports on industrial expositions, and recipes for the 

homemaker. The Journal for manufakturer had first 

appeared in 1825; after a seven-year period of dormancy, it reappeared in 1833. 

FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH BABBAGE'S WORK 

The year 1832 had been an exciting one for promoters of technology in Sweden; the events taking 

place must have appeared auspicious for resurrecting 

a journal dealing with manufacturing. The Gota 

Canal was completed, stereoplating was introduced, 

a major Industrial Exhibition opened in Stockholm. 

Questions pertaining to the economy of machinery 

and manufacturers were foremost discussion topics 

in Georg Scheutz's circles. It is not surprising that an 

English mathematician's book on that topic appearing in 1832 should capture Scheutz's attention and 

appear worthy of thorough treatment in ihejournal 

for manufakturer. The work was Charles Babbage's 

Economy of Machinery and Manufactures. 

Charles Babbage (1792-1871), a banker's son, had 

studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge 

(Figure 2). As an undergraduate, he was a co-founder 

in 1812 of the Analytical Society, a student organization designed to promote the mathematical 

methods, notation, and techniques found in the works 

of Lagrange, Laplace, Lacroix, and other continental 

mathematicians following Leibnizian traditions in 

analysis, in opposition to the Newtonian method of 

fluxions and its associated English geometric tradition. This student venture is memorable, not only 

because it led to reform in the teaching of mathematics at Cambridge and pointed to the direction of 

subsequent English research in algebra and analysis, 

but also because the orientation of the Analytical 

Society is mirrored in Babbage's subsequent work. 

Emphasis on algorithmic procedures and interest in 

the effect of the use of signs dominate the mathematical papers he wrote in the decade following his 

graduation from Cambridge, as well as the many 

areas of applications that concerned him throughout 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 2.—Charles Babbage. 

his life. As a co-founder of the Astronomical Society 

of London in 1820 his interests were channeled toward the application of repetitive machine action to 

the computation of astronomical tables. This led to 

the concept of the mathematical machine that he 

called a "difference engine." Encouraged by an award 

from the Astronomical Society and the promise of 

government support by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Babbage spent several years of concentrated 

effort on this machine during the 1820s, interrupted 

by a continental tour in 1827-28, during which he 

familiarized himself with foreign techniques related 

to machines and manufacturing processes in general. 

Shortly after his return, Babbage, having been appointed to the Lucasian chair at Cambridge, received 

a new grant for the construction of the difference 

engine. By this time, designs for the machine had 

been drawn and redrawn, the difficulties of precisionparts manufacture had been faced, and the production of tools and parts was underway. Babbage now 

summarized his findings and conclusions on machinery 

and manufactures. The result, at one point intended 

as a series of lectures to be given at Cambridge, was 

the book Economy of Machinery and Manufactures 

that gave Babbage a niche in the history of industrial 

management. It quickly passed through three editions. Scheutz selected several chapters from the third 

edition as the basis for the translations and paraphrases that he published in his Journal for manufakturer. 

Calling attention to general principles governing 

the construction of machinery, Babbage implied a 

rationale for scientific design of machinery, and tried 

similarly to suggest the existence of general rules 

governing the management of manufacturing processes. His stated aim in writing the book (Babbage, 

1833:1) had been 

to point out the effects and the advantages which arise 

from the use of tools and machines;—to endeavour to 

classify their modes of action;—and to trace both the causes 

and the consequences of applying machinery to supersede 

the skill and power of the human arm. 

In addition to the timeliness of the general topics 

Scheutz presumably welcomed many of Babbage's 

specific examples and analyses, such as those used to 

argue against certain forms of organized labor. 

The chapter dealing with the topic that was to 

become of central importance for the involvement 

of Scheutz in the history of computing technology 

was that "On the Division of Mental Labour." Babbage stressed the applicability of the principle of the 

division of labor to mental, as well as mechanical, 

labor. He related the story of the French mathematician Baron de Prony (1755-1839), who was charged 

by the French government with the production of 

the logarithmic and trigonometric tables necessitated 

by the French attempt to extend use of the decimal 

system to the division of the circle into 100 parts. 

While pondering the organization of this massive 

undertaking, Prony is said to have chanced upon a 

copy of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Scanning 

the introductory chapter, on the division of labor, it 

occurred to Prony to divide the "manufacture" of 

the mathematical tables in a fashion analogous to 

that which Smith described for the manufacture of 

pins. Prony decided upon the following schema. He 

established three sections of work. To the first section 

he assigned five or six distinguished mathematicians. 

Their sole function was to select, from numerous 

available analytic expressions for a certain function, 

that formula most easily computed by a large number of individuals working simultaneously. To the 

second section he assigned seven or eight competent 

mathematicians charged with giving numerical 

values to the formulas selected by the first section, on 

which the actual computations would be based. The 
NUMBER 36 

members of the second section also verified subsequent calculations by analytic means. To the third 

section Prony assigned 60 to 80 individuals who 

needed no mathematical knowledge beyond the ability to add and subtract. This section carried out the 

required computations. Babbage noted that the work 

of this third section, which had produced 17 folio 

volumes of computations, could be mechanically 

executed by a machine. 

As Babbage explained, this technique of computing mathematical tables was based on the method of 

differences. This method allows any table giving the 

values of a mathematical function to be formed 

by a sequence of additions and subtractions. Suppose 

the desired function f(x) equals x^. This means a 

table of squares is to be constructed. To determine its 

values for integral values of x, four columns of 

figures are necessary. The first one contains the 

values of integers x; the second contains the values 

f(x)^x^; the third contains the differences A of 

successive squares; and the fourth contains the difference A^ of these, or the "second differences." The 

second difference will always be constant for 

f(x)=x\ 

fix) A A = 

1 

4 16 

Therefore, it suffices to know the values of A:^ for 

x=l, x^2, and x — 3. Now all the following values 

x=i can be found by simple subtractions and additions as follows: The values of the initial two first 

differences are obtained by subtracting /(I) from 

/(2), and /(2) from /(3). The first subtraction, 

4—1, gives 3; the second, 9—4, gives 5. Obtaining 

the difference of these first differences, 5 — 3, gives 

the second difference, 2. Since this is known to be 

constant, the column A^ of the second differences 

can now be filled by simply inserting 2 as often as 

necessary; the column A of first differences can be 

completed by adding the second difference to the 

first difference that has been obtained last: 5+2=:7 , 

7-f-2=9, 9+2=11 , etc. Now the column f(x) of 

the functional values to be tabulated can be filled in 

by adding these first differences to the corresponding 

values of f(x): 9+7=16 , 16+9=25 , 25+1 1 = 36, 

etc. 

The entire method hinges only on knowing the 

order of the constant differences, or, for functions 

that have no constant differences, knowing what 

assumptions may be made, or formulas employed, to 

obtain a sufficiently close approximation. Making 

these determinations was the task Prony assigned 

to his best-trained group; computing the initial 

values, corresponding to first obtaining /(1)=1 , 

/(2)=4 , /(3) = 9 in our example, was the task assigned to the second group; the subtractions and 

additions that remain to fill in the table were the 

assignment of the third group, which Babbage 

wished to give to a machine. To illustrate the feasibility of this concept, Babbage asked his readers to 

consider three clocks, A, B, and C, each having a 

dial divided into 1000 numbered divisions and each 

having one hand. Each clock is arranged so that 

when a string is pulled, a bell on that clock strikes 

a number of times equal to the number at which 

the hand of the clock points. In addition, when the 

bell strikes n times on clock C, this causes clock B 

to advance n units; similarly, the bell on clock B 

causes A's hand to move forward. Babbage noted 

that if the clocks are initially set at A=l , B=3 , and 

C=:2, this corresponds exactly to the square-number 

table, with clock A representing the values 

f(x)—x^, B the first differences, and C the second 

differences. 

Intrigued by this account in Babbage's Economy, 

Scheutz discovered a more detailed discussion of 

Babbage's machine, which appeared in the Edinburgh Review for July 1834. In this issue, Dionysius 

Lardner (1793-1859) reviewed a set of seven publications pertaining to the machine, ranging from 

Babbage's accounts of 1822 and 1823 to the 1829 

report by a committee of the Royal Society. Lardner 

used the opportunity of the reviews to treat in detail 

three major aspects of the problem of publishing 

mathematical tables. First, he presented a sketch of 

several major tables produced over the preceding 

50 years, using these to illustrate the difficulty and 

importance of producing large quantities of errorfree copies relatively cheaply and rapidly. Secondly, 

he described for the reader, in relatively nontechnical 

fashion, the working of the machine, and Babbage's 

concept of mechanical notation. Finally, after a brief 

review of previous efforts at mechanical calculation, 

he reviewed the history and status of the actual construction of Babbage's engine. Things had not gone 

well with the construction of the machine since 1830. 
8 

SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Work had been suspended, the laborers dismissed, 

and Lardner's article concluded with a plea to all 

concerned to air their problems and not let the 

considerable investment made by the British government and by Babbage himself be wasted. 

Lardner's writings, the work of a noted scientific 

author and initiator in 1829 of the Cabinet Cyclopedia, may have been of particular interest to 

Scheutz. Although it was not the first means by 

which Scheutz learned of the machine—despite a 

frequently repeated statement to that effect, apparently circulated by Babbage himself—Lardner's 

article was undoubtedly the most useful, reflecting 

the expository talent of the author. While not sufficiently specific to permit exact copying of Babbage's design, Lardner's discussion clearly conveyed 

the basic concept of the machine and at least a 

general outline of its mechanical action and composition. 

Creation of the Calculator 

Having read of Babbage's machine, Georg Scheutz 

satisfied himself that such a device was indeed feasible. 

After familiarizing himself more closely with computational techniques and the construction of the difference "engine" he built a small model of wood, 

wire, and cardboard, which appeared to prove the 

point. This model might well have joined Scheutz's 

earlier inventions as an example of his alertness to 

the currents of the day, to be remembered when 

someone else's practicable version came along. That 

this did not happen is due to Georg Scheutz's son 

Edvard. 

EDVARD SCHEUTZ, THE ENGINEER 

Edvard Scheutz was 16 when he undertook the 

construction of a model of the difference engine 

(Figure 3). Born in Stockholm on 3 September 1821, 

he had attended the New Elementary School in that 

city until his early education was interrupted as the 

result of a leg injury. In 1835 he entered the Technological Institute, then in its first decade of existence, 

and remained there until 1841. Little is known of 

Edvard Scheutz's interests outside the field of mechanical technology. It seems clear, however, that he 

worked closely with his father. He even wrote a 

comedy published by the Scheutz firm in 1836, when 

Edvard was 15! 

FIGURE 3.—Edvard Scheutz. 

During the summer vacation of 1837, Edvard 

asked and was granted his father's permission to 

enlarge upon the rough model of a difference engine, and produced a metal version. It pleased his 

father sufficiently to approach the Swedish Academy 

of Sciences that fall with a request that the academy 

support a grant application to the Swedish government for the construction of a full-scale difference 

engine. After a rather lengthy period of deliberation, 

the academy—perhaps influenced by the ominous 

stories of Babbage's machine—refused to support the 

request because of the high cost of such a venture. 

Edvard and his father continued their efforts, 

despite this initial rejection. The older Scheutz sent 

out feelers to other institutions of learning. Thus, the 

Paris Academy of Sciences recorded that in December 1838 the Minister of Public Instruction transmitted a note from Scheutz regarding "a calculating 

machine, announced as being simpler and hence less 

costly than that of Mr. Babbage." The younger 
NUMBER 36 

Scheutz continued to tinker on the model, making 

use of a home workshop that his father had helped 

him install in 1837, in return for his undertaking 

work on the machine. By 1840 he had a five-place 

machine that would compute one order of differences. Within another two years the machine had 

been increased to compute up to three orders of 

differences. At last, early in 1843, the printing 

mechanism was completed. Fittingly, that February, 

during the first year of Edvard's majority, Georg 

Scheutz turned over to his son the printing establishment. 

PERFORMANCE TEST S OF THE MODEL 

With the proper integration of the printing component, the complete machine model was ready for 

trial. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences was 

invited to inspect the machine and, after several 

tests, a three-man commission delivered its verdict. 

The three members of the Academy's commission 

were Johan Jacob Berzelius (1779-1848), the worldfamous chemist, who was secretary of the academy; 

N. H. Selander (1804-1870), astronomer and geodesist, who since 1837 served as the academy's astronomer, holding the title of professor; and C. B. Lilliehook (1809-1890), professor of physics at the Higher 

Artillery School at Marieberg. Their statement read 

in part as follows {Specimens, 1857:x) : 

The apparatus in question is composed of three parts. 

1st. The Calculating Machine.—-It cannot compute series 

of a higher degree than the third, nor does it give complete 

terms exceeding five figures; but in the nature of the 

mechanism, there is nothing to prevent its extension to the 

working of series of any degree whatever, and to terms of 

as many figures as the purpose may require. 

2nd. The Printing Machine.—Every term given by the 

calculating apparatus is expressed by printed figures, closely 

arranged in lines, as in a printed table, the lines being 

impressed on some softer material, adapted to receive galvanoplastic or stereotyped copies. All the lines succeed each 

other very correctly in the same vertical column. 

3rd. The Numbering Machine.—With the printing machine, another apparatus is combined, which prints the 

arguments before every term. The machine is put in motion 

by turning the handle of a winch, by means of which, and 

without further manipulation, the calculation, as well as the 

printing and arranging of figures and lines, are effected. 

The cautious statement of the scientific committee 

certified the conceptual and technological soundness 

of the proposed machine. What remained to translate the working model into a saleable product was 

supporting capital. This was beyond the means of 

the Scheutzes. 

A PERIOD OF WAITING 

In 1844 Georg Scheutz requested 10,000 riksdollar 

from the Swedish crown to construct a full-scale 

model. But the academy, while attesting to the physical possibility of building such a machine, was not 

prepared to guarantee from its construction an advantage to the nation commensurate with the cost. 

Lacking assurance that building a difference engine 

would be in the national interest, the government 

denied Scheutz's request, and the model lay dormant 

for some years. 

Direct attempts to find a buyer for a full-size 

machine failed. Foreign references to the endeavor 

tended to associate it with the money-consuming 

Babbage effort, or to overlook the progress that had 

been made in demonstrating the feasibility of such 

a construction since Scheutz's first announcement in 

1838. The first interpretation is illustrated by the 

negative reactions received by the Swedish ambassador to England, Count Bjornstjerma (1779-1847), 

when he transmitted the Scheutzes' offer to construct 

for purchase a machine that would print 17-digit 

tables computed with seven orders of differences. 

The second is reflected in a report on the state of 

the art of the calculating machine for the Committee 

of Mechanic Arts of the French Society for the 

Encouragement of National Industry, presented by 

the French mathematician Theodore Olivier (1793-

1853) in 1843. This included an observation that 

Scheutz's invention, announced in 1838, had not 

been executed and that its author had not revealed 

its mechanism. 

While the model was put aside, numerous trains 

of events converged to make certain groups in 

Sweden more receptive to the idea of the Scheutz 

machine. The senior Scheutz continued to support 

the growth of Sweden's fledgling industrial economy, 

notably through his editorial and publishing activities, 

resulting in industrial and polytechnic journals and 

new reference works similar to those mentioned before, and became Secretary of Sweden's Society of 

Industrial Progress. At the same time, Scheutz expanded his pursuits in the scientific field, thus 

establishing closer ties with members of the Swedish 

Academy. In 1842 he had signed a contract with 

Lars Hierta, making him a regular contributor to 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Aftonbladet, with the special responsibility of keeping the public informed on scientific subjects. In 

1843, his introduction to a massive textbook on 

natural history was printed by the firm of Lars Hierta. 

Intended to serve as a textbook and for self-study, 

it combined the qualities of a dictionary, travelog, 

and economic adas. A few years later Scheutz 

authored a treatise on the solution of numerical 

equations {Nytt och enkelt salt att losa nummereqvatloner) based on the writings of J. M. Agardh 

(1812-1862), astronomer at the University of Lund, 

who had been raised by his uncle Carl Adolph 

Agardh (1785-1859) one of Sweden's leading scientists and a senior member of the academy. 

By 1850, Scheutz's efforts to promote knowledge of 

scientific, mathematical, and technological developments were by no means unique. Interested readers 

who did not subscribe to Bibliotek for vetenskap 

could find scientific reading matter in the comparable 

series Bibliotek i popular naturkunnighet published 

by Zacharias Haeggstrom in Stockholm. In 1846 this 

even included a translation into Swedish of Babbage's Ninth Bridge-water Treatise, which contained 

a brief reference not only to the difference machine 

but also to the concept of the analytical engine, a 

machine that could perform an arbitrary sequence 

of algebraic calculations. Further Babbage materials 

were available in the library of the Polytechnic Institute in Stockholm, which by 1848 contained a 

German translation of his work on life-assurances, 

a French translation of the Economy, and a copy 

of his Reflections on the Decline of Science (Stockholm, 1849). 

Scheutz's name also remained before the literary 

public. In particular, his earlier Shakespearean 

studies were recalled, when in the spring of 1847 

his version of King Lear was performed at one of 

Stockholm's major theaters (F. Dahlgren, 1866). 

What added to Scheutz's reputation and following 

more significantly than any of these particular activities was the fact that the movements Georg 

Scheutz had supported for so many years were on 

the ascendant. After some bitter struggles brought 

about by its opposition to Charles xiv, the Bernadotte 

king, the Swedish press was becoming a powerful 

force in the growing nation. The change was symbolized by the action of the 1844-45 Parliament which 

repealed the government's right to suppress newspapers; Lars Hierta's Aftonbladet, often identified 

as the driving political force of the press, had been 

strongly influential in bringing this about. Soon 

after the ascendance to the throne of Oscar i in 

1844, the protectionist policies that had been the 

target of the attacks launched by Scheutz and his 

friends were reviewed and replaced by more liberal 

trade legislation. Scheutz could take particular 

pleasure in the repeal in 1846 of compulsory guild 

membership. The relaxation of trade restrictions 

coincided with a similar policy in Peel's England. 

These circumstances, combined with the general 

technological and industrial expansion of the age, led 

to an unprecedented exchange of goods and information between the two countries. If the rise of the 

Swedish sawmill industry was encouraged by England's need for timber and paper, so England's 

leadership in transportation and communication 

served as a model for Sweden in establishing its 

modern postal service and banking systems, and, 

somewhat later, its railroad and telegraph networks. 

Within Sweden's parliament, the Riksdag, the 

stronghold of the movements which Scheutz supported was the chamber of burghers. Until 1862, 

the Riksdag consisted of four chambers: those of 

the nobles, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants 

(bonde). The chamber of burghers contained the 

core of the liberal opposition, and was the source of 

a variety of reform measures. It was here that a 

motion was brought in 1851 to support the construction of a large working calculator based on the 

Scheutzes' design. 

OBTAINING A GOVERNMENT GRANT 

In January 1851, Scheutz presented a new request 

to the crown for government funds to support building a larger working machine. It was for 3333 

riksdollar and 16 skilling—one-third of the amount 

asked in 1844. It was pointed out that the money 

could be used in part to support travel abroad to 

present the model, especially to those countries that 

published annual nautical almanacs and astronomical 

tables. The request was accompanied with a statement from the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 

two of whose members had again examined the machine in December 1850. They were Fabian Wrede 

(1802-1893) and L. I. Wallmark (1810-1855). 

Wrede, member of an old, established, and distinguished Swedish family, had held military rank in the 

Gotha artillery and had taught physics and mechanics at the Higher Artillery School at Marieberg 
NUMBER 36 11 

since the 1830s. His fellow academicians recognized 

him for his theoretical investigations in physics and 

physical chemistry. Wallmark was director of the 

Royal Technical Institute, Edvard Scheutz's alma 

mater. At the age of thirty he had been manager of 

the Motala mechanical works. After experience as 

draughtsman there, as custodian of physical instruments at the Academy of Sciences, and as inspector 

of various technological enterprises, he was equally 

well-qualified to assess the machine. 

The 1851 statement from the academy was far 

more supportive than the evaluation given seven 

years earlier. It endorsed Scheutz's request on the 

basis that 

the auditor Scheutz and his son have expended much effort 

on the machine and expenditures that are not inconsiderable 

in relation to their income. In addition, the auditor for a 

long time has disseminated knowledge in his fatherland 

concerning useful inventions. All of this, as far as is known 

to the Academy, has been done without any assistance from 

the State; for this reason, and since he now seeks a donation that does not come to 1 % of that which England paid 

for the Babbage machine, the Academy advises most humbly 

that the humble petition of the auditor Scheutz be granted. 

In addition, it takes the liberty to suggest that the machine 

be retained in the possession of the Messrs Scheutz, since 

the support sought otherwise would not be sufficient recompense for the private sacrifices which have been made for 

an invention that will doubtless be in the interest of science 

and honor of the fatherland. (Sweden, Riksdagen, 1851, no 

294:15-16; translated by author). 

The request was denied by the crown for lack of 

funds. In the chamber of burghers, however, A. M. 

Brinck, 57-year old merchant of Stockholm and a 

leading member of the opposition, on 29 April sent 

a motion to the parliament's Select Committee, 

recommending a grant to the Scheutzes. 

The Select Committee pondered the matter and 

on 2 August 1851 a modified proposal emerged 

(Figure 4). The committee noted that on the basis 

of the statement from the Academy of Sciences it 

did not doubt the advantages of the calculating machine in question; but it felt that it was not in a 

position to recommend unqualified payment. The 

Select Committee, therefore, proposed that the 

chambers vote to put at the disposal of the Crown 

the amount of 3333 riksdollar and 16 skilling from 

the treasury to be paid to Scheutz if, after due 

examination. His Majesty found that the machine 

invented by the Scheutzes had been completed and 

fulfilled its intended purpose (Sweden: Riksdagen, 

1851, 294:16). The reason for the committee's modification of Brinck's original proposal emerges from 

a minority report in which several members of the 

chamber of nobles expressed their reservations on 

the grounds that the Academy of Sciences in certifying the practicability of the calculator had only gone 

so far as to say that they "had reason to suspect 

that it is useful." (Sweden: Riksdagen, 1851, 

328:17). 

The question of "a government grant for the 

support of a machine invented to calculate, compose 

and print mathematical tables" came to a vote 

two weeks later (Sweden, 1851, no. 294). The 

chamber of the clergy took up the proposal on the 

14th of August and approved it. The other three 

chambers voted on the following day. In the chamber of nobles there was a certain amount of discussion, during which some of the same members 

who had expressed reservations in the Select Committee led the opposition to the motion. Nevertheless, 

it passed. It also passed—easily—in the chamber of 

burghers. Only the bonde, the peasants, declined to 

adopt the motion. Among those bringing procedural 

arguments to bear against it in their chamber was 

Ola Mansson (1808-1892) nowadays remembered 

as the paternal grandfather of Charles A. Lindbergh 

(1902-1974). 

Approval of the three chambers was sufficient; but 

under the terms of the motion adequate funds would 

not be paid out until the machine was completed. 

•Slah-t'tikiiUeU I'tlilanie. J\:o 23*. 

N:o SD-I-. 

Ank. till Exp-Ctsk, dc-i i Laf l»ai, k|. i < , 

VUdlamle, i anlcdn'tng af rclelU motion om slulmu.Kj 

till bckoiilandc of en uppfunncn mndun i... 

utrlikning, sa'.tning och tnjekning af muu.'-

maliska labellcr. 

FIGURE 4.—Resolution by the 1851 Select Committee of 

Sweden's ParUament supporting construction of the Scheutz 

calculator. 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

To initiate its construction, some individual or group 

had to be willing to supply the capital and to run 

the risk of loss if the project proved unsuccessful. A 

group of underwriters was found. This group included 

scientists and technologists, members of the academy, 

and liberal members of the Riksdag. Well represented among the subscribers were the publishers 

and journalists who claimed Georg Scheutz as one 

of their own; prominent among them were men associated with Aftonbladet, including Lars Hierta and 

two of his successors. 

With financial backing assured, work on the fullscale machine could at last begin. It was performed 

under the supervision of Edvard Scheutz. Space, 

equipment, and supporting expertise were furnished 

by J. W. Bergstrom (Figure 5) and his mechanical 

works. Bergstrom (1812-1881) was a rising industrialist. The son of a joiner in Samuel Owen's 

foundry, he had been trained as a glass blower and 

by the 1830s he had established himself in the glass 

business. In the early 1840s he became interested 

in the new daguerrotype process and became Stockholm's leading daguerrotypist. In 1846 he opened 

his mechanical works, which quickly became a wellknown, respected establishment. Here the Scheutz 

calculator was built (Figure 6), which bears the 

inscription: "Inventerad af G. & E. Scheutz / Forfardigad hos J. W. Bergstrom. / Stockholm / 1853." 

FIGURE 5.—J. W. Bergstrom. 

FIGURE 6.—Detail of the Scheutz calculator. Inscription 

reads: "Inventerad af G. & E. Scheutz/Forfardigad hos. J. 

W. Bergstrom./Stockholm/1853." (SI photo 74-11265) 
NUMBER 36 13 

Structure and Operation of the 

Scheutz Calculator 

By 1 February 1852, the first working drawings 

of the ultimate design were finished. The machine 

itself was completed in October 1853 (Figure 7). 

The machine could handle numbers of 15 digits and 

tabulate functions with 4 orders of differences, the 

fourth being constant. 

The tabular values and differences were represented by number wheels arranged horizontally in a 

15 by 5 array. The top row of 15 figures represented 

the tabular values; the second row, the first differences; the third row, second differences; the fourth 

row, third; and the fifth row, the constant fourth 

differences. This arrangement corresponded to that 

described by Lardner for a smaller machine, although Babbage had inverted the rows and columns. 

As Lardner had explained, to compute a table by the 

method of differences, these rows had to be connected 

so that a number could be added from one row to 

the row above it. 

At the outset of a computation, the number 

wheels were set manually (Figure 8a). Each wheel 

was toothed at the bottom; the number of teeth depended on the numbers to be represented by the 

wheel. These ranged from 0 to 9 for the most part, 

but there were a few wheels adapted to computation 

in minutes and seconds, which ranged from 0 to 5 

only. The wheels had no spokes or other parts 

touching the vertical axes around which they were 

rotated. Rather, each was simply enclosed in a fixed 

concentric ring or ring segment supported by a shelf 

forming part of the main frame of the machine. 

Each wheel had an adding mechanism, consisting 

of a "catch-and-trap" combination (Figure 8&). An 

upward catch was attached to the upper part of 

the wheel, the corresponding trap to the central axis 

surrounded by that wheel, at a point approximately 

midway between it and the wheel above it. As the 

axes rotated, the traps revolved within the calculating wheels. Each trap had an arm which touched 

the catch of the wheel below it as the trap revolved. 

Depending on the direction of this revolution, it 

either pressed down a portion of the catch and 

passed it freely, or was caught by it and raised. When 

the trap was raised, it engaged the number wheel 

above it, thereby turning it. A related stud and lever 

mechanism provided for carrying as the upper wheel 

passed from 9 to 0 (or 5 to 0, in the case of the 

"sexial" wheels) (Figure 8c). A small stud between 

these two digits pushed against a lever when a wheel 

FIGURE 7.—The Scheutz calculator. (SI photo 74-11266) 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 8.—The Scheutz calculator: a, number wheels 

(SI photo 74-11262); b, "catch-and-trap" mechanism 

with number wheels (SI photo 74-11263); c, "pillar" 

carry mechanism (SI photo 74-11267). 
NUMBER 36 15 

passed from 9 to 0. This lever extended to the left 

in front of the preceding wheel. The carrying action 

was prompted by a moving upright "pillar." If the 

stud had pressed against the lever, this then came 

into contact with the pillar, causing a pivot arm on 

that pillar to engage the wheel behind the lever and 

to move it forward one unit, thus effecting the carry. 

The concept of adding number wheels was not 

new. Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) had demonstrated 

an effective carry mechanism in the seventeenth century; numerous counting and adding mechanisms 

had been devised since then; and in the Economy, 

Babbage had devoted a chapter to registering devices. In his design for the "difference engine," Babbage had accepted a new challenge: that of effecting 

simultaneous additions of several orders of these 

multiple-place figures. As Lardner had explained, to 

minimize the strain on the machine imposed by a 

large number of simultaneous additions and carries 

Babbage designed the machine to do the work in 

four stages: In the first stage, the even rows were 

added to the odd rows, omitting carries; in the second, the carries accompanying the preceding additions 

were completed; in the third, the odd rows were 

added to the even rows; in the last, the remaining 

carries were completed. Lardner provided a general 

description of the mechanisms intended to perform 

these operations, without, however, including any 

drawings but some sketches of dial faces. The 

Scheutz machine effected the required simultaneous 

additions as follows: 

The machine was crank-operated (Figure 9). 

Turning the crank set into motion a mangle wheel 

attached to a bevel wheel arrangement. Connected 

to this was a vertical toothed sector that engaged 

with a rack and pinion combination placed on the 

frame above the top row of number wheels and 

caused the 15 vertical axes to rotate. Because of the 

mangle-sector arrangement, the axes rotated alternately in a clockwise and counterclockwise direction. 

Turning the crank also caused the pillars to move 

in two grooves on either side of the rows of number 

wheels. This was effected by fastening the pillars to 

a chain geared to a set of pinions driven by a bevel 

wheel arrangement connected to the mangle wheel 

(Figure 10a). Turning the crank caused them alternately to move in opposite directions. By means 

of latch sets, one acted on the rows of odd differences, 

FIGURE 9.—Crank and initiating mechanism of the Scheutz calculator. (SI photo 74-11268) 
16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 10.—Scheutz calculator: a, chain drive for pillars (SI photo 74-7812); b, side view 

(SI photo 74-11270) 

FIGURE. 11.—Top view of Scheutz calculator showing printing apparatus. (SI photo 74-11261) 

the other one on the row of even differences and the 

top row of tabular values or "zeroth differences." 

The wheels in successive rows were numbered in opposite directions. Given the adding and carrying 

mechanisms just described, this entire arrangement 

allowed the machine to add all odd differences simultaneously, followed by the addition of all even differences; this in turn was followed by the next addition of odd differences, etc. Carrying took place 

between additions. 

Finally, there was the printing apparatus (Figure 

11). This had been Babbage's stumbling block. The 

Scheutzes solved the problem. Since only final values 

needed to be printed, it had to be joined only to 

the top row of the machine. It extended to eight 

places. A set of horizontal shafts was placed at right 

angles to the rows of number wheels. By means of 

a set of eight cams and "snails" (stepped cylindrical 

segments) these shafts linked the vertical axes corresponding to the eight leading digits to a set of racks 

geared to eight type wheels. The racks were parallel 

to the rows of number wheels. A bar kept the type 

wheels stationary while the machine added. Once 

the calculations had been completed, the bar was 

removed, releasing a set of weights (Figure lOfe). 

Being suspended from disks attached to the horizontal shafts, these weights were connected to the 

eight leading number wheel axes by the snail and 

cam combinations. Upon release, they set the type 

wheels into action, impressing 8-digit figures onto 

8-inch-long strips of papier mache (Figure 12). 

These strips were usually covered with black lead to 

facilitate production of stereotype plates from them. 
NUMBER 36 17 

FIGURE 12.—Detail of Scheutz calculator showing type wheels and papier-mSch^ strip. 

(SI photo 74-11269) 

Promotion of the Calculator 

With the completion of the machine began a 

period of promotion, during which "the Swedish 

Calculating Machine" gained fame, a buyer, and an 

offspring. Discussions about the machine ranged 

over two continents and involved some of the most 

distinguished scientists, mathematicians, and engineers of the day. 

FINDING A BUYER IN EUROPE 

In 1854, plans were laid to take the machine to 

England. Here a number of individuals collaborated 

in seeking a buyer for the calculator. 

The Scheutz Calculator traveled to England under 

the auspices of the firm of Bryan Donkin and Company. This establishment had a distinguished record, 

especially in matters pertaining to the manufacturing 

of paper and special-purpose printing devices. The 

firm had been founded by Bryan Donkin (1768-

1855). Introduced to the paper-making business by 

John Hall in the 1790s, his first independent venture 

had been a factory for manufacturing molds for 

handmade paper. After 1800, Donkin supervised 

the work of the first English "Fourdrinier" paper 

machine, initially at Hall's works at Dartford, then 

at a factory at Bermondsey. Over the next two decades, Donkin manufactured and sold over forty of 

the machines. However, while the Fourdriniers, with 

whom Donkin had a royalty arrangement, went 

bankrupt, Donkin, whose firm had constructed 191 

paper machines by 1851, had intensified his production efforts. It was Bryan Donkin and Company that 

built the automatic printing machines designed to 

carry out the multiple-color printing process patented 

by William Congreve (1772-1828) in 1820; these 

machines were used for printing postage and other 

government stamps in various parts of the British 

Empire, and related models for printing the notes 

of the Bank of England. Bryan Donkin's patents 

included numerous devices related to writing, printing, counting, and recording. Among these were a 
18 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

rotary printing machine, invented in collaboration 

with Richard Mackenzie Bacon; a counting machine; 

a counter invented in 1818 and given prominent 

mention by Babbage in his discussion of recording 

devices in the Economy; a tachometer for measuring 

machine speeds; and—as early as 1808—a steel 

writing pen. Among his numerous other enterprises 

were construction of astronomical apparatus; invention of a dividing engine; purchase, with Hall and 

John Gamble (holder of the English "Fourdrinier" 

patents), of the English rights to the Appert food 

canning process; collaboration with Brunei in work 

on the Thames River tunnel; and design and construction of water wheels, and later of water turbines for use by paper mills. Finally, Donkin's firm 

had supplied parts for Babbage's calculating machine. 

Babbage himself was among the numerous English 

engineers, scientists, and men of state with whom 

Bryan Donkin had maintained a good working relationship. Common interests brought the two men 

together, either at meetings of clubs or societies, 

such as the Institution of Civil Engineers of which 

Bryan Donkin had been a founder, or on committees, such as that appointed by the Bank of England 

in the 1830s to inspect the Oldham system. 

Bryan Donkin had retired from his firm in 1846, 

leaving the business in the hands of his three sons. 

The oldest, John, died in 1854, the year that his 

brother, the second Bryan, had the Scheutz machine 

brought from Sweden. 

Considering Sweden's stake in the manufacture 

of paper and other wood products, it is not surprising that Swedish businessmen would have had contacts 

with Bryan Donkin and Company. Among such men 

was Per Ambjorn Sparre (1828-1921), member of 

an old aristocratic Swedish family, who was in London to obtain advice and equipment for his recently 

established printing firm (Figure 13). After a year 

at the University of Uppsala, the young businessman 

had studied at the mechanical works in Motala from 

1848 to 1850. In 1850 he had become manager of 

the Tumba Paper Mill, a branch of the State Bank 

of Sweden, where Swedish bank note paper was produced. After two years at Tumba, Sparre was ready 

to embark in business on his own. Having specialized 

in the production of security paper, necessary for 

printing stamps as well as bank notes, he established a 

small printing firm, from which emerged Sweden's 

first postage stamps in 1855. Part of the printing 

equipment Sparre had invented himself. The rest of 

FIGURE 13.—Per Ambjorn Sparre. 

his machines, as well as books, were largely purchased in England. The related negotiations brought 

Sparre to London the year the Scheutz calculator 

was completed. 

Upon its arrival in London, the calculator was 

taken in hand by William Gravatt (1806-1866). An 

engineer whose career had brought him closer to 

railways and bridges than calculators and printing 

presses, Gravatt soon became an enthusiastic champion and care-taker of the Scheutz machine. Presumably he became involved in the project because of 

a certain amount of debt to the Donkins. While in his 

teens, Gravatt had been apprenticed to Bryan Donkin, Sr., by his father, who was inspector of the Royal 

Military Academy at Woolwich. Having obtained 

thorough training in mechanical and civil engineering Gravatt went to work for Brunei, being put in 

charge of machinery and management of the "shield" 

for the Thames River tunnel, the part of the project 

that involved the Donkin firm. When the Thames 

project was interrupted in 1832, Gravatt, on Donkin's 

recommendation, obtained a position as engineer to 

Calder and Hubble Navigation, where he made a 
NUMBER 36 19 

name for himself by his bridge designs. He subsequently was employed by several railway builders, as 

well as by Brunei. In this connection he designed the 

well-known "dumpy" level, and made improvements 

in several other surveying instruments. In the decade 

preceding the arrival of the Scheutz machine, Gravatt 

had been caught in several unsuccessful ventures: 

Working for overextended railway promoters, he was 

left with surveying debts but no salary. Having been 

in charge of designing and supervising the construction of the world's largest achromatic telescope, built 

by George Rennie, the collapse of that enterprise left 

him unemployed. However, having counted the 

instrument-maker Edward Troughton (1753-1835) 

and the physician and scientist William Hyde Wollaston (1766-1828) among the companions of his youth, 

along with Donkin and Brunei, subsequent membership in organizations such as the Royal Astronomical 

Society gained him the friendship and respect of men 

like the mathematicians Augustus De Morgan and 

Charles Babbage. 

Publicity and a Patent 

The Scheutzes and their machine arrived in England in the fall of 1854. On the 17th of October they 

petitioned for a patent and deposited the necessary 

provisional specifications with the Office of the Commissioner of Patents (Appendix I). On the 16th of 

November, the Royal Society learned from a letter 

sent by Gravatt to its vice-president and treasurer. 

Colonel Sabine, that "the Swedish Calculating Machine constructed by Mr. Scheutz" had arrived in 

London (Royal Society, 1854). The machine was 

initially brought to the Donkins' Bermondsey works, 

where it was studied, particularly by William Gravatt, 

who was to become its principal demonstrator. 

Georg and Edvard Scheutz left England during the 

winter and signed the full patent specifications before 

the British Consul in Stockholm on 9 March 1855; 

Sparre served as one of the witnesses. The patent, 

which was sealed on the 13 th of April in the Great 

Seal Patent Office in London, resulted in issuance of 

Letters Patent No. 2216 (A.D. 1854) "for the invention of 'Improvements in Machinery or Apparatus for 

Calculating, and Printing the Results in such Calculations'." Issuance of the patent resulted in a certain 

amount of publicity. On 25 April, the London Daily 

News carried an account of the machine. During the 

following weekSj a number of journals and magazines 

directed at mechanics and engineers presented reviews of the patent and descriptions of the machine. 

During the spring and summer, however, efforts to 

gain favorable notice for the machine were concentrated in two specific directions: the Royal Society 

of London and the Universal Exposition of 1855 in 

Paris. 

For some time in 1855 the machine was set up in 

the quarters of the Royal Society at Somerset House. 

There, too, a committee appointed by the Council of 

the Royal Society to examine the machine had opportunity to study it closely. The committee consisted 

of the newly elected secretary of the Royal Society, 

the mathematician and physicist G. G. Stokes (1819-

1903), as chairman; the crystallographer W. H. Miller (1801-1880); the physicist and inventor C. 

Wheatstone (1802-1875); and R. Willis (1800-

1875), inventor, architectural archeologist, and professor of mechanics. The committee prepared a report which described the basic problem of tabulating 

the values of functions, noting Babbage's origination 

of the concept of a difference engine, and briefly mentioning the analytical engine, before proceeding to 

outline the operation of the Scheutz machine. The 

report noted that although Scheutz had adopted Babbage's suggestion of operating oppositely on odd and 

even differences, so these could be handled simultaneously, the mechanism of the Scheutz machine is 

different from Babbage's. The report concluded that 

the close tabulation of functions that the machine 

carries out is usually required only in table computation and that the Scheutz machine could be useful in 

that context. Noting that the standard logarithmic 

and trigonometric tables had been computed a long 

time ago, the committee suggested with appropriate 

caution that it might be worthwhile to construct 

other tables, "could it be done with the ease and 

cheapness as would be afforded by the use of the 

machine" (Royal, 1856a). The report finally noted 

that the machine would prove worthwhile even in reprinting old tables, because it could "calculate and 

print more quickly than a good compositor could set 

the type, and that without risk of error" (Royal, 

1856a). Stokes added an individual postscript to the 

published version of the report, noting Babbage's suggestion, which had been communicated to him in the 

meantime, of using his engine when the last differences are not constant. 

The committee's report was presented to the Society at its meeting on the 21st of June 1855. The 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

following Monday Prince Albert went to see it and 

had its operation explained to him by Gravatt and 

Donkin. The weekend edition of the Illustrated London News carried a spread with two illustrations and 

a concise summary of the machine's operation. 

The Paris Exposition 

In the meantime, Swedish and English supporters 

of the machine had laid plans to bring it to world 

attention at the Universal Exposition in Paris that 

year. This major exhibition, which was to attract 

nearly 24,000 exhibitors, had been scheduled to open 

on 15 May 1855. Most of the exhibits actually were 

not opened to the public until July; many of Sweden's 

contributions had arrived at Dieppe in mid-June, a 

month after the formal opening. Nevertheless, if the 

Scheutz machine was to arrive in Paris in time to be 

viewed and judged by potential users, as well as other 

visitors, there was little time left for Londoners to see 

the machine at home that summer. 

Preparations for showing the machine in Paris included not only the physical arrangements for transporting and exhibiting it, but also strategy for according it suitable publicity. By his zealous participation in the coordination of these activities, Charles 

Babbage settled what had become a subject for speculation: his feelings about the Scheutz machine. Babbage had a reputation for crustiness, and there were 

those who had expected him to be antagonistic toward 

the Scheutzes. He was known for his outspokeness 

and did not hesitate to attack if he felt a matter of 

standards, honor, or justice was involved. His own 

difference machine lay incomplete, his repeated efforts to gain support for new calculators and computers had been turned down, his attempt to gain 

broad exposure and honor for his machine designs at 

the Great Exhibition in London's Crystal Palace in 

1851 had failed. How great was the surprise of many 

—including the Scheutzes, who attested to having 

come to England with a certain amount of trepidation—when Babbage foiled the soothsayers. If he 

had any regret that it was not his own machine 

traveling to the Continent for a chance at world 

acclaim, this was submerged in his support of the 

Swedish machine that could demonstrate the soundness of his original concept. His communications 

during the early summer of 1855, to the Illustrated 

London News, to Stokes, to the British Association 

for the Advancement of Science, and to others, had 

conveyed a poHte interest in the machine and a reminder of his own contributions to the concept. The 

opportunity to bring the calculator to the attention 

of the international public spurred Babbage to more 

concentrated positive effort. In the end, he proved 

to be a veritable godfather. 

The machine was installed at the Paris Exposition 

in August 1855. On the 29th of that month, Gravatt 

sent Babbage the somewhat disquieting news from 

Paris (London, 1856, ms 37196:302) that 

the machine . . . was terribly shaken in its transport. I was 

told it was to go by water but instead of that they put it on 

a common railway truck without so much as a wisp of 

straw under it.—They have not yet been able to get the 

Jury to look at it. 

While Gravatt concerned himself with getting the 

machine in order, Babbage worked on circulating 

information about it, and prepared for his own trip 

to Paris in October. Before his arrival, the French 

Academy of Sciences received a communication from 

Babbage, read at their meeting of 1 October, calling 

attention to the presence of the machine at the 

Exposition and transmitting his son's drawings on 

his mechanic notation applied to the Scheutz machine. Henry Prevost Babbage's drawings and the 

accompanying explanation by his father were presented at the next meeting, which took place on the 

8th of October. Babbage spent his time in Paris 

touting the Scheutz machine, making sure that accompanying French and English information was 

properly distributed, and presumably discussing it 

when he lunched with Michel Chasles and other 

mathematicians and scientists. Meanwhile, Brandstrom, the Swedish commissioner, presented the machine to Prince Napoleon. Acclaimed as the first 

machine with the means of calculating and printing 

the results, the Scheutz difference engine was not 

lost on the author of the Exposition's major souvenir 

album either. After briefly noting the efficacy of 

two French calculators, the "Arithmaurel" of Maurel 

and Jayet, and the arithmometer of Charles Thomas, 

both of which had won honorable mention, the 

Scheutz machine was described by Baron Brisse 

(1857:194) as follows: 

This machine, among the most ingenious, solves equations 

of the fourth degree and of even higher orders; it operates 

in every number system; in the decimal system, in the 

sexagesimal system (for trigonometry) or in any other 

system . . . scientists who vaunt their calculating powers, as 

a divination of the laws of nature, will be advantageously 
NUMBER 36 21 

replaced by a simple machine, which, under the nearly blind 

drive of an ordinary man, of a kind of movement, will 

penetrate infinite space more surely and profoundly than 

they. Any man knowing how to formulate a problem and 

having the machine of the Messieurs Scheutz at his disposal 

for solving it, will replace the need for the Archimedes, the 

Newtons or the Laplaces. And observe how in the sciences 

and arts, all is held together and intertwined: this nearly 

intelligent machine not only effects in seconds calculations 

which would demand an hour; it prints the results that it 

obtains, adding the merit of neat calligraphy to the merit 

of calculation without possible error: the stereotyped numerals emerge grouped at the will of the operator, and separated, 

as he desires, by blanks, lines or any arbitrary typographic 

symbols. If a simple machine can tell us the distance of 

stars, the extent of celestial globes, the path which the great 

comets traverse on their parabolic course, what limit can 

henceforth be assigned to mechanism? What world of 

impossibilities will not be cleared? 

In February 1856 Georg Scheutz was elected a 

member of the Swedish Academy of Sciences in the 

Class of Practical Mechanics. Shortly thereafter, 

father and son wrote to Babbage expressing their appreciation for his efforts in their behalf. Edvard 

commented "inventors are usually see[n] to look 

with jealousy on them which strive in the same way. 

I ought not to conceal that it was prognosticated 

even to us, that we should meet an adversary in you; 

and we have found a protector!" (London, 1856, ms 

37196:419). True to form, father Georg put it more 

poetically: "We came as strangers; but you did not 

receive us as such: conforming to reality you received us but as champions for a grand scientific 

idea. This novel disinterestedness offers so exhilarating an oasis in the deserts of humanity that I 

wishes [sic] the whole world should know it as I do 

and feel its soothing effect, as I do; it would be so 

much the better for the comfort and happiness of 

mankind" (London, 1856, ms 37196:418). 

The Scientists Debate 

Unfortunately, French scientists did not share the 

enthusiasm of Babbage or of some of the viewers at 

the exposition. After the closing of the exhibition in 

December 1855, the difference engine was taken to 

the Paris Royal Observatory, to be tested in day-today operations. The expectation was that if it 

proved satisfactory purchase would be recommended. U. J. J. Leverrier (1811-1877), the renowned director of the observatory, however, found it 

impractical. He felt that the operation still left too 

much work with the machine operator, and that a 

well-organized computing program like that at the 

observatory, making use of human calculators, was at 

least equal to, if not more efficient than, any mechanical calculator—ingenious though it might be. 

While the fate of the machine was undecided in 

Paris, Babbage continued his efforts on its behalf 

from England. He corresponded with the astronomer Villarceau at the Paris Observatory, who in 

January had informed him of the director's interest 

in printing first differences as well as the function 

values in his tables. Babbage was unaware of the 

whereabouts of the machine, and for a while made 

concerned inquiries. He was elated when he was 

informed that the machine had been deposited at 

the Paris Observatory by order of the emperor to be 

put at the disposal of members of the Bureau of 

Longitude. Mistaking the deposit for a purchase 

Babbage shared his enthusiasm about the sagacity 

and enlightenment of the emperor with Lyon Playfair and other scientists. When notified of the true 

state of affairs, there was still a good deal of ammunition ready to spread the fame of the machine. Earlier 

in the winter, Babbage (1856) had prepared a broadside against the Royal Society of London for not 

considering Scheutz in their award of medals for the 

year 1855. The pamphlet, based on an address given 

from the floor at the society's meeting, presented a 

short history of Scheutz's efforts and successful 

achievement of the machine, recalled its success at 

the Paris Exposition and its deposit in the Paris 

Observatory, and duly noted the illustrations prepared by Henry Babbage "for the use of the jury" 

that awarded the exposition's medal to the machine. 

Babbage gave much thought to the distribution of 

this publication, which was sent to a wide range 

of potentially interested individuals and institutions, 

ranging from Prince Albert to the Smithsonian Institution. In addition, he worked diligently on the 

distribution of a French version. This was sent to 

the Academy of Belgium, French-speaking scientists, 

and the emperor, as well as appropriate members of 

his court. In the latter communications Babbage suggested making Scheutz a member of the Legion of 

Honor. The letter to the King of Sweden commended 

Scheutz to his sovereign's attention and exuded: 

The science of mathematics is becoming too vast in its 

details to be completely mastered by human intellect and 

the time is approaching when the whole of its executive 

department will be transferred to the unerring power of 

mechanism . . . Whenever that day shall arrive due honor 
22 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

must always be given to Sweden as the country which first 

produced mechanism to print the results of calculations regulated by a mathematical law (London, 1856, ms 37196: 461-

462). 

Babbage's letter was sent and reached the Swedish 

court during the first week of April 1856, a month 

that turned out to mark several significant developments. On the 21st of April, the Scheutzes received 

the gold medal of the Paris Exposition from Prince 

Charles in ceremonies at the Royal Palace in Stockholm; still much later that month Scheutz was made 

a knight of the Order of Wasa. In the same week, the 

machine was the subject of discussion at the Paris 

Academy of Sciences. 

Babbage, a member of the academy, had transmitted his Observations (1856) to that body with a 

request that it examine the merits of the machine. 

The mathematician M. Chasles (1856) presented 

Babbage's paper. In the subsequent discussion, Leverrier praised the ability of the Scheutzes but expressed 

his reservations about the machine. Another noted 

mathematician, A. L. Cauchy, supported Leverrier's 

position. Charles Dupin (1784-1873), while being 

careful to acknowledge the superior merits of the 

observatory's calculators, spoke strongly in favor of 

encouraging the inventors to make further improvements on the machine and to promote the art of 

mechanic computation generally. Citing other examples from the recent history of technology, especially photography, Dupin argued that abandoning 

a new invention because it had not reached a desired 

state of perfection would have caused most innovations to fail. The aging mathematician concluded by 

reminding his fellow academicians that for them the 

greatest merit must be invention itself. Speaking for 

the acceptance of calculating machines in general 

he (Dupin, 1856:800) noted: 

Discoveries of genius must be received without worrying 

whether the new means are more or less expeditious than 

previously existing means. The parts where the contrived 

machines are inferior to established procedures must be 

regarded not as an obstacle before which one must stop, but 

as the obiect of further re.search and new discoveries. 

.Despite the academician's noble plea, it appeared 

that Leverrier's judgment would prevail on practical 

rr'-ounds. No director of an organization with established procedures and periodic deadlines seemed inclined to invite the disruption and delays that the 

introduction of the new calculating machine would 

bring with it. If there was any hope of putting the 

machine to work it lay elsewhere. 

For weeks, no Paris buyer appeared. In May, the 

emperor was visited by Prince Oscar of Sweden; together with the Archduke Ferdinand-Maximilian 

they toured the observatory. Edvard Scheutz had returned to Paris; but, despairing of finding a home 

for the machine there, he decided to try his luck in 

England, and so advised Bryan Donkin, asking Donkin what his chances might be. Donkin relayed the 

inquiry to Babbage. Charles Babbage had an answer. 

PURCHASE AND US E IN AMERICA 

While the efforts of Babbage, Donkin, and Gravatt 

had left Old World scientists debating the question 

whether a machine calculator should replace a team 

of human computers, there was more receptivity to 

the idea in the New World. Here, the subject of 

computation was one close to the hearts of a scientific 

community in which mathematical activities were 

geared almost exclusively to the needs of the navigator and the astronomer. The emphasis lay not so 

much on following established procedures as on finding new methods to solve given problems, and the 

young computer teams in institutions like the Nautical Almanac, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, or 

various observatories included many individuals with 

interests and aspirations that lay beyond routine 

computations. 

Babbage's New World Supporters 

Babbage's efforts had been followed with special 

interest by the small group of New England scientists 

that came to be known as the scientific Lazzaroni 

and was instrumental in determining the course of 

science in America. At least one of their members, 

the astronomer Benjamin Apthorp Gould (1824-

1896) (Figure 14) was personally acquainted with 

Charles Babbage. Babbage had explained his difference machine to Gould in 1845, when the young 

Harvard graduate had made his first trip to Europe. 

In 1851, Babbage and Gould again discussed the 

advantages of mechanical computation. Other members of the group had corresponded with Babbage and 

sought his advice on the question of occulting lights 

in lighthouses. At the 1853 meeting of the American 

Association for the Advancement of Science, at which 

a leader of the group. Harvard mathematician Benjamin Peirce (1804-1881), presided, a resolution 
NUMBER 36 23 

FIGURE 14.—Benjamin A. Gould. 

was adopted expressing "deep interest" in the completion of Babbage's analytic engine, 

believing that its results would be of high value in the 

present condition of applied mathematics and astronomy, 

and that the practical difficulties to be surmounted in its 

construction would tend in this, as in Mr. Babbage's difference engine, to the material advancement of the mechanic 

arts (AAAS, 1856: 143). 

A special 3-man committee, consisting of Peirce, 

Gould, and Alexander Dallas Bache (1806-1867), 

superintendent of the United States Coast Survey, 

was appointed to convey the sentiments of the association to Babbage. 

During the same period, the group of American 

Babbage supporters became involved in a new enterprise at Albany, New York. Here a new observatory 

(Figure 15), incorporated in 1852, was being built 

with subscription funds donated by a group of Albany citizens, supported by contributors from New 

York City, Boston, Providence, and the surrounding 

upstate New York area. At the 1855 meeting of the 

AAAS, Bache suggested to one of the trustees of the 

observatory that a cooperative arrangement be established with the United States Coast Survey. Under 

the proposed arrangement, the observatory was to 

purchase a heliometer, which the Survey needed but 

was unable to purchase; in return for its use the Survey was to furnish to the observatory a transit and 

a team of observers free of charge. This was agreed 

upon, and shortly thereafter, at the suggestion of 

Peirce, a scientific council was established for the 

observatory, consisting of Peirce, Bache, Gould, who 

was then in charge of longitude observations at the 

Coast Survey, and Joseph Henry, Secretary of the 

Smithsonian Institution. 

At the end of September 1855, Gould went to 

Europe to purchase instruments for the Dudley Observatory and the Coast Survey. Visiting the Paris 

Exposition, he met Babbage who showed him the 

Scheutz machine. He appears also to have met with 

Leverrier, recently appointed director of the Royal 

Observatory at Paris, for he subsequently referred to 

Leverrier's skepticism that a meridian circle could be 

built, completed, and delivered to America in time 

for the Dudley Observatory's inauguration in July 

1856, something the Berlin instrument-maker Albrecht 

Martins (1816-1871) promised to do. It is unlikely, 

however, that Leverrier's opinion impressed the 

American scientists at the time, as they had been at 

odds with the French astronomer since the dispute 

over the discover)^ of the planet Neptune in the 

1840s. Gould did not stay long in Paris, but proceeded to Germany where he contracted for a number 

of astronomical instruments, and returned home 

before year's end. 

Shortly thereafter, the head of another American 

scientific enterprise expressed interest in the Scheutz 

machine. He was Charles H. Davis (1807-1877), 

superintendent of the American Nautical Almanac. 

Work on the American Ephemeris and Nautical Almanac had been authorized in 1849. It was conducted 

in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where Benjamin 

Peirce, brother-in-law of Davis' wife, not only contributed to the formulation, computation, and solution of pertinent problems, but gave advice which 

served "to regulate the theoretical department of 

the work, especially as to new methods of computation" (U.S. Navy, 1856:479). In February 1856, 

following the appearance of the committee's report 

on the machine in the Proceedings of the Royal 

Society of London (1856a), Davis wrote to Stokes, 

asking him to transmit an inquiry concerning the 

machine to Scheutz. Noting that the machine as 
24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 15.—Dudley Observatory at Albany, New York, in the 1850s. 

described in the Royal Society's Proceedings was of 

great importance to the work of the Almanac Office, 

Davis requested drawings and further details of the 

machine, suggesting that perhaps someone should examine it on behalf of his office to consider its usefulness for aiding with the calculations of the 

ephemeris. Davis' letter was not transmitted to the 

Scheutzes until June, when Edvard was back in 

England. In the meantime, another letter had been 

received from America. It was from Benjamin Gould 

and it was addressed to Charles Babbage. 

Ejecting the Purchase 

Gould's letter, written on 28 April, was prompted 

by the visit in Europe of two Americans, traveling 

partly on behalf of the observatory at Albany (London, 1856, ms 37196:483^86). One, Charles 

Spencer (1813-1881), of lens-making fame, was 

charged with the construction of the heliometer for 

the observatory; the other, John E. Gavit (1817-

1874), an engraver interested in the production of 

postage stamps and bank notes, was to become a 

co-founder of the American Bank Note Company. 

In his letter, Gould, who had spent the intervening 

months since his return to the United States in the 

Mobile-New Orleans area on Coast, Survey business, 

introduced Spencer and Gavit to Babbage and asked 

that they be shown the Scheutz engine. His main 

purpose in writing was to elicit specific information 

from Babbage. Explaining that he had not had an 

opportunity to see the report published in the Royal 

Society's Proceedings, Gould asked about the capacity 

of the machine, the maximum number of differences 

that it could handle, the motive force required, the 

speed of operation, the form of the results—whether 

in matrices, in stereotype plates or printed on paper 

—and, in the first place, whether it was for sale and 

if so, for how much. 

These questions are in consequence of some consideration 

I have given the subject, with reference to its possible 

purchase or employment in the Dudley Observatory,—an 

idea which I have communicated to no one whomsoever, 

and which may not be feasible, although should further 

reflection lead in that direction, I should be inclined to use 

my best efforts to this end.—There are a great many 

auxiliary tables which it would compute admirably but I 

fear that its application otherwise would be restricted to the 

computation of approximate ephemerides, for newly dis-
NUMBER 36 25 

covered planets & comets,—with such subsidiary tables as 

might be required from time to time and which might be 

manually computed with not much greater trouble. If it 

were only an Analytical Engine!— 

Is there any way in which such an engine could be applied 

to the solution of equations of condition? 

I have been thinking too of the possibility of a machine 

which should receive in its hopper[?] the three observations 

(6 quantities) of a newly discovered heavenly body,—the 

three lines of observation & the six quantities which give the 

sun's right ascension & Distance,—making in all fifteen 

quantities;—and should give out the solution of an orbit 

by the Gaussian method, with excentricity (in character of 

the conic section).—I suppose the An. Engine might have 

been set to do this,—might it not?—Certainly the problem 

is not an impossible one,—for every operation is purely 

mechanical & may be represented geometrically. And the 

subsidiary quantities taken from the tables, may all be 

determined with absolute accuracy by a diff^e Engine.— 

You see the purport of my queries. It would be a source 

of legitimate & honorable pride to have first introduced this 

engine into practical usefulness.—But I fear much that its 

scope is not large enough to make its purchase a proper one 

to be strongly advocated at present. Will you please advise 

me? (Gould in London, 1856, ms 37196:483-486). 

When, on 28 May, Bryan Donkin asked Babbage 

for his opinion to answer Edvard Scheutz's request 

for advice on selling the machine, Babbage apprised 

him of the inquiry from America. Donkin in turn 

informed Scheutz that there was "a possibility of selling the machine for about £ 1000 to go to a foreign 

country (London, 1856, ms 37197:43). Edvard 

Scheutz replied promptly "I accept the sum . . .," a 

formulation that concerned Babbage momentarily 

since no firm offer had been made. (London, 1856, 

ms 37197:42). However, word was passed to Gould. 

In due time, following the formal inauguration 

ceremonies for the observatory in August, scheduled to coincide with the meeting of the AAAS taking place in Albany that year, he alerted the trustees 

to the availability of the calculator. 

J. H. Armsby, medical man, secretary of the Board 

of Trustees and chief promoter of observatory affairs, 

was impressed by Gould's account of the calculating 

machine. After some consideration of which observatory supporter would be worthy of having his name 

attached to the purchase, Armsby and his friend, 

the banker Thomas W. Olcott, agreed that $5000 

subscribed by John F. Rathbone of Albany should be 

diverted to this purchase. With Mr. Rathbone's 

consent, obtained early in November, this was done. 

On 7 November Gould expressed his pleasure to the 

trustees: 

In securing the calculating engine, I see the inauguration 

of a new era, for which the world will be indebted to Mr. 

Rathbone and the Dudley Observatory. The invention has 

long been made, and only the self-reliance was needed, 

which should induce an institution to adopt it, and put it 

into action. It is like the steamboat for navigation—the 

computer's locomotive (Albany, Dudley, Trustees, 1858: 

30). 

Fearing competition once word of their interest 

got out, Armsby and Olcott urged Gould to obtain 

an option on the machine and to proceed speedily 

and discreetly with the purchase, through Babbage 

if possible, so as to keep their identity a secret until 

the sale was confirmed (Gould, 1859:220-222). 

Negotiations proceeded successfully, so that in December 1856, Gould was able to send final instructions for consummating the purchase to Edvard 

Scheutz in London. George Peabody and Company 

in London had been advised to pay Scheutz £1000 

upon receipt of the bill of lading and a certificate 

from Scheutz and Donkin stating that the machine 

had been "securely and safely packed in good order." 

Gould had heard via Babbage that Scheutz was supervising the production of a set of tables, noting that it 

was "but fitting that . . . the first fruits of the engine, 

should be raised under your supervision and culled 

by your own hand" (London, 1856, ms 37197: 

136-137). He told of his own hopes for the machine, 

expressed his high regard for Scheutz, and closed 

with the request that any published remarks concerning the purchase should call attention to the 

fact that its use for the observatory at Albany had 

been made possible by "an enlightened and public 

spirited merchant of that city, John F. Rathbone, 

Esq., . . . who most cordially and readily embraced 

the suggestion and is one of those men whom it is a 

privilege to know and a joy to honor" (London, 

1856, ms 37197:136-137). 

The Calculator at Work 

In the meantime the machine had returned to 

London. Edvard Scheutz had spent June and July 

of 1856 shuttling between Paris and London. By the 

end of July, Gravatt reported that the calculating 

machine was ensconced at his home, and that Edvard, 

delayed by illness, had just arrived. There followed 

another period of intense activity, during which 

Gravatt and Scheutz had the machine produce a 

variety of sample tables for publication, Donkin and 

Scheutz prepared for the construction of a second 
26 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

machine, and all three men negotiated with appropriate government officials, including Prince Albert, 

for the purchase of this second machine. Babbage 

advised all concerned on these projects, and arranged 

to have the specimen tables printed by the firm of 

Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans and Roberts. 

First proofs of the tables were ready before spring. 

They included the logarithms of the natural numbers from 1 to 1000 to five decimal places, as well as 

selected samples of other tables, displaying values 

of fourth degree polynomials, life-assurance, ordnance, and astronomical functions. 

At the end of January 1857, the machine was exhibited in the library of the Institution of Civil 

Engineers (1857a), where Babbage and Gravatt 

explained it to the members after a meeting of 27 

January. They also displayed a portion of the logarithm table that it had produced, again stressing both 

the speed of its operation and the avoidance of errors. 

Other proofs of the tables to be printed were ready 

before spring. Gravatt supplied an explanation of 

the operation and setting up of the machine, which 

was prefixed to the tables (Appendix II). An anonymous historical introduction, based on information 

supplied by the chief participants and by correspondents of Babbage, appears to have been compiled by 

Babbage. Despite some errors and inaccuracies it 

became the main source of information about the 

history of the machine. The entire publication was 

dedicated to Babbage "by his sincere admirers, Georg 

and Edward [sic] Scheutz." Copies of the work 

were autographed by Edvard Scheutz and distributed 

internationally, a fact that caused the publication to 

be attributed to the Scheutzes (Figure 16a,&). 

While the publication of the Specimens was being 

completed, the machine itself traveled to America. 

It arrived in Albany in April 1857. Gould who was 

still residing in Cambridge, Massachusetts, made it 

the subject of an address at the next monthly meeting 

of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, not 

failing to link it with Babbage's work. However, the 

machine was not unpacked until the following winter, 

when Gould established residence in Albany. The 

delay was caused by Gould's unwillingness to start 

active operation of the observatory until he had 

means at his disposal "to assure continuity, reduction 

and publication" of observations. In January 1858, 

at the instigation of Bache, the Board of Trustees 

put him in charge of the observatory. By that time, 

Gould had yielded to local pressure, and resigned 

himself to the fact that he and his assistants would 

continue to earn their bread by longitude determinations for the Coast Survey while starting the 

observatory on their own time (Gould, 1858c: 54). 

Gould apparently hoped that the machine could be 

used to produce some revenue for the observatory, 

for in March he requested permission from the Board 

of Trustees to set aside income derived from the use 

of the machine for increasing the amount of allowable incidental expenses, such as fuel, lighting, stationery, and furniture. Gould's technical assistant 

reported to the Scientific Council that the machine 

could be maintained for approximately $28 per 

annum, and that even in case of a repair the yearly 

expenditure should be under $120. 

Two objectionable features of the machine's operation soon became apparent. One was the introduction from time to time of a computational error, 

presumably caused by the malfunctioning of one of 

the traps. While corrections could easily be made 

when an error was discovered, there appeared to be 

no way of eliminating the malfunction. The other 

drawback was an occasional error in the printing 

part of the mechanism, which Gould hoped to eliminate (Albany, Dudley, Scientific, 1858:74). Nevertheless, Gould derived the necessary formulas for 

setting up the machine and turned over the subsequent preliminary computations and operation of the 

machine to one of his assistants. 

It appears that, once started, work with the machine proceeded fairly rapidly. Gould requested and 

received an appropriation of $200 from the Board 

of Trustees for putting the machine in order. As it 

turned out, however, he chose not to use this money, 

finding that he could place the machine in operation 

with minor work at minimum expense. In a report 

made the following year, Gould noted that no specific instructions had come with the machine, the 

only explanation consisting of a set of drawings and 

a letter of Edvard Scheutz, explaining the procedure 

of converting the machine from operation in one 

number system to another. After a thorough cleaning 

of the machine and some test runs, the machine was 

put to work (Gould, 1859:141-142) : 

The strictly algebraic problems for feeding the machine 

made quite as heavy demands upon time, and thought, and 

perseverance, as did the problem of regulating its mechanical action; but all was soon in operation, and by the aid of 

my zealous and enthusiastic assistants, Messrs. Batchelder 

and Searle, the True Anomaly of Mars was computed and 

stereotyped for intervals of a tenth of a day throughout 
NUMBER 36 27 

TO 

CHARLES BABBAGE, ESQ., F.R.S., 

&c. &c. &c., 

THESE PAGES ARE DEDICATED, 

BY HIS SINCERE ADMIRERS, 

(IKORGE AND EDWARD SCHEUTZ. 

<<^^^^>'^y^ .^^< /i^^.^55V> t.^>:y-Z-^--^^i''*!^<<r...-^€^, 

/ . 

"^A 

•f ^/x^<^ ^^•^-^^^^^'^^^r.^^.i^jtir 

^^yr //"r^/^sy 

FIGURE 16.—Dedication and autograph from the Specimens 

(top: SI photo 74-7805; bottom: SI photo 74-7806). 

the cycle; and a sufficient number of the plates electrotyped, 

to enable me to be confident that all difficulties were surmounted. Since that time the Eccentric Anomaly of Mars, 

and the logarithm of its Radius-Vector have been computed 

and stereotyped by the machine in like manner, for the 

same interval, making a series of tables upon which the 

reputation of the engine may well be rested. 

This description of the first "real" work done by the 

machine omits one important detail, which assumes 

historic significance: The sponsorship of the Mars 

tables marks the first contractual commitment by the 

United States government for machine-produced 

printed computations. 

A Government Contract 

In his letter of December 1856 to Edvard Scheutz 

finalizing the purchase arrangements, Gould had al-
28 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

luded to the possibility of applying the machine to the 

computation of ephemerides in the Nautical Almanac. Davis and Gould had discussed the need for 

work on the orbit of Mars long before this. Gould 

had turned down an offer to perform this work for 

the Almanac in October 1849, during the first year 

of the Almanac Office's operation, explaining that 

he had no time, especially for anything "entailing 

such purely mechanical labors." Davis, who had 

shown early interest in the machine, was succeeded 

as superintendent of the Nautical Almanac by Joseph 

Winlock (1826-1875) in 1857. Arrangements between the Nautical Almanac Office and Gould were 

agreed upon during the fiscal year 1857-1858, and 

Gould reported his readiness to proceed with the 

Mars tables in April 1858. On 1 May Winlock replied : 

I am surprised to find that you are getting on so rapidly 

with the machine. It will not be necessary to change it so 

that it will give numbers for .2 of the argument. On the 

contrary it is very desirable that the argument should proceed decimally for which purpose the unit must be 2 days 

instead of one. If I had supposed you were so nearly ready 

to begin with the actual computation of the Tables I might 

have added some remarks but you must not wait for anything if your own ideas are clear. The anomaly should be 

diminished by the constant 2'30"0 or 2'10"0 to make room 

for the perturbations (Washington, National Archives, 

1858(2): 133-134). 

Winlock instructed Gould to present monthly vouchers to the office for services rendered by Gould's 

assistant Batchelder in conjunction with this project. 

On 8 August, Winlock acknowledged to Batchelder 

receipt of the machine plates and requested a meeting prior to their electrotyping. This was to be done 

through the publisher Weld, to whom some of the 

plates had been transmitted already. 

In his annual report to the Secretary of the Navy, 

dated 11 September 1858, Winlock summarized the 

project as follows (U.S. Navy, 1858:441) : 

In addition to the preparation of the annual volumes, as 

much labor has been bestowed on the improvement of the 

planetary tables and methods of computation as could be 

spared without interfering with other departments of the 

work. One of the most important of the elliptic tables of the 

planet Mars has been computed by the calculating engine 

of the Dudley Observatory, at Albany. The computations 

have been made, and the results printed on lead plates, by 

the machine. The object has been to ascertain, by a trial 

that would involve a very small expense, whether this 

extraordinary instrument could be employed with advantage 

on the work of preparing the Nautical Almanac. A complete 

report has not been received from the director of the 

observatory, who has had charge of these computations, but 

the result thus far has not been such as to demonstrate to 

my satisfaction that any considerable portion of the 

Almanac can be computed more economically by this machine than by the ordinary methods, or that it would be 

expedient to continue, at present, the trial further than the 

completion of the tables already begun. At the same time, 

what has been done may justly be regarded as a wonderful 

triumph of ingenuity; and the encouragement that it 

affords to the hope that the immense labor of astronomical 

calculations may be materially diminished by the aid of 

machinery would render it in the highest degree desirable 

that some special provision should be made for improving 

and fairly testing the powers of this machine, which offers 

much greater promise of success than any that has yet been 

tried. 

Winlock's judicious assessment left open the door 

for further special projects in which the machine 

could be employed and improved, while the routine 

work of the office proceeded as before. Neither the 

Nautical Almanac Office nor other agencies were 

to pursue this course. The reason for this failure is 

attributable to events in Albany. 

On the date that Winlock wrote his report to the 

Secretary of the Navy, noting that he had not yet 

received a full report from the Director of the Observatory, this observatory no longer had a director. 

As the result of mounting friction between Gould 

and the Scientific Council on one side, and certain 

members of the Board of Trustees, led by Olcott and 

Armsby, on the other, the board had fired Gould on 

3 July. On the surface, the conflict appears to have 

centered on the question of whether the observatory 

was to be under the control of the out-of-town 

scientists represented by the Scientific Council, or 

the citizens of Albany, represented by the Board of 

Trustees. In fact, more complex issues were involved, 

including factional differences among the Albany 

citizenry. The bitter arguments, in which the purchase of the Scheutz machine played a role, led to a 

sequence of published charges and countercharges. 

Important for the history of mechanical computation 

is the fact that this quarrel put an end to the program Gould had envisioned for the machine. He and 

his Coast Survey assistants continued to reside and 

work at the observatory for six months before being 

physically evicted in January 1859. When they left 

Albany, the calculator remained. 

Propagation of Recording Calculators 

While in America disputes stalled further use of 
NUMBER 36 29 

FIGURE 17.—Sample printouts from computations of refraction tables at the Dudley 

Observatory, Albany. (Courtesy of Dudley Observatory) 

the machine, in England a second Scheutz difference 

machine was being put to work. It was followed by 

a sporadic sequence of printing and listing machines, 

until, by the end of the century, printing calculators 

were no longer a novelty. 

DIFFERENCE MACHINES 

In 1856, when Edvard Scheutz and Bryan Donkin 

had sought an English buyer for a second difference 

engine, they had found a supporter in William Farr 

(1807-1883), superintendent of the General Register Office. One of England's foremost statisticians, 

he prepared, among other things, more than 40 volumes of Reports of Births, Deaths and Marriages. In 

the 1850s he was engaged in work that was to result 

in one of his major achievements: The English Life 

Tables (Great Britain, 1864). Based on the registration of births and deaths between 1838 and 1854, as 

well as census figures of the population in England 

and Wales in 1841 and 1851, it involved a large 

number of computations—nearly 6.5 million deaths, 

sorted by age, were included. The tables were designed to show life annuities, broken down for single 

lives and for two lives, with formulas for computing 

them for any number of lives. These in turn were 

arranged by various combinations of age and sex. 

Noting that the tables could be computed by series 

using difference methods, it was brought to the attention of the Registrar General that this work 

could be done by machine. An example of a table 

of male life expectancy had been included in the 

Specimens computed and printed by the first Scheutz 

machine. The Registrar General, supported by the 

Astronomer Royal, passed the request on to the Sec-
30 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

retary of State for the Home Department. As a result, the English government contracted for a machine, which Scheutz and Donkin offered to build 

for £1200. 

The Scheutz-Donkin calculator followed the basic 

construction of the first machine, although it differed 

in some details. According to Bryan Donkin, as cited 

by Farr (in Great Britain, 1864:cxl), the machine 

consisted of "about 4,320 [sic] pieces, of which 

2,054 are screws, 364 composed the chain, and 902 

are other parts of the mechanism. The weight of the 

machine . . . is . . . about 10 cwt." Like the first 

machine, this one handled 15-place numbers to 4 

orders of differences and could transmit 8 places to 

the printing mechanism. There were variations in 

design between it and its predecessor, the most obvious one being a slight rearrangement of the drive 

transfer mechanism (Figure 18). 

The first tables calculated and stereotyped on the 

new machines were a set of mountain barometer 

tables, designed to help determine the difference in 

the level of two stations, based on readings at both 

stations of the height of the barometer, the temperature of the mercury and the air in the shade. As 

noted by William Gravatt (1862), they could be 

used not only to determine the height of mountains, 

but to determine the depth of mines. Gravatt, who 

had been elected a member of the Swedish Academy 

of Sciences in October 1858, had set up the tables 

and accompanied their publication in 1859 and 

1862 with a short explanation. 

The major work for which the machine had been 

ilium 

FIGURE 18.—The Scheutz-Donkin calculator. (SI photo 74-7810) 
NUMBER 36 31 

purchased, Farr's Life Tables, appeared in 1864 

(Figure 19). Farr accompanied it with a brief discussion of the machine and a description of its use 

in forming one of the tables. The work for this project had been conducted at Somerset House. Clearly, 

considerable human effort had accompanied that of 

the machine. Farr's account mirrored that of Gould 

and his assistants in Albany. First, the machine had 

had to be readjusted after transportation from the 

Donkin factory. At the beginning of each computation, the differences had to be set manually; results 

had to be checked; errors, caused by the occasional 

slippage of parts, had to be corrected, and the parts 

re-set. Of the major portions of the machine, the 

printing apparatus was again said to require the most 

improvement. Nevertheless, Farr felt that the machine had lived up to expectation. He summarized 

(in Great Britain, 1864:cxliii) the problems by noting that "it is a delicate instrument, and requires considerable skill in manipulation ... . It approaches 

infallibility in certain respects, but it is not infallible, 

except in very skilfuU hands." 

While work on the tables was in progress, preparations were made for the Industrial Exhibition to be 

held in London in 1862. Portions of Babbage's difference engine were to be shown, and Babbage wished 

to have the Scheutz No. 2 machine included as well. 

A description of the machine was sent, along with 

samples of its work, of the stereotyped plates, and of 

papier-mache molds, stamped by its printing apparatus. Farr and his associates, however, demurred to 

the suggestion that their entire activities be transferred to the exhibition hall. Justifying his refusal 

to move the machine, Farr made two basic points: 

First, he noted that enough time had passed during 

which machines had been shown off in public displays to acquaint the public with the concept of a 

mechanical calculator. Second, there still were no 

criteria to determine the practical usefulness of such 

devices; only by doing "real" work would actual 

error and cost comparisons between human and 

mechanical labor be obtained. The environment of 

an exhibition, with "the possible clang of musical 

instruments, discordant sounds, or noises in the ears 

of the operators" (in Great Britain, 1864:cxl) was 

not likely to benefit such an endeavor. He continued: 

FIGURE 19.—Stereomolds of life tables produced by Scheutz-Donkin calculator in 1864 by 

William Farr. (British Crown copyright; courtesy Science Museum, London) 
32 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Of the first watch nothing is known, but the first steamengine was indisputably imperfect; and here we had to do 

with the second Calculating Machine as it came from the 

designs of its constructors and from the workshop of the 

engineer. The idea had been as beautifully embodied in 

metal by Mr. Bryan Donkin as it had been conceived by the 

genius of its inventors; but it was untried. So its work had 

to be watched with anxiety, and its arithmetical music had 

to be elicited by frequent tuning and skilful handling, in the 

quiet most congenial to such productions. 

After completion of the Life Tables, which marked 

the high point of the careers of Farr and of the 

Scheutz No. 2 machine, it remained at the General 

Register Office until it was given to the Science 

Museum in London (South Kensington) in 1914. 

Donkin and Edvard Scheutz failed in their efforts 

to find further buyers for difference machines, 

which, after taking a loss on the construction of the 

No. 2 machine, they offered to produce at wholesale 

discounts for £ 2000 apiece. Nevertheless, and despite 

their limited accessibility, the two Scheutz machines 

received considerable publicity, and for a while were 

identified with the concept of calculating machines. 

For example, readers of certain popular Englishlanguage encyclopedias in the 1860s, desirous to 

learn about calculating machines, might read that "a 

machine of this kind is in use at the Dudley Observatory in Albany. It is is the only one ever completed" (Calculating Machine, 1865:172). In another work giving an account of contemporary calculators, they were informed that the Scheutz machine 

was "the most important calculating machine that 

has ever been actually finished" (Calculating Machine, 1866:137). In midst of a lengthy account, 

based largely on the 1854 patent and Babbage's 

writings, they also read that a second machine in 

England "has been for some time actually at work 

in computing tables for the Nautical Almanack, and 

some other purposes" (Calculating Machines, 

1866:137). Despite factual errors, such accounts 

helped to keep alive interest in mechanical calculation 

generally, and in difference machines in particular. 

At least two more nineteenth century machines 

may be singled out as having been inspired by the 

Scheutz effort. They were the difference machines 

of Martin Wiberg in Sweden and of George B. 

Grant in the United States. 

For financial reasons, Martin Wiberg (1826-

1905) had turned from the study of medicine to 

that of science and received a doctoral degree from 

the University of Lund in 1850 (Figure 20). AtFIGURE 20.—Martin Wiberg and his difference engine. 

tuned to the technological progress of the times, he 

wished to develop a composing machine. To raise 

money for this venture, he decided to publish a set 

of interest tables, hoping to use the Scheutz machine 

for computing and printing these. When it was sold 

to the Dudley Observatory, his attention turned to 

the construction of his own calculating machine. He 

was particularly intrigued by the challenge of building a machine that would be smaller than that of the 

Scheutzes. 

With the support of a group of influential Swedes, 

including the future King Oscar ii, then duke of 

Ostergotland, a company was formed under whose 

auspices the tables were to be created. A successful 

desk-size machine was built and the interest tables 

appeared in 1860. For this work, Wiberg was 

awarded 8000 kronen by the Swedish government, 

received several medals and awards, was noticed by 

Napoleon iii, and praised by the prominent marine 

engineer John Ericsson. The machine was brought 

to the attention of the French Academy of Sciences, 

where it received favorable notice, and was described in a report by Mathieu, Chasles, and De-
NUMBER 36 33 

launay. The machine had the same capacity as those 

of the Scheutzes; it could compute fourth differences 

of 15-digit numbers. Instead of the rectangular array 

of number wheels that had characterized the Scheutz 

machines, however, Wiberg's calculator was made 

more compact by substituting identical metal disks 

for the counting wheels used by Babbage and Scheutz, 

and by arranging these linearly along a common 

axis (Figure 21). This meant that 75 disks were 

arranged in 15 groups of 5, each group corresponding 

to the tabular values and the first, second, third, and 

fourth difference, arranged from left to right. A 

second axis, parallel to the first, carried 30 hooks 

which could cause as many of the disks to be acted 

upon at the same time, making possible the simultaneous addition of two sets of 15-digit figures. Thus, 

one of the operating features of the Scheutz machine had been preserved: one turn of the crank 

caused even differences to be added, another turn, 

odd ones; carrying was again effected separately, 

after the rest of the addition had been completed. 

Results were once more impressed on lead or papiermache, from which stereotype plates could be produced. The academy's reporting committee (1863) 

stressed that the machine could do nothing that the 

Scheutz machine had not done, but commended it 

for its efficient mechanical construction, which had 

led to a substantial saving of space and utmost reliability. 

Wiberg was to become a prolific inventor, whose 

contributions ranged from mechanical letterboxes, 

heating devices for railroad carriage components, 

speed controls, match-manufacturing machines to 

self-propelled torpedoes, and automatic breechloading weapons, to name just a few. His calculator 

became especially well known through a set of 

logarithm tables, which included logarithms of the 

trigonometric functions, and appeared in 1875. It 

was published in Swedish, German, French and 

English editions, appearing in 1876, in time to be 

included among Sweden's contributions to the International "Centennial" Exposition held at Philadelphia that year, where it joined his "bull-dog apparatus" for deep-sea sounding and railway control 

device. 

The Philadelphia Exposition featured another calculator derived from the Scheutz machine. That was 

the difference engine of G. B. Grant. 

George Barnard Grant (1849-1917) was the son 

of a Maine shipbuilder (Figure 22). Of seventeenth 

century New England stock, he attended Bridgton 

Academy in Maine and the Chandler Scientific 

FIGURE 21.—Wiberg difference engine. (Courtesy Tekniska Museet, Stockholm) 
34 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 22.—a, George Barnard Grant; b. Grant's ticket 

for the 1876 Centennial Exposition. 

School at Dartmouth College before entering the 

Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard, where he 

obtained his baccalaureate degree in 1873. Grant's 

first attempts to construct mechanical calculators 

were made while at the Lawrence Scientific School. 

According to his own testimony (1871), his interest 

in the subject was aroused while he was computing 

a table for excavations and embankments; but he 

became discouraged with his initial efforts when he 

realized the subject was more difficult than he had 

anticipated. In 1870, however, he heard of the Babbage difference engine and proceeded to design one 

himself. Upon meeting with skepticism concerning 

the workability of his design, he again laid it aside. 

He was aroused to resume work on the project 

when Wolcott Gibbs inquired about his progress 

and encouraged him to pursue it further. Grant was 

in the right place: His major supporter, Wolcott 

Gibbs (1822-1908), since 1863 Rumford Professor 

of Chemistry at Harvard, was a member of that 

circle of scientists whose older leaders had supported 

Gould and his endeavors at Albany. Henry Lawrence 

Eustis (1819-1885), professor of engineering, who 

became Dean of the Lawrence School in 1871, approved and helped the project. Another supporter 

was Joseph Winlock, now director of the Harvard 

College Observatory, who when head of the Nautical 

Almanac had approved the work done on the 

Scheutz machine for that office. John M. Batchelder, 

who had operated the Scheutz machine at Albany 

as one of Gould's Coast Survey assistants, was in 

Cambridge, ready to advise Grant, Benjamin Peirce, 

now superintendent of the Coast Survey, furnished 

financial support for the construction of a small 

model. 

Grant described the design represented in this 

model in the August 1871 issue of the American 

Journal of Science. The publication included references to several accounts of the Babbage and Scheutz 

difference engines, such as Lardner's detailed 1834 

Edinburgh Review discussion of the Babbage machine, the 1854 British patent specifications of the 

Scheutz machine, and some of Babbage's own writings dealing with both machines. The version of the 

machine described in this 1871 article had numerous 

features in common with the Scheutz machine. Thus, 
NUMBER 36 35 

it too was designed to print by stamping the result 

on a sheet suitable for stereotyping. Grant did not 

describe the printing mechanism, beyond observing 

that "it contains nothing new of importance," 

Again there was a set of number wheels. As in 

Wiberg's machine, their arrangement differed from 

that in the Scheutz machine by being purely linear. 

For a maximum capacity of n digits per number, 

there were n sets of these wheels, each using m 

wheels if the m-lst difference was constant. All these 

wheels were arranged along a common axis. Again, 

odd orders of differences were added simultaneously 

in one operation, even ones in the next. 

Following this publication, Grant continued to 

occupy himself with the problem of mechanical calculation. Aside from reading widely in the existing 

literature—particularly the patent literature—he 

worked on desk calculator designs and by the time 

of his graduation from the Lawrence School had 

obtained two calculating machine patents. Upon his 

graduation, his scientific benefactors supported the 

further development of the difference engine. In 

1874 the Boston Thursday Club raised a subscription 

for the construction of a large-scale model, which 

was supplemented by a substantial support from 

Fairman Rogers of Philadelphia. A note dated 3 

May 1874 from Rogers to Wolcott Gibbs sheds additional light on the interest taken in the project 

(Philadelphia, 1874) : 

I spent nearly all day yesterday with Mr. Grant, here and 

at Sellers' place. 

We went over the difference engine thoroughly and concluded that the proper thing to do would be for Mr. Grant 

to make or have made in Boston under his own eye a 

machine or working model which will suffice to show the 

working of the apparatus and which would point out what 

practical changes might have to be made before commencing to make machines on a larger scale—The templates or 

"jigs" required to make all the pieces alike are the most 

expensive part of the propositions and the pins should be 

carefully settled upon by previous experiment before the 

templates are made. 

If, as I understand, the $750 subscribed is applicable to 

this purpose Mr. Grant could go on immediately with his 

model. I will very gladly add my share to the amount. 

Rogers not only supported construction of the 

machine, but saw to it that Grant exhibited the 

machine at the 1876 Centennial International Exhibition at Philadelphia (Figure 23), along with a 

small general-purpose calculator. The difference 

machine was approximately 2.5 meters long and 1.5 

meters high. It could be manually operated or connected to a power source. It was said to calculate 10 

to 12 terms per minute when hand-cranked and to 

compute more than double that amount when 

power-driven; small sections of it had been tested at 

even higher speeds. Grant emphasized the flexibility 

of the machine, which allowed any number of 

wheels of the k-th order of differences to be added 

to any wheel of the k-f 1-st order. An important distinction between this difference machine and the 

model described in 1871 lay in the arrangement of 

the number wheels. It was again linear. But in the 

1871 model the wheels had been grouped by placefigures, all the lowest decimal values being grouped 

together, then the next highest decimal value, etc. 

Within each such group appeared first the appropriate digit of the tabular value, then the corresponding one of the first order of differences, then that 

of the second order, and so on. Now the numbers 

were regrouped: all digits of the tabular value came 

first, then those of the first difference, then the 

second, etc. As a result, the carry mechanism, which 

was closely related to one covered by Grant's generalpurpose calculator patents, was simplified. The printing apparatus connected ten of the tabular function 

wheels with corresponding die-plates holding waxmolds for subsequent electrotyping. 

Despite some publicity and favorable notices at 

the time of the exhibition, the difference machine 

soon faded into relative obscurity. Grant continued 

working on mechanical calculators. In the decades 

that followed, he invented a second small all-purpose 

calculator,, won some awards, and sold a few of his 

machines. He became best known, however, for 

establishing a business that was a derivative of his 

experimentation with mechanical calculators. Just 

as Babbage's needs had led to advances in precisiontool and parts manufacture in England, and Donkin's 

requirements for the second Scheutz machine caused 

him to develop new production techniques, so Grant 

discovered that, to obtain gears of the accuracy required for his calculators, he had to cut his ov^oi 

gears. Having hand-cut those on his early models, he 

established a gear-cutting machine shop in Charlestown, Massachusetts, soon after his graduation in 

1873, As this business expanded, he moved it to 

Boston and named it the Grant Gear Works. From 

this extremely successful establishment sprang the 

Philadelphia Gear Works and the Cleveland Gear 

Works. Whereas the Grant Gear Works continued 

to flourish after Grant's death in 1917, his difference 
36 

SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 23.—Grant difference machine at the 1876 Centennial Exhibition. 

(SI photo 60955-K) 
NUMBER 36 37 

engine, sent back to Philadelphia in the 1890s, had 

assumed the status of an antiquated curiosity. 

GENERAL PURPOSE MACHINES 

In the 1870s, a new trend in calculator design 

had set in. Attempts to arouse interest in large-scale 

difference machines in the 1870s and 1880s were 

unsuccessful. Advances in the design of printing calculators henceforth followed a direction different 

from that marked by Babbage, Scheutz, Wiberg, and 

Grant. Their difference machines had been specialpurpose scientific calculators. Now a successful series 

of printing calculators emerged that was designed for 

more traditional, general-purpose use. Although mechanical desk calculators had been developing slowly 

ever since the seventeenth century, few had been 

produced by the time the Scheutz machine was introduced. However, the fine craftsmanship of eighteenth 

century artisans like Philipp Matthaus Hahn (1739-

1790) had shown the technological feasibility of the 

concepts propagated by Blaise Pascal and Gottfried 

Wilhelm Leibniz during the seventeenth century. 

Whereas the adding machines designed by Pascal 

had entertained heads of state and of scientific societies, the general-purpose calculators of the early 

nineteenth century were viewed with increasing 

interest by heads of insurance companies. One of 

these, Charles Xavier Thomas (1785-1870) developed the first commercially successful calculator in 

France, By 1876, more than 1200 of his arithmometers had been produced. Though a Thomas 

arithmometer had lost against the Scheutz machine 

in the award of medals at the 1855 exposition, these 

stepped-drum machines, designed to carry out the 

four basic arithmetic operations, effecting multiplication by repeated addition through the use of a 

moveable carriage, had the advantage of wide applicability over difference machines. 

During the nineteenth century, more and more 

inventors turned to the design of such machines. By 

the 1870s, the concepts of the stylus-operated adding 

machine and the stepped-drum general purpose calculator were supplemented by key-driven adding 

machines and pinwheel-operated multiplying machines. Emphasis, for the most part, lay in facilitating multiplication and division; the motivation of 

producing error-free printed records of results was 

less strong among most inventors than it had been 

with Babbage, Scheutz, and Wiberg. Concurrently 

with the development of practicable typewriters, 

however, a new trend appeared. In 1872 Edmund 

D. Barbour obtained a U. S, patent for a printing 

calculator. By 1890, Dorr E. Felt, inventor of the 

comptometer, had patented and was selling his 

printing version of that machine, the comptograph 

(Figure 24). This device, a key-driven full-keyboard 

machine, recorded results by typing them on a paper 

roll. It soon gave way to its great competitor, the 

Burroughs adding machine, which in the twentieth 

century was to become the most successful fullkeyboard listing machine (Figure 25), Banks and 

insurance companies had led the way in adopting 

listing machines for daily use; but they soon became 

a commonplace in businesses of all kinds, and the 

names of Burroughs, Wales, Universal, Dalton, Ellis, 

Underwood, and Sundstrand were familiar to business men who, by 1920, could choose among full 

keyboard, 10-key keyboard, or adding-typewriter 

combinations. 

Once the use of general-purpose listing calculators 

had become widespread, it was understandable that 

those interested in building on the Babbage-Scheutz 

example of aiding the table-maker with a mechanical 

device should turn to these machines. In a frequently 

cited early effort to adapt a general-purpose calculator to scientific computation, T. C. Hudson used a 

Burroughs machine for numerical integration in 

the British Nautical Almanac Office in 1914. The 

practices in that office provide a good illustration of 

changing techniques: Until the 1920s, logarithm 

tables constituted the chief aid to the human computers employed by the British Almanac. During the 

twenties, mechanical calculators became more common. For computation involving difference methods 

L. J. Comrie in 1928 used the same machine that had 

aided Hudson 14 years before. It was then replaced 

by a similar machine with an additional register, 

which computed and printed 1,200,000 function values in one year. This in turn was superseded by a 

multiple-register National accounting machine. With 

the observation that accounting machines enabled direct transfer of input from any one register to any 

other register in the machine, these machines soon 

became a favorite for difference method use, as ordinary listing machines required intermediate steps to 

effect equivalent transfers. In some places unsuccessful 

efforts were made to devise difference machines by 

attaching several like desk calculators to a common 

drive-shaft. 
38 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 24.—Comptograph of the 1890s, (SI photo P63-

182; NMHT 273036) 

FIGURE 25.—Burroughs full keyboard adding machine of the 

1890s. (SI photo 58996G; NMHT 292398) 

A new opportunity for difference calculations presented itself when, in the early 1930s, punch-card 

systems incorporated inter-register transfers. With 

that development, punch-card machines, which had 

steadily widened their range of application since first 

being put to major use in the United States Census 

of 1890, were utilized for differencing in the British 

Nautical Almanac Office, in the Columbia University Astronomical Computing Laboratory, and in 

other institutions. One hundred years after Scheutz 

had read of Babbage's technique for table computation, the same technique—including the trick of 

simultaneously adding first the even, then the odd 

differences—was utilized in punch card systems. 

Scheutz's machine did not involve the use of punch 

cards, which had been advocated by Babbage for 

control of his automatic computer, the "Analytical 

Engine." When, in the 1940s, the analytical engine 

became a reality with the completion of generalpurpose digital automatic computers, the first such 

machine to become operational (Aiken-IBM Automatic Sequence Controlled Calculator at Harvard 

University) used techniques of register transfer that 

owed much to the century-long efforts of machineaided table computation (Figure 26). The problems 

besetting the twentieth-century pioneers of automatic 

computers as their machines calculated and printed 

mathematical tables were reminiscent of those that 

had plagued the operators of the Scheutz machine: 

manual input of initial data and constants, the need 

for error-checks, periodic "de-bugging," faulty 

printers. Except for a newly coined expression or 

two, these complaints had been familiar to Scheutz, 

Gravatt, Donkin, Gould, and Farr. Their twentiethcentury successors had the benefit of continuity of 

effort. In part, at least, this gave them a better 

chance to overcome the problems of the past. 

Epilogue 

Only one of the men who collaborated in creating 

and promoting the Scheutz machine lived to see the 

concept of a printing calculator translated into commercial reality. None participated in the subsequent 

events that led to the establishment of a worldwide 

industry. How did they conclude their lives? 

Georg Scheutz was 70 years old when he received 

the gold medal of the Paris Exposition; but he had 

not come home to retire. In December 1854, Per 
NUMBER 36 39 

FIGURE 26.—The Aiken-IBM Automatic Sequence Controlled Calculator, Mark I. 

(SI photo 55754) 

Ambjorn Sparre had been awarded the contract to 

print Sweden's first postage stamps. He supervised 

this operation for only a short time, asking Georg 

Scheutz in 1856 to take charge of the postage stamp 

production. This was to provide Sparre with an opportunity to travel abroad. Sparre's travels became 

more frequent, however, as his business interests 

spread, so that for practical purposes Georg Scheutz 

was in charge of the printing establishment. From 

then until his retirement in 1870, when he was 84, 

it was Scheutz who was responsible for the design 

and production of Sweden's stamp issues. This did 

not occupy him exclusively, however. He never ceased 

his writing activities. In 1853, the year that the 

machine had been completed, his translation of 

Liebig's Chemical Correspondence had appeared. In 

1854, he produced a translation of Arago's writings, 

with an introduction by Alexander von Humboldt. 

During the next decade Scheutz issued editions and 

translations of handbooks for distillers, merchants, 

manufacturers, artisans, and industrialists. At this 

time, he also authored a rather popular work on 

natural history, and translations of several novels 

by M. E. Braddon. In 1864, 55 years after his translation of Zimmermann's work, he produced a translation of the English traveler Thomas Woodbine 

Hinchliff's account of Brazil. In the last year of 

his life appeared the last volume of his translation 

of Wagner's Rom, published by L. J. Hierta. It was 

an appropriate conclusion to a publishing career that 

had been inspired by tales of Mediterranean lands 

heard as a boy. 

His countrymen had not neglected to honor the 

energetic old man. In 1860 the Riksdag voted him a 

lifelong pension of 1200 riksdollar. In December 

1872, less than five months before his death, the 

Swedish Academy of Sciences awarded him the Carl 

Johan Prize, citing his contributions to literature, in 

particular his success in "clothing Shakespeare in 

Swedish dress," as well as his lifelong publishing 

activities, "not to be negated by his having made a 

respected name for himself in a field that lies outside the limits of belles-lettres" (Bergstedt, 1878:172-

173), 
40 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Edvard Scheutz, who had worked closely with 

Donkin during the construction of the second machine and the search for additional buyers, nevertheless did not pursue the subject after his return to 

Sweden. Instead, he established himself as a civil 

engineer. He ran the printing establishment for two 

years after his father's retirement, until Sparre's government contract expired; but he is best known as 

inventor of a steam engine that proved useful in 

steamboat construction. Not having inherited his 

father's constitution, he died in January 1881, aged 

59. 

Sparre and Bergstrom likewise pursued courses that 

led them away from calculating and printing mechanisms. Sparre, who continued to concern himself 

with postage stamp production for some years, found 

an invention dealing with cardboard cartridge production more profitable during the Franco-Prussian 

War. Having been received into the Legion of Honor, 

he subsequently lost most of his earnings in trials 

at which he was accused of being a German spy. 

Though exonerated, the experience seems to have 

cast a shadow on his later career. He spent the rest 

of his life primarily in Italy and France, dying in 

Paris in 1921 at age 92. Sparre was perhaps the 

only one of the promoters of the Scheutz machine 

who knew at the time of his death that printing 

calculators had become a familiar and accepted 

product of twentieth-century technology. Bergstrom 

saw his works become solidly established in a successful and productive period of industrial expansion. He, 

too, turned to the manufacture of weapons, after 

initial successes with gas lighting and conduit fabrication. He continued his leadership in the construction of municipal gas and waterworks and died a 

few months after Edvard Scheutz, in April 1881, 

aged 69, respected as one of Stockholm's leading 

citizens. 

Of the English promoters of the Scheutz machine 

only Charles Babbage continued to devote his attention to the furtherance of mechanical calculation, 

particularly through his analytical engine. Despite 

exchanges on the subject with correspondents 

ranging from Napoleon iii to interested inquirers in 

the United States, little new progress had been made 

on the machine when Babbage died on 18 October 

1871. By that time, the firm of Donkin, under the 

direction of Bryan Donkin and his brother Thomas, 

had turned to the manufacture of steam engines 

after completion of a large contract obtained in 

1858 for building a paper mill in St. Petersburg, In 

addition, the company manufactured valves, exhausts, and other items pertaining to the gas industry. William F. Gravatt, honored by membership in 

the Swedish Academy of Sciences in 1858, did not 

live long after his collaboration with the Donkins 

on the second Scheutz machine. He died in May 

1866 of an accidentally administered overdose of 

morphine. 

What, finally, became of the Scheutz calculator at 

the Dudley Observatory? After Gould had left Albany and gained fame through his work at the Cordoba Observatory in Argentina, where he prepared 

a large star catalogue of the southern sky, the 

machine appeared to lie forgotten for a number of 

years. In his annual report dated 1 February 1864 

(Albany, 1871:42) George Washington Hough 

(1836-1909), who had become director of the observatory in 1862, told of his attempts to revive it: 

The entire absence of plans, explanations, and directions 

which might have been expected to accompany an instrument of this character, as also the pressure of other duties, 

had, until quite recently, deterred us from any attempt to 

investigate the mode of its operation. A few days of leisure 

during the past winter afforded an opportunity, which was 

improved, of examining its condition, mastering the details 

of its mechanism and the relation of its parts, discovering 

the theory of its action, restoring it to good working condition, and obtaining results to the full measurement of its 

capacity. 

It was found to be in a very disordered condition, and 

the greater part of the labor expended upon it was required 

by adjustments and repairs. 

Hough (Albany, 1864:42) too, referred to the accidental error noted by Gould and his assistants. 

He appeared more confident of remedying it than 

they had been: 

The thorough examination of the source and cause of the 

difficulty leads us to conclude that by a slight addition to the 

mechanism, the possibility of accidental error from this 

source may be reduced to so small a limit as to make the 

machine perfectly reliable for any computations included 

within its capacity. The success of our improvements has 

been satisfactorily demonstrated in the use of temporary 

mechanism constructed for that purpose. It was found that 

those wheels which were before frequently liable to error, 

worked perfectly after the proper mechanism was applied. 

We propose to apply motive power to the machine, so 

that when once set, it shall be a complete automaton, making its computations without the assistance of any person. 

As soon as one set of constants are exhausted, the machine 

will stop, and will also be made to give notice of the fact 

by ringing a bell; upon which, a new set of constants may 

be introduced, and the computations continued. 
NUMBER 36 41 

Hough reported that he had used the machine 

for computing approximate planetary ephemerides 

the following year, and reported new modifications in 

1867, After Lewis Boss became director of the Observatory in July 1876, however, he noted in his 

report that the instruments and building were in need 

of repair, and included the Scheutz machine in a list 

of items unused and "out of repair" (Albany, 1878), 

Little interest was shown in the machine for several decades, until 1924, when it was offered for sale 

to Dorr E, Felt, of comptometer fame, who procured 

it for his calculator collection. This brought it to 

the attention of several calculating machine aficionados. Felt and J. A. V. Turck, Felt's assistant and 

chief adviser on historical matters, put it back into 

operation and demonstrated it to interested visitors. 

Thus, Carl Beust, head of the patent department of 

the National Cash Register Company, could report 

in 1926 that Felt and Turck had demonstrated the 

machine to him in October of that year and that it 

was "in rather good condition considering its age" 

(Washington, 1871-1940), 

The machine remained in the Felt collection until 

1963. Victor Comptometer Corporation, which had 

absorbed Felt and Tarrant Company, and the Felt 

collection, exhibited and demonstrated the calculator 

in Chicago during the preceding decade. That appears to have been its last public exposure until it 

was donated to the National Collections in 1963, 

and placed in the National Museum of History and 

Technology, Smithsonian Institution, at Washington 

where it has been on exhibit since 1966 (Figure 27), 

FIGURE 27,—The Scheutz calculator (right) and a replica of a portion of the Babbage 

diflference machine (left) in the National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian 

Institution, (SI photo X4723) 
42 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

As is true with most major events, the history of 

the Scheutz difference engine, allows for various 

interpretations and conclusions. Those who uphold 

the utility of wide learning in times of increasing 

specialization can point to Georg Scheutz to support 

their view. Those who support the idea that creativity results from the confluence of previously separate 

streams of thought can point to Scheutz for confirmation. Those who stress the importance of government support for scientific and technological enterprises can point with pride to the support Scheutz 

received from the Swedish parliament for "the 

Swedish Tabulating Machine." 

The discussions surrounding the Scheutz calculator 

illustrate another issue of interest to many: the relationship of a scientist's attitude towards innovation 

to the nature of his institutional surroundings. Leverrier's position vis-a-vis machine calculation provides 

a classical example of the essential conservatism of 

one responsible for a successfully established scientific 

enterprise—especially an enterprise that must produce periodic results. The Dudley Observatory's 

Scientific Council, on the other hand, demonstrates 

the willingness of reputable scientists engaged in 

forming new institutions to take greater risks, including some not scientifically motivated. 

The story of Scheutz's life suggests quite clearly 

that his calculator came into being not primarily 

because of the scientific or technological expertise of 

its chief creator but rather because of the support 

this man ultimately commanded within his country's 

political, scientific, and economic power structure. 

This support was based on respect for his contributions to a broad range of fields. Joined with this 

was the fortuitous proximity of scientists and engineers, who, for motives of their own, had an interest 

in seeing the venture succeed. More generally, Georg 

Scheutz's story forces upon us a recognition of the 

common conceptual currents and the close intertwining of human activities that shaped the monumental sequence of events making up the intellectual 

and technological history of the nineteenth-century 

Western world. 

One interest group stands out from these interlocking activities: it consists of men who were concerned with specialized printing and recording 

processes. The study and advancement of printing 

and recording techniques—whether applied to the 

production of banknotes, postage stamps, or mathematical tables—provided the chief bond among 

Scheutz, Sparre, and Bergstrom in Sweden, the Donkins and Babbage in England, and Gavit in the 

United States of America. It relates directly to the 

significance of the Scheutz difference machine. 

In establishing Georg Scheutz's place in the history 

of computation, we must credit him—and his son— 

with the first complete construction of a printing 

calculator. His contribution lies not in the fact that 

his work resulted in a specialized computing device, 

the significance and advantage of which were not 

accepted by the majority of those for whose benefit 

it was designed. Rather, his contribution lies in having 

shown the feasibility of constructing any kind of 

calculator that would produce results in a retainable—printed—format. 
Appendix I 

BRITISH PATENT A.D. 1854, NO. 2216 

Provisional Specifications 

(filed 17 October 1854) 

This Invention relates to the effecting of calculation by mechanical agency, and consists principally in 

the employment of a set of calculating wheels, each 

of which can be turned backwards or forwards at 

pleasure independantly [sic] of the others. 

Figure 1 [Figure 28] of the annexed Drawings is 

an end elevation of the apparatus; Figure 2 [Figure 

29a] is a plan of the same; and Figure 3 [Figure 

29fe], a corresponding side elevation. 

The calculating wheels A, A^, are arranged in 

rows, in such a manner that all the wheels which, 

during the movements of the machine, represent 

terms in a series of the same order are arranged in 

the same plane. 

When the machine is working, all the calculating 

wheels A which represent even differences turn in one 

direction, and the calculating wheels A^, which represent odd differences, are stationary, and vice versa. 

When the calculating wheels which represent odd 

differences are in motion, they turn in an opposite 

direction to the former, while all the wheels representing even differences are then at rest or stationSnEETJ. 

AJ>.18S4. Oct 17. 2^? 2210. 

GAK.SCHEUTZ'S PoonsiOKAL HvzcigiCAiv:^. 

FIO.I. 

(2 SHEETS) 

The KUtt Jnurmy \apartfy-cdcrei/. Dn«ii (fl Stou'b^UBlli^ k Suns. 

FIGURE 28.-—Provisional patent specifications of Scheutz calculator, end elevation. 

43 
44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 29.—Provisional patent specifications of Scheutz calculator: a, top plan; 

b, side elevation. 

ary; whilst the calculating Wheels A^^, which represent the tabular numbers, or, in other words, which 

represent the zero differences, are at rest. The figures 

thereon which express a given tabular term are reproduced by type wheels B, actuated by racks C and 

toothed cams D. The type wheels are adjusted to print 

straight by means of a suitable ruler E, working on a 

fixed centre F. The adjusted type wheels impress the 

tabular terms in lead, or any other material suitable 

as a matrix for stereotypes, placed on the table G, 

which is pushed up to give the impression. 

The mechanical means by which the herein-before 

described motions are performed may be made in 

various ways, some of which, viz., those for the printing, for thrusting in the rule and for removing the 

printed lines, contain nothing new or unknown; 

whereas others are either entirely new, or are new 

combinations, and of which the following are to be 

named: —Every one of the calculating wheels representing the tabular numbers which are to be printed 

is combined with a toothed volute cam or Snail H, 

on which bears a spiral toothed cam, or the portion 

of a toothed cylinder D. The second spiral toothed 

cam or portion of cylinder is fixed on an horizontal 

axle I, which, by suitable gearings and the rack C, 

is combined with the type wheel B, and in such a 

manner transmits the movements of the calculating 

wheel to the type wheel. Each calculating wheel is 

provided with as many teeth J as there are figures in 

the numerical system which the wheel is made to 

represent; consequently it contains six teeth for the 

figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 in the sixial system, ten 

teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 in 

the decimal system, twelve teeth for the figures 0, 1, 

2, . . . . 11 in the duodecimal system, and in the 

like manner for any other system. Each calculating 

wheel, excepting the wheels A^^, which represent 

the tabular numbers, is, moreover, provided with a 

catch K, working on a trap L, which turns together 

with a vertical axle M, on which it is fixed, and the 
NUMBER 36 45 

calculating wheel can thereby set the trap to work. 

When the trap is working, it catches one of the teeth 

J of the calculating wheel, which is placed in the 

next row immediately above, and represents any of the 

figures corresponding to the same vertical column, as 

in ordinary numerical expressions, that the wheel expresses, thus setting the trap to work; that is to say, 

that any wheel that represents units, and can set a 

trap to work, can also by means of that trap turn another wheel which represents units; that any wheel 

which represents tens, and can get a trap to work, 

can also by means of that trap turn another wheel 

which represents tens; that any wheel which represents hundreds, and can get a trap to work, can also 

by means of that trap turn another wheel which 

represents hundreds; that any wheel which represents 

thousands, and can get a trap to work, can also by 

means of that trap turn another wheel which represents thousands; and so on, according to the extent 

of the numbers which the machine is required to 

calculate. The vertical axles are turned by means of 

the pinions (u), which are simultaneously acted on 

by the rack (/), which is put in motion by the pinion 

(r), which is driven by the toothed segment (r^), 

which is moved in alternate directions by means of 

the mangle wheel {l^), which is turned by any convenient means. When any of the calculating wheels 

turns to or beyond the tooth which corresponds to its 

zero, it works on a lever between that wheel and the 

next wheel in the same row, in such a manner that 

the latter wheel may be carried forward a single 

step, corresponding to a single unit. By these means 

the figures representing 6, 10, or 12, &c., according 

to the numerical system in use, may be carried, the 

number of teeth corresponding always to the number 

of figures in each calculating wheel. In the operation 

of carrying, the calculating wheels are brought into 

action by arms or levers, affixed to each of the two 

traversing upright arms N, which are driven by a 

chain O and chain pulley P. In Figures 2 and 3 

[Figure 29 a,b'\ the several calculating wheels and 

mechanism connected therewith is not repeated, in 

order to avoid complication in the Drawings, ... . 

Final Specifications 

(filed 17 April 1855) 

The Invention consists of three distinct but cooperating apparatus, viz:—1. A calculating apparatus. 2. A printing apparatus. 3. A numerator. 

1. TH E CALCULATING APPARATUS. 

The principal parts of the calculating apparatus 

are the calculating wheels D, d. Each calculating 

wheel is provided with as many teeth J, J, as there 

are figures in the numerating system which the wheel 

is made to use in calculating; consequently it contains six teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, & 5 in the 

sexial system, ten teeth for the figures 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 

5, 6, 7, 8, & 9 in the decimal system, and would contain twelve teeth for figures representing 0, 1, 2, 3, 

4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, & 11 in the duodecimal system, if 

reckoning by means of that system should come in 

question. The calculating wheels are, moreover, 

marked with the figures for which they contain teeth. 

The calculating wheels have a wide central opening, no axles touching them anywhere. Nevertheless 

they are centrally moveable, each wheel being 

inclosed in a ring, or in portions of a ring, or in any 

other bearings which are concentric to the wheels, 

and fixed on shelves, which form a part of the frame. 

In these rings or portions of rings or bearings the 

calculating wheels are moveable backwards and forwards by the hand, and can be set in every circumferential position, or with any of their figures pointing 

directly to the front or to the back of the frame. 

The calculating wheels are arranged in rows in 

such a manner that the ends or butts of the teeth of 

all the wheels which, during the movements of the 

machine represent terms in a series of the same order, 

lie in the same horizontal planes, consequently in 

the same order as the figures, which in writing or 

print express a number. 

When the machine is working, all the calculating 

wheels which represent even differences turn in one 

direction, and the calculating wheels which represent 

odd differences are stationary, and vice versa. When 

the calculating wheels which represent odd differences are in motion, they turn in an opposite direction 

to the former, while all the wheels representing even 

differences are then at rest or stationary. Thus every 

other row of wheels is alternately in motion and at 

rest, and when they are in motion they alternately 

turn in opposite directions. 

Each calculating wheel, excepting the wheels in 

the uppermost row, which represent the tabular numbers, is provided with a catch K, working on a trap 

L. All the traps turn simultaneously with a vertical 

spindle M, revolving within the calculating wheels 

without touching them, and on which spindles the 

traps are fixed. A part p of the catch K touches a 
46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIG. I 

FIGURE 30.—Final patent specifications, end elevation. 

descending arm of the trap as the arm passes the 

catch, and when the movements go in the one direction, the descending arm of the trap depresses the 

said part p of the catch, and passes it without further 

effect; but when the trap moves in the opposite 

direction, the catch in touching the arm of the trap 

causes the trap to rise and rest on a stud Li. The 

catch K is free to work or cause the erection of the 

trap whenever the calculating wheel during the 

movement of the trap represents a valid figure, or 

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, or 9; but when the wheel represents zero, the catch is pressed down by an arm n2, 

fixed on the frame, and in that position the catch 

cannot reach the trap or work upon it. 

When a trap is raised, the small pin of it inserts 

itself in the space above it, existing between two teeth 

J, J, of the calculating wheel, catches the tooth which 

a 

Jl^ggQ. ^^MSiiiiUS&^ai-^^^M^ A 

ipi^zGL ^ • ' —^- ^ ' I—^ 

/ 

.C\:\. ^••l^'l-ii^i^-Udy^U-^l^ 

i«Hls:S::fflfflffl 

•-..-._-' ' .y 

FIGURE 31.—Final patent specifications: a, top plan; b, side elevation. 
NUMBER 36 47 

it reaches in its revolution, and turns the wheel, but 

releases it when the revolution ceases, at which 

moment all raised traps are at once restored to their 

former inactive position. The simultaneous release 

of the catched [sic] and turned calculating wheels, 

as well as the cause thereof, viz., simultaneous restoration of the traps from activity to inactivity, is 

effected by means of the inclined planes L2, over 

which the one arm of the trap studs Li passes, and 

which inclined planes thereby lift the stud arms, and 

let each trap free to fall down in the angle between 

the stud and its arm, in which position the traps do 

not reach any tooth of the calculating wheels above 

them. To insure the fall of the traps, two springs, 

B, B, are placed beside the rack C, each of which 

resists the rack when it completes its motion forwards 

or backwards, and causes it to move the traps a little 

backwards, so as to come out of contact with the 

teeth of the calculating wheels. The rotation of the 

vertical spindles M, M, together with their traps, is 

effected by the said rack C, The rack is put in motion 

by a pinion r, which is driven by a toothed segment 

ri, which is pushed in alternate directions by means 

of a mangle wheel /, The mangle wheel I is driven 

by a spur pinion /i, fixed on an axle bearing another 

spur pinion m, which rotates between two parallel 

arms m-^, in which arms are holes for the common axle 

of the pinions li and n [m]. These arms m-i are 

moveable around the axle n of a spur wheel ni 

which is in gear with the pinion m, to which it transfers the movement from any moving power. 

Each calculating wheel, excepting those in the 

last column to the left and those in the lowest row, 

is provided with a single cog or tooth q, besides the 

teeth for the figures; that cog or tooth q is so placed 

that it can actuate the one arm j of a horizontal 

lever s, t, turning on a pin fixed on the shelf beside 

the wheel, and push it aside whenever a zero is expressed by the wheel. The other arm t of the lever 

s, t, reaches over part of the shelf to the left on the 

former shelf, and bears two inclined planes, a vertically inchned plane t^ [sic] and a horizontally inclined plane u. When the lever arm s is pushed aside 

by the cog q, the lever arm t brings the vertically 

inclined plane ^i nearer to the edge of the shelf, and 

in that position the horizontally inclined plane u 

leans out over the said edge. 

Before and behind the pillars of the frame which 

bears the calculating wheels are guides or grooves v, 

parallel to each other and to the rows of calculating 

wheels; and in these guides or grooves slide glands x, 

connected with pillars xi, which move backwards and 

forwards, one pillar before and one pillar behind the 

rows of calculating wheels. The backward and forward motion of the pillars is effected by a toothed 

chain, the ends of which are fixed on the glands. On 

the same glands, but at their opposite sides, a rope or 

common chain is fixed, going around a guide pulley, 

which is fixed on the frame, and holds the toothed 

chain stretched. The toothed chain gears with a 

spur pinion I2, connected with a bevel pinion I3, 

which is driven by a bevel wheel connected to, and 

rotating backwards and forwards with, the mangle 

wheel /. 

For each odd row of calculating wheels the one of 

the pillars Xi bears a latch yi & y^, and for each 

even row the other of the pillars Xi bears a latch 

y & 3/2, the lowest wheel row excepted. These latches 

can be lifted vertically at pleasure, each latch turning 

on axles or pins, fixed on the pillar, and leaning 

when at rest on supports, also fixed on the pillar. The 

free end of each latch bears a friction roller z, so 

placed that it meets any of the vertically inclined 

planes ^i during the passage of the pillar forwards 

to the left, if any such plane is pushed out nearer 

to the edge of its shelf. In that case the friction roller 

z rolls over the plane fj thereby lifting the latch from 

its resting position, but allowing it to resume the 

resting position when the plane is passed over. Beneath the roller z the latch bears also a tooth z,, 

which passes under the teeth of the calculating wheels 

without touching them when the latch retains its 

resting position. But the tooth Zi catches a tooth of 

the wheel behind the inclined plane t\, and causes 

the wheel to advance a single step, corresponding to 

an unity, whenever the latch is lifted, by its roller 

passing over the inclined plane. The pillars xi bear 

also horizontally inclined planes Ui, which actuate 

the horizontally inclined planes u on the levers s, t, 

and thereby push the arms t inwards on the shelves, 

thus restoring the horizontal levers s, t, to their former position, in which they are ready for a new 

similar movement. 

When all the figures of a tabular term which are 

used in calculating it are not to be expressed in 

print, and when the last figure retained for print is 

as usual to undergo corrections, the corrections will 

be performed if the zero cog q of the calculating 

wheel next to the right of the wheel which expresses 

the last figures subjected to corrections is removed 
48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

from its usual circumferential place to another, so 

chosen that the arms of its lever s, t, are not touched 

by the cog q when the wheel bearing the latter exhibits zero, but when it exhibits five. The removing 

of the cog is done by hand when the calculating 

apparatus is set to calculate tabular terms containing 

such corrections, and afterwards it works continuously 

for all the terms which require corrections. When no 

corrections are intended, the cog is left in its usual 

place. 

In order that the latches y may also work wheels 

for the sexial system, such wheels being inserted between decimal wheels (as for reducing sexagesimal 

quantities), the teeth of the sexial wheels are made 

longer than the teeth of the decimal wheels, and a 

prolongation under the tooth Zi is adapted to reach 

the teeth of the sexial wheels, and carry them forwards a single step, when the friction roller z passes 

over the inclined plane ti before a sexial wheel. 

In effecting a faster movement of the machine 

(in which case the momentum of the calculating 

wheels should be moderated, as they must not be permitted to exceed their point of release), small clicks b 

with inclined planes falling into the clearence [sic] 

between two teeth may be applied, and forced into 

the clearences by springs. FIGURE 32.—Final patent specifications, catch mechanism: 

a, top plan; b, side elevation. 

2. TH E PRINTING APPARATUS. 

Each calculating wheel representing figures for print 

is combined with a toothed volute cam or snail H, on 

which leans a similar snail or portion of a toothed 

screw thread A. The second snail or portion of 

toothed screw thread A, fixed on the horizontal axle I. 

On the axle I is also fixed a pulley Ii, bearing a 

weight lo; and on the same axle is moreover fixed a 

toothed sector I3, gearing with a rack Ci. 

The toothed volute cam or snail H can be considered as a composition of sectors 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, &c., 

one sector for every figure of the calculating wheel 

to which the snail belongs; and each sector regularly 

differing from its neighbour by an equal part of the 

radius, in such order that the greatest sector 0 

corresponds with the zero on the wheel; the next in 

size 1, with the [numeral] 1 on the wheel; the next 

in size 2, with the [numeral] 2 on the wheel; and 

so on to 9, (or to 5, if the wheel is adapted to the 

sexial system.) The second volute cam or portion of 

toothed screw thread A is so placed that its teeth 

or steps concide with the respective sectors of the 

first volute cam or snail H. 

The weights T2 [==12] on the pulleys T [ = 12], 

working on the horizontal axles I, tend to lower the 

steps of the second snails or toothed screw thread 

A down to the various sectors of the horizontal 

snails, in such order that if a step o leans on a 

sector O, and the calculating wheel turns from 0 to 

9, (or to 5, if a sexial wheel,) the second snail or 

toothed screw thread A in question will sink successively, step after step, from 0 to 9 (or to 5), 

The toothed sectors T3 [=h], which are fixed on 

the horizontal axles I, and gearing with the racks 

Ci, propel these racks more or less in their gearing 

direction, according to the greater or lesser sinking 

of the toothed screw thread A and of the weights Tj. 

The racks Ci are in gear with spur wheels E, 

which, together with corresponding spur wheels F, 

are fixed on opposite ends of tubes /, thrusted one 

over the other, in the same manner as the tubes of 
NUMBER 36 49 

,ff?Mi,i, 9 '^•^^r^ # 

l||[i[) m UiJiF' 

FIGURE 33.—Final patent specifications, carry mechanism: 

a, shelf surrounding number wheel, top plan; b, side elevation. 

a telescope. Each wheel F gears with a type wheel 

G, provided with eleven teeth, the ten teeth bearing 

types for the [numerals] 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, & 9; 

but the eleventh is used where no impressions but 

only blanks are to appear in the print, or for interspersing types of signs or lines between the types of 

figures, in order to be reproduced in print simultaneously with the figures themselves. 

Underneath the type wheels is a printing table S, 

moveable up and down or to and from the type 

wheels. On the table S glides a slide Si, on which 

paper or a plate can be fixed to receive impressions 

from the types. The table S rests on a frame, provided 

with a friction roller S2 and this friction roller rests 

on an eccentric S3. When rotating, the eccentric S3 

lifts and lowers alternately the friction roller Sz, the 

table S, the slide Si and the paper or plate, during 

the lifting movement, pressing the paper or plate 

against the types. 

The toothed sectors T3, the rack Ci, and the 

wheels E, F, and G, are geared together in such an 

order that the figures, which by the calculating apparatus are exhibited for print, are also pointed down 

by the type wheels directly towards the paper or 

plate. When a tabular term consists of decimals 

beginning with one or more zeros, the printing apparatus repeats as usual these zeros on the paper or 

plate; but when tabular terms, not being decimals, 

increase successively in a table, the valid figures (as 

1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, & 9,) ought not to be preceded 

by any zero. To obviate the appearance of zeros in 

the latter case, the type wheels are provided with the 

eleventh tooth, on which no type exists, and which, 

when pointed down towards the paper or plate, leaves 

no impression, but a blank. To effect the pointing 

down of the eleventh tooth in such cases, a bolt Oi, 

inserted in the zero sector 0 of the snail H is pushed 

out by hand, and caught by a pin, which descends 

from the frame above, on which the pin is fixed; 

and when the zero sector is thus lengthened (or rather 

provided also with an eleventh tooth, though but 

provisionally), the lowest edge of the second snail or 

toothed screw thread A reaches the bolt Oi and 

rests on it, preventing thereby the zero step o from 

sinking down and resting on the zero sector 0, consequently preventing also the zero type of the respective type wheels G from pointing down towards 

the paper or plate, but presenting in its place the blank 

tooth; but when the snail moves, its bolt Oi leaves 

the pin and is pushed in by a spring. When a tabular term is impressed on the paper or ])late, and the 

printing table S is left free to sink down by the subsequent rotation of the excentric S3, the sledge Si is 

trust [sic] along the table S by means of a ratchet. By 

the ratched movement the paper or plate is removed 

from the place on which it lay when receiving the 

last line of numbers, and brought to another place, in 

which it presents a blank ready to receive a new line, 

and so on, line after line. 

3. TH E NUMERATOR. 

The numerator, the object of which is to count, 

and to present for printing the indices of other tabular terms, is, properly speaking, no integral part of a 

calculating machine, the calculating apparatus being 

itself also capable of counting and presenting for print 

the indices. The present machine is, however, provided 

with a numerator Q, by means of which the whole 

of the calculating apparatus may be reserved exclusively for such tabular terms which increase by 

more than unities. 

The numerator is put in motion by an arm g, fixed 

on the same axle with another arm ^1, bearing a 

fork, and in it a friction roller gz- The friction roller 
50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

rtc. io. 

FIGURE 34.—Final patent specifications: a, snail, top plan; 

b, snail, side elevation; c, trap mechanism, top plan; d, 

trap mechani.sm, side elevation. 

into a straight line, thereby securing the straightness 

of the printed lines. During the revolution of the 

two last-named excentrics Ri, the rule R receeds 

from the type wheels, leaving them free to change 

their position for a new line. Two springs push the 

rule from the type wheels, when the position of the 

excentrics Ri allows that movement to take place. 

The axle T bears all the excentrics fixed on it, 

and is brought into a permanent revolving motion 

by a bevel wheel Ti in gearing with a bevel-pinion 

T2, which is fixed on the axle n, this axle bearing 

also fixed on it the spur wheel ni, between the two 

arms mi. By the respective positions of the excentrics, 

and by their relative excentricity, as well as by the 

respective proportions of the wheels relative to their 

pinions, the machine is brought to effect its various 

movements at fixed times; no movements presenting 

any hindrance to other simultaneous movements, nor 

any parts which can work simultaneously being permitted to rest when other parts of the same category 

are in motion. Hence these proportions ought to be 

different for machines of various sizes, that is to say, 

according to the greater or smaller number of calculating wheels, by means of which they are intended to execute their work. The impressions from 

the types can be taken on paper, and also on lead, 

or any other metal or material proper as matrices 

for stereotypes or electrotypes. 

The mechanical means by which the herein-before 

described motions are performed may be made in 

various ways, some of which, viz., those for printing, 

for thrusting the rule, and for removing the printed 

lines, contain nothing new or unknown; whereas 

g2 works on the ends of the racks Ci, and is forced 

against them by weights ^3, suflficiently heavy to lift, 

by means of the rack Ci the toothed screw threads, 

as well as the weight T2 and also to turn the wheels 

E, F, and G. The weights ^3 and T2 are so arranged 

that the small weights push these combined parts in 

the one direction, and the great weights push them 

in the opposite direction, the alternate movements 

being determined by an excentric g^, which works on 

the arm ^-5. 

The rule R is, by the working of two uniform 

excentrics Rj, brought into an alternating movement 

to and from the type wheels, and to insert itself 

in the clearing between two rows of teeth of all the 

type wheels G; it brings thus all the printing types 

FIC. 14. 

UJ 

FIGURE 35.—Final patent specifications, latch mechanism. 
NUMBER 36 51 

others are either entirely new, or are new combinations, and of which the following are named as the 

chief objects of the Patent. What we claim as our Invention is— 

1°, calculating wheels so constructed that no axle 

touches or bears against them, but rotating in rings 

or in portions of rings, or between circumferential 

bearings of any form fixed on the frame, the wheel 

being centrally open for the free and untouching 

passage and revolution of the axles for the adding 

contrivance. 

2°, the arrangement of the calculating wheels in 

rows, each row in a separate plane, and each plane 

containing the wheels for figures which belong to 

terms of the same difference. 

3°, the arrangement of the calculating wheels in 

columns perpendicular to the same planes, and each 

column containing the wheels for figures which belong to terms of various differences. 

4°, the use of sexial wheels, as above described, for 

reducing sexagesimal quantities, as seconds to minutes, 

and minutes to degrees or hours, and vice versa. 

5°, the adding contrivance, consisting principally 

of the catches K, the traps L, the studs Li, the inclined planes L,, and springs B. B. 

6°, the carrying contrivance, consisting principally 

of the cogs or teeth q, the levers s, t, the inclined 

planes ii, u, and Ui, the friction rollers z and the 

teeth zi. 

7°, the term transporting or compositing contrivance, consisting principally of the snails H, the 

second snails or toothed screw threads A, revolving at 

right angles to the other snails H, and of the combination between the second snails or toothed screw 

threads A and the type wheels. 

8°, the mode of effecting corrections of the last 

figures of tabular terms when required. 

9°, the combination of the whole machine as above 

specified, and in the annexed Drawings delineated. 

In witness whereof, we the said George Scheutz 

and Edward Scheutz, have hereunto set our 

hands and seals, this Ninth day of March, One 

thousand eight hundred and fifty-five. 
Appendix II 

GRAVATT ON THE OPERATION OF THE CALCULATOR 

(Extract from the Specimen Tables Calculated and Stereomoulded 

by The Swedish Calculating Machine) 

The following is an abstract kindly furnished by 

Mr. Gravatt of his own manner of considering and 

of working this machine. 

If u be any function of x, and we set in the machine 

its initial value UQ and the finite differences 

A^w-i A-M-i \^u-2 A"'u-n in the order shown in 

the left-hand column below: — 

UQ 

A^u-i 

A^u-i 

A^u-, 

A%-2 

Ml 

A^uo 

A^uo 

A3u-i 

A^u-i 

U2 

A^ui 

A^ui 

A^uo 

A^uo 

"3 

^^U2 

A^u, 

A^ui 

A%i 

. . &c. 

. &c. 

. &c. 

. &c. 

. &c. 

Then in the first half-stroke the machine will simultaneously add the even differences to the odd differences immediately above them, giving the new odd 

differences A^u-i and A^UQ. At the next half-stroke 

it will add these new odd differences to the old even 

differences, thereby forming A^UQ and Ui and the 

machine will appear arranged as shown in the second column. In like manner will be formed the 

third, fourth, &c., columns, and if A*u-2=A''u-i= 

A'^Uo^&c., that is if the fourth difference is constant, 

the machine will go on calculating the successive 

values of u as long as we please to turn the handle. 

We see, therefore, that this machine is at least capable of tabulating any function of x in which the 

fourth difference is constant. 

As an example, let us take UQ^^I A^u-i^ l 

^^u-T_=.2 A^u-2=0 A'*z/-^ = 0; the machine when 

set would appear as in the left-hand column below, 

where the third and fourth differences being zero, 

are, for the sake of simplicity, omitted. 

1 

1 

2 

4 

3 

2 

9 

5 

2 

16 

7 

2 

25 

9 

2 

36 . 

11 . , 

2 . , 

. . &c 

. &c. 

. . &c. 

Here at the first half-stroke 2 is added to 1 giving 3, 

and at the second half-stroke this 3 is added to 1 

giving 4. Again, 2 is added to 3 giving 5, and this 5 

is added to 4 giving 9, and so on; the machine as 

thus set producing the squares of the natural numbers for ever. 

Again, if we set the machine to the number 

shown in the left-hand column below. 

1 

1 

14 

12 

24 

16 

15 

50 

36 

24 

81 

65 

110 

60 

24 

175 

84 

24 will be added to 12 and simultaneously 14 to 1, 

giving respectively 36 and 15, and then 36 will be 

added to 14 and simultaneously 15 to 1, giving respectively 50 and 16, and so on; the machine a.T 

thus set producing the squares of the squares, or thr. 

fourth powers of the natural numbers as long as wr 

please to turn the handle. 

In the last example the machine is supposed to be 

stopped at a half-stroke, with only the odd differences 84 and 175 in the fourth column. Now, if we 

re-set the machine (changing the sign of these odd 

differences) as shown in the left-hand column 

below. 

- 1 

81 

-175 

110 

-84 

24 

16 

-65 

50 

-60 

24 

1 

-15 

14 

-36 

24 

- 1 2 

we shall have 24 + — 84 = — 60, and simultaneously 

110 + -17 5 = -6 5 for the first half stroke, and 

- 6 0 -{- 110 = 50, and simultaneously — 65 -f 81 = 

16 for the second half-stroke, and so on. That is, if 

52 
NUMBER 36 53 

we in this way change the signs of the odd differences, 

the machine will, so to speak, go backwards, and that 

as long as we please to turn the handle.* 

A negative number is expressed in the machine 

by its complement; thus, if to 56789, we wish to add, 

say minus 67 (that is, in fact, to subtract 67), we 

set the machine to add 99933 to 56789, thus: — 

less 

gives 

56789 

67 

56722 

added to 

gives 

56789 

99933 

156722 

but as in the machine there is purposely no figurewheel to receive the left-hand 1, it is thrown (so to 

speak) into the air, and the machine shows and 

stereomoulds 56722 as it ought to do. 

This particular machine is capable of expressing u 

and its differences as far as the fourth order, to fifteen places of figures; but we may have to deal with 

differences of more than fifteen places, although we 

only require four, five, six, seven, or at most eight 

places of figures, to be printed as the tabular value 

of u. 

Now if the machine be worked, so as to give 

very many values of u, it is evident that the omission 

of the 16th, &c., places of figures might begin to tell 

in the tabulated result. 

To avoid this, it is necessary to know how many 

values of u we may obtain without an error, in the 

lowest figure of the printed result. 

For this purpose, if we, considering what has gone 

before, imagine the machine set, as shown in the 

first column below, putting in only one value A, and 

that in the fourth order of differences. 

1st 

0 

2d 3d 

lA 

4th 

5A 

5th 

15A 

nth Terms 

n-2 n- 1 

0 0 lA 4A lOA 

0 lA 3A 6A lOA 

lA 

A 

2A 

A 

3A 

A 

4A 

A 

1 

n - 2 

1 

n - 1 

1 

n - 1 

2 

n - 1 

2 

n 

2 

A 

n 

3"" 

n 

3~ 

n+1 

. A 

we should, in the manner in which the machine combines the differences (that is, always in simultaneously formed couples), obtain the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 

• In this way we can always make the machine itself 

show us the differences with which it was set. 

5th, and nth columns, the coefficients of A being 

necessarily and obviously figurate numbers of the 

various orders (in this case up to the 5th order) but 

with the 2nd and 3rd figurate numbers set forward 

one term, and the 4th and 5th figurate numbers set 

forward two terms—the law for any machine taking 

in any order of differences being evident. We immediately see that if we were to set in such a machine 

A° A^ A2 A-"* A*, putting Pn for the n*" printed 

number we shall get 

n— 1 n— 1 ri 

n—2n—ln n—2n—Inn+ l ., 

J _ A3-1 ^ 

^ 1 23^ 1 23 4 

Whence we see that if the error from leaving out the 

16th, &c., figures, be a in the first difference, and 

/3, y, 8, respectively, in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th differences (putting e the error in Pn), we should have e 

always less than 

na + ^r—/3 -f + ^-s -

Now as we may always set the machine to 

" o ± ^"'^^ instead of UQ, (thereby halving the effect of 

any error) we may, even when working with all the 

four differences, put practically 

n' 

If m be the number of places required in the table, 

it is usual not to allow a greater error than ± 5 in 

the m -f 1'" place. Now, the greatest value 8 can 

have is (less than) 5 X IQ-^", whence we readily 

see that we may put n* = 48 X lO^^-"". So that if, 

for instance, we required the machine to print 8 

places correctly, we have n* = 48 X 10^ = 

480 000 000 or n = 148 for the number of values of 

u that we can print in each direction. 

If we wish to print only 7 places correctly, we have 

n* = 48 X 10' or n = 263. 

If we wish to print only 5 places correctly, we have 

n' = 48 X 10^" or n = 832, so that in this case we 

may print about 800 terms for each forward and 

for each backward working of the machine, or together about 1600 terms. 

2n n" + 2n 

* Instead of we really use 

48 48 
54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

The following method of finding proper differences 

with which to set the machine (founded on the 5th 

lemma of the 3rd book of the Principia) is general, 

and extremely easy in practice. Let Wx = "o + ^^ 

_|_ bx^ -\- cx^ + dx* now putting x successively 

= 0- 1 and - 2 we get 

U-2 = un - 2a + 4fe - 8c 4- 16c; 

"o — "o 

Ui=Uo+a-{-b+c-\- d 

«2 = uo + 2a -f 46 -f 8c -f 16c? 

2nd Differences. 3rd Differences. 

1st Differences, 

a - 3fe-f 7c - 15^ 

2& - 6c + 14rf 

2b + 2d 

2fe-f 6c-f 14^ 

Whence d =: — 

1 

1 

6c - \2d 

6c + 12^ 

-A*u-o c = 

a — b -\- c — d 

a + &-I- c-f d 

a-|-36 + 7c + 15rf 

4th Difference. 

24^ 

Now u (the function of x, we may have to consider), may not have the 4^", nor indeed any order 

of differences constant, and to see the consequences 

of this let us compare (as in most cases will be amply 

suflScient) the value of the u.,- derived from four 

orders of differences (which I write %.) with the 

value of u^ derived from six orders of differences 

(which I write '^u.r). 

In the equation Ux = Uo -\- a x^ -\rb x -\- c x 

-\- dx* -\- ex^ + f x", putting x successively 0 + 1, 

±2,-3 , in the manner before shown, we get 

1 

/ = -

720 

1 

-^^u-, 

1 

e = 120 240 

1 

1 

•A5U-3 + 

1 

d = 2T^'"-^~l44 

c =-g-A3"-2+-12-^'"- - 2 r ^ " 

A^U-3 

-A«u-c 

b r r 

24-- - - - 6 

A^M-i — d and a =r A'u-

•\^u-2-\-2d 

1 

b = 

1 

-A^u-i -

1 

24 -A*u-2 -\-

+ 

A^u-i - c. 

a = A^u-i + 

1 

1 1 

-^-A^u-, - -g-A3u- 2 -

A^u-s 

Now, if N — 1 be the number of terms to be interpolated between UQ and w±i, w±i, and M^J) ^^•'' ~^ 30~ 

1 

60 

-A°u-, 

putting := X we get immediately 

N 

A'^u-ajr = 24afA;* 

^^u-2x = 6{cx^ - 2dx') 

^^u-^ = 2{bx^ + dx') 

A^u-1 := ax — bx^ + cx^ — dx^ 

With which differences we can set the machine and 

tabulate forwards from UQ through Ui to «2j and by 

changing the sign of the odd differences in the manner before shown, we can tabulate backwards from 

u-o through U-: to u-2, and this without knowing even 

the form of the function we are tabulating, it being 

sufficient that we have five values taken at equal 

intervals.* 

Now suppose we put UQ -]- ax -\- bx^ + CAT 

+ dx* -f ex^^ + fx"" = Mo + ax + ^x^ + 7^^ + ^^* 

rigidly only when A; = 0 ± 1 and ± 2, but within 

a certain degree of approximation only when x has 

any other values; we get directly 

8 = 

/3 = 

24 

A^M-5 V = ^'u-2 + 

-A"u-i — 24 

-A*Ma = A^U-i -f ^A2M- 2 - -5-^'"- = -

12 

1 

12 

A*uA^MWhenc e ^u* — *MX = 720 -A«u-3x" 

* The way I use the above formula in practice, is to 

begin, at the right-hand side of properly ruled paper, with 

the 4th differences, performing the calculations line by line 

in the order shown in the example given in page 8. In 

order to enable us to work always forwards from u-i through 

Uo to Uj (which may sometimes be convenient) I have 

arranged a formula and given under it an example in page 

9 . . . 

+ (^^^"-+-2¥0-^^"-0 

- -—-^^u-,x' 

144 

48 

•A°i 

) 

^ 3 
NUMBER 36 

1 

180 

-A«M-3 A:2 

+ '-30^^"-+^^^" V 30 -

1 

- 15;C3 + 4;C2 4-12A;1' 

-i—^-^^'u-^]x' - 5x' + ^x} 

Now if we attend to the spirit of Newton's lemma, 

we see that the errors arising from the use of four 

differences, when we ought to use six differences, must 

I 3 

be nearly maximums when x =: ± —jr- ± - - , and 

putting in our equation these values of x, we have 

rigidly 

3 7 

S/2 —""1/2 = A^W-j 4-

"-l/2 ~ W-l/2 = 

"3/2 W3/2 — 

"-3/ 2 W_3/2 = 

256 

7 

256" 

7 

"256" 

256 

A5M-3 -

A5M-3 -

A5„ - _L -

1024 

5 

1024 

21 

1024 

7 

1024 

A«M-3 

A«M-3 

A«M-3 

A«M-3 

Or, in practice, the maximum half error may be taken 

as 

.001 (6 ^'u-^^3V2. A«M-3) between MQ and M_J 

.001 ( — 6 A^M-3 -21/^ . A^M-3) between MQ and MI 

.001 (-1 4 A=M-3 -101/2. A«M-3) between u and M^ 

.001 (14 A^u-3-\-3V2. A«M-3) between M-I and M-2 

and these errors will of course be kept out of our 

55 

tables; that is, we shall use one place of figures less 

than that which would be affected. 

As an easy (and certainly a very favourable) example of the power of the machine, let us with it 

calculate a table of the Logarithms of the natural 

numbers up to 10,000, to five places of decimals. We 

must first actually calculate by any of the known 

methods the logarithms of 2, 3, 7, 11, 17, and 19, to 

seven places of decimals, from which we shall immediately obtain the logarithms of 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

22 

24 

26 

28 

30 

32 

34 

36 

38 

40 

44 

48 

52 

56 

60 

64 

68 

72 

76 

80 

84 

88 

92 

96 

100 

To which, applying the formulae just given, we, by 

ten easy calculations, and by ten forward and ten 

backward settings of the machine, shall obtain a 

stereomoulded table up to 10,000. 

The time occupied by the machine at its ordinary 

rate of working (namely, 120 numbers per hour), 

would be seventy-five hours; the ten plus and minus 

(say twenty) settings would not take up quite two 

hours; the calculations by the fomulae given of the 

proper differences to be set in the machine, could 

not cause a delay of two hours, the time taken (exclusive of the preliminary calculation of the logarithms of 2, 3, 7, 11, 17, and 19) being altogether 

about seventy-nine, or say eighty hours. 
Appendix HI 

DISCUSSION AT THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, PARIS 

(reported in Cosmos 13, 1858; translated by the author) 

Mr. Babinet, in the name of the Messrs. Scheutz, 

father and son, made a gift of a small volume of 

immense compass, which has for its title: Specimens 

of various Tables, calculated, stereotyped and printed 

by means of the celebrated machine for calculating 

differences. These specimens of tables, 15 in number, 

give the logarithms of numbers from 1 to 10,000, 

with five decimals; the successive values which two 

fourth order polynomials in x take when by and by 

one sets x equal to 1, 2, 30, 50, etc.; the logarithms 

of two series of numbers and of trigonometric lines 

to seven decimals; the arcs in degrees, minutes, seconds and tens of seconds which correspond to given 

natural sines; the ranges of shot for various powder 

charges; the logarithms of male life in London; the 

heliocentric coordinates of Venus, the Earth, Mars, 

and the logarithms of radius vectors of these stars at 

noon, for the months of January, February, March, 

and April 1858. These are only very J'eeble samples 

of all that one can ask of this admirable instrument, 

the appearance of which on our European continents 

Cosmos was the first to signalize. 

[Babinet next gave a brief description of the 

history and status of the machine, based on the 

introduction in the Specimens, 1857.] 

After the presentation of Mr. Babinet, Mr. Leverrier asked for the floor, believing he must make some 

critical observations. He saw, studied and discussed 

the machine in 1855; it had been deposited at the 

Imperial Observatory, and the learned director had 

been asked whether it presented enough interest and 

utility that the French government should acquire 

it. Mr. Leverrier reserved for himself the judgment 

of the calculating mechanism, and asked Mr. Bailleul 

to judge the printing mechanism; both recognized 

that the invention was extremely ingenious, that it 

functioned regularly, but that, in practice, it presented no advantage that would compensate for the 

considerable expense of its purchase. One asked 

50 000 francs at that time, today the machine would 

cost at the most 25 000 francs. Accordingly, Mr. 

Leverrier certified to the government that there 

was no need to accept the proposal of the inventors, 

to which, fortunately, Mr. Gould has extended a 

friendly and helping hand. Mr. Leverrier has not 

changed his mind: he still finds the machine very 

ingenious, but he does not perceive any practical 

utility in it; according to him, it does only a fifth of 

the work necessary for the definitive calculation of 

tables, and it does this fifth less quickly than an 

ordinary calculator. Mr. Leverrier despite the opinion solemnly formulated by the Davys, the Brandes, 

the Brunels, the Baylies, the Herschels, the Katers, 

the Pounds, the Wollastons, the Sabines, the Donkins, 

the Kennies, etc., etc., expects nothing of calculating 

machines. 

When we see opposed to a magnificent invention 

an inopportune motion to have its merits denied, we 

too much mistrust ourselves and the sentiments of 

sadness, we should almost say of humor, which agitate us to try to refute directly the assertions and 

objections of Mr. Leverrier. To his personal judgment 

we would oppose that of a greatly esteemed English 

mathematician, member of the council of the Royal 

Astronomical Society of London, professor De Morgan; we would combat the testimony of Mr. Bailleul, 

concerning the printing mechanism of the calculating 

machine, with the appreciation issuing from one of 

the masters of English typography; finally, enough 

will soon be given, when the American astronomical 

savant, Mr. Gould, will have published his first astronomical tables, calculated and stereotyped by the 

Scheutz apparatus, to proclaim that the hour of 

repentance and reparation has sounded. First let 

us listen to Mr. De Morgan: "A large part of the 

scientific world looks very coldly on this invefition. 

They say it is of no use; that tables could be constructed for a small part of the money, as many and 

56 
NUMBER 36 57 

as good as with the machine. 

Dr. Young thought, we believe, that the sums 

expended for the construction of Mr. Babbage's 

machine, invested in State funds, would keep computers enough at work to supply the place of the 

machine. This argument is not absolutely false. Mr. 

Weller, senior, made use of it so ably that he might 

have stopped the great invention of railroads, if it 

had been duly weighed at the time when Stephenson 

passed for a fool for talking of 15 kilometers an 

hour, and was obliged to keep the possibility of 90 

kilometers to himself. What rate could I keep a 

coach at, said the veteran whip, if one gave me a 

million per kilometer payed in advance? The event 

has shown that the argument was wrong: the railroad is what it is, and there is much reason to think 

that the electric telegraph would never have been 

thought of in our day if the railroad had not existed. 

On with the work then! let every development of a 

new scientific idea and every new application of the 

idea, be encouraged and welcomed, even though its 

ultimate uses, we mean those uses which the man of 

the day can see, were as distant as universal gravitation and the lunar orbit from the old conic sections 

of the Platonic school of geometers, curves which one 

was happy to find had been studied when they appeared in the sky. Those who decry the highest 

stone because it supports nothing are fortunate in 

one point that no one will envy them, that they will 

always have something to decry. Those who are busy 

in raising the next stone do not bother them, because 

they know that a new job awaits them at the instant 

the old one is finished. Machines will one day do all 

that which symbolic calculation will do, whether 

simply numerical or algebraical. And the recent developments of algebra seem to point to a time when 

the details of the operations will be the work of 

mechanical machines, when ever one wishes to 

exhibit definitive results." 

This is what the learned author of the Lectures on 

the Differential and Integral Calculus wrote nearly 

a year ago, on introducing to the scientific world 

these same Specimens of diverse Tables calculated, 

stereotyped and printed by the Scheutz machine, 

specimens the sight of which alone confounds us, 

it is so astonishing a triumph of mankind which 

gave birth to them. Mr. De Morgan added: 

"Our readers understand without difficulty that 

the machine is not fully automatic. It does not give 

logarithms, for example, merely for saying. Good 

machine, we want logarithms. It must be fed both 

with mechanical force and with calculations. The 

seed which one plants must be according to the 

harvest wanted: who could claim to grow figs of 

thistles without laborious culture? Similarly, the 

machine must be cultivated, but the return that it 

gives surpasses nearly all known harvests. A VERY 

LITTLE CALCULATION DEPOSITED IN ITS WOMB make s 

it produce an enormous quantity of results without 

any effort other than that needed to make a barrelorgan sing. It may fail sometimes because it has been 

fed badly, but the error will always be discovered; 

labor and lead may have been spent in vain, but bad 

merchandise will never issue from good." 

It is the turn of Mr. Alfred Deacon, director of the 

great printing establishment of Beaufort-House, on 

the Strand, to combat by figures the opinion of Mr. 

Bailleul. The characters can be as beautiful as one 

wishes them to be; the justification is perfect, the 

impression very neat; hence there can be a question 

only about the net cost, of the expense of the work, 

and of the time; now listen to the English printer: 

"As an example let us take the logarithm tables of 

the Specimen: each folio has sixteen pages, each page 

six double columns, each column has fifty lines; it is 

no exaggeration to evaluate the work of the calculator 

at 20 pounds. Now it is necessary to send the sixteen 

pages to the press and to set them in movable type; 

the price of composition, including reading of several 

proofs and corrections, will be at least 5 pounds; hence 

the total is 25 pounds. Let us compare this expense 

with that of the tables calculated with the aid of the 

machine. This time one does not need an experienced 

calculator, for the principal operation is reduced to 

writing differences on the cylinders; then the only 

questions is that of turning a crank until the table 

is terminated, as does the barrel-organ grinder as 

long as his air lasts. This work will certainly cost 

no more than 2 pounds; and there will be no errors 

to remark, no proofs to read, no corrections. Instead 

of having to reproduce the page of calculations in 

movable type, it will suffice to take its imprint or 

stereotype plate in metal, gutta-percha or any other 

material, by known procedures; stereotype and electrotype will produce them in relief, so it remains only 

to affix the pages on wooden forms so that they are 

ready to be printed. The expense of this sequence 

of operations for a folio of sixteen pages is 4 pounds, 

16 shillings, no more no less; the next cost of each 

folio is therefore 6 pounds 16 shillings instead of 
58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25 pounds. Hence, a difference in favor of the 

machine of 18 pounds 4 shillings or 445 franc per 

folio! And the logarithm tables of the machine will 

be safe from the errors of the tables calculated and 

composed by hand! There is the expenditure in 

money. Now let us arrive at the expenditure in time. 

The composition of each folio will demand 96 

hours, and perhaps more; while the machine will 

calculate and print this same folio in 32 hours, more 

or less, that is in a time three times smaller." Here 

is the truth: a monetary saving of three-fourths, a 

time saving of more than one-third. One can sell 

it cheaply at its birth, but it will triumph sooner or 

later. 
Bibliography 

Introduction 

The following bibliography serves a twofold purpose. First, it is intended to document the present 

work and to note the chief sources of information and 

citations. Secondly, it is meant to serve as an introductory aid to the scholar who wishes to pursue further some aspect of our topic. 

The "Location of Sources," while expressing my 

indebtedness to certain institutions, indicates some 

of the major depositories of Scheutz-related materials 

outside of Sweden. The "Bibliographic Guide," arranged to follow the sequence of the text, also comments on the literature in the "References." The 

latter, arranged by author, contains titles of general 

works pertinent to this study and to works published 

prior to 1947 that refer to Scheutz or the Scheutz 

calculator. Not included are numerous articles from 

encyclopedias derived from the representative selection listed under "Calculating Machine." Entries that 

do not explicitly mention Scheutz or one of the two 

Scheutz calculators are preceded by an asterisk (*). 

Entries that are cited elsewhere as being relevant to 

Georg Scheutz or his calculator but that I have not 

seen are preceded by a dagger (f). The final section 

of this bibliography is intended as a preliminary 

checklist of Scheutz's publications. It is arranged by 

author; journals edited by Georg Scheutz are listed 

imder the title of the journal. All the items included 

were written, translated, or published by Georg 

Scheutz; newspaper or journal articles were not included. Only a few of the works in this section have 

been inspected; the list has been compiled with the 

aid of some of Scheutz's own publications, of which 

the following are in the "References": Almquist 

1904, Bygden 1898-1915, Klemming 1879, Linnstrom 1961, and Svensk bokkatalog for 1866-1875. 

Bergstedt 1878, which was used for the list in Archibald 1947, served as the starting point for the present 

checklist. Particular effort was made to identify 

anonymous authors and translators; the results are 

given in brackets. 

It is hoped that this first comprehensive bibliographic checklist of Scheutz's work, will encourage 

further study of his publications. It may be fruitful 

to examine more closely his political and technological writings, as well as his other journalistic contributions, especially those to Aftonbladet. Additional 

topics that should be treated include an analysis of 

works that he translated or whose translations he 

published. His editions of James Fenimore Cooper 

and Sir Walter Scott have been almost entirely ignored in bibliographies of these authors. His interest 

in North American life and literature, evidenced by 

Birckbeck 1818, Cooper 1825-1826, 1826, 1827, 1828, 

and Wright 1826, may be worth considering at least 

in the context of his penchant for tales of travel and 

adventure, if not as part of a study dealing with 

nineteenth-century Swedish accounts of life in the 

New World. Any student of Scheutz's publications 

should examine more closely the validity of the 

claim that he rewrote much of that which he translated or published. If he did so, an in-depth analysis 

of his overall role in the history of Swedish letters 

becomes even more rewarding. 

Location of Sources 

Most of the material for this study can be found 

at the Library of Congress, where the major part of 

my research was performed. In addition, the United 

States Naval Observatory Library and the library of 

the Dudley Observatory were consulted for materials 

pertaining to the history of the machine at Albany; 

the Folger Shakespeare Library for materials pertaining to Shakespeare in Sweden and to Scheutz's 

work on Shakespeare; the library of the University of 

Texas, especially items from the Svante Palm Bequest, 

for general and biographical Swedish references and 

for a copy of Scheutz's Journal for manufakturer 

och hushdllning; the Boston Public Library for a 

copy of Wiberg's logarithm tables; the Bibliotheque 

Nationale for French newspapers and periodical 

references to the calculator in the 1850s; and the 

New York Public Library for various references not 

59 
60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

located elsewhere. The holdings of the Science 

Museum in London, the Tekniska Museet in Stockholm and the National Museum of History and Technology in Washington, D.C, provided important 

related documentation. As shown in the bibliography, 

the United States National Archives, the British 

Museum, and the Franklin Institute contain manuscript material most valuable to this study and not 

previously noted. 

Bibliographic Guide 

GEORG SCHEUTZ 

Among numerous English-language histories of 

Sweden, Oakley 1966 provides an especially useful 

introduction to the political movements that affected 

Georg Scheutz's career most closely. A splendidly 

illustrated general history which emphasizes cultural 

aspects is Den svenska historien 1968; volumes 7 and 

8 cover the period 1772—1865. Aside from the brief 

but revealing account in Thomson 1813, good descriptions of Jonkoping at the time of Georg Scheutz's 

childhood and youth are found in Jonkoping 1921 

and Salinas 1965. Jonkoping 1921 includes plans and 

references to the Scheutz inn. Sweden, Statistiska 

centralbyran 1969 presents enlightening statistical 

figures. 

Gustaf son 1961 gives a valuable English-language 

introduction to the history of Swedish literature. For 

detailed study of literary activities involving Scheutz, 

Schiick and Warburg 1929 appears indispensable. A 

wealth of facts concerning Scheutz's various journals 

and other periodicals can be found in Lundstedt 

1969, which is a reprint of a work that appeared at 

the turn of the century (1895-1902); information 

concerning the publications includes names of chief 

participants, dates and frequency of publication, 

price, type style, size, and the like. Bernstrom 1958 

remarks on Scheutz's publishing of Crusenstolpe and 

has useful related material. Goransson 1937 points to 

the relationship between Scheutz's Argus and Hierta's 

Aftonbladet. 

The most extensive available biographical sketch of 

Georg Scheutz has been Bergstedt 1878, which includes details concerning his life prior to 1832. It is 

supplemented by some anecdotes in Johnson 1932 

and personal recollections in Borgstrom 1836. Almqvist 1909 was checked in connection with the question of Scheutz's having taken the Bergexamen. 

Kihlberg 1968, a fine biography of Lars Hierta, leads 

to many interesting details about the long collaboration between Scheutz and Hierta. Gottlieb 1956 also 

refers to Scheutz and Aftonbladet. Scheutz's other 

publishing activities are documented in Almqvist 

1904 and Linnstrom 1961. 

The technological growth in Sweden between the 

1820s and the 1860s is discussed in the general 

histories above, and reflected in Scheutz's Journal 

for manufakturer as well as his other publications. 

Sidenbladh 1873 and 1876 furnish useful statistics 

concerning developments in printing and publishing. 

Bjoerkbom 1948 gives a history of Swedish printing 

from its inception to the 1930s. The masterful history 

of Swedish book printing, Klemming and Nordin 

1883, provides information about a multitude of 

significant events related to Scheutz and his contemporaries. Henriques 1917 and 1927 publications 

present not only a history of the Stockholm Technological Institute but a wealth of related facts. By providing a list of library holdings, Stockholm, Tekniska 

Hogskola 1849 sheds light on the diffusion of technical and scientific information at the time. 

The literature on Babbage is growing. Most biographical accounts are based on C. Babbage 1864. 

They either parrot his biases or overreact against 

them. Therefore, it is just as well to return to the 

primary source, which includes a host of facts as 

well as anecdotes. The papers included in H. P. 

Babbage 1889, along with the correspondence in the 

British Museum (London, British 1854-1858) and 

the holdings of the Science Museum in London 1926, 

provide a wealth of material for the student of Babbage's machines. Lardnei- 1834 is as readable today as 

it was in Scheutz's time. Copley 1923 and Thompson 

1914 deal with Babbage in the context of scientific 

management, which interested Scheutz. 

CREATION OF THE CALCULATOR 

Information about Edvard Scheutz is based on 

standard Swedish biographical sources. Specimens 

1857, Bergstedt 1878, and Klemming and Nordin 

1883. Edvard's play is referenced in "Titles Published 

by Georg Scheutz" (Scheutz 1836). 

The names of the machine's underwriters are given 

in Specimens 1857. A number could be identified 

easily through their association with Scheutz and 

through standard biographical sources. The identity 
NUMBER 36 61 

of others remains uncertain because of the lack of 

given names and because of possible misspellings. 

Dahlgren 1915 is a useful guide to members of the 

Swedish Academy of Sciences. It should be supplemented with standard biographical references such 

as Hofberg 1876 and 1906, Svensk uppslagbok 1937, 

Svenskt biografiskt lexicon 1857-1907, Svenskt portrdttgalleri 1903 and Svenska man och kvinnor 1942-

1955. Soderbaum 1929 contains relevant observations 

concerning Berzelius' political orientation. 

Sweden, Riksdagen 1851 and the associated protocols of the four chambers for the years 1851 and 

1853/54 document the Swedish parliament's discussion of the Scheutz calculator and reflect the position 

of the leading members; this fascinating primary 

source has been totally ignored in previous discussions and bibliographies of the calculator. Biographical background concerning most of the participants 

in the discussion can be obtained from Svenskt 

biografiskt lexicon 1857-1907 and the earlier Biografiskt lexicon 1835-1857. Kjellander 1953 gives an 

informative biographical account of J. W. Bergstrom. 

STRUCTURE AND OPERATION OF THE 

SCHEUTZ CALCULATOR 

The description of the machine is based on a comparison of the patent description, reprinted as Appendix I, and the actual present-day (1972) appearance of the machine. 

PROMOTION OF THE CALCULATOR 

Per Ambjorn Sparre's career is described in Akerstedt 1964. Lindgren 1968 and Platbarzdis 1963 have 

references to Sparre in relation to the production of 

bank note paper and the history of the Riksbank. 

Of particular interest, recalling the association with 

Donkin, are references to the printing of serial 

numbers. The activities of the Tumba paper mill are 

elucidated in Castegren 1955. Stockholm, Postmuseum 1930 preceded Akerstedt 1964 in describing 

Sparre's and Scheutz's contributions to Swedish philately. 

Aside from standard biographies and obituaries 

such as the Dictionary of National Biography or 

Royal Society of London 1854, Donkin 1925 is the 

best guide to the history of the Donkin firm. Oldham 

1842 and Mackenzie 1953, which describe some of 

the activities that brought Babbage and Donkin 

together, help nicely to bring out the parallelism between these endeavors and those involving Sparre in 

Sweden. Biographical information about Gravatt is 

based on obituaries in Royal Society of London 1867 

and Institution of Civil Engineers 1867. 

The report of the committee of the Royal Society 

appointed to study the calculator appeared in two 

widely read publications: Royal Society Proceedings 

and Philosophical Magazine (1856a). Related material, such as Babbage's correspondence with Stokes 

about the report, can be found in London, British 

Museum 1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 37196). This also 

contains considerable information about the machine 

and its journey to and stay at the Paris Exposition. 

Published accounts of the machine and its surroundings at the exposition can be found in the leading 

Parisian newspapers for 1855, as well as the London 

Daily News for 1855, Brisse 1857, Paris, Exposition 

1855, and Pascal 1855. The documentation of Babbage's efforts on behalf of the machine found in 

London, British Museum 1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 

37196 and 37197) is supplemented in Academic des 

Sciences 1855, C. Babbage 1855a, 1855b, 1856, and 

H. P. Babbage 1855. Cosmos 1856a and 1856b 

should be consulted in this connection, along with 

Chasles 1856 and Dupin 1856, which, together with 

Academic des Sciences 1858, reflect the divergence 

of views among French scientists. 

Sentiments in the American scientific community 

towards Babbage are documented in American Association 1856 and in London, British Museum 

1854-1858 (Add Mss. 37196). The latter also contains many details concerning the negotiations for 

purchase of the machine. Of the numerous pamphlets 

and broadsides relating to the early history and controversy at the Dudley Obseivatory, only the major 

ones are listed below. Albany, Dudley 1864, 1866, 

1871, 1878 and Albany . . . Scientific Council 1858 as 

well as Albany . . . Trustees 1858 all mention the 

Scheutz tabulating machine, as does Gould 1859, 

Thacher 1858 and Albany, Committee 1858. Boss 

1968 contains a helpful summary of the complex 

sequence of events. Bailey 1931 gives information 

about Searle, who ran the machine in Albany. 

One of the interesting, forgotten aspects of the 

machine's history is the interest and financial commitment on the part of the United States Department 

of Navy—or, at least, the Office of the Nautical Almanac. This is documented in U. S. Navy Department 1857 and 1858, and Washington, U.S. National 
62 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Archives 1856-1858 (Record Group 78). The manuscript material at the National Archives contains not 

only copies of the letters published in the official 

Annual Reports of the Navy, but also of those sent 

to Albany dealing with the progress of computations, requests for vouchers, and the like. A copy of 

Davis' initial inquiry about the machine, which first 

came to my attention in London, British Museum 

1854-1858 (Add. Mss. 37196), can also be found in 

Record Group 78 in The National Archives, Washington. Weber 1926 provides a chronology pertinent 

to the history of the Naval Observatory and the 

Nautical Almanac office. 

PROPAGATION OF RECORDING CALCULATORS 

Great Britain, General Register Office 1864 has 

an extensive account of the Scheutz-Donkin machine 

(Scheutz No. 2), with special reference to Farr's 

work on it; it includes the classic results of this 

work. Gravatt 1859 and 1862 contain certain examples of work done on the Scheutz-Donkin calculator. London, Science Museum 1926 contains pertinent information concerning the machine and 

associated items transferred to the museum. 

Numerous references given below under "Calculating Machine" furnish a sampling of the appearance 

of the Scheutz calculator in standard encyclopedia 

articles. Of these, those devoting major space to 

the Babbage machines are derived from an article 

in Chambers' Encyclopedia by Major-General Babbage (1861). Others tend to perpetrate and perpetuate a variety of erroneous statements, including 

one that makes brothers of Georg and Edvard 

Scheutz. It is significant, however, that prominent 

mention of the machine is so frequent in these works 

in the latter part of the nineteenth century; still 

undetermined is the impact of such information on 

budding inventors for some of whom home encyclopedias constituted a chief source of reading material. 

Information about Martin Wiberg is given in 

Svenska man och kvinnor. It should be supplemented 

by H. Wiberg 1955. Anderson 1933 discusses his 

calculator in more detail. M. Wiberg 1860 is a 

version of the early interest tables, M. Wiberg 1876 

of the more widely distributed logarithm tables computed on his difference machine. Academic des Sciences 1863 gives the rather detailed account of the 

study Mathieu, Chasles, and Delaunay made of Wiberg's machine. My description of his machine i.'= 

based on this study. 

Pertinent information about Grant and his machine 

is found in standard American biographical encyclopedias and in Grant 1871. The Locke papers in 

Washington . . . National Museum of History and 

Technology 1871-1940 supplement this with copies of 

his patents, selected correspondence. Centennial-related description of the difference machine and the 

like; this collection also documents, in part, L. Leland Locke's efforts in the twentieth century to 

locate Grant's difference machine. Grant's supporters, 

mentioned in Grant 1871, are readily identifiable and 

linked to the Scheutz machine's history in America. 

The least known of these, John M. Batchelder, repeatedly appears in the 1858 letters in the Washington, D.C, National Archives 1856-1858 as the operator submitting vouchers for work done on the 

Scheutz machine at Albany. The 1874 letter from 

Fairman Rogers to Wolcott Gibbs was found in the 

Gibbs correspondence in Philadelphia, Franklin Institute 1874. 

The discussion of trends in the development of 

calculators is based largely on study of the holdings 

in the National Museum of History and Technology, 

Smithsonian Institution, and the pertinent patent 

literature. It is supported by the sparse general literature on the subject. Among general works, Ocagne 

1928 and Martin 1925 are especially informative on 

the development of desk calculators. Comrie 1928, 

1932a, 1932b, 1933, and 1946 give excellent accounts, 

based on first-hand knowledge, of twentieth-century 

adaptations of mechanical calculating aids to difference techniques. Harvard University 1946 provides 

the best account of the ASCC, the Mark I relay 

computer. 

EPILOGUE 

References to the chief human participants were 

given above ("Promotion"). Literature on the Scheutz 

calculator appeared in spurts. The idea of the machine is alluded to in Academic des Sciences 1838. 

The earliest and best technical description is the 

British patent of 1854 (Appendix I). This prompted 

a variety of notices in technological journals, exemplified by The Practical MecJianic's Journal 1855, and 

Scheutz's Calculating Machine 1855, and in newspapers, for example, New Calculating Machine 

1855a. 
NUMBER 36 63 

As noted above, the display in London and the exhibition in Paris in 1855 gave rise to a wealth of popular notices concerning the machine, and the subsequent presentations for the Academy at Paris and the 

Royal Society of London led to several notes and 

articles, as well as reports in their respective publications. Next, the machine was described in numerous 

publications from Albany and Boston, also noted 

under "Promotion." 

Thanks to its wide and carefully planned distribution, Specimens 1857 was the most influential account of the machine, on which nearly all subsequent 

treatments have been based. Unfortunately, the not 

altogether accurate historical introduction has been 

used far more than Gravatt's concise discussion of the 

operation of the machine. Except for an example, 

this discussion has been reproduced here as Appendix 

II. Initially, the distribution of Specimens focused 

attention on the machine in two ways: through discussion prompted by receipt of the autographed 

copies, of which Academic des Sciences 1858 is an 

example; and through reviews of the publication, examples of which are Athenaeum 1857a, Institution 

of Civil Engineers 1857b, or Practical Mechanic's 

1857b. Publication of the French version {Specimens 

1858) had a similar effect. It prompted discussions, 

such as exemplified in Academic des Sciences 1858, 

reviews such as in Siecle 1858 and analyses, as illustrated in the lengthy Cosmos 1858. 

Aside from a few sporadic accounts referenced in 

the text that refer to the presence and use of the machine in Albany after Gould's departure, the machine 

was discussed less and less as time passed. Calculating 

by Machinery 1870 is an interesting American article 

on the machine, appearing at a time when its future 

at the Dudley seemed bleak. Significantly, it is referenced in Grant 1871. Encyclopedia references have 

been noted above. In the twentieth century, references 

to the calculator were usually made in the context of 

discussions that treated the computation of differences by desk calculators, punch cards or computers 

(see "Propagation"). The Felt (1920) and Turck 

(1916-1931) files in Washington, National Museum 

of History and Technology, contain a few items that 

pertain to Felt's interest and acquisition of the machine. The last substantive English-language account 

of the Scheutzes and their calculator was Archibald 

1947; it owed much to Bergstedt 1878 for biographical facts concerning Georg Scheutz, and to the Specimens 1857 for its account of the machine's creation. 

I have not listed numerous references to the machine 

that have appeared since 1947, usually in introductions to textbooks on computing. These are mostly 

based on an uncritical adoption of statements from 

previous publications. 

References 

Academie des Sciences, Paris 

1838. Memoires presentees. Comptes Rendus, 1: 1056. 

1855. Correspondance. Comptes Rendus, 47:591. 

1858. Correspondance. Comptes Rendus, 4r7•.G'i. 

1863. Rapport sur la machine a calculer presentee par 

M. Wiberg. Comptes Rendus, 56:330-339. 

Aftonbladet (Stockholm) 

1859. [Articles on the Scheutz calculator.] Aftonbladet, 

numbers 14, 17, 253. 

Akerstedt, Sven 

1964. Frimarksleverantorerna. Volume 3 in Sveriges 

frankotecken handbok. Stockholm: Sveriges 

Filatelist-Forbund. 

Albany: Committee of Citizens Appointed to Consider the 

Proceedings of the Trustees of Dudley Ob.servatory 

1858. The Dudley Observatory: An Address 

Albany: Comstock & Cassidy. 

Albany: Dudley Observatory 

1864. Report of the Astronomer for the Year 1863. 

Albany: J. Munsell. 

1866, 1871. Annals. 2 volumes. Albany. 

1878. Report of the Astronomer for 1877. Albany: 

Weed, Parsons and Co. 

Albany: Dudley Observatory, Scientific Council 

1858. Defence of Dr. Could. Albany: Weed, Parsons 

and Co. 

Albany: Dudley Observatory, Trustees 

1858. The Dudley Observatory and the Scientific 

Council. Albany: Van Benthuysen. 

Almqvist, Johan Axel 

1904. Sveriges bibliografiska litteratur. Volume 1. 

Stockholm: P. A. Norsted & Soner. 

1909. Bergskollegium och bergslagsstaterna, 1637-1857. 

Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & Soner. 

American Academy of Arts and Sciences 

1857. [On Gould's report concerning the Babbage and 

Scheutz machines.] Proceedings. 3:389. 

American Association for the Advancement of Science 

(AAAS) 

1856. Resolutions [commending Babbage]. Proceedings 

of . 1853, 7:276. 

Andersson, Tore 

1933. Wibergs raknemaskin. Pages 98-99 in Daedalus: 

Tekniska museets drsbok. Stockholm: Tekniska 

Museet. Ingenieursvetenskapsakademien. 

Archibald, Raymond Clare 

1947. P. G. Scheutz, Publicist, Author, Scientific Mathematician, and Edvard Scheutz, Engineer— 

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64 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Athenaeum, London 

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1857b. [Supplementary note.] The Athenaeum, 1548:828. 

Babbage, Charles 

*1833. On the Economy of Machines and Manufactures. 

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*1846. Nionde Bridge water-afhandlingen: Aphorismer. 

Translated from the second English edition by 

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1855a. Correspondance. [Academie des Sciences, Paris] 

Comptes Rendus, 41:528. 

1855b. Note sur la machine suedoise de MM. Schutz 

pour calculer les tables mathematiques, par la 

methode des differences, et en imprimer les resultats 

sur des planches stereotypes. [Academie des 

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1856. Observations Addressed, at the Last Anniversary, 

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after the Delivery of the Medals. London: John 

Murray. 

1861. See "Calculating Machine." 

1864. Passages from the Life of a Philosopher. London: 

Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green. 

Babbage, Henry Prevost 

1855. On Mechanical Notation, as Exemplified in the 

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1889. Babbage's Calculating Engines; Being a Collection 

of Papers Relating to Them, Their History and 

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Bailey, Solon L 

*1931. The History and Work of Harvard Observatory, 

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Bergstedt, C. F. 

1878. Georg Scheutz. [Svenska Vetenskapsakademien] 

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1958: KonstfoTvanter: Utfiykter och studier i svensk 

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Biografiskt lexicon ofver namnkunnige svenska man. 

1835-1857. 23 volumes in 22. Upsala and Orebro. 

Bjoerkbom, Carl 

1948. Det svenska boktrycket genom tiderna. Stockholm: 

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Bool, Vladimir Georgievich von 

1896. Pribory i mashiny dlia mekhanicheskago proizvodstva aritmeticheskikh deistoii. Moscow: Tipolitogr. I. N. Kushnerevii. [See especially pages 

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Borgstrom, Ludvig 

1836. [Autobiography.] Pages 386-394 in volume 2 of 

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1968. History of the Dudley Observatory, 1852-1956. 

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Brisse, L[eon], Baron 

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1874. Report of the Committee .. . on Mathematical 

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Calculating by Machinery 

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1861. Chambers's Encyclopaedia, 2:504. London: W. 

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1865. The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register 

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New York: D. Appleton and Co. 

1866. Cyclopaedia of Useful Arts. Appendix, 3:137-140. 

London: Virtue & Co. 

1876. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 4:654-655. Ninth edition. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black. 

1882. The American Universal Cyclopaedia, 3:290-291. 

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1897. The American Educator, 1:484. Philadelphia: 

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1902b. The Anglo-American Encyclopedia and Dictionary, 

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1931. Doubleday's Encyclopedia, 2:470-471. Garden 

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Castegren, Erik 

*1955. Riksbankens pappersbruk Tumba. Tumba. 

Chasles, Michel 

1856. [Presentation of Babbage's Observations.] [Academie des Sciences, Paris] Comptes Rendus, 

42:798-800, 811. 

Comrie, Leslie John 

1928. On the Application of the Brunsviga-Dupla Calculating Machine to Double Summation with Finite 

Differences. Monthly Notices of the Royal A.<:tronomical Society, 88(5) :447-459. 

1932a. Modern Babbage Machines. Transactions of the 

Office Machinery Users' Association. 

1932b. The Nautical Almanac Office Burroughs Machine. 
NUMBER 36 65 

Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical SoSociety, 92(6):523-541. 

1933. Computing the "Nautical Almanac." Nautical 

Magazine: 1-16. 

1946. The Application of Commercial Calculating Machines to Scientific Computing. Mathematical 

Tables and Other Aids to Computation, 2(16): 

149-159. 

Copley, Frank Barkley 

*1923. Frederick W. Taylor, Father of Scientific Management. Volume 1. New York and London: Harper 

& Brothers. 

Cosmos 

1856a. [Report on the discussion at the 28 April 1856 

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1856b. [Report on the visit of the Emperor, Archduke 

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1858. [Report on the discussion at the 12 July 1858 

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Dahlgren, Erik Wilhelm, editor 

1915. [Kungl. Svenska Vetenskapsakademien, Stockholm] 

Personforteckningar, 1739-1915. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. 

Dahlgren, Fredrik August 

1866. Stockholms Theatrar. Stockholm: F. A. Norstedt 

& Soner. 

De Morgan, Augustus 

1861. Table. The English Cyclopedia: A New Dictionary of Universal Knowledge. Division IV (Arts 

and Sciences), volume 7, column 1007. London: 

Bradbury and Evans. 

Donkin, Harry J. 

1925. The History of Bryan Donkin & Company. Chesterfield : W. Edmunds, Ltd. 

Dupin, Charles, Baron 

1856. [Remarks occasioned by the presentation of Babbage's Observations.] Comptes Rendus, 42:800. 

Engineering: An Illustrated Weekly lournal (London) 

1926. [Review of Mathematics, I.] See London: Science 

Museum, 1926. 

Felt, Dorr E. 

1916. Mechanical Arithmetic, or the History of the 

Counting Machine. Chicago: Washington Institute. 

Gottlieb, Bjorn 

1956. Magistrarne i Aftonbladet. Stockholm: Aftonbladets Forlag. 

Gould, Benjamin A. 

1858a. [Letter to the editor.] Astronomische Nachrichten, 

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1858b. [Letter to the editor.] Astronomische Nachrichten, 

48(1140):187-188. 

1858c. Specimens of the Garbling of Letters by the Majority of the Trustees of the Dudley Observatory. 

Albany: Van Benthuysen. 

1859. Reply to the "Statement of the Trustees" of the 

Dudley Observatory. Albany: C. Van Benthuysen. 

Grant, George Barnard 

1871. On a New Difference Engine. American Journal 

of Science, series 3, 2 (August): 113-117. 

Gravatt, William F. 

1859. Mountain Barometer Tables: Calculated and Stereoglyphed by Messrs. Scheutz's Calculating Machine 

No. 2 and Printed by Machinery. London. 

1862. Mountain Barometer Tables: Calculated and Stereoglyphed by Messrs. Scheutz's Calculating Machine 

No. 2, and Printed by Machinery. London: 

Whiting. 

Great Britain: General Register Office 

1864. English Life Tables: Tables of Lifetimes, Annuities, and Premiums. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Ofiice. 

Gustafson, Alrik 

1961. A History of Swedish Literature. Minneapolis: 

University of Minnesota Press. 

Goransson, Jean 

1937. Aftonbladet: Som Politisk Tidning 1830-1835. 

Uppsala: Wretman. 

Hagberg, Carl August, translator 

185L Shakespeare's dramatiska arbeten. Volume 12. 

Lund: C. W. K. Glarup. 

Harvard University, Computation Laboratory 

1946. A Manual of Operations for the Automatic Sequence Controlled Calculator. Annals of the Computation Laboratory, volume 1. 

Henriques, Pontus Herman 

*1917, 1927. Skildringar ur Kungl. tekniska hogskolans 

historia. 2 volumes in 3. Stockholm: Norstedt. 

Hofberg, Herman 

1876. Svenskt biografiskt handlexikon. 2 volumes. Stockholm: Alb. Bonnier. 

1906. Svenski biografiskt handlexikon. 2 volumes, new 

edition. Stockholm: A. Bonnier. 

Institution of Civil Engineers, London 

1857a. [Note on a demonstration of the Scheutz machine.] Minutes of Proceedings. 16:224—225. 

1857b. Calculating Machines. Minutes of Proceedings. 

16:422. 

1867. [Obituary of Gravatt.] Minutes of Proceedings. 

26:565-575. 

Jacob, Louis Frederic Gustave 

1911. Le Calcul mecanique. Paris: O. Doin et fils. 

Johnsson, Pehr 

1932. Georg Scheutz: En boktryckare och tidningsutgivare fran forra seklet. Nordisk boktryckarekonst, 

33:136-139. 

Jonkoping, Sweden 

1921. Jonkopings historia. Volume 4. Jonkoping: Richards. 

Kihlberg, Leif 

1968. Lars Hierta: helfigur. Stockholm: Alb. Bonniers. 

Kjellander, Rune G. 

1953. J. W. Bergstrom: Mekanikus och daguerrotypist. 

Pages 99-115 in Daedalus: Tekniska Museets drsbok. Stockholm: Tekniska Museet, Ingenieursvetenskapaskademien. 
66 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Klemming, Gustaf Edvard 

1879. Sveriges dramatiska litteratur till och med 1875. 

Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & soner. 

Klemming, Gustaf Edvard, and J. G. Nordin 

1883. Svensk boktryckeri-historia 1483-1883, med inledande allmdn ofversigt. Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & soner. 

Lardner, Dionysius 

*1834. Babbage's Calculating Engine. The Edinburgh 

Review, 59( 120) : 263-327. 

Legros, Lucien Alphonse, and John Cameron Grant 

1916. Typographical Printing-Surfaces: The Technology 

and Mechanism of Their Production. London: 

Longmans, Green and Co. 

Lindgren, Torgny 

*1968. Riksbankens sedelhistoria, 1668-1968. Stockholm: 

Raben & Sjogren. 

Linnstrom, Hjalmar 

1961. Svenskt boklexikon: Aren 1830-1865. Stockholm: 

Temo-Tryck AB. 

London: British Museum 

1854-1856. Babbage Correspondence. Add. Mss. 37196. 

1856-1858. Babbage Correspondence. Add. Mss. 37197. 

London: Science Museum 

1926. Mathematics, I: Calculating Machines and Instruments. In Catalogue of the Collections in the 

Science Museum, South Kensington with Descriptive and Historical Notes and Illustrations. 

London: H. M. Stationery Office. 

London Daily News 

1855. [Miscellaneous reports on the Paris Universal 

Exhibition.] 

Lundstedt, Bernhard 

1969. Sveriges periodiska litteratur 1645-1899. 3 

volumes. Stockholm: Bokforlaget Rediviva. 

Machine a calculer, qui presente les resultats en les 

imprimant elle meme: inventee par Georges Scheutz et 

Edouard Scheutz de Stockholm, exposants. 

tl855. Stockholm. 

Mackenzie, A. D. 

*1953. The Bank of England Note: A History of Its 

Printing. Cambridge: University Press. 

Martin, Ernst 

1925. Die Rechenmaschinen und ihre Entwicklungsgeschichte. Pappenheim: Johannes Meyer. 

Mehmke, Rudolf 

1901. Numerisches Rechnen. Pages 938-1079 in volume 

IF of Encyklopaedie der mathematischen Wissenschaften. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. 

Mehmke, Rudolf, and Maurice d'Ocagne 

1908. Calculs numeriques. Pages 268-269 in volume 

I 4.2 of Encyclopedie des sciences mathematiques. 

Paris: Gauthier-Villars. 

Meidinger, Johann Heinrich 

1860. Die Scheutz'sche Rechenmaschine. Dinglers Polytechnisches Journal, 156(4):241-256 and 156(5): 

321-336. 

Munsell, Joel 

*1864. Chronology of Paper and Paper-Making. Third 

edition. Albany: J. Munsell. 

New Calculating Machine 

1855a. London Daily News, 25 April, page 5. 

1855b. Illustrated London News, 26:661. 

Oakley, Stewart 

*1966. A Short History of Sweden. New York: Frederick 

A. Praeger. 

Observer [pseudonym] 

n.d. A Letter to the Majority of the Trustees of the 

Dudley Observatory. Albany. 

Ocagne, Maurice d' 

1894. Le Calcul simplifie par les procedes mecaniques 

et graphiques. Paris. [See especially pages 37-38.] 

1905. Le Calcul simplifie. . . Second edition, Paris: 

Gauthier-Villars. [See especially pages 83-86 and 

213-218.] 

1928. Le Calcul simplifie. . Third edition. Paris [See 

especially pages 74-77 and 182-187.] 

Oldham, Thomas 

*1842. On the Introduction of Letter-Press Printing for 

Numbering and Dating the Notes of the Bank of 

England. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers, London, 2(1841-

1843):166-168. 

Paris: Exposition Universelle, 1855 

1855. Catalogue officiel public par ordre de la commission imperiale. Second edition. Paris: E. Panis. 

Paris: Commission imperiale 

1857. Rapport sur I'exposition universelle de 1855 presente a I'empereur par S.A.I. Le Prince Napoleon, 

president de la commission. Paris: Imprimerie 

Imperiale. 

Pascal, Adrien 

1855. l^isites et etudes de S.A.I, le prince Napoleon au 

palais de I'industrie. Paris: Perrotin. 

Le Pays 

tl858. 24 September. 

Philadelphia: Franklin Institute 

*1874. Gibbs correspondence. 

Plant, Marjorie 

*1965. The English Book Trade: An Economic History of 

the Making and Sale of Books. Second edition. 

London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. 

Platbarzdis, Aleksandr 

1963. Sveriges sedlar 1661-1961, I. Lund: Sven Flodberg. 

The Practical Mechanic's Journal 

1855. [Patent-based description of the Scheutz machine.] 

The Practical Mechanic's Journal, 8:147-148. 

1857a. [Notice of Scheutz machine's demonstration at the 

Institution of Civil Engineers and its sale.] The 

Practical Mechanic's Journal, 10:18. 

1857b. [Concerning the Specimens.] The Practical Mechanic's Journal, 10:78. 

Propriete industrielle 

1858. [Review of Specimens.] Propriete Industrielle, 

number 34. 

Rathbone, Robert R., editor 

1952. Excerpts on the Difference Engines of Pehr Georg 

Scheutz and Edvard Scheutz. Paper R-213. Cam-
NUMBER 36 67 

bridge, Mass.: Digital Computer Laboratory, 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 

Report on the Calculating Machine Recently Constructed 

by Mr. Donkin. 

tl859. London. 

Reynolds, Cuyler, compiler 

*1906. Albany Chronicles. Albany: J. B. Lyon Co. 

Riviere, A. 

1858. Machine a calculer. L'lllustration, journal universel, 32:143. 

Royal Society of London 

1854. Letter from W. Gravatt, Esq., F.R.S., to Col. 

Sabine, Treas. R.S. Proceedings, 7:166. 

1856a. Report of a Committee Appointed by the Council 

to Examine the Calculating Machine of M. 

Scheutz. Proceedings, 7:499-500. [Reprinted same 

year in Philosophical Magazine, 4(11) :540-548.] 

1856b. Obituary Notices of Deceased Fellows: Bryan 

Donkin. Proceedings, 7:586-589. 

1867. Obituary Notices of Deceased Fellows: William 

Gravatt. Proceedings, 16:xvi-xvii. 

Rydberg, C. H. 

tl874. Tva pressens man: Lars Johan Hierta och Georg 

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Salinas, Birger, editor 

1965. Jonkopings stads historia: Del II (1612-1862). 

Varnamo: AB Faith. 

Scheutz's Calculating Machine 

1855. The Practical Mechanic's Journal, 8:58-59. 

Scheutz's Calculating Engine 

1860. London Daily News, 22 March 1860, page 2, 

columns 1-3. 

Scholdstrom, B. 

tl895. [Biographical account of Georg Scheutz.] Zigzag. 

Schiick, Henrik, and Karl Warburg 

1926-1932. Illustrerad svensk litter aturhistoria. Third 

edition, 7 volumes. Stockholm: Hugo Cans. 

Sidenbladh, Elis 

*1873. Schweden: Statistische Mittheilungen [Weltausstellung 1873 in Wien). Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & soner. [See especially pages 92-94. French 

edition published in 1876 by K. Nilsson, Paris, 

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Siecle 

1858. [Review and account of Specimens and related 

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Smith, Adam 

*1937. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the 

Wealth of Nations. New York: Random House, 

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Societe d'encouragement pour I'industrie nationale 

1843. Rapport fait par M. Theodore Olivier, au nom de 

comite des arts mecaniques a calculer presentees 

par M. le docteur Roth. Bulletin, 42:411-421. 

Soderbaum, Henrik Gustaf 

*1929. Jacob Berzelius, Levnadsteckning. Volume 2. 

Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell. 

Specimens of Tables, Calculated, Stereomoulded and Printed 

by Machinery 

1857. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and 

Roberts. 

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1858. Paris. 

Stockholm: Postmuseum 

1930. Skilling-Banco-frimarkena. Meddelanden fran 

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Tryckeri. 

Stockholm: Tekniska Hogskola, Bibliotek 

1849. Katalog ofver Kungl. Teknologiska Institutets 

Bibliothek, dr 1848. Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & 

Soner. 

Svensk uppslagsbok 

1937. Scheutz. Svensk uppslagsbok, 24:column 119. 

Svenska Historien, Den 

1968. Volume 7, Gustavianska tiden, 1772-1809; volume 

8, Karl Johanstiden och den borgerliga liberalismus, 1809-1865. Stockholm: Albert Bonnier. 

Svenska Man och Kvinnor 

1942-1955. Svenska Man och Kvinnor: Biografisk 

Uppslagsbok. 8 volumes. Stockholm: Albert Bonnier. 

Svenska Vetenskapsakademien, Stockholm 

1843. Utlatande, 18 September 1843. 

1859. Scheutz's raknesmaskin. Ofversigt af Forhandlingar, 

16:391. 

Svenskt biografiskt lexicon 

1857-1907. 10 volumes. Orebro: N. M. Lindh. 

Svenskt portrdttgalleri 

1895-1911. 45 volumes. Stockholm: Hasse W. Tullberg. 

Sweden: Riksdagen 

1851, 1854. Bihang till samtlige riks-standens protokoll 

Fjerde samlingen, Ista afdelningen: Statsutskottets 

memorial, utlatanden och betankanden. Volume 1, 

numbers 294, 328; volume 2, number 1361. 

Stockholm. 

Sweden: Riksdagen, Bondestandet 

(Stockholm), 6:185-186, 269. 

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Borgarstandet 

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Prastestandet 

(Stockholm), 10:411. 

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(Stockholm), 8:132, 155. 

(Stockholm), 10:58. 

Sweden: Statistiska centralbyran 

*1969. Historisk statistik for Sverige, Del 1: Befolkning, 

1720-1967. Second edition. Stockhclm: KL Beckman. 

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1858. A Key to the "Trustee's Statement": Letter to the 

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1851. 

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1860. 

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1854. 

1860 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Riksdagen, 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Riksdagen, 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Riksdagen, 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 

Protokoll ( 
68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Thompson, C. Bertrand 

*1914. The Literature of Scientific Management. Pages 

3-48 in C. Bertrand Thompson, editor. Scientific 

Management. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 

Thomson, Thomas 

*1813. Travels in Sweden during the Autumn of 1812. 

London: Robert Baldwin. 

U. S., Navy Department 

1856-1860. [Annual] Report of the Secretary of the 

Navy. 5 volumes. Washington: Government 

Printing Office. 

Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institution, National 

Museum of History and Technology, Mathematics 

1971. Correspondence File. Museums. Letter and notes 

from Jane Pugh concerning the Scheutz-Donkin 

Machine. 

1920. Documents, Group A. Felt File. 

1871-1940. Documents, Group A. Locke File. 

1916-1931. Documents, Group A. Turck File. 

Washington, D.C: National Archives 

1856-1858. Record Group 78. Letter Books. 

Weber, Gustavus A. 

*1926. The Naval Observatory: Its History, Activities 

and Organization. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins 

Press. 

Wiberg, Helgo 

1955. Nagra av Martin Wibergs uppfinningar. Pages 

112-118 in Daedalus Tekniska Museets drsbok. 

Stockholm: Tekniska Museet, Ingenieursvetenskapen. 

Wiberg, Martin 

1860. Med maskin utraknade och stereotyperade rdntetabeller jemte en dagrdkningstabell. Stockholm: 

J. & A. Riis. 

1876. Tables de logarithmes calculees et imprimees au 

moyen de la machine a calculer. Stockholm: 

Compagnie anonyme de Forsete. 

Wieselgren, Harald 

tl880. Ur var samtid. Stockholm. 

Titles Published by Georg Scheutz 

Agardh, C[arl] A[doIph] 

1849. Bihang till skriften: Nytt och enkelt satt att losa 

nummereqvationer. Edited [with an addition of 4 

pages] by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: N & K Markus. 

Alten, MSrten 

1817. Hon narrar dem alia: Komedi i en akt. Stockholm: 

Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1829. Hon narrar dem alia: Komedi i en akt. Second 

edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Anmdrkaren 

1816. Stockholm: Fr. Cederborgh & Co. 

1817-1820. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Anmdrkarne 

1820. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Arago, FranQois 

1854. Skrifter. Introduction by Alexander von Humboldt, translation by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. A. 

Dahlstrom. 

Argus. Politisk, litterdr och commerciell tidning 

1820-1836. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Aristophanes 

1826. Molnen: Lustspel. Translation by Joh. Henr. 

Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

d'Arlincourt, [Charles Victor Prevot] 

1827. Eremiten. Translation, based on the eleventh 

French edition, by C R. [Lars Arnell]. 2 volumes 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Arndt, E[rnst] M[oritz] 

1819a. Om stats-forfattningar med stdnder. [Translation 

by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona.] Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1819b. Plan til en furstes upfostran och undervisning 

Translation [by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Astrand, J[ohan] J[ulius] 

1855-1859. Universal-lexikon for kopmdn, fabrikanter, 

konsuler och alia, som sta i ndrmare beroring med 

handeln. 2 volumes. Stockholm: C M. Thimgren. 

[Based on W. Hoffmann's Encyclopedia; completed by G. Scheutz.] 

Bailleul, J. Ch. 

1820. Franska revolutionen, dess verkliga orsaker och 

syftnig. Translation [by Joh. Henr. Ritterberg]. 

2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Bailly de Merlieux, C F. 

1835. Handbok i naturkunskapen. Based on the third 

edition, translation with revisions [partly by G. 

Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad 

vetenskap, volume 7. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Bartholdy, J[acob] L. S. 

1820. Underrdttelser om det nuvarande Grekland, samlade pa en resa. [Translation by Georg Gabriel 

Dahlcrona.] Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Bentham, Jeremy 

1823. Taktik for rddslaende national representationer. 

Elaborated by Etienne Dumont, translation [by 

Joh. Henr. Ritterberg]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Birckbeck, Morris] 

1818. Nybyggarne i Nordamerika, deras oden och 

utsigter. [Translation by G. Scheutz.] Stockholm: 

Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

[Bjornstjerna, Magnus Fred. Ferd.] 

1833. Svar pa herr Wollrath Thams anmdrkningar vid 

grefve Bjornstjernas afhandling om svenska jordens 

beskattning. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Boccaccio, Giovanni 

1818. Guiscardo och Sigismonda. Translation [by G. 

Scheutz]. Stockholm. 

[Braddon, Mary Elizabeth (Maxwell)] 

1863-1864. De lottlose. Translation from the English by 

G. Scheutz, 2 volumes. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 

1865. Doktorns fru. Translation from the English by G. 

Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 
NUMBER 36 69 

1866. Grobianen. Translation from the English by G. 

Scheutz, 2 volumes. Stockholm: Hjerta. 

Brunton, Robert 

1833-1835. Handbok i mekaniken. Revised by Christoph 

and Joh[ann] Gust[av] Bernoulli, translation [from 

the German by Magnus Luttrop] with additions, 2 

volumes. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad 

vetenskap, volume 6. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Caesar, Gaius Julius 

1828. Kommentarier ofver Galliska kriget. Latin original 

and Swedish translation [mostly free by G. 

Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Chaussier, F., and Joseph Morin 

1832. Handbok for helsans bevarande. Translation, witli 

additions and revisions, adapted to Swedish climate and customs [by G. Scheutz]. Bibliotek for 

konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap,' volume 1. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Cooper, [James Fenimore] 

1825-1826. Spionen. Translation, 3 volumes. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

1826. Redwood. [Translation by Lars Arnell], 3 volumes. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1827. Susquehannas kdllor, eller nybyggarne. Translation by C. R. [Lars Arnell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1828. Den siste mohikanen. Translation by L. Westerberg. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Crusenstolpe, Magnus Jacob] 

1834a. Skildringar ur det inre af dagens historia: De 

franvarande. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1834b. Skildringar ur det inre af dagens histori.a: De 

ndrvarande. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Elfving, J. I., editor 

1824. Magazin for ungdom, number 1. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

Eutropius 

1829. Sammandrag af romerska historien. Latin text 

and Swedish translation [by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Fenelon, Francois de Salignac de La Mothe1832. Les aventures de Telemaque, fils d'Ulysse. [Edited 

by G. Scheutz], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Friedrich, Theodor Heinrich] 

1817. Den patriotiska flickan: Skadespel i I akt. [Translation by Marten Alten.] Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

[Fryxell, Johan] 

1818. War theater? Ldsning for riksdagsmdn och aktorer. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Great Britain: Patent Office 

1855. Letters Patent A. D. 1854, No. 2216 [issued to 

G. and E. Scheutz]: Improvements in Machinery 

of Apparatus for Calculating and Printing the 

Results of such Calculations. Specifications of 

Inventions, 83(2216). 

Hall 

1831. Latinska sprdkets stamord, med exempel af deras 

bruk. Translation from the English by Ludvig 

Westerberg. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Hermbstadt, S[igismund] F[riedrich] 

1832. Handbok i teknologien eller slojdkunskapen. 

Translation [by Magnus Luttrop] with additions. 

Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, 

volume 5. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Hinchliff, Th[omas] W[oodbine] 

1864. Brasilien och Platastaterna: Reseanteckningar. 

Translation by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 

Hufeland, C[hristoph] W[ilhelm] 

1816. Wi och wara forfdder i fisiskt hdnseende. [Translation by G. Scheutz.] Stockholm: Cederborgska 

boktryckeriet. 

Hugo, Victor 

1852. Napoleon den lille. Translation from the French 

[by G. Scheutz et al.]. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 

[Hyckert, Joh. Fredr.] 

1817. Forsok att bestdmma begreppen om finanser, 

handel, skatter och embeten. 2 volumes. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1818. Foljder af statshushdllnings—, stats-skulds-och 

finans-systemer. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

[Hyckert, Joh. Fredr., et a)., editors] 

1816-1818. Forsok till en ny svensk statistisk jurnal, 

numbers 5-8. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Journal for manufakturer och hushdllning 

1825-1826: 1833-1834. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Julia-Fontenelle, Jean Sebastien Eugene 

1832a. Handbok for attiketillverkning sa val fabriksvis 

som for hushall. Abridged translation [by G. 

Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad 

vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1832b. Handbok for tillverkning och rening af oljor s4 

val fabriksvis som for hushall. Abridged translation with corrections and additions [by G. 

Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och tilldmpad 

vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Kotzebue, August Friedrich Ferdinand von] 

1817a. Pastoratet, eller: Den raka vdgen dr den bdsta: 

Komedi i en akt. Free translation [by Marten 

Alten]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1817b. Strandrdtten: Komedi i en akt. [Translation by 

Marten Alten.]. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1820. Den fyratiodrige dlskaren: Komedi uti i en akt. 

Translation [by Mirten Alten]. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

1829. Pastoratet, eller: Den rdka vdgen dr den bdsta: 

Komedi i en akt. Free translation [by Marten 

Alten]. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1832. Strandrdtten: Komedi i en akt. Translation by 

Marten Alten. Second edition. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

Lacroix, S[ylvestre] F[ran5ois] 

1832. Handbok i landtmateriet. Translation [by Magnus 

J. Luttrop] adapted to Swedish [use]. Bibliotek 

for konst, slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 

4. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 
70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Lagerhjelm, Per 

1840. Anforande hos ridderskapet och adeln, den 11 

mars 1840. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[La Motte-Fouque, Friedrich Heinrich, Baron de] 

1817. Eginhard och Emma: Romantisk handelse vid 

Carl den stores hof. Translation [by G. Scheutz]. 

Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1821. Carl den store, eller natten i skogen: Dramatiserad 

saga. Translation [by C Hedlund]. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

[Langbein, Ernst] 

1818. Dechanten i Budajoz, eller andeverldens gunst, 

en presthistoria fran Spanien. Translation. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Liebig, Justus 

1853. Kemiska bref. Translation from the third edition 

by G. Scheutz. Stockholm: J. Beckman. 

Ling, [Per Henrik] 

1824a. Ingjald Illrada och I var Vidfame: Songspel. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1824b. Styrbjorn Starke: Historiskt skadespel. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

[Liwijn, Claes] 

1817. Axel Sigfridsson: Roman. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Llorente, [Juan Antonio] 

ca. 1820. Pafvarnes historia. [Translation.] Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

Louis XVIII 

1823. Flykten fran Paris till Brussel och Coblenz, 1791. 

Translation from the original published in 1823 

[by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Luttrop, Magnus] 

1836. Norrige: Artikel ur Svenska bondens tidning, for 

hvilken denna anses hafva blifvit indragen. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1839. Handbok i svarfkonsten. Bibliotek for konst, slojd 

och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 8. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

Morier, James 

1825. Ha']i Baba fran Ispahan: Romantisk malning 

[skildring] af Persien. Translation [by G. A. 

Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1830. Hadji Babas fran Ispahan dfventyr i Europa. 

Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 2 volumes. Stockholm : G. Scheutz. 

1831. Oster Idndningar och westerldndningar, eller Hadji Babas dfventyr i Europa. Translation, 2 volumes. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Mueller, A. F. 

ca. 1830. Engelsk grammatik. Third edition. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

Miiller, [Wilhelm Kristian,] and [M.] Sommer 

1833. Italiensk Idsbok; med dertill horande ordbok och 

sprdkldra. Translation with additions and changes 

by G. Scheutz, second edition. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. [For first edition, see Sommer 1819.] 

Nepos, Cornelius 

1818. Om namnkunniga fdltherrars lefnadslopp. Translation [by G. A. Wulff]. Stockholm: Cederborgska 

boktryckeriet. 

1828. [Vitae excellentium imperatorum.] Latin text and 

Swedish translation [by G. A. Wulff], 2 volumes. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Picard, [Louis Benoit,] and [Friedrich von] Schiller 

1819. Meddelmdttig och krypande, eller konsten att 

gora lycka: Komedi i 5 akter. [Translation by 

Marten Alten.] Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Prechtl, Joh[ann] Jos[eph] 

1833. Handbok for bryggning och maltberedning. Translation with additions and revisions [by G. 

Scheutz]. Bibliotek for konst slojd ach tilldmpad 

vetenskap. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Richert, Joh. Gabr.] 

1822. Ett och annat om korporationer. Stockholm: Fr. 

B. Nestius. [Sold and perhaps also published by 

G. Scheutz.] 

Roberts, W. H. 

1855. Den inhemske vinfabrikanten och hembryggaren. 

Free revision and translation [by G. Scheutz] 

based on the fifth English edition. Stockholm: A. 

Hellsten. 

Saint Croix (?) 

ca. 1820. Mysterier, de gamles: Historisk framstdllning 

deraf. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Salverte, Eusebe 

1831. Den hemlige vetenskapen. Translation [by G. 

Scheutz], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Say, Jean-Baptiste 

1823-1824. Afhandling uti statshushdllningsldran. Translation [by Carl David Skogman] based on the 

fourth enlarged and revised edition, 2 volumes. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Scheutz, Edvard 

1836. Vackra flickor finnas dfven i Siberien: Lustspel 

i tva akter. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Scheutz, Georg 

1815. Nattdfventyret. Stockholm: F. Cederborgh & c. 

[Reprint from Samlaren, number 3, 1815.] 

1817. Handbok for sa wdl enklare som mera konstig 

blekning winter-och sommartiden. Stockholm: 

Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1819. Register ofver Stockholms tidningar. Stockholm: 

Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1820. Handbok for sd wdl enklare som mera konstig 

blekning winter-och sommartiden. Second edition. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1823. Handlingar, horande till den i kongl. Gotha 

hofrdtt anstdllda rdttegang mot Hrr Adlersparre, 

Gripenwalett, Kurck, Schultz, Silverskold och 

Skoldebrand, for deras yttranden vid 1800 drs 

riksdag: Ett bidrag till envdldets historia i Sverige. 

Stockholm: G. Scheutz. [Authorship uncertain.] 

1832. Handbok i ritkonsten. Bibliotek for konst, slojd 

och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 2. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

1834. Portatif raknemaskin i form af en liten bok. En 
NUMBER 36 71 

tilldmpning af John Nepers, baron af Merchiston, 

rdknestafvar. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1840. Sldgtvdlde och idevdlde, eller det som var ach 

det som kommer. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1842. Handbok i ritkonsten. Second edition. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

1843. Vdgen till naturens riken: En elementarbok i 

naturhistorien. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. 

1849a. Handbok for bleckarbeten. (Bibliotek for konst, 

slojd och tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 9.) Stockholm: Eckstein. 

1849b. Nytt och enkelt satt att losa nummereqvationer. 

Stockholm: N & K Marcus. [Also see Agardh 

1849.] 

1856a. Den praktiske affdrsmannen: Handbok for handlande och handtverkare. [Treatment based on the 

third edition of "Der kleine Rotschild."] Stockholm: J & A Riis. 

1856b. Jorden, illustrerade naturbilder. Stockholm. [Second edition, revised, with index, published 1857 

in Stockholm.] 

1860. Stockholm: Illustrerade utkast. Stockholm: A. 

Hellsten. 

1860-1861. Industriens bok. 2 series, 8 volumes. Stockholm : Thimgren, Blomqvist, Ljunggren. 

1862. Jorden, illustrerade naturbilder. Third revised 

edition, with index. Stockholm: A. Hellsten. 

1868. Den praktiske affdrsmannen. Second edition. 

Stockholm. 

1869. Lagerhjelm: Svenska Vetenskapsakademien. Lefnadsteckningar, l(9):71-76 . 

1873. von Sydow: Svenska Vetenskapsakademien. Lefnadsteckningar, 1(21):241-250. 

1875. Den praktiske affdrsmannen. Third edition. 

Stockholm: Alb. Bonnier. 

Schiller, [Friedrich von] 

1819. Viellevilles lefverne och krigsbedrifter. Translalation [by Georg Gabriel Dahlcrona]. Stockholm: 

Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Schubert, F[riedrich] Wilh[elm von] 

1823-1825. Resa genom Sverige, Norrige, Lappland, 

Finland, Ingermanland. Translation [by G. A. 

Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Scott, Walter 

1821-1822. Ivanhoe: Romantisk malning af England, 

under Richard Lejonhjertas tidhvarf. Translation 

[by Joh. Henr. Ritterberg], 3 volumes. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

1824a. Fanatismen: Historisk skildring. Translation [by 

G. A. Wulff], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1824b. Midlothians hjerta. Translation [by G. A. Wulff], 

3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1826-1827. Woodstock. Translation by C. R. [Lars 

Arnell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Shakespeare, William 

1816. Julius Caesar: Skadespel. Translation by G. 

Scheutz. Stockholm: F. Cederborgh & Co. 

1820. Kdpmannen i Venedig: Skadespel. Translation 

[by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1825a. Konung Richard den andre: Sorgspel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

1825b. De muntra fruarna i Windsor: Lustspel. Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

1825c. Som ni behagar: Skadespel. Translation by Joh. 

Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1825d. Trettondagsafton eller hvad ni vill: Skadespel. 

Translation by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1825e. Antonius och Cleopatra: Skadespel. Translation 

by Joh. Henr. Thomander. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

1831. Julius Caesar: Skadespel. Translation by G. 

Scheutz. Second edition. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Smith, Horace 

1827. Slottet Brambletye, eller Carl den II och Cromwell. Translation from the original by C R. 

[Lars Angell], 3 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1829. Joe Hill: Romantisk skildring frdn Henry VIII:s 

och Engelska reformationens tidehvarf. Translation by Lars Arnell. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Sommer, M. 

1819. Italiensk Idsbok, med dertill horande ordbok och 

sprakldra. Based on G. W. Miiller; translation 

with additions and revisions. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

Spegeln 

1837-1838. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Sue, Eugene 

1844. Parisiska mysterier. Translation [by G. Scheutz 

and others]. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. 

Svensk illustrerad polytechnisk journal 

1852-1854. 3 volumes. Stockholm: C M. Thimgren. 

Svenska bondens tidning 

1835-1836. 84 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Svenska industriforeningens tidskrift 

1834-1839. 61 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Svetonius Tranqvillus, Cfajus] 

1832. De tolf fdrste romerske kejserne. Translation [by 

Magnus Luttrop], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

Terquem, [Olny] 

1832. Handbok i algebra. Translation [by Magnus Luttrop], tables added. Bibliotek for konst, slojd och 

tilldmpad vetenskap, volume 3. Stockholm: G. 

Scheutz. 

Tidning for norringarne 

1840-1842. 64 issues. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

[Voss, Christian Daniel] 

1821. Markisens af Pombal minister. Translation. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Voss, Julius von 

1828. Ruter Dam och Gips Apollo, eller de svartsjuka 

makarne: Ears i tva akter. Translation [by 

Marten Alten]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Wagner, Wilhelm 

1869-1872. Rom. Translation from the second edition 
72 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

by G. Scheutz [volume 1; volumes 2 and 3 by 

E. Scheutz]. 3 volumes. Stockholm: L. J. Hjerta. 

[Walberg, Carl Gustav] 

1817a. Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson; hjelte, statsman, 

fddereslandets forsvarare mot utldndskt fdrtryck. 

Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1817b. Soldat-familjen, den 28 januari: Prolog. Stockholm : Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1817c. Oegennytta och uppslysning. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

[Wergeland, Henrik Arnold] 

1837. Stockholmsfararen. Sjuttonde maj stycke af Siful 

Siffada. Translation and notes by G. Scheutz. 

Spegeln, numbers 22 and 23. 

Werner, Ffriedrich] L[udwig] Z[acharias] 

1817. Dalens soner. Translation [by G. Scheutz], 2 

parts, 3 volumes. Stockholm: Cederborgska boktryckeriet. 

1864. Dalens soner. Translation [and introduction by 

G. Scheutz], second edition. Stockholm: Huldberg & Komp. 

Wright, [Frances] 

1826. Resa genom Fdrenta staterna i Nordamerika. 

Translation [by Marten Alten], 2 volumes. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

Xenofon 

1829. Cyri hdrfdrd och de tiotusendes atertag. Translation from the Greek by Ludvig Westerberg [revised by G. Scheutz]. Stockholm: G. Scheutz. 

1831. Cyri hdrfdrd och de tiotusendes atertag. Translation from the Greek by Ludvig Westerberg [revised by G. Scheutz], second edition. Stockholm: 

G. Scheutz. 

Zimmermann, [Eberhard August Wilhelm] 

1809. Brasilien enligt de nyaste och sakraste underrdttelser skildradt. Translation [from the German 

by G. Scheutz]. Jonkoping. 
Index of Persons 

Agardh, Carl Adolph (1785-1859), 10 

Agardh, J. M. (1812-1862), 10 

Aiken, Howard (1900-1973), 38 

Airy, George Biddle, Sir (1801-1892), 29 

Alander, G. von (fl. 1800), 3 

Albert, Consort of Queen Victoria (1819-1861), 20, 21, 26 

Appert, Nicolas (1750-1841), 18 

Arago, Francois (1786-1853), 39 

Armsby, James Harris (1809-1875), 25, 28 

Babbage, Charles (1792-1871), 2, 5-8, 10, 13, 15-16, 18-26, 

31-35, 37-38, 40, 42, 56 

Babbage, Henry Prevost (fl. 1855), 20-21 

Babinet, Jacques (1794-1872), 56 

Bache, Alexander Dallas (1806-1867), 23, 26 

Bacon, Richard Mackenzie (1775-1844), 18 

Bailleul, M. (fl. 1855), 56-57 

Bailly de Merlieux, Charles Francois (1800-1862), 5 

Barbour, Edmund D. (1841-1925), 37 

Batchelder, John M. (1811-1892), 26, 28, 34 

Baylis, Edward (1791-1861), 56 

Bergstrom, J. W. (1812-1881), 12, 40, 42 

Berzelius, Johan Jacob (1779-1848), 3, 9 

Beust, Carl (fl. 1925), 41 

Bjornstjerma, M. F. F., Count (1779-1847), 9 

Boccaccio, Giovanni (1313-1375), 4 

Bonaparte, Napoleon Joseph Charles Paul (1822-1891), 20 

Borgstrom, Ludvig (1788-1862), 3 

Boss, Lewis (1846-1912), 41 

Braddon, Mary Elizabeth (1837-1915), 39 

Brande, Wilham Thomas (1788-1866), 56 

Brandstrom, Commissioner (fl. 1855), 20 

Brinck, A.M. (1794-1861), 11 

Brisse, Leon, Baron (1813-1876), 20 

Brunei, Marc Isombard (1769-1849), 18-19, 56 

Brunton, Robert (1796-1852), 5 

Cauchy, Augustin Louis (1789-1857), 22 

Cederborgh, Fredrick (1784-1835), 3-4 

Charles XIV John, King of Sweden and Norway (1763-

1844), 10 

Charles XV, King of Sweden and Norway (1826-1872), 22 

Chasles, Michel (1793-1880), 20, 22, 32 

Comrie, Leslie John (1893-1950), 37 

Congreve, William, Sir (1772-1828), 17 

Crusenstolpe, M. J. (1795-1865), 4 

Davis, Charles H. (1807-1877), 23-24, 28 

Davy, Humphry, Sir (1778-1829), 56 

Deacon, Alfred (fl. 1855), 57 

Delaunay, Charles Eugene (1816-1872), 32-33 

DeMorgan, Augustus (1806-1871), 19, 56-57 

Donkin, Bryan (1768-1855), 17-19, 42 

Donkin, Bryan (1835-1902), 18, 20, 22, 25, 29-30, 32, 35, 

38, 40, 42, 56 

Donkin, John (1802-1854), 18 

Donkin, Thomas (fl. 1870), 40 

Dupin, Charles (1784-1873), 22 

Ericsson, John (1803-1889), 32 

Eustis, Henry Lawrence (1819-1885), 34 

Farr, William (1807-1883), 29-32, 38 

Felt, Dorr E. (1862-1930), 37, 41 

Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph, Archduke of Austria and 

Emperor of Mexico (1832-1867), 22 

Fourdrinier, Henry (fl. 1800), 17 

Fourdrinier, Sealy (fl. 1800), 17 

Gamble, John (fl. 1800), 18 

Gavit, John E. (1817-1874), 24, 42 

Geijer, Erik Gustaf (1783-1847), 3 

Gibbs, Wolcott (1822-1908), 34-35 

Gould, Benjamin Apthorp (1824-1896), 22-28, 31, 38, 40, 

56 

Grant, George B. (1849-1917), 32-35, 37 

Gravatt, William F. (1806-1866), 18-20, 22, 25-26, 30, 38, 

40 

Gustavus III, King of Sweden and Norway (1746-1792), 3 

Haeggstrom, Zacharias (1787-1869), 10 

Hahn, Philipp Matthaus (1739-1790), 37 

Hall, John (fl. 1800), 17-18 

Helvetius, Claude Adrien (1715-1771), 3 

Henry, Joseph (1797-1878), 23 

Hermbstadt, Sigismund Friedrich (1760-1833), 5 

Herschel, J. F. W. (1792-1871), 56 

Hierta, Lars J. (1801-1872), 4-5, 9, 10, 12,39 

Hinchliff, Thomas Woodbine (1825-1882), 39 

Hough, George Washington (1836-1909), 40-41 

Hudson, T.C. (fl. 1914), 37 

Hugo, Victor (1802-1885), 4 

Humboldt, Alexander von (1769-1859), 39 

Jayet (fl. 1850), 20 

Johansson, Johan (1792-1860), 4 

Kater, Henry (1777-1835), 56 

Kotzebue, August Friedrich Ferdinand von (1761-1819), 4 

Lacroix, Sylvestre Frangois (1765-1843), 5 

Lagrange, Joseph Louis (1736-1813), 5 

73 
74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

La Motte-Fouque, Friedrich Heinrich, Baron (1777-1843), 

4 

Laplace, Pierre Simon de (1749-1827), 5 

Lardner, Dionysius (1793-1859), 7-8, 13, 15 

Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646-1716), 37 

Lenaeus, Andreas, 2 

LeVerrier, U. J. J. (1811-1877), 21-23, 56 

Liebig, Justus, Freiherr von (1803-1873), 39 

Lilliehook, Carl Bertil (1809-1890), 9 

Lindbergh, Charles A. (1902-1974), 11 

Lindh, Nils Magnus (1775-1835), 5 

Ling, Per Henrik (1776-1839), 4 

Malm, J. (fl. 1822), 4 

Mansson, Ola (1808-1892), 11 

Martins, Albrecht (1816-1871), 23 

Mathieu, Emile-Leonard (1835-1900), 32 

Maurel (fl. 1850), 20 

Miller, W. H. (1801-1880), 19 

Napoleon III, Emperor of the French (1! 

40 

3-1873), 21, 32, 

Olcott, Thomas W. (1795-1880), 25, 28 

Olivier, Theodore (1793-1853), 9 

Oscar I, King of Sweden and Norway (1799-1859), 10-11. 

21 

Oscar II, King of Sweden (1829-1907), 22, 32 

Owen, Samuel (fl. 1835), 12 

Pascal, Blaise (1623-1662), 15, 37 

Peirce, Benjamin (1804-1881), 22-23, 34 

Peel, Robert, Sir (1788-1850), 10 

Playfair, Lyon Playfair, 1st Baron (1818-1898), 21 

Pope, Alexander (1688-1744), 3 

Pound, William (1807-1881), 56 

Prony, Gaspard Clair Francois Marie Riche, Baron de (1755-

1839), 6-7 

Rathbone, John F. (fl. 1850), 25 

Rennie, George (1791-1866), 19, 56 

Rennie, John, Sir (1794-1874), 56 

Rogers, Fairman (1833-1900), 35 

Sabine, Edward, Sir (1788-1883), 19, 56 

Scheutz, Edvard (1821-1881), 8-9, 11-12, 16, 19-22, 24-27, 

29-30, 32, 40, 56 

Scheutz, Frederik Christian (fl. 1790), 2 

Scheutz, Georg (1785-1873), 1-12, 16, 19-26, 37-39, 42, 56 

Searle, George Mary (1839-1918), 26 

Selander, N. H. (1804-1870), 9 

Shakespeare, William (1564-1616), 3-4 

Smith, Adam (1723-1790), 6 

Sparre, Per Ambjorn (1828-1921), 18, 39-40, 42 

Spencer, Charles A. (1813-1881), 24 

Stephenson, George (1781-1848), 57 

Stokes, G. G. (1819-1903), 19-20, 23 

Terquem, Olry (1782-1862), 5 

Thomander, Johan Henrik (1798-1865), 4 

Thomas, Charles Xavier (1785-1870), 20, 37 

Troughton, Edward (1753-1835), 19 

Turck, J. A. V. (fl. 1920), 41 

Villarceau, Yvon (1813-1883), 21 

Voltaire, Frangois Marie Arouet de (1694-1778), 3 

Wagner, Wilhelm (1800-1866), 39 

Wallmark, Lars Johan (1810-1855), 10-11 

Weller, Sr. (fl. 1825), 57 

Werner, Friedrich Ludwig Zacharias (1768-1823), 4 

Wetterbergh J. (fl. 1800), 3 

Wheatstone, Charles (1802-1875), 19 

Wiberg, Martin (1826-1905), 32-33, 37 

Willis, Robert (1800-1875), 19 

Winlock, Joseph (1826-1875), 28, 34 

Wollaston, William Hyde (1766-1828), 19, 56 

Wrede, Fabian J. (1802-1893), 10-11 

Young, Thomas (1773-1829), 57 

Zimmermann, Eberhard August Wilhelm (1743-1815), 3, 39 

ii U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1977 O—208-238 


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