Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Moody, Walton S., 1941- 

Building a strategic air force I Walton S. Moody. 

P. cm. - (General histories) 

Includes bibliographical reference and index. 

1. Air power-United States-History. 2. Air defenses-United 

States-History. 3. United States-History-1945-1953. I. Title. 11. Series. 

UG633.M556 1995 

358.4'009734~20 9449229 

CIP 
To Those Who Stood Guard 

Foreword 

rom 1946 to 1991 the Strategic Air Command (SAC) operated the F intercontinental and nuclear strike forces of the United States Air 

Force. During much of this period SAC was the premier operational 

command of the service. The rising tensions of the Cold War with 

Soviet-directed world communism gave the command a crucial role as the 

main force deterring potential aggression against the United States and its 

allies. Even after the emergence of airborne strategic nuclear forces in the 

late 1950s, SAC’S status as an Air Force major command and the Joint 

Chiefs of Staff specified command gave it the pivotal role in national 

strategy. 

This volume deals with the early years of the Air Force’s effort to 

build and maintain a strategic striking force, from 1945 through 1953. It 

discusses the period of reorganization in national defense in the years 

after the end of the Second World War, as the Army Air Forces dealt with 

questions of structure, doctrine, strategy, atomic weapons, and technology. 

Crucial decisions were made at the end of 1947 and the beginning of 1948, 

but fiscal austerity limited the new United States Air Force in implementing those decisions. Despite this, General Curtis E. LeMay, the SAC 

Commander, found means and developed methods to ensure a high state 

of combat readiness. The war in Korea triggered an expansion of the 

armed forces-including SAC-that culminated in the “New Look” of the 

Eisenhower administration. The New Look emphasized nuclear air power 

as the foundation of a national strategy of containment and deterrence. 

Walton S. Moody’s analytical work discusses the challenges facing Air 

Force leaders in this time of stringent budgets, interservice disputes, and 

technological change. In particular, it examines the role of that leadership 

in fostering the development of an effective war-ready yet peace-keeping 

organization. The issues it raises are still relevant today, in a time when 

the distinction between strategic and tactical air power is less clear-cut, 

and when the armed services of the United States are redefining roles for 

themselves in the Post-Cold War era. 

Richard P. Hallion 

Air Force Historian V 

Preface 

n March 21, 1946, by order of Headquarters, Army Air Forces, 0 Continental Air Forces received a new name, becoming the Strategic Air Command. This administrative procedure was intended to 

give some suggestion as to what the mission of that command was to be 

under the new structure of the air arm. One effect the order had was upon 

the American language. Very soon after that order was issued, 

“SAC”-pronounced as a word of one syllable-would be commonplace 

usage of everyone in or involved with the command. This volume recounts 

how the Army Air Forces and its successor organization, the U.S. Air 

Force, organized, trained and equipped strategic air forces for a worldwide 

mission during the years of the administration of President Harry S. 

Truman. 

The period of history covered in this volume has been heavily studied. 

It is the opening era of the “Cold War” between the Union of Soviet 

Socialist Republics and the western countries led by the United States. 

There has been work on the diplomacy of the Cold War, the limited 

conflicts that arose from it, about the development of the United States 

and Europe, as well as the regions then largely under colonial rule. 

Students have examined issues of national strategy and defense organization. There have even been efforts to study developments within the Soviet 

bloc itself. In spite of profound disagreements and attempts to fix blame, a 

certain amount of common understanding of events has emerged. What 

perhaps has been lacking has been more detailed work to trace the 

development of military institutions, especially in the United States, to 

deal with what was in effect a new world situation. A major problem has 

been the secrecy understandably surrounding much of the information. 

Over the years, much material has been made available to researchers, and 

a certain amount has been written. This volume undertakes to give the 

experience of a particular service in these terms. 

The strategic air force that emerged during the period under discussion was central to the nation’s strategy. This was the case in part because 

many airmen themselves believed strategic air power to be the most 

important component of air power in general. It also was the obvious 

vii 
Preface 

means of delivering the most potent and revolutionary new weapon in the 

American arsenal, the atomic bomb. And because of the political difficulties (mainly fiscal) inherent in building and maintaining military forces in 

the United States, strategic air power was the one means by which the 

nation could be strong at a price it could afford. The development of this 

force was also seen as a deterrent which, if powerful enough, would 

overawe a potential aggressor (whether the Soviet Union or one of its 

proxies) and insure that war would not come. 

The decision to develop a strong atomic intercontinental air striking 

force was made at the end of 1947. This was not a response to a specific 

recent crisis but to the situation that previous crises had highlighted, 

namely the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, which 

carried a military danger so great as to justify a major effort to deter 

aggression and war. The timing resulted from the fact that the postwar 

reorganization of national defense had been difficult, and only after some 

time had the organization, resources, and techical knowledge existed to 

make the creation of a strategic air force possible. Although the Korean 

War, beginning in 1950, was essential to the fulfilling of the Air Force’s 

own concepts, that any action at all was possible was due to the perceived 

urgency of the situation in a time of limited military budgets. A sense of 

this urgency grew over time, from the crises of 1948 to the Soviet atomic 

test late in 1949 and the onset of war in Korea. 

What emerged was something not altogether new in American life. 

Before the twentieth century it was not American practice to maintain 

forces in peacetime ready for an important war. More recently, the Navy 

had emerged as the “M-Day force” (mobilization day) maintained in 

readiness for action, while only at the outset or serious threat of war did 

the nation start to build up land forces. But the Navy was to be ready to 

fight when war came, shielding the nation as it prepared. It was evident 

that a strong fleet could also deter an attacker, but its main rationale was 

that naval forces were likely to be the first to engage a foreign enemy and 

could not be created overnight in the face of an immediate challenge. 

Airmen also came to recognize that air forces could not be created 

overnight. But the new development had to do with the dynamics of 

deterrence. The decision to make strategic air power the means to act at 

the outset of war was based on the need to be so strong that war would in 

fact not come. The demands of an operational air force changed the 

nature of military organization in a number of ways, not the least in 

relation to the tensions inherent in a strategy of deterrence.’ 

Allan R. Millett and Peter Maslowski, For the Common Defense: A Military 

History of the United States of America (NY: Free Press, 1984), pp 303-309. 

... 

Vlll 
Preface 

It is worthwhile to point out that the Air Force embraced more than 

strategic bombers. The other elements of the service had their history, but 

there was a special urgency attached to the strategic force. On the other 

hand, this volume is not specifically a history of SAC itself, although the 

need for one still exists. Much that a work of that kind would need to 

cover will not be discussed here. Much of the detail of organizational and 

training matters, for example, would be revealing about the nature of what 

it was like to be in SAC. The account of the Hiroshima operation tells 

something of the complexity that early atomic operations would have 

entailed, but little of the way things changed later. 

This volume presents a larger focus. It concerns the American air 

force’s efforts to build a strategic force. The emphasis is on the leaders, 

the political context, programs, and forces. A significant element of the 

subject concerns air doctrine, but here this is seen primarily in terms of the 

experience the leadership of the air arm had had with air warfare. The 

struggle to create a coherent doctrine for the U. S. Air Force is well 

described elesewhere. As for the debate in the nation at large, this relates 

to the political context mentioned above.* 

In the years after 1953, a school of expertise on national strategy 

developed outside the armed forces. That was the “golden age” of the 

civilian strategists. Their work had roots in the period discussed here, and 

some of the participants appear in these pages. They, too, have received 

coverage elsewhere. Often, however, the issues of direct concern to the Air 

Force are not given the same attention. It may be hoped that this work will 

cast light on this aspect of the question. 

Military history often concerns itself with the interaction of great 

events and the operations of military forces. The strategic force here 

described was not only by 1953 the premier command of the Air Force. It 

was the centerpiece of national strategy. The intention here will be to 

connect the development of the strategy of atomic deterrence with the 

actual composition and nature of that force. The importance of the Air 

Force as an institution in American life, and the role of the strategic force 

in that institution, would seem to establish the importance of the subject. 

A number of points need to be made by way of introducing the 

subject. One of these is the use of the word “strategic”. That word is in the 

title of this volume, and it is in the title of the Air Force major command 

which stands at the center of the story. Yet objections to the word’s use 

See especially Robert Frank Futrell, Ideas, Concepts, Doctrine: Basic Thinking 

in the United States Air Force, 1907-1984 (Maxwell AFB, Ala: AU, 1971 [new 

imprint 19891). An account of the civilian strategists can be found in Fred Kaplan, 

The wizards of Armageddon (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1983). 

2 

ix 
Preface 

in the sense intended continue to appear. In the fall of 1949 the Air 

University Quarterly Review printed an article by the British aviation writer 

J. M. Spaight. In this article the author suggested an alternative for the use 

of the word “strategic” as describing certain types of air forces and 

operations. The alternative was “counteroffensive,” a term already used in 

a published report to the President of the United States. In a different 

vein, SAC‘S first commander, Gen. George C. Kenney, once observed: “I 

do not think that an airplane should be considered as a tactical airplane 

and a strategic airplane; I think it is an airplane.”3 

These objections have some grounds. The term “strategic” as applied 

to certain types of air forces can confuse thinking about strategy in 

broader senses, and about things pertaining to strategy. But the usage has 

become established. The best to hope for is care in distingushing special 

and general meanings of the word. 

In the specialized sense the word strategic is used in distinction to 

“tactical.” An early example of this distinction is found in the specifications adopted in February 1912 to replace those under which the Signal 

Corps of the U.S. Army had purchased its first Wright airplane. In these 

new specifications, two types of airplane were to be bought. The single-seat 

“Speed Scout” was for strategic reconnaissance, meaning the reconnoitering of enemy forces distant from one’s own. The two-seat “Scout” on the 

other hand, was for tactical reconnaissance, observing hostile forces approaching or in contact with friendly units4 The distinction has to do with 

collecting information useful for furthering the commander’s strategy or 

for aiding in decisions pertaining to tactics. 

Strategic air power, for purposes of this volume, should be seen under 

three headings: strategic weapon systems, strategic targets, and strategic 

forces. Strategic weapon systems are those designed for long-range reconnaissance (like the Speed Scout) or bombardment. The connection logically would be that strategic objectives are more likely to require great 

range than tactical ones. Clearly, then, range is a major attribute of 

strategic weapon systems (the Soviet counterpart to SAC in those years 

was called “Long Range Aviation”). Strategic targets are those the destruction of which directly furthers the strategic design of the war. Strategic forces are those responding directly to the higher command direction 

of the war. That is, they are available to pursue a strategic objective rather 

than the tactical objectives of a local commander. Thus anomalies can 

Verbatim Report, 4th Meeting of the Air Board, Dec 3-4, 1946, p 179, RG 

Juliette A. Hennessy, The United States Army Air Arm, April 1861 to April 191 7 

340, pedings of Air Board, Box 15, MMB, NA. 

(Washington: USAF Hist Div, 1958 [new imprint, AFCHO, 1985]), p 58. 

X 
Preface 

arise. The long-range bomber can be used against a tactical target and can 

be placed under a local theater commander. This can be done by the 

decision of the highest command authority. And “tactical” aircraft may be 

used against strategic targets. Both situations occurred in Southeast Asia 

during the 1960s. 

Nonetheless, the central conception of strategic air power is fairly 

simple. It is to further the national strategy by striking at the interior of 

the enemy country. There the objective may be to demoralize the population, an objective for which the historical precedents are not promising 

(although Hiroshima and Nagasaki may be an exception). Or the attacker 

may seek to destroy the economic basis of the adversary’s military power. 

Most official statements of doctrine-especially in the United States-tend 

to emphasize the latter.5 In any case, a term often encountered, “strategic 

bombing,” may be understood primarily as air attacks on strategic targets. 

Another note on terminology may be in order on a more mundane 

level. This pertains to the organization of the American air force during 

the period covered by this volume. At the end of the Second World War, 

squadrons were the basic combat flying units. A B-29 squadron had ten 

aircraft, while other types had larger numbers. Three or four squadrons 

were assembled into a group, usually commanded by a colonel and having 

between 500 and 1,000 men. In large commands a wing consisted of 

several groups and might be commanded by a general officer. Normally a 

group operated from a single base.6 

In 1947 the Army Air Forces began to reorganize in anticipation of 

independence. Their problem was that the combat base, with all of its 

service units, had become too unwieldy for a combat group headquarters 

to manage. All too frequently the solution had been to deny the group 

commander control of his own support units. Consequently a combat wing 

was created, with one combat group under it as well as the support 

elements. Ultimately the group disappeared altogether within the normal 

For definitions of “strategic air warfare,” see JCS Pub 1 and AFR 1-1, US. 

Air Force Basic Doctrine. The Sep 1, 1970, edition of AFM 11-1, United States Air 

Force Glossary of Standardized Terms, Vol I, p 188, defined “strategic air warfare” 

as “Air combat and support operations, designed to effect, through the systematic 

application of force to a selected series of vital targets, the progressive destruction 

and disintegration of the enemy’s war-making capacity to a point where he no 

longer retains the ability or will to wage war. Vital targets may include key 

manufacturing systems, sources of raw material, critical material, stockpiles, power 

systems, transportation systems, communication facilities, concentrations of uncommitted elements of enemy armed forces, key agricultural areas, and other such 

target systems.” 

J. C. Hopkins and Sheldon A. Goldberg, The Development of Strategic Air 

Command, 1946-1986 (Offutt AFB, Neb: SAC, 1986), pp 9, 31, 38. 

xi 
Preface 

wing structure. The level of command immediately above the wing became 

the divi~ion.~ 

In force planning, a subject of importance in this volume, staff officers 

described a tentative or approved program in terms of the number of 

combat groups it would provide, as with the “seventy-group program” 

discussed in the early chapters here. By 1950 reorganization had so far 

proceeded that the planners more and more spoke of wings in the same 

sense. That change in usage will be reflected in the text, but in terms of 

combat power, the group of 1946 is the same as the wing of 1952. 

Some observations are in order as well on the character of the time 

covered in this volume. Since that time the relations of the United States 

with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have undergone remarkable 

evolution. In 1945, however, a number of American leaders had come to 

regard the Soviet Union and its leader, Josef Stalin, with the utmost 

suspicion. They perceived Stalin as possessed of an insatiable ambition and 

shared their compatriots’ aversion to communism as a principle of government. The Soviet leader’s reputation as a mass murderer and his actions at 

the time did nothing to allay these suspicions and aversions. In due course, 

the general public in the United States and most of Western Europe came 

to share this viewpoint. In people’s minds, the Munich agreement of 1938 

carried the lesson that making concessions to aggressive dictators did not 

prevent war. It was therefore necessary for the western nations to be 

strong in order to contain Stalinist aggression. 

In this atmosphere, although intelligence analysts often doubted that 

Stalin actually wanted war, it still seemed possible. The deterrent force 

emerged from that fear. But deterrence might fail. Military men knew that 

there would be expectations that an atomic offensive against the Soviet 

Union could become necessary. As a result, American air leaders believed 

that the consequences of the air arm’s not being ready to carry out such an 

offensive, through failure to plan or for any other reason, could be grave. 

These, then, were disturbing times. In this connection, there are many in 

the Soviet Union today who consider the practice of falsifying the historical record for current political purposes to have been one of the most 

corrupting factors in the life of that country. An improved international 

atmosphere should not conceal the realities of the past. 

A further observation touches on a different set of suspicions, entirely 

domestic. The period of postwar reorganization in the American defense 

establishment after 1945 did not end with true consensus. Numerous 

viewpoints had been put forward during the debate, having in large part to 

do with the roles the various services and branches of the armed forces 

Ibid. 

xii 
Preface 

were to play. An act of Congress in 1947 could not be final proof that any 

particular position was correct. Consequently, debate continued, sometimes reaching a level of acrimony that appalled both participants and 

observers. At the same time, a rule of discourse seemed to require that 

every participant be speaking from a position of undiluted, self-effacing 

patriotism. According to these rules, it was totally unworthy of a serving 

officer to have any desire to advance his own career or the well-being of 

his particular service. The unbiased observer must make allowance for the 

existence of these rules and the unrealistic expectations they created. That 

an officer might feel that he and his service possessed special qualifications 

to serve his country can hardly be grounds to bring his patriotism into 

question. Likewise, that honest men might disagree in all sincerity would 

seem to be a fundamental tenet of debate in a democratic country. The 

words of an officer in the 1950s might be apt here: “How curious it is that 

the Congress debates, the Supreme Court deliberates, but for some reason 

or other the Joint Chiefs of Staff just bicker?”’ 

Furthermore, all was not acrimony. The different services were not 

hermetically sealed off from each other or arrayed as hostile camps. One 

of the figures who appears in this volume, Maj. Gen. Frederic H. Smith, 

was the son-in-law of the wartime Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral of 

the Fleet Ernest J. King. This relationship was perhaps unusual, but it 

should point up the links that bound those who had fought (and lost 

friends) in a common struggle, and shared a dedication to the safety and 

well-being of their country. Their forthrightness in expressing strongly held 

views should not then imply that they existed purely as adversaries. 

Quoted in Samuel P. Huntington, The Common Defense: Strategic Programs in 8 

National Politics (NY: Columbia Univ Press, 19611, p 170. 

... 

Xlll 

Acknowledgments 

11 official history is a cooperative effort, and this is as true in the A U.S. Air Force as anywhere else. A book of this nature stands on 

the shoulders of giants as it were, and the debt owed to the unit and 

command historians of the years 1945 to 1953 contributed much more than 

might be supposed from a brief perusal of the notes. The book would have 

been quite simply impossible without their effort. 

The prolonged work involved in preparing this volume necessarily 

required the direct assistance of a great many people. It was in fact 

initially undertaken in 1970 as a joint effort by the Office of Air Force 

History (now the Air Force History and Museums Program) and the Office 

of the Historian, Headquarters SAC. The originally assigned authors were 

Mr. Herman S. Wolk of the former office and Mr. Robert M. Kipp of the 

SAC Historian’s Office. Subsequently Dr. John T. Greenwood, then of the 

Office of Air Force History, assumed responsibility for the project. The 

present author came into possession of an extremely useful draft of some 

early chapters. While he completely reworked the material, he remains 

supremely indebted to these historians, who accomplished an important 

part of the research on which the volume is based. Their work provided an 

invaluable foundation for the result, and while the author assumes responsibility for the final product, such merit as it may possess is attributable in 

large part to his predecessors. 

The author was greatly assisted in research by a number of repositories. First among these was the National Archives. There the assistance of 

the staff in room 13W, currently the Military Reference Branch, overcoming all of the obstacles with which researchers at the National Archives are 

familiar, provided the untiring and considerate service absolutely essential 

to this undertaking. Those assisting included Messrs. Charles Shaughnessy, 

Gibson Smith, Wilbert Mahoney, and especially Edward J. Reese, who 

spent hours pursuing every kind of lead in the stacks. Mr. Leroy Jackson 

proved equally helpful in making documents available. Misses Terese E. 

Hammett and Angela M. Fernandez devoted hours to copying material. 
Acknowledgments 

Mr. Gary J. Kohn, formerly of the Manuscript Reading Room of the 

Library of Congress, and the rest of the staff there, were most helpful in 

providing access to their well-organized collections. At the Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri, Mr. C. Warren Ohrvall and the rest 

of the staff provided indispensable help. The Albert F. Simpson Historical 

Research Center (now the Air Force Historical Research Agency), Maxwell 

Air Force Base, Alabama, was of great assistance. The late Dr. Richard 

Morse, Ms. Lynn 0. Gamma and their staffs supported this effort. 

Mr. William C. Heimdahl, Chief of the Reference Branch of the Air 

Force History Support Office, gave of his incredible expertise on numerous 

occasions. To his support as manager, as expert archivist, and as friend, the 

author is especially indebted. Hardly less recognition is due to another 

friend, Mr. Sheldon A. Goldberg, who both as archivist at the SAC 

Historian’s Office and in Washington, was endlessly supportive. Mr. Goldberg’s help in the bewildering process of extracting this volume from the 

security review process virtually intact made all the difference. Dr. Henry 

Narducci of the SAC Historian’s Office was also helpful. The late General 

Curtis E. LeMay, USAF (Ret), was most courteous in providing information. Brig. Gen. William G. Hipps, USAF (Ret) was helpful, and the late 

Brig. Gen. Noel F. Parrish, USAF (Ret), gave valuable information, 

insight, and support. 

As one who had previously been an assigned author of the book, 

Herman S. Wolk, as Chief of the Histories Branch of the Office of Air 

Force History, was commendably forebearing in his support, the endless 

source of wise counsel, patience, and friendship. The outside members of 

the panel, the late Gen. Jack Catton, Professor David A. Rosenberg, Dr. 

Steven L. Rearden, Dr. Walter S. Poole of the Historical Division, Joint 

Chiefs of Staff, and Dr. Narducci also made other important contributions 

to improving this volume. 

Professor John W. Huston, then on active duty in the rank of major 

general, USAFR, as Chief of the Office of Air Force History, originally 

assigned the authorship of this volume, and Drs. Richard H. Kohn and 

Richard P. Hallion, his successors, continued to provide his energetic 

support as well as a penetrating insight. The late Col. John F. Shiner, as 

Dr. Kohn’s deputy, proved helpful in seeing the manuscript through final 

clearance for release. Mr. Jacob Neufeld was helpful, among other things, 

in arranging for keying the early chapters into the office’s new software 

program. Among others, Ms. Ida J. Newman, Sgt. Glenn Reynolds, and 

SSgt. John Wyche typed the manuscript. 

The cooperative nature of work of this sort could hardly be ignored 

either in the case of the numerous colleagues within the Air Force History 

and Museums Program who offered friendship and advice in an incredible 

variety of combinations. The author is especially indebted in this connec- 
Acknowledgments 

tion to Mr. Jacob Neufeld, Ms. Marcelle S. Knaack, Dr. Wayne W. 

Thompson, Dr. Rebecca Hancock Cameron, Dr. George M. Watson, Dr. 

Edgar F. Raines, Jr. (now of the U. S. Army Center of Military History), 

Dr. Daniel R. Mortensen, Mr. Warren A. Trest (now of the Air Force 

Historical Research Agency), Lt. Col. Vance 0. Mitchell, Mr. Bernard C. 

Nalty, Major William C. Borgiasz, Drs. Benjamin F. Cooling, Mark Mandeles, and the late Robert P. Smith. 

Contributors from other agencies-Dr. Marie E. Hallion of the U.S. 

Department of Energy, Mr. Brian Nicklas of the National Air and Space 

Museum, Mr. Joe Caver of the Air Force Historical Research Agency, and 

Mr. Mark Renovitch of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library quickly and 

cheerfully provided photos from their various historical collections. 

The author owes a particular debt of gratitude to the writer/editors 

of the Air Force History and Museums Program whose professionalism, 

keen insights, and rigorous standards made this a much livelier, more 

coherent book-Editorial Chief Anne Johnson-Sachs, Ms. Janett Gordon, 

and especially Ms. Mary Lee Jefferson, who in addition to editing the 

book, shepherded it through a complex production process, acquired 

photos, composed captions, and worked with the artists of Headquarters 

Air Force Graphics-Mr. Steve Gonyea, who designed and executed the 

book's cover, and Ms. Kathy Jones, who executed the charts and maps. 

To all these colleagues, to such extracurricular combinations as the St. 

Mark's Players of Capitol Hill, and to his parents and family the author is 

obligated for those intangibles, not just of support and friendship, but of 

counsel and encouragement. 

xvii 

Contents 

Pages 

Foreword ........................................ v 

Preface.. ....................................... vii 

Acknowledgments ................................. xv 

Part I 

Postwar Reorganization, 1945 - 1947 

1. Air Power and the Airmen: 1945 ............... Air Power and Strategy 

Building a Strategic Air Force, 191 7-1945 

The Postwar Challenge 

11. The Case for a Postwar Air Force ............. A New Strategic World 

Demobilization and Occupation 

Planning for Strategic Air Power 

111. The Beginnings of a Strategic Air Force ............ Air Power Deferred 

The Strategic Force and Demobilization 

The Strategic Force and the Fi@y-$ve Group Program 

Modernizing the Bomber Force 

a 

IV. TheUncertainPhase ........................ Understanding the Bomb 

Command of Strategic Forces 

Planning for Atomic War 

.. 

.. 

.. 

... 

..3 

. 29 

. 67 

113 

XiX 
Part II 

Austerity and Strategic Air Power, 1947 - 1950 

V. Decision for a Strategic Air Force ................... 155 

Making the Case for Air Power: Finletter and Brewster 

A Program for Atomic Readiness: JCS 1745 / 5 

Aircraft for the Strategic Offensive 

VI. The Year of Crisis. ............................... 187 

Toward a Crisis Budget 

Roles, Missions, and Budgets 

The Berlin Crisis 

Containment, Deterrence, and NSC-20 / 4 

“The Hollow Threat” and LeMay 

VII. The Priority Mission. ............................. 235 

Aircraft for Deterrence 

Return to Austeriv 

Modernization and Standardization 

VIII. Challenges to Strategy. ........................... 283 

The Challenge at Home 

Facing the Challenge 

The External Challenge: The Soviet Bomb 

The Strategic Force at the Ready: SAC in 1950 

Part 111 

Expansion of the Strategic Force, 1950 - 1953 

IX. Limited War, Atomic Plenty, and Rearmament .......... 339 

Deterrence at Risk 

Rearmament Begins 

The Role of Nuclear Weapons 

Expanding the Strategic Force 

An Investment in Air Power 

X. “Never Before Surpassed” ........................ ‘393 

Medium Bombers in Korea 

Expansion and Professionalism 

Planes and Weapons, 1950-1953 

Basing for a Global Strike Force 

From New Phase to New Look 
Conclusion ........................................... 463 

Glossary ............................................ 475 

Bibliography .......................................... 479 

Index ............................................... 497 

Tables and Charts 

Assignment and Stationing of B-29 Units. 1946 ................. 62 

Flights of Experimental Bombers. 1946-1947 ................... 99 

Proposed Aircraft Procurement Programs. 1947 ................ 111 

Strategic Air Command. 1947 ............................. 147 

1949 Air Force Budget and Supplemental ..................... 198 

Supplemental Aircraft Program. 1948 ........................ 241 

Bomber Programs ...................................... 244 

Strategic Air Command. 1948 ............................. 296 

Strategic Air Command. 1949 ............................. 320 

Air Force 143-Wing Program. 1951 ......................... 391 

Maps 

SAC Units. Location and Type. 1950 ........................ 356 

SAC Deployment from the United States to Korea .............. 382 

Photographs 

LI?TLEBOY ............................................ 8 

FATM AN .............................................. 9 

EnolaGay ............................................ 11 

Dawn of the Atomic Age .................................. 18 

Strategists of the Air ..................................... 25 

Big Three at Yalta, 1945 .................................. 28 

U.S. Defense Leaders .................................... 36 

Lt . Gens . Norstad and Vandenberg .......................... 45 

Vannevar Bush and Leslie Groves ........................... 51 

Gen . Ira C . Eaker ....................................... 57 

Maj . Gen . Curtis E . LeMay ................................ 64 

Gen . George C . Kenney .................................. 75 

Maj . Gens . McMullen and Streett ........................... 86 

AAF Task Group 1.5. ................................... 119 

B-17andB-24 ........................................ 96 

B-29 ............................................... 107 

B-36 ............................................... 131 

xxi 
Elmendorf Air Force Base ................................ 140 

Changes at the Top ..................................... 158 

New Air Force Team ................................... 163 

Air Policy Commission .................................. 167 

Aerial Refueling ....................................... 178 

Advocates of Aerial Refueling ............................. 184 

George F . Kennan ..................................... 192 

DARKHORSE War Planners ................................ 200 

USS United States ...................................... 206 

Challenge in Berlin ..................................... 213 

Charles A . Lindbergh ................................... 228 

New Era at SAC ....................................... 232 

New Needs, New Aircraft ................................ 242 

Lucky Lady II ......................................... 255 

SAC and Training ...................................... 262 

Wherry Housing ....................................... 268 

SAC and Base Life ..................................... 274 

SAC and Maintenance .................................. 278 

XB-35 Flying Wing .................................... 286 

Secretary of Defense Louis A . Johnson ....................... 292 

Newport Conference .................................... 301 

Lt . Gen . Hubert H . Harmon .............................. 307 

Soviet Threat ......................................... 315 

Gens . Fairchild and McNarney ............................ 324 

U.S. political cartoon on the Soviet’s Atomic Bomb .............. 331 

Secretary of the Air Force Thomas K . Finletter ................. 343 

Maj . Gen . Emmett O’Donnell ............................. 348 

OnTarget ........................................... 351 

Lt . Gen . Nathan F . Twining ............................... 365 

B-45 ............................................... 374 

Gen . LeMay’s New Wing Commanders ....................... 378 

SAC and the Korean War ................................ 400 

New and Improved Radar ................................ 404 

A Crew of the 6th Bomb Wing ............................. 413 

B-36s after the Carswell Storm ............................ 418 

F-84EThunderjets ..................................... 423 

TheJetAge .......................................... 428 

Maj . Gen . Archie J . Old, Jr ................................ 433 

Lt . Gen . George E . Stratemeyer ............................ 441 

Gen . Vandenberg before Congress, 1953 ..................... 459 

NewLookTeam ....................................... 450 

xxii 
Part I 

Postwar Reorganization 

1945-1 947 

Chapter I 

Air Power and the Airmen: 1945 

n Sunday, August 5, 1945, the combat forces of the United States 0 for the first time had possession of an atomic bomb. At the “tech 

area” adjacent to North Field on the island of Tinian in the 

Marianas, airmen had been working for days on the final phase of 

assembling the weapon. This was the task of the 1st Ordnance Squadron, 

Special (Aviation), 509th Composite Group, 313th Bombardment Wing 

(Very Heavy), Twentieth Air Force, United States Army Strategic Air 

Forces.‘ 

The technicians and ordnancemen at the assembly area constructed 

the bomb, dubbed LITTLE BOY, from components that had arrived during 

the previous two weeks. The uranium core was inserted, but the fusing 

mechanism was left unarmed. Then on the afternoon of August 5, airmen 

placed the weapon aboard a trolley, covered it with a tarpaulin, and towed 

’ The Twentieth Air Force was responsible for delivering the atomic weapon 

on target. The design, testing, and manufacture of the bomb was done under the 

auspices of the War Department’s MANHAITAN PROJECT. Lee Bowen, Project 

Silverplate, 1943-1946, Vol I in Lee Bowen and Robert D. Little, eds, The History 

of Air Force Participation in the Atomic Energv Program, 1943-1953 (Washington: 

USAF Hist Div, 19591, pp 106-107, 132-136. The Hiroshima mission has been 

described countless times. The most important works on the atomic project as a 

whole are Vincent C. Jones, Manhattan: 7he Army and the Atomic Bomb [The 

United States Army in World War 11: Special Studies] (Washington: CMH, 1985); 

Richard G. Hewlett and Oscar E. Anderson, Jr., The New World, 1939-1946, Vol I 

of A History of the Atomic EnergV Commission (University Park, Pa: Pa Univ Press, 

1962; Leslie R. Groves, Now It Can Be Told: The Story of the Manhattan Project 

(NY: Harper & Row, 1962); William L. Laurence, Dawn Over Zero: The Story of the 

Atomic Bomb (NY: Knopf, 1946 [new imprint, Westport, Conn: Greenwood, 19771); 

an account of the Hiroshima mission that is readable and generally accurate is 

Gordon Thomas and Max Morgan Witts, Enola Gay (NY: Stein & Day, 1977). 
Strategic Air Force 

it by tractor under heavy guard to the loading area. There LITTLE BOY was 

moved down a ramp into a pit and a plane parked over it.2 

The Commanding Officer of the 509th Composite Group, Col. Paul 

W. Tibbets, Jr., had already selected the aircraft to deliver the bomb. A 

Boeing B-29 Superfortress, serial number 44-86292, was one of the 

509th’~ planes that had been modified under Army Air Forces (AAF) 

PROJECT SILVERPLATE to carry atomic weapons. Seventeen feet long and 

weighing nearly five tons, even without its electrical connections, LITTLE 

BOY would not fit in the bomb bay of a conventional B-29. Tibbets 

intended to fly the plane himself, and he named it Enola Guy after his 

mother. The bomb was hoisted into the B-29’s bomb bay and secured, 

after which the doors were c10sed.~ 

Tibbets chose the crew for the crucial mission. Though it resembled a 

conventional Superfortress crew, there were some special features. The 

regular pilot of the plane was the copilot. Tibbets personally selected the 

navigator and bombardier and assigned the 509th’~ radar countermeasures 

officer, 1st Lt. Jacob Beser. Also on board were the enlisted members of 

the regular crew, including a flight engineer, radio operator, radar operator, mechanic, and tail gunner. Two key specialists were prepared for the 

mission: U.S. Navy Capt. William S. Parsons, a leading officer of the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT which designed the bomb, went as weaponeer, and 

2d Lt. Morris R. Jeppson as his assistant. Parsons was responsible for 

arming the bomb during flight.4 

At 0245 hours on Monday, a large crowd watched the Enola Gay take 

off. Other B-29s, carrying observers, followed it into the air. Tibbets 

headed his bomber in the direction of Japan. The primary target was 

Hiroshima, with Kokura as secondary and Nagasaki the tertiary. At 0815 

hours Tibbets heard from the weather observer over Hiroshima and 

decided to attack the primary target. Captain Parsons had already armed 

the weapon. At 0911 hours the plane reached the initial point and the 

bombardier began his bomb run. At 0915 (0815 Hiroshima time) the 

bombardier released the weapon. Tibbets turned the bomber sharply and 

began his descent at high speed, thus placing himself at a slant range of 

fifteen miles from the detonation point. There was a flash, and shortly 

afterward two shock waves struck the plane. The Enola Gay then turned to 

circle the area and observe. Parsons considered the blast more impressive 

* 

Jones, Manhattan, pp 535-536; Groves, Now It Can be Told, p 317; Thomas 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 91-101, 157; Thomas & Witts, Enola Gay, pp 232-233. 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 134-136, 157, 160. 

2 

& Witts, Enola Gay, p 232. 

4 

4 
Air Power and Airmen 

visually than the test shot he had witnessed three weeks bef~re.~ SSgt. 

George R. Caron, the tail gunner, recorded his impressions: 

A column of smoke rising fast. It has a fiery red core. A bubbling 

mass, purple-gray in color, with that red core. It’s all turbulent. 

Fires are springing up everywhere .... There are too many to 

count. Here it comes, the mushroom shape that Captain Parsons 

spoke about.. . . It’s maybe a mile or two wide.. . . It’s nearly level 

with us and climbing. It’s very black, but there is a purplish tint to 

the cloud. The base of the mushroom looks like a heavy undercast 

that is shot through with flames. The city must be below that. The 

flames and smoke are billowing out, whirling out into the foothills! 

Tibbets set an eastward course and began the journey home, radioing 

a report of his success. He touched down at North Field at 1500 hours. In 

the crowd waiting to greet him was Gen. Carl A. Spaatz, Commanding 

General, U.S. Army Strategic Air Forces (USASTAF). As Tibbets climbed 

out of the plane, General Spaatz approached and presented him with the 

Distinguished Service Cross.7 

In Hiroshima the blast of the bomb generated vast heat, starting fires 

and inflicting enormous casualties. The shock wave destroyed nearly five 

square miles of the city. Even more devastating was the radiation in the 

huge cloud that engulfed Hiroshima. Eighty thousand died instantly or 

within a few days. At least as many more were injured. The prolonged 

effects of radiation exposure, however, meant that the actual toll would 

remain unknown for years8 

The shock of Hiroshima, while great, did not immediately lead to 

surrender. The Japanese government was paralyzed by the deteriorating 

military situation and the massive destruction inflicted on the homeland by 

all types of American bombing. On August 9 Japan learned that Soviet 

forces had attacked their positions in Manchuria. Within hours Nagasaki 

met the same fate as Hiroshima. Although the damage and loss of life 

were less, there was no doubt of the destructive power of the new weapon. 

Finally, late that night, in an exceedingly rare personal intervention, the 

’Zbid., pp 136-137; Groves, Now Zt Can Be Told, p 322; Thomas & Witts, 

En012 Gay, pp 262-265. 

Quoted in Thomas & Witts, Enola Gay, p 264. Beser carried a recording 

machine on the flight, and Caron was among those whose impressions were given. 

Thomas and Witts do not state whether the words are transcribed from the 

recording or Caron’s recollection of what he said. If the latter is the case, it is 

nonetheless an eyewitness account. 

Thomas & Witts, Enola Gay, p 269. 

Jones, Manhattan, pp 545-547. 

5 
Strategic Air Force 

Emperor instructed the government to accept the Americans’ terms for 

peace. Further discussion ensued, with another Imperial intervention, 

before hostilities concluded on August 15. The world’s first nuclear war 

had ended in nine days. The world hoped that a second one would never 

start.’ 

The bomb used against Nagasaki was of a different design from 

LImE BOY. Of comparable weight, it had a greater diameter and so was 

called FAT MAN. The difference between the bombs represented two 

separate solutions to the engineering problems encountered by the threeyear, $2 billion research and development effort known as the MANHATTAN 

PROJECT. In LITTLE BOY, a gun fired a quantity of uranium at another. 

When the two portions came together, “critical mass” occurred-the 

concentration of the amount of material necessary to make the explosion 

take place. FAT MAN achieved “critical mass” by implosion. The plutonium 

was placed in separate portions inside a layer of high explosive which, on 

detonation, forced the material together.” The fusing mechanism was 

designed to create an air burst by sending a radar signal to the ground to 

measure altitude. Lieutenant Beser’s job had been to make sure that a 

Japanese radar did not set off the mechanism.” 

Although the implosion bomb was more complex than the gun-type, 

and its ballistic properties were undesirable from a bombardier’s viewpoint, it was more efficient in terms of yield of energy to the amount of 

fissionable material used. Since, as will be discussed later, the MANHATTAN 

PROJECT was concerned about the availability of fissionable uranium and 

plutonium, the FAT MAN was preferable. This was the design that had 

been tested in the very first atomic explosion at Alamogordo, New Mexico, 

on July 16, 1945.12 

The Nagasaki mission on August 9 had not gone as smoothly as the 

previous one. Maj. Charles W. Sweeney, commander of the 393d Bombardment Squadron (Very Heavy), the 509th’~ combat element, flew the mission in Bock’s Cur, the plane normally flown by Capt. Frederick C. Bock. 

Lt. Cmdr. Frederick L. Ashworth, U.S. Navy, was the weaponeer. FAT MAN 

could not be armed in flight, but there were other tasks for Ashworth to 

do. Kokura had been designated the primary target, but poor weather 

dictated the shift to the secondary target. A less accurate drop and the 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 147-149. 

Hewlett & Anderson, New World, p 235. 

Thomas & Witts, Enola Gay, pp 36-41. 

10 

11 

l2 Bowen, Silverplate, pp 91-101, 111-113; Hewlett & Anderson, New World, 

pp 378-380. 

6 
Air Power and Airmen 

hilly terrain of Nagasaki combined to reduce the damage to the city, 

despite the great power of the bomb.13 

Meanwhile material for another weapon was being readied at the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT’S weapons laboratory at Los Alamos, New Mexico. 

But the officer in charge of the project, Maj. Gen. Leslie R. Groves, 

anticipated that the enemy would surrender after Nagasaki. He accordingly delayed delivery, and the material was never sent. To Groves as to so 

many others at the time, the connection between the atomic bombings and 

the Japanese surrender seemed obvi~us.’~ Over the years, historians have 

debated this simple view of causation, and indeed controversy has surrounded the entire question of the wartime use of nuclear weapons. The 

divergence of opinion, however, does not alter the fact that key observers 

at the time believed that the atomic weapon ended the war. 

One of the German atomic scientists commented that Hiroshima 

“...shows that the Americans are capable of real co-operation on a 

tremendous scale.”15 Particularly striking was the collaboration between 

the MANHATTAN PROJECT and the Army Air Forces. In the summer of 

1943 Gen. Henry H. (“Hap”) Arnold, Commanding General of the AAF, 

received a request from the project for assistance in testing the ballistics of 

the bomb. Arnold and Groves subsequently conferred about organizing a 

combat unit. The resulting PROJECT SILVERPLATE was conducted with 

maximum secrecy. Even in the 509th Group, few knew the true mission of 

the unit. Nevertheless, despite this and other obstacles, the group was 

ready on time to receive the first bomb.16 

Those involved in the atomic project had little time to speculate on 

the implications of the weapon, but to the AAF commander and his staff, 

the atomic bomb confirmed the importance of technological advance in 

warfare. Bombs were the basic weapon of the air arm, and the employment 

of the atomic weapon called for the airmen to operate in familiar ways. 

Questions of the purpose, organization, control, and use of air power 

applied to this weapon as to any other. On the other hand, a bomb of such 

enormous power altered the entire mathematics of attacking a target. 

Arnold’s own experience with the evolution of the technology had 

prepared him well for the dramatic new advance. As one of the first three 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 139-146. 13 

j4 Groves, Now It Can Be Told, pp 352-355. 

l5 Quoted in Groves, Now It Can Be Told, p 335. 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 92-102; Jones, Manhattan, pp 519-520; Groves, Now 

It Can Be Told, p 253. Jones and Groves both describe Groves’s meeting with 

Arnold, according to Jones “for the first time.” Jones mentions that Arnold already 

knew about the project, and Bowen states that Groves “told” Arnold about the 

bomb in July 1943. 

16 
LIITLE BOY, the first atomic bomb dropped on Japan over Hiroshima, used a 

“cannon”-type triggering mechanism, measured 28 inches across and 128 inches 

long and weighed 9,000 pounds. It yielded the equivalent of approximately 12,500 

tons of high explosive. 

U.S. Army officers to become a certified airplane pilot (having learned to 

fly from the Wright Brothers in 19111, Arnold became an early advocate of 

air power.” He was thus one of the small group that set the Army on the 

path of a major innovation in the history of warfare. It was fitting that in 

1943 he should become intimately involved with another revolutionary 

technology. 

Air Power and Strategy 

The surrender of the Japanese left the United States without an 

enemy and possessing an unprecedented level of global power. The wartime 

British prime minister, Winston S. Churchill, had referred to the United 

States as having “a Navy twice as big as any other Navy in the world.. . . 

The largest Air Force in the world, with bases in every part of the 

Juliette A. Hennessy, The United States Army Air Am, April 1861-April 1917 

(Washington: USAF Hist Div, 1950 [new imprint, AFCHO, 198.511, pp 47, 50, 236. 

17 

8 
FAT MAN, the second atomic bomb dropped on Japan over Nagasaki, was an 

implosion weapon, characterized by a near-spherical shape. Weighing 10,000 

pounds, it measured 60 inches across and 128 inches long. It yielded the equivalent 

of 22,000 tons of high explosive. 

world. . . ” and “all the gold in the world. . . .”I8 Churchill had also known 

as he spoke that the first power to build the atomic bomb would be the 

United States. The reference to gold highlighted the burgeoning American 

economy, which was supporting, seemingly without effort, more than 

twelve million men under arms and a national budget approaching $100 

billion a year.” In contrast, Germany and Japan lay defeated and in ruins, 

destined for a period of military occupation. The strongest of the remaining powers, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, had a huge land army, 

but its industrial plant needed time to recover its prewar vigor, and even 

when it did its technological backwardness would remain a handicap. The 

British faced staggering economic problems if they were to maintain an 

Winston Churchill, Speech to the House of Commons, Jan 18, 1945, in 

Parliamentary Debates, 1944-1945, p 407: cols 425-426, cited in Albert Resis, “The 

Churchill-Stalin Secret ‘Percentages’ Agreement on the Balkans, Moscow, October 

1944,” AHR 83 (Apr 781, p 387. 

”Allan R. Millett & Peter Maslowski, For the Common Defense: A Military 

History of the United States of America (NY: Free Press, 1984), pp 407-414; U.S. 

Department of Commerce, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times 

to 1957: A Statistical Abstract Supplement (Washington: GPO, 1957), p 718. 

18 

9 
Strategic Air Force 

international position. Thus, America was the senior partner in the triumphant coalition, although strains had developed with the Soviets. 

This situation made many Americans feel confident, although precisely because it was new, it was also disturbing. The nation needed fresh 

ideas as well as guidance based on past experience. For those, like Arnold, 

who had risen to positions of leadership, much had changed in just three 

decades. In 191 1 the United States possessed relatively small armed forces 

and had only recently been recognized as one of several world powers. 

Victory in two world wars had fostered a realization of America’s stature 

in international affairs, and the lessons learned during this period of rapid 

political, economic, and military change would aid the nation’s leadership 

now. 

Two of the events that molded the consciousness of American leaders 

appeared to have been crucial in bringing the country into World War 11. 

The first, the Munich crisis, was an experience shared with other government officials in the West. The other, the attack on Pearl Harbor, affected 

U.S. military strategists especially. Together these incidents were considered warnings against the dangers inherent in appeasement and military 

unpreparedness. 

At the Munich conference of September 1938, the leaders of France 

and Great Britain had yielded to pressure from the German dictator Adolf 

Hitler and allowed him the fruits of aggression against Czechoslovakia 

without having to fight. “Appeasement,” at first considered a rational 

alternative to war, became an epithet for craven surrender. And the best 

argument for giving up the Sudetenland to Germany turned on the lack of 

sufficient military strength on the part of the European powers to stand up 

to the aggressor. The outbreak Qf war a year afterward seemed to demonstrate that weakness and appeasement merely postponed the inevitable. 

U.S. observers further pondered whether America’s policy of isolation, its 

refusal to join the League of Nations, play a role in European affairs, or 

maintain strong military forces, had contributed to the crisis.” 

James L. Stokesbury, A Short History of World War ZZ (NY: William Morrow, 

19801, pp 57-63. Although this discussion of the evolution of the American outlook 

on strategic air forces relies on traditional sources, some of the new work on the 

subject must be noted. Ronald Schaffer, Wings of Judgment: American Bombing in 

World War ZI (NY: Oxford Univ Press, 1985) provides a valuable discussion of the 

extent to which American civilian and military leaders, including the airmen, 

wrestled with the moral issues of strategic bombing. Another work, Michael S. 

Sherry, The Rise of American Air Power: The Creation of Armageddon (New Haven, 

Conn: Yale Univ Press, 1987) is a comprehensive account of the role of strategic 

air power in American life through 1945. It contains a valuable discussion of the 

antecedents of the atomic strike force. The focus of the book, however, is primarily 

cultural, and it places the AAF and its predecessors in this much broader context. 

20 

10 
The Enolu Gay, aboue, and her crew, below, prior to take-off from Tinian for 

Hiroshima. Standing, left to right: Lt. Col. John Porter, ground maintenance officer, 

not on flight; Capt. Theodore Van Kirk, navigator; Maj. Thomas Ferebee, bombardier; Col. Paul Tibbets, pilot and commanding officer, 509th Bombardment 

Group; Capt. Robert Lewis, copilot; Lt. Jacob Beser, radar countermeasure officer. 

Kneeling, left to right: Sgt. Joseph Stiborik, radar operator; SSgt. George Caron, tail 

gunner; Pfc. Richard Nelson, radio operator; Sgt. Robert Shumard, assistant 

engineer; SSgt. Wyatt Duzenbury, flight engineer. Not pictured: ordnance officers 

Lt. Morris Jeppson and Capt. William Parsons, USN. 
Strategic Air Force 

The Japanese surprise attack at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, 

had spread the war to America and traumatized the public. Though blame 

was cast in several directions, the disasters of the following months were 

clearly the price of failure to arm sooner. Mere potential strength no 

longer seemed enough. And for military personnel there was a pointed 

lesson for the future. Years later, Curtis Emerson LeMay, having risen to 

general rank and high command, would recall how the Army and Navy 

commanders in Hawaii, having failed to be ready for an attack, had been 

made scapegoats for the entire disaster.’l 

While possession of the atomic bomb had altered the context of 

American strategic thinking, it did not immediately affect the conclusions 

drawn from the experience of the Second World War. If the nation’s 

avoidance of foreign entanglements had contributed to the outbreak of 

war, participation in the new United Nations would be essential to keeping 

the peace. Anticipating the defeat of the Axis powers, President Franklin 

D. Roosevelt had based his plans for the postwar era on the United 

Nations and on cooperation between the United States and the Soviet 

Union. For the President, as for many Americans, the cost of such 

involvement in world affairs seemed worthwhile if another catastrophe was 

thereby averted. Roosevelt envisioned including the British and even the 

Chinese (for whom he had great hopes) in a coalition with the Americans 

and Soviets. The “Four Policemen” would play a leading role in enforcing 

the peace,” and, as Roosevelt told Vyacheslav M. Molotov, the Soviet 

Minister for Foreign Affairs, “If any nation menaced peace.. . it could be 

blockaded and then if still recalcitrant, bombed.”23 

This concept presupposed the maintenance of military forces, especially at sea and in the air, and was thus consistent with the lessons that 

American military leaders had drawn from their experience of the war. Yet 

there had been a certain alteration in U.S. strategic thinking. In the past, 

advocates of peacetime military strength had spoken of “preparedness,” 

which generally meant maintaining a regular army and reserves as a 

nucleus around which the manpower pool would be mobilized. The scheme 

also called for building stocks of munitions and critical raw materials, with 

a national industrial base available for conversion to war production. The 

Navy had won acceptance as the force to be ready immediately at the 

21 Thomas M. Coffey, Iron Eagle: The Turbulent Life of General Curtis LeMay 

John L. Gaddis, The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947 

23 Roosevelt-Molotov Conversation, May 29, 1942, in U.S. Department of 

(NY: Crown, 19861, pp 263-264. 

(NY: Columbia Univ Press, 1972), pp 25-30. 

State, FRUS, 1942, Vol I11 (Washington: GPO, 1961), pp 568-569. 

22 

12 
Air Power and Airmen 

outset of war, and it would serve as the shield for national mobili~ation.2~ 

Arnold and his colleagues had lived through the era of “preparedness,” 

and they acknowledged the public’s aversion to large standing armies and 

peacetime military spending. However, the United States had fallen short 

of the level of preparedness that many had urged during the 1920s and 

1930s. This in itself seemed to have contributed to the outbreak of war and 

American involvement. Moreover, Pearl Harbor demonstrated the swiftness with which devastating results could be achieved in the age of air 

power. Even the proposed prewar levels of readiness might not have been 

enough to forestall a future conflict. And for airmen such as Arnold, naval 

forces were no longer the best choice to be the ready shield. Roosevelt’s 

concept of a coalition of peacekeeping powers was compatible with such 

thinking. Planners in the AAF had already begun to discuss a future role 

for American air forces in a United Nations peacekeeping force.2s 

The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) were somewhat skeptical of the 

potential of the United Nations to enforce the peace, but they supported 

official policy. This doubt was shared by others, including diplomats and 

political leaders, who saw bipolar cooperation with the Soviets as the 

essential factor. The same skeptics were generally suspicious of the communist power and considered the possibility of war with the former ally as 

one worth examining. Fortunately, the Soviets’ failure to develop a large 

long-range air force or ocean-going navy limited their power to attack 

America. Nonetheless, the huge Red Army, ground troops backed up by 

large tactical air forces, could threaten security throughout the Eurasian 

landmass. In view of the wide dispersal of Soviet industry, even proponents 

of air power questioned whether a strategic air offensive could be effective. These geopolitical and military factors combined to feed a growing 

distrust of Josef Stalin’s motives on the part of American officials, both 

military and civilian.26 

Building a Strategic Air Force, 1917-1945 

The immense Air Force that the United States possessed in August of 

1945 included thirty-seven groups of B-29 Superfortresses, considered the 

Millett & Maslowski, Common Defense, pp 363-365. 

Memo, Walter E. Todd for Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS/Pl to DCAS, subj: 

US Air Force Contingent for Combined International Enforcement Action of the 

Unite$ Nations, Jul 26, 1945, RG 341, TS AAG File 21, Box 7, MMB, NA. 

Perry McCoy Smith, The Air Force Plans for Peace, 1943-1945 (Baltimore, 

Md: Johns Hopkins Univ Press, 19701, p 53; Michael S. Sherry, Preparing for the 

Next War: American Plans for Postwar Defense, 1941-1945 (New Haven, Conn: Yale 

Univ Press, 1977), pp 41-43, 159-167, 199-205. 

24 

25 

13 
Strategic Air Force 

world’s preeminent strategic bomber.27 America’s leadership in strategic 

air power was a recent development. Just six years earlier, the nation’s 

strategic fleet had consisted of scarcely a dozen Boeing B-17 Flying 

Fortresses. These had recently emerged from a service test, with many 

deficiencies normal in an original designF8 Once earlier, in 1917 and 1918, 

the United States had tried to build a strategic bomber force, but the 

effort came to very little. The technological advances of the interwar years 

made success much more likely. 

The effort to create a strategic air force during the First World War 

emerged slowly, as American airmen learned of the efforts of their allies in 

this direction. Even before the declaration of war against Germany on 

April 6, 1917, there had been some public awareness of the attacks by 

German zeppelins on Great Britain. The idea of striking the heart of an 

enemy nation by air had been a staple of science fiction writers over the 

years, and there was a historical precedent in actual warfare. In February 

1871 the Germans attempted to end their conflict with France by bombarding Paris with artillery. In that case, the war-weariness of the French 

countryside had more influence on the cease-fire than the morale of the 

Pari~ians.’~ This problem of defining precisely how bombardment can effect a strategic decision would bedevil military airmen from the very beginnings of their profession. 

From the start, the American air contribution to the Allied war effort 

in the First World War was plagued with unrealistic expectations. Before it 

became clear that the United States would have to send a field army to 

fight in France, a great wave of enthusiasm had produced an unprecedented appropriation of $640 million to build a vast aerial armada to strike 

at the Germans. However, at the time of the armistice on November 11, 

1918, not one fully equipped American strategic bomber unit was in 

service.30 The fundamental lesson of this effort could hardly be better 

expressed than by Col. Edgar S. Gorrell, who had played a major role in 

the effort to deploy an American strategic air force in France: “[Ilt was 

only cold.. . experience which proved to the world the fact that money and 

men could not make an air program over night.. . .7’31 

Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, World War 11, pp 7, 16, 135. 

Thomas H. Greer, The Development of Air Doctrine in the Army Air Arm, 

1917-1941 (USAF Hist Study 89, Maxwell AFB, Ala: 1955), pp 44-47. 

29 Michael Howard, The Franco-Piussian War: The German Invasion of France, 

1870-1871 (NY: MacMillan, 19611, pp 349-357, 361-167,438-451. 

30 I. B. Holley, Jr., Ideas and Weapons (Hampden, Conn: Yale Univ Press, 

1953 [new imprint, Washington: AFCHO, 198311, pp 45, 157-158. 31 Extract from History, Col E. S. Gorrell, 1919, in Maurer Maurer, ed, The 

U.S. Air Service in World War I (Maxwell AFB, Ala: AFSHRC, 1978), Vol 11, p 157. 

27 

28 

14 
Air Power and Airmen 

In the effort to develop the Air Service of the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), American aviators did acquire much information and 

experience. Both Gorrell and Brig. Gen. William (“Billy”) Mitchell met 

with British, French, and Italian airmen and studied their bombing programs. Americans actually flew with the British Independent Air Force in 

its night operations and with the Italian forces on the southern front. Maj. 

Gen. Sir Hugh Trenchard, who eventually won a peerage and played a 

central role in the development of the Royal Air Force (RAF), was in fact 

a late convert to the potential of strategic bombing. The French had been 

less interested than the British in attacks on Germany, but they did 

develop a concept of interdiction focused on points sensibles, “sensitive 

points,” the destruction of which would seriously weaken the enemy’s 

logistics.32 

Not until 1940 and the threat of involvement in another world war 

would a new effort to build an effective American strategic air force begin. 

In the meantime, the underpinnings of a strategic bombing doctrine began 

to emerge. Besides Mitchell’s own writings, airmen welcomed the opinions 

of Trenchard and of the Italian Giulio Douhet, both of whom envisioned 

the potential of an air force that could strike at an enemy’s heartland and 

thereby eliminate the ghastly stalemate of trench warfare characteristic of 

World War I. The RAF in particular would apply a variant of this concept 

in its colonial wars. The Americans developed a strategic concept of their 

own during the interwar years. Mitchell was influential, and one of his 

major contributions before his court-martial conviction for insubordination 

in 1925 was to help organize and train operational units as a pattern for 

the future. Gradually, during the 1930s, the United States doctrine on 

strategic air power crystallized at the Air Corps Tactical School at Maxwell 

Field, Alabama.33 

32 Zbid., pp 152-153, 156, 187, 191-192; Holley, Ideas and Weapons, pp 52-59; 

Alfred F. Hurley, Billy Mitchell: Crusader for Air Power (NY: Franklin Watts, 19641, 

pp 22-32; Lee Kennett, A History of Strategic Bombing (NY: Scribner’s, 19821, 

33 Kennett, Strategic Bombing, pp 52-57; David MacIsaac, “Voices from the 

Central Blue: The Air Power Theorists,” in Peter Paret, ed, Makers of Modem 

Strategy, from Machiauelli to the Nuclear Age (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ Press, 

1986), pp 629-636; Greer, Doctrine, pp 30-60. In the 1918 reorganization of the 

War Department air program, the Aviation Section of the Signal Corps (descended 

from the Aeronautical Division created in 1907) was split into a Division of 

Military Aeronautics and a Bureau of Aircraft Production, which were subsequently consolidated into the Air Service. This new organization was given permanent status by the National Defense Act of 1920. The Act of 1926 renamed the 

service the Air Corps. The Army Air Forces was created in 1941. For comments on 

the role of Douhet’s ideas in the development of Air Corps thinking, see also John 

F. Shiner, Foulois and the U.S. Army Air Corps, 1931-1935 (Washington: AFCHO, 

pp 18-29. 

1983), pp 47-48. 

15 
Strategic Air Force 

What characterized the American precision bombing concept was a 

specific explanation of how strategic bombing could actually produce a 

strategic result. Douhet, Trenchard, and the Europeans influenced by 

them tended to assume that generalized damage and shaken civilian 

morale would undermine a belligerent government. As Arnold later noted, 

the American public was reluctant to support pure morale bombing.34 

Airmen began to consider ways that specific damage to an enemy’s 

economy could cripple and undermine its military effort. This goal required accurate and precise attacks on specific industrial facilities. As a 

theory, precision bombing depended on a number of assumptions. The 

offensive required detailed information about the enemy’s war economy to 

allow for identification of targets. Accurate daylight bombing would be 

necessary to ensure the most efficient application of bomb tonnage, and 

therefore the bombers had to be able to strike at their targets after 

fighting their way in with acceptable levels of losses. Analysis at the time 

seemed to indicate that all these tasks could be done and that a selfdefending formation of bomber aircraft could actually achieve penetration 

of enemy airspace.35 

In keeping with its strategic doctrine, the Air Corps of the U.S. Army 

developed a new bomber, the Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress. This plane 

exploited the possibilities of increased range and payload, the key properties of a strategic bomber. The B-17 was also designed to carry heavy 

defensive armament, and considerable effort was spent developing a topquality bombsight. By 1940 and 1941 newer designs-the Consolidated 

B-24, the Boeing B-29, and the Consolidated B-36-tried to push the 

evolving technology even farther.36 

Another aspect of the concept of a strategic force related to command. At the end of 1917, Gorrell was Chief of the Strategical Aviation 

Branch at Headquarters, Air Service, AEF, and he was coordinating with 

Trenchard concerning the latter’s planned “Independent Air Force.” Gen. 

John J. Pershing, the AEF Commander-in-Chief, and Marshal Ferdinand 

Foch, Allied theater commander in 1918, both were concerned that this 

force would not be under their control. Gorrell’s organization was accordingly renamed “General Headquarters (GHQ) Air Service Reserve.” In 

34 Herman S. Wolk, Planning and Organizing the Postwar Air Force, 1943-1947 

(Wa$ington: AFCHO, 19841, pp 19-20 8z 2011. 

Greer, Doctrine, pp 30-60, 77-81. 

Ibid., pp 44-47; Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate, eds, The Army 

Air Forces in World War IZ, Vol I: Plans and Early Operations, January 1939 to 

August 1942 (Chicago: Univ of Chicago Press, 1948 [new imprint, Washington: 

AFCHO, 1983]), pp 177-185, 249. 

36 

16 
Air Power and Airmen 

the postwar years, the command arrangements evolved further, and in 

1934 a permanent peacetime General Headquarters Air Force was created 

as part of an upgrading of the Air Corps. Though not explicitly committed 

to bombing strategic targets, the force remained under the direct control 

of the Army’s high command and could be concentrated against objectives 

in furtherance of strategy.37 

In the light of these experiences began the expansion of American air 

power on the eve of World War 11. General Arnold later recalled that the 

Munich crisis of 1938 focused attention on the importance of air power in 

international affairs. That autumn the Air Corps chief attended a meeting 

with President Roosevelt to discuss military increases. 

A new regiment of field artillery, or new barracks at an Army post 

in Wyoming, or new machine tools in an ordnance arsenal, he said 

sharply, would not scare Hitler one blankety-blank-blank bit! What 

he wanted was airplanes! Airplanes were the war implements that 

would have an influence on Hitler’s a~tivities.~~ 

Arnold considered Roosevelt’s decision to expand aircraft production 

the “Magna Carta” of the Air Corps. Still, for some time he had to face 

the dilemma of increased airplane production without adequate provision 

for bases, supplies, or trained manpower. The outbreak of war in Europe 

only exacerbated the problems. 

Even as late as 1942, LeMay, then a colonel commanding a new 

group, the 305th, experienced firsthand the frustrations inherent in the 

lack of preparedness. 

[The Group] consisted almost 100 percent of inexperienced people. 

I had one major, who had been commissioned from the rank of 

master sergeant, an administrative clerk, and he was my group 

adjutant. I had two pilots, besides myself, who had flown B-17s 

before, and we three had to check off the other pilots, who came 

directly from single engine school. The armament officer was an 

ex-Marine corporal who had been.. . in Nicaragua [and] knew 

something about machine guns.. . . My prize was a first lieutenant 

who had been a line chief in B-17s as a tech[nical] sergeant. 

37 Kennett, Strategic Bombing, p 29; extract, Gorrell, in Maurer, World War I, 

38 Henry H. Arnold, Global Mission (NY: Harper & Brothers, 1949), p 177 

Vol 11, pp 152-153, 156, 187, 191-192; Greer, Doctrine, pp 45-47, 70-75. 

(emphasis in original). 

17 
The Dawn of the Atomic Age. December 7,1941, had brought a surprise 

attack by Japanese air forces on the island of Oahu, Hawaii, aboue. Although the 

United States was caught off-guard and plunged into World War I1 not fully 

prepared, her leaders were able to step up mobilization and eventually lead the 

Allies to victory against the Axis. But, August 6, 1945, abruptly ushered in a new 

era of air weaponry and warfare with the atomic explosion over Hiroshima, right. 

That explosion and a second over Nagasaki three days later forced the surrender 

of Japan to the Allies, the end of World War 11, and a reevaluation by U.S. military 

leaders of readiness and retaliation. The Agricultural Exposition Hall and its 

surroundings, below, in Hiroshima, photographed in October 1945, were directly 

below the blast and totally devastated. 

Strategic Air Force 

The navigators I got two weeks before we went overseas had 

had one ride in a B-17 before they navigated across the Atlantic.. . . The bombardiers had never dropped a live bomb.. . . The 

gunners.. . had never fired a gun from an airplane.. . . I hope no American has to go through the exercise again.39 

The main guidance for building a strategic air force to attack Germany, however, had appeared in the fall of 1941. Among its origins were 

two especially important factors: the need to provide more focus for 

President Roosevelt’s vision of vastly expanded aircraft production and the 

British strategic bombing offensive already underway against Germany. 

Having been driven from the European continent in June 1940, Britain 

had no other means of striking at the enemy and retaliating for enemy air 

attacks on England. Casualties in daylight bombing proved prohibitive, so 

the Royal Air Force Bomber Command operated at night, foregoing any 

attempt at precision bombing in favor of night area attacks. During staff 

conferences between the British and Americans early in 1941, the prospect 

of a U.S. contribution to the bombing effort had inevitably arisen, especially since Arnold was attending these meetings as the counterpart to the 

RAF repre~entative.~’ 

In calling for an overall plan for mobilizing American industry in the 

event of war, Roosevelt initiated studies which included the War Department’s Victory Program. Arnold had formed an Air War Plans Division 

(AWPD), which proceeded to prepare the AAF portion of that program, 

under the title AWPD-1, as its first plan. Led by Lt. Col. Harold L. 

George, with the assistance of Lt. Col. Kenneth N. Walker, Maj. Haywood 

S. Hansell, and Maj. Laurence S. Kuter, all of whom had had some 

association with the Air Corps Tactical School, this group outlined the 

production and manpower requirements for a victorious air war in Europe. 

Although the RAF’s night bombing operations had already begun, 

AWPD- 1 focused primarily on an American daylight precision campaign 

using massive numbers of B-17s and newer aircraft types. The planners 

identified major target systems in Germany, calculated the forces needed 

to destroy them, and added elements for other missions, such as defending 

base areas and supporting the amphibious invasion of the European 

continent that would exploit Allied success in the air.41 

Curtis E. LeMay, et al, “The Perceptions of Three Makers of Air Power 

History,” in Alfred F. Hurley and Robert C. Ehrhart, eds, Air Power and Warfare. 

Proceedings of the 8th Military History Symposium, USAF Academy, Oct 18-20, 

1978JWashington: AFCHO, 19791, pp 197-198. 

Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol I: Plans & Early Operations, pp 99-100, 135-139. 

39 

41 Ibid., pp 92-100, 177-185, 249. 

20 
Air Power and Airmen 

The Victory Program marked a major stage in the spectacular industrial mobilization of the United States in the Second World War. By 1943 

this mobilization was beginning to hit its stride. Much of the leadership of 

the AAF (which was created to absorb the Air Corps in 1941), including 

Arnold himself, presided over this effort. Under Henry L. Stimson, the 

Secretary of War, a staff that included Robert A. Lovett, former New York 

investment banker with a ready wit and a firm grasp of industrial management, as Assistant Secretary of War for Air, provided much of the 

expertise needed. It should also be noted that Lovett, as a U.S. Navy pilot, 

had flown long-range bombing missions with the British in 1918. He 

suplported AWPD-1 enthu~iastically.~~ The air force that awed Churchill 

and so many others was one of the products of this mobilization effort, 

with all of its inefficiencies. 

The first half of the twentieth century witnessed armed collisions, 

callled world wars, that pitted major modern industrial powers against each 

other. The adversaries mobilized their full economic strength in the quest 

for victory. Many participants, believing their industrial and military machines to be fragile, were convinced that one well-placed blow could make 

the whole structure collapse. In fact these systems were robust, and only 

years of gruelling attrition could bring them down. But the quest for a new 

means of striking the decisive blow continued. During the 1920s advocates 

of air power and armored warfare sought new ways to overcome attrition 

warfare and the attendant stalemate. Ironically, during the Second World 

War these innovations evolved into more sophisticated, yet frustrating, 

means of attrition. The American precision bombing doctrine may have 

envisioned attrition taking place more rapidly than proved realistic, but the 

theory still involved wearing down the enemy war economy, although more 

efficiently. In that sense strategic bombing was better attuned to the 

realities of the coming war than some of the unofficial theorists might have 

expected. 

The drafters of AWPD-1 envisioned a buildup of overwhelming force 

before launching the air offensive. In reality, pressure from the White 

Hoiise as well as from Arnold drove the airmen stationed in Europe to 

seek results as soon as possible. As the participants recalled, air leaders 

such as General Spaatz and Ma]. Gen. Ira C. Eaker began operations 

determined to apply the concept of precision bombing. But many of the 

preconditions of success could not be met in the grueling air battles of 

1943. Intelligence on the industrial targets of Germany, while surprisingly 

Jonathan F. Fanton, “Robert A. Lovett: The War Years,” (Ph.D. Disserta- 42 

tion: Yale Univ, 1978), pp 8, 10-15, 144-147. 

21 
Strategic Air Force 

good, often proved insufficient. Weather was frequently inhospitable to 

accurate bombing, although later in the war radar began to conquer clouds 

and darkness. But the battles themselves demonstrated the most serious 

problem with the doctrine. AWPD-1 did lay the groundwork for building 

up a bomber force that could bring destructive weights of bombs to bear. 

However, operations conducted with formations of 100 or 300 B-17s 

simply proved too small, and most critical, the forces could not fight their 

way to the target in daylight with acceptable losses. Arnold and Eaker 

pushed to achieve decisive results, but by the end of 1943 there was little 

evidence that Germany’s war economy had been seriously affected, while 

American losses had been heavy.43 

Finally in February 1944, after Spaatz gained command of the overall 

American strategic offensive against Germany, the campaign began to 

produce results. First came the defeat of the German Air Force, and 

eventually, late in the summer, the targeting of the German oil industry 

and transportation net began to undermine the enemy’s war effort. After 

the war, General Spaatz described the strategic bombing campaign as the 

“fulfillment of a concept.”44 Indeed, the prewar doctrine of strategic 

bombing as a means to achieve important results against a hostile war 

economy was in a large sense fulfilled. On the other hand, Germany’s 

defeat had also required the combined efforts of the Red Army and Allied 

landings in northwest Europe. Also, the methods needed to achieve results 

in the strategic bombing offensive did not always reflect the emphases of 

prewar thinking. Success demanded the scale of operations indicated in 

AWPD-1, and no lesser force would have proven adequate. In that sense 

AWPD-1 was transitional. The escort fighter envisioned by air planners 

did prove crucial. The almost fortuitous development of the North American P-51 Mustang, along with drop tanks for other fighters, afforded some 

protection to the bomber fleet. The true achievement of the American 

fighters, however, involved inflicting major losses on the German fighter 

defenses, which resulted in a long-term improvement in the bombers’ 

43 Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol 11: Europe: TORCH to POINTBLANK August 

1942 to December 1943, pp 707-758; Williamson Murray, Luftwaffe (Baltimore, 

Md: Nautical & Aviation Publishing, 1985), pp 161-169. Spaatz became a major 

general in January 1942 and a lieutenant general in March 1943. He was promoted 

to four-star rank in March 1945, along with George C. Kenney and Joseph T. 

McNarney. Kenney, as MacArthur’s air commander in the Southwest Pacific, was 

made senior of the three, while McNarney, Marshall’s deputy chief of staff for 

much of the war, was the third-ranking of the three air generals. Eaker attained 

the rank of lieutenant general by the end of the war. 

Carl A. Spaatz, “Strategic Air Power: Fulfillment of a Concept,” Foreign 

Affairs 24 (Apr 461, pp 385-396. 

44 

22 
Air Power and Airmen 

ability to reach their targets. By the time the enemy’s oil industry and 

transportation net began to undergo real devastation, Allied armies already were ashore in western Europe. Heavy and continued attacks were 

necessary to gain such results. The postwar United States Strategic Bombing Survey, with its mass of detailed evidence, sustained the argument that 

air power had been “decisive” in Europe, but not without acknowledging 

th.at not all of the air effort had been effective.45 

The British night bombing campaign also contributed to victory, as 

area bombing gradually became more effective near the end of the war. 

Even at night air battles were often grueling, and the RAF Bomber 

Command sustained horrendous casualties. At Hamburg in August 1943, 

however, the night bombers produced a firestorm that momentarily shook 

G’erman morale. Not until late in 1944, with the aid of radar, did the RAF 

begin to do enough damage to weaken significantly the enemy’s ability and 

will to make war. In February 1945 the allies fire-bombed Dresden out of 

desperation with a beaten adversary that refused to surrender. Only with 

the death of Adolf Hitler did the war end.46 The British had been forced 

to revise their doctrine, but their efforts also demonstrated the role that a 

powerful bombing offensive aimed at the industrial heart of a nation could 

play in winning a war. 

A similar pattern of inadequate first efforts followed by devastating 

success characterized the American strategic bombing offensive against 

Ja,pan. Curtis E. LeMay, who attained the rank of major general in Europe 

largely on the strength of his reputation as an achiever, was involved in the 

campaign against Japan from the start. The idea of basing B-29 Superfcatresses in China had appealed to President Roosevelt both as a way to 

win the war and to bolster sagging Chinese morale. In reality, the early 

bombing program had to rely on underdeveloped Asian nations, and the 

Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol 111: Europe: ARGUMENT to V-E Day, January 

1944 to May 1945, pp 30-66, 715-782; David MacIsaac, Strategic Bombing in World 

Whr II: The Story of the United States Strategic Bombing Survey (NY: Garland, 1976), 

passim. See also Alfred C. Mierzesjewski, The Collapse of the German War Economy, 1944-1945: Allied Air Power and the German National Railway (Chapel Hill, 

NC: Univ of NC Press, 1988), pp 177-187. Although the Soviets did not conduct 

major strategic bombing operations, they did establish a strategic air force, known 

as “Long Range Aviation.” Further, the Soviet Union bombed Helsinki in Februaiy 1944 when the Finns were proving too slow in arriving at a peace settlement. 

See Earl F. Ziemke, Stalingrad to Berlin: The German Defeat in the East [Army 

Histc$cal Series] (Washington: CMH, 19681, p 267. 

Noble Frankland, The Bombing Offensive Against Germany: Outline and 

Perspectives (London: Faber & Faber, 1965), pp 83-90; Kennett, Strategic Bombing, 

45 

pp 156-162. 

23 
Strategic Air Force 

great distances over rugged terrain created a logistical nightmare. For 

example, two gallons of aviation fuel were consumed in transporting one 

gallon from India to China, when operations were going at their best. In 

the end the resources expended just to fly planes, fuel, and bombs into the 

bases in China for a single bombing mission made the bombing a grossly 

inefficient effort.47 

Even when the naval and amphibious campaigns in the Pacific brought 

the Marianas into American hands, strategic bombing proved difficult. 

Brig. Gen. Haywood S. Hansell, one of the drafters of AWPD-1, commanded the XXI Bomber Command there. His efforts to achieve precision 

bombing were limited by a number of factors, including the high winds 

over Japan. At the B-29’s normal combat altitude, close to 30,000 feet, the 

winds proved so strong that the Superfortresses could make little headway 

upwind and barely even reach the targets, while downwind the planes 

moved so fast that the bombsight could not be set up, and crosswinds 

produced huge errors. In January 1945 Arnold’s frustrations led him to 

replace Hansell with LeMay.48 

Sensing the strong pressure from Washington for results, LeMay 

changed tactics. On the night of March 9, he sent more than three 

hundred B-29s against Tokyo, stripped of their guns, loaded with incendiaries, and bombing by radar at low altitude. Japanese air defenses proved 

negligible, losses were few, and the Superfortresses burned out sixteen 

square miles of the city, with a loss of life well over eighty thousand. The 

American airmen now believed they had found the means to win the war?9 

Indeed, by June 1945, when the B-29s had begun systematically to 

burn down Japanese cities, LeMay was convinced that this method alone 

would suffice to defeat the enemy by late in the year. The planned Allied 

amphibious attack on the home islands would not be necessary, and the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT’S special weapon would not be needed either. Arnold 

supported this position, but Gen. George C. Marshall, the Army Chief of 

Staff, remained ~keptical.~’ In the end, only after the use of atomic 

weapons and the Soviet entry into the war did Japan surrender. From that 

point on, whatever his views, LeMay’s career would be intimately linked to 

the concept of nuclear bombs as strategic air weapons. 

Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol V: The Pacific: MATTERHORN to Nagasaki, June 

Ibid., pp 58-130, 507-546. 

Ibid., pp 566-568, 608-617. 

Coffey, Iron Eagle, pp 174-176. 

47 

1944 to August 1945, pp 58-130. 48 

49 

50 

24 
Air Power and Airmen 

Strategists of the Air. Lt. Cols. Harold L. George and 

Kenneth N. Walker, aboue, left and right, with Majs. Laurence S. Kuter 

and Haywood S. Hansell, below, left and right, formed an effective 

planning team, setting down in AWPD-1 U.S. resources required for 

the air war in Europe. 

Though the experiences of commanders such as LeMay, Spaatz, and 

Eaker modified some of the prewar theories, their earlier convictions were 

confirmed strongly in significant areas. The idea of the GHQ Air Force, of 

an independent air striking force under control of the highest directing 

authority of the nation’s war effort, had always been in the forefront of the 

airmen’s thinking. Spaatz had commanded United States Strategic Air 

Forces in Europe-a theater-wide command set up in January 1944, 

consisting of the Eighth Air Force in England and the Fifteenth in 

southern Italy. The unifying factor behind these two organizations was 

their mission, to operate over Europe against Germany. Nominally under 

the theater commander, Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Spaatz was in fact 

guided by directives from the Anglo-American Combined Chiefs of Staff; 

25 
Strategic Air Force 

although for much of the time his directive was to support Eisenhower’s 

ground and tactical air operation^.^' 

When Arnold began to organize the strategic bombing of Japan, he 

conceived of an air force with headquarters in Washington and himself as 

commander, under the direction of the American joint chiefs. Twentieth 

Air Force, as it became known, would include all B-29 forces attacking 

Japan. Lt. Gen. George C. Kenney, commanding the air force in the 

Southwest Pacific, had envisioned using the Superfortresses in his own 

theater, but Arnold opposed any dispersal of the B-29 effort. The units in 

India and China became the XX Bomber Command of the Twentieth Air 

Force, and those in the Marianas constituted the XXI Bomber Command, 

also of the Twentieth. LeMay at one time or another commanded both. 

Brig. Gen. Lauris Norstad, as Chief of Staff of Twentieth Air Force in 

Washington, was the link between Arnold and the bomber commanders 

overseas.52 

In July 1945, as the Americans prepared for the final operations 

against Japan, with the war in Europe now ended, the strategic force in the 

Pacific was again reorganized. Spaatz became Commanding General, U.S. 

Army Strategic Air Forces, with headquarters at Guam. LeMay served as 

his Chief of Staff, with Lt. Gen. Nathan F. Twining, former Commander of 

Fifteenth Air Force in Europe, in command of Twentieth Air Force, now 

organized under Spaatz in the Marianas. (The Eighth was to operate 

B-29s from Okinawa.) On his way through Washington from Europe to 

take up his new command, Spaatz received the directive to begin atomic 

operations. This directive he brought with him.53 Since he was equal to 

Admiral Chester W. Nimitz and Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who commanded respectively the Navy and Army ground and tactical air forces in 

the theater, it fell to Spaatz to brief them about the new weapon. 

The Postwar Challenge 

MacArthur’s reaction to Spaatz’s news of the plans to use an atomic 

bomb against Japan was: “That changes warfare.”54 Since 1939, as scientists and administrators became aware of the implications of nuclear 

fission, particularly its potential use in a bomb, and as the MANHATTAN 

PROJECT moved toward its final achievement, many had arrived at the 

51 Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol 11: TORCH to POINTBLANK, pp 751-756; Vol 

Craven & Cate, AAF, Vol V: MATTERHORN to Nagasaki, pp 507-546. 

111: GRGUMENT to V-E Day, pp 72-83. 

53 Ibid., pp 392-396, 676-689, 700-714. 

54 MacIsaac, Strategic Bombing, p 166. 

26 
Air Power and Airmen 

same conclusion. However, most of the officials heavily engaged in planning for the postwar armed forces had not been privy to the secret. Thus 

the advent of the bomb radically altered the military situation just as 

postwar plans were about to be put into effect. 

Possibly the most important aspect of postwar planning would not 

change. Most members of the armed forces had been making their own 

plans to leave the service and go home. This extended to the staff of the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT. For the leaders of the AAF, however, the overriding issue remained independence for air power. At the beginning of the 

war Marshall and Arnold had reached an understanding that agitation for 

a separate air force would cease for the duration. In return, Arnold would 

possess great latitude as head of the AAF. Marshall himself strongly 

supported equal status for air and ground arms, within a unified defense 

establishment. Thus, two major items for postwar planning were the 

creation of a separate air force and unification of the services.55 

Marshall also favored universal military training (UMT) to facilitate 

mobilization of the Army in any future war, as did his designated successor 

after the war, General Eisenhower. Arnold was prepared to support 

universal military training so as to retain Marshall’s and Eisenhower’s 

support for an independent air force. But the AAF commander’s foremost 

concern was that the air force be ready in the event of war. This was not 

merely a matter of numbers of men and planes. Arnold understood as well 

as anyone that aviation technology does not stand still. In November 1944 

he asked the distinguished scientist Theodore von KArmAn to direct a 

study of future directions for research and development. Completed in 

December 1945, Toward New Horizons contained a wealth of information 

on developments in a number of fieldss6 

In strategic air warfare, Arnold foresaw that the next bomber would 

be the Consolidated B-36. An experimental model was under construction 

in the company’s plant at Fort Worth, Texas. Work had been slowed 

mainly to accommodate the large-scale production of less advanced types, 

particularly thousands of B-24s. Beyond the B-36, however, the von 

UrmAn committee suggested that the very large long-range bomber was 

reaching a point of diminishing returns. Continued study would determine 

whether airplanes, guided missiles, or some other approach would best 

enable an air force to strike at an enemy’s industrial base.57 

Smith, Plans for Peace, p 53; Sherry, Preparing, pp 41-43, 159-167,199-205; 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 39-40, 210-214. ’’ Report of Heavy Bombardment by Heavy Bombardment Committee Convened to Report to the USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Jan 48, RG 341, 

DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

55 

Gaddis, Origins of the Cold War, pp 26-30. 56 

27 
Strategic Air Force 

President Franklin D. Roosevelt, flanked by Prime Minister Winston S. 

Churchill and Premier Josef V. Stalin at Yalta in 1945, had hoped that a United 

Nations steered by the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union would 

become the primary shaper of the post-war world and guarantor of peace. 

Arnold also realized that the AAF’s goals would not be reached 

without controversy. While he and his colleagues were convinced that the 

war had validated their main philosophy, he recognized that events had not 

convinced everyone. As he wrote to Spaatz, 

We were never able to launch the full power of our bombing 

attack .... The power of these attacks would certainly have convinced any doubting Thomases as to the capabilities of a modern 

Air Force. I am afraid that from now on there will be certain 

people who will forget the part we have played.” 

Arnold would do what he could to further the cause of air power in 

the coming disagreements. But his words were a valuable warning for 

Spaatz, destined to succeed Arnold on his retirement as air chief. Spaatz 

would inherit the task of orchestrating the many voices of the AAF in the 

immediate postwar years. 

Ltr, Gen H. H. Arnold, CG AAF, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG USSTAF, Aug 58 

19, 1945, Spaatz Coll, File Aug 45, Box 21, MD, LC. 

28 
Chapter II 

The Case for a Postwar Air Force 

t the time of the Japanese surrender, the United States had forty A conventional B-29 groups as well as the 509th Composite Group, 

with a total inventory of nearly three thousand Superfortresses. 

General Spaatz commanded directly over half of the operating very heavy 

bomber (VHB) force.’ However, if traditional practices followed the 

armistice, this strategic air force would soon disappear. Most of the 

officers and enlisted members of the Army Air Forces expected to go 

home, and anyone with Arnold’s and Spaatz’s experience in aviation could 

foresee that eventually the bombers would deteriorate or become obsolete. 

The advent of the atomic weapon brought more complications to the 

postwar environment, as it raised fundamental questions about the future 

of air power. Thus the presence of a massive strategic bomber force in 

August 1945 did not guarantee its existence three years later. Maintaining 

such a force would require additional personnel, advanced equipment, and 

some fresh ideas. 

In fact, during the two years after the ceasefire, the U.S. strategic air 

force was largely dismantled, and little progress was made in developing a 

new one. There were many reasons for this stagnation. From 1945 to 1947 

the American armed forces endured a reorganization more turbulent than 

any that had followed previous wars. Fundamental questions about America’s position in the world, the nature of her security problem, and the 

organization of her defense forces demanded answers in the midst of an 

unprecedented international situation. The nation’s leaders would have to 

determine the kind of strategic air force, if any, the country would need in 

a reorganized defense establishment. For their part, the airmen had to 

develop and defend their concepts, especially with regard to atomic 

‘Amy Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 4, 10. 

29 
Strategic Air Force 

weapons. And within these parameters, they should be prepared to organize, train, and equip an effective air force and keep it in readiness. 

At the end of two years of reorganization, the air leaders would finally 

be able to define the kind of strategic force required, but during that 

period America’s power to threaten a potential enemy would be, to borrow 

the term of one historian, “hollow” indeed.’ Funding uncertainties, conflicting priorities, and unresolved issues of command all combined to delay 

progress toward the creation of a strong, up-to-date bomber force. Still, by 

1947 a number of basic decisions would make a clear direction possible. 

It must be understood that the important task of defining long-term 

roles and strategies for the armed forces, including the AAF’s efforts to 

promote air power in the postwar defense establishment, coexisted with 

the immediate priorities of demobilization and the occupation of former 

enemy countries. In fact, the sole on-going commitment for an active 

long-range bombing force involved supporting the occupation, and manning the units in the Pacific and Europe proved impossible. Reorganizing 

the defense establishment would have been a monumental challenge even 

without the manpower and logistical strains inherent in a massive demobilization and major commitments overseas. 

The U.S. armed forces began the postwar period with an almost 

complete change of leadership at the top. Fortunately, all the new officeholders possessed considerable experience from wartime service in the 

government. President Harry S. Truman, in office for four months by 

August 1945, had been Chairman of the Senate Committee to Investigate 

the Defense Program during most of the war. (Secretary Stimson felt 

compelled to warn Senator Truman off an inquiry into a construction 

project of the MANHATTAN Di~trict.)~ As a former National Guard and 

Reserve officer with combat service in the First World War, the President 

was also familiar with issues of manpower readiness. 

To replace Stimson at the War Department, Truman selected Robert 

P. Patterson, the Undersecretary. W. Stuart Symington, a business executive who had entered the Roosevelt administration during the war, succeeded Robert A. Lovett as the Assistant Secretary of War for Air. For the 

Navy, on the other hand, no change was necessary; James V. Forrestal had 

been secretary since 1944 and was willing to stay on. Forrestal’s role 

gained significance largely because of his attention to issues of international affairs, national security, and strategy. An avid reader, the secretary 

circulated many articles, news stories, and papers among his colleagues. 

Harry R. Borowski, A Hollow Threat: Strategic Air Power and Containment 

Jones, Manhattan, p 337. 

Before Korea (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1982), passim. 

30 
Postwar Air Force 

Forrestal, like Lovett, had flown long-range air operations with the British 

in 191fL4 

The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) likewise changed almost completely. 

Fleet Admiral William D. Leahy remained on as Chief of Staff to the 

President, but Eisenhower took over as Chief of Staff of the Army, and 

Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz became Chief of Naval Operations. 

Arnold, having presided over the building of the world’s mightiest air 

force, did not retire until February 1946, but by then Spaatz had been 

assuming more and more of the work, inheriting command of the AAF on 

the departure of his chief and friend.5 All of these officers remained 

throughout the entire reorganization period and brought a breadth of 

experience as well as continuity to the task ahead. 

A New Strategic World 

From the devastation of World War I1 had emerged a new strategic 

world-one that posed several problems for American security. To many 

citizens, the atomic bomb assured invincibility, but the future development 

of the weapon remained unresolved. Another issue addressed a potential 

conflict with the Soviet Union. A growing number of influential Americans 

believed that the United States could not return to its prewar isolationism 

and must assume a leading role in preserving world peace. Airmen were 

conscious of other critical factors: the importance of strategic air power 

and the possibility of long-range air attacks on America.6 

During 1946 and 1947 answers began to arise to several strategic 

problems facing the country, though the nature of the risk of war with the 

Soviet Union remained uncertain. As the wartime coalition collapsed and 

the Soviet Union became more and more the single “potential enemy,” the 

question of general war became vital. An officer on the Air Staff described 

the USSR as: “ . . . the only power of the United Nations with whom it is 

conceivable (but assiduously to be avoided) that we might cla~h.”~ The 

experience of Munich and the belief that a nation should be firm with 

Steven L. Rearden, The Formative Years, 1947-1950, Vol 1 of History of the 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, p 78. 

Ibid., pp 209-214. 

Office of the Secretary of Defense (Washington: OSD, 1984), pp 29-32. 

’ Memo, Walter E. Todd for Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS/Pl, to DCAS, subj: 

US Air Force Contingent for Combined International Enforcement Action of 

United Nations, Jul 26, 1945, RG 341, TS AAG File 21, Box 7, MMB, NA. 

31 
Strategic Air Force 

aggressors conflicted with the administration’s desire to restore trust 

between the two allies. In any case, as war-threatening crises ensued, there 

were gloomy forecasts of inevitable hostilities.8 

In 1945 few predicted the dissolution of most of the colonial empires 

and the armed struggles that would result. One AAF staff officer pointed 

to the Spanish Civil War as an analogue of potential conflicts, but most 

thinking centered on the threat of more general wars.’ The Assistant Chief 

of Air Staff for Plans (ACAS-5) in July 1945 ruled out the use of a United 

Nations air force in petty local disturbances: “The problem has nothing to 

do with the insignificant number of aircraft necessary to coerce a recalcitrant minor power or chastise natives in a border dispute. [The United 

Nations force] will never be so used.”” Such attitudes led to a concentration in all defense planning on a general war with the Soviet Union, with 

little attention to the possibility of small-scale hostilities. 

The growing estrangement between the United States and the Soviet 

Union dashed the hopes of those Americans who believed that the United 

Nations could be effective in maintaining peace and that the atomic 

weapon could be turned over to the world organization. Prominent individThe study of the origins of the Cold War went through a major revisionist 

phase in the 1960s and 1970s, followed by the work of a number of “postrevisionists.” Work has stabilized since then. See Geir Lundestad, “Moralism, 

Presentism, Exceptionalism, Provincialism, and Other Extravagances in American 

Writings on the Early Cold War Years,” Diplomatic History 13 (Fall 891, pp 

527-545. Ironically, a valuable contribution to the subject appeared before much of 

the official documentation was available: see William H. McNeil, America, Britain, 

& Russia: Their Co-operation and Conflict, 1941-1946 (London: Oxford Univ Press, 

1953 [Reprint, NY: Johnson Reprint Corp., 19701). A valuable interpretation along 

post-revisionist lines appeared in John L. Gaddis, The United States and the Origins 

of the Cold War, 1941-1947 (NY: Columbia Univ Press, 1972). Gaddis’s recent 

work-The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (NY: Oxford Univ 

Press, 1987)Fhas generally sustained his earlier synthesis. Other works consulted 

included: Raymond Aron, The Imperial Republic: The United States and the World, 

1945-1973, trans Frank Jellinek (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974); 

Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National 

Security State (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977); Lisle A. Rose, Dubious Victory: 

The United States and the End of World War IZ (Kent, Ohio: Kent State Univ Press, 

1973); Louis J. Halle, The Cold War As History (NY: Harper & Row, 1967); and 

Eduard Mark, “October or Thermidor? Interpretations of Stalinism and the 

Perception of Soviet Foreign Policy in the United States, 1927-1947,” AHR 94 

(Oct 89). On Soviet demobilization, see Yergin, Shattered Peace, pp 269-271. 

Memo, Brig Gen A. R. Maxwell, Ch Rqmts Div, to Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, 

ACAS/Ops, subj: Retention of the Night Attack Program of the Army Air Forces, 

Mar 19, 1946, in RG 18, 1944-1946 Uncl Organization 9, Inactivation, Box 1510, 

MMB, NA. ’” See Note 7. 

32 
Postwar Air Force 

uals such as Navy Secretary Forrestal and George F. Kennan, a Foreign 

Service officer who returned from the embassy in Moscow early in 1946 to 

take increasingly important positions in the government, already distrusted 

the Soviets. For these officials, the tensions with the Soviets were no surprise at all. With the crises of 1946, even the optimists began to recognize 

that Stalin was refusing to cooperate in building a peaceful world. The 

Soviet Union’s delay in withdrawing its wartime garrisons from Iran 

precipitated a crisis in March, and in August Yugoslavia (then considered 

by many little more than a Soviet puppet) shot down two American 

transports. Likewise, Stalin’s failure to support the United States’ plan for 

international control of atomic energy contributed to the gradual disillusionment. By then the American public was extremely suspicious of Soviet 

behavior. Over the next few years Americans once sympathetic with the 

Moscow regime fell successively silent.” 

The strategic situation, increasingly bipolar, demanded a reassessment 

of the role of the nation’s armed forces. Some traditional ideas still 

seemed valid. The Navy envisioned maintaining a large operating force, 

built around aviation and large aircraft carriers of a new design. Representing the Army’s point of view, Marshall favored universal military 

training (UMT) as a way of providing the skeletonized ground forces with 

a pool of trained manpower in the event of mobilization. But, as Truman’s 

trusted adviser, Marshall also preferred air forces to naval forces as the 

“M-Day” (mobilization day) organization, the ready operating force in 

peacetime. Each military arm thus developed a postwar scheme emphasizing its own priorities and capabilities. The Army advocated universal 

military training, the Navy the supercarrier, and the AAF a strong ready 

air force.12 

Concurrent with these plans was a debate over a major reorganization 

of the armed forces. Advocates of change believed that the separate War 

and Navy Departments, coordinated by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, despite 

their apparent success in the Second World War, would no longer suffice. 

Even in the Navy, where the existing system found ready defenders, 

Secretary Forrestal was convinced that interservice coordination needed to 

be improved. On the other hand, advocates of air power believed the war 

demonstrated the need for an autonomous air force. Late in 1945 Congress 

Gaddis, U.S. and Origins, pp 274, 306; Mark, “October or Thermidor?” p 

951; James F. Schnabel, The History of the Joint Chiefs of Stafl The Joint Chiefs of 

Staff and National Policy, Vol I: 1945-1947 (Washington: JCS, 1979), pp 71-75, 

Sherry, Preparing, pp 73-90; memo, JCS to SWNCC (2821, subj: Basis for 

the Formulation of a U.S. Military Policy, Mar 27, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 

11 

81-92. 

1160-1165. 

33 
Strategic Air Force 

resumed hearings on defense organization that had begun the previous 

year. The War Department, in the Collins Plan, adopted the position 

agreed upon between Generals Marshall and Arnold during the war-a 

single department of defense with coequal army, navy, and air force. 

Needless to say, there were differences of perspective. The AAF saw 

autonomy as its primary goal, supporting unification of the services to 

ensure Army support. The Navy expressed its reservations in the Eberstadt 

Report, calling for a less centralized structure. Naval leaders feared the 

consequences to the nation’s sea power if their service lost its independence.13 

In the 1945 hearings, the AAF witnesses included such well-known 

airmen as Arnold, Spaatz, Doolittle, and Kenney. They all spoke from 

their experience about the importance of air power. General Arnold, 

testifying in October, keynoted the campaign with the basic arguments for 

independent air power. Winning the battle for air superiority, essential to 

all other operations, required a single commander. For this job a particular 

expertise was needed, and only an air commander could exploit the 

versatility and flexibility of the air arm. At the national level, air warfare, 

particularly air defense, required unified direction also. Arnold claimed 

that any part of the United States could be attacked from the air: 

Such developments as the atomic bomb, the V-2 and the whole 

range of radio directed and homing missiles accentuate the security 

problem of the air. At this time these weapons will be delivered 

through the air. The basic defense against such a plan of attack 

must lie in the ability to mount rapid, powerful offensive action 

against the source. Responsibility for this defense will rest on the 

Air Force.14 

Finally, air power needed an institutional voice to ensure that a qualified 

person made key decisions. These conditions would ensure “that status 

necessary to our air power to maintain national security and world peace.”15 

l3 Paul Y. Hammond, Organizing for Defense: The American Military Establishment in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ Press, 1961), pp 196, 

213-220; Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 86-98. 

Statement by General of the Army H. H. Arnold Before the Committee on 

Military Affairs of the United States Senate Concerning the Unification of the War 

and Navy Departments, Oct 19, 1945, RG 165, Decimal 320 (Sep-Dec 19461, 

MMB NA. 

‘’Zbid. 

14 

34 
Postwar Air Force 

Unlike his chief, General Spaatz did not specifically mention retaliatory air strikes. In fact he appeared to de-emphasize strategic bombing. 

There has been a tendency to over-emphasize long range bombardment, and to ignore the versatile application of Air Power. Our Air 

Forces were used [in the war] for any mission considered important, 

at any given moment. Especially misleading is the distinction made 

between Strategic and Tactical Air Forces. That distinction is not 

valid in describing the use of Air Power as a whole, day after day.16 

Spaatz did argue that the unity of air command allowed the massing of all 

air forces for decisive action, avoiding the evil of breaking these forces into 

penny-packets for local use. He also pointed out that the entire country 

constituted the air frontier of America. Furthermore, the Arctic frontier 

was now accessible by air and could only be defended in that medium. And 

to develop the resources of air power required a single, autonomous directing agency. In a final appeal to senators aware of the popular enthusiasm for air power, Spaatz said, “The Air Force should have authority 

commensurate with its responsibility in the eyes of the American people.”” 

Thus, not all advocates of an autonomous air force emphasized the 

“independent mission” of strategic bombing. Those who disagreed on the 

bombing issue, however, did stress the need for unity of command in the 

air and argued that air power was too important to be subordinated to the 

land service. No longer could the nation afford to have decisions essential 

to air power vetoed by a ground-oriented General Staff. 

Though critical, independence for the Army Air Forces represented 

only the first step toward building a strong, ready air arm. The AAF 

spokesmen shared a widespread view that the mere skeleton forces and 

mobilization base of the interwar years had failed to deter the Axis powers. 

As Secretary of State James F. Byrnes wrote: “Our military potential, 

demonstrated in 1917-1918, was not enough to keep us out of World War 

II.”18 The joint chiefs certainly agreed that cooperation with the British 

and the Soviets was the best means of securing the peace, but they realized 

that diplomacy could falter. In this case, potential military strength matStatement by Gen Carl Spaatz Before the Military Affairs Committee, 

Sena)?, on Nov 15, 1945, RG 165, Decimal 320 (Sep-Dec 1946), MMB, NA. 

Zbid. 

Ltr, James F. Byrnes, Sec State, to R. P. Patterson, Sec War, Nov 29, 1945, 

with encl: Answers to Questions Contained in the Memorandum Dated Nov 1, 

1945 From the Secretary of War to the Secretary of State, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, p 

1132. 

16 

35 
U.S. Defense Leaders in a 

New Strategic World. Clockwise 

from aboi,e, left: Following the end of 

World War I1 Robert P. Patterson succeeded Henry L. Stimson as Secretary 

of War, W. Stuart Symington succeeded 

Robert A. Lovett as Assistant Secretary 

of War for Air, Dwight D. Eisenhower 

followed George C. Marshall as Army 

Chief of Staff, and Carl A. Spaatz took 

over as Chief of the AAF on the retirement of Henry H. Arnold. James V. 

Forrestal continued as Secretary of the 

Navy. 

Strategic Air Force 

tered little; actual force in being was the only insurance. United States 

military leaders recognized the dilemma: deterring war meant maintaining 

forces that, if strong enough, would never be used.” 

In a similar vein General Spaatz testified: 

(T)he blessing of a time lag which we enjoyed in two World Wars is 

gone, perhaps forever. As top dog America becomes Target Number 1. There will be no time lag. The Airplane will possibly exceed 

the speed of sound. The possibilities for surprise are thus multiplied 

beyond measurement.20 

Never again could the nation wait for the outbreak of war before undertaking the time-consuming business of building an air force. General 

Norstad, the Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Plans, wrote in September: 

The day of forming, equipping and training an Army and in particular an Air Force almost overnight is passed. Due to training 

specialization required and increased production problems of technical equipment, we must have sufficient strength in trained personnel and modern equipment to engage an enemy without being 

allowed time to build up an Air Force. In the last two wars we have 

fortunately been afforded up to two years to gear for war. With the 

character of modern warfare changed .so radically in this last war, 

particularly by new weapons, in the next war we will be in the midst 

of an all-out war from the start. Our only salvation will be in 

immediately available modern weapons with sufficient personnel 

adequately trained in their use.21 

There were other defense needs to which all of the services, particularly the AAF, could agree. America had to have the most advanced 

weapons possible. A vigorous program of research and development would 

exploit the nation’s technological and industrial strength. Also, in view of 

the loss of the precious cushion of time, advance warning of aggression 

became more important than ever. An effective intelligence service was 

deemed essential to avoid an “atomic Pearl Harbor,” and this consideration marked a clear break with past American practice. Indeed, in an age 

of atomic and chemical weapons, even an expected attack would be 

devastating. Therefore, the Joint Chiefs of Staff made a somewhat veiled 

Memo, JCS to SWNCC (282), subi: Basis for the Formulations of a U.S. 19 

Militgry Policy, Mar 27, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 1160-1165 & 1160N. 

See Note 16. 

Memo, Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS/Plans, to Lt Gen H. L. George, CG 

ATC, subj: Arguments for Justification of 70-Group Post-War Air Force, Sep 10, 

1945, RG 341, TS OPD 320.2 (Apr 4, 19441, TS Supp Box 129A, MMB, NA. 

21 

38 
Postwar Air Force 

reference to the need to be able to strike at potential aggression. The new 

emphasis on military preparedness translated into a requirement for a 

long-term presence overseas, and in November the joint chiefs advised the 

State Department of their needs for bases worldwide. Prime locations 

included U.S. possessions (including the Philippines, where negotiations 

were in progress to gain basing rights after the islands became independent) as well as occupied territories and the bases in the Americas leased 

from the British in 1940. The nation could gain control over the former 

Japanese Mandates in the Pacific, but it would also have to approach 

several foreign countries, especially colonial powers, to ensure access to 

other vital base areas.22 

Much of the debate over defense organization was plagued with uncertainties about the atomic bomb. Questions of novelty, secrecy, and 

scarcity made informed discussion difficult. A new weapon only used twice, 

the bomb could be “just another weapon” or “the absolute weapon,” as a 

young scholar at Yale University named Bernard Brodie called it in the 

title of a book published in 1946.23 Information was scarce; much of it was 

still a secret being kept by a few. As Lt. Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg, the 

AAF’s Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Operations, Commitments, and 

Requirements, commented: “There are few people in the world today who 

realize, even remotely, the full implications of the use of atomic power in 

~arfare.’’~~ Likewise, it was uncertain how widely the secret had to be 

shared, and that affected the number of weapons that would be needed or 

available. Finally, strategists considered what to do about the American 

monopoly over atomic technology. Who should or would have the weapon? 

Without American assistance, when would the Soviet Union get the bomb? 

Or should the United States transfer the entire technology, secret and all, 

to the United Nations? 

Not until 1947 did the general outlines of an American atomic 

program become clear: to preserve the monopoly as long as possible, to 

have a military program, but with development and production of weapons 

managed by a civilian agency, and to give access to classified information 

. 

22 Sherry, Preparing, pp 73-90; memo, JCS to SWNCC (282), subj: Basis for 

the Formulation of a US. Military Policy, Mar 27, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 

1160-1165; memo, JCS to Sec State (SWNCC 38/25), subj: Over-all Examination 

of US. Requirements for Military Bases and Rights, Nov 7, 1945, in FRUS, 1946, 

23 Bernard Brodie, The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order (NY: 

Harcourt Brace, 1946), passim. 

R & R Sheet, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to Rqmts Div, Effects 

of Atomic Bomb on the Future AAF Programs, Aug 22, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst 

for AE, 1945, 322 (Atomic Bomb Striking Force), Box 1, MMB, NA. 

Vol I, pp 1112-1117. 

24 

39 
Strategic Air Force 

on a “need to know” basis. Even then, much remained unsettled, and the 

AAF continued to manuever through a complex set of issues. 

At the outset, secrecy reigned. Truman’s Executive Order of August 

15, 1945, severely restricted the circulation of information. On the other 

hand, the basic scientific principles of nuclear fission appeared in a report 

by Professor Henry D. Smyth of Princeton University. Published soon after 

Hiroshima, the Smyth Report showed that atomic energy could be used 

not only for explosives but also as a source for other forms of energy, 

useful for aircraft propulsion and commercial purposes of a great variety.25 

This potential seemed to offer great hope for humanity in spite of the 

bomb’s dreadfully destructive power. 

Although little information came from the MANHATTAN Engineer 

District, military leaders surmised some of the pertinent facts that had 

impact on the future of warfare. From the Smyth Report and from a look 

at the ground at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, they could expand their limited 

knowledge. It appeared that the atomic bomb had a yield of 20 kilotons 

(equal to 20,000 tons of TNT), and a more powerful bomb could be built. 

It did its damage through blast, heat, and radiation. A ground burst would 

so disseminate radiation that the ‘area of the explosion would be impassable to humans for hours or days. Likewise, the distribution of radioactive 

material could deny an area to an enemy, although this tactic seemed 

somewhat impractical in most cases. The bomb could only be delivered by 

a large airplane-smuggling components for clandestine assembly at the 

target would be exceedingly difficult-or by missiles as yet not developed. 

Uranium had now become a strategic raw material. If a secret existed, it 

seemed to lie in the engineering of bomb construction. Building the bomb 

would be a formidable task for any country, even the world’s number one 

industrial giant. 

As for use in war, there was no sure defense. As Bernard Brodie of 

the Yale Institute of International Studies pointed out, effective defense 

required not only the ability to damage the attacker but also the capacity 

to take punishment. Almost nothing could survive even a near miss from 

25 Memo, Maj Gen E. M. Powers, ACAS/Mat, to CAS, subj: Dissemination of 

Atomic Energy Data, Sep 14, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 312.1 

(Atomic Energy) Box 1, MMB, NA; memo, JCS (SM-4810) to SWNCC, subj: 

Guidance as to the Military Implications of a United Nations Commission of 

Atomic Energy, Jan 23,1946, with atch JSSC/JPS report, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 

738-749; Bernard Brodie, The Atomic Bomb and American Security, Yale Institute 

of International Studies Memo No. 18 (New Haven, 1945). 

40 
Postwar Air Force 

an atomic bomb. Thus emerged the theoretical possibility for two countries 

to destroy each other.26 Under such circumstances, deterrence assumed a 

central role in international relations. 

Others seeking to understand the implications of the bomb included 

the scientists who had developed the technology and, therefore, had 

considerable prestige as experts. In September 1945 the University of 

Chicago, where the MANHATTAN PROJECT had conducted the first nuclear 

chain reaction, sponsored a conference on atomic energy for scientists and 

other interested scholars, Brodie being one of those attending. The conferees discussed the issues of secrecy and the revolutionary implications of 

atomic warfare. Most predicted that the Soviets could develop the bomb in 

a few years. Professor Jacob Viner of Chicago, an economist with an interest in international relations, emphasized the deterrent effect of building an atomic arsenal and the possibility of achieving world stability 

through mutual deterren~e.~~ 

In August General Marshall proposed a study by the Joint Staff 

Planners. This group turned to two men who had been involved with the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT since its inception: Vannevar Bush, former head of 

the Office of Scientific Research and Development and responsible for 

much of the early research, and General Groves, the Officer in Charge of 

the project. Though Bush dismissed the possibility of long-range guided 

missiles with atomic warheads, he noted the revolutionary implications of 

the bomb. He agreed that there was no defense against atomic attack. 

Once two nations had large atomic forces, neither would attack the other 

for fear of retaliation. This situation, Bush said, would not arise at once 

because it would take the Soviet Union several years to develop its own 

bomb. This was due to the inhibiting effect of totalitarian politics on 

research. Groves offered a quite similar view. He was more sanguine than 

Bush about the potential of missiles. As a soldier, he stressed the need for 

the United States to exploit its lead by establishing bases and building an 

See note above. The actual yield of the Hiroshima bomb was 12.5 kilotons 

and that at Nagasaki 22. The official press release announcing Hiroshima said the 

bomb had the force of 20,000 tons of TNT. See Richard G. Hewlett & Francis 

Duncan, Atomic Shield, 1947-1952, Vol I1 of A Histoly of the United States Atomic 

Energy Commission (University Park, Pa: Pa State Univ Press, 1962 [new imprint, 

Washington: U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, 1972]), p 672. 

27 Fred Kaplan, Wizards of Armageddon, pp 24-30; David E. Lilienthal, The 

Journals of David E. Lilienthal, Vol 11: The Atomic Energy Years, 1945-1950 (NY: 

Harper & Row, 19641, pp 637-641. 

26 

41 
Strategic Air Force 

atomic stockpile. As a key figure in the atomic enterprise, he also foreshadowed a major problem in the atomic program when he refused to 

divulge the number of bombs on hand.28 

In October the Joint Strategic Survey Committee concluded its own 

study with a report to the JCS. The committee reflected much of Bush’s 

thinking, maintaining that America had at least a five-year lead in atomic 

energy over any other country. However, once other nations had the bomb, 

the United States would be in serious danger. The Soviet Union, by virtue 

of its size, the dispersal of its industry, and the remoteness of its borders, 

was less vulnerable to atomic attack than the United States. While the 

committee agreed that the bomb was primarily an air weapon, it emphasized that the nation needed land and naval forces to seize and hold bases. 

These bases were essential even though vulnerable to atomic attack. 

Atomic power was the sum of a stockpile, an organization to maintain the 

stockpile, and a strategic air force. Other essential ingredients included 

control of uranium sources, research and development, intelligence, and 

protection of atomic secrets. Vulnerability placed a premium on surprise, 

and the report therefore suggested that “Effective action at its source 

would normally require us to ‘strike first.”’ In any event the bomb would 

be most decisive through its power to intimidate, rather than through 

actual damage. Owing to what was then considered a relatively small 

worldwide supply of raw material, the supply of bombs would probably 

always be limited.29 

If the Joint Staff granted the AAF its obvious role in atomic matters, 

Groves was not as ready to do so. At the end of 1945, he prepared a paper 

on “Our Army of the Future.” The head of the MANHATTAN PROJECT 

examined the implications of a successful international agreement banning 

atomic weapons and conversely, of the failure to reach such an agreement. 

Since a war would surely cause the breakdown of an agreement, it was 

necessary to abolish war to avoid an atomic arms race. If the nation 

retained its atomic weapons, Groves saw the Tinian operation as the 

model for their use. The bomb would remain in short supply, and only a 

few select air crews, assigned to ready, mobile units in the continental 

United States, would be needed to deliver the bombs that the MANHATTAN 

District provided. Groves viewed the bomb as “ . . . a weapon of tremendous, devastating power.. . .’, It was an offensive weapon, able to cause 

“rapid attrition,” eliminating entire countries with “suddenness, complete28 Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 137-140, 276-277. 

29 Rprt, JSSC to JCS (1477/1), Over-All Effect of Atomic Bomb on Warfare 

and Military Organization, Oct 30, 1945, RG 341, TS OPD (Aug 17, 19451, 384.3 

(Atomic), Sect 1, MMB, NA. 

42 
Postwar Air Force 

ness, and totality.” “Its very existence should make war unthinkable.” The 

nation had a lead of five to ten years and would have to keep it: “We must 

have the best, the biggest, and the most ....” Any agency charged with 

managing the nation’s atomic program would, in Groves’s view have to 

regard national security as its first 

Groves supported the conventional view that the bomb would not be 

used alone. Other forces would be necessary to gain and hold bases, 

occupy territory, and control the sea. Armies could remain small, although 

the population would have to be mobilized for civil defense and reconstruction. The general reiterated the arguments for an intelligence system and research into new weapons. He, too, hinted at the need for preemption. While contending that America would need a large navy, he said 

little about air forces.31 

At Eisenhower’s instigation, the joint chiefs continued debating the 

relationship between the atomic bomb and national strategy into 1946. The 

Army Chief of Staff had sought a thorough study of the issue, coordinated 

with the Navy, in order to present a unified position before Congress. 

What emerged, however, amounted to little more than a compromise 

statement with minor impact. Eisenhower thought that the first effort 

failed to account for the nation’s policy of seeking international control of 

atomic energy, and the second version of the report, in the eyes of 

Assistant Secretary of War Howard C. Peterson, seemed to dismiss atomic 

weapons solely to protect traditional strategies and budgets. Eisenhower 

offered Groves’s study, although he did not fully agree with it. General 

Arnold could not win an endorsement of the principles of strategic 

bombing or of the need for an air striking force. The JCS report, as finally 

approved, merely advocated ready offensive forces and underlined the 

principle of “balanced forces.” The highest priority went to intelligence 

and forward bases. Secrecy was necessary to protect the (this time) 

ten-year American lead, although the JCS did support efforts for international control. The new weapon was so destructive that war had to be 

Memo, Maj Gen L. R. Groves, OIC, Manhattan Project, subj: Our Army of 

the Future-As Influenced by Atomic Weapons, Jan 2, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, 

pp 1197-1203; memo, CSA to JCS (1477/6), subj: Statement of Effect of Atomic 

Weapons on National Security and Military Organization, Jan 21, 1946, with atch 

paper, RG 341, TS OPD (Aug 17, 1945), 384.3 (Atomic), MMB, NA. The attached 

pape3: in JCS 1477/6 is virtually identical to the Groves paper in FRUS. 

Memo, Maj Gen L. R. Groves, OIC, Manhattan Project, subj: Our Army of 

the Future-As Influenced by Atomic Weapons, Jan 2,1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, 

30 

pp 1197-1203. 

43 
Strategic Air Force 

prevented, if not by international accord, then by deterrence. But the 

means of deterrence were deliberately kept vague.32 

Many in the War Department probably shared Eisenhower’s desire 

for a more serious study. For its part, the Air Staff disagreed with the lack 

of emphasis on air power. Brig. Gen. Alfred R. Maxwell, Chief of the 

Requirements Division of the Air Staff, pointed out that a detailed study 

was needed to dispel public misunderstanding. He argued that exaggerating the bomb’s destructiveness could be damaging to the nation’s security. 

“The atomic bomb is in fact an experimental weapon. ..,” he wrote in 

December 1945; “ . . . it is at present only another weapon.” He admitted 

the bomb’s devastating potential, but he speculated that at probable rates 

of public funding, atomic warfare with guided missiles lay fifty years in the 

future. Much of the current thinking lacked a basis in history and failed 

to “face the hard physical facts of the brains, money, energy and time 

required to revolutionize warfare with fantastic new and complicated 

equipment.” Until such a revolution took place, the nation would need 

conventional air p0wer.3~ 

Maxwell believed that the statements of prominent scientists, combined with the effects of excessive secrecy, had fostered a public misunderstanding. Also, the “overeagerness on the part of the Air Forces’ publicity 

program” deserved a major share of the blame. Exaggerated claims for 

atomic air power encouraged hysterical defeatism or overconfident bellicosity, in either case detrimental to the’ Air Forces’ real political interests. 

No country was going to attack the United States until it had sufficient air 

power and atomic weapons. A war might well last longer than people 

expected; even with the bomb, victory would be difficult to attain. Maxwell 

saw the radius of escort fighters (1,000-1,500 miles) as the limiting factor 

Memo, H. C. Peterson, Asst Sec War, to CSA, subj: JCS 1477/5, Jan 15, 

1946; memo, CSA to JCS, subj: National Security and Military Organization, Jan 

21, 1946; memo, CG AAF to JCS (1477/8), subj: Statement of Effect of Atomic 

Weapons on National Security and Military Organization, Feb 6, 1946; memo, 

CNO to JCS (1477/9), subj: Statement of Effect of Atomic Weapons on National 

Security and Military Organization, Mar 13, 1946; rprt, JCS 1477/20, Statement of 

Effect of Atomic Weapons on National Security and Military Organization, Mar 

31, 1946, all above documents in RG 341, TS OPD (Aug 17, 19451, 384.3 Atomic, 

Box 

Memo, Brig Gen A. R. Maxwell, Ch Rqmts Div, to Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, subj: Publicity on the Atomic Bomb, Dec 13, 1945, RG 341, TS 

OPD (Aug 17, 19451, 384.3 (Atomic), Sect 1, Box 448, MMB, NA. Emphasis in 

original. 

32 

Sects 1, 3, 4, MMB, NA. 

44 
Postwar Air Force 

Lt. Gens. Lauris Norstad, left, Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Plans, 

and Hoyt S. Vandenherg, right, Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Operations, served as advisers to General Spaatz and his special hoard 

investigating the atomic bomb and its significance to structuring, 

equipping, and training in the post-war air forces. 

in AAF striking power. He challenged the obsession with secrecy and 

contended that America’s technological lead could not last: 

We do not have a monopoly on resources; there is no such thing as 

a monopoly on brains; our national realism, morale and organization is seriously open to question .... The Germans were in fact 

defeated more by the stupidity and dissensions of their leaders than 

by military or technical inferiority. For us to assume that we can 

maintain our lead in anything but the ingenuity and resourcefulness 

of the free man in a democratic state is the worst kind of walking 

on clouds.34 

The testimony and reports of various experts on the atomic weapon 

reflected widespread uncertainty on how long the U.S. monopoly could 

last. Few believed that the technology was totally beyond the capacity of 

the Russians, although Truman at times entertained a low private opinion 

of their chances. Groves had maintained that the worldwide lack of raw 

material (uranium) would handicap the Soviets and ensure an American 

lead of twenty years. Deposits in Czechoslovakia, however, might come 

under Soviet control, and even before the communist coup in Prague in 

34 Ibid. 

45 
Strategic Air Force 

1948 Groves was modifying his stance. A gradual emerging consensus 

predicted the first Soviet bomb in 1952 or 1953. The Central Intelligence 

Group, established to fill the gap left by the disappearance of the wartime 

Office of Strategic Services, postulated a date as early as 1950, and some 

even suggested 1949. The AAF included pessimists, and the Bikini tests of 

methods to detect atomic explosions interested such persons greatly. In 

any case, observers later noted the tendency to keep postponing the date 

when the U.S. monopoly would end.35 

The Central Intelligence Group also foresaw series production of the 

Tu-4 (the Tupolev version of the B-29) in 1948, operational units in 1951, 

and a significant atomic delivery capability soon after. In the immediate 

future, this posed relatively little threat. The Boeing plant in the Seattle 

area and the atomic facility at Hanford, Washington, were the most 

vulnerable to a one-way mission by a Tu-4. For the long term, however, 

strategists who debated the implications of two opponents armed with 

atomic bombs had a dreadful real-world situation to consider.36 

The position of the JCS and the War Department on control of 

atomic energy had largely been dictated by Truman’s foreign policy. On 

November 15, 1945, the President obtained the agreement of the British 

and Canadian governments to the quest for international control under 

the auspices of the United Nations, and two months later, in January 1946, 

the UN created an Atomic Energy Commission. Under Secretary of State 

Dean G. Acheson had assembled a committee to draft a U.S. proposal to 

the United Nations body, with David E. Lilienthal, Chairman of the 

Tennessee Valley Authority, heading the Board of Consultants. The Acheson-Lilienthal Report appeared in March. In the meantime, the President 

named Bernard M. Baruch, a seventy-six-year-old businessman and consultant on public affairs, to represent the United States on the United 

Nations Atomic Energy Commission, with the mission of presenting the 

American 

The Acheson-Lilienthal report favored an agency of the United Nations to control all atomic activities, with a strong inspection program to 

enforce compliance with its decrees. When consulted by Baruch, the 

35 Vance 0. Mitchell, “The World War I1 Legacy and the Early Postwar Period, 194551948,’’ Chapter I of draft study, The United States Air Force and 

Intelligence, 1946-1953, 1989, passim, CAFH. :: Zbid. 

Hewlett & Anderson, New World, pp 420, 444, and passim. The body 

created by the United Nations should not be confused with the U.S. Atomic 

Energy Commission created at the end of 1946 by the McMahon Act (see page 48). 

The UN-related International Atomic Energy Agency was not created until 1956, 

although the impetus for it lay in part in the earlier international group. 

46 
Postwar Air Force 

military leaders took strong positions on enf~rcement.~~ Admiral Nimitz 

wrote that the United States should exploit its monopoly to win effective 

international control.39 Leahy noted that the “fear of punishment” would 

deter countries from violating any ban on atomic armaments4” Eisenhower’s remarks were especially pointed. Atomic weapons were needed to 

prevent the use of atomic weapons. “There must exist for deterrent 

purposes, provisions for retaliation.. . . The existence of the atomic bomb 

in our hands is a deterrent, in fact, to aggression in the Spaatz 

noted that the United Nations might have to take concerted retaliatory 

action.42 But until effective international control was achieved, the military 

leaders agreed that the United States would have to defend itself and keep 

the peace, unilaterally if necessary. 

They were not alone in this opinion. Aside from public support for 

such a position, the American members of the Military Staff Committee at 

the UN found sympathizers in Baruch’s delegation. Baruch himself confessed to being “struck” by General Arnold’s idea of a chain of bases at 

key points around the world. Fred Searls, Jr., a member of the delegation, 

proposed siting four to six atomic bombs at each of these bases, with 

sealed orders for the c0mrnander.4~ 

When Baruch submitted the American plan to the United Nations on 

June 14, 1946, it not only called for international inspection, but also 

denied a veto by any member nation on sanctions by the atomic energy 

agency. This gave the Soviets an additional ground for opposition, over and 

above their objection to the inspection provisions. Few in the American 

administration doubted, as the deliberations of the United Nations became 

increasingly deadlocked, that the Soviets were attempting to develop an 

atomic arsenal of their own and had no intention of allowing inspection. 

Kennan observed that the Soviets were unwilling to agree to guarantees 

until the United States destroyed its stockpile, and conversely America 

Zbid. 38 

39 Ltr, Adm C. L. Nimitz, CNO, to B. Baruch, US Rep AEC, Jun 11, 1946, in 

40 Ltr, Adm W. D. Leahy, CS CINC, to B. Baruch, US Rep AEC, Jun 11, 1946, 

in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 851-853. 

41 Ltr, Gen D. D. Eisenhower, CSA, to B. Baruch, US Rep AEC, Jun 14, 1946, 

in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 854-856. 

Draft ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to B. Baruch, US Rep AEC, n.d. [Jun 

461, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946, 452.1, MMB, NA; Hewlett & 

Andyon, New World, p 575. 

Memo, US Rep MSC to JCS, subj: Visit to Office of Mr. Bernard Baruch, 

Jun 7, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 843-846. 

FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 853-854. 

42 

47 
Strategic Air Force 

would not give up its weapons program without guarantees. By the summer 

of 1947 it was clear that international control was going nowhere.44 

The prospect of international control raised the hope that the nonmilitary uses of atomic energy would outweigh military ones. This was one 

of the factors leading to pressure for a civilian agency to manage the 

domestic atomic program. The War Department moved quickly at the end 

of 1945 to sponsor legislation to provide the postwar successor to the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT. Although the bill envisioned an independent agency, 

opposition began to form, particularly among the atomic scientists. The 

issue divided along the lines of military versus civilian control. Not until 

August 1, 1946, did President Truman sign the Atomic Energy Act. The 

final bill, originally proposed by Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, 

established a five-member, all-civilian Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), 

to assume most of the functions of the MANHATTAN PROJECT at the end of 

the year. The commission would manufacture weapons, if necessary, and 

retain custody of them until the President ordered them transferred to the 

armed services. A Military Liaison Committee would represent the services. The commission would also sponsor research into non-military aspects of atomic energy and ensure proper safeguards for its use in industry. Provisions with regard to security were stringent, heavily reflecting 

General Groves’s views on the matter.45 

While the future of the atomic weapons program came under scrutiny, 

the MANHATTAN PROJECT continued to function, albeit haltingly. Demobilization posed a serious problem for the project. Those scientists who 

remained, distracted by the questions as to the future organization, worked 

as best they could to produce some weapons. By June 30, 1946, the 

stockpile included the components of nine bombs.46 Meanwhile, the project’s efforts were largely directed toward a test program. The Navy had 

advocated research on the effect of the bomb on naval vessels. This would 

prove to be the path to a better understanding of the possible implications 

of the weapon.47 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, 1947-1952, pp 261-267. 

Hewlett & Anderson, New World, pp 482-530. 

Ltr, J. M. Holl, Hist Dept Energy, to J. R. [sic] Bohn, Hist SAC, Mar 22, 

1982, with encl, in SAC/HO; Hewlett & Anderson, New World, pp 624-626. 

Memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to ACAS/Pl, subj: Atomic 

Bomb Striking Force, Nov 15, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 322 

(A-Bomb Striking Force), Box 1; memo, Maj Gen L. R. Groves, OIC Manhattan 

Proj, to Brig Gen W. A. Borden, Dir New Dev Div, WD Spec Staff, subj: War 

Department Research and Development Program for the Employment of Atomic 

Energy, Nov 8, 1945, RG 341, TS OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 312.1, Box 1, both in 

MMB, NA; Hewlett & Anderson, New World, pp 624-626. 

44 

45 

46 

47 

48 
Postwar Air Force 

Demobilization and Occupation 

With the war ended, the primary immediate role of the armed forces 

was the occupation of Germany and Japan. Senior officials and diplomats 

also recognized that the nation would have more standing in postwar 

negotiations if its forces remained strong. But rapid demobilization threatened to deprive the forces of any capability for either purpose. The very 

heavy bomber force, for which a role in the occupation had been developed during the war, proved especially vulnerable. The growing estrangement with the Soviet Union also subtly altered the leaders’ perceptions of 

the purpose of the occupation forces. Ironically, in the role for which the 

very heavy bombers were intended, they were never really needed, while 

they quickly lost the capacity to deter the new potential enemy. 

The long-range bomber had potential value in the occupation force 

because it could be stationed outside of the occupied country, safe from 

harassment or outright attack from a resurgent enemy and could intervene 

if needed. Flyovers of the occupied country could then have a deterrent 

effect. In the Pacific, the bases in the Marianas served the purpose. In 

Europe, however, the AAF devised the Peripheral Basing Plan to obtain or 

keep bases in allied countries during the period of occupation. 

The planners arrived at a strength of five groups of heavy bombers for 

the occupation force in Europe. As the B-29, the AAF’s most advanced 

long-range bomber, was scheduled to replace the B-17 and B-24, Superfortress units would need to deploy to the area. From this arose PROJECT 

WONDERFUL to ready and dispatch B-29 units to Europe. Meanwhile the 

joint chiefs would seek assistance from the State Department to get bases 

in Italy, France, Denmark, and Norway!’ 

Continental Air Forces (CAF), with headquarters at Bolling Field in 

the District of Columbia, received the task of preparing the occupation 

forces. Organized in 1944 to manage the AAF redeployment from Europe 

to the Pacific, the CAF also had the mission of furnishing the air component of the Army’s Strategic Striking Force, understood in the older sense 

of a central reserve of ground and supporting air forces ready to move to a 

Rprt, ACAS-5 (Ops) to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, Briefing Material for 

European Trip, Jun 21, 1946, Spaatz Coll, Box 265, MD, LC; doc, Consolidated 

List of Units Committed for Overseas Movement, Sep 8, 1945, RG 18, AAG, 1945, 

322 Units Misc, Box 1/14, MMB, NA. 

48 

49 
Strategic Air Force 

threatened area. With its staff in Washington, Arnold had assumed direct 

command of 

Shortly after Hiroshima, the command called a major alert for five 

groups in training at fields in Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas. Despite the 

elaborate planning for that event, Gen. Leon W. Johnson, recipient of the 

Medal of Honor for his valorous leadership during the attack on the oil 

fields at Ploesti, Romania, on August 1, 1943, later recollected the uneasiness that was beginning to develop in the Pentagon. Then a brigadier 

general working for the Assistant Chief of Staff for Personnel, he pondered the question: “What if the American people demand that they [the 

men in the services] get out?” His answer was, “Well our plan will be shot; 

it won’t work.” Johnson’s account of demobilization was fairly succinct: 

“SO we fell apart.. . . It was just a riot, really.. . .”50 

In October and November 1945 demobilization reached its peak. The 

Army’s strength fell by over a million in each month, November’s figure 

being 1,153,075. Since the Army was still inducting draftees and (after 

legislation was passed in October) enlisting volunteers, the actual number 

of separations was still greater. For the AAF October marked the greatest 

decline in strength. A decrease of 493,093 reduced the air forces to a little 

over 1.5 million. Air force strength overseas fell from 1 million at the time 

of Hiroshima to 385,000 at the end of De~ember.~’ 

More telling than the numbers, however, was the decline in quality. 

The War Department had devised a system of “points” that gave precedence for separation to men with long service overseas and family responsibilities. Thus the most experienced and mature men were the first to go. 

Replacing seasoned workers with new recruits compounded the manpower 

problem, and the AAF, so dependent on skilled maintenance men, was 

especially hard hit. A year after the ceasefire, the number of qualified 

aircraft maintenance personnel had plummeted from 350,000 to 30,000. By 

then, as a result, only 18 percent of the aircraft were operationally ready. 

This trend had already started at the end of 1945, and by November 1946 

air units overseas were generally less than fifty percent effective. Furthermore, the redeployment of air units from Europe to the Pacific had 

resulted in large combat forces being held in the continental United States 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 114-120; hist, Hq Continental Air 

Forces, Organization and Missions, Hq Continental Air Forces, Dec 15, 1944-Mar 

USAF OHI, # 609, Arthur K. Marmor, AFCHO, with Gen Leon W. 

The Army Almanac (1950), p 627; Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, 

49 

21, 1946, pp 59-71,78-79, AFHRA 415.01. 50 

Johngm, Ret, Apr 14, 1965, p 23, AFHRA. 

p 14. 

50 
Postwar Air Force 

Manhattan Project principals Vannevar Bush, left, and Maj. Gen. 

Leslie Groves, right, were consulted on the future of the atomic bomb by 

the Joint Staff during early post-war strategic planning initiatives. 

awaiting overseas shipment at the moment the war ended. These units 

quickly lost their best men to the separation centers, devastating the 

potential strategic reserve.” 

Overseas, metaphorically speaking, the victorious armies stacked arms 

and headed for the ships. They left behind billions of dollars worth of 

equipment and supplies, exposed to pilferage, rust, and rot on virtually 

abandoned airfields and supply dumps. After two years of demobilization 

the disposal of surplus property would still be the main unfinished job of 

the overseas commands. And the men who remained in service, frustrated 

by their working conditions and anxious to leave, became increasingly 

ill-tempered. In January 1946 the War Department tried to stanch the 

hemorrhaging of the occupation forces, but the new rules raised a public 

outcry, with demonstrations and disorders among the troops from Manila 

to Frankfurt.53 

Frustration and anxiety soon spread to the higher levels of command. 

In October and November 1945 the Joint Strategic Survey Committee 

warned of the harmful effects of demobilization on national security. 

52 John C. Sparrow, History of Personnel Demobilization in the United States 

Army (Washington: Ofc of Ch of Mil Hist, 1951) pp 360-363; Alfred Goldberg, ed, 

A History of the United States Air Force, 1907-1957 (Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand, 

1957), p 105; Harold B. Hinton, Air Hctory: The Men and the Machines (NY: 

Hapgr, 1948), p 346. 

Sparrow, Personnel Demobilization, pp 360-363, 521. 

51 
Strategic Air Force 

Secretary Byrnes approached his negotiations with the Soviets uneasily 

aware of how little armed strength he had to support his p~sition?~ Inhis 

November testimony to Congress, General Spaatz saw 

our Air Force disintegrating before our eyes. We see almost hysterical demobilization. We see the rising curve of flying accidents, due 

to the loss of experienced ground personnel. 

He called for an immediate effort to reconstitute the nation’s air power?’ 

The units designated to deploy to Europe under PROJECT WONDERFUL 

exemplified the problems of demobilization for the armed forces. As many 

men already had the points for separation from service, replacements were 

urgently needed. The resulting reshuffle of personnel compounded the 

increasing chaos. From commanders to mechanics, demoralization was 

general. One irate group commander telephoned Headquarters Second 

Air Force to find out what the policy was on removing men eligible for 

separation from WONDERFUL units. A personnel officer told him he thought 

that the commanding general had said, “ . . .take out everybody that’s 

unhappy.” To this the group commander replied sourly, “Well, I can take 

out the whole god damn group then.”56 The constant changes in criteria 

for separation from the Army or for transfer overseas continually undid 

every arrangement to man the groups. The confusion forced postponement 

of the move, first from September 1 to October 1, then to December 1. In 

November Headquarters AAF suspended PROJECT WONDERFUL pending 

further st~dy.~’ The officer monitoring the project on the Air Staff pointed 

out that the new War Department policy of releasing men with two years’ 

service would make it impossible to find trained people?8 Finally, in 

January 1946 Headquarters AAF announced the suspension of PROJECT 

WONDERFUL until ~umrner.’~ The frantic demobilization had thus limited 

American military power in a quite specific way. 

Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 212-218. 54 

55 See Note 16. 

56 Telecon, Col C. P. Ashworth, CO 489 Bomb Gp, with Maj R. P. Harman, 

Pers Plng Off, 2 AF, Aug 18, 1945, quoted in hist, 2 AF, Sep 1945-Mar 1946, pp 

48-42. 

Sanders, Redeployment and Demobilization, pp 43-45; ltr, Brig Gen W. F. 

McKee, Dep ACAS/Ops, to CG ATSC, subj: VIII Bomber Command and Associated’pts, Nov 24, 1945, RG 18, AAG, 1945, 322 Commands, 2/104, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col L. P. Dahl, Ch Ofc Prog Monitoring, to ACAS/Pl, subj: 

Material for Briefing General Eisenhower, Dec 4, 1945, RG 341, OPD (Aug 17, 

19451, 009, Anx 1/22, MMB, NA. 

59 Ltr, Brig Gen W. A. Matheny, Ch Commitment Div, ACAS/Ops, to CG 

CAF, subj: Deferment of VIII Bomber Command and Five VHB Groups, Jan 3, 

1946, RG 18, AAG, 1946-1947, 322 Commands, Box 604, MMB, NA. 

52 
Postwar Air Force 

Postponement might allow the AAF more time to prepare units 

eventually for deployment, but it would not resolve a policy contradiction 

inherent in PROJECT WONDERFUL. In November 1945 the State Department estimated that 200,000 troops in Germany-the number estimated to 

be in the country at the end of the coming June-would not be enough to 

deter, let alone oppose, a “militant enemy.”60 It would nonetheless be 

larger than necessary for simple occupation duties. Eisenhower, still theater commander in Europe, argued that he needed no more than two 

groups of very heavy bombers for “his assigned mission of maintaining 

security within Germany.”6’ The AAF disagreed: “ . . . retention of the five 

(5) VHB groups in the European theater is necessary to combat any 

possible threat from the East.”62 But U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union 

was not yet firmly enough established to justify maintaining such a force. 

A further problem lay in the Peripheral Basing Plan itself. The State 

Department reported difficulties in obtaining access to the areas in question. Work might begin at Amendola, one of the Fifteenth Air Force’s 

fields near Foggia, Italy,63 but eventually the Allies would leave Italy and 

the problem of rights would arise again. Denmark and Norway feared 

Soviet pressure for similar rights if they let the Americans set up bases. 

France was equally rel~ctant.~~ As the stated rationale for the bases was 

the occupation, which appeared to most planners as a temporary phase, 

the Americans would eventually leave. So the whole program lingered 

on in uncertainty. The first postwar attempt by the United States to organize and maintain a strategic air force for deterrent purposes was falling 

6o Ltr, James F. Byrnes, Sec State, to R. P. Patterson, Sec War, Nov 29, 1945, 

with encl: Answers to Questions Contained in the Memorandum Dated Nov 1, 

1945, From the Secretary of War to the Secretary of State, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, 

pp 1128-1133. 

Emphasis in original. 

Memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to Dep Comdr AAF, subj: 

Occupational Air Force Troop Basis, n.d. [Sep 451, RG 341, TS AAG File 21/7, 

MMB, NA. 

63 R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep CG AAF, to Maj Gen L. 

Norstad, ACAS-5 (Pl), Additional Requirements for USAFE, Apr 21, 1946, and 

Cmt 2, Norstad to Eaker, Apr 26, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7; memo, 

Norstad to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, subj: Deployment of VHB Units in the 

Occupation of Germany, May 16, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7; memo, 

Brig Gen F. H. Griswold, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to Spaatz, subj: VHB Groups for 

ETO, May 23, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 (E-2671, Box 8, all in MMB, NA. 

64 Rprt, ACAS-5 (Ops) to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, Briefing Material for 

European Trip, Jun 21, 1946, Spaatz Coll, Box 265, MD, LC; Elliot V. Converse, 

“United States Plans for a Postwar Overseas Base System, 1942-1948,” (Ph.D. 

Dissertation, Princeton Univ, 19841, pp 173-174. 

62 

53 
Strategic Air Force 

victim to the realities of American peacetime politics and international 

diplomacy. 

The tribulations of Continental Air Forces in PROJECT WONDERFUL 

paled in the light of the massive restructuring underway at the Pentagon. 

The Japanese surrender had taken place two months into fiscal year 1946 

(ending in those days on June 30, 1946). Heavy reductions in military 

spending were expected, and in September 1945 President Truman submitted proposals to Congress. The Army’s goal involved cutting strength from 

over eight million to two million. In planning this force, the War Department allocated a strength of 574,000 to the AAF. This number was 

subsequently reduced to 400,000. General Arnold considered that a force 

this size would provide a total of seventy combat groups. From then until 

1951, seventy groups became the airmen’s definition of adequate air power 

for the nation. While arrived at after the fact, the number had the virtue of 

being an agreed level easily described. As demobilization progressed, this 

force was never attained until 1951, by which time larger figures were 

under consideration. Arnold allocated these forces for the occupation, but 

he hoped to make the goal one for the peacetime force as ~e11.6~ 

The continuing demobilization forced the services to revise their 

planned force levels repeatedly. By February 1946 the joint chiefs approved goals of 400,000 personnel and seventy groups for the AAF 

throughout fiscal 1947, with a reduction of the rest of the Army over the 

same period from 1,150,000 to 670,000. A month later AAF manpower 

dropped to 500,000 with seventy-one groups. As the universal military 

training bill languished on Capitol Hill, the President asked for extension 

of selective service to enable the services to maintain their forces. For the 

time being, the seventy-group program seemed secure.66 

Planning for Strategic Air Power 

While contending with the current problems of demobilization and 

occupation, the leaders of the AAF also needed to start looking ahead. At 

the core of the proposed seventy-group air force were the twenty-five VHB 

groups. For these the B-29 would be the basic aircraft for the immediate 

future. Planned improvements would produce the B-29D, redesignated 

65 Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 233-237; Wolk, Planning and Organizing, 

66 Sparrow, Personnel Demobilization, pp 316-322, 360-363, 519-523; Sherry, 

pp 61-68. 

Preparing, p 225; Amy Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 4-5, 14, 123. 

54 
Postwar Air Force 

the B-50 in December 1945. Also unresolved at war’s end was the role of 

atomic weapons in the VHB force and what command structure would 

best control that force. These questions extended to matters of relationships with the rest of the War Department, especially the MANHATTAN 

PROJECT, and the overall defense establishment. During the last months of 

1945 and early 1946, these issues became a major part of the work of the 

Air Staff, particularly for Hoyt Vandenberg as Assistant Chief of Air Staff 

for Operations, Commitments, and Requirements, and Lauris Norstad, 

now a major general and Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Plans. 

Uncertain as everyone was of the true significance of atomic weapons, 

some answers had to be found soon. Airmen tended to see the bomb as 

transforming the potential of the strategic air offensive as a weapon of 

war. General Eaker, Deputy Commanding General of the AAF, later 

explained that the bomb offered the “opportunity to put warfare on an 

economical, sensible, reasonable basis.”67 Atomic weapons, most airmen 

thought, gave strategic air power the means to achieve its objectives and be 

truly decisive. The new technology did not alter the basic principles of air 

power. Different tactics and techniques might be required, but the factors 

of range and offensive action remained all-important. Realizing that the 

side attacking first in an atomic air war would have an advantage, airmen 

also knew that this would be an extremely sensitive subject. Above all, they 

argued, the atomic bomb was a strategic air weapon, primarily to be delivered by large bombers at the most important targets. 

LeMay supported the AAF‘s claim to the new technology when he 

sent a message to Eaker from the Pacific. The USASTAF Chief of Staff 

began by noting: 

(A) The efficacy of the atomic bomb has been established. 

(B) It is essential to national security that U.S. leadership in this 

field be maintained. 

(C) The atomic bomb is essentially an air weapon, and therefore, it 

is incumbent upon the Army Air Forces to provide full cooperation to insure U.S. leadership. 

LeMay recommended that the 509th Composite Group not be dismantled 

in the demobilization. In the longer term the AAJ? had to have a force, 

“probably a wing,” that could deploy anywhere in the world on short 

notice for atomic operations. Experienced people should be kept in the 

atomic program, and the training curriculum should include some science. 

Future aircraft development would have to take the bomb into account: 

USAF OHI, # 627, Charles H. Hildreth & Alfred Goldberg, AFCHO, with 67 

Lt Gen Ira C. Eaker, Ret, May 1962, p 6, AFHRA. 

55 
Strategic Air Force 

“The design of the bomb and the design of the airplane to carry the bomb, 

probably will be closely related as long as the bomb remains heavy and 

awkward.” He recommended that either Palm Springs or Victorville, 

California, be the center of a base area for the force, using the California 

desert for testing and training. This area was remote but not isolated, and 

accessible to scientific centers.6s 

On September 14 General Arnold asked General Spaatz, recently 

returned from the Pacific, to chair a board to study the question of atomic 

weapons in the AAF. Vandenberg and Norstad were to serve with him. 

Meeting in the utmost secrecy, the Spaatz Board submitted its report on 

October 23. In the meantime Arnold took action to safeguard the AAF’s 

atomic capability. The 509th Composite Group left Tinian for the United 

States, destined for Roswell Field, New Mexico, which had a less severe 

housing shortage than the California bases suggested by LeMay. Kirtland 

Field, ideally located for cooperation with Los Alamos, was rejected 

because its airfield was a municipal airport, and security would be compromi~ed.~~ Possibly aware of the Spaatz Board’s thinking, General Arnold 

was determined that the AAF’s voice be heard on atomic matters. On 

October 22 he sent a memorandum to Robert P. Patterson, Secretary of 

War, asking for AAF representation in all War Department planning with 

regard to atomic energy and that military representatives, including an air 

officer, be included in any commission for the control of atomic energy.70 

The basic recommendations of the Spaatz Board were quite similar to 

Arnold’s memorandum, though less specific. The board concluded that the 

atomic bomb did not at the time impose radical changes on the AAF. 

Although improvements over the coming ten years could be foreseen, and 

a stockpile would be developed, the bomb would remain bulky, heavy, 

expensive, and in short supply. Therefore the AAFs very heavy bombers 

would still be the only effective means of delivery. Numbers would be too 

small to justify use of the bomb against tactical targets. A nation seeking to 

Msg, CG USASTAF to CG AAF (Personal LeMay to Eaker) 3505,3009012 

Aug 45, subj: Postwar Atomic Bomb Program, RG 341, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 

1945, 373 Crossroads, Box 2, MMB, NA. 

69 Memo, Maj Gen E. M. Powers, ACAS/Mat, to ACAS/Pl, subj: Kirtland 

Field, Sep 4, 1945, RG 341, TS OPD, Asst for AE, 1946, 373 Crossroads, Box 2, 

MMB, NA; Maurer Maurer, Air Force Combat Units of World War II (Washington: 

GPO, 1961 [new imprint, Washington: AFCHO, 198311, pp 371-372. 

’O Memo, Gen H. H. Arnold, CG AAF, to Sec War, subj: Policy on Atomic 

Energy, Oct 22, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 312.1 AE, Box 1, MMB, 

NA. 

56 
Postwar Air Force 

Lt. Gen. Ira C. Eaker, Deputy 

Commander, AAF, saw in the atomic 

bomb the AAF’s “opportunity toput warfare on an economical, sensible.. . basis.” 

defend itself against atomic attack would try to disperse its industry and 

thereby reduce the number of profitable targets. Also, the attacking force 

might have to use conventional bombing as well in achieving penetration. 

Therefore, the board concluded: “The atomic bomb has not altered our 

basic concept of the strategic air offensive but has given us an additional 

weapon.” The bomb also made the AAF the primary customer of the 

MANHATTAN DISTRICT.” 

The Spaatz report raised no challenge to the seventy-group air force. 

As for policy, the likelihood of another country developing the bomb 

compelled the nation to prepare for an atomic war. No country that lacked 

the bomb was likely to attack America. The board agreed that the only 

defense against the bomb was to destroy the bomb carrier in the air or 

on the ground. Therefore, “We must be prepared for: (1) Preventive or 

retaliatory action. (2) Defense against attacks of all kinds.” The United 

States needed forward bases for three reasons. First, a forward defense 

would be more effective than a point defense. Second, it was necessary to 

deny other countries key bases for an attack on the United States. Thirdly, 

America would use these bases for its own strategic air offensive. The 

R&R Sheet, Gen H. H. Arnold, CG AAF, to Dep Comdr AAF, Board 

Report re Policy on Atomic Energy, Oct 23, 1945, with atch report, RG 341, TS 

OPD (Aug 17, 1945), 384.3 (Atomic), Sect 1, Box 448, MMB, NA. 

71 

57 
Strategic Air Force 

board supported the JCS view that intelligence and research and development were e~sential.~’ 

The actual recommendations were brief. The Spaatz Board called for 

a senior officer charged with representing the AAF in all atomic and 

research matters: 

His duties should embrace not only the exploitation of atomic 

energy, but also should include the direction of research and 

development of all air weapons of the future. He should be a 

participating member of the Manhattan District project and represent the Air Force in the highest councils of research and development?3 

The board then proposed appointing to this position “an officer of the 

caliber of Maj. Gen. Curtis E. L~M~Y.”~~ 

The “officer of the caliber of Curtis LeMay” was then in Dayton, 

Ohio, taking charge of the Air Technical Service Command. LeMay had 

returned from the Pacific theater the previous month, landing at Chicago 

on September 19 after a 5,995-mile nonstop flight aboard a stripped-down 

B-29 from the Japanese island of Hokkaido. During the years before the 

war, Army aviators had often sought publicity through record-breaking 

flights; now the AAF was back in that business.75 

Called to Washington, LeMay became a member of the Army-Navy 

Advisory Committee to General Groves. He represented the AAF, with 

Col. Roscoe C. Wilson as his alternate. On December 5 LeMay received 

his official appointment as Deputy Chief of Air Staff for Research and 

Development. He was already establishing a small coordinating office to 

focus mainly on building an atomic energy program for the AAF.76 

72 Zbid. 

73 Ibid. 

74 Ibid. 

76 R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Gen C. A. Spaatz to Dep Comdr AAF, Dissemination 

of Atomic Energy Data, Nov 13, 1945, RG 341, TS OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 312.1, 

Box 1, MMB, NA; Robert D. Little, Foundations of an Atomic Air Force and 

Operation Sandstone, 1946-1948, Vol I1 of The History of Air Force Participation in 

the Atomic Energy Program, 1943-1953 (Washington: USAF Hist Div, 1954), pp 

55-56 (note 11, 541ff (note 2); Curtis E. LeMay and MacKinlay Kantor, Mission 

with LeMay: My Story (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 19651, p 395. This work, 

although presented as LeMay’s own memoirs, needs to be used with considerable 

care. 

New York Times, Sep 21, 1945, pp 1, 4. 75 

58 
Postwar Air Force 

Two days before LeMay’s appointment, Eaker had acted to ensure 

that his new deputy would be included in the planning for an atomic strike 

force. By November these plans had begun to solidify. Vandenberg’s staff 

had developed a plan for four of the twenty-five proposed VHB groups to 

be composite units along the lines of the 509th.77 Subsequently reduced to 

three groups, this force would rely on the 509th as a nucleus around which 

an atomic strike capability would develop, while keeping some kind of 

ready element at all times. As Norstad pointed out, security reasons 

dictated avoiding the word “atomic” in the title of any ~rganization.~~ 

Eaker cited a further reason, especially if there were only going to be 

three or four groups in the striking force: 

Are we not making an error in designating one wing as an atomic 

bombing force? Would it not be better to have all our long range 

bomber units employed for this purpose? It strikes me we are very 

likely to find the attitude of the War Department and of the 

Congress to be that the atomic bombing force is the only strategic 

Air Force we will require. If one wing will do the job, then one wing 

will be the size of the strategic force.79 

The Deputy Commander of AAF agreed that a ready force was needed, 

but it should also help in “coaching the other long range groups as they 

become available.”80 

On December 12 Vandenberg, Norstad, LeMay, and Maxwell met 

with Maj. Gen. St. Clair Streett, the Deputy Commander of the Continental Air Forces, to design the new organization.” Two days later Norstad 

informed Streett of the rationale for the agreed plan, which accommo77 Memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to ACAS/Pl, subj: Atomic 

Bomb Striking Force, Nov 15, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945,322 A-Bomb 

Striking Force, Box 1, MMB, NA. 

78 Memo, Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS/Pl, to CAS, subj: Atomic Bomb 

Striking Force, Nov 24, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 322 A-Bomb 

Striking Force, Box 1; R&R Sheet, Cmt 2, Brig Gen J. A. Samford, Dep 

ACAS/Intel, Atomic Bomb Striking Force, Dec 6, 1945, RG 18, AAG, 1945, 

370.5; Campaigns and Expeditions, 178, both in MMB, NA. 

R&R Sheet, Cmt 1, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep Comdr AAF, to ACASs, 

Atomic Bomb Striking Force, Dec 3, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 322, 

Box 1, MMB, NA. iy Zbid. 

R&R Sheet, ACAS/Ops to Dep Comdr AAF, Atomic Bomb Striking 

Force, n.d. [Dec 451, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 322, Box 1, MMB, NA. 

59 
Strategic Air Force 

dated Eaker’s criticism. There would be a specialized striking force at the 

beginning, but: 

It will be necessary in our dealings with other agencies of the 

government such as the War Department and the Congress, to 

emphasize the fact that the atomic bomb actually does not enable 

the elimination of any portion of our air force.” 

Conventional bombers would be needed to attack enemy air defenses, to 

convoy the atomic carriers, and for diversionary attacks; in other words, to 

ensure penetration. Thus the actual atomic force had to be ready to go 

into action immediately in conjunction with conventional units, while at 

the same time it provided the nucleus for future de~elopment.~~ 

During December the Air Staff worked out the details of a plan for 

the force, which received final Air Staff approval on January 7, 1946. The 

atomic force would carry the designation of the 58th Bombardment Wing. 

This wing’s headquarters had recently arrived from the Pacific at March 

Field, California, under the command of Brig. Gen. Roger M. Ramey. The 

58th would include the 509th Composite Group and two additional groups 

converted from conventional very heavy units. All groups would eventually 

be stationed near Los Alamos. The wing headquarters would train the 

units, coordinate technical support (including the movement of scientists 

and technicians to operating bases in wartime), conduct liaison with the 

MANHATTAN District, and support the district’s flight tests. The planners 

expected that officials close to the President would take the keenest 

possible interest in atomic operations, so that control of them had to be 

responsive. In the event of war, a group or groups would deploy to an 

active theater and come under the control of the theater commander. All 

bombers would be available for conventional bombing until needed for an 

atomic mission. Transport units (possibly using C-97 cargo planes especially modified) would deliver the bomb to the B-29 base. The Tinian 

operation served as the model. However, now one could expect hostile 

defense to be a great deal more concerned than in the past at individual 

penetrations by B-29s. Tactics had to take this into account. The atomic 

carrier might have to accompany a mass raid or attack at night, either 

infiltrating or with the bombers flying in a stream. Newer aircraft, such as 

R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS/PI, to Dep Comdr AAF, 

Atomic Bomb Striking Force, Dec 14, 1945, RG 18, AAG, 1945, 370.22 Campaigns 

and Expeditions, 178, MMB, NA. 

83 Ibid. 

60 
Postwar Air Force 

the B-36, might be able to operate from the continental United States, but 

for the time being, forward bases were essential to atomic operation^.'^ 

If, during the occupation period, Continental Air Forces was to have 

five groups, the three planned atomic groups would represent the bulk of 

its strength. However, with the suspension of PROJECT WONDERFUL in 

January 1946, the deployment of units stopped, and the command inherited the majority of the AAF’s B-29 units. The last VHB group to return 

from the Pacific reached California in December 1945. By February 1946 

the CAF consisted of thirteen marginally effective VHB groups (See chart) 

and several headquarters, some only on paper. Besides the 509th, the 

command controlled two additional atomic groups: the 40th and the 

449th.” 

Another important consideration involved the CAF’s position in the 

overall AAF command structure. In December 1945, as plans for the 

postwar organization began to emerge, an ad hoc committee on reorganization proposed the establishment of a combat command and a training 

command. The reorganization committee opposed spreading the long-range 

bomber force around the world and favored concentrating as much as 

possible of it under Air Force Combat Command for greater flexibility.x6 

At the same time, Eaker supported a plan to consolidate tactical air 

units in the continental United States under a single command. This 

organization would work with the Army Ground Forces in joint training. 

The idea of such a tactical force remained a constant theme throughout 

the months following the end of the war. Since many air officers feared 

that the Ground Forces would try to create their own air force, the AAF 

had to demonstrate its determination to furnish the needed air support. 

84 See Note 81; R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Col J. G. Moore, Dep ACAS/Mat, to 

Dep Comdr AAF, Atomic Bomb Striking Force, Dec 11, 1945, RG 341, OPD, Asst 

for AE, 1945,322, Box 1; memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to Lt Gen 

I. C. Eaker, Dep Comdr AAF, subj: The Establishment of a Strategic Striking 

Force, n.d. [Dec 451, RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945, 322 A-Bomb Striking Force, 

Box 1; memo, Lt Col J. A. Derry, Manhattan Dist, to Maj Gen L. Norstad, 

ACAS/Pl, subj: Request for Two C-97 Airplanes, Nov 14, 1945, RG 341, OPD, 

Asstp AE, 1945, 452.1 Acft, all in MMB, NA. 

Maurer, AF Combat Units, pp 96-97, 101-103, 160-162,318-319, 322, 324, 

337,342-344,356,364-366,371-372,386-387,399-400,407; ltr, Maj Gen St. Clair 

Streett, Dep Comdr CAF, to CG AAF, subj: Location of VHB Units, n.d., with 1st 

Ind, CG AAF to CG CAF, Dec 18, 1945, RG 341, TS OPD (Aug 17, 19451, 384.3 

Atomic, Sect 1, Box 448, MMB, NA, ltr, Brig Gen W. A. Matheny, Ch Commitments Div, ACAS/Ops, to CG AAF, subj: VHB Units for SSF and General 

Reserve, Dec 27, 1945, with chart, RG 18, 322 0 & T Units, Vol 9, 1945/114, 

MMB, NA. 

86 Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 124-133. 

61 
Assignment and Stationing of B-29 Units, March 1946 

Planned Very Heavy Bomb Groups, 70-group Air Force, Occupation Period 

Pacific ...................... 12 

Alaska .......................................... 1 

Caribbean ................................................ 2 

......................................... 5 

5 

Total ............................................ 25 

Actual Assignments, CAF 

Second Air Force 

VIII Bomber Command" 

44 VHB Gp Smoky Hill, Kansas 

485 VHB Gp Smoky Hill, Kansas 

93 VHB Gp Clovis, New Mexico 

467 VHB Gp Clovis, New Mexico 

448 VHB Gp Ft Worth, Texas 

449 VHB Gp Grand Island, Nebraska 

Third Air Force 

73d Bombardment Wing - MacDill, Florida 

497 VHB Gpb MacDill, Florida 

498 VHB Gpb MacDill, Florida 

Fourth Air Force 

58th Bombardment Wing - March, California 

40 VHB Gp March, California 

444 VHB Gp Castle, California 

509 VHB Comp Gp Roswell, New Mexico 

462 VHB GphC MacDill, Florida 

468 VHB Gph Ft Worth, Texas 

a VIII Bomber Command Headquarters not operational 

Inactivated March 3 I, 1946 

Temporarily assigned to 58th Wing 

NOTE: In the March reorganization, First, Second, and Fourth Air Forces were 

among those assigned to the Air Defense Command. Third Air Force went to the 

Tactical Air Command. 

Assignment and Stationing of B-29 Units 
Postwar Air Force 

Spaatz, a firm believer in the unity of air power, saw the creation of a new 

air force under the ground generals as unacceptable. As Eisenhower’s 

airman in Europe, he had learned how to balance strategic and tactical 

requirements while winning his leader’s confidence. General Eisenhower 

had become an enthusiastic partisan of air power. Thus by January 29, 

1946, the AAF’s Commander-designate and the Army’s new Chief of Staff 

had reached a basic agreement about the proper organization in the air. 

The combat air forces in the continental United States would consist of 

three functional commands: strategic, tactical, and defense. The new Air 

Defense Command (ADC) would assume responsibility for reserve forces 

and regional activities. All three commands would focus on combat readiness, with a separate command for individual training. Spaatz ordered the 

new organization into effect as of March 21.87 

Under the planned realignment, the new Strategic Air Command 

(SAC) would take over the CAF headquarters and staff at Bolling, while 

ADC and the Tactical Air Command (TAC) would establish new headquarters. Two numbered air forces, the Eighth and Fifteenth, would be 

allocated to SAC. The headquarters of these two air forces would be at 

Fort Worth, Texas, and Colorado Springs, Colorado. The headquarters 

building under construction at Andrews Field, Maryland, would house 

Headquarters SAC.88 

The decision to situate SAC’S headquarters in the Washington area 

reflected the bombers’ status as the premier element of an air force. 

Likewise, in naming a commander, Spaatz turned to the man who was 

senior to him by four days and the senior general in the AAF, George C. 

Kenney. Since Kenney was serving on the Military Staff Committee of the 

United Nations, and since many Americans envisioned the U.S. bomber 

force as the principal American contribution to a UN police force, Kenney 

was well placed for a pivotal role.89 

”Zbid. During the Second World War the U.S. Army had been organized at 

home into three major commands, Army Ground Forces, Army Air Forces, and 

Army Service Forces. This structure was somewhat changed after 1945, but Army 

Ground Forces persisted in some form even after the Air Force became a separate 

service. 

Zbid., pp 133-137; ltr, Maj Gen E. F. Witsell, TAG, to CG AAF, subj: 

Establishment of Air Defense, Strategic Air and Tactical Air Commands, Redesignation of the Headquarters, Continental Air Forces and Certain Other Army Air 

Forces Units, AG 322 (Mar 21, 1946) OB-I-AFCOR-(971(d))-M; Activation, 

Inactivation and Assignment of Certain Army Air Forces Units, in hist, Hq 

Continental Air Forces, Organization and Missions, Hq Continental Air Forces, 

Dec &5, 1944-Mar 21, 1956, Doc 60, AFHRA 415.01. 

88 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 33-35. 

63 
Strategic Air Force 

Maj. Gen. Curtis E. LxMay, appointed Deputy Chief of Air Staff for 

Research and Development in December 1946, would focus on building the 

.4AF’s atomic force. 

In spite of the fact that Kenney had not been directly involved in the 

great strategic air campaigns of the war, his association with Gen. Douglas 

MacArthur had given him much publicity and prestige. He had commanded the air forces in the Southwest Pacific throughout the war, 

demonstrating brilliance as an improviser and tactician. Kenney’s first and 

greatest achievement had been to win MacArthur’s confidence, and he had 

served him well, eventually becoming the Army tactical air commander in 

the Pacific theater. His engineering background (having attended the 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology) had won him a strong reputation 

and would serve him well in any job.’” 

Kenney’s only reservation with his new position was that he did not 

also control the tactical forces. Unaware of Spaatz’s desire to create a 

separate Army support force in Tactical Air Command, Kenney wrongly 

assumed he would receive the Air Force Combat Command. As he openly 

considered the distinction between tactical and strategic air power to be 

largely arbitrary,q’ Kenney objected to his being confined merely to the 

former.’2 

’)” Herman S. Wolk, “George C. Kenney: The Great Innovator,” in John L. 

Frisbee, ed, Makers of the United States Air Force (Washington: AFCHO, 19871, pp 

127-150. 

See Preface, p. x. 

USAF OHI, #239.0512-729, Tom Sturm & Hugh N. Ahmann, AFCHO, 

with Gen Earle E. Partridge, Ret, Apr 23-25, 1974, p 486, AFHRA. A sidelight on 

Kenney’s almost mystical sense of the men who served under him in the war is the 

fact that, in addition to his war memoirs, Kenney wrote books on two of the fighter 

aces of his command, Capt. Richard I. Bong and Col. Paul I. Gunn. 

91 

92 

64 
Postwar Air Force 

In spite of his new appointment, Kenney remained at the United 

Nations for the time being. The Deputy Commander of the CAF, Maj. 

Gen. St. Clair Streett, assumed the same duties with SAC and continued to 

run the command. He had served under Kenney before, when he commanded Thirteenth Air Force in the Far East. An aviator in the First 

World War, Streett had led the Army flight from New York to Nome, 

Alaska, in 1920?3 

The new Strategic Air Command inherited the lion’s share of the 

CAF’s resources. On March 31, ten days after the command had been 

established, it had a strength of 84,231, while TAC acquired 26,000 

personnel and ADC 7,000. The strategic force consisted of 1,300 airplanes, 

although only 221 of these were B-29s. The headquarters, occupying three 

temporary buildings at Bolling Field, accommodated a staff of l,000.94 

In reality, the fledgling command was a hodgepodge of organizations, 

as lacking in capability as in orderly structure. Devastated by demobilization, the bomber groups could barely maintain half of their Superfortresses. The 509th Composite Group at Roswell had scarcely 20 SILVERPLATE aircraft. The historian of the 449th Bombardment Group reported a 

situation which even then must have been e~traordinary:~~ “Due to the fact 

that there are but 17 enlisted men assigned to Aircraft Maintenance 

Division instead of the 473 authorized, efficient maintenance has been 

impeded, to say the least.”96 

As the CAF had previously recognized, SAC’s main task was to bring 

order out of chaos. Now, however, the final goal was clearer. On March 12 

General Spaatz issued a letter defining SAC’s mission: 

The Strategic Air Command will be prepared to conduct long range 

offensive operations in any part of the world either independently 

or in cooperation with land and naval forces; to conduct maximum 

range reconnaissance over land or sea either independently or in 

cooperation with naval forces; to provide combat units capable of 

Hq AAF GO 41, Apr 1, 1946; Robert P. Fogerty, Biographical Data on Air 

Forct4General Officers, 1917-1952, USAF Study No. 91, 1953. 

Amy Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 27, 28, 30, 31; SAC Statistical 

Summary, Aircraft and Maintenance Section, June 1, 1946; hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 

1946, Pt I, pp 22, 25-26, 45-56; hist, SAC, 1946, pp 13-14. 

93 

95 Hist, 2 AF, Sep 1945-Mar 30, 1946, p 111. 

Memo, Brig Gen F. H. Griswold, Dep ACAS/Ops, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG 

AAF, subj: Combat Effectiveness of PACUSATactical Units, Apr 17, 1946, RG 18, 

AAG, 1946-1947, 322 0 & T Units, 1/605, MMB, NA. 

96 

65 
Strategic Air Force 

intense and sustained combat operations employing the latest and 

most advanced weapons; to train units and personnel for the 

maintenance of the Strategic Forces in all parts of the world; to 

perform such special missions as the Commanding General, Army 

Air Forces may direct.97 

This directive formally resolved, at least for the moment, questions 

concerning the nature and purpose of the heavy bomber force in the 

continental United States. Beyond the two immediate tasks, the transfer of 

groups to Europe and the support of the upcoming atomic tests, the 

Strategic Air Command had now been given a long-term, global mission. 

Ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to CG SAC, subj: Interim Mission, Mar 12, 

1946, in hist, Hq Continental Air Forces, Organization and Missions, Hq Continental Air Forces, Dec 15, 1944-Mar 21, 1946, Doc 59, AFHRA 415.01. 

97 

66 
Chapter 111 

Beginnings of a Strategic Air Force 

major obstacle in building a strategic air force involved the uncer- A tainty surrounding the questions of scale and equipment. Plans for 

the seventy-group program initially called for SAC to have a small 

number of units (five groups of very heavy bombers out of twenty-five). 

Most B-29 groups would be stationed overseas in support of the occupation forces. With the end of the occupation, these bomber units could 

finally be concentrated in the continental United States. For the time 

being, SAC would serve as a reserve of strategic bombers. The decision to 

equip three groups with SILVERPLATE aircraft confirmed this important 

mission, as it gave that reserve the means to use the most powerful weapon 

in the American arsenal. 

The actual strategic force in the continental United States at the 

beginning of 1946 had essentially three tasks. One involved fulfilling a 

commitment on the part of the 509th Group to support the bomb tests at 

Bikini. Another was support of PROJECT WONDERFUL, the plan to deploy 

five B-29 groups to Europe. The third called for sending a group to Alaska 

to begin training for Arctic operations. The tests at Bikini were, of course, 

an essential early step in developing an atomic air strike force. The 

deployment to Alaska encountered problems that were overcome. But 

PROJECT WONDERFUL proved a complete dead end; it collapsed from the 

bottom and the top. Not only was the AAF unable to man and train the 

groups, but the political assumptions on which the plan had been based 

rapidly disappeared. The B-29 had no true role in the occupation forces, 

and the commitment was finally canceled. The very heavy bomber forces in 

the Pacific were also cut back drastically for similar reasons. 

With demobilization taking its toll, 1946 ended with a Strategic Air 

Command of six B-29 groups, half making up the planned atomic force 

67 
Strategic Air Force 

and half envisioned as a reserve of conventional bombers to be trained to 

deploy anywhere in the world. After a seemingly interminable sequence of 

reorganizations, this force was organized into two air forces, whose respective missions reflected the two different tasks. Far East Air Forces continued to operate B-29s as well, but SAC planners were definitely looking 

toward basing all strategic bombers in the continental United States, deploying them overseas on rotation as needed or in the event of war. The 

end of 1946 also saw Kenney taking command of SAC in person and 

beginning to build up the force to the level called for in the fifty-five group 

program, the supposed intermediate step toward seventy groups. Throughout the period of postwar defense reorganization, Spaatz and the air 

leaders continued to argue that the nation’s security required an independent, strong air force. Events tended to support their position. The tensions with the Soviet Union, now considered a plausible enemy, made a 

case for a force that could deter aggression and resist it should deterrence 

fail. Advances in bomber technology had evoked the spectre of intercontinental atomic warfare, making a strategic air force a necessity. But 

obstacles were bound to arise to such an unprecedented course of action 

as building a powerful air force in peacetime. Though some Americans 

feared provoking the Soviets, far more significant were the strains on the 

national budget. Under the inflationary pressures of the postwar economy, 

the cost of the undertaking would spark intense debate. And in the 

long-anticipated conversion to a civilian economy, a new military program 

was destined for scrutiny. 

The goal of building a seventy-group AAF remained elusive. The 

Strategic Air Command struggled with obsolescent equipment and experienced the same shortages of trained manpower as the rest of the armed 

services. The AAF as a whole faced the dilemma of whether to man too 

many units inadequately or maintain too few units to support an expansion 

to seventy groups. Kenney and his staff had to meet the formidable 

challenge of organizing a large combat-ready force with extremely limited 

resources. 

As for obsolescent equipment, the AAF leaders were concerned about 

maintaining a lead over other nations in the quality and modernity of their 

weapons. Americans could not expect to match the Soviets in the sheer 

size of their forces. Only the best, most modern weapons could assure the 

nation’s ability to deter or defeat the potential enemy. For the strategic 

force, the next step was obviously the B-36 project, already in progress at 

the end of the war. In the years to come, further advances in jet engines, 

electronics, and the atomic weapon itself, could help the United States 

maintain its technological edge. 

68 
Beginnings 

Air Power Deferred 

As the Truman administration assessed its deteriorating relations with 

the Soviet Union early in 1946, it began to look beyond demobilization to 

the need for military strength to back up its diplomatic position. One 

official in the State Department wrote that the time had come to “reconstitute our military establishment.”’ Doing this, however, raised questions 

as to how much and what kind of forces were needed and whether Congress could be persuaded to fund them. The debate would continue over 

the next two years, with the future of the AAF very much a part of the 

discussion. 

Meanwhile, reconstituting the strength of the air arm had to start at a 

basic level. Maj. Gen. Earle E. Partridge, the Assistant Chief of Air Staff 

for Operations, noted that he did not even have full reports on the 

readiness of units. In April 1946 Partridge told the Air Board: “It is a 

terrible admission for A-3 to make, but that is a fact.” The operations 

chief admitted that accurate data would reveal how unready the AAF 

actually was.’ In the face of such a challenge, Spaatz ordered the Air Staff 

to start building up the AAF one group at a time.3 

It was the responsibility of Congress to provide the raw materials for 

this build-up. Having approved a strength of 1,070,000 for the Army at the 

end of fiscal 1947 (400,000 for the AAF), Congress extended Selective 

Service to September 1, 1946, and then in June it voted a further extension, until March 31, 1947. Still, the Army hoped to free itself from the 

draft through an adequate number of voluntary enlistments and had 

undertaken a recruiting program.” At the end of June 1946 the AAF had 

reason for optimism; since the end of the war 360,000 men had enlisted or 

reenlisted in its ranks.5 

On financial matters, the AAF worked closely with the War Department. Its own appropriation was for the “Air Corps” program; that is, 

mainly for aircraft and aircraft engines, aviation fuel, air research and 

Memo, H. Freeman Matthews, Actg State Mem SWNCC, to SWNCC, subj: 

Political Estimate of Soviet Policy for Use in Connection with Military Studies, Apr 

1, 1946, in FRUS, 1946, Vol I, pp 1167-1171. 

Verbatim rprt, 1st Meeting of the Air Board, Apr 16-18,1946, p 36, RG 340, 

Air Bd, Mins of Mtgs, Box 13, MMB, NA. 

R & R Sheet, Maj Gen C. C. Chauncey, DCAS, to ACAS-3 (Ops), BuildingUp o,f the Air Force, Apr 30,1946, RG 18, AAG, 1946-1947,321, AAF 1, Box 603. 

Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, p 237; Sparrow, Personnel Demobilization, p 523. 

5Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, p 21. 

69 
Strategic Air Force 

development, and civilian employees at AAF installations. Other items, 

such as pay for military personnel, construction, and weapons, were considered “indirect,” meaning that they were budgeted by appropriate Army 

agencies, which took AAF requirements into accounL6 

When the War Department and Congress were cutting the fiscal 1946 

pr~gram,~ AAF representatives emphasized the importance of continuing 

research and development and acquiring some new aircraft. The Air 

Coordinating Committee, an interdepartmental body for establishing federal policy in air matters, had concluded in the fall of 1945 that the government needed to buy 3,000 airplanes a year to keep the manufacturing 

industry in good health. The AAF could use a large share of these 

purchases. It calculated that the seventy groups would need 6,000 airplanes, plus more for the reserve forces and a reserve in storage. To keep 

this force up to date, planners proposed systematically replacing the 

aircraft with new models. Ideally, for example, a fighter should be replaced 

at the end of three years, a very heavy bomber after six. On this basis the 

AAF could estimate the number to be bought annually, envisioning a total 

Air Corps budget of $1.75 billion per year.8 

This plan proved entirely too optimistic. By the time the War Department submitted a proposed budget for fiscal 1947 the Air Corps item was 

trimmed to $1.6 billion. The Bureau of the Budget then cut the amount to 

$1.2 billion, reducing the number of new aircraft from 1,192 to 1,020. The 

new budget would also force the AAF to decrease its civilian work force 

from 200,000 to 170,000. In May 1946 the War Department defended the 

budget before Congress. Counting the indirect appropriations, Truman 

was requesting $3 billion for the air arm and $3.5 billion for the ground 

army. Compared to other Army elements, the AAF was in fact doing well, 

but measuring by the seventy-group standard the budget still fell short.’ 

Verbatim rprt, 2d Meeting of the Air Board, June 4-6, 1946, pp 42-46, RG 

340, Air Bd, Mins of Mtgs, Box 13, MMB, NA. 

During this period the federal government’s fiscal year ran from July 1 to 

June 30. Fiscal 1946 ended in June of that year and accordingly had included the 

last two months of the war with Japan. 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 2d Supplemental Surplus Appropriation Rescission FY 46, 79th Cong, 2d sess, 

Feb 8, 1946, p 443; hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of 

Representatives, Militaly Establishment Appropriation FY 47, 79th Cong, 2d sess, 

May 20, 1946, pp 400-486. ’ Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment Appropriation FY 1947, 79th Cong, 2d sess, May 20, 

1946, pp 3-26, 26-68, 400-486; verbatim rprt, 2d Meeting of the Air Board, Jun 

4-6, 1946, pp 45-46, RG 340, Air Bd, Mins of Mtgs, Box 13, MMB, NA. 

70 
Beginnings 

Among the indirect items, those pertaining to improved living conditions for the troops particularly interested the AAF, which was intent on 

retaining trained men. At that moment, housing had a higher priority than 

pay. The training camps that had sprung up all over the country during the 

war had been built economically, to say the least. Barracks would start 

falling apart in a few years, and accommodations for families were extremely limited. As a result, in the AAF and the rest of the Army, officers 

and noncommissioned officers (NCOs) had to cope with appalling conditions. Where they could find adequate housing off post, landlords called 

the tune. The group commander at Castle Field, for example, was living in 

a hotel in Merced and paying $275 a month (1946 prices). Although the 

ninety airfields proposed for the continental United States would require 

construction of runways and hangars, the AAF for the time being supported the Corps of Engineers in its priority request for funds for family 

housing." 

Meanwhile General Spaatz approved a revised structure for the seventy-group AAF at a strength of 400,000. By April 1946 the plan called for 

a reduction in the number of separate squadrons and realigned the 

different types of groups. Twenty-six groups would be equipped with very 

heavy bomber types-the B-29 and its reconnaissance version, the F-13. 

This total would include two weather reconnaissance groups, one very long 

range (VLR) mapping group, two VLR reconnaissance groups, and twentyone standard very heavy bomber groups, including the 509th. Fighter 

groups of all types were to number twenty-five." 

The on-going congressional hearings posed few problems, and the 

AAF budgeteers were hopeful, but Col. Edward H. White, Chief of the 

AAF Budget and Fiscal Office, cautioned the Air Board in April 1946: 

I strongly advise that we start spending our money.. .instead of 

waiting until the last few months of the [fiscal] year.. .because.. . 

action may be taken after it has been appropriated by Congress.'* 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment Appropriation FY 1947, 79th Cong, 2d sess, May 20, 

1946, pp 3-26, 26-68, 400-486; hist, SAC, 1946, pp 32-38. In 1986 prices, $275 

would be $1,570. 

Verbatim rprt, 2d Meeting of the Air Board, June 4-6, 1946, p 67, RG 340, 

Air l3$, Mins of Mtgs, Box 13, MMB, NA. 

MR, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, ACAS-3 (Ops), subj: Meeting with General 

Spaatz and General Eaker (Apr 17), Apr 17, 1946, RG 18, 1944-1946 Unclas 

Operations 5, Post War Planning Jan-Apr 46, Box 1513; R & R Sheet, Lt Gen I. C. 

Eaker, Dep Cmdr AAF, to Air Staff, Composition of the Interim and Peacetime 

Air Force, Apr 22, 1946, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 321 Interim Postwar and 

Peacetime Air Forces, Vol 1, both in MMB, NA. 

10 

I1 

71 
Strategic Air Force 

Colonel White’s instincts proved correct. Congress set the Air Corps 

total at $1.2 billion, but in August, with an election approaching and 

wartime price controls turned off, inflation was becoming a major political 

issue. The flow of cash out of the Treasury not only fueled inflation but 

worried the voters. With the cost of government on the rise, Congress had 

voted a fourteen percent increase in civil service salaries without providing 

the means to pay for it.13 For the President there was only one course. 

Navy Secretary Forrestal, the one-time investment banker, called Truman 

“a hard-money man if I ever saw 0ne.”l4 On August 2 the President 

ordered stringent limits on current spending for items such as travel and 

the reallocation of available funds to meet the pay increase. General 

Eisenhower immediately directed a review of the War Department budget 

for the year. Forced to cut its direct expenditures by $60 million, the AAF 

took $30 million from aircraft procurement, $30 million from other items, 

and left research and development intact. Some equipment expenses could 

be deferred because the buildup to seventy groups seemed to be going 

more slowly than anti~ipated.’~ 

The financial squeeze continued into the next year. The fall elections 

returned a Republican Congress, the first since 1931, and talk of tax cuts 

was in the air. Though many Republicans had denounced communism in 

their campaigns, they would not necessarily support a strong defense.16 

The hope that the cuts made in fiscal 1947 could be recouped in the next 

budget quickly vanished; the War Department would have to make more 

reductions to keep the budget in line. Under pressure from the Bureau of 

the Budget, which was inclined to challenge the imbalance between 

research and current programs, the AAF trimmed its research and development funds, up to now sacrosanct. Total funds programmed at $210 

Ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to AAF, subj: Current AAF Plans and 

Programs, Nov 18, 1946, with encls, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 321 AAF, File 1, Box 

603; verbatim rprt, 4th Meeting of the Air Board, Dec 3-4, 1946, pp 47-73, RG 

340, Bds & Cmtes, Rcrds of Air Bd, Box 15, both in MMB, NA. The Consumer 

Price Index (1967 = 100) rose from 53.9 in 1945 to 58.5 a year later. 

13 

James V. Forrestal, The Forrestal Diaries (NY: Viking, 1951), p 536. 

Ltr, Gen D. D. Eisenhower, CSA, to Dirs War Dept Gen Staff, Chs War 

Dept Spec Staff, et al, subj: Enforcement of Economies, Aug 22, 1946, in Tab 8 to 

ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to AAF, subj: Current AAF Plans and Programs, 

Nov 18, 1946, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 321 AAF, File 1, Box 603; verbatim rprt, 

4th Meeting of the Air Board, Dec 3-4, 1946, pp 47-73, RG 340, Bds & Cmtes, Rcrd;.of Air Bd, Box 15, both in MMB, NA. 

14 

15 

Gaddis, Origins of the Cold War, pp 260-262, 306. 

72 
Beginnings 

million fell to $135 million. The Air Staff subsequently reported that this 

had delayed the development of new weapons by eighteen months.17 

Financial constraints also affected the Army’s demobilization and 

threatened the seventy-group program. By the end of 1946 total AAF 

personnel had dropped to 340,000 in an Army of 1,320,000. A reduction to 

the planned 1,070,000 men would not be enough to keep the pay account 

within budget; if the Army was to have enough money to pay its men, 

strength reductions were inevitable. It became clear that the draft would 

not be needed beyond March 31, 1947, since there was no money to pay 

the extra personnel. At Eisenhower’s bidding, the troop basis was cut 

across the board, except ground forces overseas. The AAF was left with a 

basis of 364,000, far too few to man seventy groups even at reduced 

strength.’* 

The fiscal 1948 budget then under consideration offered no relief. The 

AAF asked the War Department for $2.6 billion in direct appropriations. 

In order to keep the Army budget in line, the request was reduced to $1.6 

billion. Even this figure proved unaceptable to the Bureau of the Budget, 

and the Air Corps program declined to $1.130 billion, with only $850 

million available in cash (meaning that the rest could only be committed 

under contract and paid out in later years). The Army’s budget went to 

Congress at $5.9 billion.” At this level, the Air Staff did not believe more 

than fifty-eight groups could be operated. Spaatz was willing to maintain 

twelve groups at skeleton strength to allow an easier buildup if more 

money ever surfaced.20 But when, if ever, that would occur no one could 

foresee. 

Thus at the beginning of 1947 there seemed little possibility of 

meeting the AAF’s definition of adequate strength. New developments did 

Jacob Neufeld, The Development of Ballistic Missiles in the United States Air 

Force, 1945-1960 (Washington: AFCHO, 19901, pp 26-27; hearings before the 

Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment 

Appropriation 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Mar 6, 1947, pp 599-619, 626-633; 

hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, Senate, 

Military Establishment Appropriations Bill 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Jun 24, 1947, 

pp 1~21, Jun 27, 1947, pp 263-267. 

Sparrow, Personnel Demobilization, pp 35 1-358. 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment Appropriation 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Mar 6, 1947, 

pp 599-619, 626-633; hearings before a Subcommittee, Committee on Appropriations, Senate, Military Establishment Appropriations Bill 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, 

Jun 2.$, 1947, pp 1-11, Jun 27, 1947, pp 263-267. 

Verbatim rprt, 4th Meeting of the Air Board, Dec 3-4, 1946, pp 47-73, RG 

340, Bds & Cmtes, Rcrds of Air Bd, Box 15, MMB, NA. 

17 

19 

73 
Strategic Air Force 

nothing to change this assessment. Truman’s commitment to fiscal solvency even led him in 1948 to veto a tax cut; a President willing to run 

such a political risk could be taken at his word on the issue of a balanced 

budget. There was little chance that a Republican Congress would vote 

more money than the President requested. And the nature of the administration’s response to the Soviet threat, primarily relying on diplomacy, 

seemed to preclude large expenditures on air power. 

In fact, in 1947 the two major new initiatives in foreign affairs 

threatened additional pressure on a tight budget. The Truman Doctrine 

and the Marshall Plan arose as separate responses to the desperate 

economic conditions in Europe over the winter of 1946-1947. The British 

were on the verge of economic collapse, and, unable to afford continued 

aid to a Greek government embattled against communist insurgents, the 

government in London turned to America. Also concerned by Soviet 

pressure on Turkey, Truman called on Congress on March 12 to authorize 

military aid to the Greeks and Turks. The evolving “Truman Doctrine” 

proposed economic aid to free nations resisting aggression. Meanwhile, the 

virtual halting of a slow and painful recovery throughout the free countries 

of Europe led to fears of communist takeovers. Accordingly, in June 

Secretary of State George C. Marshall addressed the more general problem with a plan to provide large-scale economic aid.21 If such a policy were 

adopted, the demands on the budget would create more pressure on 

military spending. This is not to imply that Truman Doctrine military 

assistance or Marshall Plan aid were approved instead of military spending. But clearly, in Truman’s efforts to limit spending, he had given priority 

to these two initiatives and not to the U.S. armed forces. 

The rationale for the existing policy was outlined in an article that 

appeared in the July issue of Foreign Afsairs. Entitled “The Sources of 

Soviet Conduct” and ostensibly written by “X,” the essay held out the 

hope that “containment” of Soviet pressure would insure peace. As it soon 

became known that “X” was none other than George F. Kennan, now 

head of Secretary Marshall’s Policy Planning Staff, the public could see the 

connection between the idea of containment and existing policies, The 

man who advocated the theory had presumably some influence on the 

practice. But when it came to the military aspects of containment, the only 

specific proposal in the “X” article involved having forces ready to move 

into a threatened area. Complicating matters further, one of the administration’s most outspoken advocates of overall military strength was James 

Lilicnthal, Journals, p 131; Gaddis, Origins of the Cold War, pp 336-353. 21 

74 
Beginnings 

Gen. George C. Kenney, first 

leader of Strategic Air Command. 

Forrestal. He might not be opposed in principle to a strong air force, but 

no sane person could expect the Navy Secretary to support one at the cost 

of his own shipbuilding program?’ 

And Congress was proving as inhospitable to military spending as 

might have been expected. A budget committee on Capitol Hill, meeting in 

February, had proposed a reduction of $1 billion in the War Department 

appropriation. The House Appropriations Committee and its chairman, 

John Taber of New York, did not cut quite so deeply, but the Air Corps 

item was still decreased by $116 million to little over $1 billion-a 

disproportionately large reduction. However, airmen could take heart from 

the readiness of some members to resort to the hoary technique of inviting 

witnesses to ask for more money than was in the budget. On June 4 the 

House of Representatives debated the military appropriation, and some 

influential members of the Armed Services Committee spoke in support of 

air power. In view of the “Russian situation,” congressmen either viewed 

armed might as a deterrent or a provocation. Military spending would 

either bankrupt the economy or it would rescue failing industries. Proponents of deterrence and help for airplane manufacturers won a qualified 

victory when the House restored most of the President’s request for 

Gaddis, Origins of the Cold War, pp 336-353; “X” [George F. Kennan], “The 22 

Sources of Soviet Conduct,” Foreign Affairs XXV (Jul 47), pp 566-582. 

75 
Strategic Air Force 

aircraft procurement. In the end, the Army budget was trimmed by only 

$435 million. The total Air Corps amount stood at $1.053 billion.23 

Before the Senate Subcommittee, General Vandenberg, now acting as 

the AAF Deputy Commander in place of Eaker, who was soon to retire, 

asked for restoration of the full Air Corps amount. He needed the money 

to buy spare parts and fuel for training and to pay civilians to bring planes 

out of storage. Secretary of War Patterson came to Vandenberg’s support 

with the argument that the precarious international situation did not 

justify the House reductions. General Eisenhower warned that the AAF 

would not be able to build up to seventy groups even with the money 

requested, and he also noted the depressed state of the aircraft industry.24 

Further help came from James E. Webb, Director of the Bureau of the 

Budget, who supported a request for another $100 million in authority to 

sign contracts for aircraft. The Senate went even further. The final appropriation allowed the AAF to commit $550 million for aircraft and parts. 

Part of this would come out of the cash appropriation of $830 million. Yet 

despite the restored funding, this was an austere budget, and the AAF was 

allowed to operate only fifty-five groups during the coming fiscal year.25 

At the time Truman was announcing his “doctrine,” the strategic 

forces of the United States consisted of SAC‘S six B-29 groups, including 

one atomic group, and some ill-equipped units in the Pacific region. Yet 

the strength of the armed forces was still declining. In the AAF it fell to 

303,000 in May 1947, with thirty-eight groups manned and equipped in 

some fashion.26 This declining strength had been anticipated, and in April 

the Deputy Chief of Air Staff, Maj. Gen. C. C. Chauncey, had warned that 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 197-201; hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment Appropriation 1948, 

80th Cong, 1st sess, Mar 6, 1947, pp 599-619; verbatim rprt, 5th Meeting of the Air 

Board, Jun 5-6, 1947, RG 340, Bds & Cmtes, Mins of the Air Bd, Box 13, MMB, 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, Senate, Military 

EstablishmentAppropriations Bill 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Jun 24, 1947, pp 1-11; 

Jun z?, 1947, pp 260-263, 273-274, Jun 28, 1947, pp 289-301. 

Zbid.; verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, 

First Day: Aug 19, 1947, pp 123-124, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, First AWB, 

1947-1948, Box 181, MMB, NA; Air Force Statistical Digest, 1947, p 249; memo, 

Maj Gen E. W. Rawlings, Air Comptr, to Civ Air Div, ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Briefing 

to Mr. Symington for Testimony before President’s Air Policy Commission, Sep 6, 

1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div, 1942-1953, 452.1 Acft Cmtes, File 63, 

Box ?!9, MMB, NA. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 197-201; Air Force Statistical Digest, 1947, p 16; 

hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, Senate, Military Establishment Appropriation Bill 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Jun 27, 1947, pp 260-263. 

23 

NA. 24 

76 
Beginnings 

the commands would be short-handed for some time. War Department 

ceilings would force them to let many qualified officers go. However, 

Chauncey maintained that “In many respects this understrength condition 

is desirable in that it furnishes a solid foundation of long-term retainable 

personnel on which to build the desired structure.” The AAF would force 

all functions except weather services and airways communication to share 

in reduction^.^^ The civilian workforce, numbering 125,000 at the end of 

1946, dropped to 110,000 by June 1947? This was truly a time of austerity. 

The decision to man and equip fifty-five groups during fiscal 1948, 

while a setback for the AAF, was optimistically called the “fifty-five-group 

phase” of the seventy-group program. The airmen were confident they 

could recruit all the three-year volunteers they needed, but the War 

Department limited total strength to 364,000 for the first six months of the 

fiscal year and 386,000 for the second half. It should be noted that, in spite 

of the ceilings, the AAF was the only service scheduled for a manpower 

increase. Even with the budget reductions, enough airplanes could be 

purchased or brought out of storage for fifty-five groups. The AAF therefore decided to go ahead and activate units for the seventy-group force, 

though fifteen groups would exist only on paper.29 

It fell to the Air Staff to allocate the reductions within the seventygroup program. Among the most vulnerable units were the sixteen very 

heavy bomber groups scheduled for SAC and the five in the Pacific. A 

committee of the Air Staff 30 had noted that the current war plans called 

for seventeen VHB groups to be overseas nine months after the beginning 

of mobilization. Since it took nine months to build up a group to operational readiness, the committee argued, the AAF did not need any more 

than seventeen. On the other hand, the first phase of a war would require 

large forces of fighters to defend key areas. Thus the committee suggested 

revising the seventy-group program to reduce the VHB force, but did not 

make a firm recommendation, and the program temporarily remained the 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. C. Chauncey, DCAS, to CG SAC, subj: Reduced Manning 

Level, Apr 18, 1947, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 320 Orgn of Army, Box 598, MMB, 

Air Force Statistical Digest, 1947, p 73; chart, United States Air Force 

Program, Aug 27, 1947, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 320.2 AAF Program, Vof 2, Box 

559, MMB, NA. 

2y Rprt, Reprogramming Cmte AAF, Report on the Long Range AAF Program, Feb 15, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 320.2 (Apr 4, 19441, TS Supp, Box 

129A, MMB, NA; hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of 

Represenatives, Military Establishment Appropriation 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Mar 

27 

NA. 28 

6, 1947, pp 599-736. 

30 See pp. 33-34. 

77 
Strategic Air Force 

same.31 In the end, the deciding factor was the War Department’s policy of 

maintaining the occupation forces. Both Patterson and Eisenhower had 

argued that the occupation of Germany and Japan was the Army’s first 

priority. Overseas, the only cuts were in VHB units in the Pacific, reduced 

to a mere two groups. The other cuts were made stateside, concentrated in 

Strategic Air Command and Tactical Air Command. The resulting SAC 

program consisted of a total of seventeen groups-eleven of VHBs, one 

for reconnaissance, and five of fighter^.^' 

The Strategic Force and Demobilization 

In the seventy-group plan adopted in late 1945, there was to be a 

reserve of five VHB groups in the continental United States, while the rest 

of the bomber force was stationed overseas. The evolution from this plan 

to the idea of a U.S.-based strike force with a worldwide role occurred 

during 1946, largely as a result, not of planning, but of the pressures of 

demobilization. The AAF’s failure to hold or gain trained manpower led to 

a sequence of declining expectations, until by the end of the year the VHB 

force in the continental United States numbered essentially six groups with 

relatively little bomber strength overseas. 

Within SAC there was often the impression of a lack of urgency. 

Kenney himself decided to continue his work at the United Nations. His 

deputy, Maj. Gen. St. Clair Streett, wrote in July: “No major strategic 

threat or requirement now exists, in the opinion of our country’s best 

strategists nor will such a requirement exist for the next three to five 

years.”33 

At the time that Continental Air Forces became SAC, the command 

had three main commitments. One was to organize the “atomic” force of 

three groups, including the 509th. Another was to support the upcoming 

atomic bomb tests at Bikini. And finally, it was necessary to man and equip 

31 Rprt, Reprogramming Cmte AAF, Report on the Long Range AAF Program, Feb 15, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 320.2 (Apr 4, 19441, TS Supp, Box 

129A, MMB, NA. 

32 Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, Senate, Military 

Establishment Appropriation Bill 1948, 80th Cong, 1st sess, Jun 24, 1947, pp 1-11, 

Jun 28, 1947, pp 289-295; chart, United States Air Force Program, Aug 27, 1947, 

RG f!,1946-1947 AAG, 320.2 AAF Prog, Vol 2, Box 559, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Maj Gen St. C. Streett, Dep CG SAC, to CG AAF, subj: Operational 

Training and Strategic Employment of Strategic Air Command, Jul 25, 1946, 

SAC/HO. 

78 
Beginnings 

groups for service overseas. And yet, on March 31, 1946, ten days after the 

creation of SAC, the command inactivated a large number of paper units, 

leaving it with ten groups of B-29s. These units were themselves in little 

condition for overseas 

The biggest overseas commitment remained PROJECT WONDERFUL, 

the dispatch of five B-29 groups to Europe. By April 1946 it was clear that 

no American combat troops would be stationed in France. Indeed, the 

prospects for VHB units being anywhere but Germany were fast fading. 

And, just as Eisenhower had opposed stationing B-29s in Europe when he 

commanded the occupation forces, his successor, Gen. Joseph T. McNarney, also objected. The theater commander saw no role for B-29s in the 

occupation force. Without adequate air defenses or base security, the 

bombers were hardly likely to be much help if the Soviets attacked.35 

In April McNarney suggested a plan for periodic training visits by 

B-29 units. Maj. Gen. Lauris Norstad, the Assistant Chief of Air Staff for 

Plans (A-51, proposed a compromise. Only two groups would deploy, and 

they would be based in Germany. The Peripheral Basing Concept was 

scrapped.36 McNarney held firm in his objections, and the joint chiefs 

authorized Spaatz to discuss the matter during his visit to Europe at the 

end of June. The AAF commander also planned to meet with the British, 

and when he finally saw McNarney he had an understanding that a 

prospect for bases in England existed. Pending such an arrangement he 

agreed to cancel PROJECT WONDERFUL altogether. Spaatz’s staff, however, 

worried that the inactivation of the remaining B-17 units would leave no 

U.S. bombers at all in Europe, and the arrival of B-29s on rotation later 

on would appear too much of a novelty. But none of the WONDERFUL units 

Ltr, Brig Gen W. A. Matheny, Ch Ops Div, ACAS-3 (Ops), to CG SAC, 

subj: Reduction of Manning Requirement for Tactical Units, Mar 29, 1946, in hist, 

SAC, 1946, Ex 20. 

35 Memo, Maj Gen L. Norstad, ACAS-5 (Pl), to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, 

subj: Deployment of VHB Units in the Occupation of Germany, May 16, 1946; 

memo, Brig Gen C. B. Ferenbaugh, Dep Ch Theater Gp, OPD, War Dept, to CG 

AAF, subj: Security of VHB Bases, European Theater, Apr 24, 1946, atch to 

memo, Maj Gen C. C. Chauncey, DCAS, to Asst CS, OPD, War Dept, same subj, 

Apr ,2,9, 1946, both in RG 341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7, MMB, NA. 

R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep CG AAF, to Maj Gen L. 

Norstad, ACAS-5 (Pl), Additional Requirements for USAFE, Apr 21, 1946, and 

Cmt 2, Norstad to Eaker, Apr 26, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7; memo, 

Norstad to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, n.d., RG 341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7; 

memo, Brig Gen F. H. Griswold, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to Spaatz, subj: VHB 

Groups for ETO, May 23, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 (E-2671, Box 8, all in 

MMB, NA. 

34 

79 
Strategic Air Force 

was ready, and only a token deployment could take place before the end of 

1946.37 

The plans for the occupation period also envisioned stationing a B-29 

unit in Alaska. This was for the purpose of developing the Arctic region 

for long-range bomber operations in keeping with the idea of the Polar air 

frontier. The deployment encountered delays, but the 28th Bombardment 

Group left Grand Island, Nebraska, for Elmendorf Field near Anchorage 

in October 1946. When the 28th’~ predecessor unit had first been manned, 

most of those assigned were expecting to go to Europe. In July Maj. Gen. 

Charles F. Born, commanding Fifteenth Air Force, went to Grand Island 

to investigate the problem. He told the men that they were the only unit in 

the AAF that knew where they were going. Agreeing to transfer those who 

desired it, he was able to persuade half the men to remain in the unit. This 

then led to remanning and retraining before the group was ready to go?’ 

The problem at Grand Island illustrated the problems SAC was 

encountering in outfitting units for overseas deployments. The inevitable 

confusion, as WONDERFUL was postponed, cut to two groups, and finally 

canceled, led to discontent among the personnel. In March Born had told 

his staff that the wartime practice of constant moves and reassignments 

would not work in peacetime. “Morale is shot.. . our experience with the 

Wonderful project has been a lesson.. . .”39 

In any case, getting the necessary units ready for deployment would 

have strained SAC’S resources to the limit. By the end of June the 

command had fewer than 37,000 officers and enlisted men, less than half 

Memo, Brig Gen F. H. Griswold, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to Gen C. A. Spaatz, 

CG AAF, subj: VHB Groups for ETO, May 31, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 

(E-273), Box 8; memo, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep CG AAF, to ACAS-3 (Ops), subj: 

Cable to CG USFET, re Peripheral Base Plan and Deployment of VHB Units to 

ETO, Jun 18, 1946, with encl draft msg, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 (E-3121, Box 8; 

memo, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep CG AAF, to ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Inclosed Cable # 

S4694, May 31, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 (E-276), Box 8; ltr, Maj Gen I. H. 

Edwards, CG USAFE, to Eaker, Jul 22, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 23, Box 7; 

memo, Maj Gen C. Bissell, Mil Att London, to Spaatz, subj: Reminder on Decisions Taken during London Visit (Jul 4-61, Jul 6, 1946, atch to R & R Sheet, 

Eaker to Air Staff, Decisions Reached in London between Gen Spaatz & Air 

Ministry (Jun 46), Jul 21, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 23, Box 7; memo, Maj Gen 

0. P. Weyland, ACAS-5 (Pl), to Spaatz, subj: Rotation of VHB Groups in ETO, 

Aug 6, 1946, with encls, RG 341, TS AAG File 23, Box 7; memo, Eaker to ACAS-3 

(Ops), subj: VHB Groups, Jul9, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 25 (E-3681, Box 8, all 

in M3&IB, NA. 

p 66. 

37 

Hist, 449 BG, Jul 46, pp 1-2; hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, p 93. 

Record of Staff Conference, Hq 2 AF, cited in hist, 2 AF, Sep 45-Mar 1946, 39 

80 
Beginnings 

of its strength the previous March. Nor was the reduced force especially 

well-trained. The entire AAF had fewer than 19,000 airplane mechanics in 

the continental United States. Nearly half the enlisted men were not 

qualified in any ~pecialty.~' Many new recruits had marginal scores on the 

Army General Classification Test (AGCT)-meaning that they were 

thought to be unteachable in any but the most menial skills. One bombardment group had thirty planes and four qualified crew chiefs. As of 

September, only nine men in the Fifteenth Air Force were qualified to 

care for the standard radar equipment on the B-29. About half the B-29s 

were therefore out of commission at any one time. There were plenty of 

experienced officers to man the bombers, but providing them the planes to 

fly was the problem. The group bound for Alaska put officers on duty as 

crew chiefs, though this was only a temporary e~pedient.~~ 

If SAC lacked trained manpower, other problems of facilities and 

organization seemed to pose further obstacles to any kind of combat 

readiness. The 509th Group was tied up for the better part of summer 

supporting the atomic tests in the Pacific. As for facilities, conditions 

remained abysmal. None of the Army's six best air bases belonged to SAC. 

Considering the basic criteria of housing and proximity to town, plus 

suitability for B-29 operations (runway length and durability, together 

with adequate parking, hangar, and shop space), SAC had only eleven of 

the twenty-five bases it considered desirable.42 Housing was particularly a 

problem if the command expected to retain trained men. 

Several organizational complications resulted from the shifting commitments of SAC and from the length of time required to organize two 

fully operational air force headquarters. The 58th Bombardment Wing at 

Fort Worth was the atomic force, containing the 509th as well as the two 

other groups so far earmarked for the atomic role. The VIII Bomber 

Command was created for PROJECT WONDERFUL and closed down when 

that operation was canceled. Finally in November SAC had its two air 

Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 25, 27; ltr, Brig Gen W. E. Hall, 

Dep ACAS-1 (Pers), to CG SAC, subj: Manning of VHB Units, Apr 24, 1946, RG 

18, 1246-1947 AAG, 320 Orgn of Army, Box 598, MMB, NA. 

Transcript of telecon, Col C. Sommers, CS 15 AF, with Col F. J. Sutterlin, 

A-1 (Pers) SAC, Dec 6, 1946, in hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 1946, Supporting Docs, Pt 

11, Personnel Problems & Policies; SAC Statistical Summary, Jun 46, pp 15, 18-24; 

hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 1946, Pt 111, pp 16-18; ltr, 2d Lt H. A. Wagner, Actg Asst 

AG, SAC to CG AAF, subj: Critical Shortages of Radar Maintenance Personnel, 

Sep 9, 1946, in hist, SAC, 1946, Ex 55. 

42 Memo, Col W. G. Hipps, Actg A-5 (Pl) SAC, to Maj Gen St. C. Streett, 

Dep CG SAC, subj: Status of the Strategic Air Command, May 10, 1946, in hist, 

SAC, 1946, Ex 19. 

40 

81 
Strategic Air Force 

forces functioning. The Eighth, with Headquarters at Fort Worth, included 

the three groups of the inactivated 58th Wing, while the Fifteenth continued at Colorado Springs with two B-29 groups and two fighter groups, as 

well as the 31 lth Reconnaissance Wing, which had negligible operating 

forces.43 

A further obstacle to readiness arose because of the perennial urge in 

the government to move agencies, especially line organizations, out of 

Washington. Spaatz was especially concerned at the large numbers of 

flying officers concentrated in the capital because of the presence of 

operational headquarters. As for the logic of the premier command of the 

AAF, with its worldwide interests, having its headquarters either at the 

geographical center of the country or the political capital, opinions might 

differ. Spaatz seemed to favor the geographical center, Kenney the political. On July 15, 1946, Headquarters AAF ordered SAC Headquarters to 

Colorado Springs. Within the month Kenney managed to have the order 

canceled, but by then many staff officers had sold houses, found quarters 

in Colorado Springs, and shipped their household goods. Civilian employees had found new jobs. In short, the changes wrought maximum disruption of headquarters operations and private lives and necessitated a new 

hiring pr0gram.4~ 

Under the circumstances, it is not surprising that the few units that 

could be manned were far from combat ready. In September 1946 the Air 

Inspector, Maj. Gen. Junius W. Jones, toured Fifteenth Air Force units 

and concluded that there had been no meaningful training for air crews 

since July. Ground crew training was so inadequate that he saw little hope 

of soon getting enough bombers into commission to meet the need. Streett 

only partly concurred in the inspector's observations on poor management, 

but neither officer denied that a problem existed.45 

Evidence mounted that all was not well in the command. The traditional fever-charts of morale were disturbing. In Fifteenth Air Force the 

court-martial rate increased steadily during 1946. Also that year the 

number of cases of venereal disease per thousand hospital admissions in 

Hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 19-24, 88-91, 123-130; Maurer, AF Combat 

Units, p 119; ltr, CG SAC to CG AAF, subj: Operational and Administrative 

Control of the 311th Reconnaissance Wing and its Associated Units, Aug 15, 1946, 

in hist, SAC, 1946, Ex 17; hist, 311 RW, May 46, pp 9-15. 

44 Hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 13-16; Minutes of Air Staff Meeting (Oct 23, 

1946), Oct 25, 1946, Spaatz Coll, Mins of Air Staff Mtgs, Box 261, MD, LC. 

45 Ltr, Maj Gen St. C. Streett, Dep CG SAC, to Maj Gen C. F. Born, CG 15 

AF, Sep 30, 1946, in hist, SAC, 1946, Ex 62; hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 186-190; Itr, 

Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to CG SAC, subj: Standards of Discipline, Nov 8, 

1946, SAC/HO. 

43 

82 
Beginnings 

SAC rose from sixty to nearly one hundred. The relaxation of wartime 

controls on prostitution, along with reduced workloads, could be blamed 

for this increase. But Streett also considered the extreme youth of many of 

the recruits and the number of low AGCT scores as contributing to this 

and other problems.46 

Despite these barriers, the early months of 1946 did show some 

progress. The mission statement for SAC clearly implied a worldwide role. 

Col. William G. Hipps, the command Plans Officer (A-51, foresaw the 

evolution of SAC from 

. . .the interim state of unmanned, untrained, widely dispersed and 

loosely controlled units into a compact, centrally controlled, strategic striking force, based entirely within the Continental United 

States but capable of deploying any or all of its units to designated 

points of the globe from which a concentrated mass of air power 

could be launched at an 

Hipps proposed that SAC should encompass the AAF’s planned twenty-four 

very heavy bomber and long-range reconnaissance groups, together with 

twelve fighter groups. Each unit would have a permanent home base in the 

states and would be detailed on rotation to fields in the North Atlantic 

region, Alaska, and the Far East. The SAC staff began to identify the 

home stations for these units. Organizationally the service units on these 

bases should have enough resources to operate the field and allow the 

combat group to be able to leave on a moment’s notice. The basic plan for 

this U.S.-based force appeared in May 1946.48 

While this plan diverged in some respects from the underlying concept of the seventy-group program, it responded to some of the problems 

the AAF was actually facing. The deteriorating prospects for PROJEC~ 

WONDERFUL altered the outlook for the existing deployment plan. The 

number of B-29 groups in the Pacific and Far East had already had to be 

cut to six and would probably be reduced to three.49 Planned deployments 

also fostered morale problems. Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Personnel, 

Hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 181, 190; SAC Statistical Summary, Jan 1947, p 

160 passim; hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 1946, Pt 11, pp 15-16. 

47 Program for the Development of the Organization and Development Strategic Air Command, May 28, 1946, quoted in hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, p 34. 

Zbid.; plan, Operational Training and Strategic Employment of Units of 

Strategic Air Command, Jul 18, 1946, encl to Itr, Maj Gen St. C. Streett, Dep CG 

SAC, to CG AAF, same subj, Jul 25, 1946, SAC/HO. 

49 Memo, Maj Gen 0. P. Weyland, ACAS-5 (PO, to CAS, subj: Proposed 

Revision of Peacetime Air Deployment for the Pacific, Jul 13, 1946, RG 341, TS 

AAG File 25, Box 8, MMB, NA. 

46 

48 

83 
Strategic Air Force 

Maj. Gen. Frederick L. Anderson observed: “The average individual 

regards overseas duty as undesirable.”” The Air Staff wanted to place a 

ceiling of thirty percent on the total AAF strength oversea^.'^ A rotation 

plan such as Hipps proposed would go still further toward easing the 

problem of maintaining forces overseas. 

In addition, not all the manpower figures were bleak. Enlisted strength 

in SAC stabilized and even increased from a low of 27,000 in May to over 

34,000 in November. On-the-job training began to compensate for the 

chaotic state of the schools in the Training Command. Officer strength in 

fact had been too high, but the AAF had begun reductions, releasing 

officers with low performance ratings. A new AAF Training Standard 

established guidelines for improving the skills of the force.52 These were 

all signs of progress in building up an effective postwar air force. 

In the meantime, Kenney became aware of the problems Streett was 

experiencing at Bolling. Clearly, Kenney needed to join his command. The 

abortive move of the headquarters may have been the last straw. In any 

case, the prospects for a United Nations force were growing dim indeed. 

Lt. Gen. Ennis C. Whitehead, commanding the Far Eastern Air Forces in 

the Pacific, wrote Kenney to say that the world organization was a “dead 

pigeon.” He warned Kenney that he had in his position as Commander of 

SAC the most critical mission in the AAF. If SAC and the AAF were not 

combat ready soon, the Navy would launch a publicity campaign hinting at 

the lack of return on the taxpayer’s dollar. By October 15, 1946, Kenney 

had given up his responsibilities in New York and was assuming personal 

direction of SAC?3 

Reaching his headquarters, Kenney found it in the throes of a move 

and yet another command reorganization. The new building at Andrews 

Field was ready, and the staff was starting to move in. At the same time 

the organization of SAC into two air forces was being completed. With 

’” Memo, Maj Gen F. L. Anderson, ACAS-1 (Pers), to CAS, subj: Distribution 

of AAF Personnel, Jan 3, 1946, atch to R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Anderson to ACAS-3 

(Ops), The Post War Air Force (Organization and Disposition), Apr 30, 1946, RG 

Zbid.; R & R Sheet, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, ACAS-3 (Ops), to Dep CG 

AAF, Permanent Peacetime Personnel Deployment Overseas, Mar 21, 1946, RG 

18, 15926-1947 AAG, 370 Deployment Etc Misc, Vol 1, Box 632, MMB, NA. 

Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, p 29; hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 

88-92,97, 111-112, 159-160, 171-177; hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 1946, Pt V, pp 10-11; 

Kenneth L. Patchin, SAC Bombardment Training Program, 1946-1959 (SAC Hist 

Study 80, Offutt AFB, Neb, 19601, p 16. 

53 Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 40-41; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of 

SAC, p 1. 

18, 1246-1947 AAG, 321 AAF 1, BOX 603, MMB, NA. 

84 
Beginnings 

this, Kenney had 150 B-29s in six groups, one temporarily assigned to 

Alaskan Air Command. The staff was also retaining three B-29 groups on 

paper to keep a claim to some airfields for future expansion. The Eighth 

Air Force was specifically charged with the atomic mission, while the 

Fifteenth was to support overseas depl0yments.5~ 

The Strategic Force and the Fifty-five Group Program 

Besides taking charge of SAC’S reorganization, George Kenney was 

also assuming responsibility for the command’s share of the “fifty-five-group 

phase” of the AAF program. He was to increase the VHB force from six 

equipped groups to eleven, the fighters from one group to five, along with 

forming a new reconnaissance group. The original target date of August 

1947 proved unrealistic. For example, the plan called for 300 B-29s in 

service, and Kenney only had 148 as of the end of 1946. The remaining 

aircraft would have to be taken out of storage, and this did not begin until 

September 1947. Command strength only began to increase during the 

spring, rising to 32,000 in June 1947.55 The job of building an effective 

postwar air force would take time. 

Kenney soon assumed another role. As one of the top air generals in 

the war and a good speaker, he was much in demand for public appearances. Secretary of the Navy Forrestal called him “. . .very active as a 

proponent of an independent Air Force.”56 Busy with speeches and frequent visits to his units, Kenney needed someone as his deputy who 

enjoyed his full confidence. He found such a man in his friend Maj. Gen. 

Clements McMullen, a gifted, tough, and resourceful officer, known in the 

service by his nickname, “Concrete.” In an atmosphere in which austere 

budgets imposed the strictest economies, McMullen’s experience in maintenance and supply would serve him in good stead. During the war Kenney 

finally managed to turn over his depot organization to McMullen. Then, as 

he put it, he could relax, for McMullen “was just about the best in that 

54 Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 1-3; hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 

1946, Pt 11, pp 8, 27-28; hist, SAC, 1946, Vol I, pp 21-23. 

55 Ltr, CG AAF to CG SAC, subj: Current AAF Plans and Programs, Oct 24, 

1946, in hist, SAC, 1946, Ex 38; memo, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, Act DCS/Ops 

USAF, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, subj: General Kenney’s Letter Re 55-Group 

Objective, Oct 10, 1947, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 380 55-Gp Prog, Vol 1, Box 638, 

MMB, NA; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 1. 

56 Forrestal, Diaries, p 227. 

85 
Strategic Air Force 

Maj. Gen. Clements McMullen, left, who replaced Maj. Gen. St. 

Clair Streett, right, as Deputy Commander, Strategic Air Command, in 

January 1947, instituted severe fiscal restraints throughout the organization in response to the postwar drawdown of U.S. military forces. 

game.”57 The new Deputy Commander of SAC replaced Streett on January 10, 1947.58 

McMullen lived up to his reputation for firmness. He expected the 

AAF to revert to prewar conditions, with a small group of versatile 

professionals forced to economize in everything and do everything. He 

disliked large staffs, recalling that in 1935 the commander of GHQ Air 

Force had managed to run nine groups on six major bases with just 30 staff 

officers and 150 enlisted men. He told Maj. Gen. Roger M. Ramey, the 

Eighth Air Force Commander, that since people were just as smart as they 

had been then, Headquarters Eighth Air Force could be about the same 

size as the prewar GHQ Air Force. McMullen cut back the SAC staff by 

way of example, and his assuming the Chief of Staff‘s duties in March 

served to symbolize his approach.” 

For the combat units McMullen also had a plan for operating at 

reduced strengths. He proposed a scheme for cross-training officers, in 

part as an attempt to follow AAF policy, but also as a way to recreate the 

GHQ Air Force of the thirties. At that time, most Air Corps officers had 

been pilots. The other positions on bomber crews, such as navigator and 

bombardier, and the jobs on the ground had been filled by pilots. (LeMay, 

George C. Kenney, General Kenney Reports (NY: Duell, Sloan, & Pearce, 

Hist, SAC, 1947, pp 1-5. 

57 

1949 [reprint, Washington: AFCHO, 198711, p 442. 58 

‘”bid.; ltr, Maj Gen C. McMullen, Dep CG SAC, to Brig Gen R. M. Ramey, 

CG 8 AF, Mar 11, 1947, SAC/HO. 

86 
Beginnings 

as a young pilot in GHQ Air Force, had learned navigation and become 

one of the foremost navigators in the service). Everyone learned a variety 

of jobs, and this system produced a cadre of broadly trained professionals 

able to assume high positions in different fields when war came. In combat 

there had been no time to train people so extensively, and as a result 

specialization had set in and large numbers of additional non-rated (nonflying) officers were needed:’ McMullen now saw his task as reviving 

peacetime practices. 

In January 1947 Spaatz stated that 70 percent of the officers of the 

AAF were to be rated, although the actual need for them in air crews was 

lower. The extra number would provide a cushion and learn other jobs. 

The stringent limitations on officers that the Air Staff anticipated for the 

year made cross-training even more necessary.61 As Maj. Gen. C. C. 

Chauncey, the Deputy Chief of Air Staff, explained, cuts would force 

“ . . . cross training and utilization of officers on more than one duty 

assignment, consolidation of duty functions, and an overall review of 

officer requirements.”62 To that extent, McMullen’s actions clearly mirrored overall policy. 

But then, Kenney and McMullen decided to go the headquarters one 

better. Kenney wrote: “It is not reasonable to expect that officers will 

remain as pilots, co-pilots, bombardiers, navigators, flight engineers, radar 

observers, or any other of the many specialties within the Air Forces 

during their anticipated career of 30 Cross-training would thus 

help develop the officer corps while at the same time very heavy bomber 

squadrons in the Eighth Air Force, then authorized 81 officers, could 

function with 34. SAC could man its seventeen groups with 3,772 officers 

and 37,500 enlisted men, saving 2,300 officers. Eighty percent of the 

officers in SAC would have to be rated; thus many of the current 

non-rated personnel would have to be separated. From this scheme came 

the so-called “McMullen ceilings,” limits on strength below the officially 

authorized level. Along with these ceilings, SAC introduced a plan for 

60See note above; Johnson OH1 (with Marmor), pp 139-141; USAF OHI, 

#K239.0512-734, Robert M. Kipp, SAC/HO, with Lt Gen Clarence S. Irvine, Ret, 

Dec 17, 1970, pp 15-16, both in AFHRC; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMuy, 

Ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, Jan 1, 

1947, SAC/HO. 

62 Ltr, Maj Gen C. C. Chauncey, DCAS, to CG SAC, subj: Reduced Manning 

Level, Apr 18, 1947, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 320 Orgn of Army, Box 598, MMB, 

NA. In the original, brackets have been pencilled in around the passage quoted. 

63Zbid., with 1st Ind, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to CG AAF, n.d., with atch 

charts. 

P 431,i 

87 
Strategic Air Force 

cross-training officers in August 1947. Pilots were to learn all the other 

jobs in a B-29 unit so that eventually anyone could fill any position.64 

Many SAC officers were skeptical of the proposed scheme. SAC’S 

chief operations analyst predicted that most units would give cross-training 

low priority because of a shortage of instructors and the need to get 

required flying done.65 At Davis-Monthan a survey of three crews of the 

43d Bombardment Group showed that they were spending so much time 

away from base flying that they could not receive the basic instruction.66 

Especially disturbing was the contradiction with Spaatz’s policy of attracting good non-rated officers into the new Air Force. As one officer 

observed, “McMullen had an obsession that only pilots were any 

Brig. Gen. Leon W. Johnson, Commander of Fifteenth Air Force, bristled 

at being forced to get rid of excellent non-rated officers. Nevertheless, the 

plan was adopted, and each group was directed to have ten pilots fully 

cross-trained by July 1, 1948.68 

In time-honored fashion, the training of a B-29 group progressed 

from crew-level practice, learning to work together flying a complex piece 

of equipment, through squadron exercises, to group-sized missions. The 

culmination would be an evaluation by the Air Inspector along the lines of 

the old POM (preparation for overseas movement) inspection. The SAC 

operations staff emphasized learning to take off in any kind of weather, 

instrument flying, gunnery, assembly for mass flights, navigation, and 

cruise control. McMullen brought in Col. Clarence S. Irvine, who had 

pioneered B-29 cruise control techniques in the Marianas, as his deputy, 

specifically charged with instructing the crews in long-range flying.69 

Training since August 1945 had been hampered by the loss of skilled 

mechanics and the resulting inability to get enough planes in commission 

to do the needed flying. The postwar attitude also played a part, as there 

Zbid.; notes of intvw, G. Dubina, with Col R. T. King, Dir Pers SAC, Jan 20, 

1949, in hist, SAC, 1947, Ex 38. 

65Rprt, C. L. Zimmerman, Ch Ops An, SAC, Proposed Cross Training 

Program, Aug 22, 1947, SAC/HO. 

66 Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 261-262; ltr, 1Lt H. L. Luxon, Asst Adm, Davis-Monthan 

AAF, to CG 8 AF, subj: Diary of Combat Crew Activities, Aug 4, 1947, SAC/HO. 

67 Irvine OHI, p 15. 68 Johnson OH1 (with Marmor), pp 139-142; hist, SAC, 1948, pp 263-264. 

Ltr, Brig Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 15 AF, to CG 52 CBW(P), Oct 6, 1947; ltr, 

Col W. A. Adams, Dir Intel SAC, to Maj Gen C. P. Cabell, Dir Intel USAF, Apr 

20, 1950; rprt, 7 BG, History of Wendover Maneuvers, Jun 17-Jul 6, 1947, all in 

SAC/HO; hist, SAC, 1947, pp 193-197, 1948, pp 279-280; Irvine OHI. 

64 

69 
Beginnings 

was a lack of enthusiasm and a reluctance to take risks that discouraged 

complete training. In addition, during 1947 SAC units participated in a 

series of public demonstrations of strategic air power, such as a flight over 

Kansas City by 70 B-29s in a mock attack, or one of 101 bombers over 

New York in May. These stunts served, perhaps, as valuable propaganda, 

but their value for training was limited.70 

The effort to emphasize bombing by radar instead of optical bombsights compounded the difficulties of the training program. In 1946 Vandenberg had advised that in the atomic air force “reliance on visual 

bombing should be discarded altogether.. . accurate radar bombing can 

and must be attained and relied upon as a primary method of dr~pping.”~~ 

This belief persisted depite the frustrations of using equipment and 

techniques developed during the war. The faults and frequent breakdowns 

of the AN/APQ-13 radar equipment and the short supply of trained 

repairmen delayed training in these techniques. While the Air Staff worked on methods to train operators and improve the hardware, SAC had to 

make do with what was available.72 

One aid to effective training for radar bombing involved the use of 

ground equipment to score the accuracy of a simulated bomb release. 

Radar bomb scoring (RBS) had been developed late in the war by the AAF 

Tactical Center. In 1946, in keeping with Vandenberg’s recommendations, 

SAC inherited all of the operational RBS equipment and set up five 

detachments. Still, it was some time before crews began to use the method. 

Early in 1947 the circular errors of the few crews that used the sites at 

Fort Worth and Kansas City varied from 2,600 to 4,440 feet, understandable results given the circumstances, but unacceptable against precision 

targets. In October 1947 Headquarters SAC ordered that all training 

70 Irvine OHI, pp 11-15; hist, 15 AF, Apr-Dec 1946, Pt 111, pp 13-14; hist, 8 

AF, Jan-Apr 1947, pp 39-41; hist, SAC, 1947, pp 186-187; ltr, CG SAC to CG 15 

AF, et al, subj: Eastern Seaboard Mission (May 16, 1947), Jun 4, 1947, SAC/HO; 

ltr, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 15 AF, to CG SAC, subj: Participation in Aerial 

Demgnstrations, Jun 10, 1948, SAC/HO. 

Memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, ACAS/Ops, to Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep 

Cmdr AAF, subj: The Establishment of a Strategic Striking Force, n.d. [Dec 451, 

RG 341, OPD, Asst for AE, 1945 S, 322 A-Bomb Striking Force, Box 1, MMB, 

J. R. Loegering, Radar Bomb Scoring Activities. . . Origins and Growth 

Through 1951 (SAC Hist Study 59, Offutt AFB, Neb, 19521, pp 4-7; 1st Ind, Brig 

Gen T. S. Power, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to CG AAF, Mar 17, 1947, to ltr, Brig Gen 

F. H. Smith, CS SAC, to CG AAF, subj: Bikini Bombing Accuracy, Jan 20, 1947, 

RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 353.41 Bombing, Box 629, MMB, NA. 

NA. 72 

89 
Strategic Air Force 

missions include an RBS run, but only the Eighth Air Force really met this 

req~irement.~~ 

As the operational effectiveness of the bomber units increased, SAC 

began to set more demanding goals for its rotational training missions 

overseas. Since the collapse of plans for deploying units to Europe, SAC 

had begun to envisage a more restrained program. The possibility of a visit 

of a few B-29s to Europe began to take form. 

Planning for this mission took on a new dimension in August 1946, 

when Yugoslav gunners shot down two AAF C-47s. As a warning to the 

Soviets, Secretary of the Navy Forrestal announced that U.S. naval vessels 

in the Mediterranean were not there simply for training. He saw this as a 

show of force, but Assistant Secretary of War for Air W. Stuart Symington 

was appalled. In particular, a warship in the confined waters of the 

Adriatic would be vulnerable to massive attack by land-based air. In 

Symington’s words: “We all know this is like putting a mouse in a trap, as 

no doubt do the [Yugoslavs].” He proposed a demonstration of air power, 

such as a round-the-world flight by a B-29. The State Department, which 

would have to obtain clearances from the countries to be visited, took no 

action at the time.74 

By the time Symington’s proposal had been blended with SAC‘S own 

plans, the State Department had obtained some clearances for a visit to 

Europe. The airmen were instructed that on arrival, the B-29s should not 

travel in flights of more than two planes. On November 15 six aircraft of 

the 43d Bombardment Group, at Davis-Monthan Field, Arizona, began a 

flight via Florida and the Azores to Rhein-Main Air Base near Frankfurt, 

Germany. From there the bombers visited a number of fields in Europe. 

The stated purpose was training in European flying conditions, and assessing the ability of the installations in Germany to support very heavy 

bombers.75 

J. R. Loegering, Radar Bomb Scoring Activities.. . Origins and Growth 

Through 19.51 (SAC Hist Study 59, Offutt AFB, Neb, 1952), pp 1-7; memo, C. 

Zimmerman, Ch Ops An, SAC, subj: Operation Analysis Projects (Mar-Apr 19471, 

Apr 19, 1947, SAC/HO; ltr, Brig Gen D. W. Hutchison, ACS/Ops SAC, to CG 8 

AF, 15 AF, et al, subj: Radar Bombing, Oct 21, 1947, SAC/HO; hist, 15 AF, 1947, 

Pt IV, pp 67-68; ltr, Brig Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 15 AF, to Brig Gen T. S. Power, 

Asst 7?CS/Ops USAF, Oct 29, 1947, SAC/HO. 

Memo, W. S. Symington, ASW/A, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, Aug 7, 

1946; memo, W. S. Symington, ASW/A, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, n.d., both 

in Spaatz Coll, Assistant Secretary of War For Air, Box 256, MD, LC; Futrell, 

Ideas, pp 109-110. 

75 Futrell, Ideas, pp 109-110; ltr, Col J. C. Selser, CO 43BG, to CG 8 AF, subj: 

Report of B-29 Project 931995; Flight of Six B-29 Aircraft and Two C-54 Aircraft 

to Frankfort, Germany.. ., Dec 13, 1946, SAC/HO. 

73 

90 
Beginnings 

The results of the first visit were encouraging, and as soon as the 

bombers had returned home SAC planners outlined a more ambitious 

schedule. Early in 1947 the Air Staff approved plans for regular rotation of 

squadrons and then groups, and in June the 340th Bombardment Squadron 

deployed from Smoky Hill, Kansas, to Giebelstadt, Germany, where it 

spent a month. The squadron returned home only to turn around and head 

once again for Germany with the rest of the 97th Group. While in 

Germany, the 340th had made a ceremonial visit to England and the FL4F 

Bomber Command. The group’s two-week deployment in July included 

flights to several cities, although Copenhagen and Paris were scratched 

from the list for diplomatic reasons. (The meeting on the Marshall Plan 

was opening in Paris.) Because of Soviet objections, the B-29s that visited 

Berlin did not fly in formation. The 97th returned home on July 19. 

Through the middle of September three other groups made short trips to 

Europe, making flights as far afield as Italy and the south shore of the 

Mediterranean. Eventually, Headquarters SAC objected that these operations were interfering with training, and they were stopped. In their place, 

squadron-sized, thirty-day missions were run in November and December, 

with units from the 28th and 307th taking part. For the latter, the overseas 

base was shifted to Furstenfeldbruck, which had better facilities than 

Giebelstadt. The squadron of the 307th visited Dhahran, Saudi Arabia. All 

of these deployments brought the units under the control of Headquarters 

United States Air Forces in Europe (USAFE).76 

These European flights involved a minimum of publicity. The AAF 

stated that they were routine training and in support of the occupation 

forces. No statements were made except in reply to inquiries. This was 

designed to avoid trouble with the countries that held the transit stations, 

such as the Azores, since the agreements for access to these fields had 

been granted solely for the purpose of the occupation. Partridge cited 

another reason to avoid diplomatic trouble: “It is highly desirable that 

[these flights] gradually establish a precedent for our use of long distance 

air routes by bombardment units either for training or in the national 

interest.”77 

There was less likelihood of international trouble over the deployments to Japan, where the Americans were virtually the sole occupying 

power. Lt. Gen. Ennis C. Whitehead, Commanding General of Far East 

76 Hist, SAC, 1947, pp 139-166, 170-180. 

77 Ltr, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, ACAS-3 (Ops), to CG SAC, subj: Employment Directive on Short Training Flights to Germany, Jul 2, 1947; Itr, Partridge to 

CG SAC, subj: Short Training Flights to Germany, Jun 19, 1947, both in SAC/HO; 

hist, 15 AF, 1947, p 26; hist, SAC, 1947, pp 158-159, 163-164. 

91 
Strategic Air Force 

Air Forces (FEAF), asked for a squadron on rotation to augment his 

permanent VHB force. Approved in May, flights began soon after. Six 

squadrons spent a month each at Yokota, Japan, until a shortage of fuel 

on Hawaii led to cancellation of the deployments in November. On these 

moves, the B-29 crews received training in transoceanic flying and navigation and practiced dropping some live bombs on small desert islands. The 

flights also helped the squadron staffs learn to operate on their 

Another benefit of these trips to Japan involved testing the Eighth Air 

Force’s mobility plan. A base overseas was likely to have a good deal of 

equipment on hand, for handling bombs, for instance, together with 

ammunition, food, fuel, and an adequate runway. But a unit under deployment would have to transport spare engines and parts that it might need 

before normal supply channels started functioning. Mechanics would have 

to come along to install the parts. Based on planned operations from the 

Marianas, the staff at Fort Worth compiled a list of items needed and 

designed a storage bin that could be carried in the bomb bay of a B-29. 

With a few C-54 transports supplementing the bombers, a unit could 

transport these bins, spare engines, and mechanics to a field overseas and 

set up an operation in short order. A squadron of the 7th Bombardment 

Group tested the kit on a trip to Japan; the Air Staff approved the 

Eighth’s Mobility and Supply Plan; and Air Materiel Command (AMC) 

started to procure the “flyaway kits,” as they came to be called.79 

The fact that SAC units were in condition to deploy overseas indicated that much progress had taken place. Along with the buildup came 

some changes in unit structure that promised a more effective organization. Since the war, there had been strong dissatisfaction in the AAF with 

the existing relations between combat and support units. The main problem was that the commander of a combat group did not control all of the 

support units necessary for his mission. A number of AAF commands were 

considering various ways to reorganize, and SAC took a lead in the effort. 

Several plans had been produced and some even tested. At the same time, 

Col. Kenneth B. Hobson, Chief of the AAF Organizational Division on the 

Air Staff had developed a plan of his own, based on extensive study.” 

78 Ltr, Maj Gen C. McMullen, Dep CG SAC, to CG AAF, subj: Operational 

Training of Strategic Air Command Very Heavy Bombardment Units in the Pacific 

Theater, Feb 27, 1947, with 1st Ind, Maj Gen C. C. Chauncey, DCAS, to CG SAC, 

Apr 21, 1947; ltr, Lt Col J. J. Catton, CO 65 BSq, to CG Davis-Monthan AAF, subj: 

Report of Maneuvers of 65th Bomb Squadron at Yokota AB, Japan, Jul 10, 1947, 

both;: SAC/HO; hist, SAC, 1947, pp 164-170. 

Hist, SAC, 1947, p 165; hist, SAC, 1951, Vol IA, pp 122-129. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 61-68. 80 

92 
Beginnings 

Hobson's plan envisioned doing away with the wing as a level of 

command over several combat groups and instituting a new type of wing as 

a combat organization, containing the necessary support elements and 

intended to operate from a single base. The combat group would be 

merely one element of the wing, and the responsibility for the entire 

combat mission would be fixed squarely on the wing commander. Besides 

the combat group, a wing would have three support groups: maintenance 

and supply, airdrome, and medical.81 

The Hobson plan became standard for the AAF in July 1947, but SAC 

had much work to do to make it function effectively. By the end of the 

year, however, most of the bases had a form of the wing-base system in 

effect. There were twelve operating bases in SAC (not including Bolling 

but including Andrews). Five of these had two combat groups, and 

a provisional consolidated wing headquarters was established at each 

location.82 Some of SAC'S trouble in the transition to the new structure 

arose because McMullen sought to retain the personnel ceilings, and units 

could not always fill all the positions the new structure seemed to require. 

Still, the organization promised to be a considerable impr~vement.'~ 

By the end of 1947 Kenney had manned and largely equipped ten 

groups. Using a squadron from one of the existing groups as a cadre, a new 

group would acquire personnel from the schools, and as soon as planes 

arrived from storage, they could start training. Unfortunately, the withdrawals from storage had been done with such haste that the Air Materiel 

Command had been unable to make many of the modifications that would 

update the specific models. In particular, one of the most important 

modifications to the B-29 involved replacing carburetors with fuel injection systems, but many of the planes still arrived with carburetors. Although SAC by December 31, 1947, had a strength of 44,000, equipped 

with 319 B-29s in eleven groups and 350 fighters, only two groups were 

fully operational, and only one of these had atomic capable B-29~~~ If the 

" Ibid. 

Ibid.; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 9. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 65-68. 

Ltr, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, Sep 29,1947, 

atch to memo, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, Actg DCS/Ops, USAF, to Spaatz, subj: 

General Kenney's Letter Re 55-Group Objective, Oct 10, 1947; memo, Lt Gen H. 

A. Craig, DCS/Mat USAF, to CSAF, subj: Condition of B-29 Aircraft for the 55 

Group Program, Oct 18, 1947, both in RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 380 55-Gp Prog, 

Vol 1, Box 638, MMB, NA, SAC Statistical Summary, Jan 48, pp 6, 28; hist, SAC, 

1947, pp 198-199; 1st Ind, Lt M. Thompson, Actg Asst AG, to CG AAF, Sep 16, 

1947, to Itr, Brig Gen A. H. Gilkeson, Dep AIG, to CG SAC, Sep 9, 1947, 

SAC/HO. 

82 

83 

84 

93 
Strategic Air Force 

international situation were to deteriorate in the near future, there would 

be little that SAC could do. 

Modernizing the Bomber Force 

In the immediate postwar years the Boeing B-29 Superfortress was 

the pre-eminent symbol of American air power. It had the reputation both 

as a proven combat airplane and an aviation pioneer. It was the mainstay 

of SAC. But aviation technology was moving on, from the era of the 

propeller to the era of the jet, and the pioneer of one day would be the 

dinosaur of the next. The search for a suitable design for new bomber 

types was one of the principal tasks facing the AAF at the end of the 

Second World War. The results of that search had to take into account 

issues of national strategy as well as considerations of air doctrine and 

operations. 

Boeing’s Superfortress had itself begun as a further development of 

its B-17, but it emerged as a radically different airplane. At 70,000 

pounds, an empty B-29 weighed more than a B-17G fully loaded. Its 

range was twice that of a Flying Fortress, giving it a combat radius that 

could be extended to 2,000 miles or more. Its four Wright R-3350 engines 

were rated at 2,200 horsepower each, contrasted with 1,200 each for the 

B-17’s engines. It could climb higher and go faster than the older bomber, 

with altitudes above 30,000 feet and a speed of 350 miles per But 

for the crew the difference meant more than numbers. The degree of 

teamwork required went well beyond any previous experience in the AAF. 

One man who had flown a great deal before learning to pilot a B-29 said: 

Maybe Jimmy Doolittle could have flown it alone, but not. . . lesser 

mortals. The pilot, the copilot, and the flight engineers all had 

specific, coordinated functions in flying the airplane. The airplane 

commander called for power settings, much as the captain of a ship 

85 Carl Berger, B-29: The Supeifortress (NY: Ballantine’s, 19701, pp 102-103; 

Gordon Swanborough and Peter M. Bowers, United States Military Aircraft since 

1909 (Washington: Smithsonian Institute Press, 19891, pp 113-119; Mary R. Self, 

History of the Development and Production of U.S. Heavy Bombardment Aircraft, 

1917-1949 (Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio: AMC, 19501, pp 72-73. 

94 
Beginnings 

calls for engine performance and wheel corrections. The gunners 

had flight functions as lookouts, since the pilots could not see 

toward the rear quarters.. . . The last vestiges of the “daring young 

man in the flying machine” finally disappeared. Gone were the 

black silk stocking fastened to the leather helmet and the white 

strip of parachute silk worn as a scarf. . . . In their place was a very 

determined and rather serious young man in a prosaic cloth flying 

suit; his swagger stick had given way to a slide rule.. . ?6 

Since the B-29 operated at high altitude, the crew of eleven inhabited 

three pressurized compartments linked by crawl-spaces. The standard crew 

had five officers: a pilot, a copilot, a flight engineer, a bombardier, and a 

navigator. These plus the radio operator normally worked in the forward 

compartment, while the one aft housed gunner-mechanics, whose guns 

operated by remote control, and a radar operator. The tail gunner was 

alone in the smallest compartment. Since missions could last ten hours and 

more, the need for teamwork was heightened by the requirement that the 

crew members spell each other on important jobs.87 

The Superfortress, like the B-17, was one of those planes that 

continually exceeded expectations. Because of the altitudes it reached, 

B-29 crews over Japan were among the first to ride the jet stream.88 In 

December 1945 a B-29 averaged 451 miles per hour riding a jet stream 

eastward across the United States. But the B-29’s raison d’etre was its 

range. It was this feature which dictated the nature of the record flights 

undertaken by the AAF when the war was over and secrecy was eased. 

LeMay’s historic return to America from the Far East in September 1945 

was made in one of three B-29s which took off, headed for Washington, 

from Mizutani Air Base on the Japanese island of Hokkaido. The Superfortresses had to land for fuel at Chicago, but the distance covered totaled 

5,995 miles. In November Brig. Gen. Frank A. Armstrong flew the same 

course and reached Washington. The same month, Col. Clarence S. Irvine 

flew the B-29 Dreamboat from Guam to Washington, a distance of 8,198 

miles, breaking the world record of 1938. Almost a year later Irvine broke 

his own record, flying 10,925 miles from Hawaii to Cairo, over the polar 

region, in the Pacusan Dreamboat. These flights, though they were stunts 

86 Haywood S. Hansell, Jr., “B-29 Superfortress,” in Robin Higham & Abigail 

Siddall, eds, Flying Combat Aircraft of the USAAF-USAF (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State 

Univ Press, 1975), pp 21-22. 

Berger, B-29, p 50; AAF Tactical Center, Tactical Doctrine, Very Heavy 

Aircgft, Nov 20, 1944, AFHRC. 

C. H. Hildreth & Bernard C. Nalty, 1001 Questions Answered About Aviation 

History (NY: Dodd Mead & Co, 1969), p 331. 

87 

95 
The Boeing B- 17 Flying Fortress, aboue, and Consolidated B-24 Liberator, 

below, the AAF’s premier bombers of World War 11. 
Beginnings 

using specially-equipped planes, still convinced Irvine that combat-loaded 

B-29s had yet to reach their full p~tential.’~ 

When the war ended, the B-29 became the AAFs sole strategic 

bomber. The B-17s and B-24s gradually went out of service, with only a 

few units retained temporarily for mapping and charting projects?’ Nearly 

4,000 B-29s had come off the assembly lines during the war, and at the 

end of 1945 there were 3,000 left in the AAF’s inventory. A year later most 

of these were in storage with the Air Materiel Command as a reserve for 

mobilization. A few F-l3s, a version used for reconnaissance, also remained in use.91 

But, despite the B-29’s success, the AAF was looking to new designs, 

as General Arnold had so often urged. American airmen anticipated that 

future bombers would outdo earlier ones in speed, range, and bomb loads, 

although the new aircraft were reaching the highest altitudes that were 

safe for the crew. The B-50 had originally been called the B-29D and 

resembled the original Superfortress. The B-36 had resulted from planning begun in 1941. Indeed AWPD-1 had envisioned use of the B-36 

against Germany. Its rationale was to be able to reach Berlin from the 

North American continent, should England fall to the Nazis. 

The B-36 would be considerably larger than the B-29. To call both 

“very heavy bombers” seemed increasingly questionable. The AAF preferred the distinction between “heavy” and “medium,” with the B-29 in 

the latter category. The most formidable engineering challenges for the 

heavy bombers of the future involved speed and size. Unless the aircraft 

Coffey, Iron Eagle, p 181; New York Times, Sep 20, 1945, pp 1, 4; Irvine 

OHI, pp 10-15; ACSC Paper, Lt Col V. M. Cloyd, “The Utilization of the Present 

B-29 Type Aircraft in Individual Operations Against Strategic Targets Within 

Soviet Russia,” Dec 1948, AFHRC; Maj J. M. Boyle, “This Dreamboat Can Fly!” 

Aerospace Historian XIV (Summer 67), pp 85-92. According to The United States 

Air Force Dictionary (Woodford A. Heflin, ed, Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand, n.d.), 

cruise control “consists essentially of power settings for cruising speed, as well as 

propeller settings when propellers are used, so as to attain the maximum efficiency 

in terms of desired speed or range.” “Pacusan” refers to PACUSA-Pacific Air 

Command, U.S. Army. 

Amy Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 163; Itr, H. L. Stimson, Sec War, 

to President, Sep 11, 1945, RG 341, TS AAG File 21, Box 7; chart, Activation, 

Deployment, and A/C Authorizations of AAF Units, Tab 2 to Itr, Gen C. A. 

Spaatz, CG AAF, to Cmdrs, subj: Current AAF Plans and Programs, Nov 18, 1945, 

RG ip, 1946-1947 AAG, 381 AAF 1, Box 603, both in MMB, NA. 

Army Air Forces Statistical Digest, 1946, pp 100, 123, 163; memo, Maj Gen G. 

Gardner, Dep ACAS-4 (Mat), to Asst Sec War (Air), subj: Cost of B-29 Program, 

Nov 22, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc 1948-1949, 452.1 B-29 (1949), Box 9, 

MMB, NA. 

89 

90 

97 
Strategic Air Force 

could be made fast enough to outrun fighters, it would have to carry 

armor, guns, and self-sealing fuel tanks, which all added to the weight. To 

achieve intercontinental range, it had to be big enough to carry vast 

amounts of Although the super-bomber was considered fuel-efficient, the von Khrmhn Committee warned that the technology was approaching the point of diminishing returns, with vast increases in weight 

for small gains in perf~rrnance.~~ Thetruth of this observation would soon 

become apparent to the AAF. 

Early in 1946, Brig. Gen. Alfred R. Maxwell, the Chief of Requirements Division, under the Assistant Chief of Staff for Operations, outlined 

the future roles of both the heavy and medium types. Clearly, the large 

size of a heavy bomber would make it expensive and time-consuming to 

produce, so that it could not be acquired in large numbers. Thus the 

medium bomber, comparable to the B-29, would serve as a “workhorse.” 

Maxwell also suggested another potential use for the heavy bomber-as a 

host for a parasite fighter. This concept involved transporting a small 

fighter in the bomb bay of a large bomber. The fighter could then be 

launched in the target area, overcoming the problem of range for escort 

fighters.94 

The development of jet engines further compounded the problem of 

bomber performance. While jet propulsion increased the speed of airplanes, it consumed more fuel than conventional engines. This made 

longer range still harder to attain. Perhaps in future years technology 

could overcome this difficulty, but in the meantime the Air Staff envisioned turboprop engines as the solution for heavy bombers. For the 

medium bombers, the turbojet would be appr~priate.~’ 

The Army emerged from the war with contracts for several experimental jet bombers. These included a purely experimental contract with 

the Douglas Aircraft Company and development models expected from 

North American Aviation, Incorporated; the Consolidated Vultee Aircraft 

(Convair) Corporation; the Boeing Aircraft Company; and the Glenn 

Martin Company. Northrop Aircraft, Incorporated, had received AAF 

Rprt, ATSC, Trends and Problems in Bomber Design, Jan 18, 1945, atch to 

Itr, Col M. S. Roth, Ch Acft Proj, Eng Div AAF Mat Ctr, to Ch Svc Eng Sect, Eng 

Div AAF Mat Ctr, subj: Report for von Kgrmgn Committee, Jan 19, 1945, RG 18, 

OCAS, Scientific Advisory Gp, 1941-Aug 1947, Misc Rprts #370, Box 9, MMB, 

Report on Heavy Bombardment Committee Convened to Report to the 

USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Jan 48, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, 

Papegr4s 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

92 

NA. 93 

Futrell, Ideas, p 110. 

See Note 92. 95 

98 
Beginnings 

approval to put jets on two of its B-35 Flying Wings.96 The Air Staff had 

also envisioned a heavy bomber more advanced than the B-36, issuing 

military characteristics in November 1945. This airplane would have to be 

able to carry 10,000 pounds of bombs a distance of 5,000 miles and return, 

cruising at 35,000 feet at a speed of 300 miles an hour. Boeing, Martin, and 

Convair turned in designs. Brig. Gen. Laurence C. Craigie, Chief of the 

Engineering Division of Air Materiel Command, recommended the Boeing 

design in May 1946 because, though its proposed radius was little more 

than 3,000 miles, it was, nonetheless, better than the others. The XB-52, 

as the experimental model was designated, would weigh 360,000 pounds, 

three times the weight of the B-29 and half again as heavy as the B-36. 

With six turboprop engines it would be faster than the B-36. On June 28, 

1946, Boeing and the AAF agreed to a letter contract for a design study 

and mockup, for which the AAF allocated money from the fiscal 1946 

appr0priation.9~ 

Flights of Experimental Bombers, 1946-1947 

XB-43 

XB-35 

XB-36 

XB-45 

XB-46 

XB-48 

B-50 

YB-49 

XB-47 

Douglas 

Northrop 

Convair 

North American 

Convair 

Martin 

Boeing 

Northrop 

Boeing 

17 May 46 

25 Jun 46 

8 Aug 46 

17 Mar 47 

1 Apr 47 

22 Jun 47 

25 Jun 47 

21 Oct 47 

17 Dec 47 

(Jet) 

(Flying Wing) 

(Production contract) 

(Jet) 

(Jet) 

(Jet) 

(Production contract) 

(Jet Flying Wing) 

(Jet) 

But the most eagerly awaited event in the field of bomber development was the roll-out of the XB-36, then under construction at the 

Convair-operated plant in Fort Worth. Contractor personnel nicknamed 

the XB-36 the “Jesus Christ airplane,” not because of any messianic 

Study, ARDC, Air Force Developmental Aircraft, 1957, CAFH. 

5. Marcelle Size Knaack, Post-World War ZI Bombers, 1945-1973 [Vol I1 of 

Encyclopedia of US. Air Force Aircraft and Missile Systems] (Washington: AFCHO, 

1988), pp 205-208; Margaret C. Bagwell, The XB-52 Airplane (Wright-Patterson 

AFB, Ohio: AMC, 19491, pp 1-7, with ltr, Brig Gen L. C. Craigie, Ch Eng Div, 

AAF Mat Ctr, to CG AAF, subj: Design Composition, Heavy Bombardment 

Aircraft, May 23, 1946, with atch doc. 

96 

97 

99 
Strategic Air Force 

expectations, but in honor of the common expression of visitors when they 

first saw the huge bomber. Other aircraft, such as Howard Hughes’s HK-1 

Hercules Flying Boat (the famous, if misnamed, “Spruce Goose”) were 

also called the “Jesus Christ airplane.” In May 1946, Secretary of War 

Robert P. Patterson told a House subcommittee that the plane was “due to 

fly next month,”9s and this prediction, repeated over and over again, 

indicated the continual delays caused by production difficulties. In fact, 

Convair was having trouble meeting the specifications. Inexperienced work 

crews had frequently substituted inferior materials in the construction, and 

it took time to correct this. In August 1945 Craigie had written a blistering 

letter to the president of Convair, but the AAF hesitated to penalize the 

company for poor perf~rmance.~~ After the war, the Fort Worth plant was 

hit by strikes, and labor trouble at the Aluminum Company of America 

held up shipments of materials.”’ The May 1946 completion date came 

and went. Secretary Patterson proved overly optimistic. Meanwhile, other 

experimental bombers made their first flights. Finally, on August 8, 1946, 

the giant bomber took off from Fort Worth for a 37-minute flight.’”’ 

The early flight testing of the XB-36 offered the usual mixed message 

of most initial flight test programs. As was common with successful test 

programs, reports on early flights of the YB-36 uncovered numerous 

deficiencies. The aircraft failed to perform up to design expectations, and 

various malfunctions surfaced. However, there was every reason to believe 

the experimental version, or at least the production models, could do 

better.’02 George Kenney remained unimpressed. In December he wrote 

to Spaatz recommending a reassessment of the production program and 

arguing that the B-36 was not an intercontinental bomber. It would be 

vulnerable in enemy territory because its fuel tanks were not fully self-sealing. Correcting this would add weight and reduce fuel capacity, further 

limiting speed and range. Drawing on his combat experience, General 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Establishment Appropriation, 1947, 79th Cong, 2d sess, May 8, 1946, 

Case History of XB-36, YB-36, and B-36 Airplanes (Wright-Patterson AFB, 

Ohio: AMC, 1948) pp 6-13, with atch ltr, Brig Gen L. C. Craigie, Ch Eng Div, 

AAF Mat Ctr, to Harry Woodhead, Pres Convair, Aug 29, 1945; Case History of 

XB-36 Airplane Project (Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio: AMC, 1946), passim, both 

in AF’RA. 

R&R Sheet, Col G. Schaetzel, Ch Acft Proj Sec, to Maj Gen E. W. 

Rawlings, Ch Proc Div ATSC, Aluminum Shortages-B-36 Aircraft, Mar 26, 1946, 

in Casf History of XB-36 Airplane Project, AFHRA. 

Knaack, Bombers, p 13; study, ARDC, Air Force Developmental Aircraft, 

1957, CAFH. 

98 

P 23b9 

lo’ Knaack, Bombers, p 13. 

100 
Beginnings 

Kenney asserted that to outrun enemy fighters the B-36 would have to 

burn a lot of fuel going full throttle. Its range would thus actually be 6,500 

miles, or a combat radius of less than 3,000 miles. From Alaska or the 

continental United States it could not reach vital targets in the Soviet 

Union. In other words, the B-36 offered the AAF little that the B-29 and 

B-50 did not, and it was not as good as they were in other ways. It would 

be better, Kenney suggested, to save the money and develop a better 

bornber.lo3 

Despite these reservations, the Air Staff and AMC did not waver in 

their commitment to producing the B-36. The Assistant Chief of Air Staff 

for Materiel asked Lt. Gen. Nathan F. Twining, Commander of AMC, for 

comments on Kenney’s letter. In his reply, Twining asserted that the B-36 

marked an important step toward acquiring intercontinental range and 

would provide practical experience in operating a very large bomber. He 

believed that many of the B-36’s deficiencies could be corrected. Most 

models would feature a new type of water-injection engine, for example. In 

the long run, the only solution to the problem of low speed in all large 

bombers lay in reducing the fuel consumption of jet engines. From a 

strategic standpoint, the B-52 would offer better performance, but it 

would not be in service before 1954. Twining argued that, in any case, the 

B-36 would be able to reach a radius of 4,000 miles. He defended the 

decision not to leak-proof all of the fuel tanks but said little about the 

question of survival over target. Striking hard at the tone he detected in 

Kenney’s letter, Twining noted that the nation had almost decided at one 

time or another against producing the B-17, the B-26, the P-47, the 

P-51, and the B-29, all successful airplanes in the war, “because of the 

same type of reasoning and arguments now being used against the B-36.” 

All had proved better than early testing had indicated.lo4 

General Spaatz advised Kenney that production of the B-36 would 

proceed. He attributed the limitations on range and speed to the state of 

engine development and predicted that eventually gas turbines would solve 

this problem. For the time being, the B-36 was the best available heavy 

bomber: 

As you probably know better than most, we would never have 

bought a single combat type, including the B-17, if we had waited 

‘03 Ltr, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, Dec 12, 

1946, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, 

Box ?&2, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen N. F. Twining, CG AMC, to ACAS-4 (Mat), subj: Suitability of 

B-36 Airplane, Dec 27, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 

452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA. 

101 
Strategic Air Force 

for a better type we knew was just around the corner. If we stumble 

into the pitfall at one stage of three to five years, your strategic Air 

Forces will be without equipment.. . . Obviously, it was not possible 

for your ideas and mine to have been incorporated.. . into the B-36 

for we were away at war when it was developed. It seems to me, 

however, that Arnold and his staff and the Materiel Command 

under his supervision did very well in the experimental field considering all the things he had to do in,keeping you and me su plied 

with weapons to win the Air war in Europe and the Pacific. 16: 

The AAF commander assured Kenney that the B-36 would improve. He 

had reason to expect this, for Convair planned to install a new four-wheel 

landing gear on the production models, enabling it to land on virtually any 

field that could accommodate a B-29. Most B-36s would feature an 

updated version of the Wright R-4360 engine that could generate 500 

horsepower more than the previous model. A still more promising engine, 

equipped with a variable discharge turbine (VDT), would further improve 

performance. Convair wanted to install the VDT engines on one B-36, 

reducing total production by three airplanes in order to stay within the 

budget. These developments might correct some deficiencies and help 

answer some objections to the giant bomber.lo6 

At the same time that Kenney was raising doubts about the B-36, its 

proposed successor became an issue as well. Partridge's staff expressed 

reservations about building an airplane as big as the B-52 was likely to be. 

To meet range and bomb load specifications, it would have to have a gross 

weight of 400,000 or 500,000 pounds. In October 1946 Boeing delivered a 

design that would yield a weight of 230,000 pounds, but LeMay, then 

Deputy Chief of Air Staff for Research and Development, noted that its 

range would be too short. The AAF needed a bomber of intercontinental 

range, whatever its size.In7 The contractor was asked to study the feasibility of a bomber capable of flying 400 miles per hour and 12,000 miles, if 

the gross weight did not exceed 480,000 pounds. Also in October, Boeing 

submitted designs for an intercontinental bomber that could carry the 

atomic bomb."* 

Ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, Jan 16, 

1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, 

Box 212, MMB, NA. 

'06 See Note 104; Knaack, Bombers, pp 14-15. 

lo7 Knaack, Bombers, pp 208-209; Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane, pp 1-7, with Itr, 

Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Ch Eng Div, AAF Mat Ctr, to CG AAF, subj: Conference 

at Wright Field with A-3 Personnel on XB-51, XB-52, XB-53 and Military 

Characteristics in General, Nov 26, 1946. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 208-209. 1 nH 

102 
Beginnings 

Reinforcing the concerns of the operations staff was an analysis by the 

Douglas Aircraft Company's Project RAND. The RAND engineers examined Boeing's proposals and determined that such an aircraft would have 

to weigh 600,000 pounds at the very least. Analysts suggested that a 

smaller, cleanly designed airplane with bomb and fuel in jettisonable pods 

would have a better chance of attaining the necessary range. Maxwell 

regarded the conflict between the Boeing and Douglas engineers as 

disturbing: "It looks as if we are on very thin ice, considering the ultimate 

cost of the project ...."lo9 Brig. Gen. Alden R. Crawford, Chief of the 

Research and Engineering Division, Assistant Chief of Air Staff for 

Materiel, defended the Boeing project. He had spoken to the company's 

engineers, and "While their conclusions are somewhat alarming. . . ," they 

were working on the problem. Representatives of Boeing, Douglas, and 

Northrop planned to meet and consider the engineering aspects of bomber 

development. Among the alternatives they would discuss was some encouraging data on the Flying Wing. Less attractive was the delta-wing design, 

which Crawford considered unproven and too risky, although Maxwell had 

mentioned it."' 

Although no one really wanted to dismiss unproven ideas without 

study, the stringency of the research budget for fiscal 1948 forced the AAF 

to reject some of the recent proposals. Twining's staff struggled to establish priorities among several different alternatives: a future intercontinental bomber, a medium bomber obtainable in the short term, modification 

of current bombers, and the VDT engine or the T-35 turboprop then 

under development. In Washington a number of key members of the Air 

Staff met in LeMay's office on May 6, 1947, to devise guidelines for the 

Materiel Command. Reversing earlier decisions, the group agreed to give 

the XB-52 first priority for development. Fiscal 1948 money would also be 

allocated to a new medium bomber. The staff agreed to install VDT 

engines on a single B-36 and a B-50, the latter also slated for new wings. 

By using production model airplanes, the AAF could avoid charging the 

installation of VDT engines to the research budget."' 

lo9 R & R Sheet, Brig Gen A. R. Maxwell, Ch Rqmts Div ACAS-3 (Ops), to 

R & E Div ACAS-4 (Mat), XB-52 Performance, Apr 21, 1947, in Bagwell, XB-52 

Airplane. RAND (Research and Development) had been established at Douglas 

under an AAF contract in May 1946, following an initiative by Arnold. The RAND 

Corporation separated from Douglas in 1948. 

'lo R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Brig Gen A. R. Crawford, Ch R & E Div ACAS-4 

(Mat), to Rqmts Div ACAS-3 (Ops), XB-52 Performance, Apr 23, 1947, in 

Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. "' Ltr, Maj Gen E. M. Powers, ACAS-4 (Mat), to CG AMC, subj: Medium 

Bombardment Aircraft, May 8, 1947, in Bagwell, XB-52 Aivlane. 

103 
Strategic Air Force 

Reporting these decisions to Twining, LeMay reiterated the Air Staff 

view on bomber development and explained the necessity for supporting 

several new aircraft programs simultaneously. In an era of tight budgets, 

the AAF might have to justify to Congress its recommendation to continue 

buying B-50s and B-36s. Air Staff members believed that a future heavy 

bomber could not be purchased in quantities much above 100. 

I feel that the B-52, or any other airplane capable of doing the job 

for which the B-52 is intended, will of necessity be of such size and 

of such cost that neither the aircraft industry nor our future budget 

will permit its production and procurement on other than a very 

limited scale."' 

On the other hand, the medium bomber would be cheaper and 

available in greater numbers. This "workhorse" aircraft, like the B-29, 

could be operated from overseas bases. LeMay hoped that a gross weight 

of 170,000 pounds would be p~ssible."~ 

Though the Research and Development chief favored the XB-52 

project, he urged that the AAF wait about six months before committing 

itself. This would allow more progress on development of the T-35-3 

engine, on which the plane depended. Another factor involved encouraging technological competition in the industry: 

In this connection I have learned that Douglas, Northrop, and 

Consolidated have suddenly awakened to the fact that though they 

were uninterested in bidding on an airplane of the B-52 type when 

this project was started, they realize now that a large part of our 

production funds will go into such an airplane, and they are now 

out in the cold. It appears, therefore, that we must take a good look 

at any proposals that may now exist in the minds of the late starters 

in order to make sure that if the B-52 is the horse we intend to 

back, such action is firmed after all other possibilities have been 

considered and eliminated.Il4 

In June 1947 the AAF issued new military characteristics for a heavy 

bomber to carry the atomic bomb. In this case especially, weight would be 

critical; the atomic carrier might even have to dispense with guns and 

armor in order to attain the speed and altitude necessary to assure its 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to Lt Gen N. F. Twining, CG 112 

AMC, May 15, 1947, in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

'I3 Ibid. 'I4 Ibid. 

104 
Beginnings 

~urvival."~ At the same time, LeMay's office hoped to look at alternatives 

to the heavy bomber. In July he discreetly warned Twining not to allow 

construction of the XE-52 to start without word from the AAF commander, who would consult with the Joint Chiefs of Staff before taking action. 

Meanwhile, Materiel Command planned to study various approaches, such 

as the one-way mission, landing overseas after a mission from the States, 

ditching, pilotless aircraft, and anything else the RAND people might 

suggest. As LeMay put it: 

The intent.. . is not to stop progress on the present XB-52, nor to 

add to its difficulties, but to ascertain that Air Materiel Command 

understands the possibility of change occurring in this program. 

The strategic mission remains firm but the method of accomplishment is not fixed."6 

Meanwhile, less theoretical designs were becoming reality. Though 

the Boeing B-50, which first flew on June 25, 1947, resembled the B-29 

and also bore the name Superfortress, it did represent a new design, about 

75 percent changed from its predecessor. It featured a new vertical fin and 

rudder assembly and more powerful engines. In addition to the sixty planes 

ordered with fiscal 1946 money, the AAF had committed 1947 funds for 

another seventy-three. The Air Staff scheduled the 43d Bomb Group at 

Davis-Monthan to receive the first B-~OS."~ 

Building a modern strategic force, however, required more than 

bombers. For fighters the next move was to jet engines for increased speed 

and range. For the reconnaissance force, the traditional mounting cameras 

on existing models of bombers and fighters no longer seemed suitable. In 

the light of the absymal state of intelligence about the Soviet Union, a 

high-speed, long-range photographic plane was urgently needed. Existing 

strategic reconnaissance units were in a totally unacceptable condition, 

Knaack, Bombers, p 209; MR, Maj W. C. Brady, subj: XB-52 Conference, 

Jan 7, 1947; memo, Maj Upson to Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R&D, subj: 

Defense Armament in Bombardment Aircraft, Mar 5, 1947, both in Bagwell, 

XB-52 Airplane. 

'16 Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to Lt Gen N. F. Twining, CG 

AMC subj: XB-52 Program, Jul 14, 1947, in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

li7 Swanborough, US. Military Aircraft, p 120; Self, Heay Bombardment Aircraft, pp 72-73; study, ARDC, Air Force Deuelopmental Aircraft, 1957, CAFH; 

chart, Activation, Deployment, and A/C Authorizations of AAF Units, Tab 2 to 

ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to AAF, subj: Current AAF Plans and Programs, 

Nov 18, 1946, RG 18, 1946-1947 AAG, 321 AAF, File 1, Box 603, MMB, NA. 

115 

105 
Strategic Air Force 

and the search continued for a plane designed specifically for reconnaissance. The four-engine Republic XF-12 was identified as the possible 

solution.’ l8 

The need for advanced equipment took on a certain urgency as the 

AAF’s leaders contemplated the rivalry with the Soviets. Technical problems blended with questions of strategy. A bomber “gap” appeared likely 

around 1952, when the B-29 would be obsolete and the B-36 and B-50 

would approach obsolescence. Yet at that time, only the B-52 would be 

coming off the assembly line, and it would be months before the few of 

those obtainable were combat ready. No other bombers could be made 

operational for the strategic mission before 1954. Unfortunately, the very 

size of the B-52 raised questions the AAF was reluctant to face. Vandenberg believed that better engines would solve the problem, but it would be 

five years before an engine could be built that combined the power and 

speed of the jet with the fuel economy of the piston so as to carry a heavy 

bomber on its long-range mission. Turboprops appeared to be the shortterm answer, but no one was sure. Technical uncertainties thus combined 

with the problem of lead time to complicate all decision^."^ 

Tactics also had an impact on development plans. In view of the lack 

of intelligence about the Soviet Union, nobody could be sure what the 

bombers would actually face in a war. Would it be possible for them to fly 

fast enough and high enough to evade the interceptors? Or would they still 

need to bristle with guns? If the latter were true, development became 

more complex. Bulky turrets had to be eliminated for aerodynamic reasons, while fire control systems had to cope with high speeds. Besides, 

armament increased the weight of the airplane. And if the potential enemy 

had a fighter with flexible guns, it would be impossible to rely on speed for 

protection.12’ 

The broad ideas about bomber design led to a concept all the same. It 

seemed possible that the United States would have no bases overseas soon 

after a war started. An atomic offensive over the North Pole would then be 

the only means available to retaliate with any hope of victory in the near 

future. This intercontinental mission was the greatest technical challenge 

“‘Hist, SAC, 1946, pp 150-152; ATSC Hist Div, Case History of XF-12 

Airplane, Jan 46, AFHRA. See also Richard P. Hallion, “Twilight of the PistonPowered Airplane: The Republic XF-12/RC-2 Rainbow” Auiation Quarter4 111, 

No. l$pring 771, pp. 62-86. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, 1st 

Day: Aug 19, 1947, pp 1-14, Last Day: Aug 21, 1947, p 774, RG 341, DCS/Dev, 

Rqmf;oDiv, 1st AWB, 1947-1948, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

Ibid., First Day: Aug 19, 1947, pp 4-14, Last Day: Aug 21, 1947, 

pp 531-545. 

106 
The long-range Boeing B-29 Superfortress entered World War I1 in 1944 and 

was at first disappointing at high altitudes because of its four fire-prone 18-cylinder Wright R-3350-23 engines. It proved menacing at low altitudes over Japan, 

however, destroying nearly one-quarter of the city of Tokyo in March 1945 during a 

single incendiary raid. Two modified B-29s, Enola Gay and Bock’s Car, dropped 

atomic bombs on Japan in August 1945. In the uneasy transition from hot to cold 

war, when budget slashing, rapid demobilizing, occupying Germany and Japan, 

facing Soviet ambition and adventurism, fighting for service autonomy, and building the atomic force beleaguered the nation’s air leaders, the Superfortress 

remained the backbone of medium bomber capability and was phased out only at 

the end of the Korean conflict. 
Strategic Air Force 

facing the new Air Force. Should it fail, the nation would have to 

reconquer bases and begin a laborious strategic offensive with large 

numbers of airplanes and conventional bombs. The Air Staff conceived of 

the medium bomber in this role.’21 

At the time, the official answer to the question of intercontinental 

bombing was the B-36. The B-52 would be its successor, and the staff of 

Project FUND was studying such radical long-term solutions as guided 

missiles.’22 LeMay described the B-36 as “essential,” but in a tight budget 

even an essential airplane had tough going. If the B-36 could not perform 

as advertised, its value was marginal. Also, the Air Staff had to decide how 

many to buy and whether to install the VDT engine. Atomic bombs would 

eventually be available in hundreds, and the scarcity of the weapon would 

no longer justify buying just a few ~1anes.l~~ Despite these unresolved 

questions, the AAF continued to support the basic design. 

Should the B-36 fail to perform as an intercontinental bomber, the 

AAF would need a ready alternative. Kenney suggested trying to fit the 

B-29 with tractor-type, endless tread landing gear, which would enable it 

to land on undeveloped fields, possibly staging through Arctic stations. The 

Air Materiel Command pursued this project for some time, with little sign 

of progress.124 

Related to this idea was Spaatz’s promotion of the Arctic theater. 

During the winter of 1946- 1947, the 28th Bombardment Group deployed 

to Alaska to gain practical experience in Arctic operations. The results 

showed that much work was needed for the AAF to be able to operate 

effectively from bases in the far north. The 28th itself had been poorly 

prepared for the special working conditions in a climate of extreme cold. 

Alaska’s isolation and Alaskan Air Command’s lack of supplies and 

facilities impeded effective flying. With a lack of flying time, the morale of 

the air crews suffered. Furthermore, the peculiar navigational problems of 

the polar region substantially increased the danger of a plane getting lost 

and running out of fuel in the midst of trackless, frigid, wasteland. One 

B-29 of the 28th did indeed disappear, never to be seen again. A second 

12’ Ibid. 

Charts, USAF Airplane Procurement Programs, atch to memo, Col L. 0. 

Peterson, Act Sec AWB, to CG AAF, subj: Fiscal Year 1948 Aircraft Procurement 

Program, Aug 25, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, 1st AWB, 1947-1948, 

Papers Box 181, MMB, NA. 

lZ3 Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Last 

Day: Aug 21, 1947, pp 618-628, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB, 

Memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, Jan 27, 1948, Spaatz 

122 

1947~~i948, BOX 181, MMB, NA. 

Coll, Secretary of Air Force (2), Box 264, MD, LC. 

108 
Beginnings 

had a malfunction and the crew had to bail out. One crewman died before 

rescuers could find the survivor^.'^^ 

Another alternative to the intercontinental bomber was the “one-way 

mission.” A B-29 or B-50 could reach as many as eighty percent of the 

targets in the Soviet Union if it did not have to return home. In some cases 

the bomber could reach a friendly or neutral country, but the usual 

scenario called for the crew to crash land in a remote area and attempt to 

survive until somehow rescued.”‘ An article by Col. Dale 0. Smith in the 

fall 1947 issue of Air University Quarterly Review publicized the idea. Smith 

contended that if the atomic offensive succeeded, the war would soon end 

and chances of rescue would be g00d.l’~ Partridge, however, harbored few 

illusions: 

We can afford, in the economy of the country, to build, in my 

opinion. . . , light bombers for every bomb there is. Easy. It will be 

the cheapest thing we ever did. Expend the crew, expend the bomb, 

expend the airplane all at once. Kiss them goodbye and let them go. 

That is a pretty cold-blooded point view, but I believe that it is 

economically best for the country.128 

The implications were not lost on crews that would be affected. In one 

squadron operations office of the 509th Bombardment Group a poster 

appeared at about this time. Two crew members with long white beards 

were sitting in the Ural Mountains awaiting rescue, over the caption, 

“Survival Can be Brig. Gen. Thomas S. Power, the Deputy 

Assistant Chief of Staff for Operations, doubted the soundness of 

the one-way concept. He said that the crews “are not stupid ... they 

might change the plans many times along the way.”’3o Thus the various 

alternatives to the B-36 either required more work or were decidedly 

unappealing. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 77-87. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Last 

Day: Aug 21, 1947, pp 618-628, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB, 

1947~~4948, Papers, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

Col. Dale 0. Smith, “One-way Combat,” AU Quarterly Review I (Fall 471, 

125 

126 

pp 3-8. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Last 

Day: Aug 21, 1947, pp 623-627,-RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB, 

Intvw, Robert M. Kipp, Hist, Hq SAC, with Maj Gen W. C. Kingsbury, Dec 

16, 1970, p 18, SAC/HO. CHECK AGST PAGE 107 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Last 

Day: Aug 21, 1947, pp 623-627, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB, 

1947~i948, BOX 181, MMB, NA. 

130 

1947-1948, BOX 181, MMB, NA. 

109 
Strategic Air Force 

Less urgent but no less complex was the matter of designing an 

effective medium bomber. Military characteristics issued in June 1947 

called for a radius of 2,500 miles, but such an aircraft was expected to 

weigh 250,000 pounds, still too much. Jets like the B-47 had yet to prove 

that they could meet the requirement. To get a bomber built soon, the Air 

Staff had to sacrifice at least one factor: range, speed, or armament. The 

SAC staff considered high speed over the target essential. As McMullen 

told the Aircraft and Weapons Board: “That’s what brings the boys home.” 

Vandenberg tended to agree. The B-50 was expected to have a radius of 

2,500 miles and a speed of 360 miles per hour, and a newer medium 

bomber could attain 420 miles an hour by cutting its radius to 2,000 miles. 

To the new deputy commander of AAF this seemed a good compromise. 

Such an aircraft could reach most targets on a one-way mission, and from 

England, Egypt, or Lahore (British India, later Pakistan) it could get to 80 

percent of them and return. Still higher speeds were thought possible with 

no loss of range. LeMay, however, expressed his doubts, fearing that 

loading on armament would make the problem insoluble. To the Research 

and Development chief, the 2,000-mile radius represented the lowest 

desirable range. Some sacrifice of speed might prove necessary as guns 

were added. Though for the time being the AAF was willing to leave the 

question open in the hopes of a more promising design, the hard decisions 

might still have to be made.13’ 

With the passage of the National Security Act of 1947, the soon-to-be 

independent air force had little time to enjoy the reward for its years of 

effort. Politically sensitive investigations were now added to the challenges 

of aircraft development. Formulating the official Air Force position on 

these problems required serious thought. For this purpose, General Spaatz 

called together key officers of the Air Staff and major commanders to form 

the Aircraft and Weapons Board. First meeting on August 19, 1947, the 

board was to advise him on matters of pr~curement.’~~ 

Initially, the Aircraft and Weapons Board focused its inquiry on a 

briefing on strategic bombardment presented by Partridge’s requirements 

staff. The briefing team presented data on engine design, intercontinental 

bombing, and the questions of speed, range, and armament of medium 

bombers. In its report, the board recommended buying about 650 aircraft 

with fiscal 1948 money. Among these would be 83 B-50s, one of which 

would have the VDT engine, 25 Republic F-12 reconnaissance planes, and 

344 jet fighters. Any remaining funds could be used to purchase another 10 

Zbid., First Day: Aug 19, 1947, pp 4-14, Last Day: Aug 21, 1947, 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, p 182. 

131 

pp 5!i2-547, 564. 

110 
Beginnings 

Proposed Aircraft Procurement Programs 

August 1947 

Fiscal Year 

%.Pe 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 Total 

B-36 100 

B-50 60 

B-X (Heavy) 

P-80 915 

P-84 214 

P-86 

P-88 

P-90 

F-12 

73 

80 

191 

33 

100 

83* 153 204 204 60 837 

105 105 

995 

190 551 236 1,010 

464 409 409 1,282 

205 540 540 1,285 

25 15 11 11 11 73 

154 359 945 

* Plus up to 10 if extra money remained 

B-50s. No major decisions were made concerning the future of the B-36, 

except that the existing order would continue and one aircraft would be 

fitted with the VDT engine. This decision would avoid slowing down 

production, which had to be completed before June 1948, the end of the 

fiscal year. For the long term, the problems of the medium bomber and the 

B-52 remained essentially unresolved. The Air Staff reported that it 

hoped to receive over $1 billion in fiscal 1949 and over $1.6 billion in 1950. 

Meanwhile the service planned to follow its existing priorities: to buy more 

than 800 B-50s (enough to replace all B-29s in the active force), develop a 

heavy bomber by 1952, continue research on the “workhorse” bomber, and 

encourage RAND to look for a1ternati~es.l~~ 

As for other types of planes, the board determined that the F-12 

would meet vital intelligence needs. In time the P-84 and P-86 would 

replace the Mustang and the P-80. Research would continue with the 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, First 

Day: Aug 19, 1947, pp 4-14, Last Day: Aug 21, 1947, pp 578-594, 610-611, 628; 

memo, Col L. 0. Peterson, Actg Sec AWB, to CG AAF, subj: Fiscal Year 1948 

Aircraft Procurement Program, Aug 25, 1947, with atch charts, USAF Airplane 

Procurement Programs, both in RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB. 

133 

1947-1948, BOX 181, MMB, NA. 

111 
Strategic Air Force 

P-88 and P-90, but there were no funds for the P-85 “parasite” fighter, 

to be launched from the B-36 in flight.’34 

One significant result of the August 1947 meeting of the Aircraft and 

Weapons Board was a decision to set up a special study committee on 

bombardment. Reflecting the on-going concerns of the air arm, the committee would focus on the intercontinental mission and also consider the 

design of medium bombers.’35 It would report its findings at the next board 

meeting scheduled for the beginning of 1948. Thus as the birth of the new 

Air Force approached, its leaders were still struggling to solve their basic 

strategic problem. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, 3d Day: 

Aug 21, 1947, pp 415-440, Last Day: Aug 21, 1947, p 774, RG 341, DCS/Dev, 

Rqm:;&Div, 1st AWB, 1947-1948, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

Report on Heavy Bombardment by Heavy Bombardment Committee Convened to Report to the USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, Jan 48, RG 341, 

DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, NA 

134 

112 
Chapter IV 

The Uncertain Phase 

he reorganization of the atomic program that accompanied the T creation of the Atomic Energy Commission at the beginning of 1947 

made it increasingly difficult to postpone decisions about the role of 

the bomb in national strategy. The previous year had witnessed the Bikini 

tests and the initiation of studies of the results. The commission devoted 

much of 1947 to assuming control of the production program and outlining 

its first goals. The facility at Los Alamos had been as affected by demobilization as the armed forces themselves, and the manufacture of bombs 

required a revitalization of the staff there. At the same time, the Bikini 

tests, with the controversy over an inaccurate air drop, had confirmed the 

need to improve the design of the bomb, so the commission also began to 

plan a new series of tests. This would further complicate the production 

program. Under the MacMahon Act, the scale of production was set by the 

President, but Congress controlled the budget. There the Joint Committee 

on Atomic Energy had acquired a position of great strength, and among its 

ranks were a number of members committed to seeing a growth in the 

nation’s atomic arsenal. The fading hope for international control reinforced their concerns. 

The importance of atomic weapons was also affected by the danger of 

war with the Soviet Union. While informed observers in 1947 still considered a war unlikely, the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan seemed 

to assume some risk. In any event, should war come, the situation in 

Europe would be so grave that the failure to prepare for it seemed an 

invitation to disaster. The idea of the atomic bomb as the means to offset 

the Soviet superiority in ground forces won widespread acceptance. But 

the bomb was itself of little significance in an actual war without the 

means of delivery. In 1947 this was still the concern of the AAF, which was 

taking its responsibility in the matter seriously. 

113 
Strategic Air Force 

The armed forces made progress in 1947 in being able to meet their 

commitments with regard to atomic weapons. The magic circle of those 

cleared for crucial information was growing, and officers were being 

trained to handle the tasks associated with arming and dropping the 

weapon. The AAF and SAC'S Eighth Air Force managed to establish 

liaison with the new structure created under the MacMahon Act. Also, the 

prospect of increased production suggested that there might be a companion requirement for an increased delivery force. Thus the three-group 

atomic force, though not yet attained, might be superseded by an expanded 

modification program. 

Because of the importance of the strategic air force, especially should 

an expanded atomic production be approved, the AAF was able to make 

the case for one of its most cherished concepts, the direct control of the 

strike force. During World War 11, Twentieth Air Force and Spaatz's U.S. 

Strategic Air Forces in Europe had set precedents for a single strategic air 

element directly responding to the joint chiefs. During 1946, as the armed 

services worked out the concepts for the postwar command structure, the 

AAF urged a unique standing for SAC. By the end of the year, as the Air 

Force itself moved towards independence, the new Unified Command Plan 

had granted the strategic force its special position, free of control by 

theater commanders. 

War planning, one of the key functions of the armed forces in 

peacetime, evolved slowly after 1945. The Soviet Union was the obvious 

potential enemy, but given so much uncertainty in the international 

situation and the turmoil of reorganization, it took time to start work. By 

late 1947 some progress had been made, but as yet no approved joint plan 

existed. Still, several studies had suggested the broad outlines of a plan. 

Though many issues remained undecided, it was becoming clear that the 

bomb offered the only means to offset Soviet superiority on the ground in 

Europe. Obviously, for the immediate future, the bomb's primary use 

would be as a strategic air weapon. Thus the atomic air offensive was 

gaining a central place in American strategic thinking. 

As SAC became the focal point for American atomic capability, its 

requirements for men, planes, and bases received more attention. Without 

an intercontinental bomber force, overseas bases would play a pivotal role 

for the near future, and negotiations would be required to obtain some. 

England seemed to be the one place where bases were readily available 

and less vulnerable to ground attack. Egypt, still in British hands, offered 

another possibility, and the Air Staff was beginning to look elsewhere. The 

question of bases and range would continue to bedevil planners of the 

strategic air offensive for years to come. 

The importance of the atomic bomb received further emphasis in the 

summer of 1947 when the Compton Board report on the Bikini tests finally 

114 
Uncertain Phase 

appeared. Commissioned by the joint chiefs, the board determined that the 

bomb was indeed a strategic air weapon of great power. Its findings stated 

that the United States had the option of developing a deterrent force 

equipped to strike rapidly against strategic targets in the Soviet Union. 

Thus, by the time the White House and Congress began to investigate the 

potential of atomic air power at the end of 1947, the armed services were 

prepared to discuss the capabilities of a strategic atomic force and how it 

could be built. 

Understanding The Bomb 

Whatever their expectations for international control of atomic 

weapons, air leaders continued to press for a striking force under their full 

control. When he became Deputy Chief of Air Staff for Research and 

Development, LeMay established the goal of “complete Air Force responsibility for transport, assembly, testing, loading and dropping of the bomb.”’ 

In 1946 the AAF had little of this responsibility, mainly providing the 

plane and the crew to carry the bomb. The situation, as General Ramey, 

Commander of the 58th Bombardment Wing, described it, left the AAF 

“dependent upon engineers and scientists to use its major weapon.”’ 

The first step towards control involved learning as much as possible 

about atomic weapons. The MANHATTAN PROJECT guarded the technological secrets and was reluctant to share them with outsiders. Also, even after 

Hiroshima and Nagasaki, further testing was necessary to gauge the 

bomb’s power and the optimum methods of delivery. In this effort, the 

agency charged with dropping the bomb would have an important role to 

play. It took well over a year after Hiroshima to accumulate a new body of 

data that could be used to make policy decisions. Testing by itself was not 

enough; equally important was a thorough evaluation of the results. In 

retrospect the delay in developing atomic air power immediately following 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to Brig Gen R. M. Ramey, Cmdr 

TG 1.5 (Prov), Apr 4,1946, RG 341, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946,471.6 A-Bomb, Box 

4, M2MB, NA. 

Ltr, Brig Gen R. M. Rarney, Crndr TG 1.5 (Prov), to Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, 

DCAS/R & D, Mar 29, 1946, RG 341, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946, 471.6 A-Bomb, 

Box 4, MMB, NA. 

115 
Strategic Air Force 

the war did not indicate inertia or a lack of commitment; the agencies 

involved were simply marking time until the facts were in. 

After the war the MANHATTAN PROJECT continued to be responsible 

for assembling the bomb and turning it over to an AAF loading crew at the 

combat base. It also provided the weaponeers to arm the bomb in flight. 

As the legislation emerged to create a civilian nuclear agency, it became 

clear that the MANHATTAN PROJECT or its successor would retain these 

functions. Groves prided himself on the rigor of the project’s security 

program. His staff controlled and compartmentalized the data and approved security clearance^.^ With this level of institutional control, it 

would be difficult for the AAF to gain the kind of autonomy it sought. 

In fact, the Air Staff found obtaining clearances to be a complicated 

process. A detailed justification had to accompany each request for a 

specific item of information, but the AAF often lacked the knowledge 

upon which to base the justification. And background investigations for 

clearances also proved time-consuming. As late as September 1946 a joint 

AAF-MANHATTAN PROJECT meeting could not complete its agenda because a few key participants had not yet been lea red.^ A first step towards 

more cooperation occurred in early 1946 when Groves agreed to train six 

AAF colonels and five junior officers as weaponeers. These officers soon 

informed Ramey that, although they lacked confidence in the direction of 

their training, they were acquiring useful information. Ramey met with the 

future weaponeers and reported to LeMay: “[Als you and I expected, those 

duties are not nearly so complicated as we have been told. As a matter of 

fact, I have made some little study of them myself and believe, in a pinch, I 

could tell whether the bomb was ready to 

Once Ramey had his units in place, planners began to consider how to 

organize the atomic strike force. On April 15, 1946, SAC representatives 

and Air Staff officers at the Pentagon started developing the general plan 

which would serve as the basis for tables of organization and equipment, 

See Note 1; Groves, Now It Can Be Told, pp 140-145. 

Memo, Maj Gen L. R. Groves, OIC Manhattan Proj, to CG AAF, subj: 

Coordination of Security Matters Arising from AAF Participation in Atomic 

Energy Program, May 25,1946, RG 341, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946,380.01 Security 

Pol, Box 4; rprt, Col J. G. Armstrong, Chmn Ad Hoc Plng Cmte, Army Air 

Forces-Manhattan Project Coordination of Effort, Nov 5, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops 

S, Asst for AE, 1947,334 Cmte of AE, Box 7; MR, Col E. J. Rogers, Jr, Ch Pol Div 

ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Coordination of Information on Atomic Bomb, Sep 3, 1946, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 384.3 Atomic (Aug 17, 1945), Sect 6, Box 449, all in 

MMF, NA. 

See Note 2. 

116 
Uncertain Phase 

manning programs, and deployment plans. The conference defined the 

purpose of the atomic force: 

Consistent with our national policy it is unlikely that we will attack 

any nation until we have first been attacked. In such an event, we 

must have available a unit trained and capable of immediate 

retaliation against the aggressor nation with our most destructive 

weapon to effect as much or more destruction than we experienced.6 

According to the basic plan, the 58th Wing would have 108 atomiccapable bombers in nine squadrons. Additional transport aircraft were 

needed to carry the bombs and technical equipment to the forward base 

from which the atomic attack would be launched. Once deployed, an 

ordnance company would be responsible for assembling the bombs. Personnel requirements involved training over one hundred bomber crews, 

including weaponeers, for both atomic and conventional bombing. The 

conferees further recommended giving the wing a manning priority second 

only to the occupation forces overseas. Because the bomber groups would 

be expected to deploy rapidly, the appropriate overseas bases needed to be 

stocked ahead of time.7 On June 13 LeMay issued a mission statement for 

the 58th Wing-"and other wings to follow.. . ." The 58th was 

to be capable of immediate and sustained VLR [very long range] 

offensive operations in any part of the world, either independently 

or in cooperation with land and naval forces, utilizing the latest and 

most advanced weapons.' 

Meanwhile, the Air Staff was working on a plan for security. The AAF 

had received recommendations from Groves, and adopted most of them on 

June 27, 1946, in the hope that cooperation might improve the flow of 

information.' But any further action would have to wait, because by this 

time Ramey and much of his command were in the Pacific participating in 

the atomic tests at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands. 

Memo, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, ACAS-3 (Ops), to CAS, suhj: Conference 

of Reorganization of the 58th Wing, Apr 26, 1946, with encl, Organization and 

Deployment of the 58th Bombardment Wing, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for 

AE, +946, 008 Policy, Box 2, MMB, NA. 

Ibid. 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R & D, to CG SAC, subj: Mission of the 

58th9Bombardment Wing, Jun 13, 1946, in hist, SAC, 1946, Ex 13. 

AAF Ltr 46-22, subj: Security Plan for AAF Participation in Atomic Energy 

Program, Jun 27, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 380.01 

Security Pol, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

6 

117 
Strategic Air Force 

The basic concept for the Bikini tests, codenamed OPERATION CROSSROADS, dated back to September 1945. The Navy took a keen interest from 

the start, for a major objective was to determine the bomb's effect on 

ships. The targets were to included the remnants of the Japanese navy. 

Plans called for three shots: an air burst and two underwater detonations, 

one at great depth. The AAF would drop the weapon for the air burst and 

also provide a wide variety of other support." 

President Truman approved the plan for the test on January 10, 1946, 

and the next day Vice Adm. William H. P. Blandy became commander of 

the testing organization, Joint Task Force 1. Maj. Gen. William E. Kepner, 

the former Eighth Air Force fighter commander, was Blandy's Deputy for 

Army and Navy Aviation. Ramey commanded the AAF element assigned 

to the force, known as Task Group 1.5. To Ramey fell the responsibility for 

major aspects of CROSSROADS: air transport for the test, drone aircraft to 

test weapons effects, aerial photography, and collection of air samples. 

Task Force 1.5 would also drop the bomb in the first test, shot ABLE.^^ 

The AAF leadership hoped to gain practical experience and some 

favorable publicity in CROSSROADS. Though the experience proved beneficial, the task force encountered many operational problems which led to 

some unfortunate publicity. The key issue was accuracy. The very name of 

the test bomb-FAT MAN-suggested the awkward egg shape that gave it 

questionable aerodynamic properties. An accurate drop would require 

careful planning, close calculations, and rigorous training. Despite the 

determined efforts of the 509th Composite Group, the end result proved 

frustrating. 

The 509th, based at Roswell, New Mexico, began training flights in 

February 1946, dropping facsimiles of the weapon on a range near Albuquerque. It became evident that new bombing tables were needed. The 

tables in use-giving the proper bombsight settings for different altitudes 

and aircraft speeds-had been designed during wartime for the climate of 

Japan. The officer who had prepared them, Capt. David Semple, had since 

left the MANHATTAN PROJECT to become a bombardier in the 509th. He 

developed new tables, but not without a direct request from LeMay to 

Groves for the data on the Marshall Islands. In the meantime, on March 7, 

Semple was killed in a B-29 crash. He had not been flying with his regular 

crew at the time, so the pilot, Maj. Woodrow P. Swancutt, replaced him 

'" Msg, CG USASTAF to CG AAF, 4840, 140730 Sep 1945, subj: Use [sic] 

Atomic Bombs in Destruction Remnants Japanese Fleet, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD 

TS, Asst for AE, 1945, 373 Crossroads, Box 2, MMB, NA; Bowen, Siluerplate, pp 

161-467. 

Bowen, Siluerplate, pp 164, 236-238. 

118 
Uncertain Phase 

Clockwise from aboue: Vice 

Adm. William H. P. Blandy, leader 

of Joint Task Force 1; Maj. Gen. 

William E. Kepner, task force 

Deputy for Army and Navy Aviation; and Maj. Gen. Roger M. 

Ramey, leader of AAF Task Group 

1.5. 

with Maj. Harold E. Wood. The crew dubbed their plane Daue’s Dream in 

honor of their former bombardier.” 

By the time the crews reached the CROSSROADS base at Kwajalein 

Island, the new bombing tables were finally available. Well-trained and 

prepared, the airmen anticipated a good drop on the test day. After a 

number of practice missions, airmen began to expect that on ABLE Day the 

bomb would land within 500 feet of the aiming point, the battleship USS 

Nevada. On June 15 Swancutt learned that his crew would make the drop. 

In a dry run on July 24 the bomb landed within 400 feet of the Ne~ada.’~ 

This was encouraging, but another requirement involved calculating the 

effect of wind on the fall of the bomb, so as to allow for corrections before 

l2 Ibid., pp 258-277. 

Ibid., pp 258-282. 13 

119 
Strategic Air Force 

the actual drop. Unfortunately, the forecast for ABLE Day did not have 

accurate readings for the winds, and Major Wood would have to rely on 

his own judgment. Thus in some uncertainty Dave’s Dream took off on the 

morning of July l.I4 

The B-29 reached its position over the target area at 30,000 feet on 

schedule, and just before 0900 local time Wood released the weapon. The 

burst of the bomb shrouded the target array in smoke. But when it began 

to clear, the Nevada was still afloat. The shot appeared to have failed.15 

The co-pilot of a Navy plane observing the test expressed the view 

of many: “Well, it looks to me like the atom bomb is just like the Army 

Air Force [ sic]-highly ~ver-rated.”’~ In fact, however, though only three 

ships sank, closer examination revealed heavy damage. Had the ships 

within a mile or so of the blast been manned, the heat and radiation would 

have killed or incapacitated the crews1’ 

Still, speculation began at once that the bomb had missed the aiming 

point. On July 2 one observer described “a bad error left and short” of the 

target (relative to the path of the bomber).I8 Two days later Kepner 

ordered an investigation, which revealed that the bomb had detonated 

2,000 feet from the target, though the altitude of the burst, 550 feet, had 

been correct. Why was the bomb that far from the aiming point? A 

subsequent series of investigations never fully answered the question. 

While Wood may have been nervous, the AAF firmly rejected any suggestion of error on the part of the crew. Brig. Gen. Thomas S. Power, 

Kepner’s Assistant Deputy Commander, noted that the bombsight could 

have malfunctioned or the bomb had fallen erratically.” LeMay soon 

directed a study of the photographs and tests with the same airplane at 

Albuquerque. Ruling out a faulty bombsight, the report concluded that 

“some unusual force affected the bomb causing it to veer off in an 

Ibid., pp 282-282. 

Ibid., pp 285-286, 289-290. 

14 

l6 Quoted in David Bradley, No Place to Hide (Boston: Little, Brown, 19481, 

P 58i7 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 299-313. 

l8 Ibid., p 300. 

”Zbid.; ltr, Col H. G. Montgomery, Col J. J. Preston, R. Dorfman to Maj Gen 

C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, subj: Bombing Analysis, Aug 1, 1946; ltr, Brig Gen T. 

S. Power, Asst Dep Cmdr Avn, JTF-1, to Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, Dep Cmdr Avn, 

JTF-1, subj: Analysis of Able Day Bombing, Jul 11, 1946, both in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1946, 384.3 Bombing Analysis, Box 2, MMB, NA. 

120 
Uncertain Phase 

unpredictable manner, giving a point of impact somewhere left and short 

of the theoretical one.”2o 

The report was explicit about the implications of such a finding, 

recommending that the design of the bomb be changed to improve its 

ballistics. The historian of the Joint Task Force challenged the objectivity 

of the AAF study, but Kepner refuted the argument. The Army ran some 

tests of its own at Muroc Field, California, with inconclusive results. 

Neither the ~IANHA~TAN District nor the Atomic Energy Commission 

acknowledged a faulty design, but the commission later cited improved 

ballistics as one of its goals in weapon design. Thus the AAF received 

some unspoken support for its strongly held view that the design needed 

improvement .21 

The Bikini tests concluded on July 25 with shot BAKER, in which the 

bomb was suspended one hundred feet under water. Air units otherwise 

provided the same support as in the previous shot. The blast and heat were 

in fact less than in the previous test, and the radiation less strong, but the 

radioactive water thrown up contaminated everything it touched. With 

such a small stockpile of weapons, nine before ABLE shot, the amount of 

data a third shot would yield did not seem to justify expending precious 

resources, and test CHARLIE was canceled.22 

In a test of the scale of CROSSROADS, with forty thousand personnel, 

the numerous reports-on every topic from bomber operations to the 

detection of atomic explosions and the scientific results-were the true 

justification for the undertaking. The joint chiefs appointed a panel of 

distinguished citizens to evaluate the tests and submit a thorough report. 

The chairman was Karl T. Compton, President of the Massachusetts 

Institute of Technology (MIT) and a leading organizer of scientific work 

during the war. Among the members was Lt. Gen. Lewis H. Brereton of 

Ltr, Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, Dep Cmdr Avn, JTF-1, to CG AAF, subj: 

Analysis of Able Day Bombing, Jul 11, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for 

AE, 1946, 384.3 Bombing Analysis, Box 2, MMD, NA; Bowen, Silverplate, 

pp 307-31 1. 

Bowen, Silverplate, pp 311-313; R. D. Little, Foundations of an Atomic Air 

Force and Operation Sandstone, 1946-1948, Vol I1 in Bowen, Little, et al, A History 

of the Air Force Atomic Energy Program, 1943-1953, Pt 11, pp 472-478. 22 Bowen, Silverplate, pp 321-333; msg, JCS Eva1 Bd Atomic Test to JCS, 

3005582 Jul46, subj: Preliminary Report following Second Atomic Bomb Test, RG 

341, TS AAG File 25, Box 8, MMB, NA; Hewlett & Anderson, New World, p 580; 

ltr, J. M. Holl, Hist Dept Energy, to J. R. [sic] Bohn, Hist SAC, no subj 

[classification of data], Mar 22, 1982, with end, SAC/HO. 

20 

121 
Strategic Air Force 

the AAF?3 The Evaluation Board, as the Compton group was called, 

submitted its final report after nearly a year of effort. 

In the meantime, however, the 509th found that its operations against 

Japan and involvement in the Bikini test had familiarized it with the basic 

requirements of its mission. By September the group’s commander, Col. 

William H. Blanchard, could recommend that the unit was ready to begin 

serious training.24 Blanchard and his staff recognized that more research 

was needed on radiological safety, and that there had been no multiplestrike atomic operations. Still, the broad outlines now existed for designing 

an atomic bombing mission. In fact much of the work and many of the 

techniques differed little from a conventional unit. There were specialized 

considerations, to be sure. The pilot had to understand how the heavy 

bomb affected the plane’s center of gravity, and the bombardier had to 

deal with the challenge of dropping the FAT MAN accurately. The breakaway maneuver demanded more from the entire crew. In addition, there 

were two special crew positions in the atomic force, the bomb commander 

and the weaponeer. The former was usually a colonel, responsible for 

coordinating bomb assembly and delivering the bomb at the loading site. 

The bomb commander also supervised the weaponeer and certified the 

bomb as ready. The weaponeer in turn armed the bomb.25 

The training of atomic officers received special attention at a meeting 

in September 1946 between representatives of the MANHAT~AN District 

and AAF planners. The general concept called for bomb commanders to 

be colonels assigned to atomic units or key staff positions following a short 

course. Weaponeers would be younger officers and receive more technical 

training.26 Although Groves had trained AAF officers before, he adopted a 

new emphasis, establishing the 2761st Engineer Battalion (Special) at 

Sandia, New Mexico, and assembling twenty-seven promising young engineer officers to train as weaponeers. He evidently intended to create a 

pool of these officers to assign for specific missions. The battalion itself 

would also be responsible for assembling the bombs. Determined to 

Bowen, Siluerplate, pp 281-282; rprt, JCS 1691/10, Proposed Release of an 

Extracted Version of the Final Report of the JCS Evaluation Board on Operation 

Crossroads and the Related Proposed Press Release, Dec 29, 1947, RG 341, 

DCS(Ops, OPD TS, 384.3 (Aug 17, 19451, Sect 9, Box 450. 

-4 Rprt, 509 BG, Atom Bombing with B-29s, n.d. [Aug 461, in hist, SAC, 1946, 

Ex 47; Itr, Col W. H. Blanchard, CO 509 BG, to Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, 

DCAS/R& D, Sep 24, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946, 353 

Bomb Cmdrs & Weaponeers Tng, Box 3, MMB, NA. 

25 Rprt, 509 BG, Atom Bombing with B-29s, n.d. [Aug 461, in hist, SAC, 1946, 

Ex 4zi 

MR, Col E. J. Rogers, Jr, Ch Pol Div ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Coordination of 

Information on Atomic Bomb, Sep 3, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 384.3 

Atomic (Aug 17, 1945), Sect 6, Box 449, MMB, NA. 

122 

23 
Uncertain Phase 

increase its atomic role, the AAF insisted that weaponeers be air officers 

and full members of the air crew. Norstad, now Director of the War 

Department’s Plans and Operations Division, believed that the engineer 

officers as a group were better qualified technically than the possible AAF 

candidates, but he conceded that the argument for a close link between 

the weaponeer and the air crew was a point in the AAF‘s favor. These 

essential issues would require compromise?’ As Brig. Gen. George A. 

Lincoln, Norstad’s Chief of Plans and Policy, wrote: “I do not consider it 

makes any particle of difference whether the weaponier [sic] wears wings 

or engineer castles or running shorts.. . .7728 General Spaatz saw no point 

in objecting to Groves’ training his Army engineers, but the MANHATTAN 

District should also train air officers, and the AAF would try and recruit 

the engineer officers as well.29 

In November the Air Staff finally reached an agreement with the 

MANHATTAN District. The training schedule would provide bomb crews as 

the B-29s being modified for SILVERPLATE became available. The district 

would train thirty AAF officers in a three-week course for bomb commanders. The twenty-four-week weaponeers’ course was to produce forty-five 

AAF officers, and the engineer officers in the course were required to 

become familiar with B-29 operations. The AAF would offer jobs to them, 

but Groves insisted on making it clear that no engineer with the MANHATTAN District was obligated to transfer to the Army Air Forces. Finally, and 

most significantly, the two agencies agreed that weaponeers should normally be AAF officers. The schedule of courses devised under the agreement ran through 1947.30 

Memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0, War Dept, to Col 

C. E. Combs, P&O, War Dept, Oct 15, 1946; memo, Lincoln to Maj Gen L. 

Norstad, Dir P & 0, War Dept, Oct 16, 1946, both in NA 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

353 (Oct 15,1946), Box 250, MMB, NA; Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 87-88. 

28 Memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch PI & Pol Gp, P & 0, War Dept, to Maj 

Gen L. Norstad, Dir P & 0, War Dept, Oct 16, 1946, in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

353 (Oct 15, 1946), Box 250, MMB, NA. 

29 Memo, Col E. L. Sykes to Brig Gen W. L. Ritchie, Ch WPD ACAS-5 (Pl), 

Oct z;, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 353 (Oct 15, 1946), Box 250, MMB, NA. 

DF, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R & D, to Maj Gen L. Norstad, Dir 

P & 0, War Dept, Training of Bomb Commanders and Weaponeers, Nov 18, 1946, 

with encl MR, Col J. G. Armstrong, Nov 14, 1946, and Cmt 3, Maj Gen L. R. 

Groves, OIC Manhattan Proj, to Col J. McCormack, P&O, War Dept, Dec 10, 

1946; MR, Armstrong, subj: Training of Weaponeers, Nov 20, 1946; ltr, Col D. 

Canterbury, DCAS/R& D, to CG Manhattan Proj, subj: Training of Bomb Commanders and Weaponeers, Nov 25, 1946, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst 

for AE, 1946,353 Weaponeer Tng, Box 2, MMB, NA, memo, Col W. M. Garland, 

Dep ACAS-3 (Pl/Tng), to Brig Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: 

Requirements for AAF A-Bomb Commander and Weaponeer Training, Oct 25, 

1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 353 (Oct 15, 19461, Box 250, MMB, NA. 

123 

27 
Strategic Air Force 

Overshadowing these discussions was the impending dissolution of the 

MANHATTAN PROJECT. The Atomic Energy Commission would assume 

most of the project’s functions, and the armed services were wrestling with 

the problem of how to absorb the rest. In the fall of 1946 Brereton became 

Chairman of the AEC Military Liaison Committee. The commission insisted on acquiring the Z Division of the MANHATTAN District, which built 

the bombs at Los Alamos. Everything the services retained became the 

Armed Forces Special Weapons Project (AFSWP), directed by the Chief of 

Staff of the Army and the Chief of Naval Operations. Rather than 

combine support and operational forces under the Special Weapons Project, as Groves recommended, Norstad and the Plans and Operations 

Division advocated confining the project to a support role, with AAF 

retaining the operational units. The Special Weapons Project would be 

responsible mainly for special training, coordination with the AEC on 

weapons development, and radiological safety. At the end of 1946 the 

issues of custody, assembly, and delivery of bombs remained unresolved. 

Groves was named Chief of the Special Weapons Project as well as a 

member of the Military Liaison Committee.31 

Even before the establishment of the Special Weapons Project, the 

Air Staff had favored maintaining its own liaison arrangements. In 

September there was a proposal to establish a tactical and technical liaison 

committee to represent the AAF in its dealings with the atomic agencies. 

Two months later a committee chaired by Col. John G. Armstrong of 

Partridge’s Operations staff submitted a report that supported the proposal and suggested an internal realignment of responsibility for atomic 

matters. LeMay’s charter now seemed narrow, since the atomic bomb was 

no longer simply an experimental weapon. The Armstrong committee 

further proposed the appointment of an assistant to the Commanding 

General of the AAF with overall coordinating powers.32 Reviewing the 

recommendations, Spaatz supported the idea of a tactical and technical 

liaison committee, and LeMay approached Groves about setting it up. As 

for the question of internal organization, Spaatz decided that LeMay 

would remain the AAF’s principal coordinator of atomic matters as well as 

the Chief of Research and De~elopment.3~ 

31 Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 20-28, 48-56, 77-87. 

See Note 26 above; rprt, Col J. G. Armstrong, Chmn Ad Hoc Plng Cmte, 

Army Air Forces-Manhattan Project Coordination of Effort, Nov 5, 1946, RG 341, 

DCS Ops S, Asst for AE, 1947, 334 Cmte on AE, Box 7, MMB, NA. ‘ Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to CG Manhattan Proj, subj: 

Army Air Forces Liaison with Manhattan Project, Oct 28, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD S, Asst for AE, 1946, 312.1 Manhattan District, Box 2; R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, 

Brig Gen R. C. Hood, DCAS, to DCAS/R & D, AAF Participation in the Atomic 

Bomb Program, Dec 24, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947,334 

Bds, Commissions & Cmtes, Box 3, both in MMB, NA. 

124 

32 
Uncertain Phase 

The Armstrong Committee also hoped to develop a new approach to 

the problem of secrecy. It suggested dividing atomic information into 

several categories and clearing individuals for each specific category. These 

would range from high level planning factors to operational data and 

technical material. At the same time, the Air Staff was exploiting the new 

organizational structure to gain more access to classified information. This 

was especially important because secrecy could be detrimental to efficient 

operations. For example, some of the equipment used in loading the bomb 

was so highly classified that it was available to only a few men in the 

Eighth Air Force, who had been cleared with great difficulty by a backlogged Federal Bureau of Inve~tigation.~~ 

Under the reorganization of SAC late in 1946, the Eighth Air Force 

succeeded the 58th Bombardment Wing as the three-group “atomic” force, 

with headquarters at Fort Worth. The new organization was understandably frustrated by the shortage of atomic-capable aircraft. Of the forty-six 

aircraft modified in PROJECT SILVERPLATE, only twenty-three remained in 

service by late 1946. Four had been lost to crashes or fires, and the rest 

had been stripped of their special equipment and either stored or assigned 

to museums. Fewer than twenty belonged to the 509th Group, while 

several were used at Kirtland for flight testing.35 In July 1946 the AAF had 

begun modification of another twenty-five aircraft, the work to be done at 

the Sacramento Air Materiel Area. In the course of this ultra-secret 

project, so full of improvisation, there had been no standard design. All 

the various changes made each SILVERPLATE airplane unique. Maj. Robert 

L. Roark of the Materiel Center at Wright Field, Ohio, had years of 

experience with the project, and late in 1946 he prepared a manual for a 

standard modification. In December the first B-29 under the new standard 

came off the line. Though the number to be modified had been reduced to 

nineteen, enough planes would now be available to equip a full combat 

group of thirty B-29s and provide a few for the other groups of the 

Eighth. 36 

34 Rprt, Col J. G. Armstrong, Chmn Ad Hoc Plng Cmte, Army Air ForcesManhattan Project Coordination of Effort, Nov 5, 1946, NA 341, DCS/Ops S, Asst 

for AE, 1947,334 Cmte on AE, Box 7; memo, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R & D, 

to Lt Gen L. H. Brereton, Chmn MLC, subj: Declassification of Certain Material 

Which Affects the Training of Army Air Forces Tactical Units, Jan 9, 1947, with 

encls, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947,380.01, both in MMB, NA. 

35 R & R Sheet, Cmt 2, Col K. H. Gibson, ACAS-3 (Ops), to Spec Asst to 

ACAS-3 (Ops), Silverplate Airplanes, Jan 24, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, 

Asstp AE, 1947, 452.01 Mod of Saddle Tree and Silverplate, Box 9, MMB, NA. 

Bowen, Siluerplate, pp 362-364. 

125 
Strategic Air Force 

The leisurely pace of PROJECT SILVERPLATE could be attributed to a 

number of factors, including the scarcity of bombs, the persistent difficulties in handling the weapon, and the secrecy surrounding manufacture and 

operations. Not all these problems were the direct responsibility of the 

AAF. At the end of 1946 the MANHATTAN District, nearing its own 

demobilization, apparently still possessed only nine bombs, not all fully 

assembled.37 The time-consuming tasks of assembling and loading the 

weapon had changed little since the days at Tinian. Once ready, the bomb 

had to be moved on a cart and unloaded into a pit, over which the airplane 

was parked. The weapon would then be hoisted into the bomb bay, 

secured, and connected with the electrical circuits used to test it and 

control its release. Security required that most personnel be kept away 

during the process and that any modifications be conducted with the 

highest secrecy. Largely because of security considerations, four thousand 

man-hours were expended on the B-29 modifications, and estimates for 

the B-36 conversion totaled eight thou~and.~' 

The AAF had built its case on the assumption that for the foreseeable 

future the atomic weapon would remain scarce. The bomb would be a 

strategic weapon that the military could not afford to expend on troops or 

warships. For this reason, it belonged in the hands of the strategic air 

forces. On the other hand, some planners speculated that bombs might 

soon become available in greater numbers. The Joint Research and 

Development Board, for example, discussed the implications of manufacturing three thousand atomic bombs, and Brig. Gen. George A. Lincoln, 

Chief of the Plans and Policy Group of the War Department Plans and 

Operations Division, urged that atomic weapons be considered for a 

tactical role.39 But it would be years before such a program could start. 

The breakup of the wartime scientific and technical staff at Los Alamos 

had nearly stopped bomb production. The fledgling Atomic Energy Commision would have to start over. By June 1947 the commission's stock of 

bombs totalled only thirteen. After some debate early in 1947, the commission assumed legal custody of the bombs, although the Armed Forces 

Special Weapons Project, soon to be under Groves's command, guarded 

Ltr, J. M. Holl, Hist Dept Energy, to J. R [sic] Bohn, Hist SAC, Mar 22, 

1982, with encl, SAC/HO. 

38 Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 415-428; draft ltr, Dir R & E ACAS-4 (Mat), 

to Chmn MLC, subj: Modification of Aircraft to Fake the A-Bomb, Aug 11, 1947, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1947, 452 Acft, Fighter, Bombardment, 

Etc, Box 9, MMB, NA. 

39 Memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0 Div WDGS, to Brig 

Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), Jan 19, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, 

Asst for AE, 1947, 373 Crossroads, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

37 

126 
Uncertain Phase 

and maintained them. Only by order of the President could a military 

organization take custody of the weapons. The President dso determined 

the number of bombs and the amount of fissionable material to be 

produced. In February 1947 the Joint Strategic Survey Committee studied 

the armed forces’ needs and concluded that it would be years before they 

could be met at the rates of production currently feasible. Supporting this 

position, the joint chiefs advocated making national defense virtually the 

sole objective of the AEC. In April the War and Navy Departments and 

the AEC agreed on a production program for fiscal 1948. They submitted 

the program to President Truman, gave him the disturbing facts about the 

small stockpile, and obtained his approval on April 16. The AEC also 

began studying possible design improvements and scheduled a test for the 

summer of 1948.4’ 

As the AEC’s main customer, the AAF wanted to deal with the 

commission as closely as possible, especially to overcome obstacles to the 

delivery, assembly, and transfer of bomb?. But the Special Weapons Project at Sandia, New Mexico, would intervene frequently in these dealings 

under Groves and his deputy, the weaponeer of the Enola Gay, now Rear 

Admiral, William S. Parsons.41 In February, a study by an ad hoc committee of the Air Staff asserted that “The AAF has the paramount military 

interest in the Atomic Energy Program,” yet concluded that the air arm 

had no clear role. The committee proposed that the AAF’s representation 

on the Military Liaison Committee and the Special Weapons Project be 

increased and further, that Maj. Gen. William E. Kepner, who had run the 

air operation at Bikini, replace Groves. LeMay passed these recommendations on to General Spaatz, along with a draft order making atomic energy 

the AAF’s number one priority. For the time being, however, the commanding general took no action.42 

_~__ 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, 1947-1952, Vol 11 of A History of the 

United States Atomic Energy Commission (University Pk, Pa: 1969 [new imprint, 

Washington: U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, 1972]), pp 65-66, 136-137; Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 290-295; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 472-480; ltr, J. M. 

Holl, Hist Dept Energy, to J. R. [sic] Bohn, Hist SAC, no subj [classification of 

data], Mar 22, 1982, in SAC/HO. 

40 

41 Little, Foundations, Pt 1, pp 81-84. 

R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep Cmdr AAF, to Maj Gen C. E. 

LeMay, DCAS/R & D, AAF Participation in the Atomic Energy Program, Feb 25, 

1947, with notes & atch memo, LeMay to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, same subj, 

Feb 21, 1947, with atch Report of Ad Hoc Committee, Feb 21, 1947, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 360.2 AAF Participation in AE Prog, Box 

4, MMB, NA. 

42 

127 
Strategic Air Force 

The AAF’s existing channel with Los Alamos was through the Tactical 

and Technical Liaison Committee (T & TLC) at Kirtland Field, New Mexico, and the Air Materiel Command. The Chairman of the T & TLC, Col. 

Howard G. Bunker, reported that tension between the AEC element at 

Sandia and the Special Weapons Project offered him an opportunity to 

build closer ties with the civilian agency. Bunker’s committee would need a 

firm charter to protect it from interference from the Special Weapons 

Project. This news could not have been a surprise in Washington, where 

ill-will was growing between Groves and David E. Lilienthal, the AEC 

Chairman. Indeed, at Sandia the AAF representatives “tended to think of 

themselves as an innocent third party caught in the crossfire between the 

civilian scientists [the AEC] and the Army [the Special Weapons Project].”43 

Groves was quoted as predicting that the AEC would be unable to handle 

its job, and the Army would have to take it over again. In any case, LeMay 

and Groves’s staff worked out a charter for the T & TLC in July. Unfortunately for the AAF, the Special Weapons Project would retain its role in 

supervising the committee.44 

Although Spaatz hesitated to declare the atomic program the AAF’s 

first priority, he did agree to expand the program at the Air Staff level, 

appointing Kepner Chief of the Atomic Energy Division under LeMay on 

July 30, 1947. This was an interim arrangement pending the reorganization 

of the Air Force headquarter^.^^ Ultimately, the creation of the independent Air Force offered more opportunity for equality in joint organizations 

such as the Military Liaison Committee as well as the best hope for a 

larger share of the atomic mission. 

In the meantime, the military and the Atomic Energy Commission 

began to cooperate to solve some operational problems. The Atomic 

Energy Act gave the AEC the authority to define restricted data, that is 

to say, classified information about atomic weapons. If any equipment 

on SILVERPLATE aircraft remained restricted data, all mechanics who 

went near them had to be individually cleared, and this involved a timeconsuming check by the FBI. When 8,500 men of the Eighth Air Force 

needed such clearances, the magnitude of the problem became evident. 

With support from the Military Liaison Committee, the AAF was able to 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, 1947-1952, p 139. 

Ltr, Col H. G. Bunker, Chmn T&TLC, to Col J. G. Armstrong, DCAS/R 

& D, subj: AAF Participation in AFSWP and AEC Activities, Jun 25, 1947, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1947, 353 Bomb Cmdrs & Weaponeers, Box 

8, MFB, NA; Lilienthal, Journals, pp 12, 136, 203, 236, 247-252. 

Memo, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG 

AAF, subj: Air Force Participation in the Atomic Energy Program, Aug 6, 1947, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst For AE, 1947, 360.2 AAF Participation in AE 

Prog, Box 8, MMB, NA. 

128 

43 

44 
Uncertain Phase 

negotiate a compromise during the summer and fall of 1947. Restrictions 

were removed from all but a few easily-removable items. Major Roark also 

helped by devising a simple method to remove critical items from the 

aircraft during routine maintenan~e.~~ 

Although Lilienthal was impressed with the AAF”s willingness to 

widen access to atomic information, in contrast to Groves, the Atomic 

Energy Commission remained firm. It could not allow the War Department do its own background investigations for security clearances. An 

interagency panel under the auspices of the Military Liaison Committee 

supported the commission’s position, but the AAF still hoped to overcome 

this obstacle and eliminate the backlog.47 

Another unresolved issue directly affected SAC‘S operational readiness: the training of atomic personnel. The AAF continued to depend on 

the Special Weapons Project to supply trained bomb commanders and 

weaponeers as well as assembly teams. Late in 1947 only two assembly 

teams existed, The T & TLC estimated that, once a bomb was ferried to a 

combat base, it would take sixty hours to have it loaded in a B-29 and 

ready to go, and that more than a day would be required to assemble and 

load each additional bomb. Planners speculated that bombs could either 

be assembled fully at a rear base and ferried forward or partially assembled and then completed at the forward base. Further complicating the 

process, neither the Special Weapons Project nor the AEC had conducted 

training in the procedures for turning bombs over to the 509th.48 

According to Air Staff calculations, the AAF needed about 200 

weaponeers and 180 bomb commanders to man the strategic air force. The 

Special Weapons Project’s program to train these specialists continued 

during 1947, but in August Groves canceled the bomb commanders’ course 

on the grounds that the original quota had been met. When LeMay 

objected and submitted an AAF requirement to train another 114, the 

Chief of the Special Weapons Project announced that such a large number 

would endanger security. Groves and JkMay subsequently reached a 

compromise: the project would conduct a short orientation course for staff 

officers and resume training of bomb commanders for the atomic 

Memo, Lt Gen L. H. Brereton, Chmn MLC, to Secs War, Navy, subj: 

Recommendation for Declassification of Special Modifications for Atomic Bomb 

Carrying Aircraft, Jan 14, 1947; Itr, Lt Gen L. H. Brereton, Chmn MLC, to Secs 

War, Navy, subj: Declassification of Special Modifications for Atomic Bomb 

Carrying Aircraft, May 15, 1947, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 

1947, 452.01 Mod of Saddle Tree and Silver Plate, Box 9, MMB, NA, Little, 

Foundations, Pt 2, p 392. 

46 

Lilienthal, Journals, p 185; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 415-428. 47 

48 Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 521-527. 

129 
Strategic Air Force 

squadrons. On the other hand, the course for weaponeers fell behind 

schedule because of the difficulty of finding qualified people:' 

Lack of information also impeded the development of new bombers to 

carry the atomic bomb. The B-45 four-engine jet, under order for use as a 

light bomber, had been modified to carry the weapon, but the design had 

been incorrect, based on faulty data, and further modification was needed. 

In May of 1946 the Air Materiel Command had studied the whole problem 

of which aircraft could accommodate the atomic weapon. Some bombers, 

such as the B-50 and the Flying Wing, might lose range and speed when 

loaded with the weapon. On the other hand, the giant B-36 could easily 

carry several bombs, and the XB-47 looked promising if the bomb bay 

door were modified. In November 1946 the Assistant Chief of Air Staff for 

Materiel directed that the B-52 and all subsequent bombers be designed 

from the beginning to accommodate the bomb. Earlier types would be 

modified after production if the work was not too costly and performance 

did not seriously suffer. By the end of 1947 the AAF had a schedule for 

modifying existing B-36s and B-50s. This plan would give the AAF six 

atomic groups by 1949: three of B-36s, two of B-50s, and one of B-29s. 

At that point, no more B-29s would be modified. Work would be speeded 

up if depots besides Sacramento could be cleared to do it.50 

Meanwhile, in May 1947 the modification program changed its name. 

SILVERPLATE had never been an official codeword but rather an informal 

nickname that was used widely and with some confusion. At times SILVERPLATE had referred to the 509th Group, the modification of the aircraft, 

the AAF atomic energy program, or even the entire national atomic effort. 

Suspecting that the term had become too well known, the Air Staff gave 

the name SADDLETREE to the modification project?l 

4'Zbid., Pt 1, pp 357-369; memo, Col W. M. Garland, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops/Tng), 

to Brig Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Requirements for AAF 

A-Bomb Commander and Weaponeer Training, Oct 2.5, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD, 353 (Oct 15, 1946), Box 250; MR, Col J. G. Armstrong, Asst Ch AE Div, 

Training of Air Force Personnel by AFSWP, Aug 21, 1947, NA 341, DCS/Ops, 

0PD5"TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 353 Weaponeer Tng, Box 3, both in MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col W. M. Garland, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops/Tng), to Brig Gen A. W. 

Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Requirements for AAF A-Bomb Commander and 

Weaponeer Training, Oct 25, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 353 (Oct 15, 19461, 

Box 250; rprt, Planning Factors for Atomic Bomb Requirements, n.d. [late 471, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 471.6 Outline of Plng Factors for 

A-Bomb, Box 4, both in MMB, NA, Amy C. Fenwick, History of Saddletree Project 

(WriFht-Patterson AFB, Ohio: AMC, 1953). ' Bowen, Silueiplate, pp 366-367; Fenwick, Saddletree Project, with atch Itr S, 

Maj R. L. Roard, Eng Div AMC, to Col L. V. Harman, T&TLC, subj: Modification of B-50 Aircraft, May 6, 1947. 

130 
The AAF saw the gigantic six-engine Consolidated B-36 Peacemaker, aboue, 

as the principal deliverer of its long-range striking force in the decade following 

World War 11. It dwarfed its contemporaries, like the B-29 shown next to it, below. 
Strategic Air Force 

As the AAF approached its incarnation as the independent U.S. Air 

Force, its atomic force amounted to little more than a single group, though 

modifications to the B-50 and B-36 would provide planes for the other 

two groups. To expedite development of the necessary equipment, the 

AAF continued to seek greater control over its relationship with the 

Atomic Energy Commission. In addition, its future status as a separate 

department might give the Air Force an advantage in its duel with the 

Special Weapons Project over the atomic weapon. However, despite the 

disagreements and organizational rivalries, circumstances would soon push 

all the principal groups, the Air Force, the Military Liaison Committee, 

the Special Weapons Project, and the Atomic Energy Commission, toward 

the most ambitious effort undertaken since the building of the bomb itself. 

Command of Strategic Forces 

The atomic force in SAC, though small in size, was clearly becoming 

one of the nation’s major means for security. Meanwhile, the rest of the 

command was engaged in laying the groundwork for the day when all 

bomb units were atomic-capable. Until then, the B-29 force provided a 

capability to drop a substantial load of conventional bombs on a trouble 

spot anywhere in a large part of the world. But to employ SAC in a truly 

worldwide role would require establishing bases overseas. Questions naturally arose concerning the control of these bases as well as the nature of 

the forces operating from them. 

Airmen tended to have a definite response to the issue of command 

structure. From the “GHQ Air Service Reserve” of 1918, through the 

GHQ Air Force, to the Twentieth Air Force and Spaatz’s US. Strategic 

Air Forces in August 1945-various air organizations offered models of 

the approach that seemed most conducive to the effective command of 

strategic air force: a centrally controlled air striking force answering 

directly to the highest level of command:’ On the other hand, one of the 

“lessons” of the Second World War was the need for unity of command in 

each theater. The division of command in the Pacific between General 

Douglas MacArthur and Admiral Chester W. Nimitz was often considered 

an unfortunate deviation from this principle. Likewise, although the Navy 

had accepted the creation of Twentieth Air Force during wartime, airmen 

doubted whether such agreement would be forthcoming in the future. 

52 See Chapter I. 

132 
Uncertain Phase 

The Pacific remained a bone of contention between the Army and 

Navy even after the war, and during 1946 the chiefs staged a continuing 

debate over a plan for theater commands?3 One of the crucial issues 

appeared to be the status of MacArthur in Japan.54 Ironically during the 

Army-Navy disagreements, the leaders of the future independent Air 

Force began to formulate a concept of command structure that would 

further complicate the discussion. 

Besides the Pacific theater, the Arctic frontier also posed a peculiar 

problem for command arrangements. Because of the increasing range of 

airplanes, AAF spokesmen foresaw the day when the polar icecap would 

no longer be an obstacle to attack, and air power would predominate in 

that region. Norstad suggested that the whole Arctic side of North America, from the Aleutians to Greenland, should be considered a single 

theater of war?5 However, a more traditional view held that Alaska and 

the islands of the North Atlantic represented two different avenues along 

which the continent could be attacked or defended. As such, the JCS 

continued to think of Alaska and the North Atlantic as two separate 

theaters. No matter what the division, the AAF began to plan training for 

operations in the cold, ice, and long days and nights of the polar regions. 

In order to carry out its Arctic missions, the AAF would have to be 

involved in exploration and cold weather research. All, or at least twothirds, of SAC’S units would have to train in northern latitudes. Plans 

called for rotating units for summer training in Greenland as well as for 

year-round operations in Newfoundland and Alaska. As previously noted, 

the 28th Bomb Group went to Elmendorf in October, but a shift of funds 

prevented sending a unit to Newfoundland in 1946?6 

There could be no doubt what command arrangements the Air Staff 

preferred for the Arctic forces. In September 1946 Brig. Gen. Thomas S. 

Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 171-174. 

Extract from Mins, JPS 240th Mtg, Tentative Over-all Strategic Concept and 

Estimate of Initial Operations, Short Title “Pincher,” Jun 18, 1946, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 1946), Box 949, MMB, NA. 

56 R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep Cmdr AAF, to ACAS-3 

(Ops), Summer Maneuvers and Other Activities in Greenland, Apr 2, 1946, RG 

341, TS AAG File 22, Box 7; R&R Sheet, Col A. P. Tacon, Jr, Theater Br 

ACAS-3 (Ops), to Allocation Br ACAS-3 (Ops), Cancellation of Plans for Deployment of the 307th VHB Gp to Newfoundland, Nov 15, 1946, RG 18, 1946-1947 

AAG, 370 Deployment, Etc, Misc, Vol 2, Box 632; memo, Brig Gen T. S. Power, 

Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, subj: AAF Situation in Alaska, 

Sep 27, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 23, Box 7, all in MMB, NA. 

53 

54Zbid., pp 173-181. 55 

133 
Strategic Air Force 

Power, Deputy Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Operations under Partridge, voiced the the AAF’s position. VHB units in Alaska should report 

directly to the Commanding General of SAC, receiving administrative 

support from the theater headquarter^.^^ In November General Spaatz 

proposed this structure for both Alaska and the proposed Northeast 

Command (Newfoundland, Labrador, and Greenland) before the Joint 

Chiefs of Staff. Responding to objections from Nimitz, the AAF chief 

argued that with long range bombers a theater became merely a staging 

base for strategic forces headquartered in the United States. The Navy 

chief then pointed out that this gave the joint chiefs an interest in the 

operations of forces in the continental United States, an argument that 

Spaatz accepted. The air chief further proposed that he be appointed the 

executive agent for the JCS to operate SAC. To settle the matter Norstad, 

representing the War Department, met with Vice Admiral Forrest P. 

Sherman, Deputy Chief of Naval Operations, and an aviator, to work out 

the details of a Unified Command Plan. With Eisenhower sponsoring 

various compromises, the chiefs adopted this plan on December 12, 1946.’* 

As approved by President Truman on December 14, the Unified 

Command Plan established several theater commands. In each one, the 

theater commander was responsible to the JCS for the operations of all 

Army and Navy forces assigned to him, while the individual services 

provided administrative support for their own forces. Besides the units 

within the joint theater commands, the Strategic Air Command would be 

“comprised of strategic air forces not otherwise assigned” and normally 

stationed in the continental United States. The SAC Commander, like the 

theater commanders, was directly responsible to the JCS.59 This plan did 

not resolve all problems in actual command relations, even in Alaska, but 

it did serve as grounds for eventually giving SAC control of forces 

overseas. The strategic force was acknowledged as a major arm of national 

strategy. In the years that followed, the term “specified command” came 

into use, partly to describe SAC‘S unique position. However, the command’s 

early link to the JCS, forged in December 1946, marked the first steps 

towards its emergence as a separate, powerful national strategic organization. 

” Memo, Brig Gen T. S. Power, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to CG AAF, subj: AAF 

Situa$on in Alaska, Sep 27, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 23, BOX 7, MMB, NA. 

Schnabel, JCS, 1945-1947, pp 181-185; Wolk, Planning and Organizing, 

59JCSM-1259-27, to President, Dec 12, 1946, cited in Schnabel, JCS, 

pp 158-160. 

1945-2947, pp 184-185. 

134 
Uncertain Phase 

Planning for Atomic War 

Although the Joint Chiefs of Staff had no statutory basis until the 

passage of the National Security Act of 1947, they had evolved as the 

principal forum for the War and Navy Departments to arrive at common 

policy and strategy. With their origins in the prewar Joint Board, the chiefs 

had been the logical agency to develop a joint war and mobilization plan 

after World War I. The COLOR plans that culminated in the RAINBOW 

series of 1939-1940 had envisioned a range of threats, although the 

RAINBOW plans appeared when the situation was clearer and the threat 

was from the Axis powers?’ The postwar situation appeared simpler 

because there was only one plausible enemy. But, despite the growing 

estrangement between the United States and the Soviet Union in 

1946-1947, war seemed unlikely in the near future. The Joint Staff 

conducted some studies of the strategic problems involved in such a 

conflict, the individual services drafted plans for their own use, and toward 

the end of 1947 the joint chiefs actually began to discuss proposals for a 

complete joint plan. Thus planning made limited progress during the 

period of postwar reorganization. 

The COLOR plans of the interwar years had been largely requirements 

plans. In other words, planners devised a strategy and then determined the 

size of the forces needed to carry it out.61 The postwar situation, characterized by fear of another “Pearl Harbor”-the possibility of a surprise air 

attack opening the war-lent importance to a second type, known as 

capabilities planning, which outlined actions that existing forces should 

take in an emergency.6z Capabilities plans thus presupposed forces in 

being. This awareness stimulated concern in the services about America’s 

military strength and in turn fostered an interest in new requirements 

planning for maintaining forces and budgeting for defense needs. 

Certainly the military power of the USSR was formidable. Two years 

after the war, air intelligence officers admitted that the Soviets’ long-range 

air force had little potential as a strategic bombing force, especially 

Mark S. Watson, The Chief of Stajj? Prewar Plans and Preparations [The 

United States Army in World War IZ: The War Department] (Washington: GPO, 

60 

1950), pp 87-88, 103-104. zt Ibid. 

Memo, CSA to JCS (1630), subj: Strategic Guidance to Facilitate Planning 

within the Joint Agencies, Feb 19, 1946, with encl, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 

Strat Guid (Feb 19, 19461, Box 382, MMB, NA. 

135 
Strategic Air Force 

because it lacked long-range escort fighters. On the other hand, the 

massive Soviet Army, supported by enormous tactical air forces, inspired 

something like awe in the Americans. The Intelligence Staff (Director of 

Intelligence) of the War Department believed that the Soviet Union could 

mobilize ten million men in thirty days, and a very large part this force 

would be effective at the onset of a war. Estimates of the current active 

force totaled four and half million men in over two hundred divisions. The 

air forces had 15,500 planes in operating units. The 1,100 bombers of the 

long-range force, for the most part twin-engined, had a combat radius of 

about 750 miles, although four-engine bombers such as the Tu (Tupolev)-4 

(thought to be copied from a B-29 that had landed and been detained in 

the Soviet Union), with a radius of over 1,000 miles, were believed to be in 

the inventory. The Air Intelligence Division thought that the Soviets 

needed to overhaul their air force completely and expected that they 

would do 

American analysts attributed to the Soviet forces a frightening potential to overrun Europe, at least to the Alps and the Pyrenees. They might 

not be able to obtain bases from which the Mediterranean could be closed, 

but certainly northern Europe and especially England would be vulnerable 

to air attack by the Soviets’ long-range force virtually at the outset of a 

war. U.S. occupation forces in Europe would have to withdraw somehow 

(hence McNarney’s reluctance to build a large command). The European 

states lacked the means to resist the Red onslaught. Another Soviet 

objective would be the Middle East, where they could deny the West air 

bases and 

Attacking the USSR by air would be difficult and was expected to 

grow tougher as the Soviets improved their air arm. At the time, military 

intelligence believed that Russians had few night fighters, but for day 

defense Soviet jet fighters superior to the Germans’ wartime Messerschmitt 262 might be in production. German radar scientists, caught 

behind Russian lines, were thought to be working on an air defense 

63 Air Intel Rprt 100-10/5/1-79, 34, ACAS-2 (Intel), Estimate of the Capabilities of Potential Enemies to Conduct Air Attack against the United States in 

the Period to 1955, Nov 5, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 26, Box 9; Air Intel Rprt 

100-153-34, ACAS-2/0NI, Intelligence Estimate of Soviet Air Force Mobilization Potential (19511, Mar 27, 1947, RG 341, TS AAG File 27, Box 9, both in 

MMB, NA. The Air Intelligence Division, the author of these reports, was an 

agency of the ACAS-2 (Intel), but it contained an Air Intelligence Group, manned 

equally by Army and Navy air officers. 

Briefing, Maj Gen L. Norstad, Dir P & 0, War Dept, to President, Postwar 

Military Establishment, Oct 29, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 28, Box 9; Air Intel 

Rprt 100-62-34, ACAS-2/0NI, Estimate of Russian Capabilities in the Mediterranean, May 9, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 26, Box 9, both in MMB, NA. See also 

Steven Ross, American War Plans. 

136 

64 
Uncertain Phase 

system. Furthermore, within a few years the Soviets could start to build a 

large part of their industrial plant ~nderground.~~ 

In a future war, U.S. military planners envisioned relying on the 

traditional strategy of mobilization. When they were ready, America and 

its allies would launch a counteroffensive. Planning for such a contingency 

was complicated because its long-term objectives depended on political 

direction that had not yet been received.@ The immediate focus therefore 

was on the early stages of a war, when key positions had to be defended 

and the sea lanes kept open. Naval planners argued that the fleet would 

continue its customary role as the first line of defense, but the War 

Department foresaw that an offensive could be conducted from the outset 

with strategic bombers.” At the other end of the spectrum, AAF officers 

believed that they possessed “the only major strategic U.S. force capable 

of conducting sustained, effective operations against the enemy.. . ” during 

the opening months.68 Thus the strategic air offensive became the centerpiece of AAF thinking about the next war. 

In fact the air offensive was one of the most striking new notes in a 

planning process largely based on concepts from the 1930s. Logistical plans 

contained many references to “educational orders” and stockpiles of raw 

materials, the staples of prewar mobilization planr~ing.‘~ Even more imporAir Intel Rprt 100-136-34, ACAS-2 (Intel), Significant Developments of 

Scientific Warfare in Russia, Nov 29, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 26, Box 9; memo, 

Brig Gen T. S. Power, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), to Brig Gen W. L. Ritchie, Ch WPD 

ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Present VHB Capabilities Against USSR Oil Targets, Oct 4, 

1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 19461, Box 380, both in MMB, 

NA’66 Memo, Lt Col R. C. Richardson 111, Strat Br ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Strategic 

Guidance for Mobilization Planning, n.d. [Dec 461, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 

Strat63uid (Feb 13, 1946), Box 382, MMB, NA. 

Memo, RAdm C. D. Glover, Op-30, to Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & 

Pol Gp, P & 0, War Dept, Brig Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (PI), subj: Notes 

for Strategic Guidance in Planning, Dec 4, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 

Strat Guid (Feb 19, 1946), Box 382; Extract from Mins, JPS, Concept of Operations 

for “Pincher,” Mar 6, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 

2, 19461, Box 949, both in MMB, NA. 

‘*Memo, Col E. Vandevanter, Jr., AAF, to Col R. F. Tate, OPD, War Dept, 

subj: Proposed Composition and Deployment of United States Air Force during 

the Period 1946-1950 and after 1950, Jan 21, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

P & 2 320.2 (Apr 4, 19441, TS Supp, Box 129A, MMB, NA. 

Rprt, JLC 395/1 to JSSC, Strategic Guidance to Facilitate Planning within 

the Joint Agencies, Mar 22, 1946, with encl, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Strat 

Guid (Feb 19,1946), Box 382, MMB, NA. Educational orders were token orders of 

new equipment designed to allow manufacturers to learn what tooling they would 

need to produce at wartime levels. 

137 

65 
Strategic Air Force 

tant, the vision of total war that had developed out of the whole experience of the twentieth century remained largely intact. Atomic weapons 

simply made the great war of the future more destructive and total. In 

postwar planning, there was only a glimmer of the idea of intervention in 

limited, local wars. Secretary Forrestal’s voice was among those advocating 

more attention to this possibility, but most strategists saw the Soviet threat 

in terms of its capability for total war. 

Strategic air power, while it obviously had a place in a concept of total 

war, was a newer phenomenon than total war itself. Although Army 

planners recognized the importance of strategic air power, in September 

1946 one staff officer told Brig. Gen. Frank F. Everest, the Deputy 

Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Plans, that only persistent pressure from 

the AAF kept the War Department aware of it. He noted, “Now it seems 

that the same old thinking of World War I1 is coming up again with the 

result that Air Power is treated as an adjunct to Ground and Sea Power.”70 

Also driving the planners of all services toward an appreciation of the 

need for a strategic air offensive was their perception of overwhelming 

Soviet strength on the ground. As Brig. Gen. Reuben E. Jenkins of the 

War Department Plans and Operations Directorate noted: “combined 

United States and British manpower cannot possibly defeat Russia on the 

field without a preliminary air effort of maximum ~iolence.”~~ In aseries 

of planning studies prepared by the Joint Staff during 1946, known as 

PINCHER, the one major offensive operation envisioned for the early 

months of a war with the USSR was the strategic air offensive. For the 

rest, U.S. land and sea forces would have to concentrate on withdrawing 

from Germany, securing key bases for the counteroffensive, and keeping 

the sea lanes open. At the start, the strategic air offensive would attempt 

to destroy the enemy’s warmaking potential in preparation for the next 

stage. During the mobilization phase, the nation would reinforce the 

strategic bombing force and develop forces for the counter~ffensive.~~ 

Naval planners did not deny the importance of the strategic air 

offensive. In planning for total war, their objective seemed to be to ensure 

parity for naval and strategic air forces. Naval strategists regularly emphasized the need for control of the Mediterranean so as to ensure access to 

Memo for Brig Gen F. F. Everest, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), Sep 6, 1946, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 19461, Sect 3, Box 949, MMB, NA. 

71 Extract from Mins, JPS, Concept of Operations for “Pincher,” Mar 6, 1946, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 19461, Box 949, MMB, 

Rprt, JWPC 432/6, Tentative Over-all Strategic Concept and Estimate of 

Initial Operations, Short Title “Pincher,” Jun 10, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 1946), Box 949, MMB, NA. 

70 

NA‘ 72 

138 
Uncertain Phase 

the oil and air bases of the Middle East. However, should the Soviets 

reach the English Channel, air bases in the British Isles would be vulnerable, bringing their value into question. Thus the Navy outlined a major 

defensive role for the fleet.73 

Whether the strategic bombing offensive would use atomic bombs was 

so far a largely academic question. Few planners had much information, 

and the stockpile was, for the time being, small. Nevertheless, by September 1946 some discussion of possible targets was under way.74 Despite the 

uncertainties, few wanted to eschew the “decisive advantage” atomic 

weapons afforded.75 Admirals Nimitz and Leahy objected to mentioning 

the bomb in the PINCHER documents. The stated reason was that the bomb 

might be outlawed, but Leahy intimated that his real concern was for the 

danger that a ‘‘leak‘’ about atomic war planning while Baruch was advocating disarmament at the United Nations might lead to bad publicity. Spaatz 

won the support of War Department Plans and Operations for a compromise. The bomb would be mentioned in the PINCHER plans, with the 

proviso that it might be banned.76 

Extracts from Mins, JPS, Concept of Operations for “Pincher,” Mar 6, 1946, 

Mar 13, 1946; Tentative Over-all Strategic Concept and Estimate of Initial Operations, Short Title “Pincher,” Jun 18, 1946, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 

Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 1946), Box 949; rprt, JWPC 486/1 to JPS, Strategic 

Guidance for Mobilization Planning, Dec 18, 1946, with Encl B: Joint Outline War 

Plan, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Strat Guid (Feb 19, 1946), Box 382, all in 

MMB, NA. 

74 David A. Rosenberg, “American Atomic Strategy and the Hydrogen Bomb 

Decision,” Journal of American History, 66 (Jun 19791, p 65; memo, Maj Gen G. C. 

McDonald, ACAS-2 (Intel), & Brig Gen J. A. Samford, Dep ACAS-2 (Intel), to 

Brig Gen W. L. Ritchie, Ch WPD ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: The Selection of Thirty Most 

Important Cities of the USSR Proper.. . , Oct 7, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

P & 2 381 (Sep 10, 1946), Box 380, MMB, NA. 

Rprt, JWPC 432/6, Tentative Over-all Strategic Concept and Estimate of 

Initial Operations, Short Title, “Pincher,” Jun 10, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

381 pssia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 19461, Box 949, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Adm C. W. Nimitz, CNO, to Gen D. D. Eisenhower, CSA, Jun 13, 

1946; draft memo, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to JCS, subj: Tentative Over-all 

Strategic Concept and Estimate of Initial Operations, Short Title “Pincher,” n.d. 

[Jun 461; rprt, JWPC 432/6 (Revised) to JPS, Tentative Over-all Strategic Concept 

and Estimate of Initial Operations, Short Title “Pincher,” Jun 14, 1946, all in RG 

341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia “Pincher” (Mar 2, 19461, Box 949, MMB, NA, 

memo, Spaatz to JCS 1630/4, subj: Classification of General Assumptions for Joint 

Planning Purposes, Jul 1, 1946; memo, to Spaatz, subj: JCS 1630/4, n.d. [Jul 461; 

memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0, War Dept, to CSA, subj: 

Classification of General Assumptions for Joint Planning Purposes, Jul 11, 1946, all 

in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Strat Guid (Feb 19, 1946), Box 382, MMB, NA. 

73 

139 
Strategic Air Force 

Elrnendorf Field, later Air Force Base, near Anchorage, Alaska, in 1946 was 

part of the proposed U.S. Continental Defense Theater comprising Alaska and the 

islands of the North Atlantic from the Aleutians to Greenland. 

Joint planners saw the atomic bomb as a means of intensifying the 

strategic air offensive and resolving it sooner. George Lincoln suggested 

that the weapon could be used against less accessible targets. On the other 

hand, AAF officers felt that an atomic “blitz,” rapid strikes at key targets, 

might paralyze an aggressor and cause his defeat. The questions were: 

what are the key targets, and how does the force organize to attack 

them?77 

With atomic weapons, just as with high explosives, the strategic air 

offensive required target lists and bases with secure access. Air intelligence 

officers had been collecting data about Soviet industry and geography since 

1945. In the Air Intelligence Division a Strategic Vulnerability Branch had 

been established under the direct authority of the joint chiefs and was 

engaged in developing a worldwide “bombing encyclopedia” of potential 

strategic targets. Still, the services knew almost nothing about possible 

R & R Sheet, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, ACAS-3 (Ops), to DCAS/R & D, 

Army Air Forces’ concept of Strategic Bombing, Jun 7, 1946, RG 18, 1946--1947 

AAG, 353.41 Bombing, Box 629; Extract from Mins, JPS, 245th Mtg, Apr 17, 1946, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Russia (Mar 2, 19461, Box 949, both in MMB, NA. 

77 

140 
Uncertain Phase 

targets in the Soviet Union. The rigid secrecy of a totalitarian society 

compounded the problem.78 No air base could provide coverage of all the 

targets until the long-range B-36s became available in quantity. In April 

1946 the Joint War Plans Committee focused on England and Egypt as the 

most promising areas for bases. B-29s could reach the oil facilities of the 

Caucasus region from Egypt. From Karachi and Lahore in British India 

they could strike most of the industrial complex that Stalin had built in the 

Urals. The joint committee believed that England and Egypt could be 

defended and that the Soviets could probably not cut sea communications 

except in the Mediterra~~ean.~’ 

Using the proposed bases required obtaining consent from the British, 

fortunately, a close ally of the United States. In Egypt the RAF’s fields 

could serve as the nucleus of a strategic complex, and the United Kingdom’s influence in the country seemed secure. On the other hand, civil 

disturbances in India could pose a security problem. Acquiring the existing 

RAF bases in England would be the logical first step, and the joint 

committee recommended sending a mission to London to negotiate for 

their use in wartime. At the time, PROJECT WONDERFUL was still alive, so 

the planners predicted that some of the B-29 groups might need to be 

stationed there in peacetime as well.*’ 

When Spaatz visited England at the end of June and the beginning of 

July 1946, the subject of bases did arise. The Americans and the British 

had agreed to support international control of atomic weapons, but in the 

aftermath of two world wars, both were inclined to take precautions. The 

meeting between Spaatz and his British counterpart, Air Chief Marshal Sir 

Arthur Tedder, included symbolic gestures of Anglo-American solidarity, 

such as the visit to England of an AAF fighter squadron, but the two 

leaders did achieve real progress on a number of issues. They agreed to 

exchange material for use in their respective nations’ debates over air 

78 John T. Greenwood, “The Emergence of the Postwar Strategic Air Force, 

1945-1953,” in Hurley & Ehrhart, eds, Air Power and Warfare, p 224; Air Intel 

Rprt 100-10/5/1-79,34, ACAS-2 (Intel), Estimate of the Capabilities of Potential 

Enemies to Conduct Air Attack Against the United States in the Period to 1955, 

Nov 5, 1946, RG 341, TS AAG File 26, Box 9, MMB, NA; Vance 0. Mitchell, “The 

World War I1 Legacy and the Early Postwar Period, 1945-1948,” Chapter I of 

draft CAFH study, The United States Air Force and Intelligence, 1946-1953, 1989, 

pussinz, CAFH. 

Rprt, JWPC to JPS 789/1, Staff Studies of Certain Military Problems 

Deriving from Concept of Operations for “Pincher,” Apr 13, 1946, with App B: 

Appreciation of Air Base Areas Initially Required in Strategic Air Offensive 

against the USSR, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD 381, Russia (Mar 2, 19461, Box 949, 

MMB, NA. 

8o Ibid. 

141 
Strategic Air Force 

power. The British appeared quite receptive to the use of their airfields in 

wartime and even before.’l In addition, “Tedder agreed to insure that 

there would be certain physical facilities on two air fields adequate for the 

handling of some very special purpose VLR [very long range] aircraft.”s2 

Spaatz would send an officer knowledgeable in atomic operations to help 

with the construction. Col. Elmer E. Kirkpatrick, Jr., who had built the 

atomic site at Tinian, visited England later in the year under this agreement.83 The air chiefs also discussed communications facilities on the air 

route across Africa. This route had proven critical during World War I1 

in transporting air supplies and planes to Egypt and India, when the 

Germans had closed the Mediterranean. 

As the PINCHER studies developed, the Air Staff produced its own 

strategic bombing plan for the early months of war. In September 1946 

Maj. Gen. Otto P. Weyland, Norstad’s successor as Assistant Chief of Air 

Staff for Plans, accepted this plan, known as MAKEFAST. When General 

Spaatz reviewed it, he directed that it be continually ~pdated.’~ The plan 

drew heavily from the wartime experience with the B-29. Because the 

Memo, Maj Gen C. Bissell, Mil Att London, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, 

subj: Reminder on Decisions Taken during London Visit (Jun 25-28), Jun 28, 1946, 

RG 341, TS AAG File 23, Box 7, MMB, NA. For a discussion of the British atomic 

program, see Margaret Gowing and Lorna Arnold, Independence and Deterrence: 

Britain and Atomic Eneqy, 1945-1952, Vol I: Policy-Making, (NY: Saint Martin’s, 

1974), pp 63, 92-93, 183-185. The MacMahon Act had largely eliminated the 

chance for close Anglo-American cooperation in atomic energy. The British made 

the decision to manufacture an atomic bomb in January 1947, both the decision 

and the project being undertaken in the greatest secrecy. Tedder was acutely aware 

that the United Kingdom would be heavily dependent on the U.S. for any reliance 

on atomic deterrence that did not involve British-made weapons. There was in 

1946 and 1947 no formal commitment from the United States to British security. 

An agreement with Spaatz on setting up atomic bases would clearly make American support easier in a crisis. 

82 Memo, Maj Gen C. Bissell, Mil Att London, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, 

subj: Reminder on Decisions Taken during London Visit (Jul 4-61, Jul 6, 1946, 

atch to R & R Sheet, Lt Gen I. C. Eaker, Dep CG AAF, to Air Staff, Decisions 

Reached in London between Gen Spaatz & Air Ministry (Jun 461, Jul21,1946, RG 

341, $S AAG File 23, Box 7, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Mai Gen C. Bissell, Mil Att London, to Gen C. A. SVaatz, CG AAF, 

81 

Aug 16, 1946, Spaatz Coll, Aug 1-31, 1946, Box’250, MD, LC; Jdnes, ‘Manhattan; 

vv 526-527. 

Memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0, War Dept, to Brig 

Gen F. F. Everest, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Plan for the Immediate Initiation of 

Strategic Air Operations, Sep 10, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, P & 0 381 (Sep 

10, 19461, Box 380; memo, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, VCSAF, to Sec AF, subj: Status 

of Current Joint War and Mobilization Planning, Nov 6, 1947, RG 341, TS AAG 

File 28, Box 9, both in MMB, NA. 

84 11 

142 
Uncertain Phase 

force available in the first six months of a war would be limited, the 

buildup thus far having proved painfully slow, the strategic air offensive 

could not hope to cripple the Soviet electric power net, steel industry, or 

transportation system. Instead, the planners turned to that sure winner in 

the European air war, oil. In fact, some of the POL [petroleum, oil, 

lubricants] targets listed in eastern Europe would be familiar to veterans of 

the Eighth Air Force.85 

Based on the experience of the bombing of Japan, AAF planners 

envisioned night operations relying on radar for accuracy. The B-29s 

would fly singly, without escort. Some daylight attacks would go in, using a 

stream of squadron formations. The Air Staff used wartime figures to 

calculate probable bombing accuracies and aircraft losses. In the area of 

electronic defenses, the Soviets were using radars obtained from the 

United States under lend-lease or captured from the Germans-and 

similar to the equipment the Americans had acquired. Thus there was 

enough information to offer some hope for efforts at jamming Soviet 

defenses.86 All the same, MAKEFAST could not be considered a capabilities 

plan, as an American strategic bombing capability did not exist. Rather, 

the plan presented the rationale for stating a series of requirements for 

the strategic air offensive. Essentially the airmen argued that a strategic 

air force was the one force that could be maintained in peacetime and 

allow America to strike effectively in the early months of a war.87 

The atomic bomb therefore appeared the logical means of maximizing 

firepower in the face of the daunting task of achieving sufficient damage 

with conventional bombs. The fading prospect of international control 

made it easier for planners to assume the use of the bomb. And in the 

aftermath of the Bikini tests, the Air Staff was starting to think more 

seriously about atomic war. It was agreed that there was no defense 

against atomic attack. A nation could not afford to be unprepared, for 

atomic bombs could wipe out its means to fight before it could 

By the same token, a strong offensive force might allow victory to be 

Plan, ACAS-5 (Pl) to Dir P & 0, War Dept, Air Plan for MAKEFAST, Oct 

1, 1946, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 1946), Box 380, MMB, NA. 

Rprt, JWPC 486/1 to JPS, Strategic Guidance for Mobilization Planning, 

Dec 18, 1946, with Encl B: Joint Outline War Plan; memo, Lt Col R. C. 

Richardson 111, Strat Br ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Strategic Guidance for Mobilization 

Planning, n.d. [Dec 461, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 Strat Guid (Feb 19, 

19461, Box 382, MMB, NA. 

88 Presentation by Brig Gen T. S. Power to Joint CROSSROADS Committee 

Symposium on the Scientific Aspects of Operation CROSSROADS, n.d., RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1946,373 Crossroads, Box 2, MMB, NA. 

85 

86 Ibid. 87 

143 
Strategic Air Force 

gained by air power alone. And in the event that another country developed atomic weapons and “ . . . neither the U.S. nor the potential enemy 

possesses adequate defenses, the Air Force may be employed as a retaliatory threat to aggression, and is the only force capable of being so 

empl~yed.”~~ This “retaliatory threat” then existed in SAC‘S Eighth Air 

Force. Despite the obvious strategic advantage, as Thomas Power cautioned the Operations staff, as long as bombs were scarce, careful planning 

and targeting were needed to give each strike the maximum effect.g0 

In July 1947 the Joint Chiefs of Staff Evaluation Board (the Compton 

Board) completed its long-awaited report on the Bikini tests. Many of the 

findings were no surprise to planners in the War and Navy Departments. 

The report’s main contribution, however, lay in providing some common 

understanding of the technical facts and the potential of atomic weapons. 

The board concluded that atomic bombing could be decisive in a war and 

that it could “demolish [a nation’s] social and economic structures.” The 

only way to overcome this threat to civilization was to end war itself. 

Though the board did not cite the disappointing record thus far of 

attempts at international control under the auspicies of the United Nations, those setbacks made their recommendations more persuasive. Other 

nations would have atomic weapons in due course. Failing peaceful solutions, the United States had to be ready to defend itself against a potential 

atomic threat.” 

The Compton Board developed some longstanding themes of defense 

thinking of the time. The report repeated the call for adequate intelligence, including information on atomic programs abroad, and it recommended a strong program of research and development. Atomic testing 

had to continue. The development of weapons and their means of delivery 

had to be coordinated. Armies and navies were not obsolete, nor were 

overseas bases. The board also came to the support of the AAF. Excessive 

89 Rprt, Estimate of Potential Effects of Atomic Bomb On Air Forces Employment, Jan 23, 1947, atch to R&R Sheet, Cmt 3, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/ 

R & D, to ACAS-3 (Ops), Technical Symposium, Operation CROSSROADS, Jan 

27, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD S, Asst for AE, 1947, 373 Crossroads, Box 8, 

MMB, NA. 

;y See Note 88. 

Rprt, JCS 1691/10, Proposed Release of an Extracted Version of the Final 

Report of the JCS Evaluation Board on Operation Crossroads and the Related 

Proposed Press Release, Dec 29, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, 384.3 (Aug 

17, 1945), Sect 9, Box 450; memo, R. Dorfman, Ops An ACAS-3 (Ops), to Brig 

Gen T. S. Power, Dep ACAS-3 (Ops), subj: Brief of Evaluation Board Findings, 

Jul25, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947,373 Crossroads, Box 

4, both in MMB, NA. 

144 
Uncertain Phase 

secrecy, the report pointed out, was an obstacle to effective atomic forces. 

As for a real capability, this was said to consist of four things: “a) Of 

atomic weapons in adequate numbers, b) of suitable means for their 

delivery, c) of plans for their strategic use, d) of bases within range of 

enemy targets.” Missiles and naval vessels would not be effective means of 

delivery for some years to come. The question of custody of the bombs was 

reopened as was the proposal of military representation on the AEC. The 

board also went into some planning for atomic war. Planners needed to 

assess what targets would be most destructive of the enemy’s means and 

will to fight. They would have to consider the psychological effects of an 

atomic attack or of the threat of one. Perhaps the board’s most striking 

proposal, however, concerned the danger of surprise attack. So devastating 

would such an event be that the United States ought to reconsider the 

meaning of aggression and allow the nation to strike first when necessary 

to prevent de~truction.~~ 

In general, AAF leaders received the Compton report favorably. 

LeMay noted the proposals on custody of the bombs, representation on 

the AEC, and the redefinition of aggression. He thought the board had in 

fact vindicated the AAF position and had called for a strategic striking 

force.93 As Chief of the AAF’s Atomic Energy Division, Kepner was 

perhaps less openly partisan in his comments on the report, preferring to 

focus on the weapon’s capabilities: 

The Atom Bomb’s possibilities for great destruction have increased 

the capacity of Air Power enormously. The variations in its use 

either alone or in conjunction with other forms of attack furnishes 

[sic] the greatest tool for the development of strategy and tactics 

ever conceived of to date. [Altom bombs are in being and so is Air 

Power. Both are the product of science which even in its infancy 

has produced a terrifically destructive force. We must learn enough 

not to be destroyed by this weapon in the hands of an enemy.94 

See note above; Lilienthal, Journals, p 217. President Truman was reportedly disturbed by certain passages in the report. Perhaps this hint at preemption, if 

published during the conference in Paris on the Marshall Plan, might appear 

provocative. See Lilienthal, Journals, pp 233-234. 

Memo, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R&D, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG 

AAF, subj: Operation CROSSROADS-Report of Joint Chiefs of Staff Evaluation 

Board, Jul 28, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 373 

Crossroads, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

Remarks by Maj Gen Kepner, Effect of Operation CROSSROADS on Air 

Force Materiel and Tactics, Jul 29, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for 

AE, 1947, 373 Crossroads, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

92 

93 

94 

145 
Strategic Air Force 

Kepner examined some of the technical data gathered at Bikini, especially 

concerning the possibility of detecting atomic blasts at a distance through 

the collection of radioactive air samples. He emphasized the need to 

coordinate the development of airplanes and bombs and for different 

agencies to cooperate on technical and planning matters. Concerning the 

question of security, he favored less stringent secrecy, repeating a statement he considered commonplace: “As has been said, ‘Security of the 

bomb must not imperil security of the nation.”’95 

Lilienthal, who attended one of the Evaluation Board’s briefings, 

sensed that the services were interpreting the findings as confirming their 

traditional roles.96 This may have been true to some extent, but in the War 

Department, including the AAF, there was a good deal of thought about 

the revolutionary implications of atomic weapons. The War Department’s 

Plans and Operations Division, containing many officers well-versed in the 

traditional theories of warfare, had wrestled with the question of the 

bomb’s effects. A paper prepared early in 1947 described the objective of 

war as overcoming the enemy’s will to fight. Failing this, his means to fight 

had to be destroyed. Norstad, the Division Chief, passed the paper to 

Weyland with an endorsement. He commented especially on the psychological effects of the bomb. It might be able to produce fear, hopelessness, 

and even panic in an enemy country. This could either be exploited 

directly or treated as a bonus in a more conventional campaign to destroy 

the enemy’s means to make war. Thus an atomic offensive might be used 

to blunt the advance of an aggressor over land, to paralyze him psychologically, or to destroy his industry. In any case, a balanced view held that the 

atomic bomb was quite obviously not “just another weapon;” on the other 

hand, “the way to understanding is not entirely unlighted by past experier~ce.’”~ 

The limited capability of America to wage atomic war emerged clearly 

in the plans adopted during 1947. In February the Air Staff completed an 

update of its emergency plan. Covering the early months of a war that 

came without warning, EARSHOT went further than its predecessor, MAKEFAST. Nevertheless, it assumed that the atomic bomb would not be used. 

The plan provided for tactical forces as well as long range bombing. The 

B-29s would still operate mainly from England and Egypt, although the 

95 Zbid. 

Lilienthal, Journals, pp 217, 230, 233-234. 

Paper, The Theory of Atomic Bombing, Jun 16, 1947, atch to memo, Maj 

Gen L. Norstad, Dir P & 0, WDGS, to Maj Gen 0. P. Weyland, ACAS-5 (PI), 

subj: Plans for Immediate Initiation of Atomic Warfare, Jun 18, 1947, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 19461, Box 380, MMB, NA. 

96 

97 

146 

Strategic Air Force 

former might be in some danger from Soviet successes on the continent. 

As a result, the emphasis might shift to Egypt later on. The theater 

commander would control air operations, but AAF planners hoped that in 

due course the JCS might be persuaded to give control of all strategic 

operations to SAC. In any case, the main targets remained the oil and 

aviation fuel industries. The objectives of the strategic air offensive were 

defined as: first, blunting the aggressor’s land offensive by weakening his 

logistical base; second, winning air superiority; and third, reducing the 

enemy potential to make war.98 

Alongside the rather conventional Plan EARSHOT existed a tentative 

atomic war plan, which had been under consideration since December 

1946. Eventually the plan became known as EARSHOT JUNIOR. It offered 

the hope that atomic bombs could win an early capitulation by the 

aggressor. Should this not occur, an atomic offensive would at least reduce 

the enemy’s means to fight. Taking note of the limited resources of the 

Special Weapons Project and the 509th Bomb Group, EARSHOT JUNIOR 

anticipated that no more than one atomic bomb would be dropped each 

day. Up to eight bombs might be saved up and delivered in a one-day 

operation. Much of the plan, based as it was on inadequate data, was 

purely a guess, as Weyland openly admitted. Until more staff officers 

acquired clearances and the Special Weapons Project could be compelled 

to turn over data, the plan’s major points would remain speculation^.^^ 

In April Lincoln advised the AAF planners to revise EARSHOT JUNIOR 

to account for a maximum effort. They were to assume that an atomic 

offensive would have priority over all other commitments and that “extraordinary measures” would be taken to drop the bombs.’” In July 

Tab D, Air Force War Planning and Supporting Studies, n.d., to memo, Lt 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, VCSAF, to Sec AF, subj: Status of Current Joint War and 

Mobilization Planning, Nov 6, 1947, RG 340, OSAF 1946-1950, 1 j(2), Box 3, 

MMB, NA; R & R Sheet, Brig Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (Pl), to Maj Gen 

S. E. Anderson, JSSC, AAF Short Range Emergency Plan, Mar 19, 1947, with atch: 

Outline Air Plan EARSHOT, Mar 15, 1947; memo, Maj Gen 0. P. Weyland, 

ACAS-5 (Pl), to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, May 9, 1947, all in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 19461, Box 380, MMB, NA. 

99 Memo, Maj Gen 0. P. Weyland, ACAS-5 (Pl), May 28, 1947; memo, Brig 

Gen A. W. Kissner, Actg ACAS-5 (Pl), to Brig Gen G. McDonald, ACAS-2 

(Intel), subj: Revision of Short Range Emergency Plans, Jul 2, 1947; memo, 

Weyland to Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0 Div WDGS, subj: 

Plans for Immediate Initiation of Atomic Warfare, Jun 5, 1947, all in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 19461, Box 380, MMB, NA. 

loo Memo, Brig Gen G. A. Lincoln, Ch P1 & Pol Gp, P & 0 Div WDGS, to 

Brig Gen W. L. Ritchie, Ch War PI Div, ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Plans for Immediate 

Initiation of Atomic Air Operations, Apr 24, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, 

P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 1946), Box 380, MMB, NA. 

98 

148 
Uncertain Phase 

LeMay asked the T & TLC to determine the requirements for an attack 

with ten or twenty-five bombs.”’ Such an operation might become possible 

under the AEC‘s 1948 production schedule. But if Lilienthal was not 

surprised at the reopening of the question of custody, he was also going to 

find pressure of another sort building up on Capitol Hill. When the Joint 

Committee on Atomic Energy, under the chairmanship of Senator Bourke 

B. Hickenlooper of Iowa, held hearings during the summer of 1947, 

Brereton testified for the Military Liaison Committee. He was informed 

that the Congressmen favored giving the highest priority in atomic matters 

to national defense, and that the armed services should be specific in the 

number of bombs they needed. Brereton reported to the Air Staff that the 

legislators “felt that a requirement which in effect says ‘we need more 

than you can make’ is inadequate and that such a statement would not 

exert sufficient pressure on the Atqmic Energy Commission to produce 

what is 

Brereton was told that the Air Staff was already working on a detailed 

plan.’03 This effort in the summer of 1947 produced a study of the number 

of bombs required in an atomic attack aimed at crippling Soviet industry. 

The planners, representing several agencies, agreed upon forty-nine cities 

which, if destroyed, would leave the country without military potential. By 

calculating probable bombing errors and the size of the cities, they 

determined that 100 bombs would be needed to do the job. Owing to the 

lack of fighter escort, losses would be heavy. Even night attacks and the 

use of decoy bombers with conventional bombs would not get more than 

fifty percent of the bombers through. As a result, 200 bombs would have to 

be deployed. Thus, tentatively, the AAF was starting to define its needs.’04 

The National Security Act, which passed on July 26, 1947, created a 

“National Military Establishment” headed by a Secretary of Defense. In 

addition to the War Department, renamed the Department of the Army, 

and the Navy Department, the Act created a new Department of the Air 

Force and directed that the AAF be transferred to it as the United States 

lo’ Ltr, Maj Gen C. E. LeMay, DCAS/R& D, to Chmn T&TLC, subj: 

Special Studies, Jun 27, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, P & 0 381 (Sep 10, 

19461, Box 380, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen L. H. Brereton, Chmn MLC, to CG AAF, subj: Requirements 

for Stockpiling Bombs, Jul 7, 1947, RG 341, TS AAG File 29, Box 10, MMB, NA. 

‘03Memo, Lt Gen H. S. Vandenberg, Dep Cmdr AAF, to Lt Gen L. H. 

Brereton, Chmn MLC, subj: Requirements for Stockpiling Bombs, Jul 30, 1947, 

RG 341, TS AAG File 29, Box 10, MMB, NA. ‘04 Paper, Planning Factors for Atomic Bomb Requirements, n.d. [late 471, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1947, 471.6 Outline of Plng Factors for 

A-Bomb, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

149 
Strategic Air Force 

Air Force, headed by a chief of staff co-equal with the Chief of Staff of the 

Army and the Chief of Naval operation^.'^' The airmen would no longer 

have to cope with attempts by the War Department to seek false economies 

in aircraft purchases, but they would have to accept responsibility for the 

planes they bought and win political support for adequate funding. 

To develop a program for the new Air Force when the law took effect, 

General Spaatz convened a meeting of principal staff and major commanders, to be known as the Aircraft and Weapons Board. The first meeting 

took place on August 19 and was addressed by W. Stuart Symington, who 

was expected to become secretary of the new department. He spoke of the 

culmination of the years of effort to win autonomy for America’s air arm. 

This effort had required taking the case to the people in a massive 

campaign of publicity. Now a new approach was needed. “[Wle are getting 

too much publicity,” Symington said. Spaatz also addressed the group, 

emphasizing the Air Force would have to prove that it could do the job it 

had been given.’06 

Under existing budgets, the Air Force would have enough money to 

equip thirty groups with modern aircraft.Io7 While the Aircraft and 

Weapons Board could wrestle with allocating these meager resources, the 

members would inevitably consider how to improve aircraft development 

and procurement. One alternative involved the manufacturers, who had 

failed to find new markets for their aircraft after the war. As Lt. Gen. 

George E. Stratemeyer, commanding the Air Defense Command, explained: 

I believe that in all this discussion, one of the things we have in the 

back of our minds-although we don’t do it officially, I think it is a 

responsibility-is to keep the aircraft industry as healthy as possible.lo8 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 171-178. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, 1st 

Day: Aug 19, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, 1st AWB, 1947-1948, Box 181, 

MMB, NA. 

‘07 Memo, Maj Gen E. W. Rawlings, Air Comptr, to Civ Air Div, ACAS-5 

(Pl), subj: Briefing of Mr Symington for Testimony before President’s Air Policy 

Commission, Sep 5, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 4.52.1 

Acft lGmtes #63, Box 209, MMB, NA. 

Verbatim mins, 1st Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, 3d Day: 

Aug 21, 1947, p 435, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Rqmts Div, 1st AWB, 1947-1948, Box 

181, MMB, NA. 

105 

106 

150 
Uncertain Phase 

With the number of jobs at stake, the size of some of the companies, and 

an election year coming up in 1948, the administration would not be able 

to escape the political aspects of the issue either. 

Since 1946 Undersecretary of War Kenneth C. Royal1 had believed 

that a special presidential commission was needed to study the problems of 

the aircraft industry. On the recommendation of the Air Coordinating 

Committee, on July 18, 1947, President Truman named Thomas K. Finletter, an attorney who had served in the State Department during the war, to 

serve as chairman of a group of prominent civilians. This Presidential Air 

Policy Commission soon gained a parallel in Congress, when the Republicans in Congress set up a joint bipartisan board under the chairmanship of 

Senator R. Owen Brewster of Maine. Eventually both bodies would 

recommend actions to insure national security and help the industry.'09 

The new Air Force would have two more forums within which to present 

its views. 

Verbatim rprt, 5th Meeting of the Air Board, Jun 5-6, 1947, RG 340, Bds 109 

& Cmtes, Mins of the Air Bd, Box 13, MMB, NA. 

15 1 

Part It 

Austerity and Strategic Air Power 

1947-1 950 

Chapter V 

Decision for a Strategic Air Force 

t the inception of the independent Air Force in September 1947, the A strategic arm was still marginally effective at best. One group had 

achieved partial readiness for atomic operations, and SAC remained 

in essence a force of conventional U.S.-based B-29s, although these units 

were increasingly trained for operations overseas. But crucial decisions 

were in the making. A major public statement in favor of strategic air 

power might emerge from the proceedings of the Finletter Commission. In 

the near future, the atomic weapons program could increase dramatically, 

given the concerted efforts of the Atomic Energy Commission and congressional alarm at the current state of the atomic arsenal. The report of 

the Evaluation Board on the Bikini tests had shown that the new weapon 

played a vital role in deterrence, and other studies lent further support. 

The Air Force was more convinced than ever of the need to make SAC 

fully atomic-capable. War planning was reaching the point that the threegroup program was clearly inadequate should general war come. And the 

development of new strategic aircraft was reaching a turning point. In 

particular, given the limited range of medium bombers, aerial refueling 

was emerging as a feasible means of extending the reach of the strategic 

force. 

In terms of international relations, there were predictions of worsening conditions. However, the decisions related to the expansion of the 

atomic force responded to a situation that had existed for some time. The 

commitment to rebuild the armed forces after demobilization had been 

understood in the administration as a recognition that peaceful relations 

with the Soviet Union were far from certain. Given President Truman’s 

fiscal caution, however, as well as the frugality of the Republican Congress 

elected in 1946, there were limits to how much rebuilding could be done. 

155 
Strategic Air Force 

The crucial importance of an atomic air offensive made the strategic force 

one of the priority efforts within tight budgets. 

As noted earlier, certain changes in military policy were inevitable 

simply because the National Security Act of 1947 created new positions 

and realignments. When Secretary of War Patterson turned down Truman’s 

offer of the Secretaryship of Defense, the President chose James V. 

Forrestal, the Secretary of the Navy and a successful New York investment 

banker before the war. Forrestal had strenuously defended his department’s 

position during the debate over unification. Patterson’s deputy at the War 

Department, Kenneth C. Royall, became Secretary of the Army, and 

Forrestal likewise turned the Navy Department over to his undersecretary, 

John L. Sullivan. Despite Forrestal’s misgivings, the Assistant Secretary of 

War for Air, W. Stuart Symington, became the new Secretary of the Air 

Force.’ 

Forrestal had been concerned for some time about the continuing 

failure of the United States to build up its military strength in the face of 

communist aggression. Nevertheless he was also sensitive to the “economic 

equation,” the danger of wrecking the economy by excessive government 

spending.’ Symington, devoted to the cause of air power since his War 

Department service, was an indefatigable administrator, determined to 

apply business methods to managing the Air Force. In this way he could 

provide the nation with a seventy-group air force at a reasonable cost. 

Both of these men could be expected to devote a great deal of effort to the 

budget .3 

General Spaatz agreed to stay on for some months as the new Chief 

of Staff of the Air Force. He brought in Lt. Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg to 

replace Eaker as his deputy. Under Spaatz and Eaker, the Air Staff had 

developed a new organization for the headquarters, giving the Chief of 

Staff a vice chief and four deputie~.~ Vandenberg, previously in charge of 

the Central Intelligence Group, was a West Pointer, described by David E. 

Lilienthal of the AEC as “a slim young fellow-Gary C~operish.”~ Fortyeight years old, he had risen during the war to command the Ninth Air 

Force in France. Arthur Vandenberg, Senator from Michigan and the 

Republican Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, was his uncle, 

Wolk, Planningand Organizing, pp 171-178; Lilienthal, Atomic Energy, p 231. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 412, 425, 429. 

Wolk, Planning and Organizing, pp 183-186. 

Ibid, pp 138-142. ’ Lilienthal, Atomic Energy, p 104. 

156 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

with whom he had been very close in boyhood. Chosen to be Vice Chief of 

Staff, Hoyt Vandenberg now held the rank of full general: 

The new Deputy Chiefs of Staff (DCS) were all lieutenant generals. 

Idwal H. Edwards, recently returned from command of U.S. Air Forces in 

Europe and with war service in the Mediterranean theater, took charge of 

personnel matters. The Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations would be 

responsible for a complex of matters, including intelligence, plans, requirements, and training. This important position went to Lauris Norstad, the 

youngest of the deputy chiefs. Another West Pointer, he had held vital 

staff positions in America and the Mediterranean, and as Chief of Staff of 

the Twentieth Air Force under Arnold, he had gained an intimate familiarity with worldwide strategic operations. Norstad had been the man in 

Washington who had kept in closest touch with LeMay in the Pacific 

during the B-29 campaign. In his postwar service as the War Department 

Director of Plans and Operations, he had played a leading role in the 

discussions with the Navy about unification. Howard A. Craig, the new 

DCS for Materiel, had commanded the Alaskan Theater after staff and 

command duties in Europe. The Comptroller of the AAF continued his 

duties under the new structure, with a higher grade. Now a lieutenant 

general, Edwin W. Rawlings held a business degree from Harvard and had 

worked at Wright Field. He was the man to apply the Symington approach 

of fiscal control to the Air Force.’ 

With an average age of forty-six, the six top officials in the headquarters brought the Air Force a variety of experience and background. This 

would compensate for the general youth and inexperience of the Air 

Force’s leadership, a matter of concern to Forrestal, Marshall, and others? 

This problem was exacerbated as the older generation of airmen-Arnold, 

Doolittle, and Eaker-turned over the power. A few senior leaders remained in key positiqns; besides Spaatz, Kenney was at SAC, Brereton 

with the Military Liaison Committee, and McNarney due to take over the 

Air Materiel Command. Supplementing the new faces in the Headquarters 

were bomber veterans such as LeMay and Twining, who had been given 

commands respectively in Europe and Alaska. Their broad experience 

would prove invaluable as the new Air Force expanded its global strategic 

power? 

Fogerty, Study # 91, passim. 

Ibid. 

6 

‘hid.; Forrestal Diary, IX:1999, Dec 31, 1947; 1919, Nov 8, 1947, in Forrestal 

Papegrs, OSD. 

See Note 6. 

157 
Strategic Air Force 

Changes at the Top. Left to right: With the passage of the 

National Security Act of 1947 both a fully independent U.S. Air Force and 

a new civilian defense hierarchy were introduced. James V. Forrestal 

became Secretary of Defense; John L. Sullivan moved up from 

Making the Case for Air Power: Finletter and Brewster 

The formal creation of the independent Air Force in September of 

1947 was a brief interruption in the normal routine of government. The 

fiscal 1949 budget was also in preparation. The new national security 

structure was to meet its immediate test in the upcoming defense debate. 

From that standpoint, both the Finletter Commission and the Brewster 

Board-the one answering to the Democratic White House and the other 

to the Republican Congress-might provide a coherent statement of the 

requirements for air power. Secretary Forrestal likewise faced the challenge of adjusting all the conflicting claims on the defense budget. Defense 

spending was now a single problem rather than a question of Army-AAF 

and Navy budgets considered separately. The Air Force's immediate future 

depended on the outcome of its first budget hearings. Prepared under War 

Department auspices, the U.S. Air Force budget provided $892 million for 

aircraft procurement, an increase over previous years, but not enough to 

make much progress toward building up a modern seventy-group force.'" 

Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Military Functions, National Military Establishment Appropriations Bill for 1949, 

80th Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, Mar 19, 1948, p 39; Rearden, Formative Years, 

10 

pp 311-315,331-333. 

158 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

position; John L. Sullivan moved up from Undersecretary to Secretary of 

the Navy, replacing Forrestal; Kenneth C. Royall, a deputy in the old War 

Department, became Secretary of the Army; and W. Stuart Symington, 

Assistant Secretary of War for Air, became the first Secretary of the Air 

Force. 

In any case, the service was going to have to present its case in virtual 

competition with the Army and the Navy.!’ Forrestal hoped to build a 

unified budget on the principle of “balanced forces.” By this he meant that 

each service’s spending would be on forces that fit into a larger strategic 

concept. He would have to resist a tendency for one scrvice to acquire 

forces the other services could not support, and pressures for an equal 

three-way division of the budget without consideration of true balance. 

Forrestal also insisted on achieving a balance between defense spending 

and a strong economy. He defined the foundations of the U.S. defense 

posture in terms of the means to offset the “predominance of Russian land 

power in Europe and Asia.” The United States had certain advantages that 

might avert pressure for excessive spending: “As long as we can outproduce the world, can control the sea, and can strike inland with the atomic 

bomb, we can assume certain risks.. . .”I2 

The ability to “strike inland with the atomic bomb” was thus crucial to 

the Defense Secretary’s strategic concept. Forrestal considered the question as to whether the Ar Force could find targets in Russia, penetrate 

defenses to reach them, or obtain a decision, to be one of the most 

~~~ ~ ~~~~ 

See Note 8. II 

’’ Forrestal, Diaries, pp 350-351; Ciregg Herken, The Winning Weapon: The 

Atomic Bomb in the Cold War, 1945-19.50 (NY: Knopf, 1980), pp 235-239. 

159 
Strategic Air Force 

important facing the service^.'^ As the nation seemed ready to take a 

calculated risk on the decisiveness of atomic weapons, Air Force leaders 

fully understood the crucial role of the strategic air offensive. LeMay 

declared that “ . . . if we fight in the next two years, we will put down an 

atomic attack first.”I4 A study at Air University reportedly concluded that 

a strategic offensive using only conventional bombs would not yield significant results. On the other hand, Kenney argued that an atomic offensive 

could win a decision in three weeks, if launched promptly. A study by 

Kepner’s Special Weapons Group, now under the DCS for Materiel, 

argued that the destruction of only twenty key targets in the Soviet Union 

would either lead to capitulation or leave that country so weakened that 

the West would inevitably triumph through conventional means.15 

The most determined opposition to the Air Force view was likely to be 

found in the Navy. A debate began within the sea service concerning its 

potential role in general war. Vice Adm. Forrest P. Sherman, the Deputy 

Chief of Naval Operations for Operations, who had worked well with 

Norstad in the unification talks, envisioned vigorous carrier-based operations against enemy naval facilities, especially submarine bases. This responded to recent improvements in submarine technology that undermined traditional methods. Others contended that the Navy could play an 

active role in the strategic air offensive.I6 The three-engine (two prop and 

one jet) North American XAJ-1 Savage was designed to take off from a 

carrier and transport an atomic bomb. Three Midway-class carriers were to 

be modified to operate it. Kepner’s staff was skeptical: “It is not apparent 

that the usefulness of this aircraft with its limited range can be proven, but 

the Navy is developing it just the same.”17 

See Note 8. 13 

l4 Verbatim mins, 2d Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 

28-30, 1948, 2d Day, pp 191-194, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, 1st AWB, Box 

183, IYMB, NA. 

Rprt, Special Session Held after the Close of Day for Aircraft and Weapons 

Board, January 28, 1948, atch to ltr, Gen J. T. McNarney, CG AMC, to CSAF, 

subj: Atomic Weapons Program, Mar 1, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst 

for AE, 1948,471.6 A-Weapons Prog, Box 11; Staff Study, United States Air Force 

and Atomic Warfare, atch to ASSS, Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, Ch SWG, to CSAF, 

Report on Air Force Atomic Energy Program, Jan 14, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD,6TS, Asst for AE, 1948, 381 A-Warfare, Box 10, both in MMB, NA. 

Michael A. Palmer, Origins of the Maritime Strategy: American Naval Strategy 

in the First Postwar Decade (Washington: Naval Historical Center, 19881, pp 24-32. 

See previous note; rprt, JSSC to JCS 1745/5, The Production of Fissionable 

Material, Dec 8, 1947, with Encl C, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 

(Feb 3, 19471, Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. Subsequently, the AJ went on to a brief 

career with the fleet as a nuclear-armed bomber. 

17 

160 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

The Finletter Commission would be a forum for an early round in this 

debate. Accordingly, one staff officer advised that in dealing with the 

commission “the Air Force should not ask questions. It should know the 

answers and should know where it is going.”” In view of what the air 

leaders interpreted as traditionalist and self-serving pressures from the 

other services, an unbiased civilian body endorsing the concept of air 

power would be invaluable. To state its case, the Air Force had only to 

dust off its seventy-group program, which provided a clear statement of 

where the service wanted to go.l9 

Secretary Symington and the senior staff of the Air Force addressed 

the Finletter Commission in November 1947, and they spoke with the 

congressional group, the Brewster Board, in January 1948. Several officers 

met with John A. McCone, a member of the Finletter Commission, to 

explain their views further.” In general, their position was that the Air 

Force had two major missions in the event of war. General Spaatz said that 

“an immediate and paralyzing retaliatory offensive against the mainsprings 

of any attack launched against us, is our soundest defense.”” But since 

the war might continue even after the atomic offensive, the Air Force also 

would be responsible for mobilizing combat forces for the next phase. For 

the retaliatory force, the Air Force needed an adequate number of trained 

men, up-to-date aircraft properly maintained, and bases within range of 

the targets. The service developed a full range of mobilization requirements: a defensive force to protect against air attack, cadres to be drawn 

from the regular, National Guard, and Reserve forces, a vigorous aircraft 

and weapons industry, and a plan for expansion. The core of the air 

program called for seventy groups on active duty.22 

Memo, Col P. M. Spicer, Ch Prog Monit Div, Air Comptr, to Air Comptr, 

subj: President’s Air Policy Commission, Sep 4, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, 

Adm$ Div 1942-1953,452-1 Acft Cmtes, File 63, Box 209, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col R. S. Macrum, Ch Bud & Fisc Div, Air Comptr, to Air Comptr, 

subj: President’s Air Policy Commission, Sep 5, 1947; memo, Maj Gen E. W. 

Rawlings, Air Comptr, to ACAS-5 (Pl), subj: Briefing of Mr. Symington for 

Testimony before President’s Air Policy Commission, Nov 17, 1947, both in RG 

341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 452-1 Acft Cmtes, File 63, Box 209, 

MMB, NA. 

2o Memo, Lt Col E. J. Hopkins, Exec Ofc Air Comptr, to Hitchcock, subj: Air 

Policy Commission, Sep 10, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 

452-1 Acft Cmtes, File 63, Box 209, MMB, NA. *’ Appearance of General Spaatz in a Public Hearing before the President’s 

Air Policy Cornmission, Nov 17, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 

1942221953, 452-1 Acft Cmtes, File 63, Box 209, MMB, NA. 

Statement of Hon W. Stuart Symington, Secretary of the Air Force, before 

18 

161 
Strategic Air Force 

In the public sessions, witnesses before the Finletter Commission 

agreed on the decisive importance of air power as demonstrated in the 

Second World War. However, in the closed sessions an acrimonious debate 

arose between Air Force and Navy spokesmen. Admiral Nimitz argued in 

favor of larger aircraft carriers as an indispensable part of sea power. He 

insisted that command of the sea was essential and that reliance on 

land-based bombers alone would be dangerous. Carriers had played a 

major role in the air attacks against Japan, and sea power had proven its 

versatility. As the AAF’s chief advocate, Spaatz called the use of carriers 

for deep penetration of enemy territory “a hopeless business.” He assured 

the commission that land-based bombers had shown their ability to do the 

job. Forrestal, disturbed at the depth of the differences between the two 

services, did not take sides. He warned that as yet there was no general 

strategic concept on which to base force requirements for all the services. 

Attempting to place the debate in a broader perspective, he described the 

problems involved in maintaining occupation forces in Germany and Japan 

and suggested that a devastated Soviet Union would pose an even greater 

difficulty. The secretary also supported the President’s call for limiting 

government spending, voicing the danger that a large defense establishment could do serious damage to the economy. On the issue of reliance on 

atomic forces, Forrestal pointed out that communist aggression, continuing 

on a limited scale, might require quite different forces, especially designed 

for local conflict^.'^ 

In November the commission asked the joint chiefs for figures on the 

services’ requirements for aircraft. Reluctantly, Forrestal agreed to the 

release of the information. The Finletter Commission then prepared its 

report, endorsing in general terms the procurement program the Air Force 

had recommended, urging a large program of naval aviation, and mentioning but not advocating the joint chiefs’ qualification that “balanced” land, 

sea, and air forces were the foundation of a sound national defen~e.’~ 

According to the Air Force presentation before the commission, the 

service needed to acquire 5,000 airplanes each year. This would maintain 

over 20,000 modern airplanes in the inventory, including a reserve supply 

the President’s Air Policy Commission, Nov 26, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, 

Admin Div 1942-1953, 452-1 Acft Cmtes, File 64, Box 209; transcript, Discussion 

following Air Force Presentation to the Combat Aviation Subcommittee, Congressional Aviation Policy Board, Jan 21, 1948, RG 341, TS AAG File 31, Box 10, both 

in MMB, NA; Futrell, Ideas, p 122. 

23 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 313-316. 

Ibid.; Survival in the Air Age: A Report by the President’s Air Policy Commis- 24 

sion [Finletter Report] (Washington: GPO, 1948), pp 31-36. 

162 
The New Air Force Team. 

Clockwise from aboi’e: Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg became Vice Chief of Staff under 

Gen. Carl A. Spaatz, who had agreed to 

stay on as Chief of Staff in the Air 

Force’s adjustment to full independence; 

Lt. Gen. Idwal H. Edwards became DCS / 

Personnel and Administration; Lt. Gen. 

Lauris Norstad became DCS / Operations; Lt. Gen. Howard A. Craig became 

DCS/Materiel; and Lt. Gen. Edwin E. 

Rawlings became Air Comptroller. 
Strategic Air Force 

of 8,000. SAC’S very heavy bomber units would have 630 aircraft, with 

reconnaissance types and spares bringing the total to 988, plus a reserve of 

2,500 in storage. Plans called for phasing out the B-29 by 1951, when the 

Air Force would rely on the B-36 and the B-50, with 4 groups of the 

former in place. The thousands of reserve aircraft were needed to equip 

units during the mobilization phase and to replace combat losses.*’ 

In keeping with the intelligence estimate approved by the Joint Chiefs 

of Staff, the Finletter Commission reported that the Soviet Union could be 

ready to launch an atomic attack against the United States in 1953. For 

this reason, the commission established that year as the target for building 

the fully modern seventy-group air force. Although the budgetary proposals were not precise, the report implied that the Air Force budget for fiscal 

1949 should exceed $5 billion.26 Since the budget President Truman 

submitted to Congress on January 12, 1949, requested only $3 billion for 

the Air Force, the White House was reluctant to release the Finletter 

report. Nonetheless, on January 13 copies of “Survival in the Air Age” 

were placed in the hands of the national press.27 

The President’s Finletter Commission had expected to look for ways 

for the government to rescue and redirect the ailing aircraft industry. 

Instead, in a reversal of priorities, the members sought to revitalize the 

industry in order to support the urgent needs of national defense.28 For its 

part, the Brewster Board, appointed by Congress to study air power, 

encountered a similar challenge. The representatives concentrated on 

readiness issues, asking pointed questions about the Air Force’s ability to 

reach crucial targets. Spaatz testified that SAC bombers would go in under 

cover of darkness, as far as the season permitted (the polar route would of 

course be in daylight during the summer). Given the difficulty of penetrating Soviet airspace with fighter aircraft, the Air Force would probably not 

achieve real command of the air, and the Soviets’ will to fight might persist 

Charts, Aircraft Inventory Requirements, Bombers, USAF 70 Combat 

Groups, Mar 48, all in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-1953, 452.1 Acft 

Misc (Jan 1, 1948-Feb 1, 19491, Box 210, MMB, NA; Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, Senate, Supplemental National Defense 

Appropriation Bill, 1948, 80th Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, Mar 19, 1948, p 39; Rearden, 

Formative Years, pp 313-316. 

25 

26 Finletter Report, pp 5-7, 19-21, 31-34. 

27 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 315-316. 

28 Statement of Hon W. Stuart Symington, Secretary of the Air Force, before 

the President’s Air Policy Commission, Nov 26, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, 

Admin Div 1942-1953, 452.1 Acft Cmtes, File 64, Box 209, MMB, NA. 

164 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

in spite of heavy atomic punishment. On the other hand, the Chief of Staff 

explained, Russia’s vast size and its widespread industrial areas made the 

targets harder to defend. Radars would have to cover enormous territories. 

American intelligence staffs considered Soviet communications primitive, 

and Vandenberg discounted the value of Soviet-built “weather” stations 

recently detected in the Arctic. During the war the Soviets had been 

unable to control their interceptors effectively, and it would be five to 

seven years before the USSR possessed an adequate defensive system. 

Testifying before the Brewster Board, Air Force leaders admitted that they 

did not expect the strategic offensive to knock out the enemy immediately, 

but they did believe that it would blunt his offensive and ensure eventual 

victory for the West.29 

The Brewster Board published its findings in March 1948. Although 

the congressional group was more critical of the administration than the 

Finletter Commission, the Brewster report received less public attention. 

The board’s findings were basically the same as those of the Finletter 

Commission, and the congressional budgetary proposals, while more precise than those of the presidential group, were roughly similar, as both sets 

were largely based on the Air Forces’s own recommendations. The Brewster report offered two alternatives: a full-scale Plan A and a more limited 

Plan B. Both options called for building up the Air Force to seventy fully 

modern groups by 1952 and then leveling off spending to keep this force 

up to date. At this point, under the first plan, the annual budget of the Air 

Force would be $7.5 billion. Plan B, somewhat less costly, eliminated the 

reserve airplanes in storage. The Brewster Board described the full-scale 

Plan A as providing “ . . . the initial strength necessary to mount promptly 

an effective, continuing, and successful air offensive against a major 

enemy.. . .” Plan B would sacrifice “sustained offensive action” and would 

gamble on the decisive power of the first blow. Thus, the nation would rely 

almost entirely on air power for deterrance. The congressional group 

reproved the Bureau of the Budget for a short-sighted policy of cutting 

expenditures for air power, which farced the Air Force to take obsolate 

wartime aircraft out of storage to supply new units.30 

Transcript, Discussion following Air Force Presentation to the Combat 

Aviation Subcommittee, Congressional Aviation Policy Board, Jan 21, 1948, RG 

341, TS AAG File 31, Box 10, MMB, NA, Finletter Report, passim; Senate Rprt 

949, National Auiation Policy Report of Congressional Aviation Policy Board, 80th 

Cong, 2d sess, Mar 1, 1948, passim. 

30 Senate Rprt 949, National Aviation Policy Report of Congressional Aviation 

Policy Board, 80th Cong, 2d sess, Mar 1, 1948, p 7 & passim. 

29 

165 
Strategic Air Force 

The Brewster Board further recommended that by 1953 the Air Force 

should be spending about one-sixth of the total national b~dget.~’ This 

figure, though somewhat arbitrary, emphasized Congress’s support of air 

power and its belief that the economy could stand the expense of a major 

expansion of strategic forces. The Army and the Navy, however, had their 

own agendas. If Truman limited defense spending to 10 or 12 billion 

dollars a year, the seventy-group Air Force would require more than half 

of the total defense budget. To be sure, former Secretary of War Patterson 

had testified before the Finletter Commission that “ . . .we will not need 

the strongest Army in the world or the strongest standing Navy in the 

world, but we will need the strongest Air Force in the But the 

Army and the Navy were determined to resist any attempts to downgrade 

their forces. Given the modest defense spending of the period, members of 

the Air Board had reason to expect that any increase in the Air Force’s 

budget would come at the expense of the other services.33 Under the 

circumstances, as long as the service chiefs were convinced that the 

nation’s security depended upon the adoption of their individual points of 

view, the controversy over defense priorities, already joined, would steadily 

intensify. 

A Program for Atomic Readiness: JCS 1745 / 5 

A critical dimension of the debate over American defense priorities 

centered on the Air Force’s role in the national atomic energy program. 

During 1947, as more citizens became aware of the potential of the atomic 

bomb, a consensus was building that the new weapon represented an 

essential ingredient in the nation’s long-term strategy. The American 

monopoly in the atomic field was emerging as a critical factor in national 

defense policy, and predictions as to when the monopoly would end were 

highly controversial. Many accepted Groves’s view that it would take at 

least ten years for the Soviet Union to develop a bomb. Those who knew 

the true state of the American atomic arsenal also recognized that it would 

require more than a single test shot to produce Soviet atomic power. In 

December 1947 a report by the Central Intelligence Agency foresaw the 

Ibid., pp 7-8. 

Hearings, President’s Air Policy Commission, VI pp 2412-2414, cited in 

Futrell, Ideas, p 116. 

Verbatim rprt, 6th Meeting of the Air Board, Sep 9-10, 1947, p 220, RG 

340, Air Bd, Mins of Mtgs, 1946-1948, Box 18, MMB, NA. 

31 

32 

33 

166 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

The Air Policy Commission presents its report, Survival in the Air Age, to 

President Harry S. Truman in January 1948. The commission had investigated a 

broad range of national aviation policy issues for the administration and endorsed 

the Air Force’s goal of acquiring seventy groups. Lefr to right: Palmer Hoyt; George 

Baker; John McCone; Truman; S. Paul Johnston; Thomas K. Finletter, Chairman 

of the commission; and Arthur Whiteside. 

development of a Soviet bomb in 1953, or in 1951 at the earliest. The 

Office of Naval Intelligence concurred. On the other hand, the Air Force’s 

director of intelligence placed the date that the U.S. monopoly might end 

as early as 1949, though 1951 seemed more likely. The Finletter Commission more or less split the difference by predicting that atomic attacks on 

America would be possible by 1952 or 1953. By then, the seventy-group Air 

Force must be fully capable of retaliation, so as to deter the USSR from 

aggression against the United States or its allies.34 

Rather than rely on speculation, some airmen favored an ambitious 

effort to gather intelligence on the Soviet atomic program. Crucial to this 

was the detection of atomic explosions, and early in September 1947 

Eisenhower directed the AAF to develop a program to detect explosions at 

long range. The Air Force retained this mission after its independence. To 

34 Memo, Maj Gen G. C. McDonald, Dir Intel, to Sec AF, subj: CIA Report 

on the Status of Russian Atomic Energy Project, Jan 7, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Asst for AE, TS 1948, 350.09 Intel, Russian AE Prog, Box 8, MMB, NA. 

167 
Strategic Air Force 

Maj. Gen. Albert F. Hegenberger went the task of organizing the program, 

as part of Kepner’s Special Weapons 

The call for an air force capable of delivering a retaliatory atomic 

strike followed logically from the widespread belief that the atomic bomb 

represented one of the mainstays of American power. As more policymakers accepted the view that a strategic air offensive using atomic weapons 

could be effective, or even decisive, against the Soviet Union, political 

pressure mounted in support of the Air Force’s goals. Congress’s Joint 

Committee on Atomic Energy began encouraging the Military Liaison 

Committee and the Air Force to demand action from the Atomic Energy 

Commission. War plans, meanwhile, were relying more heavily on an 

atomic capability that the nation did not yet fully possess. On August 29, 

1947, the Joint Staff planners instructed the Joint War Plans Committee to 

prepare an emergency war plan called BROILER. In a directive that ran 

counter to the previous objections of Admiral Leahy, Chief of Staff to the 

President, the committee was told to assume that atomic weapons would 

be used. Given the availability of bases in England and Egypt, the drafters 

of BROILER concluded that the atomic offensive was both feasible and 

necessary.36 

Despite these schemes, the actual capacity for atomic operations 

remained quite limited. By the end of 1947 the Air Force had acquired 

only thirty-two SADDLETREE-modified planes, many of them described as 

“quite weary.”37 These belonged primarily to the 509th Bombardment 

Group. In effect there were no spare aircraft. With an insufficient priority 

for supplies and spare parts, the 509th had all it could do to operate the 

planes on hand. Training for atomic bomber crews suffered from tight 

security restrictions, frustratingly cumbersome clearance procedures, and a 

Memo, Gen Army, D. D. Eisenhower, CSA, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, 

subj: Long Range Detection of Atomic Explosions, Sep 16, 1947, in Louis Galambos, ed, The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower: The Chief of Staff, Vol IX 

(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ Press, 19781, No. 1730, p 1918; rprt, Special 

Session Held after the Close of Day for Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 28, 

1948, atch to Itr, Gen J. T. McNarney, CG AMC, to CSAF, subj: Atomic Weapons 

Program, Mar 1, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1948, 471.6 

A-Wgapons Prog, Box 11, MMB, NA. 

Kenneth W. Condit, 1947-1949, Vol I1 of The History of the Joint Chiefs of 

StaR The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy (Washington: OSD, 1976), p 283; 

Herken, Winning Weapon, pp 226-229. 

37 Little, Foundations, Pt 1, pp 224-225; rprt, Special Session Held after the 

Close of Day for Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 28, 1948, atch to Itr, Gen J. 

T. McNarney, CG AMC, to CSAF, subj: Atomic Weapons Program, Mar 1, 1948, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1948, 471.6 A-Weapons Prog, Box 11, 

MMB, NA. 

35 

168 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

lack of training equipment. At the beginning of 1948 only sh crews were 

fully qualified to drop the atomic bomb, although in an emergency enough 

trained people could be found to man another fourteen. Atomic units 

suffered a personnel turnover of nearly one hundred percent during 1947. 

But the most serious bottleneck involved the supply of weaponeers, attributable to the low caliber of many of the trainees as well as to delays by 

the Armed Forces Special Weapons Project, which trained them.38 

The Air Force depended on the Special Weapons Project for much 

more than technical training; the project’s responsibilities included setting 

up the bases, providing and assembling the weapons, and turning them 

over to the bomber crews. A study by the AAF Tactical and Technical 

Liaison Committee at Sandia in September 1947 revealed that the Special 

Weapons Project did not have the capability to assemble and load ten to 

twenty-five bombs in a few days’ time. Although a new jacking mechanism 

allowed the 509th’~ ground crews to dispense with the pit method for 

loading the plane, a base still needed a lot of equipment, and no air bases 

had all the required equipment on hand for atomic operations. Estimates 

called for one thousand personnel to be ready to assemble the bombs, but 

the project fell far short with only two assembly teams.39 

The Special Weapons Project answered directly to the Chiefs of Staff 

of the services. What disturbed the Air Force as much as its experience 

with Groves, the project director, was the influence of the Navy. While the 

Army expressed some interest in the possibility that increased production 

of bombs might eventually lead to their being available for tactical targets, 

the Navy was actively developing its own atomic program. Naval personnel 

were working on a project for nuclear propulsion for ships as well as plans 

to launch planes with atomic bombs from aircraft carrier^.^' Given the 

Navy’s long-standing connection with the MANHATTAN District, the Atomic 

See note above; memo, Col H. J. Porter, SWG, to Col J. G. Armstrong, Dep 

Ch SWG, subj: 509th Composite Bomb Wing, Mar 10, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1948, 312.1 Corres, Box 15; memo, Lt Col L. D. Clay, Jr., Ch 

Security Br, SWG, to Ch SWG, subj: Summary of Trip, Mar 23, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 1948, 314.7 Daily Diaries, Box 15; Itr, Brig Gen 

T. S. Power, Dep ACAS, to War Dept, subj: Supply Priority for the Eighth Air 

Force, Sep 8, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, TS 1947, 400.345 

Supply Priority for 8 AF, Box 4, all in MMB, NA. 

3y Rprt, T& TLC, Requirements for Processing, Oct 1, 1947, in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD TS, 1947, 471.6 Assembly & Delivery of A-Weapons, Box 4, 

MMB, NA. 

40 See Note 17; Staff Study, United States Air Force and Atomic Warfare, n.d., 

atch to ASSS, Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, Ch SWG, to CSAF, Report on Air Force 

Atomic Energy Program, Jan 14, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD TS, Asst for AE, 

1948, 381 A-Warfare, Box 10, MMB, NA. 

38 

169 
Strategic Air Force 

Energy Commission, and Armed Forces Special Weapons Project, the 

large number of senior naval officers involved overshadowed the influence 

of the airmen in joint organizations, especially on the Military Liaison 

Committee to the AEC. The fact that one member of the commission, 

Lewis L. Strauss, was a reserve admiral did not allay suspicions on the Air 

Staff.41 In spite of the Army’s limited interest in atomic energy, however, 

the Air Force enjoyed support from Eisenhower, who believed in air 

power, as did Norstad’s successor as the Army’s Director of Plans and 

Operations, Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer. 

Interservice rivalries complicated the question of custody, from the 

Air Force’s standpoint. Although the weapons were legally in the custody 

of the civilian Atomic Energy Commission, the Special Weapons Project 

guarded them and, if they were transferred to an armed service, would 

obtain custody. Thus, control would go to a joint organization and not to 

the Air Force. In fact, the Special Weapons Project claimed to act as the 

sole intermediary between the Air Force and the AEC. Under these 

circumstances, air leaders feared that delay-inducing red tape, confusion of 

lines of command, and breakdowns of communication might seriously 

hamper the opening of an atomic offensive. In Kenney’s words: 

The VHB groups of the Strategic Air Command are now capable of 

taking off. . .within a few hours after an order to do so is received; 

but if the atomic bomb is used the takeoff mi ht be delayed, by 

factors beyond the control of the Air Force.. . . 45 

By now it had become evident that, to be successful, the atomic 

offensive must be delivered swiftly and on a large scale. A few bombs 

dropped one at a time over several weeks would produce neither the 

physical nor the psychological effect necessary to offset Soviet land power. 

Thus, Kenney’s words had serious implications. To build an effective 

atomic force, the USAF needed to define ambitious goals and begin 

moving toward them. This effort must include stating the requirements for 

a strike force and establishing the most effective lines of control. 

Whatever the problems, the situation was ripe for concerted action. 

The Atomic Energy Commission believed that it was on the verge of 

breaking the logjam in production and was developing a new design for the 

Briefing, Col J. G. Armstrong, Dep Ch SWG, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, 

DCS/Ops, Dec 30, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1947, 350 Briefings, 

Box 8, MMB, NA. 

42 [bid.; memo, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, subj: 

SAC Participation in Atomic Bomb Offensive Operations, n.d., RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Asst for AE, TS 1947,381 National Defense, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

41 

170 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

bomb. If tests planned for the spring of 1948 at Eniwetok were successful, 

the Mark IV could be produced more rapidly than the Mark 111, which was 

still a laboratory model. The Mark IV was also reportedly easier to 

assemble and less prone to erratic drops such as the one at Bikini.43 

Meanwhile, the Air Force managed to get its plans for an atomic strike 

force considered by the joint chiefs. This occurred because of Senator 

Hickenlooper’s desire to pressure the Atomic Energy Commission into an 

ambitious production program. In frequent touch with Eisenhower and the 

Military Liaison Committee, Hickenlooper had received their assurances 

that they would give the AEC their genuine military requirements. In 

September 1947 one of Weyland’s planners, 01. James B. Knapp, was 

appointed to a joint committee assisting the Joint Staff planners in a study 

of the number of atomic bombs needed. The efforts of the AAF planners 

on this issue began to bear fruit. The joint committee’s report finally 

reached the joint chiefs in December as JCS 1745/5. Weyland, now 

reporting to Norstad as the Air Force Director of Plans and Operations, 

continued to receive support from Wedemeyer and his Army Plans and 

Operations staff.44 

JCS 1745/5 showed much of the handiwork of the Air Staff group 

that had worked on weapons requirements in the summer of 1947. It 

proposed a production program and outlined a plan to enable the Air 

Force to build an atomic strike force. The AEC would be asked to produce 

bombs over a schedule running through 1953. At the time, the total 

number of bombs required, 400, was kept in the strictest secrecy, printed 

copies of the schedule appearing with blank spaces to be filled in with 

pencil for the few cleared personnel. Also by 1953 the Air Force would 

have eight groups of B-36s and B-50s modified to carry the weapons, all 

units fully manned and with spare aircraft available. The plan also imposed 

a schedule for the training of bomb commanders and weaponeers, as well 

as assembly teams. A number of C-97s would be equipped as mobile 

assembly facilities. Particularly ambitious were the interim steps on the 

way to a fully functional strike force. By the end of 1948 the Air Force 

Memo, subj: Present Status, atch to memo, Col J. G. Armstrong, Dep Ch 

SWG, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, subj: Atomic Warfare, Mar 25, 1948, in 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 381 A-Warfare, Box 10, MMB, NA, 

Little, Foundations, Pt 111, pp 596-599. 

44 Ltr PM-587, Sec JPS to Capt T. B. Hill, USN, Col J. B. Knapp, Lt Col 0. G. 

Haywood, subj: Proposed Study on the Production of Fissionable Material, Sep 15, 

1947; memo, Brig Gen A. W. Kissner, Dep ACAS-5 (PI), to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG 

AAF, Sep 17, 1947; rprt, JSSC to JCS 1745/5, The Production of Fissionable 

Material, Dec 8, 1947, with encls, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 

384.31 (Feb 3, 19471, Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

43 

171 
Strategic Air Force 

planned, according to the report, to have five atomic groups equipped with 

225 modified bombers.45 This meant that 1948 would be a very busy year, 

as only a fraction of the needed resources were on hand. 

As it developed, the issue of requirements for the strike force became 

inseparable from that of control. On December 13 Admiral Nimitz submitted comments to the joint chiefs on 1745/5. The Joint Strategic Survey 

Committee had recommended that the JCS order the Air Force to proceed 

with the aircraft modifications and build a strike force for the atomic 

offensive. The Chief of Naval Operations proposed revising 1745/5 to 

authorize both the Air Force and Navy to develop atomic forces for 

strategic operations, until such time as the Air Force’s planes had sufficient range to reach targets from the continental United States. At that 

point, the carrier forces could still supplement the Air Force’s strategic 

~apabilities.~~ Replying on December 19, 1947, Spaatz objected to the 

implication that the Air Force could not reach the potential target. He 

contended that plan CHARIOTEER, the draft JCS long-term war plan, 

acknowledged the primacy of the Air Force in the strategic air offensive. 

Carrier forces could assist, but they would not be essential. The Director 

of the Joint Staff, Maj. Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther, US. Army, urged 

approval of the current version, but Spaatz insisted on adding an explicit 

statement that the Chief of Staff of the Air Force was responsible for the 

strategic atomic ~ffensive.~’ The Navy responded that bases would be an 

unknown factor in a future war, and carrier forces were uniquely suited for 

the strategic mission. Reviewing the joint chiefs’ discussion, Colonel Knapp 

called these arguments “unacceptable to the Air Force.”48 Editing out the 

rather undiplomatic language his staff used in the draft reply, General 

Rprt, JSSC to JCS 1745/5, The Production of Fissionable Material, Dec 8, 

1947, with encls; R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Maj Gen 0. P. Weyland, Dir P & 0, to Dir 

Tng & Rqmts, Air Force Requirements for Implementation of the Atomic Bomb 

Program, Feb 10, 1948, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 (Feb 

3, 19&7), Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col J. B. Knapp, Ofc of Dir P&O, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

VCSAF, Dec 17, 1947, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 (Feb 3, 19471, 

Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

47 Memo, CSAF to JCS, 1745/8, subj: Production of Fissionable Material, Dec 

19, 1947; memo, SM-9372, Sec JCS to JCS, subj: Production of Fissionable 

Material, Dec 24, 1947; rprt, Dir Jt Staff to JCS 1745/9, Production of Fissionable 

Material, Dec 23, 1947; memo, CSAF to JCS 1745/10, subj: Production of 

Fissionable Material, Dec 31, 1947, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 

384.:; (Feb 3, 19471, Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col J. B. Knapp, P & 0, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, subj: Production of Fissionable Material (JCS 1745 Series), Jan 7, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 (Feb 3, 1947), Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

45 

172 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

Spaatz finally signed a memorandum that emphasized the need to have 

one agency responsible for the strategic air offensive, not two. With 

progress in air refueling and improvements in jet engines, questions about 

the Air Force’s long-range capabilities would cease. Carriers, in any case, 

were too vulnerable to sail close to shore, and their planes would otherwise lack enough range. Weyland meanwhile reported that the Army 

would probably support the Air Force position. He also predicted that 

Nimitz would say he only wanted his service to be free to develop an 

atomic capability. If the chiefs could not agree, Weyland advised Spaatz to 

pursue the matter at the secretarial level rather than give Thus on 

January 21, 1948, after much discussion, the joint chiefs approved the Air 

Force plan. Gruenther had already passed on the proposed weapons 

requirements to the Atomic Energy Commission and sent a reassuring 

letter to Senator Hickenl~oper.’~ 

Implicit in the Air Force’s insistence on primacy in the strategic air 

offensive was a right to more control over the atomic program. Kenney 

favored SAC stockpiling its own bombs and controlling the assembly teams 

-a clear infringement on the Special Weapons Project’s functions. Although the Air Force did not formally present Kenney’s proposal, the Air 

staff did support a major reshuffle of responsibilities. As Special Weapons 

Project’s leading customer, the service argued that the project should be 

placed directly under its control. As the praject was a joint agency, the 

Navy understandably objected to its control by a single ~ervice.~’ A

resolution of the controversy, however, would have to wait until Secretary 

Zbid.; memo, subj: Brief of JCS 1945 Series, n.d.; memo, Maj Gen 0. P. 

Weyland, Dir P & 0, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, subj: Production of Fissionable 

Material, Jan 21, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, TS OPD, 384.31 (Feb 3, 1947), 

Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

50 Rprt, JSSC to JCS 1745/5, The Production of Fissionable Material, Dec 8, 

1947, with JCS Decision, Jan 21, 1948; memo, Maj Gen A. M. Gruenther, Dir Jt 

Staff, to JCS 1745/7, subj: Production of Fissionable Material, Dec 17, 1947, with 

JCS Decision, Dec 17, 1947, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 

(Feb57, 19471, Sect 1, Box 452, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, subj: SAC 

Participation in Atomic Bomb Offensive Operations, n.d.; memo, Col J. G. Armstrong, Dep Ch SWG, to Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, Ch SWG, subj: Comments of 

General Kenney’s Atomic Bomb Operations Paper, n.d., both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Asst for AJ3, TS 1947, 381 National Defense, Box 4; draft memo, Spaatz to W. S. 

Symington, Sec AF, subj: USAF Participation in Atomic Energy Matters, n.d., RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1947,381 AAF Test Rqmts, Box 9; Daily Diary, Col 

G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel, SWG, Meeting in AFSWP (Feb 19, 1948), Feb 24, 

1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary, PI & Intel, Box 

16, all in MMB, NA. 

49 

173 
Strategic Air Force 

Forrestal answered the overall question of the military atomic program 

and its organization. The key problem involved the Military Liaison 

Committee to the AEC, over which Forrestal was trying to establish his 

authority. Should this happen, the Air Force expected to win equal 

representation. Col. Roscoe C. Wilson, the air deputy to Groves, served on 

the group studying the Military Liaison Committee. Some change in the 

committee might occur early in 1948 when Groves, the powerful chairman, 

was to retire.52 

Even within the Air Staff itself, the question of organizational responsibility for atomic matters was not entirely settled. Kepner’s Special 

Weapons Group, placed under the DCS for Materiel, continued to coordinate with the Special Weapons Project, mainly through its Tactical and 

Technical Liaison Committee, and to communicate directly with the Air 

Materiel Command. However, AMC had its own atomic energy officer; the 

Eighth Air Force and SAC had an interest in atomic matters, and Norstad’s 

Operations staff was involved in war planning and preparations for the 

buildup of an atomic strike force. The main case for establishing a central 

office for atomic matters was that with so few people having access to 

reliable information, some agency had to monitor the interservice aspects 

of the question and spread the “gospel” within its own headquarters. By 

the end of 1947 the Special Weapons Group had assumed some of these 

responsibilities and was briefing key people on the basic role of the Air 

Force in atomic energy.s3 

Colonel Armstrong, Kepner’s deputy, often presented the office’s 

briefing. On these occasions, he outlined the problems of inadequate Air 

Force representation on the Military Liaison Committee and other groups, 

the service’s lack of control over the Special Weapons Project, and the 

scarcity of information. On January 28, 1948, during the meeting of the 

Aircraft and Weapons Board, he gave the members a special after-hours 

briefing in which he introduced budgetary issues, in particular the funding 

of the long range detection project. McNarney, responsible as head of 

AMC for modifications of aircraft and procurement of equipment, took 

this opportunity to criticize the Special Weapons Group for its failure to 

pass on essential information. The only decisions emerging from these 

discussions were that a study of some kind should be conducted and the 

52 Memo, C. F. Brown, OSD, to M. Leva, Spec Asst to Sec Def, subj: Agencies 

Concerned with Atomic Warfare, Jan 6, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 

1948, 334 Cmtes & Rprts, Box 18, MMB, NA; Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 

1 I I -$8. 

Little, E‘ounduutzons, Pt I, pp 66-77. 

174 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

Air Force’s program for atomic warfare should be promoted as a major 

national priority.54 

Aircraft for the Strategic Offensive 

If those who lacked information about the atomic program were 

sometimes reluctant to express an opinion on the subject, many were 

willing to speak freely on questions of bomber design, although here, too, 

there was a certain amount of secrecy. For most airmen the question of 

whether the Air Force could deliver the bomb really came down to 

procuring the best possible design for an intercontinental bomber. With 

the B-29 and the B-50, the United States still needed overseas bases for a 

sustained offensive. Many doubted that bases in England and the Middle 

East could endure a Soviet land and air offensive, and at the outset of a 

war, the lack of aviation engineer battalions would long delay the preparation of new facilities. A solution to the problem of intercontinental reach 

became essential.55 

By the end of 1947 experts agreed that a superbomber was probably 

not feasible. The Aircraft and Weapons Board had appointed a Heavy 

Bombardment Committee, mainly consisting of senior colonels, and they 

concurred in the von KBrmh Committee’s warning that the building of 

bigger and bigger bombers would not extend their range. The pistonpowered B-36 was already dangerously slow by the time it reached the 

target. The controversial variable discharge turbine (VDT) engine might 

help, but the B-52 project was demonstrating the sterility of this line of 

approach. As the Heavy Bombardment Committee reported in November 

1947: “ . . . it will only serve to prove [the superbomber’sl own fallacy and 

insure its own oblivion.”56 A plane weighing five hundred thousand pounds 

would cost so much and take so long to build that only a few could be 

54Transcript, Special Session Held after the Close of Day for Aircraft & 

Weapons Board, (Jan 28, 19481, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 471.6 

A-Wsapons Prog, Box 11, MMB, NA. 

Verbatim mins, 2d Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 

27-30, 1948, 1st Day, Jan 27, 1948, pp 69-82, 2d Day, pp 191-194, RG 341, 

DCS Dev, Dir/Rqmts, 1st AWB, Box 183, MMB, NA. ‘ Rprt, Heavy BomQardment Cmte to AWB, Report of Heavy Bombardment, 

n.d. [Nov 471, p 27, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, 

MMB, NA. 

175 
Strategic Air Force 

acquired. A tremendous expenditure of fuel would be required to bring it 

over the target at sufficient speed. Building airfields for such a huge 

aircraft would be a daunting task. And given progress in engine design and 

aerodynamics, it would be obsolete by the time it came off the assembly 

line.57 

Rejecting the very heavy bomber, the Heavy Bombardment Committee examined more promising solutions, both for the long term and the 

short term. The short term solutions proposed involved mainly one-way 

missions, pilotless bombers, and air refueling. Each alternative had drawbacks, but all these measures would have to be tried. 

Though one-way missions were generally regarded as an unpalatable 

solution, various types were proposed. If the aircraft had sufficient range 

(such as the B-50 with wing tanks), the crew could ditch at sea and be 

rescued by submarine. From certain targets, a plane could recover in a 

friendly country, ditching or even landing. Another option involved the 

bomber taking off without a crew. Unfortunately, with the incomplete 

maps and charts then available, a crew was needed to find the target, if 

only in a director plane accompanying the drone. But even a drone was 

preferable to a slow bomber like the B-36B.58 Eventually, the B-36 was 

modified by four 547 turbojets to improve its dash speed over targets. It 

thus became an aeronautical behemoth with no fewer than ten engines. 

Refueling during the mission was becoming SAC'S preferred solution. 

Given the command's efforts to achieve a global reach and General 

Kenney's skepticism about the B-36, a project had been undertaken to 

extend the range of the B-29 and B-50. Tractor landing gear could 

eliminate the bomber's need for expensive airfields. Arctic research and 

training might demonstrate the feasibility of refueling at sites on the 

icecap. But refueling in the air turned out to be the technique with the 

best record of past perf~rmance.~~ 

The airmen's interest in aerial refueling dated back to 1929, when 

Spaatz and Eaker set an endurance record of 150 hours in the air on board 

the Question Mark by using a primitive form of the technique. Since then a 

British firm, Flight Refueling, Ltd., had further developed refueling for 

transatlantic flight, and during the war the company had helped with tests 

at Eglin Field. With the Air Force now reviving its interest, late in 1947 

"Ibid., pp 1-18. 

58 Ibid. 

Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling, (Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio: AMC, 59 

1949), pp 11-18. 

176 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

SAC began advocating tests of the B-29 as a tanker and a receiver. On 

October 14 the command headquarters sent Air Materiel Command a 

letter outlining its proposals and stating that the command “envisioned” 

heavy use of air refueling:’ On October 23 the staff at AMC headquarters 

began to organize the development effort. The command planned to buy 

some equipment from Flight Refueling, Ltd, but it allocated $1 million of 

research and development money for fiscal 1948 to develop an American 

refueling system.61 Brig. Gen. Thomas S. Power, the Air Force Acting 

Director of Training and Requirements, intervened for the Air Staff in 

November. He advised that SAC should provide two B-29s for the tests 

and develop the operational procedures, while the Materiel Command did 

the engineering.62 The growing confidence of the airmen can be seen in 

Spaatz’s reference to aerial refueling in refuting the Navy’s skepticism and 

in the proposal by Maj. Gen. Laurence C. Craigie, Director of Research 

and Development (DCS for Materiel), to try refueling fighters as well.63 By 

January 1948 Brig. Gen. Frederic H. Smith, Jr., Chief of the Requirements 

Division, Directorate of Training and Requirements, was examining the 

production program, “with preliminary studies indicating that this method 

of refueling is practicable.” Drawing on 1948 funding, AMC would modify 

two B-29s as tankers for SAC, and in fiscal year 1949 another hundred 

would he so modified. At the same time, B-50s would undergo modification as receivers.64 In a matter of a few months aerial refueling had 

progressed from a tentative testing program to a specific and ambitious 

requirement. 

The Heavy Bombardment Committee had meanwhile added its support to the refueling program, endorsing it as the Air Force’s number one 

priority. The members saw the effort as a means to convert the Arctic 

no-man’s land into an American asset, where bombers could refuel in 

safety. The committee recommended that AMC “develop air-to-air, high 

Ltr, SAC to CG AMC, subj: B-52 Tanker Equipment, Oct 14, 1947, in Case 60 

History of Air-to-Air Refueling. zi Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling, pp 11-18. 

Ltr, Brig Gen T. S. Power, Actg Dir Tng & Rqmts, to CG SAC, subj: 

Air-to-Air Refueling Project, Nov 12, 1947, in Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling. 

Ltr, Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R&D, to CG AMC, subj: Air-to-Air 

Refueling for the Purpose of Extending Fighter Protection for Bombardment 

Aircraft, Dec 16, 1947, in Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling. 

Ltr, Brig Gen F. H. Smith, Ch Rqmts Div, DCS/Ops, to CG SAC, subj: 

Air-to-Air Refueling of Bombardment Aircraft, Jan 8, 1948, in Case History of 

Air-to-Air Refueling. 

63 

64 

177 
Aerial Refueling. First undertaken in 1923 and to more dramatic effect 

during the record-setting flight of the Question Mark in 1929, above, aerial 

refueling was renewed in 1947, largely because of British experience, and quickly 

perfected as a relatively inexpensive way for the Air Force to extend the range of its 

aircraft. In roughly twenty-five years two methods of aerial refueling had 

evolved-the American boom-type and British loop-type. Demonstrating the former method, aboue, right, a Boeing KC-97 Stratofreighter pumps fuel into a B-47 

Stratojet. The tanker has flown a swiveling, telescopic flying boom, controlled by 

means of a vee-shaped “ruddevator,” into a slipway coupling in the jet’s nose 

before beginning a high speed transfer of fuel. Demonstrating the latter method by 

lowering a trailing hose, below, right, a B-29, refuels a B-50 (at the bottom left of 

the picture) by gravity. The B-50 has used a grapnel hook to catch, reel in, and 

connect itself to the hose before receiving its fuel. The British loop-type gravity-feed 

method transferred nearly 2,600 gallons of fuel at a rate of 90 to 100 gallons per 

minute. The American boom-type force-feed method allowed a greater flow of fuel, 

approximately 200 gallons per minute. 

Strategic Air Force 

capacity, single point, refueling systems and evolve a method of satisfactory rendezvous and refueling under all-weather condition^."^^ Both B-36s 

and B-29s could be used as tankers, while all types of bombers should be 

modified to receive fuel. The committee also favored work on other 

methods to extend the range of medium bombers. These options included 

devices for towing bombers, schemes for droppable landing gear that could 

save weight on one-way missions, and tractor landing gear for use on 

undeveloped fields in the Arctic.66 

The Aircraft and Weapons Board endorsed the project at its January 

meeting. Kenney said: “Well I don’t know any project that is more 

important than the refueling project right McNarney supported it, 

but as an interim solution. As he told the board: “It seems we are rapidly 

reaching the point where we are willing to rest the security of the United 

States on the ability to refuel in the air.”68 Partridge, the Director of 

Training and Requirements, favored the concept especially because it 

eliminated the need for one-way missions.69 

The Heavy Bombardment Committee embraced aerial refueling in 

part because of its doubts about the capabilities of the B-36. However, the 

variable discharge turbine engine did offer some hope for increasing the 

bomber’s speed over the target.” And on September 4, Convair offered to 

put variable discharge turbine engines on thirty-four models, to be called 

the B-36C. The added cost of the engines would be offset by cutting total 

production to ninety-five (twenty-two A, thirty-nine B, and thirty-four C 

models). Kenney still opposed the B-36 and saw no need to waste money 

on a fancy new engine. He recognized that the B-36s being produced 

would be useful for auxiliary support, including sea search, reconnaissance, 

towing lighter aircraft, and as tankers. In SAC‘S view, thirty-four B-36s did 

not represent air power. Yet, when Vandenberg polled the members of the 

Aircraft and Weapons Board in November, SAC offered the lone dissentRprt, Heavy Bombardment Cmte to AWB, Report of Heavy Bombardment, 

n.d. [Nov 471, p 6, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, 

MMB, NA. 

65 

Ibid. & passim. 

Verbatim mins, 2d Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 

27-30, 1948, 1st Day, Jan 27, 1948, pp 113-119, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, 

67 

1st AWB, 1947-1948, BOX 183, MMB, NA. 

68 Ibid., pp 190-191. 

Ibid., pp 189-190. 

Rprt, Heavy Bombardment Cmte to AWB, Report of Heavy Bombardment, 

n.d. [Nov 471, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, 

NA. 

69 

70 

180 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

ing vote on procuring the B-36, and on December 5 the Air Force agreed 

to the Convair proposal." 

Central to the Air Force's long-term plans was the B-52. In its 

current design with piston engines, the Stratofortress seemed likely to 

fulfill the gloomy predictions of the critics of the superbomber. The Heavy 

Bombardment Committee agreed that it would not be an effective longrange aircraft and recommended a radical change: the Air Force should 

develop a bomber with a range of 8,000 miles, which air refueling would 

extend. With Wright turboprop T35 engines and a serious effort at 

reducing weight, such a plane could attain a speed of 550 miles per hour 

over the target. The committee urged that the new approach be adopted at 

once, and no more money be poured into what could only be a lumbering, 

fuel-consuming giant.72 

This recommendation raised a complicated issue for the Air Force. 

Earlier, LeMay had noted the likelihood of other companies wanting to 

compete with Boeing in this field. Norstad's and Craig's staffs generally 

favored canceling the Boeing contract and calling for a design competition 

with new specifications. Partridge wanted to examine the Flying Wing 

design, believing in any case that the Air Force should be free to choose 

the best design available. Furthermore, in view of the number of contracts 

awarded to Boeing, the Air Force might be open to charges of favoritism. 

Air Staff members reasoned that, if Boeing's B-52 really was the best 

design, it would win the competition anyway, and the Air Force would gain 

confidence in the aircraft, though at the cost of some time.73 

But there were ample arguments to retain the Boeing contract. The 

Air Force probably could not afford to waste time on a new competition. 

Ltr, Col T. C. Doubleday, R&E Div, ACAS-4 (Mat), to CG AMC, subj: 

Proposed B-36 Production Schedule Submitted by Consolidated-Vultee, Sep 10, 

1947, with atchs; Itr, Brig Gen F. H. Smith, Sec AWB, to CG AMC, et al, subj: 

Proposal to Improve Performance of the Last Thirty-Four (34) B-36 Type Aircraft, 

Oct 15, 1947, with 1st Ind: Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to Sec AWB, Nov 3,1947; 

memo, Brig Gen F. H. Smith, Sec AWB, to VCSAF, subj: Proposal to Improve 

Performance of the Last Thirty-Four (34) B-36 Type Aircraft, Dec 5, 1947, all in 

RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

72 Rprt, Heavy Bombardment Cmte to AWB, Report of Heavy Bombardment, 

n.d. [Nov 471, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, 

R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R & D, to Ch Rqmts Div, 

DCS/Ops, XB-52, Nov 6, 1947, with Cmt 2, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, Dir Tng & 

Rqmts, to Dir R & D, Nov 19, 1947; MR, Maj W. D. Brady, Ch Bbr Sect, Acft Br, 

DCS/Mat, XB-52 Conference, Dec 2, 1947; SSS, Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, 

to VCSAF, Heavy Bombardment Aircraft, Dec 1947, with atchs & draft memo to 

Sec AF, all in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

71 

NA. 73 

181 
Strategic Air Force 

Col. Clarence S. Irvine, as a member of the Heavy Bombardment Committee, had met with Boeing officials and reported their confidence that they 

could meet new specifications. Writing to Craig “in some haste” on 

November 28, he urged that Boeing be given a change order and the 

contract not be canceled. He objected to the delays a competition would 

entail. General McNarney, agreeing with Irvine, pointed out that any firm 

getting the contract would have to duplicate a lot of the work Boeing had 

already done. Also, the Air Force would lose $2.8 million that would revert 

to the U.S. Treasury as a result of the ~ancellation.~~ Nevertheless, after 

reviewing the arguments, Vandenberg discussed the question with Arthur 

S. Barrows, Undersecretary of the Air Force, and with Barrows’s concurrence, decided to cancel the contract. The new military characteristics 

were released on December 8, 1947, and the staff began preparations for a 

c~mpetition.~~ 

But the issue was not resolved without a fight. On December 26 

William M. Allen, President of Boeing, sent Secretary Symington a letter 

protesting the proposed cancellation. Allen assured Symington that his 

company could make the necessary changes. Besides dealing an “injustice” 

to Boeing, cancellation would not be in the best interest of the government. Citing the Air Force’s official contracting goals, Allen wrote: “This 

Company has consistently advocated that the Air Force award its business 

on the basis of merit.” Otherwise the quality of work done would decline. 

Boeing would have no other Air Force work in production at the time the 

B-52s were on the assembly line, so favoritism could not be the issue.76 

McNarney sent Craigie a message on December 30 also opposing cancellati~n.~~ The next day Headquarters USAF halted cancellation proceedings 

pending further review.7s 

Partridge and Craig urged the staff to stand firm, noting support from 

RAND and the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics for the 

Flying Wing design. At Symington’s urging, Allen agreed to give the Flying 

Wing due consideration. After further discussion, key members of the Air 

Ltr, Col C. S. Irvine, Asst CS, SAC, to Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R & D 

USAF, Nov 28, 1947; msg, CG AMC to Dir R & D USAF, Dec 30, 1947, AT 1016, 

both in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

75 Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane, pp 13-19. 

7h Ltr, W. M. Allen, Pres Boeing Airplane Co, to W. S. Symington, Sec AF, 

Dec 26, 1947, in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

77 Msg, CG AMC, to Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R & D USAF, Dec 30, 1947, 

AT \!16, in Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane. 

Memo, Maj Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R&D USAF, to DCS/Mat, subj: 

Development of Heavy Bombardment Aircraft, Feb 13, 1948, in Bagwell, XB-52 

Airplane. 

74 

182 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

Staff met on February 14, 1948, and decided to keep the Boeing contract 

and issue a change order. Undersecretary Barrows concurred in the action. 

Despite the painful experience, the B-52 program had been radically 

redirected and was now aimed at fulfilling a new concept of strategic air 

operations$ 

Thus even before the Aircraft and Weapons Board met in January, 

two of the major proposals up for consideration had already been approved. Both the B-36 and the B-52 had received a new lease on life, as 

had, incidentally, the Northrop YB-49 Flying Wing. Also, the report of the 

Heavy Bombardment Committee had become a basic document for the 

Air Staff. Besides offering the recommendations on specific hardware, the 

committee's report established a concept of strategic operations and a set 

of priorities. Although vague on tactics, the document offered some 

general considerations. With air refueling, effective bombing results seemed 

more likely. The committee envisioned attacks at night at an altitude 

above 35,000 feet. This meant that the Air Force would have to work on 

improving the accuracy of bombsights. Also, large numbers of planes 

would be needed in order to saturate the defense. Not all would carry 

atomic bombs; those that did not would serve as decoys. Some of these 

would have ferret reconnaissance equipment capable of detecting enemy 

radars. Others would be equipped with jamming equipment or even guns. 

Thus the atomic bomb carriers could save weight by not transporting this 

equipment themselves, and they could fly faster. The principal tactical 

recommendation involved using a bomber stream similar to the one the 

Royal Air Force had employed against Germany.80 

The Bombardment Committee did take a stand in the controversy 

over armament. In order to lighten the load, the members urged that 

future bombers be armed only with a tail gun. This decision had to be 

made soon with the B-52 in order to avoid the old problem of guns not 

being ready when the airplane came out of production. RAND had argued 

that at 35,000 feet a fast bomber could only be attacked from the rear. 

Memo, Maj Gen E. E. Partridge, Dir Tng & Rqmts, to DCS/Ops, subj: New 

Heavy Bomber Contracts, Jan 8, 1948, with atch: Reasons Why Competition is 

Desirable; memo, Lt Gen H. A. Craig, subj: XB-52 Development, Jan 15, 1948; Itr, 

W. M. Allen, Pres Boeing Airplane Co, to W. S. Symington, Sec AF, Feb 6, 1948; 

R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Brig Gen D. L. Putt, Dep Ch Eng Div, AMC, Extracts from 

Daily Activity Reports of Headquarters USAF, Jan 14, 1948; msg, Hq USAF to 

Maj Gen A. R. Crawford, Ch Eng Div AMC, #1817, Feb 18, 1948, all in Bagwell, 

XB-2; Airplane. 

Rprt, Heavy Bombardment Cmte to AWB, Report of Heavy Bombardment, 

n.d. [Nov 471, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 181, MMB, 

NA. 

79 

183 
Strategic Air Force 

Advocates of Aerial Refueling. Left to right: Brig. Gen. 

Thomas S. Power, Acting Director of Air Force Training and Requirements; Maj. Gen. Laurence C. Craigie, Director of Research and 

Development for the Deputy Chief of Staff for Materiel; Brig. Gen. 

Tests pitting P-80 against P-80 seemed to confirm this, but tests against 

bombers were pending.” Col. Pearl H. Robey of the Air University recognized that the implications were not easy to accept. As he told the 

Aircraft and Weapons Board: 

So it was with great reluctance that the [committee] said, “cast 

aside some of this armament;” because there were a lot of the boys 

on the Board [sic, the committee] who have been shot at. I can 

assure you that this was a last resort and was not taken lightly.. . .82 

Kenney bridled at suggestions of an evasive maneuver by a heavy bomber: 

“You get a bomber that just runs about ‘G-ing’ the crew to death all the 

time to keep from getting shot down.” But amid the laughter the board 

accepted the committee’s re~ommendation.~~ 

In fact on many issues, the Aircraft and Weapons Board served 

merely as a sounding board for dissenters. Kenney’s objections to the B-36 

’‘ Ibid. 

Verbatim mins, 2d Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 

27-30, 1948, 1st Day, Jan 27, 1948, p 131, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 

1st $,VB, Box 181, MMB, NA. 

82 

Ibid., p 138. 

184 
Decision for a Strategic Force 

Frederic H. Smith, Jr., Chief of the Requirements Division of the 

Directorate of Training and Requirements; and Maj. Gen. Earle E. 

Partridge, the Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Operations, pushed hard 

for the acceptance of an aerial refueling program throughout the Air 

Force. 

provided some comic relief, as did his reference to the planned purchase 

as “hundreds of marvelous tankers.” But McNarney challenged Kenney to 

offer an alternative, and the committee’s report stood.84 

The Aircraft and Weapons Board confirmed the reorientation of the 

B-52 program, although it cut the required speed from 550 miles per hour 

to 500. Also at this meeting, LeMay reminded the members of the 

importance of strategic reconnaissance to the bombing of Japan. The 

Soviets would probably try harder to keep the target areas from being 

photographed, so the reconnaissance plane had to have good performance. 

Kenney concurred with the board’s preference for the F- 12 and approved 

funding it by cutting fifteen planes from the fiscal 1949 program for the 

B-50. For SAC and the Air Force as a whole, strategic reconnaissance had 

a higher priority than a new medium bomber. The board further proposed 

deferring funding for the medium aircraft until fiscal 1950. This would 

allow tests of both the B-47 and the Northrop B-49 Flying Wing.85 

As finally approved, the total program for fiscal 1948 would consist of 

664 aircraft. There would be no money for extra B-50s, for the F-12 (an 

acceptable cut since the project was behind schedule), or for the P-87. For 

fiscal 1949 the Bureau of the Budget had left the Air Force with $1,469 

billion of direct appropriations, including $700 million for procuring air84 Ibid., pp 113-119 &passim. 

8.5 Ibid., pp 192-195 &passim. 

185 
Strategic Air Force 

craft and $145 million for research and development. The program would 

buy 913 planes, including 91 B-50s and 20 F-12s. This was the third 

straight year of deep cuts in research and development, and the board 

agreed that if Congress appropriated more money, it should go for that 

purpose. The highest priority in development was air refueling, followed by 

the B-52, the F-12, medium bombers, armament, and an air-launched 

missile. A five-year purchasing program called for acquiring 186 B-50s per 

year until fiscal 1953, when the airmen hoped to begin buying a new 

bomber. Over the same period, the F-12 purchase would be 26 per year.86 

By February 1948, the Air Force had charted a course for the next 

several years. An ambitious program to modernize the strategic bomber 

force had been approved, and goals existed for increasing the atomic 

stockpile and supporting elements. But implementation of this program 

would require money and effort. Whatever level of manning and funding 

was approved by Congress, it would be applied first to the development of 

the atomic force. Other missions of the Air Force would be served with 

any remaining resources. In developing this program, the service heeded 

the warnings of Spaatz and Symington and showed its determination to 

prove its ability to handle the critical atomic mission. The resources of the 

nation now were directed to building the atomic stockpile, developing the 

Special Weapons Project, modernizing the bomber force, and especially 

advancing air refueling technologies. The success of the agencies responsible for these activities would determine America’s atomic capabilities for 

the foreseeable future. 

Rprt, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, VCSAF, et al, Summary Minutes of the 2d 

Meeting of the USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board (January 27, 28, 29, and 30, 

19481, Feb 10, 1948, in RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Mins 1st AWB, Box 183, 

MMB, NA. 

86 

186 
Chapter VI 

The Year of Crisis 

hether American leaders anticipated the critical international W situation that developed during 1948 may be open to interpretation, but obviously the events had political repercussions during a 

presidential election year. Until 1948 Truman continued to hope that he 

could keep the budget under control. The White House had been reluctant 

to release the Finletter report in part because it would bring pressure to 

increase spending on the Air Force. However, the deepening Cold War 

irrevocably altered the assumptions underlying the administration’s original budget and created urgent new problems. Late in February a coup in 

Prague brought the communists to power in Czechoslovakia. On March 5 a 

message from Gen. Lucius D. Clay, Commanding General, European 

Command, and U.S. Military Governor in Germany, noted “a subtle 

change in [the Soviet] attitude . . .which now gives me a feeling that [war] 

may come with dramatic suddenness,”’ Evidently matters were more 

dangerous than had been thought. However exaggerated some of the fears 

may have been, and however much the warnings were motivated by the 

politics of the defense budget (and Clay’s certainly were), the subsequent 

crisis over Berlin posed a genuine risk to world security. In Washington, 

fear of war would reach its peak in September. 

As a result, Truman had to relax his budget limits somewhat. For 

Forrestal, this was encouraging, but the Defense Secretary still had to 

wrestle with continuing disputes among the services. For its part, the Air 

Force’s effectiveness in the strategic air offensive would be limited by the 

degree of its control over the atomic weapons essential to that offensive. 

’ Msg, Gen L. D. Clay, US Mil Governor Germany, to Lt Gen S. J. Chamberlin, Dir Intel, Dept Army, Mar 5, 1948, in Jean E. Smith, ed, The Papers ofLucius 

D. Clay,. Vol 11: Germany, 1945-1949 (Bloomington, Ind: Univ of Indiana, 1974), 

pp 568-569. 

187 
Strategic Air Force 

Twice during 1948, once at Key West, Florida, and again at Newport, 

Rhode Island, Forrestal tried to reach an interservice agreement and 

found this an elusive goal. 

The Soviet blockade of Berlin in June brought American thinking 

sharply into focus. Even before, the joint chiefs were sufficiently concerned 

with the gravity of the situation to adopt, finally, a joint war plan. But given 

the general unreadiness of the armed forces, the chiefs also realized the 

true danger posed by the Berlin crisis. Fortunately, the airlift of provisions 

to the city, adopted as an expedient measure, proved a success and seemed 

likely to sustain the Western position for a long time. War did not erupt, 

and the Soviet plan to absorb Berlin failed. But deterrence of a world war 

rested on a slender reed. The relationship of force requirements to 

national policy was now easier to clarify, and an agreed policy of increasing 

military strength began to take hold. 

In its deployments to Europe during the Berlin crisis, SAC was able to 

play a significant role in Western diplomacy. Yet despite this “show of 

force,” there were reasons to doubt that the command was really ready for 

combat. As the modification finally began to provide SAC with an expanded atomic delivery capability, the operational readiness of the force 

became increasingly important. The result was closer attention to the 

actual state of affairs in SAC, and this in turn eventually led to a change in 

command. 

Already new leadership had emerged at the top of the Air Force. On 

April 30 General Spaatz retired. Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg, the vice chief, 

became his successor, though both George C. Kenney, commanding SAC, 

and Joseph T. McNarney, at Air Materiel Command, were senior to him. 

For the new vice chief, Vandenberg called on Maj. Gen. Muir S. Fairchild, 

Commander of Air University. Fifty-three years old and a flyer since 1918, 

Fairchild had acquired extensive experience with the Joint Staff during the 

war.* 

Toward A Crisis Budget 

Under the budget submitted to Congress on January 12, 1948, the 

national military establishment would receive authorizations for $9.8 billion in fiscal year 1949. The Air Force share amounted to $3.3 billion, 

direct and indirect. The cut in aircraft procurement by the Bureau of the 

Fogerty, Study #91, pp 1917-1952. 

188 
Year of Crisis 

Budget (from $892 to $700 million) accounted for a disproportionately 

larger cut in the number of airplanes (1,506 to 913) because the reduction 

especially affected trainers and other light, low-cost planes. Truman was 

determined to keep military spending down so that he could support the 

Marshall Plan and still balance the federal budget in an election year. 

Furthermore, this spending plan acknowledged Forrestal’s belief that 

national strength required economic strength and would be undermined by 

excessive government spending, Though strongly supportive of the need 

for increases in the Air Force budget, the Finletter report did not lead to 

any change in the administration’s plans. In fact, on February 2, when the 

House of Representatives passed a larger tax cut than the President had 

requested, increases in military spending became even less likely.3 

Despite his fiscal conservatism, Truman did support a strong policy of 

deterrence. He took a broad view, attempting to balance several factors: a 

budget the country could afford, a strong Europe, and universal military 

training (UMT). The strongest advocates of these alternatives included the 

President himself and Secretary of State Mar~hall.~ The Army largely 

supported UMT, and Forrestal had obtained assurances of support from 

the Air Force and the Navy, although Kenney feared that the Air Force 

would have to take an inordinate number of “half-wits” (presumably, men 

with low Army General Classification Test scores) under such a program.’ 

In previous Congresses, UMT had not fared well, but Marshall believed 

that this reluctance to act would make the program a more effective 

deterrent when it was finally passed. Adopting such an unpleasant measure 

would show that Americans were determined to preserve world peace, 

even at a high personal cost. On the other hand, those who objected to the 

concept of universal military training found a technologically based alterVerbatim mins, 2d Meeting-USAF Aircraft and Weapons Board, January 

27-30, 1948, 3d Day, pp 405-407, in RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Papers 1st 

AWB, Box 181, MMB, NA; hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, 

House, Military Functions, National Military Establishment Appropriations Bill for 

1949, 80th Cong, 2d Sess, Pt 2, Mar 19, 1948, p 39; Rearden, Formative Years, 

pp 309-313. The federal appropriation historically had evolved into an authorization to “obligate” funds. This could be done through disbursing cash or by making 

a contract that committed the government to spend money. In any fiscal year an 

agency might not yet have spent or otherwise obligated funds voted in a previous 

year. What then counted was the authority to spend or contract for new funds; 

hence “new obligational authority” (NOA). The term “authorization” as used here 

referf to NOA. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 12-15. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 384-385; Verbatim rprt, 7th Meeting of the Air Board, 

January 6-7, 1948, pp 13-15, RG 340, Air Bd, Mins of Mtgs, 1946-1948, Box 18, 

MMB, NA. 

3 

189 
Strategic Air Force 

native in the Finletter Commission report, which stressed the importance 

of air power in a future war6 or as a deterrent. 

The issues of air power and UMT, though significant, were suddenly 

overtaken by the international situation. Forrestal, always concerned with 

the link between armed strength and foreign policy, remained a supporter 

of the strategy of containment as outlined by George F. Kennan. While the 

Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan were the essential elements of 

this strategy, an important implication was that local incidents could lead 

to violence and thus trigger a world war. It might be necessary to bring 

American military force to bear at points where communist pressure was 

too strong or where fighting raised the risk of Soviet intervention. As he 

looked at the map, Forrestal saw several potential trouble spots. Disturbing reports on the civil war in Greece had been coming in all through the 

fall of 1947. The United States might have to send in troops or cede the 

country to Stalinist domination. Another group of foreign policy analysts 

foresaw a similar problem in China. Growing violence between Arabs and 

Jews in Palestine was proving to be more than the fifty-seven thousand 

British troops there could handle. Forrestal feared that the administration 

might be pressured into sending troops to replace the British, probably 

under the auspices of the United Nations. A critical period was approaching in Korea, where the U.S. occupation forces were already below 

strength. And many Americans feared that the communists might win a 

crucial election in Italy, possibly touching off civil war. With all the unrest 

overseas, precious few American fighting men were available should war 

come.' 

As of February 1, 1948, the actual strength of the Army totaled 

552,000, well under the budgeted figure, although the Marines had another 

79,000 men. Recruiting was so slow that a continued decline could not be 

avoided. MacArthur, commanding in the Far East, said that his 140,000 

men were 50,000 short of what he needed, even if Korea remained quiet. 

Fewer than 100,000 American personnel were stationed in Europe, and 

these were tied down with occupation duties in Germany and Austria. To 

back up its overseas forces, the Army at home had only two understrength 

divisions and an armored combat command of 2,000 men. Adding mobile 

support troops and eleven Marine battalion landing teams, the nation had 

a strategic reserve of 70,000 men in the continental United States. One 

trouble spot alone might require all the reserve forces. And besides 

personnel, there were shortages of critical equipment. Maj. Gen. Alfred M. 

Gruenther, U.S. Army, the Director of the Joint Staff, warned that 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 369-388. 

'lbicl., pp 374-377 &passim; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 316-318. 

190 
Year of Crisis 

deployment of more than a division (about 15,000 men) would require a 

partial mobilization, politically speaking a momentous step.8 

In a meeting on February 12, 1948, the National Security Council 

discussed the civil strife in Greece. According to Forrestal, Secretary 

Marshall observed that “we are playing with fire while we have nothing 

with which to put it out.” The Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for 

Materiel, Cornelius V. Whitney, representing Symington at the meeting, 

offered a proposal. Since the Air Force wanted to exercise its B-29 units 

in strategic areas, a few flights into Greek airfields by the bombers might 

serve the dual function of showing American strength and resolve while 

training the force. Thus strategic air power might be used in place of 

troops. Marshall agreed to consider the proposal, but both he and Forrestal appeared more interested in the problem of finding enough ground 

troops to deploy to Greece.’ On February 18 the discussion turned to 

Palestine as the two leaders accompanied Army Secretary Royal1 and the 

joint chiefs to the White House. There Gruenther briefed the President on 

the military manpower crisis. Forrestal used personnel data to support his 

often repeated warning against allowing political pressure to force the 

United States to intervene in Palestine. He won Truman’s approval for 

a discreet approach to Republican leaders for help in depoliticizing the 

Palestine issue by explaining the readiness problem.” 

For the moment, this was all that Truman was willing to concede. But 

over the following week the news from Prague transformed the situation. 

The communist coup meant the elimination of the last vestiges of relative 

freedom in Czechoslovakia and dashed any hope of that country’s shifting 

its allegiance away from the Soviet Union.” Although George F. Kennan 

at the State Department had warned of such a move, apparently in hopes 

of forestalling panic when it came, the Western leaders were stunned.” 

On March 10 Jan Masaryk, Czechoslovakia’s foreign minister, much admired in the West as a liberal figure, was found dead in Prague under 

suspicious circumstance^.'^ Meanwhile Clay’s warning message had arrived, giving further confirmation to the growing Soviet threat and to a 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 374-377. 

Ibid., pp 370-373. 

Ibid., pp 374-377. 

Msg, L. A. Steinhardt, U.S. Ambassador Czecho, to Sec State, Feb 26, 1948, 

no subj, in FRUS, 1948, Vol IV, pp 738-741, & 736n. 

”lbid.; rprt, Policy Planning Staff, State Dept, Resume of World Situation, 

Nov 6, 1947, in FRUS, 1947, Vol I, p 771; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 279-280. 

l3 Rearden, Fornative Years, p 280. 

8 

10 

11 

191 
Strategic Air Force 

George F. Kennan, State Department official and originator of the 

strategy of containment. 

similar notice, some months earlier, from Gen. Ennis Whitehead, Commanding General of Far East Air Forces, that the Soviets were contemplating war.I4 

Directly involving the Soviet Union, the collapse of Czechoslovakia 

represented a crisis far worse than the Palestine unrest that had preoccupied Forrestal. The Strategic Air Command still had only one group ready 

for atomic operations. Its other forces were understrength and dependent 

on overseas bases if they had to strike at the USSR. Currently available 

bases in Europe were vulnerable to a westward sweep of powerful Soviet 

ground forces. And the Joint Chiefs of Staff had yet not approved a war 

plan. 

In this time of extreme danger, the Secretary of Defense also saw an 

important opportunity for the services to resolve their rivalries. For some 

time, Forrestal had been planning to hold discussions to settle interservice 

differences, and on March 11 he took the joint chiefs to Key West, Florida, 

for a long weekend of meetings. Confronting a communist threat to world 

peace, the top military leaders appeared to reach agreement on several 

major issues:'5 the relationship of the Navy and the Air Force in strategic 

air operations; establishment of basic conditions for an agreed war plan 

Ltr, Lt Gen E. C. Whitehead, CG FEAF, to Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, Dec 

Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 282, 395-397; Forrestal, Diaries, pp 390-394. 

14 

9, 1947, AFHRA 168.6008-3 Spaatz. 1s 

192 
Year of Crisis 

and budget; a proposal for the reintroduction of the draft; and a call for 

increased military spending.16 

On March 15 Forrestal brought the chiefs’ proposals to the White 

House to win the President’s support.” The next day he told a subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee that Truman would probably 

seek a supplemental appropriation for fiscal 1949. The secretary warned 

against expecting mammoth increases, speaking in words that were to 

become a refrain: “Our defense organization.. . must be looked upon as 

but one factor. Among the others are high domestic production, a balanced budget, and a sound currency.”18 On March 17 the President 

addressed a joint special session of Congress. Condemning the bellicose 

policies of the USSR, he called on Americans to stand firm. He asked for 

full funding of the Marshall Plan program, enactment of universal military 

training, and the revival of selective service as a stopgap measure until 

UMT resolved the critical manpower pr0b1em.l~ 

In the rapid pace of events, Forrestal and the military chiefs may not 

have fully understood Truman’s agenda. Perhaps it would take time for the 

armed services to adjust to the complex issues involved in balancing 

foreign policy, domestic, and military requirements. In reality, there is 

ample reason to believe that the President, with Director of the Budget 

Webb at his side, had no intention of undertaking a major rearmament. By 

implementing selective service and some budget increases, Truman would 

attempt to correct the most glaring weaknesses in the nation’s military 

power. These initiatives, along with universal military training, would 

increase preparedness for war and, by demonstrating national resolve, 

perhaps deter war. But for the President the surest defense lay in building 

a strong Europe, able to defend itself and immune to communist meddling. 

The European powers, meeting at Brussels, signed an alliance the same 

day that Truman addressed Congress. The formation of the Western 

European Union was a vital first step in rearming the West, both in 

military and moral strength.20 A seventy-group air force had yet to win 

such an endorsement from the administration. 

l6 Ibid. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 392-394. 

Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House, Militaiy Functions, National Military Establishment Appropriations Bill for 1949, 80th Cong, 2d 

sess, Pt 1, Mar 16, 1948, p 13 &passim. 

Rearden, Formative Years, p 283. 

Zbid., p 459. The Brussels Pact countries were the United Kingdom, France, 

17 

18 

19 

20 

Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. 

193 
Strategic Air Force 

Roles, Missions, and Budgets 

The timing of the Berlin crisis, just before the joint chiefs’ conference 

at Key West, was particularly fortuitous for Forrestal, as it showed the 

necessity for the services to agree on a war plan and defense program. The 

public quarreling between the Air Force and the Navy had placed the onus 

on the Secretary of Defense to achieve the true unification called for by 

the National Security Act of 1947. Shortly after Admiral Nimitz retired as 

Chief of Naval Operations, he issued a statement asserting, in part, that 

until the Air Force could develop a genuine intercontinental force at some 

future date, the Navy’s carriers were prepared to conduct strategic operations. Similar observations and rejoinders appeared in a series of leaked 

newspaper stories and planted articles, which revealed the depth of the 

interservice rivalries. While Secretary of the Air Force Symington contended that the Navy was the worse offender, a full quota of ill-feeling 

existed on both sides. Many friends of the Navy believed that the Air 

Force wanted to absorb all aviation and virtually to abolish the aircraft 

carrier. On the Air Force side, the Navy was believed to be intent on 

wresting control of the strategic bombing mission. Also, although this was 

not a public issue, Air Force leaders saw proposals to allocate scarce 

atomic bombs to the Navy as a diversion from the proper use of the 

weapons.21 The questions thus raised were at the heart of any discussion of 

budgets for the services, as they impinged directly on the plans and 

requirements each service could present to the administration and Congress 

as the basis of its funding. Defined under the heading of “roles and 

missions,” these were the major issues considered at Key West. 

The results of the conference appeared encouraging. The chiefs at 

Key West resolved several issues, clearing away obstacles to a joint war 

plan. Also, Forrestal obtained the draft of an agreement on the functions 

of the three services, which among other considerations, acknowledged the 

Air Force’s primary responsibility for the strategic air offensive, although 

the Navy could assist in “the over-all air effort as directed by the Joint 

Chiefs of Staff.” The Navy retained its sea-based atomic role; it could use 

“weapons and equipment” deemed suitable to do its job and could attack 

Ltr, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to President Truman, May 24, 1948, with atch 

memo, subj: Naval Aviation Program; rprt, Adm C. W. Nimitz, The Future 

Employment of Naval Forces, Jan 7, 1948, both in RG 340, Spec File 4A, Roles & 

Missions Corres, MMB, NA; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 386-393. 

21 

194 
Year of Crisis 

any targets related to the fleet’s mission. Conversely, the Navy was barred 

from developing a strategic air force.22 

The most immediate result of the Key West agreements was a 

presidential endorsement of an increase in the defense budget, which 

Truman quickly approved. Forrestal had to allocate this money among the 

services and defend the revised budget before Congress. To settle interservice disputes by granting each side’s request would create an enormous, 

politically unacceptable budget. And the Secretary of Defense, with his 

financial background, had strong views about the inflationary pressures 

that a large federal budget would impose on the economy. Forrestal’s 

solution was “balanced forces,” a sort of fair sharing of deficiencies. The 

argument, as advanced by Forrestal, Marshall, and others, began by 

acknowledging the primacy of air power in modem war. But the Air Force 

needed overseas bases in order to deliver the decisive blow in the event of 

war. This required a strong army to seize and hold base areas. One briefing 

prepared for Congress envisioned that a typical base complex supporting 

twenty air groups would require seven divisions and a total air and ground 

strength of 500,000 men. In addition, a strong navy would be needed to 

secure sea lanes and help obtain the bases. And the Navy asserted that the 

carrier task force was the most effective tool for these purposes. Adm. 

Louis E. Denfeld, the new Chief of Naval Operations, rejected the more 

extreme naval thesis, namely that the best bases for the strategic air 

offensive were floating ones. In any case, Forrestal argued that a seventygroup air force implied an army strong enough to support it and a navy 

that could operate on a comparable scale. Secretary Sullivan supported 

him by testifying that the Navy would need 550,000 men to support a 

seventy-group Air Force. While Forrestal considered seventy groups a 

desirable goal, he recognized that the country could not afford the ground 

and naval forces necessary to support them.23 

The services backed Forrestal before Congress in March, albeit reluctantly. Spaatz did make vague references to the day when strategic air 

Memo, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to Sec Army, Sec AF, et al, Apr 21, 1948, 

with atch: Functions of the Armed Forces and the Joint Chiefs of Staff; MR, Maj 

Gen A. M. Gruenther, Dir Jt Staff, Functions of the Armed Forces and the Joint 

Chiefs of Staff, Mar 26, 1948, both in Alice Cole, Alfred Goldberg, et al, eds, The 

Department of Defense: Documents on Establishment and Organization, 1944-1978 

(Washington: OSD, 19781, pp 274-289. 

Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, Senate, 80th Cong, 2d 

sess, Universal Military Training, Mar 18, 1948, pp 31ff; Mar 25, 1948, pp 336, 

351-352,395-396; hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, House, 80th 

Cong, 2d sess, Selective Seruice, Apr 12, 1948, p 6098; Apr 13, 1948, pp 6204-6205. 

22 

23 

195 
Strategic Air Force 

forces could operate directly from the continental United States.24 Ironically, the "balanced forces" concept faced its most serious opposition from 

Congress, not the service chiefs. There the request for a supplemental 

appropriation for defense, finally set at $3 billion, came under consideration at the same time as the bill for universal military training. Opposition 

to UMT was galvanizing, sparking a major debate on national strategy. 

Most congressmen agreed with General Bradley's assessment of the 

Cold War. " . . .we are competing [with the Soviets] for the hearts and 

minds of men in Europe and Asia.. . ."25 Secretary Marshall, whose name 

would be forever linked to the plan for European recovery, emphasized 

the role of universal military training as a deterrent to aggression. He told 

the Senate Committee on Armed Services that UMT would demonstrate 

the resolve of the American people to defend freedom.26 Though Senator 

Arthur Vandenberg and many of the Republicans were willing to forego 

their isolationist preconceptions and support aid to Europe, they could not 

resist the powerful tide of opposition to UMT. Under the circumstances, a 

widespread belief emerged that either the possession of the atomic bomb 

by itself or the existence of an effective atomic Air Force would suffice to 

deter the Soviet Union. The Finletter and Brewster reports had done 

much to promote this point of view. They thus gave the Republicans the 

basis for an alternative defense But members of both parties 

could identify with a demoncratic congressman from Arkansas who reported his constituents worries about the neglect of the Air Force. 28 Even 

Forrestal, in a measured statement on the atomic bomb, testified that: 

The mere possession of this undoubted asset would not necessarily 

turn the scale of war, if war should come. But its possession has 

undoubted power to dissuade from aggression any nation which 

believes we have sufficient military strength to put that weapon to 

effective use.29 

24 Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, Senate, Unioersal 

"Zbid., Mar 25, 1948, pp 351-352. 

261bid., Mar 17, 1948, pp 3-29. *' Forrestal, Diaries, pp 388, 413-414. 

28 Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House, Military Functions, National Military Establishment Appropriation Bill for 1949, 80th Cong, 2d sess, 

Mar 24, 1948, Pt 2, pp 99-100. 

29 Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, Senate, Universal Military Training, 80th Cong, 2d sess, Mar 23, 1948, p 329. 

Military Training, 80th Cong, 2d sess, Mar 25, 1948, pp 390-395. 

196 
Year of Crisis 

For the Air Force, Symington described the atomic weapon as 

an active deterrent to any aggressor and ... the force which envelops him in prompt and decisive retaliatory action if he risks war 

with the United States.30 

As the sense of crisis receded somewhat, the debate on Capitol Hill 

continued through April and May 1948. The bill for reviving Selective 

Service passed, but universal military training died. Despite Forrestal’s 

efforts, and thanks to judicious maneuvering by Symington, Congress voted 

the Air Force more funds than the President had requested. The Air 

Secretary indeed risked being removed for insubordination, testifying that 

if forced to choose between a seventy-group air force and universal 

military training, he would consider seventy groups more important to 

national security. To the President’s request for $1.1 billion for aircraft, 

intended as a supplement in fiscal 1948 to allow the immediate letting of 

contracts, Congress added $822 million, to give a total just short of the 

Brewster Committee’s recommendation. Spaatz agreed to an arrangement 

to raise the Air Force’s personnel ceiling and to equip a total of sixty-six 

groups by the end of June 1949. This fell short of the full program by a few 

airlift and tactical air units. Strategic forces, under the current revision, 

would corpist of twenty heavy and medium bomber groups and six for very 

long range reconnai~sance.~~ 

In spite of the setback, Truman continued to hold the line on defense 

spending. He had succeeded in getting a discretionary clause inserted in 

the supplemental appropriation that allowed him to refuse to spend the 

extra funds. When he signed the appropriation bills, he set ceilings on the 

services for 1949 as well. The Air Force limits of 400,000 personnel and 

9,240 airplanes he later raised to 411,000 and 9,800 respectively, but at the 

same time the President released $1.3 billion to the Air Force to begin 

buying more airplanes. He also intended to set firm limits for the upcoming budget for 1950. On May 13 he told the military leaders that the ceiling 

for defense spending would be $15 billion.32 

Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House, Milita ry Functions, National Military Establishment Appropriation Bill for 1949, 80th Cong, 2d sess, 

Pt 2,3vlar 19, 1948, p 5. 

Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, House, Selective Service, 80th Cong, 2d sess, Apr 13, 1948, pp 6136-6140; Rearden, Formative Years, 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 328-335; Mary R. Self, History of the USAF 

Five-Year Aircraji Procurement Program, Jan 1, 1948-Jul I, 1949 (Wright-Patterson 

AFB, Ohio: AMC, 19491, pp 11-14. 

30 

pp 3;:-333. 

197 
Strategic Air Force 

1949 Air Force Budget and Supplement 

FY 49 Request Aircraft Program Voted for FY 49 

$1.5 billion $700 million $897 million 

~ 

For Aircraft FY 49 Request FY 48 Supplemental 

Brewster $700 million Requested Voted 

Committee 

$2 billion $1.1 billion $1.9 billion" 

(for tooling) $108 million $108 million 

$1.2 billion $2 billion 

Final Allocation, by Service, FY 48 Supplemental and FY 49 

Amy Navy Air Force 

$5.8 billion $4.4 billion $3 billion 

(approximately $1.8 billion 

for support of Air Force) 

($2 billion for aircraft, 

$897 million for other) 

a 100 million deleted for light aircraft. Aircraft procurment deleted from FY 

49, placed in FY 48 so as not to have to wait for 1 July 1948. 

The Air Force's plans for war, as has been noted, now included 

provisions for an atomic offensive, and SAC had written its own plans 

accordingly. However, at the beginning of 1948, the Joint Chiefs of Staff 

had approved no plan for joint action in the event of war. Committees had 

been working on BROILER as a plan for an emergency, but early in the year 

the joint chiefs called for a revision. The Air Force staff prepared plan 

HARROW as its contribution. Incorporated into the joint plan FROLIC, this 

concept came before the JCS in March. There both Admiral Leahy, still 

Chief of Staff to the President, and Admiral Denfeld attacked the heavy 

reliance on an atomic offensive, and although Spaatz defended the plan, it 

remained unapproved. In April, however, FROLIC served as the basis of the 

U.S. position in staff talks in Washington with the British and Canadians. 

The resulting allied plan, ABC (American-British-Canadian)-101, coordi198 
Year of Crisis 

nated the British plan DOUBLEQUICK and a new American plan, HALFMOON. On May 19, 1948, the JCS finally adopted “for planning purposes” 

the plans agreed upon with the British.33 

HALFMOON outlined the initial actions the United States should take 

if attacked by USSR during the coming twelve months. It concentrated on 

the first phase, when the allies would evacuate such vulnerable areas as the 

European mainland, defend vital bases and lines of communications, and 

initiate a strategic air offensive “designed to exploit the destructive and 

psychological power of atomic weapons against the vital elements of the 

Soviet war-making capacity. . . .”34 In the second phase, the allies would 

build up bases in the Middle East and elsewhere in preparation for an 

ultimate counteroffensive. The objective of the war would be to cripple or 

destroy the Soviet Union’s ability or will to make war, or at least to drive 

back the aggressor.35 

For the strategic air offensive, SAC units were to deploy to England, 

Egypt, and Okinawa. If England proved untenable, the allies would shift 

their bases to Iceland. At the outset of the war, the Eighth Air Force’s 

SADDLETREE-modified planes would start shuttling bombs from the Atomic 

Energy Commission’s storage sites to England or the other bases. The 

assembly teams, still few in number, would go to England. As the atomic 

bombs were assembled, they would be dropped on targets, and the bombers 

would stage back to the continental United States for maintenance and 

more bombs. The targets were twenty major Soviet cities containing the 

largest share of the war-supporting industries. Meanwhile, conventional 

bombers would strike at oil targets and mine shipping lanes. Under 

HALFMOON, the Commanding General of SAC would control atomic 

operations, and theater commanders in England and the Middle East were 

to be Air Force officers. Naval carrier forces would “supplement and 

support the air offensive to the extent practical consistent with their 

primary task.”36 

With its atomic annex, plan HALFMOON, addressed the limitations 

under which the United States would be operating if war came in 1948. 

Atomic bombs remained disassembled and stored in the AEC’s sites, and 

the few trained assembly teams and weaponeers were available to man the 

limited number of SADDLETREE bombers. Given the complexities of navi33 K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 283-289. 

34 Note, JCS 1844/4 Secs, Brief of Short-Range Emergency Plan HALFMOON, 

May 19, 1948, with encl, p 32, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, 

Sect 1 Box 1045, MMB, NA. 

35’Ibid., pp 30ff. 

36Zbid.; notes, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch P1 & Intel Div, SWG, to Maj Gen D. M. 

Schlatter, Actg Ch SWG, n.d., RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 322 Spec 

Weapons Gp, Box 7, MMB, NA. 

199 
Strategic Air Force 

DARKHORSE War Planners. Clockwise from abooe: Col. Wiley D. Ganey, 

Deputy Chief of the Operations in the Office of the Director of Plans and 

Operations; Col. James B. Knapp of the Office of the Director of Plans and 

Operations; and Cols. Paul Tibbets, George Y. Jumper, and Milton F. Summerfelt 

of the Special Weapons Group. 

gating by radar over unknown territory, often snow-covered, finding the 

targets posed special pr~blems.~’ Thus, cities made better targets than 

smaller industrial or transportation centers. Still, airmen were optimistic, 

even hoping that the atomic attack would knock Russia out of the war 

before the phase two counteroffensive plan had to be executed.’8 

With the sense of crisis in the spring of 1948, implementing HALFMOON became an urgent priority. A crash program had started at the end 

of 1947 to prepare target folders by the beginning of June 1948. On the 

basis of ABC-101 the United States could approach the British about 

See note above; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 292-293; memo, Maj Gen 

G. C. McDonald, Dir Intel, to AAG, subj: Printing Requirements for Crash 

Program, Apr 21, 1948, RG 341, TS AAG File 33, Box 11, MMB, NA; memo, Col 

G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel Div, SWG, subj: Daily Diary, Apr 6, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (PI & Intel), Box 6, MMB, NA. 

38 Ltr, Col H. Bunker, Chmn T & TLC, to Col J. G. Armstrong, Dep Ch SWG, 

subj: Activities of Special Weapons Group, Apr 9, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst 

for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Consolidated Diary, Box 6, MMB, NA. 

17 

200 
Year of Crisis 

bases, although LeMay had already sent officers from his headquarters in 

Wiesbaden to confer with the RAF. There were thought to be six fields in 

England that could handle B-29s. Okinawa was ready to support atomic 

operations, and Col. Robert 0. Cork, Kenney’s Assistant Chief of Staff for 

Plans, had investigated the possibility of using British bases in 

Difficult as it had been to develop an acceptable joint emergency war 

plan, a longer-term plan, which would affect future budgets, was nearly 

impossible to negotiate. Early in 1948 the Air Staff began work on a 

medium-term war plan along lines suggested by General Spaatz. Known as 

DARKHORSE, this plan concentrated on an atomic offensive in a war taking 

place in 1951 or 1952, employing the kind of Air Force outlined in the 

Finletter and Brewster reports. The offensive would be a large blow 

delivered as rapidly as possible. In February, Col. Wiky D. Ganey, Deputy 

Chief of the Operations Division (Office of the Director of Plans and 

Operations), convened a panel to work on the details. Among the participants were Knapp from Plans, Paul Tibbets, and Cols. George Y. Jumper 

and Milton F. Summerfelt of the Special Weapons Group!’ 

The planners of DARKHORSE agreed that air refueling would be 

essential for an intercontinental effort. Jumper acknowledged that staging 

through forward bases left much to be desired. “As is well known to 

anyone who flies an airplane, every landing is an invitation to difficulties.. . .” The operations of the B-29s through China during the 

previous war seemed to confirm this.41 While overseas bases had value and 

were part of the plan, they “all present the same diplomatic inaccessibility. 

They are not operationally ready. They need construction and stockpiling. 

Notes, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch P1 & Intel Div, SWG, to Maj Gen D. M. 

Schlatter, Actg Ch SWG, n.d., RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 322 Spec 

Weapons Gp, Box 7; ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG USAFE, to Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, VCSAF, Feb 19, 1948, RG 341, TS AAG File 13, Box 5; Daily Diary, 

Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel Div, SWG, Apr 20, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst 

for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (PI & Intel), Box 6; memo to Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Discussion of Advice to be Given to Planners on 

Emergency War Plan and Request for JCS Confirmation of Soundness Thereof, 

Oct 13,1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 4, Box 1045; 

msg, Maj Gen C. Bissell, Mil Att London, to CSAF, # 72894, 0616202 Mar 1948, 

RG ?$l, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 1, MC 318, all in MMB, NA. 

Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 255-256; Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI 

& Intel Div, SWG, Apr 2, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 314.7 

DailX1Diary (P1 & Intel), Box 16, MMB, NA. 

Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch P1 & Intel Div, SWG, Apr 5, 1948, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (PI & Intel), Box 6, MMB, 

NA. 

39 

201 
Strategic Air Force 

That brings in the State Department and interminable negotiations. No 

good.”42 The DARKHORSE planners considered Okinawa, then occupied by 

the United States, the best option. Karachi and fields in England were 

preferred on the basis of their relative security and proximity to Soviet 

targets. Among the possible locations in the Western hemisphere, the 

Alaska was considered too far from important targets, and its climate 

posed operational difficulties. This left bases in the continental United 

States, and much consideration had already been devoted to developing a 

field in the extreme northeast at Limestone, Maine. Also, if the Canadians 

concurred, tankers could be based in Newfoundland or Labrador.43 All in 

all, this catalogue of difficulties in obtaining suitable bases reaffirmed the 

Air Force’s need for extended bomber range, no matter how it was 

achieved. 

The existing version of the seventy-group plan called for twenty 

groups of B-36s and B-50s, plus six groups of similar types for very long 

range reconnaissance, considered necessary because of the lack of intelligence about the target areas. The planned strategic force, including the 

complete SADDLETREE program and a modern reconnaissance force, would 

provide the strength needed to deliver the necessary massive strikes. Thus 

if the seventy-group force could be maintained in peacetime, it would have 

the means to strike the atomic blow early in a war. SAC’S bomber units 

would consists of SADDLETREE planes, escort bombers armed with guns 

and radar jammers, and tankers for refueling in flight. The World War I1 

concept of masses of bombers in formation, dropping on a single target, 

was no longer relevant. That earlier application of mass, a time-honored 

principle of war, now gave way to timing the force so that a large number 

of planes, though not all carrying atomic weapons, showed up on the 

enemy’s radar screens all at once. The DARKHORSE planners also cited 

British tests that seemed to indicate that a reasonably fast bomber at high 

altitudes would have an advantage over interceptors. Provided the Air 

Force could solve the intelligence and navigation problems and ensure 

Zbid., Apr 15, 1948. 

Zbid., Apr 5, 15, & 20, 1948; R & R Sheet, Cmt I, Maj Gen W. E. Kepner, 

Ch SWG, to Dir Air Installations, Acquisition of Land for Ammunition Storage 

Area-Limestone Army Air Field, Maine, Dec 2, 1947, with atchs, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 600 Buildings & Grounds, Box 21, MMB, NA. 

Talks on bases in Newfoundland and Labrador would have to wait until a plebiscite 

settled who had authority to negotiate on the other side. Then a British colony, 

Newfoundland was preparing to vote on whether to remain a colony, assume 

dominion status, or join Canada as a province. 

42 

43 

202 
Year of Crisis 

accurate bombing from thirty thousand feet or more, the planners believed 

that the chances for success were good.44 

Despite the apparent progress at Key West, interservice disagreements continued to hamper progress in postwar planning and readiness. 

During mid-July, Forrestal nearly asked for Symington’s resignation after 

hearing news reports of a speech the Air Secretary gave in Los Angeles. In 

that speech, Symington continued to press for seventy groups and the 

primacy of strategic air power, though he had in fact rewritten the speech 

to tone down the attacks on Forrestal and the other services. Lt. Gen. 

Lauris Norstad, the Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, called the 

earlier draft “beautiful,” while acknowledging that it would have been 

Symington’s “~aledictory.”~~ Unfortunately, the Defense Secretary obtained a copy of the first speech, but when Symington explained that he 

had given a different one, Forrestal accepted his version of events. 

One of the Defense Secretary’s goals involved obtaining a consensus 

on strategic principles as a basis for the military budget!6 Since the 

services could not agree, and Truman warned Forrestal not to let this 

process interfere with developing the fiscal 1950 budget, the secretary’s 

attempt at interservice negotiations largely failed. Budget Director James 

Webb took a more pragmatic approach. On July 16 he told Forrestal that 

the services would have a ceiling of $14.4 billion for fiscal 1950. Before 

long the Joint Chiefs of Staff reported that they were deadlocked on 

allocating this amount. Both Army and Air Force spokesmen agreed that 

the Navy’s estimates far exceeded any reasonable requirements. For his 

part, Vandenberg held out for the procurement level called for in the 

seventy-group program. To overcome these obstacles? on August 12 the 

JCS agreed to form a Budget Advisory Committee, naming General 

McNarney chairman.47 

Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel Div, SWG, Apr 2, 1948, Apr 

14, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (P1 & Intel), 

Box 6; notes, Jumper to Maj Gen D. M. Schlatter, Actg Ch SWG, n.d., NA 341, 

DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 322 Spec Weapons Gp, Box 7, both in MMB, 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 462-463; Remarks by W. Stuart Symington, Secretary 

of the Air Force, at the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences, Jul 16, 1948, in Public 

Statements & Speeches by K Stuart Symington, Vol IV, CAFH; MR, Col J. G. 

Armstrong, Ofc Asst DCS/Ops for AE, Staff Meeting, 0830, Jul 13, 1948, 

DCS/Ops, Jul 13, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 300.6 MR, Box 

13, MMB, NA; USAF OHI, #K239.0512-1039, Herman S. Wolk & Hugh N. 

Ahrnann, AFCHO & USAFHRC, with Sen W. Stuart Symington, May 2 and Dec 

12, 1,9678, pp 85-88, AFHRA. 

See below, p. 33. 

44 

NA. 45 

47 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 336-342. 

203 
Strategic Air Force 

Meanwhile Forrestal was experiencing no better luck reaching an 

agreement on the issue of roles and missions. At the end of July Vandenberg again explained to the Defense Secretary the importance of Air Force 

primacy in strategic air warfare, to include control of the atomic bomb, the 

main strategic air weapon!’ The air chief made no objection to Forrestal’s 

decision to call Spaatz out of retirement, along with Adm. John H. Towers, 

the naval aviation pioneer, to advise the Defense Secretary on the disputes 

between the Air Force and the Navy. On August 9 Forrestal instructed the 

two former aviators to explore the value of the Key West agreements, the 

role of carrier aviation, and the control of atomic weapons. Spaatz and 

Towers reported on August 18 that they too had failed to agree on some of 

the major issues. They did arrive at a definition of strategic warfare-“The 

general application of measures against the enemy designed to destroy his 

will and his capacity to continue war”-and strategic air operations-“the 

application of air power against targets of strategic significance to the 

enemy.” And they urged a clarification of the Key West agreement that 

would in effect give the Air Force the right to define requirements for the 

strategic air offensive. On the other hand, Towers objected to Spaatz’s 

reassertion of the Air Force’s request to run the Special Weapons Project. 

Spaatz acknowledged that atomic weapons might be needed for naval 

operations and that the Navy could contribute to strategic air operations, 

but he contended that the supercarrier the Navy wanted to build could not 

be justified, as its primary rationale was its value for strategic operations. 

Towers supported the Navy’s po~ition!~ In fact, the Navy was fighting to 

preserve its shipbuilding program, while the Air Force claimed the right to 

define the central requirements for the military budget because of the 

dominant importance of the strategic air offensive. 

The overt divisions among the services undermined their positions 

even when they fundamentally agreed. On the issue of the custody of 

atomic weapons, for example, the services supported Forrestal in requesting transfer of custody from the Atomic Energy Commission to the 

military establishment. On July 21, 1948, Forrestal presented Truman with 

the formal request for transfer. Lilienthal voiced the AEC’s objections, 

based largely on the need for civilian control of such a powerful weapon. 

But the President’s advisers wondered whether the rival services would be 

able to agree on operational issues once they received the bombs. AdminForrestal, Diaries, pp 466-467. 

Memo, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to Gen C. A. Spaatz (Ret), & Adm J. H. 

Towers (Ret), Aug 9, 1948; memo, Spaatz & Towers to Forrestal, subj: Your 

Memorandum (Aug 9, 1948), Aug 18, 1948, both in Air Force History Support 

Office. 

48 

49 

204 
Year of Crisis 

istration officials also warned of the effect of such a seemingly bellicose 

move in a time of international crisis. In the end, Truman rejected Forrestal’s req~est.~’ The President had already stated that he intended to 

reserve for himself the authority to decide on the use of the bomb, and he 

did not wish “to have some dashing lieutenant colonel decide when would 

be the proper time to drop 

Frustrated, Forrestal concluded that “the area of disagreement between the Air Force and Navy Air is not necessarily wide but it is quite 

deep.”52 Spaatz and Towers had clarified but not resolved the question of 

roles and missions. The secretary’s next attempt at reconciliation was to 

sponsor a conference of the chiefs at Newport, Rhode Island, from August 

20 to 22,1948. There the services reached a compromise, agreeing that the 

Air Force would not exclude the Navy from strategic air operations, but 

that the Navy could not use its potential strategic role as a justification for 

its program or budget. The head of the Special Weapons Project was to 

report to the Chief of Staff of the Air Force on all matters pertaining to 

Plan HALFMOON (now renamed FLEETWooD).53 Harmony was restored, but 

since the essential issue was the defense budget, a recurring process with 

long-term implications, the rapport could not last. 

The Berlin Crisis 

The conference at Newport gained a sense of urgency from recent 

events in Europe. The forebodings of the winter of 1947 gave way to 

increased tension in early 1948, and in June the dissagreements between 

the Soviets and the Western powers over Germany came to a head. Since 

1945 the Americans, the British, the Soviets, and the French had administered the four zones of postwar Germany. Berlin, an enclave within the 

Soviet Zone, was likewise split into four sectors. Through continued 

obstruction, the Soviets had brought the machinery of four-power government to a virtual breakdown. The United States and the United Kingdom 

had begun the economic integration of their zones in order to foster 

recovery. While the Soviets had no power to prevent this, they did control 

Rearden, Fownatiue Years, pp 425-432. 

Forrestal, Diaries, p 458. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 401-402. 

50 

51 

52 Ibid., p 464. 53 

205 
Stratepic Air Force 

The proposed supercarrier, USS United States, shown in an artist’s rendering, 

was considered critical by the Navy, which was fearful of losing its air mission to 

the newly autonomous Air Force. Congress’s decision to fund the B-36 instead of 

the United States followed a rancorous debate between the two services on the 

strategic air offensive, the future of carrier-based aviation, and control and 

delivery of the atomic bomb. 

land and water access into the former capital. In April they had briefly 

closed the city to military transportation, and the Western countries had 

responded by airlifting supplies to their garrisons. When the Western 

powers initiated a reform of the currency on June 18, 1948, the Soviets 

again resorted to a blockade, finally sealing off all land and water routes. 

Starvation now threatened the two million inhabitant^.'^ 

The Western governments’ response was inhibited by the awareness 

that they remained unprepared for war. Combat air forces in Germany, for 

example, consisted of the 86th Fighter Group at Neubiberg and one 

squadron of B-29s at Furstenfeldbruck (in June 1948, the 353d from 

Smoky Hill Air Force Base). Clay anticipated the arrival of a jet fighter 

group in August, but he believed that the primary value of combat air 

forces in Germany was psychological. More important, with scarcely more 

than one bomber group equipped for atomic operations, and precious few 

s4 Ibid., pp 275-279. 

206 
Year of Crisis 

other resources available, America lacked enough reserve forces to back 

up a strong diplomatic stand. Conventional B-29 groups could make a 

“show of force,” h0wever.5~ 

In the event of war, Berlin would be extremely vulnerable. But if the 

Western powers gave in on their right to be in Berlin, the blow to their 

prestige could prove irreparable. To concede the currency question would 

be just as serious. For his part, Clay believed the USSR would make 

concessions if the West stood firm: “If the Soviets go to war, it will not be 

because of Berlin currency issue but only because they believe this [is] the 

right time. In such case they would use currency issue as an excu~e.”~~ 

Other Allied leaders were not so sure and wanted to avoid being provocative. For the moment, there was time to discuss the question, because Clay 

had directed an airlift in order to postpone the complete exhaustion of 

supplies in Berlin. Also, he reported that the German population was 

“remarkably steady.”57 On June 26 a C-47 took off from Wiesbaden for 

Berlin to begin the airlift. And if the transport planes on hand proved 

insufficient, the Air Force could send LeMay, the air commander in 

Europe, more planes for an expanded ~peration.~’ 

The same day, British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin met in London 

with American Ambassador Lewis W. Douglas. Bevin agreed that the 

airlift would buy time for negotiations and for a military buildup. Further, 

as Douglas reported: 

Bevin believes that [the military chiefs1 should examine the possibility of sending more heavy U.S. bomber planes to Europe. He does 

not suggest this as an operation which, in a military sense, would be 

particularly effective. It would, however, be evidence which the 

Soviet would construe as meaning that we are in earnest. It would 

accordingly tend to refute the view held by the Soviet that we are 

USAFE, A Five-Year Summary of USAFE History, 1945-1950, 1952, pp 

68-79, 136-140; msg, Gen L. D. Clay, CINC, Europe 73179, to Lt Gen A. C. 

Wedemeyer, Dir P & 0, Dept Army, Apr 27, 1948; msg, Clay, CC 4910, to W. H. 

Draper, USec Army, Jun 27, 1948, in Smith, Papers of Luck D. Clay, Vol 11, 

pp 708. 

Telecon ’IT-9647, K. C. Royall, Sec Army, & Gen J. L. Collins, DCS Army, 

with Gen L. D. Clay, CINC Europe, Jun 25, 1948, in Smith, Papers of Lucius D. 

Clay, Vol 11, p 702. 

57 Msg, Gen L. D. Clay, CINC Europe CC 4861, to K. C. Royall, Sec Army, 

2421242 Jun 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1229, 

MMB, NA. 

58 A. Goldberg, US Air Force, p 235. 

55 

207 
Strategic Air Force 

not determined-a view which HMG [His Majesty's Government] 

believes . . . is strongly held . . . .'" 

On the 27th, Gen. Brian Robertson, the British Military Governor in 

Germany, learned of his government's interest in reinforcing the American 

bombers. He passed the word to Clay, who asked Washington to send 

additional B-29s and to speed up the movement of the jet fighter group he 

was expecting. Robertson further proposed basing one of the bomber 

groups in England.60 

Ambassador Douglas radioed his report on the meeting with Bevin to 

the State Department on the evening of the 26th.6' On Sunday, June 27, 

LeMay learned of the request and sent a message to Vandenberg stating 

that one B-29 group could go to Fiirstenfeldbruck. Some existing plans 

could be used as a basis for moving bomber units to England. LeMay told 

Clay that England was preferable to Germany as a base for B-29s. From 

an operational standpoint, Clay agreed, but he continued to argue for the 

psychological value of basing combat air units in Germany." 

Also on the 27th, a delegation from the Air Staff traveled to Andrews 

Air Force Base to inform the SAC staff of these developments." That 

afternoon, Norstad attended a meeting at which Forrestal and Lovett 

agreed to reinforce the bomber squadron in Germany and to sound out 

the British further.64 With this apparent authorization, SAC went into 

action. Kenney ordered a squadron then at Goose Bay to return home, 

and the two squadrons of the 301st at Smoky Hill were sent there in its 

place. The whole command was alerted to be ready to move on 24 hours' 

notice. The 307th Bombardment Group at MacDill and the 28th at Rapid 

City were put on three and twelve hours' notice, re~pectively.~~ 

" Msg, L. Douglas, Am Emb London 2822, to Sec State, Jun 26, 1948, no subj, 

Msg, Gen L. D. Clay, CINC Eur CC 4910, to W. H. Draper, Jr, USec Army, 

See Note 59. 

Msg, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG USAFE UA 8561, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, 2718102 Jun 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 

1253, NA; msg, Gen L. D. Clay, CINC Europe CC4914, to Gen 0. N. Bradley, 

CSA, Jun 28, 1948, in Smith, Papers ofLucius D. CZay, Vol 11, p 709. 

in FR$JS, 1948, Vol 11, pp 923-924. 

Jun 27, 1948, in Smith, Papers of Lucius D. Clay, Vol 11, pp 707-708. 61 

62 

h3 Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 146-148. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 452-455; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 290-291. 

Apparently, Forrestal's staff were unaware that the British had already expressed 

interest in the bombers, for Millis describes them as surprised by the easy 

acquiescence in the American proposal. 

See Note 63; msg, G. C. Marshall, Sec State 2429, to Am Emb London, Jun 

27, 1948, in FRUS, 1948, Vol 11, pp 926-928. 

64 

65 

208 
Year of Crisis 

Apparently reassured, the British took a strong position on the Berlin 

question. On June 28 Bevin informed the Americans that the B-29s were 

cleared to enter the United Kingdom, and LeMay soon reported that RAF 

Stations Lakenheath and Sculthorpe were best suited for the B-29s. 

Meanwhile, President Truman approved the move to Germany, citing the 

United States’ determination to stay in Berlin.66 Lt. Gen. Albert C. 

Wedemeyer, the Army’s Director of Plans and Operations, then on a visit 

to London, informed Washington of his belief that Berlin could be 

supplied indefinitely by air. He also recommended that Maj. Gen. William 

H. Tunner, who had managed the “Hump” airlift into China during the 

war, be assigned to direct the supply mission to Berlin. With such rapid 

and intense military cooperation, air power would clearly play a major role 

in the 

Finally ordered to Germany, the B-29s of the 301st at Goose Bay 

arrived at Furstenfeldbruck by July 2. Meanwhile, arrangements were 

underway for the major deployment to England. The 28th and 307th 

Groups would take essential ground crews but would rely on the British 

for fuel, rations, and ammunition. LeMay was investigating what resources 

were available. The RAF offered Marham and Scampton, with support 

consisting of transportation, rations, fuel, and housing, including some 

tents. Scampton’s runway was too short to accommodate a fully-loaded 

B-29, but the bombers could stage through other bases. LeMay would 

have operational control of the force, and he planned to establish a wing 

headquarters at Marham. The complexities of transatlantic coordination 

proved frustrating, with LeMay working through his representatives in 

London, who were in touch with the Air Ministry, while the Air staff met 

with the RAF delegation in Washington.68 But, with all the operational 

problems, the primary delay in establishing the airlift involved diplomatic 

considerations. As the possibility of talks with the Soviets emerged, Bevin 

66FRUS, 1948, Vol 11, p 927n; msg, Lt Gen C. E. JiMay, CG USAFE UA 

8570, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, & Gen 0. N. Bradley, CSA, 2815302 Jun 

48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1273, MMB, NA; 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 454-455. 

Msg, Lt Gen A. C. Wedemeyer, Dir P & 0, Dept Army (Am Emb London 

735581, to Maj Gen R. T. Maddox, P & 0, Dept Army, 2810202 Jun 48, RG 341, 

Ofc 2fc Air Stf, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1262, MMB, NA. 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, WARX 84854, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, 

CG USAFE, 2914262 Jun 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, 

MC 1279, MMB, NA; msg, LeMay, UAX 8592, to Norstad, 3016352 Jun 48, MC 

1298; msg, LeMay, UA 8586, to Norstad, 3010152 Jun 48, MC 1296; msg, Norstad, 

WAR 84973, to LeMay, 3021072 Jun 48, MC 1304; msg, CSAF (OPO) WAR 

84840, to CG SAC, (Jun 28) 2900092 Jun 48, MC 1276; hist, SAC, 1948, 

67 

pp 146-148. 

209 
Strategic Air Force 

on July 2 asked the United States to postpone the movement of the 

It is necessary to ask what military purpose the B-29s were intended 

to serve. Bevin, as noted earlier, saw the movement of the bombers as 

purely political. Apparently, the foreign secretary’s proposal did not mention atomic capability, either to request atomic carriers or to specify that 

he did not want modified bombers. Perhaps the foreign secretary did not 

understand the distinction. Certainly, the general public on both sides of 

the Atlantic recognized that the sole country armed with the atomic bomb 

was serving notice on the Russians. Perhaps when Secretary Marshall 

agreed to sound out the British on the “implications” of their request for 

the bombers, he may have had the atomic question in mind. As far as 

actual military use, however, LeMay later said that he and Clay had 

planned to use the European-based conventional bombers in the event 

fighting broke out in Germany. Clay further advocated sending an armed 

convoy to Berlin. If he received permission, the B-29s would be ready to 

provide air support for the convoy in the event the Soviets resisted.” 

By July 10 the airlift was expanding, and operational plans were 

complete for moving the B-29s to England. Soon after, the British agreed 

to reactivate the depot at Burtonwood to service both the bombers and the 

cargo planes in the airlift. Col. Stanley T. Wray was selected to command 

the bomber^.^' On July 14 Bevin recommended that the B-29s deploy 

quickly in order to be in England before a meeting of the Brussels Pact 

countries on the 19th. However, some State Department officials thought 

that the British had delayed too long and “missed what we regarded as the 

psychological moment.” In any case, the US. National Security Council 

agreed to the move on the 15th.72 Forrestal outlined the reasons for the 

B-29~.~~ 

Msg, Maj Gen C. Bissell, US Mil Att London 73598, to USAFE, 0219152 

JuI 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1321, MMB, NA; 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 292-293. 

Forrestal, Diaries, pp 455-456; LeMay & Kantor, Mission With LeMay, 

pp 4411-412. 

Msg, CG SAC, A3 B315014, to 307 BW, CG 15 AF, 0220152 Jul 48, RG 

341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1325, MMB, NA; msg, CSAF, 

(MLP) WARX 85289, to CG SAC, CG AMC, et al, 0700152 Jul 48, MC 1325, MC 

1339; msg, USAFE (Whitten), UAX 8745, to Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, 

1307102 Jul 48, MC 1390; hist, SAC, 1948, pp 146-148, 173-181. ’’ Memo of conversation, R. A. Lovett, USec State, Jul 14, 1948, with atch 

note, in FRUS, 1948, Vol 11, pp 965-966; memo, C. E. Bohlen, Counsellor Dept 

State, to Sec State, Jul 14, 1948, in FRUS, 1948, Vol 11, pp 966-967; msg, CG SAC, 

A3 B5111, to CG 1.5 AF, 1415052 Jul48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS 

Msgs, Box 2, MC 1401, MMB, NA; msg, CG SAC, A3 B5112, to MacDill AFB, 

1415032 Jul 48, MC 1402. 

69 

70 

210 
Year of Crisis 

bomber deployment in his diary: 

1. It would be an action which would underline to the American 

people how seriously the government of the United States views 

the current sequence of events. 

2. It would give the Air Force experience in this kind of operation; 

it would accustom the British to the necessary habits and routines that go into the accommodation of an alien, though an 

allied, power. 

3. We have the opportunity now of sending these planes, and once 

sent they would become somewhat of an accepted fixture, 

whereas a deterioration of the situation in Europe might lead to 

a condition of mind under which the British would be compelled 

to reverse their present attitude.73 

With President Truman’s approval, the B-29s began the transatlantic 

move, and both groups were in England by July 17, the 28th at Scampton 

and the 307th at Marham (with one squadron at Waddingt~n).’~ 

As the buildup began, the international situation was growing more 

tense. The JCS ordered emergency plan HALFMOON distributed to the 

commands. Returning to Washington, Clay presented his case for an 

armed convoy to Berlin, and he received presidential permission to plan 

for one as a last resort. He also asked for a major increase in the size of 

the airlift so as to supply Berlin during the winter. This was not an easy 

question to settle, for Vandenberg resisted diverting the bulk of the Air 

Force’s C-54 fleet to Germany. In the event of war, these planes would be 

needed to support SAC’S movement overseas under HALFMOON. Nevertheless, the Air Force had been planning a reinforcement of the airlift in case 

it was ordered. Truman approved the reinforcement, and the Air Force 

sent Tunner and the C-54s to germ an^.'^ 

Though the major decisions had been made, one item remained 

unresolved: whether to retain some of the B-29 force in southern Germany. Norstad broached the subject of the bombers’ vulnerability to 

LeMay on July 16.76 But not until the 27th did Clay tell Wedemeyer that 

he wanted to keep one squadron in Germany. The next day the British 

Forrestal, Diaries, p 457. 

Zbid.; hist, SAC, 1948, pp 146-148, 173-181. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 292-295; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, p 289; 

msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, AFOPO 50306, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG 

USAFE, 2218272 Jul 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 

1496, MMB, NA. 

76 Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, AFODC 50194, to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG USAFE, 1622142 Jul 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS 

Msgs, Box 2, MC 1423, MMB, NA. 

73 

74 

75 

21 1 

Challenge in Berlin. Clockwue from ubocz, lcft: Douglas C-47s, lined up 

at Rhein-Main Air Base in Frankfurt, Germany, prepare to airlift thousands of 

tons of food, fuel, and other life-sustaining supplies to the western sectors of the 

city of Berlin, under Soviet blockade. To counter this and future Soviet provocations regarding the allied administration of Berlin, the United States reinforced its 

military presence in West Germany and England, deploying SAC B-29s to 

Furstenfeldhruck and Lakenheath. Pictured is the 2d Bombardment Group being 

briefed at Labrador before take-off to Lakenheath in August 1948, readying itself 

for departure on the runway, being visited within a month of its arrival by Air 

Force Secretary W. Stuart Symington and 3d Air Division Commander Maj. Gen. 

Leon W. Johnson before conducting a maximum effort flight over England in 

September. 
Strategic Air Force 

agreed to locate a B-29 group at Lakenheath.77 The 301st Bombardment 

Group was recalled to the States, one B-29 making a record non-stop 

flight during the return movement. The 2d Bombardment Group deployed 

from Davis-Monthan Air Force Base, arriving at Lakenheath at the 

beginning of Unlike the other groups, which LeMay was required to keep in England at all times, the 2d could be sent to Germany. 

On this basis, LeMay based one squadron at Furstenfeldbruck. Meanwhile, 

all the bomber units in England were on alert.79 

Allied leaders could reasonably hope that military deployments would 

deter the Soviets from interfering with the airlift to Berlin or attacking 

outright. Nevertheless, it would take considerable effort for the Air Force 

to convince skeptics that the airlift could sustain the city indefinitely. Talks 

with the Soviets began, but these discussions broke down on September 7. 

The Central Intelligence Agency reported no evidence of an actual Soviet 

mobilization for war. Still, presidential advisers suggested taking precautionary measures, and Truman felt that war was near. Even without actual 

conflict, a war scare would threaten his hopes for a balanced budget. 

Facing an uphill contest for re-election, Harry Truman was reluctant to 

risk a budget deficit. Still, he felt he had to stand firm on the question of 

Berlin." 

The only measures taken to increase atomic readiness were extremely 

discreet. The Atomic Energy Commission and the armed services began to 

review their procedures for transferring bombs from the commission's 

stockpile, now numbering over fifty. This action in itself helped to reveal 

weak spots. Col. John G. Armstrong of the Air Staff's Atomic Energy 

Office had the impression that the Eighth Air Force had no plans for an 

emergency transfer of weapons. In particular this reminded him of the 

days immediately after Pearl Harbor, with their confused atmosphere of 

Msg, Lt Gen A. C. Wedemeyer, Dir P & 0, Dept Army, WARX 86521, to 

Gen L. D. Clay, CINC Europe, 2722032 Jul 48, RG 341, Ofc Sec Air Staff, Msg 

Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1563, MMB, NA; msg, Maj Gen J. W. Leonard, US Mil 

Att London 73727, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, 2812132 Jul 48, MC 1571; 

msg, Clay, CC 5342, to Wedemeyer, Jul 28, 1948, in Smith, Papers of Lucius D. 

Clay, Vol 11, p 747. 

78 Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 173-181. 

79Zbid.; msg, CSAF, OPO 50249, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG USAFE, 

2014502 Jul 48, RG 341, Off Sec Air Staff, Msg Div, TS Msgs, Box 2, MC 1465, 

MMB, NA; msg, CSAF, OPO WARX 86604, to Col S. E. Wray, CO 3 AD (Prov), 

282282062 Jul 48, MC 1581. 

77 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 296-298. 

214 
Year of Crisis 

“orders and counterorders,” and Armstrong hoped some of the turmoil 

could be avoided by more effective planning.81 

The risk of war was further exacerbated by the small size of the force 

capable of delivering atomic weapons. The newly modified SADDLETREE 

bombers were “ready to roll off the lines,” as the Air Staff reported, but it 

would be months before any units would be trained to deploy.8’ Until 

then, the 509th at Walker Air Force Base remained the only unit equipped 

for atomic operations. Any full-scale action by SAC would be impossible 

unless the airlift to Berlin were stopped and the transports made available 

to support the bomber force’s overseas depl0yment.8~ 

It soon became evident that war would not come. Although negotiations over the Berlin blockade did not reopen for months, the Soviets 

made no more threatening moves. The airlift continued, and starvation 

was averted in Berlin. Maj. Gen. Leon W. Johnson, then commanding the 

3d Air Division in England, later recalled that operating the transports in 

Berlin’s overcast skies depended on a radar beacon near Tempelhof Air 

Base that the Soviets could have eliminated with a few mortar rounds. 

Johnson told his staff to notify him at once if the Soviets fired on the 

beacon, as this would indicate that war was imminent.84 That no action 

came was a sign that war would be avoided. 

The Berlin crisis, though serious, did not monopolize the nation’s 

attention, particularly during an election year. While making the decision 

to send the B-29s to England, Truman was accepting the Democratic 

nomination for president. He did this in the face of a serious split in the 

party. Henry A. Wallace was leading the Progressives and calling for a 

conciliatory policy toward the Soviet Union. The Southern wing formed 

the States’ Rights Democratic Party and nominated J. Strom Thurmond, 

who protested the strong plank on civil rights adopted at the convention. 

With the Democrats in disarray, political observers freely predicted that 

81 Office of the Secretary of Defense, A History of Strategic Arms Competition, 

1945-1972, USAF Supporting Studies, Vol I: Description and Analysis (Washington, 

Jun 1976), p 105; MR, Col J. G. Armstrong, Ofc Asst DCS/Ops for AE, National 

Emergency Procedures, Sep 8, 1948, with notes by “DMS” [Maj Gen David M 

Schlatter, Asst DCS/Ops for AE], RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 300.6 

MR, Box 13, MMB, NA, Rearden, Formative Years, p 297. 

Memo, Col W. L. Kennedy to Maj Gen D. M. Schlatter, Asst DCS/Ops for 

AE, Sep 27, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948,471.6 Bomb, General, 

Box i;, MMB, NA. 

Johnson, Ret, Aug 75, p 156, AFHRA. 

82 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 296-300. 

USAF OHI, # 865, James C. Hasdorff, AFHRC, with Gen Leon W. 84 

215 
Strategic Air Force 

victory in the November election would go to the Republican challenger, 

Thomas E. Dewey.8s 

Containment, Deterrence, and NSC-20 / 4 

America’s success in averting war over Berlin did not entirely relieve 

the pressure on the nation’s leaders. Indeed, the crisis raised alarm at the 

poor state of military preparation, particularly in the strategic bomber 

force. If the appearance of U.S. strength and resolve had deterred the 

Soviets, the bluff might be called next time. For Secretary Forrestal, this 

situation made formulating a coherent national security policy all the more 

urgent. 

Previous work at the State Department and the National Security 

Council (NSC) staff had been directed toward this goal. The NSC staff had 

formulated a paper on the threat posed by “Soviet-directed world communism.” This document, submitted in March 1948 as NSC-7, argued that 

the Russians were not likely to resort to war, at least so long as Cold War 

methods promised success. The true danger was a collapse from within of 

the free countries in Europe. To meet that threat, the council urged the 

restoration of Europe’s economic and military strength. An immediate, 

broad-based effort would reinforce Western morale and also deter the 

Soviets from changing their minds about their chances in a war. The paper 

also proposed revitalizing U.S. forces and retaining atomic superiority. In 

reviewing the NSC’s recommendations, the joint chiefs took a skeptical 

view, preferring more emphasis on the role of U.S. forces and warning 

against overcommitting the country to an overly ambitious program of 

European military and economic reform.8h 

In July 1948 Forrestal renewed his efforts to obtain a coordinated 

statement of national policy to guide military planners, initiating a series 

of papers circulated to the National Security Coucil under the designation 

of NSC-20. George F. Kennan’s Policy Planning Staff at the State Department responded to Forrestal’s initiative in August. In order to spell out 

some of the military implications of containment, the planners at State 

Robert J. Donovan, Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Hany S. Truman, 

1945-1948 (NY: Norton, 19771, pp 403-405, 416-439. 

Rprt, NSC-7, Report by the National Security Council on the Position of 

the United States with Respect to Soviet-Directed World Communism, Mar 30, 

1948; memo, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to NSC, Apr 17, 1948, both in FRUS, Vol I, 

85 

86 

Pt 2, pp 546-550, 561-564. 

216 
Year of Crisis 

reviewed the likely objectives of the nation in peace or war. In either 

case, the main goals were the same: reducing Soviet power and changing 

Russian behavior toward the rest of the world. Should war come, Kennan’s 

staff did not see how the allies could expect to invade and occupy Russia 

or demand unconditional surrender. The military power of the hostile 

nation, on the other hand, might be vulnerable to weakening “by extensive 

destruction of important industrial and economic targets from the air.”87 

On the other hand, bombing might alienate the Soviet population.88 

Kennan argued that American military strength was essential and had 

to be maintained for a long period of time. Such a defense posture would 

demonstrate American resolve, deter aggression, encourage free nations to 

resist Soviet encroachment, and enable the United States to fight if 

deterrence failed. The study concluded in the event of war, America would 

try to weaken Soviet military and economic power, but it fell short of an 

explicit sanction for a strategic air offensive.89 

Once the planners at State had completed their paper, which was 

labeled NSC-20/1, the staff of the National Security Council started to 

revise it. Their conclusions clearly reflected the President’s concerns. 

There were warnings against “[ilnadequate or excessive armament or 

foreign aid expenditures” and “an excessive or wasteful usage of our resources in time of peace.”” Although the Joint Chiefs of Staff still voiced 

concern that military commitments exceeded capabilities, they concurred 

in the National Security Council study, which the President approved as 

NSC-20/4 on November 23, 1948.91 

Meanwhile, a separate discussion covered the question of whether 

atomic weapons would be used in the event of war. Kenneth C. Royall, the 

Secretary of the Army, recognized that there was no clear policy in the 

Rprt, NSC-20/1, State Dept to NSC, US Objectives with Respect to Russia, 

Aug 18, 1948, in Thomas H. Etzold and John L. Gaddis, eds, Containment: 

Documents on American Policy and Strategy, 1945-1950 (NY: Columbia Univ Press, 

1978), pp 195, 173-203. 

87 

ii Ibid., p 191. 

Rearden, Fornative Years, pp 340-350; rprt, NSC 20/2, State Dept to NSC, 

Factors Affecting the Nature of U.S. Defense Arrangements in the Light of Soviet 

Policjs, Aug 25, 1948, in FRUS, 1948, Vol I, Pt 2, pp 615-624. 

Memo, RAdm S. W. Souers, Sec NSC, to President, no subj, Nov 23, 1948, 

with encl rprt NSC-20/4 to President, US Objectives with Respect to the USSR to 

Counter Soviet Threats to US Security, in FRUS, 1948, Vol I, Pt 2, p 667, 

pp 6$?-669. 

hid.; memo, RAdm S. W. Souers, Sec NSC, to NSC, subj: Existing International Commitments Involving the Possible Use of Armed Forces, Nov 17, 1948, 

with atch memo, NSC-35, JCS to Sec Def, Nov 2, 1948, in FRUS, 1948, Vol I, Pt 2, 

pp 656-662; Rearden, Formative Years, p 349. 

217 
Strategic Air Force 

administration on the use of atomic weapons.92 However, not everyone 

agreed that a formal statement was necessarily desirable. In September, 

1948, Maj. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, the Air Force’s Director of Plans 

and Operations, recommended caution: “If there is doubt that a policy 

permitting [atomic weapons’] use can be obtained at this time, it is better 

that we have no national policy at all on this Instead, he 

proposed advising Forrestal that the best means of employing the bomb in 

wartime was in a massed attack, as rapidly as possible, against enemy 

industrial concentrations. With the anticipation of as many as two hundred 

modified aircraft by the end of December 1948, this could mean an 

operation on quite a large scale.94 

In fact, during September 1948 Truman received a paper called 

NSC-30, which urged a policy of being prepared to use atomic weapons 

“promptly and effectively” when the President ordered. He did not approve the report, but he assured Forrestal that he would authorize the use 

of atomic weapons should it be necessary. In any case, from the standpoint 

of policy, the cooperation between the Air Force and the Atomic Energy 

Commission was reaching the point that atomic operations on an increasing scale were now possible.95 

Apparently, considerable public support existed in both America and 

Europe for some preparations to use atomic weapons. Forrestal had 

surmised this, and his meetings with members of the press confirmed his 

observations. Norstad, whom the secretary sent to England in the fall of 

1948, returned with similar reports from across the Atlantic. His specific 

task was to prepare British air bases for atomic operations, but he also was 

expected to sound out British leaders on the question of actual use. After 

the November presidential election in the United States, Forrestal himself 

went to Europe. He and Norstad both agreed that the British were 

receptive to the use of atomic weapons if necessary. Leaders emphasized 

the role of air power and atomic weapons in their defense. Prime Minister 

Clement R. Attlee believed that the public favored this course. Winston 

Churchill, though in opposition, clearly reflected an important sentiment 

92 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 432-437. 

Zbid., pp 434-435; memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P&O, to CSAF, 

subj: Policy Questions with Respect to the Use of Atomic Weapons, Sep 20, 1948, 

with encls, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 471.6 Employment and 

Effects of A-Bombs, Box 11, MMB, NA. 

95 Memo, NSC-30, RAdm S. W. Souers, Sec NSC, to NSC, subj: United States 

Policy on Atomic Warfare, Sep 10, 1948, with atch draft rprt by NSC, in Etzold & 

Gaddis, Containment, pp 339-343; Forrestal Diary, Vol XII, p 2494, Sep 13, 1948, 

in Forrestal Papers, OSD. 

93 

94 See previous note. 

218 
Year of Crisis 

when he warned that downplaying the power of the bomb would embolden 

the Soviets. Lord Tedder, the Chief of Air Staff, backed the effort to get 

bases ready to support SAC atomic units. For him, it was only a question 

of finding the money.96 

The harsh realities of the Cold War confirmed Europeans in their 

views. In December 1948 talks began between the Western European governments of the Brussels Pact and the United States, with an eye to a 

formal alliance. The Europeans feared that a land force strong enough to 

stop a Soviet attack was simply beyond their means. And once the Soviets 

reached the English Channel, even England’s fate was problematical. If 

the Americans then undertook to liberate Europe as they had in 1944, the 

devastation would probably exceed that of the previous war. Thus, the 

European nations sought an advance commitment from the United States 

that it would be involved from the start in any war with the Soviets, in 

hopes that this alliance wopld deter aggression. The American preponderance in atomic weapons would give that deterrent its persuasi~eness.~’ 

Speaking in Boston in March 1949, just one month before the signing of 

the North Atlantic Treaty, Churchill expressed a widespread conviction: 

“It is certain.. . that Europe would have been communized like Czechoslovakia and London under bombardment some time ago but for the atomic 

bomb in the hands of the United States.”98 

The “Hollow Threat” and General LeMay 

In the aftermath of the the Berlin crisis, as American leaders assessed 

the potential of the atomic deterrent, they also began to focus on the 

instrument of atomic power-the Strategic Air Command. The view was 

not encouraging. Despite all the demands placed on SAC, Kenney and his 

Deputy Commander, McMullen, had stuck to their cross-training program. 

In a directive published in January 1948, Headquarters SAC reaffirmed its 

commitment in this regard. First priority in all training went to preparing 

for movements overseas. Next came cross-training, and only after that was 

Forrestal Diary, Vol XII, p 2482, Sep 9, 1948, p 2502, Sep 17, 1948, p 2598, 

Oct 23, 1948, pp 2642, 2644, Nov 12, 1948, in Forrestal Papers, OSD; memo, Sec 

Def, subj: Subjects on which Action by the Secretary of Defense is Required, Nov 

17, 1948, PSF, Cabinet-Defense Misc (11, Box 156, HSTL; Rearden, Formative 

Years, p 347. 

96 

;i K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 355ff. 

New York Times, Apr 1, 1949, pp 1, 11. 

219 
Strategic Air Force 

provided for could units devote attention to routine training.99 In view of 

the scarcity of resources, McMullen's personnel ceilings, shortages of men 

in key skills, and aging aircraft, the lowest priority suffered greatly. Yet 

McMullen was proposing to take the cross-training concept even further. 

Perhaps in a reflection of his own experience, he suggested that aircrew 

members should train for ground jobs as well as aircrew positions. To the 

commander of a fighter wing, he wrote: "[I) takes a smarter officer to be a 

good supply officer than it does to be a good group commander. One of 

these days I may tell you to make one of your group commanders the 

supply officer."'oo 

This adherence to an inflexible policy was only one of the obstacles to 

combat readiness. Groups making the transition to a new type of aircraft 

lost a good deal of training time, Davis-Monthan experiencing some 

technical problems after the arrival of the B-50, and the 7th Bombardment Group at Fort Worth canceling some flights in April to get ready for 

the B-36. Also, the tests of atomic weapons at Eniwetok borrowed many 

men from the Eighth Air Force, although this and other programs did 

offer long-term benefits as well.'(" All SAC units were liable to lose men 

ordered overseas, including those from the 509th who had finally received 

clearances from the Atomic Energy Commission. Manpower shortages 

were often compounded by poor management. In the critical 509th, for 

example, no attempt was made to keep crews together. In an emergency, it 

would take five days to get qualified bomb commanders out of staff 

positions, form aircrews, and do some familiarization flying.'" Despite 

repeated protests, a staff officer observed that in both personnel and 

supply matters, the Eighth Air Force "is getting the same treatment as any 

other organization in the [U.S.] Air Force.. . ."Io3 Nor were the Eighth's 

aircrews able to get enough practice at flying in to the fields where the 

bombs were stored. Still, with all the limitations, Col. John D. Ryan, the 

Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 258-266. This history would have been compiled after 

the end of calendar year 1948, when LeMay was already in command and could be 

expected to speak with some candor about the previous regime. 

I"" Ltr, Maj Gen C. McMullen, Dep CG SAC, to Col W. T. Hudnell, CO 56 

Fighter Wing, Jan 9, 1948, SAC/HO. 

99 

Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 327-330; Little, Foundations, Pt 11, pp 472-487. 

Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 42-46; Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel, 

SWG, May 5, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary 

(PI +04ntel), Box 6, MMB, NA. 

Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch PI & Intel, SWG, May 5, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (PI & Intel), Box 6, MMB, NA. 

'02 

220 
Year of Crisis 

Eighth’s Director of Operations, considered it “better trained than any 

group overseas in World War Tw0.”lo4 

Despite this reassurance, the problems of the Strategic Air Command 

did attract attention. On March 2, 1948, Spaatz advised Kenney that the 

large number of planes out of commission indicated a low state of 

training.‘” Kenney himself was uneasy, especially at the poor results in 

bombing practice, and he ordered a competition to be held in June. Yet 

protests against rigorous enforcement of the standards in cross-training 

were seemingly ignored. When an officer from the Special Weapons Group 

on the Air Staff visited Fort Worth, Ryan took pains to make clear that his 

description of the Eighth Air Force’s problems was not intended as a 

formal complaint.’06 Ironically, on March 17, at the height of the reverberations from Clay’s telegram, McMullen wrote to Ramey, telling the Eighth 

Air Force Commander to train extra crews, drawing on noncommissioned 

officers for navigators and bombardiers if necessary, observing that: “The 

world situation indicates that we are rapidly moving towards the inception 

of the last great war.”lo7 Following such a dire prediction, the SAC Deputy 

Commander continued to defend policies that many considered real impediments to combat readiness. 

At the same time, some more promising developments occurred. A 

SAC staff conference at Andrews in April agreed to support the concept of 

the “lead crew,” which Headquarters SAC adopted. During the war, 

bomber groups organized a small number of crews with the best people 

available. These would train to the highest possible level of efficiency and 

would lead the rest of the group over the target, allowing the others to 

bomb after them. Three lead crews would now be organized in each group 

in SAC. Also under consideration was a plan to establish a board of 

officers in each group that would evaluate each crew’s performance against 

a standard of proficiency. This process would identify problems in training 

and provide for continuing professional review of the force.lo8 Also, Col. 

‘04 Ibid. 

Ltr, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to CG SAC, subj: 509th BW, 

Very Heavy, May 4, 1948, SAC/HO, ltr, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CSAF, to Gen G. C. 

Kenne , CG SAC, Mar 2, 1948, Spaatz Coll, MD, LC. 

(Ops) SAC, to CG 8 AF, subj: Bombing and Gunnery Training, Jul2, 1948; ltr, CG 

SAC to CG 8 AF, CG 15 AF, CO 307 BW, subj: Competitive Bombing Maneuvers, 

Cast?e7AFB, May 27, 1948, both in AFHRA 416.01-48. 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. McMullen, Dep CG SAC, to Maj Gen R. M. Ramey, CG 8 

AF, Mar 17, 1948, SAC/HO. 

105 

lo z Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 258-266, 279-280; Itr, Brig Gen D. W. Hutchison, A-3 

‘08 Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 258-266, 278. 

221 
Strategic Air Force 

Clarence S. Irvine’s efforts to improve cruise control were now extending 

the range of B-29s. SAC’s fighter force was benefitting from the new P-82 

Twin Mustang and the P-84 Thunderjet, the latter having much greater 

range than the P-80. And beyond the range of escort fighters, those who 

believed that the bomber could get through were heartened by the results 

of training exercises against the Air Defense Command.”’ 

Because of SAC’s mission as a worldwide striking force, Secretary 

Symington continued to press for the State Department’s approval for a 

round-the-world flight, despite continuing rebuffs. Nevertheless, the regular rotation program proceeded. The 97th Bombardment Group spent the 

winter of 1947-1948 in Alaska, returning to a new base at Biggs Air Force 

Base, Texas (near El Paso). Headquarters SAC wanted to maintain a 

group in Germany all the time on ninety-day rotation, but Furstenfeldbruck was not yet in condition to support an entire group. Failing that, 

the command managed to keep one squadron always in Europe during the 

early part of 1948. The 301st Bombardment Group from Smoky Hill 

crowded into Furstenfeldbruck for a short visit in April, and the group 

then based one of its squadrons in Germany through June. In February 

flights to Japan resumed, with a squadron of the 509th visiting Yokota, and 

other units following. In the spring the P-51s of the 82d Fighter Group 

deployed to Alaska from Grenier Field, New Hampshire, making the trip 

across Canada both ways. Various units visited Shemya in the Aleutians 

and Goose Bay, Labrador, for short stays.”’ 

Before the Berlin crisis, the most significant new commitment in the 

overseas program was in the western Pacific. For months, Kenney had 

been trying to get control of the B-29s assigned to MacArthur’s Far East 

Command. He would then base all strategic bomber units in the continental United States, rotating them overseas. MacArthur, however, insisted 

that he needed his two groups permanently assigned. The Far East 

commander and his former chief airman found a compromise, agreeing to 

keep the 19th Bombardment Group at Guam and return the 22d from 

Okinawa to the States. One group from SAC would then always be on 

rotation to Kadena Air Base on Okinawa, under the operational control of 

the theater commander. In May the 93d Bombardment Group left Castle 

for the Far East and relieved the 22d. The latter group then returned to 

Ibid., pp 182-202, 205-210, 284-285, 299-300; ltr, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, to Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, May 10, 1948, SAC/HO; Irvine OHI, 

10’) 

pp 14-23. 

”‘) Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 149-224. 

222 
Year of Crisis 

the United States, to be stationed at Smoky Hill. In all, nearly half of the 

units in SAC spent some time overseas in the first six months of 1948. For 

the newly manned groups, such deployments served as a kind of graduation exercise." ' 

To the Air Staff it was clear that the nature of atomic warfare 

demanded a new operational approach. Maj. Gen. Frederic H. Smith, Jr., 

now Assistant for Programming to the Operations Chief, expressed his 

views to Samuel Anderson, the Director of Plans and Operations: "Indications are that.. .the strategic bomber, when employed in the future will 

operate individually. If this is the case, it is necessary for the Air Force to 

train into all bomber crews the ability formerly associated with the so-called 

Lead Crew.""2 Smith noted that such conditions as unstable tours of duty 

kept crews from training to the required standard. He envisioned an elite 

force, proud of its accomplishments. A high state of readiness would be 

achieved through a combination of careful selection, a rigorous training 

program, and five-year tours of duty: 

If we are to have a force.. .with the esprit.which must be an 

attribute of each member, we must accord to the personnel involved in the program, a degree of consideration beyond that 

normally accorded officers and men in a combat unit. The training 

schedules will be rigorous. Airplane commanders and crews will be 

under more strain than in other units. Maintenance standards of 

ground crews must be extremely high and work scheduled irregularly to match long flights originating and ending at various periods 

of the day. . . . The requirement for maintaining what approximates 

an alert status will tend to develop [high morale] if properly 

exp10ited.I'~ 

When asked to comment on Smith's observations, Maj. Gen. David W. 

Hutchison, SAC'S Deputy Chief of Staff for Plans, replied that his command was already doing much of what was suggested. He objected to 

lengthening the tours of duty, because this would force the rest of the Air 

Ibid., pp 182-202, 205-210,284-285, 299-300; ltr, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, to Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, May 10, 1948, SAC/HO. 

Memo, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, Asst DCS/Ops for Prog, to Maj Gen S. E. 

Anderson, Dir P & 0, subj: Strategic Striking Force, Increasing Current Capabilities of, May 14, 1948, atch to memo, Col 0. S. Picher, Ch Ops Div, DCS/Ops, to 

Anderson, subj: Comments on Memorandum from Major General Smith, Jun 3, 

1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0 322 (May 14, 19481, Box 137, MMB, NA. 

111 

'I3 Ibid. 

223 
Strategic Air Force 

Force to spend more time overseas. Also, the program outlined for 

training would keep crew members away from their bases for long 

periods.’ l4 

Despite these reassurances, SAC had not yet attained such a level of 

effectiveness. On June 20, planes and crews from all the bomber groups 

except the 93d (then in Okinawa) assembled at Castle for the command’s 

first bombing competition. The results of practice missions over the range 

at Wendover revealed a genuine difference between the command’s two 

air forces. All units of the Eighth dropped their bombs within two 

thousand feet of the target, while the averages of the Fifteenth all 

exceeded that figure. The higher priority given the Eighth and its lighter 

overseas rotation schedule no doubt affected the results. However, even 

within the Eighth Air Force, overall performance was not all that good. 

The 509th reported some radar bombing missions with circular errors as 

high as four thousand feet, not satisfactory for atomic bombing. Whether it 

was reasonable to expect better performance could be argued. But a 

widespread feeling, not openly acknowledged at SAC Headquarters, had 

developed that the emphasis on cross-training and economy were serious 

impediments to any improvement. McMullen’s response was simply to urge 

people to work harder.l15 

The Strategic Air Command’s weaknesses should not obscure the fact 

that progress was taking place in a number of areas. The fact that as the 

results of the bombing competition were coming in, SAC was preparing to 

send units to Europe in response to the Berlin crisis points up the success 

Kenney had achieved in developing the command’s ability to deploy. At 

the same time, while the B-29 remained the mainstay of the force, B-50s 

and B-36s began to enter the inventory early in 1948. And the expansion 

of the atomic force had begun. The 509th Bombardment Wing at Roswell 

(now renamed Walker Air Force Base), still the main unit with modified 

bombers, remained on station during the crisis. But by the end of September, seventy crews had been trained for atomic operations, and there 

would soon be bomb commanders and weaponeers for more crews. A 

Memo, Col 0. S. Picher, Ch Ops Div, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen S. E. 

Anderson, Dir P & 0, subj: Comments on Memorandum for Major General Smith, 

Jun 3, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, P&O 322 (May 14, 1948), Box 137, 

MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Maj Gen C. McMullen, Dep CG SAC, to Col W. T. Hudnell, CO 56 

Fighter Wing, Jun 15, 1948, SAC/HO; USAF OHI, # 733, Robert M. Kipp, 

AFCHO, with Maj Gen W. C. Kingsbury, Ret, Dec 18, 1970, AFHRA; hist, SAC, 

114 

1948, pp 274-277. 

224 
Year of Crisis 

fourth bomb assembly team was forming.l16 There was a foundation upon 

which to build. 

The SAC Headquarters had designated the 43d and 2d Bomb Groups 

to be the next atomic-modified units and given them a 1-A priority for 

manning, the highest in the command. In the fall of 1948, the 2d Group 

was for the time being in England, but the 43d was ready to start receiving 

its B-50s at Davis-Monthan. At the same time, the 7th at Carswell was 

expected to replace its B-36As with atomic-capable B models. In addition, 

the 509th and 43d had recently formed tanker squadrons, which were soon 

to receive equipment and start training for air refueling operation^."^ A 

large part of SAC would remain a conventional bombing force. The 

Fifteenth Air Force would continue to provide conventional B-29 groups 

for overseas duty. In September half of its six groups were overseas, two in 

England and one in Okinawa."' 

But whether atomic or conventional, SAC'S bomber force had considerable limitations. The reconnaissance force possessed a few RB-29s 

and a number of shorter-range aircraft. Radar bomb sights needed to 

be brought up to date, and some experts feared that most sets could be 

jammed. The command's 5,100 officers and 39,500 airmen, with 420 bombers, looked less and less formidable as actual performance was examined. 

Practice bombing statistics did not look too bad, since few crews took their 

planes above 15,000 feet so as to avoid overtaxing the engines or freezing 

unprotected equipment. The targets used in most radar bombing practice 

were reflectors that showed up clearly on the screen. Furthermore, many 

traditional indicators of military fitness looked poor. In September SAC 

bases reported 408 men absent without leave, nearly one per cent of the 

force. About a third of the B-29s were out of commission at any given 

time. Crashes and minor accidents occurred at a rate of nearly sixty for 

every 100,000 hours flown. Injuries on the ground were also frequent, 

suggesting inattentiveness by maintenance crews.119 

Memo, Maj Gen D. M. Schlatter, Asst DCS/Ops for AE, to Lt Gen L. 

Norstad, DCS/Ops, subj: Air Force Capabilities for Atomic Warfare, Oct 22, 1948, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948,314.7 P & 0 Branch Diary items, Box 6, 

MMB, NA; hist, SAC, 1948, pp 1-12, 35-38; SAC Statistical Summary, Dec 1948, 

pp 24-25; Knaack, Bombers, pp 21, 169-170. 

116 

See previous note. 

SAC Statistical Summary, Dec 1948, pp 13-16, 24-49; LeMay & Kantor, 

Mission with LeMay, p 432; Borowski, Hollow Threat, p 167; SACM 11-3, SAC 

Statistical Data from 1946, Sep 8, 1970, p 22. 

'I8 Hist, SAC, 1948, pp 153-200. 119 

225 
Strategic Air Force 

These conditions were not new to the strategic bomber force. In the 

spring of 1948, Vandenberg had felt concerned enough to ask Charles A. 

Lindbergh to investigate the matter. As one of America’s leading aviators 

and someone who might gain the confidence of flying crew members, 

Lindbergh could be expected to get beyond dry figures to the actual state 

of proficiency in SAC. After several months of travel, visiting, and flying 

with SAC units, he turned in a report on September 14.120 

Lindbergh made the civilian airlines his basis of comparison. Arguing 

that the mass-production standards of training characteristic of the Second 

World War and its mass bomber attacks were inappropriate for atomic 

warfare, he considered SAC’S crews inadequately trained: 

To be specific, accident rates are high, landings are too rough and 

fast, crew duties are not smoothly coordinated, equipment is not 

neatly stowed in flight, engine and accessory troubles are excessive, 

and there are not enough training missions which simulate the 

combat missions which would be required in event of war.12’ 

Lindbergh mentioned some perennial grievances of SAC unit commanders: 

Numerous assignments to temporary duty, an intensive cross-training program, and extra-curricular flying activities have seriously 

interfered with training in the primary mission of the atomic 

squadrons. Resulting absences and frequent changes in home locations have had a bad effect on family relationships and over-all 

morale.’22 

The distinguished aviator blamed undermanning (a result of Maj. Gen. 

Clements McMullen’s boast that he could cut manning without hurting 

efficiency) and the consequent overwork for much of the trouble. He 

recommended making service in the atomic force a separate career field, 

keeping crews together, and improving pay and living conditions so as to 

make SAC more competitive with private airlines. Most of all, he urged 

cutting back on cross-training and making peacetime bombing missions 

more realistic. Correcting these problems, Lindbergh wrote, would not be 

~ 

Rprt, C. A. Lindbergh to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Sep 14, 1948, atch 

to memo, Col F. M. Hoisington, Ch Pers & Admin Div, to Maj Gen D. M. 

Schlatter, Asst DCS/Ops for AE, subj: The Lindbergh Report, Oct 19, 1948, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 319.1 Rprts AEC, T & T Etc, Box 16, MMB, 

NA. 

120 

lZ1 Ibid. 122 Ibid. 

226 
Year of Crisis 

overly difficult, for “Most officers in the atomic forces are well aware of 

existing difficulties and are anxious to take steps which will overcome 

them.”lZ3 This last comment, coming from an old friend of Gen. George C. 

Kenney’s, could be considered a damning indictment of the SAC commander’s leadership. 

Supporting Lindbergh’s view were the observations of Maj. Gen. 

Frederic H. Smith, Norstad’s Assistant for Programming, who also visited 

some SAC bases. At Weaver Air Force Base, Rapid City, South Dakota, 

Smith found a vivid example of the toll of undermanning. When the 28th 

Bombardment Group left for England, most of the base staff accompanied 

it, leaving almost no one to run the airfield. Given the command’s 

worldwide mission and the need to respond rapidly in time of crisis, this 

kind of situation was unsatisfact~ry.’~~ 

Kenney showed little sign that he saw a problem. Often absent from 

his headquarters, he gave frequent speeches throughout the country. As 

Symington’s Director of Public Relations, Stephen F. Leo kept an eye on 

such activity. As Leo later recalled, Kenney liked to give speeches: 

in which he could forecast that as soon as the enemy bomber 

dropped a bomb on New York City, radioactive taxicab fenders 

would be found out beyond Danbury, Connecticut. Now if George 

could just get it out to Hartford, he’d make another ~peech.”~ 

Later Kenney believed, incorrectly, that Leo had tried to warn him of his 

declining influence at the Pentagon.lZ6 

The SAC Commander obviously was becoming increasingly alienated 

from the Air Staff. In August he clashed with General Fairchild, Kenney 

claiming that the Training Command was not sending him graduates of the 

Technical Schools (a convenient way to explain the number of planes out 

of commission). Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel Idwal H. Edwards, 

called this charge “not well founded,” advising Fairchild that over four 

[bid. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 146-147; memo, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, Jr., Dir 

Prog, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, subj: Orientation Visit to Strategic Air 

Command Medium Bomb, Aug 9, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Admin Ofc, 452.1 

Programming General, MMB, NA. 

USAF OHI, #K239.0512-1558, George M. Watson, AFCHO, with Stephen 

F. Leo, Ret, Aug 18, 1982, p 77, AFHRA. See also Borowski, Hollow Threat, p 141; 

New York Times, Apr 7, 1948, p 4, May 20, 1948, p 10, Jun 13, 1948, 

P 311i6 

123 

124 

Leo OHI, pp 78-79. 

227 
Strategic Air Force 

At the request of Gen. Hoyt S. 

Vandenberg, world-renowned aviator 

Charles A. Lindbergh evaluated SAC’S 

facilities and methods, citing poor 

living conditions, cross-training, and 

undermanning as the most serious of 

the command-wide problems he identified. 

thousand such graduates had joined SAC over the past year. The vice chief 

accused Kenney of making “a lot of wild statement^."'^^ 

One staff officer later recalled a briefing at which senior officers of all 

services had been present, as well as Symington and Forrestal. On this 

occasion Kenney had been poorly prepared and reportedly annoyed 

Symington.Iz8 It became clear that his stock was low on the Air Staff when 

in June 1948 Vandenberg ordered him to move his headquarters from 

Andrews to Offutt Air Force Base, near Omaha, Nebraska. Kenney had 

long vigorously protested such an action, citing his experience in GHQ Air 

Force in support of remaining in the Washington area. Nevertheless, the 

Air Staff had long wanted to reduce field activities near the Nation’s 

capital, especially in view of increased commercial flying in the area. Offutt 

was one of several locations, mainly in the center of the continent, 

considered suitable for a major headquarters. It had sufficient office space 

(mainly in a disused bomber factory from the war), an airfield, access to 

communications, and reasonably good housing available in the local community. Political considerations may have played a role in its selection. 

Arthur C. Storz, a wealthy Omaha businessman, was an influential friend 

of the Air Force, and Senator Kenneth S. Wherry, Republican of NeMemo, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, to Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, Aug 

25, 1948, with atch memo, Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Pers, to Fairchild, Aug 23, 

1948, Fairchild Coll, SAC 1948-1950, Box 3, MD, LC. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 148-149. 

127 

228 
Year of Crisis 

braska, would later be a powerful supporter of legislation on military 

housing. In any case, the Air Staff overruled Kenney, and the move was 

scheduled for November.’29 

Meanwhile, Vandenberg had Lindbergh’s report in hand. The day 

before it was submitted, the air chief had briefed the President on 

measures needed to prepare for war.13o Norstad apparently suggested that 

getting SAC ready would require new leadership. LeMay had the right 

kind of experience, with a record of taking over faltering organizations and 

getting them into shape. On September 21, Headquarters U.S. Air Force 

announced that LeMay was to take command of SAC, while Kenney would 

go to Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, as Commander of Air Univer~ity.’~’ 

After hearing the news in Europe, LeMay took the opportunity to ask 

Leon Johnson, formerly a SAC Air Force Commander, about the actual 

situation in his new command. Johnson referred him to some young 

officers recently arrived from SAC. From them, LeMay learned, as Johnson phrased it, that SAC was “emphasizing the wrong Returning to the States, LeMay took command as of October 19 and prepared to 

move west. Three weeks later he opened his headquarters at Offutt. 

Meanwhile, within days of assuming command, he had begun organizing a 

new staff. He drew on a group of officers who had served with him in the 

Marianas and had shown a grasp of bomber operations. Brig. Gen. 

Thomas S. Power, the Air Attache in London, became his Deputy Commander. Power, a voluble New Yorker, presented a contrast to his taciturn 

chief. LeMay’s Chief of Staff in Europe, Brig. Gen. August W. Kissner, 

was soon assigned to the same post at SAC. To head his Operations and 

Plans Directorates, the new commander brought in two officers then 

serving in the Office of the Secretary of the Air Force: Brig. Gen. John B. 

Ltr, AFOTR to CG SAC, subj: Relocation of Headquarters, Strategic Air 

Command, Dec 11, 1947, Vandenberg Coll, Files 1947-1948, Box 32; memo, Gen 

H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to W. S. Symington, Sec AF, subj: Movement of 

Headquarters, Strategic Air Command, May 12, 1948, Vandenberg Coll, Files 1948, 

Box 32; ltr, Vandenberg to CG SAC, subj: Relocation of Headquarters, Strategic 

Air Command, Jan 3, 1948, with 1st Ind, Gen G. C. Kenney, CG SAC, to CSAF, 

Jan 15, 1948, Vandenberg Coll, Files 1948, Box 32; Itr, Gen M. S. Fairchild, 

VCSAF, to Kenney, May 28, 1948, Fairchild Coll, SAC 1948-1950, Box 3, all in 

MD, LC; Borowski, Hollow Threat, p 181, n 4; hist, SAC, 1948, pp 388-390. 

129 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 296-297. 

131 Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 149, 159 n 39. 

Johnson OHI, # 865, pp 144-145. 

130 

132 

229 
Strategic Air Force 

Montgomery and Col. Walter C. Sweeney, Jr. Together, LeMay and these 

four officers had an average age of f0rty-0ne.l~~ 

Although there was much work to do, the young staff had to cope with 

being in the spotlight. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, recognizing the importance of SAC’S mission, was taking an interest in whether it could be 

carried out. Within the Air Force, Vandenberg had scheduled a meeting of 

the top leaders at Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, on December 6. 

There, the plans and goals of all the commands would come under 

scrutiny. LeMay was not pleased with the current state of war planning in 

SAC, nor with the overall concept devised by the Air Staff.’34 Nevertheless, when he arrived at Maxwell, he was ready. 

The results of “Dualism,” as the conference was called, were striking. 

Many now recognized that the atomic offensive was the Air Force’s 

number one job. Maj. Gen. Charles P. Cabell, the Director of Intelligence, 

gave the first briefing, in which he emphasized the deterrent effect of the 

bomb. He pointed out that the Soviet industrial system was vulnerable to 

air attack because of its high degree of concentration. “If a shooting war 

should come,” Cabell emphasized, “we know that atomic destruction must 

be delivered to the heartland of the Soviet Union. Only there can Russia 

be stopped! The Russians know this.. . .” Thus, the air offensive would be 

aimed at destroying Soviet industry and control centers and undermining 

m0ra1e.l~~ 

When LeMay’s turn came, he introduced Montgomery, who had the 

room darkened to show slides of the deployment plan. One observer 

recalled hearing “the voice of doom” from the briefer.’36 The plan advocated, not the gradual expenditure of bombs as they were made ready, as 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Deuelopment of SAC, pp 11-12; LeMay & Kantor, 

Mission with LeMay, pp 429-432; Fogerty, Study # 91, “Kissner,” “LeMay,” 

“Montgomery,” “Power,” “Sweeney;” Remarks by Gen Jack Catton, at AFCHO, 

Bolling AFB, May 19, 1989. Catton reports that LeMay at the end of the first staff 

meeting instructed an assistant to arrange a telephone conversation with General 

Vandenberg. The next day he announced the changes that were to be made. 

‘34Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 167-168; remarks by Gen Jack Catton, at 

AFCly50, Bolling AFB, May 18, 1989. 

Transcript, Operation Dualism, USAF Commanders’ Conference, Dec 6-8, 

1948, Maxwell AFB, Ala, Vol I, p 22, AFHRA 168.15-10 [hereafter Dualism]. As 

with many code names and nicknames, the precise reason for the name Dualism is 

unclear. 

Briefing, Col J. G. Armstrong, Ofc Asst DCS/Ops for AE, Exercise 

Dualism, Dec 9, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948,360.2 Dev of AF 

for A-Warfare, Box 8, MMB, NA; Dualism, Vol 11, pp 187-225. 

133 

136 

230 
Year of Crisis 

in plan HARROW, but a single massive strike to initiate the atomic offensive. LeMay hoped SAC would ultimately be able to deliver the entire 

atomic stockpile in one mission, exploiting the principle of mass to the 

utmost. Furthermore, as McNarney emphasized, comparing SAC‘s plan 

with all the previous versions, LeMay had worked out the logistics of the 

deployment to England in great detail3’ 

The new SAC Commander addressed a number of problems, among 

them the lack of fighter units in England to help protect SAC’s airfields 

and the uncertain state of plans for controlling the bomber force overseas. 

Norstad assured him of the Air Staffs support, making it clear that these 

issues had been raised at headquarters. Even the overseas commanders 

confirmed the belief that the atomic offensive and the Berlin airlift were 

the Air Force’s highest ~ri0rities.l~~ McNarney made the same point: 

I don’t care what it is, there is nothing in all of our planning and all 

of our possibilities of reducing the length of the war which should 

take priority over the delivery of the atomic offensive.. . . I have 

recently given instructions to the Air Materiel Command that the 

first priority is seeing that the wherewithal to deliver the atomic 

bomb will be given first priority in funds, personnel, and.. . tirne.l3’ 

LeMay agreed that, in a time of tightening budgets, the Air Force 

needed to put first things (such as the SAC mission) first. He believed that 

neither American nor Soviet defensive forces could be effective; the 

offensive would get through. The SAC Commander estimated that the 

atomic offensive might cost the Soviets eight million dead. He also emphasized the need to develop intercontinental range through the deployment 

of the B-36 and the development of air refueling for the medium bombers. 

LeMay had also planned to station the conferees at the Maxwell runway to 

witness the landing of a B-36 and a B-50 returning from a simulated 

bombing mission to Hawaii. Unfortunately, because of schedule problems 

at the conference, the bombers were brought into Carswell in~tead.’~’ 

Dualism ended on December 8, and LeMay returned to Offutt to 

concentrate on preparing SAC to meet its high priority commitment. 

When Maj. Gen. Kenneth B. Wolfe, the Air Materiel Command’s Director 

of Procurement and Industrial Planning, asked LeMay for a couple of 

good lieutenant colonels to help with procuring bombers, he replied that 

since “Dualism” he had readiness as his first mission and could spare no 

one. Likewise, he demanded that the Air Staff acknowledge SAC’s priority, 

See previous note. 

Dualism, Vol 11, pp 227, 258; Vol 111, pp 322-329, 613-614. 

’39 Dualism, Vol 11, p 227. 

I4’Dualism, Vol 11, pp 322-329, 613-614. 

137 

138 

23 1 
A New Era at SAC. When Lt. Gen. Curtis E. LeMay, center, assumed 

command of SAC on October 19, 1948, he quickly assembled a capable new staff. 

Brig. Gen. Thomas S. Power, aboit, left, Air Attache in London, became his Deputy 

Commander. Brig. Gen. August W. Kissner, ahoiv, right, his Chief of Staff in 

Europe, became his Chief of Staff at SAC. Brig. Gen. John B. Montgomery, below, 

left, and Col. Walter C. Sweeney, below, right, were reassigned from the Office of the 

Secretary of the Air Force to head SAC Plans and Operations. 
Year of Crisis 

and he particularly resisted efforts to reduce the command’s already 

undermanned headquarters units.’41 

Within SAC LeMay suspended cross-training so every crew member 

could concentrate on learning his primary job. As for overall training 

standards, he intended to make them more realistic, in keeping with 

Lindbergh’s recommendation. In January 1949 he ordered a simulated 

radar bombing mission against Dayton, Ohio, in which the entire command would participate. Bombardiers and navigators received three-yearold photographs of the town. (They would be lucky to get anything that 

recent for the Soviet Union). The bombers were to fly at 30,000 feet. The 

results of the mission showed the effect of years of unrealistic training. 

Aside from the numerous aborts caused by failure to reach altitude, the 

bombing results were abysmal. Of 303 runs, nearly two-thirds were more 

than 7,000 feet off target. The average error was 10,090 feet. Such an 

error, even with an atomic bomb over Hiroshima would have left the target 

~nscathed.’~’ LeMay later called this episode “about the darkest night in 

American military aviation history.”143 A smaller-scale mission in May 

showed little impr~vement.’~~ 

Even granting equipment problems, LeMay considered the Dayton 

mission complete proof of SAC‘S low state of training. From then on he 

began to transform the command into a thoroughly professional organization. He planned to build the strategic bombing capability wing by wing. At 

the beginning of 1949, the 509th received first priority in all resources and 

training. Once that unit was ready, he intended to turn to another wing 

and build it in the same way. The SAC Pevelopmental Program would 

outline the priorities. In addition, LeMay was determined not to add new 

demands on already over-burdened flying and ground crewmen. By paying 

attention to such morale-related issues as housing, he planned to emphasize both sides of a professional standard, to offer much and to expect 

much in return.145 In this way, the new Commander of SAC would take the 

all-important final step in transforming the American strategic air force 

from a diplomatic bluff into a military reality. 

Ltr, Maj Gen K. B. Wolfe, Dir Proc & Indus Plng, AMC, to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, Dec 13, 1948; ltr, LeMay to Wolfe, Dec 27, 1948, both in LeMay 

Coll, Wolfe, Box B61; ltr, LeMay to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, May 28, 1949, 

LeMa Coll, Norstad, Box B56, all in MD, LC. 

MD, LC; Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 163-167. 

MD,,$C. 

141 

’ B Rprt, Springfield Evaluation Mission, Jul 7, 1952, LeMay Coll, Box B106, 

LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, p 433. 

Rprt, Springfield Evaluation Mission, Jul 7, 1952, LeMay Coll, Box B106, 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 167-177. 

143 

144 

233 

Chapter VII 

The Priority Mission 

he receding of the international crisis after September 1948 allowed T Truman to reassert his commitment to limit defense spending. But 

the basic problem of the Soviet threat remained, with Stalin’s Russia 

as closed a society as ever, and efforts by US. intelligence services to 

develop information in their infancy, leaving policymakers susceptible to 

the most lurid reports. While most agencies tended to postpone the 

forecast date of a Soviet atomic weapon, the Air Force was proceeding 

with its program for detecting atomic explosions, based on early estimates. 

The Finletter Commission had concurred with intelligence reports stating 

that the Soviets were in no way ready for war, but the emergence of a 

Soviet atomic arsenal might well change these assessments. As for an early 

warning of an “atomic Pearl Harbor,” the Nation’s one air defense system 

had been largely dismantled by the end of the Second World War. The 

Polar frontier, most vulnerable to Soviet attack, lay completely open. With 

funds in short supply, the Finletter recommendation that an atomic 

striking force be built as a deterrent and the one means to strike back on 

the outset of a war took on driving importance. 

Understandably, then, from the very beginning of LeMay’s tenure as 

Commander of SAC, the Air Force placed great emphasis on building a 

combat-ready strategic force. The modification of medium bombers to 

constitute an atomic-capable, air-refuelable fleet was reaching a point 

where the hardware for a strategic force was on hand. Meanwhile, the Air 

Force’s high hopes for the very heavy intercontinental B-36 were frustrated by continuing delays, making the medium bomber force all the more 

important. The increased appropriations voted in the spring of 1948 had 

demonstrated the nation’s commitment to strategic air power, and the Air 

Force was giving it first priority. Decisions in 1948 to manufacture the 

B-36, to continue production of the B-50, and to redefine the B-52 as a 

jet heavy bomber all reflected this thinking. 

235 
Strategic Air Force 

Ironically, subsequent budget reductions further emphasized the role 

of strategic air power. By the end of 1948, President Truman was setting 

rigid ceilings on defense spending. The Air Force began to fear that its 

seventy-group program would never be realized. In cutting back to fortyeight groups, SAC was left essentially untouched. Every other function of 

the service was subordinated to the strategic air offensive. A board of 

senior officers examined the budget and focused attention on the B-36, 

the B-47, and an improved reconnaissance force. Designs that seemed 

marginal had to be scrapped. Planners envisioned air refueling as the best 

way to give the force an intercontinental reach. 

But the striking power of modern aircraft depended upon the performance of well-trained, disciplined air and ground crews. LeMay had found 

the state of the bomber force to be low in this respect. If SAC was to play 

the key role that Congress, the Air Force, and the public all seemed to 

envision, obviously, improvements were necessary. Accordingly, LeMay set 

a commandwide goal of reaching an unprecedented level of peacetime 

proficiency. At the heart of his plans was “standardization,” a term which 

came to symbolize the “SAC way.” Jobs were to be defined precisely, 

standards of proficiency outlined, and constant testing undertaken to see 

that standards were achieved. 

This process reinforced itself. By rewarding the efficient, LeMay 

hoped to communicate his demand for high standards, as well as to 

improve the morale of the force. Spot promotions, for example, were 

valuable precisely because they were an exception to Air Force policy and 

unique to the Strategic Air Command. They demonstrated the command’s 

special role in the Air Force and gave its personnel a sense of the rewards 

of being part of an elite organization. LeMay’s efforts to improve living 

conditions in SAC also boosted morale while emphasizing the specialness 

of belonging to SAC. 

In his continued efforts to build an efficient global striking force, 

then, LeMay was fulfilling the Air Force’s commitment to provide the 

nation with an atomic deterrent. The role of the strategic force as an 

instrument of national policy had been already decided. But the strength 

of the deterrent and the combat readiness of the force would depend on 

the dedication of the new commander and his men. 

Aircraft for Deterrence 

The new budget voted in May 1948, at a time of growing international 

crisis, had given the Air Force the funds for a large aircraft procurement 

program. This might allow an acceleration of purchases to modernize and 

expand the atomic force. Also, sufficient funds might be available to equip 

236 
Priority Mission 

tactical forces that otherwise would be squeezed by the priority given the 

strategic bombers. For the strategic program, the Air Force needed to 

modernize both the heavy and medium bombers and proceed with modifications to expand the atomic force. Basically, SAC was still a force of 

B-29s, now classed as medium bombers, so the heavy bomber then under 

development-the B-36-was a new system. Modernization of the force 

called for bringing the B-36 into service and deciding on a design for its 

successor, most likely the Boeing B-52. For the medium bomber fleet, the 

problem was more complicated, but it centered on achieving the maximum 

possible range. Modifications approved to expand the atomic force became 

an integral part of the medium bomber program. All these issues affected 

the allocation of the supplemental appropriation enacted in the spring of 

1948. 

As of April 1948 the B-36 program had been generally doing well. 

Tests showed good results, with one prototype plane staying in the air for 

thirty-two and a half hours in April and reaching a range of 8,500 miles in 

May.’ On the other hand, problems arose with the variable discharge 

turbine (VDT) engine. McNarney warned the Air Staff that the engine 

would need a heavier cooling fan, which would add considerable weight to 

the airplane and thereby cut the speed of a plane already considered too 

slow. The Air Materiel Command recommended canceling the VDT, 

although this would leave thirty-four bombers without the engines they 

were designed to carry. McNarney made no recommendation, but he did 

point out that allowing Convair to manufacture all one hundred aircraft in 

the contract would yield the lowest unit cost and a;oid the loss of money 

from a cancellation. Norstad proposed cancellation all the same. The Air 

Force could buy twenty-two B-36As and thirty-nine B models, enough of 

the latter to equip one group. The A models, not atomic-capable, might be 

used as tankers. Craig agreed, but Undersecretary of the Air Force Arthur 

S. Barrows continued to support the full purchase. He had the decision 

postponed, and by the time Symington, Fairchild, Kenney, and key members of the Air Staff met on June 24, 1948, to discuss the B-36’s future, 

the Berlin crisis had erupted, altering the political environment.’ 

Self, Heay BombardmentAircraft, p 90; ltr, Lt Col D. W. Graham, Actg Ch 

Acft & Msl Sect, Proc Div AMC, to Maj W. D. Brady, Proc & Indus Plng, 

DCS/Mat, subj: Preliminary Data on Long Range Flight of B-36 Airplane, May 

20, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-53,452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, 

Box ,212, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Gen J. T. McNarney, CG AMC, to DCS/Mat, subj: B-36 Program, n.d. 

[Apr 481; memo, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, to Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, 

subj: B-36 Program, Apr 24, 1948, with notations by Craig; MR, A. S. Barrows, 

USec AF, Re discussion May 22, May 24, 1948, all in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, 

Admin Div 1942-53, 452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA. 

237 
Strategic Air Force 

If cancelling the B-36 was one of the choices, the consequences of 

termination became an issue. As Fairchild reported: “we would be left 

with a large bomber plant full of unusable cut-up material and partially 

fabricated and assembled parts.” The resulting layoffs at Convair’s Fort 

Worth plant would create disorder in the industry at a critical time. The 

group’s recommendation, which Symington accepted, was to cancel the 

VDT engine and buy a total of ninety-five airplanes (twenty-two A models 

and seventy-three Bs), all with conventional engine^.^ The last fifty-four B 

models would come off the line modified to carry atomic weapons. As if to 

confirm this decision, one week later one B-36A dropped seventy-two 

thousand pounds of bombs in a practice run, and on July 8 the first B 

model flew: 

The proposed successor to the B-36 was the B-52. In early 1948 this 

aircraft existed only in a mockup of an early design. No sooner had Air 

Force officials agreed to one major redirection of the B-52 program then 

another one was proposed? Research on jet engines was beginning to 

demonstrate that fuel consumption could be significantly reduced, allowing 

for greater range. Thus, in May 1948 the Air Staff suggested that Boeing 

consider jet propulsion for the B-52.6 

The company submitted its first design for the jet version in July. 

Craig feared the risk involved in so radical a change and the delays that 

might ensue, even if the design were successful. All the same, the staff at 

Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio, headquarters of the Air Materiel 

Command, remained optimistic. On Thursday, October 21, a party of 

engineers from Boeing, visiting Wright-Patterson to discuss the B-52, 

learned of AMC’s expectations. The command’s representatives said that 

they needed a preliminary study for a plane equipped with Pratt and 

Whitney 5-57 engines, not yet available. Some accounts in the press later 

reported that the Boeing engineers immediately went to a hotel room in 

Dayton and worked around the clock until they had completed a report 

and a hand-carved model. They drew on their knowledge of the existing 

Boeing designs and the B-47 project. On Monday morning, October 25, 

they turned in the results. By the end of 1948, a new design had been 

developed for a jet-powered B-52 with swept wings, a gross weight of 

330,000 pounds, a range of about 8,000 miles, speeds of 520 to 570 miles 

MR, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, Jun 25, 1948; Note, Maj Gen K. B. Wolfe, 

Dir Proc & Indus Prog, AMC, to 1st Ind, Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, Jun 25, 

1948, to Itr, AMC to CSAF, subj: B-36 Program, n.d., both in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, +dmin Div 1942-53, 452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 23-25. 

Ibid., pp 23-25. 

Ibid., pp 214-215. 

238 
Priority Mission 

per hour, and a service ceiling of 45,000 feet. Soon the new XB-52 model 

was under review in the Air Force.7 

At the same time, the Air Force was considering several alternatives 

for new medium bombers to replace the wartime B-29. The early production models of the B-50 were performing well. Test reports, in the words 

of one staff officer, made the aircraft “look like a world-beater.”’ The first 

SAC unit to receive a B-50A was the 43d Bombardment Group at 

Davis-Monthan, which took delivery on February 20, 1948. Soon the B 

model would enter production and, starting with the twenty-fourth plane 

of the series, would leave the factory fully atomic-capable. The B-50C 

(subsequently redesignated the B-54) would be equipped with VDT engines. Among the experimental designs, the Northrop Company’s B-49 

Flying Wing might turn out to be an effective bomber, while the Boeing 

B-47 and the Martin B-48 would be jets of a more conventional type. By 

the middle of 1948, the Air Staff was most optimistic about the B-47. 

Although the model was not performing up to requirements, the Boeing 

test pilots liked it. Also, future models would be able to carry more 

powerful engines once they became available, and the plane’s swept wings 

seemed to offer more aerodynamic potential than the Martin XB-48 

design. The Northrop YB-49 Flying Wing also was testing well, but 

observers realized that the production aircraft could neither carry a large 

load of bombs nor be modified to carry atomic weapons. In flight the 

prototype revealed instabilities in pitch, roll, and yaw that seriously degraded any hope of its being an accurate bomber. A crash of one of the 

two YB-49s on June 5 not only delayed testing but also fueled the 

controversy surrounding the plane.’ 

A more realistic hope for the B-49 lay in reconnaissance. The 

Aircraft and Weapons Board, concerned about SAC’S weakness in this 

function, had showed some interest in developing a reconnaissance version. In April 1948 a conference at AMC Headquarters brought together 

Maj. Gen. Earle E. Partridge, Director of Training and Requirements, 

Craigie, and key members of the staff at Wright-Patterson to discuss the 

problem of long-range, high-performance reconnaissance. These officers 

considered the potential of the B-49, the Republic F-12,” the Douglas 

DC-6, and the B-50. There were two prototype F-12s, which did not have 

the VDT engines that were thought to be essential for the job. The 

Ibid.; Bagwell, XB-52 Airplane, pp 19-22. 

Daily Diary, Col G. Y. Jumper, Ch P1 & Intel, SWG, Apr 2, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS Ops, Asst for AE, S 1948, 314.7 Daily Diary (P1 & Intel), Box 16, MMB, NA. 

‘Self, Heay BombardmentAircraft, pp 70-74, 92-96; study, ARDC, Air Force 

Developmental Aircrafr, 1957, pp 135-137, 183-191, 193-196. 

8 

Before 1947, F stood for photographic. 10 

239 
Strategic Air Force 

conferees agreed to give Northrop a contract for thirty reconnaissance 

models of the B-49, subcontracting to Convair for twenty-nine of them, so 

as to direct some more business to the Fort Worth plant.” 

The supplemental appropriation enacted in May 1948 led to a review 

of the Air Force’s planned purchases. Anticipating the possibility of extra 

money for the seventy-group program, Maj. Gen. Kenneth B. Wolfe, 

AMC‘s Director of Procurement and Industrial Planning, had appointed a 

committee early in the year to study implementation. The resulting report 

initiated a series of procurement plans and revisions, the so-called “Finnster” (Finletter-Brewster) series. These were versions of a five-year program for building to seventy groups with modern aircraft. By May the plan 

called for the Air Force to buy 2,727 aircraft, with the fiscal 1948 supplemental appropriation then before Congress.” In Washington, the Air Staff 

made several changes, calling for more testing of some aircraft types. 

Headquarters officials agreed to defer the purchase of 300 planes, including the 30 B-49s. The rest of the program was endorsed, including 132 

B-SODS (featuring external fuel tanks and a new top turret), 43 B-SOCs, 

and 1,500 jet fighter^.'^ But when Vandenberg and Symington met with 

Forrestal, they asked for all 2,727. The Secretary of Defense decided to 

postpone contracting for 526 planes, including 13 B-5OCs and 200 fighters. 

On May 28 Forrestal submitted his proposals to Truman, who authorized 

the program, releasing $1.3 billion for the Air Force and $600 million for 

the Navy.14 

In July Forrestal’s budget adviser, Wilfred J. McNeil, inquired what 

the Air Force wanted to do with the funds (about $200 million) allocated 

to the deferred aircraft. Undersecretary Barrows replied on August 6, with 

a request for $104 million for two hundred fighters plus the deferred 

Study, ARDC, Air Force DeveloprnentalAircraft, 1957, pp 195-196; MR, Maj 

Gen L. C. Craigie, Dir R & D, to DCS/Mat, Procurement of Strategic Reconnaissance Aircraft, Apr 15, 1948; memo, subj: Determinations Favoring Procurement 

of the B-49 as a Photo-Reconnaissance Airplane, n.d., both in Narrative History in 

Chro;ological Order of the B-35 and B-49 (and Variations), Tabs 61, 62, CAFH. 

Self, Five-Year Aircraft Procurement Program, pp 4-7. 

Memo, Col J. A. Brooks, Ch Prog An Div, Comptr, to Lt Gen E. M. 

Rawlings, DCS/Comptr, subj: Aircraft Procurement for Fiscal Year 1949, May 14, 

1948, RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-53, 452.01 Acft, Jan 46-May 48, 

Box FF2, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to President, May 23, 1948; Itr, Forrestal to Sec 

Nav, Sec AF, May 28, 1948; memo, W. J. McNeil, Asst to Sec Def, to Brig Gen W. 

D. Eckert, Exec Off to USec AF, Jul24, 1948, all in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin 

Div 1942-53,452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA; memo, subj: USAF 

Supplement Fiscal Year 1948 Aircraft Program, Jun 1, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Dev, 

Dir Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 182, MMB, NA; Self, Five-Year Aircraft Procurement Program, pp 11-16. 

11 

13 

240 
Priority Mission 

___~ ~ 

Fiscal 1948 Supplemental Aircraft Program" 

Model 

B-50D 

B-50C (B-54) 

B-45C 

Fighter & 

Tactical 

Recon, Trainer & 

Transport, etc. 

RB-49 

TOTAL 

AMC Plan 

132 

43 

68 

1,605 

849 

30 

- 

2,727 

1st USAF Presidential Quantity 

Revision Program Deferred 

132 132 0 

43 50 13 

68 51 17 

1,605 1,405 200 

579 533 296 

0 

2,427 2,201 526 

- - 

0 

- 

30 

aLtr, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to President, May 23, 1948; ltr, Forrestal to Sec Nav, Sec 

AF, May 28,1948; memo, W. J. McNeil, Asst to Sec Def, to Brig Gen W. D. Eckert, Exec Off 

to USec AF, July 24, 1948, all in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-53, 452.1s Acft, 

B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA; memo, subj: USAF Supplement Fiscal Year 1948 

Aircraft Program, Jun 1, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir Rqmts, Papers 1st AWB, Box 182, 

MMB, NA, Self, Five-Year Aircmfr Procurement Program, pp 11-16. 

B-5OCs. A month later Symington signed a memorandum to Forrestal, 

asking for the remainder of the program. However, there were some 

revisions to the list. By deleting some light bombers, transports, trainers, 

and helicopters, the Air Staff freed money for such projects as guided 

missiles and B-47s. The airmen planned to buy fifty-four of the jet 

bombers, but they funded only ten. By the end of October the President 

had released most of this remaining money. At the close of 1948, the Air 

Force had accepted more than one hundred bombers on all postwar 

contracts and had another three hundred on order." 

Memo, W. M. McNeil, Asst to Sec Def, to Brig Gen W. D. Eckert, Exec Off 

to USec AF, Jul 24, 1948; memo, A. S. Barrows, USec AF, to J. V. Forrestal, Sec 

Def, subj: Utilization of Deferred Supplemental 1948 Procurement Funds, Aug 6, 

1948; memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to Forrestal, subj: Request for the Balance 

of Deferred Supplemental 1948 Aircraft Funds, Sep 7, 1948; ltr, Truman to 

Forrestal, Sep 16, 1948; Itr, Forrestal to President, Oct 1, 1948, with note, J. E. 

Webb, Dir Budget, Oct 1948, all in RG 341, DCS/Comptr, Admin Div 1942-53, 

452.1s Acft, B-36 Spec File, Box 212, MMB, NA. 

15 

24 1 
New Needs, New Aircraft. Clockwise from aboi>e: The potential of the 

turbojet-powered version of the B-35 Flying Wing-the Northrop YB-49A, the 

Republic F-12, the Boeing B-50, and the Douglas DC-6 for long-range reconnaissance was carefully studied by the Aircraft and Weapons Board in its effort to 

improve intelligence gathering. 
243 
Strategic Air Force 

Bomber Programs (approximate) a 

Atomic 

Manufacturer Type Total Capable SADDLETREE Accepted 

Convair B-36A 

Convair B-36B 

Boeing B-50A 

B-50B 

B-50D 

B-54A 

B-47A 

Northrop RB-49 

TOTAL 

22 

73 

79 

45 

140 

43 

10 

30 

442 

__ 

21 

54 18 18 

72 73 

22 23 

140 

43 

10 

- - __ 

269 113 112 

'Knaack, Bombers, pp 21-23, 29, 174; Self, Hea y Bombardment Aircraft, pp 74, 92-96; 

study, ARDC, Air Force Development Aircraft, 1957, pp. 135ff. 

While the larger appropriations affected many aircraft programs, the 

modification of bombers for the atomic force, considered high priority, 

would proceed with whatever funds were available. To the SADDLETREE 

modifications of the B-29 and other bombers, the Air Force added several 

more projects. These included winterization, a global electronics modification (GEM) to provide equipment for worldwide navigation, installation of 

equipment for air-to-air refueling, and the modification of some bombers 

to serve as tankers. All these efforts combined to form a single program, 

with the goal of creating a truly global atomic strike force.16 

Because of the urgency of GEM/SADDLETREE, as the total modification program was called, the Air Staff proposed to bring additional B-29s 

out of storage rather than wait for production of newer models. During the 

early months of 1948, about one hundred bombers were to be returned to 

the active inventory in order to provide several of SAC'S groups with a 

reserve of aircraft. As for other types, a project for SADDLETREE modifications on thirty-six B-50s fell behind schedule. In January AMC received 

instructions to start a large-scale, concerted effort on various aircraft. The 

B-29s would be modified in the field, the B-5OAs at Sacramento, the 

l6 Little, ~oundutions, Pt 2, p 395. 

244 
Priority Mission 

B-SOBS at the reopened Boeing plant at Wichita, and the B-36s at Fort 

Worth.I7 By March 1948 atomic modifications were authorized for eighty 

B-29s, ninety-five B-50s, and eighteen B-36s. 

Besides the urgent SADDLETREE effort, the Air Staff was focusing 

attention on other modification projects. On February 26, the air refueling 

project had received a top priority, and on March 12 Boeing signed a 

contract to develop an air-to-air refueling system. Three days earlier, SAC 

representatives proposed the winterizing of half of the 509th'~ planes, the 

entire SADDLETREE force, and the F-80s. All of these projects combined to 

force a reassessment of schedules.'s Craig especially insisted on careful 

planning, as AMC was already pressed for resources to provide routine 

support, considering all these top-priority projects. Finally, on April 16 Air 

Force Headquarters issued an integrated schedule. The deadline for all 

the modifications was December 15, 1948. The Materiel Command and the 

contractors had started tooling up.'9 

So urgent was the refueling project that it had been scheduled for 

testing and evaluation even before a workable design had been adopted. 

Boeing, the prime contractor, proposed developing an interim system right 

away, to be followed by a long-term solution. On March 28 the company 

held a successful demonstration of the looped-hose technique (using hoses 

and grapnel hooks to connect the tanker and the receiving aircraft). Over 

the next few weeks came a remarkable series of improvisations, and the 

first set of equipment, ready for installation, was delivered to the Air Force 

at the beginning of May. Obviously, the interim system was clumsy; planes 

had to drop below 10,000 feet and slow down to refuel. But even a 

makeshift solution offered important advantages. A B-29 that refueled 

before penetrating hostile air space could reach a target within a radius of 

2,700 miles and return to base. With the increased range, basing in Iceland 

became feasible for strikes against the Soviet Union, and other targets 

were accessible from Alaska. Also in May, AMC selected a design for a 

Fenwick, Saddletree Project, pp 32-33; hist, SAC, 1948, p 327; R & R Sheet, 

Cmt 2, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Asst DCS/Ops for Prog, Acft 

Delivery and Mod Instructions, Apr 15, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Exec Ofc 452.2 

(B-29), BOX 1. MMB, NA. 

17 

'' Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling, pp 13-15; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, 

DD 396-397. 

Memo, Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, 

subj: AMC Aircraft Maintenance Workload, Apr 6, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Exec 

Ofc 452.1 (B-291, Box 1, MMB, NA; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 399-400. 

19 .. 

245 
GEMSADDLETREE Projects, 1948" 

Quantity 'Qpe Source Saddletree GEM Winterization Ruralist 

44 

36 

40 

36 

36 

23 

18 

48 

6 

B-29 SAC 

B-29 SAC 

B-29 Storage 

B-50A Boeing 

B-50A Boeing 

B-50A Boeing 

B-36B Convair 

P-80A SAC 

YC-97 AMC 

X Xb 

X X' 

X 

X X 

X X 

X X 

X X 

X 

X X 

Xb X 

Xb 

Xb X 

Xb X 

Xb 

X 

Xb 

a Memo, Lt Gen H.A. Craig, DCSMat, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DcS/Ops, subj: AMC 

Aircraft Maintenance Workload, Apr 6, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Exec Ofc 452.1 

(B-29), Box 1, MMB, NA; Little, Foundntions, F't 2, pp 399-400. 

Added later 

To include a special modification for Alaskan conditions 

SADDLETREE - the atomic modification 

GEM - Global Electronic Modification 

Ruralist - modification to receive refueling in the air 

Superman - modification as tanker 
Priority Mission 

permanent system, based on a “flying boom” technique, with the tanker 

carrying a boom containing a pipe.” 

Complicating matters even more was the decision by Congress to 

allow the expansion of the Air Force to sixty-six groups by June 30, 1949. 

Such a rapid buildup would require withdrawing more B-29s from storage. 

Maj. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, Weyland’s successor as Director of Plans 

and Operations, had previously opposed deploying more obsolete aircraft. 

It cost $90,000 to make each plane combat ready.’l But the approval of a 

sixty-six group program posed an irresistible need. Maj. Gen. Frederic H. 

Smith, the Assistant Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations (Programming), 

reported that to equip all strategic groups by June 1949 and provide a 

reserve, AMC would have to release 442 bombers. In June 1948 the Air 

Staff authorized the withdrawal of 300 B-29s from storage for assignment 

to SAC?’ 

By the summer of 1948 GEM/SADDLETREE was underway, funded by 

$25 million from the fiscal 1948 supplemental appropriation. In July 

another $15 million was allocated from fiscal 1949 money. Unfortunately, 

despite the infusion of funds, the program faltered. Boeing had fallen 

behind schedule as the result of a strike, which Air Force observers 

blamed on communist ~omplicity.’~ Thus, at the outset of the Berlin crisis, 

the atomic force still consisted of the 509th Group, half of whose planes 

were old and probably unreliable. At least there were enough trained 

crews, and the Special Weapons Project could provide three assembly 

*’ Case Histoiy of Air-to-Air Refueling, pp 15-32. 

21 Memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Asst DCS/Ops for Prog, 

subj: Aircraft Delivery and Modification Instructions, Apr 15, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Exec Ofc 1948-49,452.1 (B-291, Box 1; memo, Brig Gen W. D. Eckert, 

Exec to USec AF, to Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, Jan 24, 1949, RG 341, 

DCS Ops, Exec Ofc 1948-49, 452.1 (B-29), Box 9, both in MMB, NA. ‘ Memo, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, to Lt Gen H. A. Craig, DCS/Mat, 

subj: AMC Aircraft Maintenance Workload, Apr 27, 1948; memo, Maj Gen F. H. 

Smith, Asst DCS/Ops for Prog, to Dir P & 0, subj: Aircraft Delivery and Modification Instructions, Apr 27, 1948, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Exec Ofc 452.1 

(B-291, Box 1, MMB, NA; Dorothy Trester, Histoiy of the AF Storage and 

Withdrawal Program, 1945-1952 (Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio: AMC, 19541, pp 

See previous note; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 401-404; memo, Dir Pl to 

VCSAF, subj: Report on Air Force Capability and Program for Conduct of Atomic 

Warfare, Jun 30, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 1948,381 Current Ops 

Capabilities, Box 10; memo, for Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Availability of 

Modified Aircraft, Dec 13, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.31 (Dec 

3, 19471, Sect 1, Box 452, both in MMB, NA. 

61-63. 23 

247 
Strategic Air Force 

teams.24 Finally, on July 15, 1948, as the National Security Council decided 

to send two groups of unmodified B-29s to England, the Air Force took 

delivery of the first plane modified under GEM/SADDLETREE.25 The 

revolution in American air power had finally, fitfully, begun. 

Return to Austerity 

With the Berlin crisis coinciding with the start of the atomic modernization project, administration and congressional leaders began to have an 

alternative to massive conventional rearmament as a response to an 

international threat. While the Air Force established the atomic offensive 

as its first priority, the administration’s determination to minimize defense 

spending would insure that the nation would have little else to rely on at 

the outset of a war. Even after the critical moments of September 1948, 

President Truman continued to push for a firm ceiling on the defense 

budget, and the joint chiefs had to allocate the extremely limited 

resources. 

During the summer of 1948 the President capped the armed services’ 

expenditures at $14.4 billion in fiscal 1950. Even with the assistance of a 

Budget Advisory Committee under the chairmanship of McNarney, the 

joint chiefs at first could not agree on how to divide the amount. The Air 

Force alone estimated the cost of its seventy-group program at $8.8 billion. 

This included not only a strong tactical force but the beginnings of a 

modern air defense system. For Strategic Air Command, the planners 

requested twenty-eight groups (including five of fighters and four for 

reconnaissance). Two groups would have B-36s by mid-1950. A portion of 

the bomber units would operate as atomic carriers, while other planes 

would serve as decoys and jammers, as well as conventional bombers. But 

even this sizable strategic force alone could not guarantee victory in war. 

Long-term plans called for replacing all B-29s (except tankers) by 1952, 

the earliest target date possible without overexpanding the industry. By 

then, the planners hoped, Western Europe would be strong enough to 

contain a Soviet attack while the strategic air offensive did its work.26 

Memo, Dir P1 to VCSAF, subj: Report on Air Force Capability and Program 

for Conduct of Atomic Warfare, Jun 30, 1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Asst for AE, TS 

1948,381 Current Ops Capabilities, Box 10, MMB, NA. 

24 

25 Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling, p 27. 

Department of the Air Force Presentation to JCS Committee on the 

Development of the Air Force During Fiscal Year 1950, Aug 25, 1948, Fairchild 

Coll, Dev of the AF During FY 1950, Box 2, MD, LC. 

26 

248 
Priority Mission 

Accordingly, the Air Force trimmed its proposals to the Budget 

Advisory Committee to $7.6 billion. Any lower figure would mean cutting 

the number of groups. The other services also tried to protect what they 

considered vital capabilities. In October Bradley proposed deleting all 

funds for forces committed to holding the Mediterranean region. When he 

included large aircraft carriers in this category, the Navy objected. This 

proposal not only struck at a central component of the Navy’s force plans, 

but it also implied a decision to rely entirely on strategic bombing-a 

position which the Navy would challenge over the coming year.27 

At first, Forrestal hoped he could persuade the President to increase 

the funding limit. Both the continuing crisis in Europe and the fears of 

Republican attacks on the administration’s defense program in an election 

year could be persuasive arguments for larger expenditures. In fact, the 

President did permit some planning for larger budgets. But Truman’s 

surprising (except to himself) election victory in November weakened 

Forrestal’s position. So did the President’s determination to avoid appearing provocative to the Soviets (not to mention rumors that Forrestal had 

been trying to keep his job in a Dewey administration). In December 1948 

Truman rejected all efforts to raise the ceiling beyond $14.4 billion.% 

Meanwhile, the joint chiefs finally agreed on how to divide the $14.4 

billion approved by the President for fiscal year 1950. The only remaining 

issue involved the number of large aircraft carriers to be kept in commission. The Air Force recommended four, the Army six, and the Navy nine. 

Forrestal settled on eight. Although larger alternative budgets were also 

prepared, the President never indicated that he would actually approve 

one. After the Bureau of the Budget made some adjustments, the President submitted to Congress an appropriations request which included $4.5 

billion for the Air Force, to fund forty-eight groups and a strength of 

412,000 personnel.’’ 

Under this budget, the joint chiefs anticipated a major impact on U.S. 

military strategy. In the event of a Soviet attack, the British would be left 

Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 340-345, 358-359; rprt, Aircraft Weapons 

Board Proceedings, Vol I, Jan 1949, pp 1-10, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir Prod & 

Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. For an 

extended account of the development of the Ey 50 budget, see Rearden, Formative 

Years, pp 335-360, and K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 213-256. 

Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 43 & n, 345-351; Robert J. Donovan, Tumultuous Years: The Presidency of Hany S Truman, 1949-1953 (NY: Norton, 19821, 

27 

28 

P 60i9 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 345-347, 358-360. 

249 
Strategic Air Force 

to secure the Middle East as best they could. America's mobilization base 

was severely weakened. Still, a strategic air offensive, somewhat reduced in 

weight and speed, could be launched from Okinawa and either England or 

Iceland. After a month, strikes might be launched from the Casablanca 

area. Given Forrestal's attempts to warn the President of the consequences of limiting defense spending, it may be presumed that Truman 

recognized that strategic air strikes would be the only offensive action 

a~ailable.~' 

The leaders of the Air Force understood that such restricted budgets 

were likely to continue for some years. The funds allocated for aircraft 

procurement totaled $1.48 billion, and this figure would probably not 

increase. By December 31 the Air Force-wide expansion begun earlier in 

1948 had reached sixty groups. Now plans had to be made to cut back to 

forty-eight by the end of June. Ironically, SAC actually stood to gain some 

capability, for under the revised plan that command would have seventeen 

reconnaissance and bombardment groups, with another B-29 group in Far 

East Air Forces.31 LeMay objected to the program on the grounds that he 

needed twenty bomber groups alone to carry out the strategic air offensive properly, especially operations were to be sustained after the initial 

blow?2 Recognizing that the Air Force now had no choice but to defer 

the seventy-group program, Vandenberg convened a board consisting of 

Fairchild, McNarney, Norstad, and Craig to develop a long-term fortyeight-group program. At the end of December this body met, McNarney 

serving as chairman while Fairchild convalesced from an illness.33 

The board concurred, with minor changes, with the forty-eight-group 

program as proposed by the Air Staff. The members did not intend to 

Rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol I, Jan 1949, RG 341, 

DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, 

MMB NA. 

31'Ibid., pp 1-20. Air Force Statistical Digest, 1948, Vol I, p 3; Hopkins & 

Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 11; R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, 

Jr., Asst for Prog, DCS/Ops, to Dir P & 0, Reduction to 48 Group Level, Dec 30, 

1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, Decimal File 1942-1954, Box 126, MMB, NA. 

32 Rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol IV, Jan 1949, pp 398-447, 

RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 

49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

33 Ibid., Vol I, Jan 1949, pp 1-20; R & R Sheet, Cmt 1, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, 

Jr, Asst for Prog, DCS/Ops, to Dir P & 0, Reduction to 48 Group Level, Dec 30, 

1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, Decimal File 1942-1954, Box 126, MMB, NA. 

30 

250 
Priority Mission 

overrule LeMay, whose central task they readily acknowledged. The question came down to politics and economics; McNarney observed that the 

SAC position ignored the “facts of life.” And while LeMay and Norstad 

clashed on this issue when the SAC Commander met with the board, the 

members assured him that all secondary functions had been cut to the 

bone. The priorities established at the “Dualism” conference had not been 

forgotten.34 

When the board turned to strategic aircraft programs, the big story 

was the success of the B-36. The first B models, now in testing with 

Convair and entering service in the 7th Bombardment Group at Carswell, 

had performed impressively. Pilots found the Peacemaker surprisingly 

responsive to the controls,35 and engineers at the Air Materiel Command 

also liked it. One B model had already completed a mission of 8,000 miles, 

flying from Carswell to Hawaii and dropping a load of bombs and a B-36 

had reached altitudes of 40,000 feet. The aircraft’s main drawbacks were 

its low speed, at 319 miles per hour, and lack of armament, due to delays 

in production. This meant that altitude would be its main defense. In 

noting that the plane was underpowered, however, engineers commented 

that it was also lightly loaded; that is, the ratio of gross weight to the area 

of the wings was lower than with most aircraft. Therefore, more powerful 

engines would improve performance, and a proposal existed to hang two 

jet engines in a pod under each wing. Eventually, these jet pod modifications boosted its dash speed to 435 miles per hour. Maj. Gen. Edward M. 

Powers, Craig’s Assistant Deputy Chief of Staff for Material, recalled that 

the B-36 had once been considered a “dud,” but was now “a wonder.”36 

Based on a group strength of eighteen planes, the ninety-five B-36s on 

order would outfit five groups, though virtually without spares. One of 

these groups could contain aircraft modified for reconnaissance. To increase the production order would require reducing funds for other 

programs, a matter for the McNarney Board to decide.37 

____________~ 

Rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol 11, Jan 1949, pp 158-161, 

Vol IV, Jan 49, pp 394-447, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, 

Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

3sZbid., Vol I, pp 63-69, Vol IV, pp 463-464; Harry E. Goldsworthy, “B-36 

Peacemaker,” Aerospace Historian, XXX (Dec 83), pp 261-267, Knaack, Bombers, 

pp 24-25. 

See previous note; rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol IV, Jan 

1949, p 470, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, 

Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

Rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol I, Jan 1949, pp 52-55, 133, 

Vol IV, Jan 49, pp 393-394,471, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng 

Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

34 

36 

37 

25 1 
Strategic Air Force 

Modernizing the medium bomber force was a less clear-cut proposition. The B-50 was now in full production, with the B-54 (a B-50 with 

VDT engines) on order. The B-49 Flying Wing jet and the B-47 jet 

seemed riskier investments, although the XB-47 performed well in tests.38 

The more conservative B-54 would probably attain a range of twenty-seven 

hundred to three thousand miles. On paper, it had shown the President 

and Congress that the Air Force could build a plane that would exceed 

current ranges. Considering the data now available, the intercontinental 

B-36 could safely play this role instead. Also, the B-54 would still require 

oversea bases or air refueling. Thus, the B-36 was by far the better buy.39 

This line of reasoning put the B-54 into competition with the Flying 

Wing and the B-47. LeMay clearly favored the Stratojet, while the Flying 

Wing had yet to prove its potential as a bomb carrier. Given the uncertainties, the McNarney Board proposed a mixed force of medium bombers, 

eventually replacing all the YRB-29As. For a total of fourteen long-range 

bomber groups, the distribution would be as follows:4o 

B-36 4 

B-50A 1 

B-50D 4 

B-54 3 

B-47 2 

LeMay’s dissatisfaction with the existing reconnaissance force and 

McNarney’s expressed concern combined to focus attention on the need 

for a more modern reconnaissance fleet. Few now backed the concept of 

an aircraft specifically designed for this role. Within SAC, planners preferred converted bomber types that could carry large amounts of sophisticated cameras and electronic equipment. The B-36, B-50, and B-47 each 

looked promising. As for the RB-49 Flying Wing, only the most advanced 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 104-105, 169-170, 181-182, 539-540. 

Rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol IV, Jan 1949, pp 398-429, 

439,471, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 

48-Jan 49, Box 4; rprt, Report of Senior Board of Officers Convened to Consider 

the Production Program and the Research and Development Program for the 

USAF [hereafter Report of Board of Senior Officers], Vol I, Feb 1949, pp 16-18, 

RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Jan-Feb 49, 

Box 5, both in MMB, NA. 

38 

39 

40 See previous note. 

252 
Priority Mission 

version seemed capable, and then only marginally. Until the B-49 showed 

more carrying capacity and stability in flight, the Air Force remained 

~keptical.~’ 

The decision to buy additional B-36s also resolved one remaining 

question concerning the Flying Wing. During 1948, with considerable 

effort, the Air Force had obtained an agreement between Northrop and 

Convair for the RB-49 to be built at Convair’s Fort Worth plant. This 

would keep the facility in business after B-36 production ended. In a 

public speech Secretary Symington had promised that the Fort Worth 

plant would remain open, so the board members felt obligated to ensure 

business for it. If the Air Force purchased more B-36s, the Flying Wing 

could be ~anceled.~’ 

The McNarney Board thus decided to equip four strategic reconnaissance groups over the next few years. Each would have basically one type: 

RB-36, RB-50, RB-54, or RB-47. To fund additional purchases of B-36s 

and other types, the board recommended canceling further production of 

the disappointing B-45 jet light bomber and the RB-49 Flying Wing. 

Beyond the service life of the B-36, the B-52 jet would be the next heavy 

bomber, with LeMay’s wholehearted endorsement. Considering a possible 

heavy bomber of still more advanced design, the board canceled Boeing’s 

XB-55, proposing an industry-wide design competition in~tead.~’ 

In the final analysis, the McNarney Board ratified many of LeMay’s 

proposals, and in January 1949 submitted its report to Symington and 

Forrestal for approval. In the meantime, the debate continued. LeMay 

discovered still more reasons to endorse the B-36. Engineering studies 

showed impressive results in increased range and speed if jet engines were 

added. On February 2 the SAC Commander wrote Vandenberg suggesting 

a review of the B-54, in hopes that its cancellation might provide more 

funds for the B-36.44 Nonetheless, others had doubts about the intercontiRprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol I, Jan 1949, pp 52-62, Vol 

IV, Jan 49, pp 453-455, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, 

Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

42Zbid., Vol I, pp 63-68, Vol IV, pp 471-477; Final Report of Board of 

Officers In the Composition of the 48 Group Program, The Aircraft Production 

Program, and the Research and Development Program for the US Air Force, Dec 

29, 1948-Jan 6, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins 

& Rprts, MMB, NA. 

41 

43 See previous note. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Feb 2, 

1949, RG 341, DCS/Dev, Dir/Rqmts, Gen Decimal Files, 1948-1951, 452.1 

Bombardment 1948-1951, Box 33, MMB, NA. 

44 

253 
Strategic Air Force 

nental bomber, notably Forrestal. The Secretary of Defense asked Symington for further information before approving the McNarney Board’s recommendations. Late in February, Fairchild became board chairman and 

convened a session to examine the various choices.45 

The issue was complicated, because the B-54, even if could not match 

the capabilities of the B-36 or even the B-47 medium, still represented a 

decided improvement on current medium types. Unfortunately, the development program was extremely expensive, all the more so since the 

aircraft’s nose area needed redesigning. Also, the B-54’s outrigger landing 

gear might necessitate widening taxiways on numerous airfields. LeMay 

disliked the 1941-era airframe design, arguing that more advanced types 

would become available over the same period of time. Thus, the B-54 was 

still limited in range and cost too much. Preferring to concentrate on the 

B-36, LeMay told the Fairchild Board that each of his squadrons could 

operate ten Peacemakers, rather than six, with no additional men. That is, 

four bomber groups and two reconnaissance groups could operate 180 

planes plus spares, a requirement that would more than double the current 

95-plane order. The board agreed to this plan, also proposing to accelerate 

the B-47 program. To fund the revised plan, the board recommended 

canceling the B-54 once and for all. On March 21 1949, Symington 

approved these 

In rejecting the B-54, the Air Force turned entirely to jet propulsion 

for the future bomber force. The B-36 and the B-50, the last propellerdriven models, continued to perform admirably. The huge Peacemaker was 

still making headlines and putting on air shows at Andrews Air Force 

Base. On March 2, 1949, Lucky Lady ZZ, a B-50 in the 43d Bombardment 

Wing, landed at Carswell to complete the first nonstop flight around the 

world. This feat demonstrated the progress SAC was making with air 

refueling. Such national publicity at a time when the Air Force had 

canceled a number of programs in a troubled industry was likely to 

engender criticism. Norstad predicted that the Navy would inspire some 

letters to newspapers attacking the B-36, but the Air Force, he believed, 

45Report of Board of Senior Officers, Vol I, Feb 1949, pp 1-8, 13-16, 

114-122, Vol 11, Feb 1949, p 298, Vol 111, Feb 1949, p 451, RG 341, DCS/Mat, 

Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Jan-Feb 49, Box 5; rprt, Aircraft 

Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol IV, Jan 1949, pp 398-429, RG 341, DCS/Mat, 

Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, both in 

MMB, NA. 

46 See previous note; rprt, “Report of 2d Board of Officers,” Feb 21-24, 1949, 

RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Jan-Feb 49, 

Box 5, MMB, NA. 

254 
Priority Mission 

Lucky Lady ZZ, a B-50 of the 43d Bombardment Wing, successfully completed 

the first non-stop flight around the world in a spectacular demonstration of aerial 

refueling. She landed at Carswell Air Force Base in Ft. Worth, Texas, on March 2, 

1949, after ninety-four hours of continuous flying. Her crew is shown being met by 

Secretary of the Air Force W. Stuart Symington and Chief of Staff Gen. Hoyt S. 

Vandenberg for an interview over local radio. 

could deal with the repercussion^.^^ In just a few months, Norstad’s 

prophecy would come true with a vengence. 

Modernization and Standardization 

An outgrowth of years of experience as a bomber commander, LeMay’s 

approach to leadership revolved around three principles. First, people 

needed to believe in the importance of their jobs. Second, progress, 

however slight, toward an understandable goal had to take place. Third, 

the effort and the progress must be recognized. In practice, these fundamentals amounted to “standardization”-the watchword of SAC. Setting 

performance standards for each position in the command allowed the 

individual to see the relation of his job to others. Aside from the obvious 

importance of SAC to the nation’s defense, this standardization and the 

sense of teamwork that it fostered gave importance to individual jobs. Of 

Leo OHI, p 87; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol I, pp 53-63; rprt, Aircraft 

Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol IV, Jan 1949, pp 476-477, RG 341, DCS/Mat, 

Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 49, Box 4, MMB, NA. 

47 

255 
Strategic Air Force 

course, standards also provided a means to measure progress. Some of the 

recognition was negative; merely allowing someone to keep his job indicated that he was progressing. On the other hand, LeMay considered 

acknowledgement essential on an organizational level, and he worked hard 

to improve career opportunities and living conditions as a means of 

recognizing his command’s achievement^.^^ 

LeMay had arrived at SAC Headquarters during a period of high 

international tensions, but, for the new commander, readiness for war did 

not rise and fall with the diplomatic fever chart. In the air campaign 

against Germany, he observed that most bomber groups did badly on their 

first mission.49 In a future war, the first SAC mission might be the decisive 

one, and the country could not afford wasted atomic bombs. Consequently, 

SAC came to require an unprecedented level of proficiency in its air crews. 

The emphasis on high standards also resulted from the nature of the 

air offensive being planned. The formation flying that had posed such a 

challenge during World War I1 now seemed less important. With a limited 

number of bombers flying faster, at higher altitudes, and carrying more 

potent bombs, crews would no longer need to follow a lead aircraft. Every 

crew was in effect a lead crew.5o It had to be able to navigate to its target, 

while evading or fighting off defensive forces, identify and bomb as 

planned, and then get away quickly. This tactic put a premium on a 

detailed plan assigning targets and adequate intelligence about the targets 

and their defenses. It also meant that each crew would have to study its 

target carefully and plan its own mission. 

In atomic operations, the bomber force would rely on dispersion, 

massing in time rather than space and relying on darkness for pr~tection.~~ 

Radar capabilities thus became crucial, and the work of the navigatorbombardier team grew increasingly complex. This is not to imply that SAC 

neglected visual bombing, for there were many missions to bombing ranges 

throughout the country. But radar bomb scoring now assumed added 

importance in the command:’ 

USAF OHI, #239.0512-736, John T. Bohn, SAC/HO, with Gen Curtis E. 

LeMay (Ret), Mar 9, 1971, p 39, AFHRC; Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 171-173; 

LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 439-441. 

4y LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 436-437; Borowski, Hollow Threat, 

48 

P 162(j LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, p 436. 

Hist, SAC, 1948, Vol I, p 256. 

Ibid.; rprt, Aircraft Weapons Board Proceedings, Vol 11, Jan 1949, p 310, 

RG 341, DCS/Mat, Dir/Prod & Proc, Prod Eng Div, Mins & Rprts, Dec 48-Jan 

49, Box 4, MMB, NA; memo, AF Bomb School, Mather AFB, subj: General 

Information on Bombing Techniques with APQ-13, APQ-23, and APQ-24 Radar 

Sets, Jul 49, LeMay Coll, Official Docs, Box B95, MD, LC. 

51 

52 

256 
Priority Mission 

Realistic training did not involve actually flying to a practice target 

and dropping real bombs, but in learning to find and identify a wartime 

target. Crew members could train on the ground in a mockup of the 

bomber’s cabin. The Air Force had obtained aerial photographs of Soviet 

cities, mostly from captured German records. The crews used drawings 

showing what the target would look like on the radar screen in “flying” 

countless indoor missions.53 Another method was to study a city in the 

United States and then actually fly a radar bomb scoring mission. These 

techniques, plus a 4,000-mile mission required every three months, familiarized SAC crew members with their duties in the event of a real war.s4 

Besides training existing crews, SAC had to prepare to form new ones. 

As more of the wartime B-29 fliers left the active force, and personnel 

strength in the command increased, the Air Training Command had to 

produce more crewmen. When SAC received them, the pilots had flown 

two-engine planes but needed to be transitioned into the medium and 

heavy bombers.55 The command also had to qualify its own gunners 

because the Air Force had decided that it could not afford a gunnery 

school. Among atomic crews, training schedules had to take into account 

the four to five months the Atomic Energy Commission required to 

provide security clearance^.^^ On a more positive note, the commission 

was now supplying enough trained bomb commanders, weaponeers, and 

assembly teams. 

As for training navigators, bombardiers, and radar operators, the 

increasing emphasis on radar made their work increasingly complex. The 

Air Force had initiated a new specialty-the “air observer”-with training 

in navigation, bombing, and radar. These “AOBs,” as they were called, 

LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, p 436; Borowski, Hollow Threat, 

p 170; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol I, pp 91-97. 

54 Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 168-170; hist, SAC, 1948, Vol I, pp 279-282, 

Jan-p 1952, Vol I, p 64. 

Col Lawson S. Moseley, Jr, “Aircrew Training-Whose Responsibility?” Air 

Unioersity Quarterly Reuiew IV (Summer 50), pp 43-48. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Mar 

12, 1949; Itr, Maj Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to LeMay, Apr 28, 1949, atch to 

R& R Sheet, Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Pers, to CSAF, Letter from Chief of 

Staff to Commanding General, Strategic Air Command, Apr 21, 1949, both in 

Vandenberg Coll, SAC (4), Box 45, MD, LC; memo, Maj Gen H. J. Knerr, USAF 

IG, to CSAF, subj: Daily Activity Report-The Inspector General, Jun 16, 1949, 

atch to memo, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, to DCS/Ops, subj: B-29 Bomber 

Gunnery, Jun 22, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, P & 0 353.4 (Feb 24, 19491, Box 183, 

MMB, NA; Robert D. Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, 1949-1953, Vol 111 of 

Bowen & Little, The History of Air Force Participation in the Atomic Energy Program, 

1943-1953 (Washington: USAF Hist Div, 1959), Pt 1, pp 193-205, Pt 2, 357-375. 

53 

56 

257 
Strategic Air Force 

were trained at a school at Mather Air Force Base, California, but 

production would be low until a new school at Houston, Texas, graduated 

its first class in the summer of 1950.57 Until there were enough air 

observers, SAC would have to use the older, more specialized fields, who 

were also in short supply. 

Once formed, air and ground crews alike began learning the “SAC 

way.” Under LeMay, the staff wrote standing operating procedures (SOPS) 

for every position in the command?’ Besides their obvious value for 

determining performance standards, the “SOPS” also contributed to flight 

safety. LeMay believed that inexperienced fliers, because they tended to 

rely on established procedures, had better safety records than pilots with 

more experience. The latter evidently often felt that they could dispense 

with rules. With the rigorous enforcement of standardization came a 

marked decline in the accident rate by early 1950.59 

Enforcement of the standards was the next step. The Air Force 

Inspector General administered the Operational Readiness Test, in which 

individual units were evaluated on the basis of the number of aircraft they 

could get into the air, their scores in visual bombing and radar bomb 

scoring, and the general efficiency and safety of their operations. The staff 

at SAC headquarters used these readiness tests and the records of routine 

training to devise numerical performance scores. LeMay now had a rating 

system to rank units in terms of their ability to carry out a mission. A 

commander whose wing scored well stood high in the LeMay’s estimation. 

Those with low scores faced scrutiny from SAC Headquarters.60 Unless 

the numbers reflected that a commander was making progress in a difficult 

situation, LeMay was ready to replace him with someone who could produce better numbers. By the end of 1949, there had been enough changes 

among wing commanders to convince the others. Also, whenever a wing 

had a crash, its commander reported to LeMay in person to explain what 

he was doing to prevent a recurrence.61 

Although every crew was expected to function like a lead crew, not all 

actually reached the highest standard. One form of standardization inLittle, Building an Atomic Air Force, Pt 1, pp 193-205, Pt 2, 357-375. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, p 171; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, 

See note above; SACM 11-3, SAC Statistical Data from 1946, Sep 8, 1970, 

Hist, SAC, 1948, Vol I, pp 251-258; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, 

pp 443-447; Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 171-173. 

LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 439-440; Charles A. Ravenstein, 

Air Force Combat Wtngs: Lineage and Honors Histories, 1947-1977 (Washington: 

AFCHO, 19841, pp 7-9, 52-54, 70-73, 128-132, 138-141, 144-146, 151-156, 

275-278. 

57 

58 

pp 439-440. 59 

P 23k0 

61 

258 
Priority Mission 

volved recognizing the best crews as an example for the others. LeMay 

continued the existing policy of designating three lead crews in each 

squadron, but he also directed that these crews be kept intact, free from 

additional duties, and flying the unit’s best planes.62 A program of specialized training quickly developed for this elite force. In April 1949, SAC 

established schools for lead crews at Walker and Davis-Monthan Air Force 

Bases, with the standing operating procedures for aircrews as the curriculum. In October, the Combat Crew Standardization School opened at 

MacDill Air Force Base, replacing the other two. By the end of June 1950, 

the new school had graduated five classes, certifying thirty-six qualified 

lead crews, while Walker had produced two classes and Davis-Monthan 

one. To enter the course, a crew first had to fly together for thirty days. No 

substitutions were permitted. If one member demonstrated incompetence 

or deviated from the procedures, the whole crew would be sent home 

uncertified. Likewise, too many aborted missions or an uncooperative 

attitude could be grounds for sending a crew home without the coveted 

~ertificate.~~ 

The recognition given lead crews tied in with larger issues. LeMay 

considered recognition a key factor in motivating people, but he also saw 

an application to the problem of retention. As long as Selective Service 

remained in force, the Air Force could rely on attracting plenty of recruits, 

but, once trained, these men saw opportunities in civilian life.64 To retain 

as many of these mechanics and air crew members as possible for a full 

career, the Air Force could not hope to offer high pay. The most promising 

inducements were less tangible: a chance to start a family, with a stable 

career; challenging assignments, with hope for advancement, and perhaps 

sheer pride in serving one’s country. 

Lack of promotion potential adversely affected the ability to keep 

good officers on crew duty, as there were few authorizations for high 

grades on flight crews. LeMay’s remedy involved special spot promotions 

for the most deserving individuals. On November 3, 1949, the SAC 

Commander addressed a letter to Lt. Gen. Idwal H. Edwards, the Air 

Force’s Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, requesting the authority to 

promote officers temporarily, while keeping them with their crews.65 

The Air Staff formally concurred on December 20, giving the Commanding General of SAC the prerogative to make temporary promotions 

to the grade of captain. The first lieutenants selected must have completed 

Hist, SAC, 1948, Vol I, pp 278-279, Jan-Jun 1950, Chap 6, pp 106-107. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 172-173. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Pers, 

63 Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Chap 6, pp 106-127. ti4 

65 

Nov 3, 1949, LeMay Coll, Edwards, Box B52, MD, LC. 

259 
Strategic Air Force 

four and a half years, including six months’ service on a lead crew, and 

have demonstrated qualities of character and leadership. Unless the Air 

Force later approved the promotion in the normal cycle, LeMay could 

return the officer to his old grade. LeMay warned that this would occur 

automatically if he left his crew or his crew’s performance declined.66 As 

LeMay wrote: “ . . . I intend to make an example of the first officer I find 

who has relaxed now that he has made temporary captain as a crew 

member.”67 

Everyone understood that spot promotions were an exception to 

policy, applying to SAC alone. LeMay promoted 237 officers under the 

authorization.68 He was pleased with the results, and in February 1950, he 

asked for permission to continue the practice. The Air Staff displayed a 

predictable reluctance to continue a large-scale exception to Air Force-wide 

policy. Edwards replied that there would be a substantial number of 

routine promotions that spring, and SAC would receive its fair share. 

Unconvinced, LeMay continued to press his case. He now had further 

empirical evidence that crews with temporary captains on board achieved 

higher performance scores. In fact, LeMay favored extending the program 

to appoint some majors and lieutenant colonels. It appears that he discussed the matter with Vandenberg later that spring. In any case, the Air 

Staff approved the extension of the spot promotion program and its 

expansion to higher grades in mid-1950.69 

Spot promotions doubtless improved the morale of the promotees and 

raised the hopes of other crew members. But this program did not address 

the retention problem among the non-flying officers and the enlisted force. 

Under LeMay’s command, SAC paid some attention to leisure activities, 

such as hobby shops, but living conditions, especially housing, became a 

major issue. The SAC staff chose not to underrate the appeal of domesticity to the American male. Those who already had families or planned to 

start them were reluctant to embark on a career in which the prospect of 

obtaining adequate, affordable housing was so abysmal. This was a problem throughout the Air Force, but especially in SAC. Most of the command’s bases had been built during the Second World War, with no 

provision for family housing. Generally, families had to live off-base, often 

Zbid.; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 98-99. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Pers, 

Feb 2, 1950, LeMay Coll, Edwards, Box B52, MD, LC. 68 Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 19. 

69 See Note 67; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 98-104; ltr, Lt Gen I. H. 

Edwards, DCS/Pers, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Feb 24, 1950; memo, Maj 

Gen A. W. Kissner, CS SAC, to LeMay, Mar 3, 1950, both in LeMay Coll, 

Edwards, Box B52, MD, LC. 

66 

67 

260 
Priority Mission 

in small towns. In 1948 the nation was contending with a massive postwar 

housing shortage. Exorbitant rents and substandard quarters-kMay 

claimed some married airmen had to live in converted chicken-coops-were 

the rule rather than the exception.” Rough living conditions for the troops 

were not the primary issue, although no one liked the dilapidated barracks. 

Lindbergh, on another tour of inspection for Vandenberg, reported conversations at the bases in England, where conditions were indeed rough. 

One airman worried: “I’m all right. It’s my wife and children back at 

Smoky Hill I’m thinking about, in that tar-paper shack.. . .” As Lindbergh 

phrased it: 

I find a general attitude to the effect that we’ve finished one war, 

that we may soon be in another, and that in this period between a 

man should have a chance to live with his wife and children in a 

reasonably good home.71 

Compounding the problem, as the Air Force progressed toward racial 

integration, was the location of so many SAC bases in states where 

segregation was mandated by law or encouraged by custom. Since policy in 

SAC assumed that integration stopped at the installation’s fence, off-base 

housing posed an even more serious problem for black airmen than for 

others. Desegregated housing did not represent a major policy issue, as 

strategic bomber units (historically all-white) were only beginning to tap 

this new source of talented men.” Still, any measure that alleviated the 

overall problem of family housing could prove especially beneficial to 

those least likely to obtain adequate housing. 

Almost immediately on taking command, LeMay concluded that no 

remedy by Congress or the Pentagon was likely to be forthcoming soon. 

He learned of an Army project at Fort Bliss, Texas, called the “low-cost 

housing plan.” Adapting this arrangement to SAC and extending it commandwide, LeMay’s staff devised a “SAC Housing Association,” which 

would build prefabricated housing on unused base land. The association 

would borrow the required funds from commercial institutions, the airmen 

would construct the quarters in their spare time, and the obligations would 

70 LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 450-454, 468-470. 

Rprt, C. A. Lindbergh to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Feb 18, 1949, atch 

to cy, ltr, Vandenberg to Lindbergh, Apr 19, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, Vandenberg 

Files7i949, Box 32, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Pers, 

Sep 27, 1949, LeMay Coll, Edwards, Box B52, MD, LC, Alan L. Gropman, The Air 

Force Integrates, 1945-1964 (Washington: AFCHO, 1978), pp 86, 123-125. 

71 

26 1 
SAC and Training. The high standards and intense rigor imposed by 

General LeMay in the training of SAC’S bomber force became legendary as each 

crew was expected to function as independently as a lead crew. Clockwise from 

above: A typical SAC bomber crew plans its mission after a careful study of target 

intelligence. Navigators and radar observers work in the tight quarters of a B-36. 

A mobile Training Unit instructor explains B-36 components to crew trainees. 

Navigators, the “key men” in their crews, participate in a new and intensive 

forty-eight-week training regimen at Ellington Air Force Base in Houston, Texas, 

introduced by General LeMay in November 1949. The demands of their specialty 

were increasing as modern bombers and cargo planes traveled the vastness of 

SAC’S higher-altitude, longer-range aerial routes. 

Strategic Air Force 

be paid off using the men’s quarters allowance^.^^ Maj. Gen. William F. 

McKee, the Assistant Vice Chief of Staff of the Air Force, and General 

Fairchild, the vice chief, both heartily endorsed this self-help scheme.74 

When SAC began to put the plan into effect, obstacles arose. The Air 

Force Comptroller’s staff questioned the legality of paying quarters allowances to people living in what was in effect government housing. Also, 

as the Air Force reduced to forty-eight groups, no one knew for certain 

what bases SAC would retain and where to start building. The SAC plan 

was also in danger of being superseded by congressional action. Senator 

Kenneth S. Wherry of Nebraska introduced a bill to provide incentives for 

commercial builders to erect housing on or near military installations. 

LeMay considered the Wherry bill too expensive. Nevertheless, the bill did 

become law on August 8, 1949, and the SAC association, facing competition for financing and land, accordingly dissolved.75 

As one historian observed: “SAC lost this battle but won its war.”76 

The Wherry Act pioneered major improvements in military housing. In 

SAC, harried off-base residents started to believe that conditions would 

improve, and the highly publicized effort to solve the housing problem 

showed the families that their concerns were deemed imp~rtant.~’ The 

payoff, a higher re-enlistment rate, might take time to materialize, 

however. 

The attention paid to family housing did not detract from efforts to 

upgrade the living conditions of unmarried airmen. LeMay took innovative 

steps to improve their food and housing. A commandwide policy encouraged detailing a number of cooks to nearby hotels to learn a few tricks to 

make institutional food more palatable. Once objections from the civilian 

unions had been quieted, SAC could boast some of the best troop messes 

in the services.78 As far as barracks were concerned, LeMay hoped to avoid 

replacing the wartime temporary buildings with the traditional Army 

open-bay structures. He considered them unsuitable for the round-theclock operations of a war-ready air command. To the charge that two-perLeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 469-472; Borowski, Hollow 

Thre:z, pp 173-175. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Jan 

14, 1949; memo, Lt Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to Gen M. S. Fairchild, 

VCSAF, Jan 24, 1949, with note signed “MSF,” both in Vandenberg Coll, SAC (4), 

Box $5, MD, LC. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 175-176; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with 

LeMay, pp 471-472. 

73 

76 Borowski, Hollow Threat, p 176. 

Zbid., pp 176-177. 

Ibid., pp 177-178; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 437-438. 

77 

78 

264 
Priority Mission 

son private rooms pampered unmarried airmen, he offered reasonably 

attractive cost figures and argued that the improvements would increase 

productivity and improve retention. A new model barracks building was 

constructed at Offutt, and citizens of Omaha donated money for furnishings. In time, LeMay hoped to extend this innovation to the other bases.79 

LeMay’s concept of a professional, highly skilled, extremely motivated 

career force harmonized with the priority the country seemed to accord 

the Strategic Air Command. A major modernization of equipment for the 

strategic force was now underway. In the same vein, SAC bulked ever 

larger in the Air Force. Early in 1949 overall group strength declined from 

sixty to forty-eight, while SAC remained constant at eighteen, later increasing to nineteen. Its personnel strength rose from 46,000 in January 

1949 to over 60,000 by June 1950, its percentage of the total Air Force 

increasing from eleven to fifteen. Characteristically, the Air Force also 

approved equipping six medium bomber groups at a “war strength” of 

forty-five aircraft instead of the usual thirty.” 

As noted previously, modernization of the bomber force entailed 

introducing a new medium bomber, the B-50, and atomic-modified (SADDLETREE) aircraft and taking the first halting steps toward an intercontinental striking force. The B-36 heavy bomber and the development of air 

refueling for the medium force promised to extend the range of the 

command and reduce the need for bases overseas. 

The fact that the total number of bomber groups remained steady at 

fourteen obscures the extent of the change that took place. Units were 

subject to shifts in stations, due largely to the reductions resulting from the 

adoption of the forty-eight group program. The first conversions to 

atomic-modified equipment took place late in 1948. By the end of that 

year, over eighty SADDLETREE bombers had entered the force, in addition 

to the B-29s at Walker with the 509th, for a total of over 100 aircraft 

equipped to carry atomic weapons. By mid-1950, the figure exceeded 250, 

including the B-36Bs and B-SODS coming off the assembly lines already 

atomic-capable.“ While conversions ran behind schedule, there were by 

January 1949 three medium wings in the atomic force. Two more wings 

~~ 

LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 467-468. 

Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 1950, pp 3-7, 29-36; Summary of 

Strategic Air Command: Operational Data, Jun 1, 1950, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 

1950, Vol V. 

Summary of Strategic Air Command: Operational Data, Jun 1, 1950, in hist, 

SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol V, pp 25-37; Little, Foundations, Pt 2, pp 403-405; Little, 

Building an Atomic Air Force, Pt 1, pp 113-115. 

79 

80 

265 
Strategic Air Force 

converted during the ensuing year, and two during the first months of 

1950. Aging B-29s were now being retired or modified as tankers.s2 

Even after delivery, the modified bombers required additional maintenance. Many engines still had vintage World War I1 carburetors rather 

than the more modern fuel injection systems, and cylinders needed replacing. In the fall of 1949, General Fairchild intervened to expedite the 

necessary The B-50 encountered similar problems, in spite of 

having a different engine. Because of difficulties with the turbo-supercharger, SAC was running out of spares. An altitude restriction of fifteen 

thousand feet interfered with training. Only during 1950 did necessary 

modifications take place to allow removal of the restriction^.'^ 

A key element of the modernization effort involved the development 

and deployment of the B-36 Peacemaker. Under Kenney's command, the 

medium bomber force, handicapped by its limited range, had learned to be 

ready to deploy to oversea bases, in the event of an international crisis. Air 

strategists favored building an intercontinental force that would eliminate 

the requirement for large-scale deployments. Since 1941, the B-36 had 

seemed to be the means to this end. Though Kenney had been skeptical as 

to the Peacemaker's potential, LeMay vigorously supported making it an 

effective bomber. 

Despite its unprecedented size, the B-36 presented a challenge the 

Air Force understood: a new airplane with teething problems. As had so 

often happened in wartime, improved versions were in testing as earlier 

models entered the force. In the original order of ninety-five planes, 

twenty-two appeared as A models. The B, though it featured improved 

engines and electronics, a larger payload, and an atomic capability, had its 

production curtailed in favor of the D, and only sixty-two were delivered. 

Subsequent orders would be restricted to reconnaissance types and the 

B-36Ds equipped with four jet engines in pods on the wings, for added 

power. Still, in June 1950 most Peacemakers in service were B models.85 

The primary B-36 base from 1948 to 1950 was Carswell, where the 

7th Bombardment Wing became a two-group organization in the fall of 

Strategic Air Command: Command Summary, Mar 1949-May 1950, in 

AFHRC; SAC Progress Analysis, 1953, p 73, LeMay Coll, Box B98, MD, LC; 

Ravenstein, Combat Wings, passim. 

83 Ltr, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, to Lt Gen B. W. Chidlaw, CG AMC, subj: 

B-29 Accidents, Nov 17, 1949, LeMay Coll, Fairchild, Box B49, MD, LC; hist, 

SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol I, pp 82-85; hist, Hq USAF, Jul 1, 1949-Jun 30, 1950, p 

Memo, Capt F. K. Lane, Aide to Lt Gen LeMay, of phonecon, Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, with Maj Gen R. M. Ramey, CG-designate, 8 AF, Dec 15, 1949, 

LeMa Coll, Memos and R & Rs, 1949 and 1948, Box B64, MD, LC. 

82 

70. 84 

"Knaack, Bombers, pp 22-23, 29-34. 

266 
Priority Mission 

1948. Other B-36 groups began to form at Rapid City, South Dakota, and 

Fairfield-Suisun, California.86 But this eqslnsion was more apparent than 

red, for few of the aircraft were operational. Orders for spare parts had 

been limited during the early production, and the wing at Carswell began 

to experience shortages. Engine problems arose, and repairs fell behind 

schedule. Specialized equipment, such as dollies, jacks, and stands big 

enough to be used for the B-36, appeared slowly and in small quantities. 

Even maintenance docks had to be rebuilt to accommodate the huge 

plane. Given SAC‘S retention problem, the complexities of training mechanics almost escaped control. Even ground refueling, normally a routine 

process, proved cumbersome. Because of the height of the fuel tanks off 

the ground, the pumps had to work harder and failed faster. The gunnery 

system was not working, and this soon became one of the Air Force’s 

major concerns. But for JiMay the parts shortage presented the most 

frustrating problem. The factory at Fort Worth agreed to make some by 

hand. Massive cannibalization kept a few planes flying, but most of the 

fleet remained grounded. Modification programs further reduced the size 

of the ready force. During 1949, SAC rarely had more than forty B-36s on 

hand, and of these perhaps five to eight were in commission at any one 

time. The 7th Bomb Wing became in essence a service test unit.87 There 

was little opportunity to train crews extensively. Presumably the wing could 

have launched a few sorties in the event of war, but as of June 1950, the 

B-36 force could hardly be considered a major asset. 

That LeMay was dissatisfied goes without saying. A supply conference 

in September representing major commands produced limited resultsF8 In 

January 1950, the SAC Commander turned to Brig. Gen. Clarence S. 

Irvine, moving him from the high-priority 509th Wing to Carswell with 

orders to straighten out the situation. Irvine soon confirmed that the 

supply problem was still critical. He promised determined leadership and 

reported with pride that a flight engineer had found a method of dealing 

with engine fires in flight, a frequent problem, without having to feather 

the propeller.89 Such improvisational skills would clearly be needed to 

make the B-36 fleet operational. 

Even as the Peacemaker faltered, SAC was making progress with a 

more exotic technology for extending the command’s reach. Air-to-air 

refueling became one of the Air Force’s highest priorities. During 1948, 

86 Hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1950, Vol I, pp 72-73, 81-85, 94-96. 

Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 1950, pp 232-241. 

88 Hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1950, Vol I, pp 81-85. 

Ibid., pp 72-116; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 11, 15; Air 87 

Irvine OHI, pp 23-32; ltr, Brig Gen C. S. Irvine, CG 7 BW, to Lt Gen C. E. 89 

LeMay, CG SAC, Feb 24, 1950, LeMay Coll, Irvine, Box B53, MD, LC. 

267 
Strategic Air Force 

An aerial view of the Wherry Housing project at Bergstrom Air Force Base in 

Austin, Texas. By December 1951 eighty-three units were completed and ready for 

occupancy. Improved housing and other on-base amenities for Air Force families 

were pioneered at SAC at the insistence of General LeMay. 

the Air Materiel Command had converted a number of B-29s to tankers 

and equipped bombers as “receivers.” The Air Force rushed the British 

looped-hose design into production, while continuing work on the American flying-boom system.” 

Tanker squadrons had been formed at Walker and Davis-Monthan, 

and by the end of 1948 the 509th Bomb Wing had made twelve successful 

hookups. Subsequently, two more bomb wings, at Castle and Biggs, activated tanker units. The inventory of tankers grew to thirty-seven in August 

1949 and sixty-seven in December. The crews were mastering the techniques of transfering fuel. The biggest problem lay in the rendezvous of 

tanker and bomber. Crews were using a radar that was unreliable, and 

training suffered accordingly. Despite this difficulty, by June of 1950, there 

were nearly eighty tankers in the command, and a fifth squadron, at 

Barksdale, was forming to support reconnaissance units.” 

Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol I, pp 51-53, 63-73. 

Ibid.; memo, Col H. T. Wheless, for Brig Gen J. B. Montgomery, Dir PI 

SAC, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, subj: Air Refueling Brief, Aug 9, 1949, LeMay Coll, 

Memos and R&Rs, 1949 and 1948, Box B64, MD, LC; Knaack, Bombers, 

pp 490-493; Swanborough, US Aircraft, pp 102-103; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, 

YO 

‘)I 

Vol I, pp 63-74. 

268 
Priority Mission 

Two other elements of SAC, the reconnaissance force and the fighter 

force, suffered from a lack of technical direction: the Air Force had not yet 

defined the types of aircraft needed. LeMay considered reconnaissance a 

vital aspect of the strategic air offensive, but his command was equipped 

with a hodge-podge of converted bombers, RB-17s and RB-29s. Quantity 

presented no obstacle, as more RB-29s entered the inventory, some B-50s 

underwent modification for reconnaissance, and some RB-45 light jet 

bombers appeared-enough aircraft to form three wings. Meanwhile, the 

fighter wings were converting to jets, both the F-86 and F-84, neither one 

entirely satisfactory for long-range escort.92 

Regarding the equipment requirements of the command, LeMay’s 

views diverged from those of his predecessor. Unlike Kenney, the new 

commander emphasized the B-36 and the importance of making it an 

effective bomber. However, LeMay did have reservations about its future. 

In a few years the B-36 would be much too slow to contend with the next 

generation of fighter aircraft. By the late 1950s a five hundred-knot 

bomber would be needed to outrun Soviet fighters. Even if strategy 

emphasized night attacks, the long days of the northern summer could not 

be ignored. In the event of war, American bombers might be exposed to 

the large day fighter forces of the Soviet defense. Speed would also be 

valuable in helping the bomber escape the blast of a thermonuclear 

weapon. The SAC staff preferred modified bomber types for reconnaissance, but such aircraft would have to be fast to survive in Soviet air space. 

Yet for the near future, LeMay considered range, not speed, the crucial 

factor in his decsion to support the B-36. Likewise, he argued that a large 

airplane could carry not only bombs but also defensive guns and missiles, 

air-to-ground missiles, and electronic jamming equipment.93 

The Air Staff, SAC, and RAND all looked further into the future, to 

the late 1950s. Studies of heavy bombers, medium bombers with extended 

range, and missiles all entered the equation. LeMay’s partiality towards 

larger bombers gave rise to periodic disagreements over future de~igns.9~ 

Convair had been continuing its Generalized Bomber Study (GEBO), but 

the results were still on the drawing board. The Air Force’s missile 

program focused on cruise types. The SAC staff recognized that long-range 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 11-20; SAC Progress Analysis, [Ft] 1953, p 73, LeMay Coll, Box B98, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, Chmn, Sr Off 

Bd, subj: RAND Report No R-l73S, May 2, 1950, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol 

IV, Chap V, Ex 15. 

92 

94 Zbid. 

269 
Strategic Air Force 

missiles could be built, but it distrusted the new technology and favored a 

more conventional weapon system-the large, high-speed bomber.95 

By 1949 Boeing’s B-52 was emerging as a logical successor to the 

B-36. The mockup design was ready for inspection in April. Once again, 

range became the crucial concern, especially with the uncertainty of 

whether engines that could meet the specifications would be available in 

time.96 At stake was the contract for the Air Force’s next major production 

bomber, so other manufacturers continued to press their proposals. 

Fairchild Aircraft Corporation offered an unconventional design, while 

Convair argued for a swept-wing jet version of the B-36 (later designated 

the YB-60). For its part, Boeing altered the B-52 design to meet the Air 

Force’s range requirement^.^' LeMay feared that further discussions of design would delay B-52 production and urged acceptance of the second 

Boeing model. Not until March 24, 1950, however, did the Senior Officers’ 

Board approve a new Boeing design. Still, no definite decision on production occurred during the rest of the year, and the B-52 encountered still 

further delay.98 

Meanwhile, the plans for the new medium bomber progressed more 

quickly. Boeing’s six-engine jet B-47 would still require forward basing or 

air refueling to reach targets in the Soviet Union, but with its superior 

speed, it clearly outdistanced its nearest competitor-the non-jet B-50. In 

November 1949, the Air Force contracted for full production, ordering 

eighty-seven B models in addition to the ten then under contract. The first 

A model flew on June 25, 1950.99 

The news of the Soviet atomic explosion in August 1949 highlighted 

all of the Air Force’s concerns about bases overseas. As the operational 

commander, LeMay disliked the time it would take to deploy his force in 

an emergency.”’ A Soviet land offensive in Europe might succeed before 

Zbid.; Knaack, Bombers, pp 353-355; Neufeld, Ballistic Missiles, pp 27, 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 215-217; graph, Milestones, B-52 Program, May 7, 

95 

36-32 

1949, Vandenberg Coll, Budget 1949-50, Box 41, MD, LC. 

97 Knaack, Bombers, pp 215-217,553-557. 

Zbid., pp 217-218; Boeing Airplane Company, XB-52 and B-52 Implementation Program By Fiscal Years, May 9, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, Budget 1949-50, 

Box $2, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen K. B. Wolfe, DCS/Mat, Nov 

16, 1949; Itr, LeMay to Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, Nov 16, 1949, both in LeMay 

Coll, Wolfe, Box B61, MD, LC; rprt, SAC, Immediate Strategic Air Command 

Base Requirements, Apr 15, 1949, atch to ltr, Maj Gen G. Gardner, Chmn AF 

Base Dev Bd, to LeMay, May 11, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc TS Corres, 

Box 1, MMB, NA. 

98 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 107-109. 100 

270 
Priority Mission 

the planned bombing campaign could take effect. And once they had 

reached the English Channel, the Soviets could try overrunning the bases 

there or bombing them conventionally, even before U.S. forces were 

mobilized for the defense. Now there also existed the possibility of an 

atomic attack on the English bases or even on the continental United 

States. 

JkMay’s staff studied possible solutions to the problem of basing. The 

northeastern region of North America was crucial, for a long-range air 

striking force based there could reach most of the potential targets. Some 

medium-range aircraft would have to land at bases overseas, and a few 

sorties launched from Alaska would complete the coverage. The principal 

northeast bases then available included Goose Bay, Labrador, and Ernest 

Harmon Air Base in western Newfoundland. Both had significant drawbacks. Goose Bay was ice-bound for half the year and inaccessible by land. 

Newfoundland (including Labrador) became a Canadian province in 1949, 

raising the prospect of political complications. Eventually, the planners’ 

choice fell on Limestone, Maine, which SAC had considered a future B-36 

base since the start of construction in 1947. LeMay envisioned an installation large enough to handle sixty B-36s permanently assigned and more 

staging through from the interior. Ultimately other fields might be added 

in that area. Also, weather permitting, Goose Bay might serve as a 

launching field for tankers and medium bombers deployed from the 

States.”’ 

The Air Staff had some reservations about the plan. As Maj. Gen. 

Grandison Gardner, Chairman of the Air Force Base Development Board, 

commented to LeMay: “It appears to me that you may not have given 

sufficient weight to your own vulnerability if permanently concentrated in 

a relatively small area.”lo2 In fact, however, Gardner’s warning about base 

security was overcome by the issue of cost. Both construction and operating costs at Limestone would be high, and expanding the base would entail 

still more expense. Despite these obstacles, Gardner told LeMay, SAC’S 

concept offered a workable alternative to reliance on foreign bases.lo3 

Meanwhile, construction at Limestone was proceeding too slowly to 

accommodate the growing B-36 force. As a result, the staff at SAC began 

Rprt, SAC, Immediate Strategic Air Command Base Requirements, Apr 

15, 1949, atch to Itr, Maj Gen G. Gardner, Chmn AF Base Dev Bd, to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, May 11, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc TS Corres, Box 1, 

MMB, NA. 

lo* Ltr, Maj Gen G. Gardner, Chmn AF Base Dev Bd, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, 

CG SAC, May 11, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc TS Corres, Box 1, MMB, 

NA. 

‘03 Ibid. 

101 

271 
Strategic Air Force 

planning to base the Peacemakers at Carswell, Rapid City, and FairfieldSuisun. Not until June 1950 was an Air Force unit stationed at Limestone, 

which still remained unfini~hed."'~ 

Farther to the northeast, improvements at Goose Bay had come 

under consideration. Currently, the base belonged to the Military Air 

Transport Service. The war plan called for staging SAC bombers through 

Goose Bay on deployment. The installation was thus crucial in the existing 

plan as well as for the future. Early in 1948, a team of Army and Air Force 

officers visited the area and concluded that Goose Bay could serve as a 

staging field for B-36s. On taking command, LeMay argued more strongly 

for Limestone, but still saw uses for the Labrador base. He objected to 

proposals to use Pepperel Air Base in eastern Newfoundland. It was 

nearer the superior port facilities at St. John's and Torbay, to be sure, but 

the SAC Commander discounted its value as an airfield and noted that 

Goose Bay afforded better coverage of the targets.lo5 

Recognition of SAC'S increased role in the Northeast would make 

some knotty command problems. Besides MATS, the Navy was active in 

the area. To resolve the interservice conflict, in April 1949 the joint chiefs 

agreed to the establishment of a unified Northeast Command. The Canadians were uncertain what arrangements to support, and final concurrence 

was still pending in June 1950. The proposed command would support 

operations in the region by all services, but with an Air Force officer in 

charge. Thus SAC, MATS, and other commands would enter the area on 

equal footing with Army and Navy elements.'06 

Memo, Gen C. A. Spaatz, CG AAF, to AS/WA, subj: Provision of a B-36 

Air Base in Northern Maine, Feb 17, 1947, Spaatz Coll, Sec of the AF, Box 263, 

MD, LC; Robert Mueller, Air Force Bases, Vol I, Active Bases within the United 

States of America on 17 September 1982 (Washington: AFCHO, 1989), pp 327-328; 

memo of phonecon, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, with Maj Gen F. F. Everest, 

Asst DCS/Ops, Aug, 15, 1949, LeMay Coll, Memos and R & Rs 1949 and 1948, 

Box B64, MD, LC. 

Ltr, CG SAC to Cmdr MATS, subj: Strategic Air Command's Future 

Requirements at Goose Bay, Harmon, and Dhahran Air Force Bases, Aug 27, 

1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, P & 0 686, SAC (Sep 1, 19491, Box 1; ASSS, Maj Gen S. 

E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to CSAF, Report of the Army-Air Force Base Planning 

Committee (Newfoundland Area), Mar 5, 1948, with atchs, RG 341, TS AAG File 

32, Box 10, both in MMB, NA; ltr, Anderson to CSAF, subj: Joint Army-Air Force 

Action on Report of Army-Air Force Base Planning Committee (Newfoundland 

Area), Jun 8, 1948, Vandenberg Coll, Vandenberg Files 1948, Box 32, MD, LC; ltr, 

Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, n.d., LeMay Coll, 

Norsf;$, Box B56, MD, LC. 

Hist, JCS, History of the Unified Command Plan, pp 6-7. (See chap 8, note 

19.) 

272 
Priority Mission 

Planners had also envisioned B-36s operating westward from Eielson 

Air Force Base, Alaska, and Okinawa. Although rotational training at 

these fields had ceased in 1948, they were still included in SAC'S war 

plan.lo7 Apparently, the expense of building hangars for B-36s to make 

Eielson usable in winter prompted reservations among Air Staff members. 

But in May 1950, Maj. Gen. Frank F. Everest, Assistant Deputy Chief of 

Staff for Operations, strongly maintained that the work was necessary."' 

On Okinawa a similar issue arose when a typhoon in July 1949 caused 

major damage. In this case, MacArthur himself, advocating a continued 

forceful American presence in the Far East, promoted the importance of 

repairing the airfields. In both Okinawa and Alaska, then, the installations 

could not yet fully support B-36 operations at the beginning of 1950. 

MacArthur, however, had his own B-29s, and medium bomber fields were 

available in the Far East."' 

For the time being, the war plan focused mainly on England. There, 

although the country was subject to air attack, there were ways to improve 

the posture of the force. The bases in use by SAC bombers included 

Lakenheath, Marham, and Sculthorpe (which had replaced Scampton as 

the third field early in 1949). Located in East Anglia, all three sat near the 

east coast, exposed to attack out of the North Sea. Since 1948 bomber 

units had been rotating there for three-month tours. Beginning the following May, atomic-capable units joined the program. By the end of 1949, the 

rotational force was cut back to about two groups, but the current war plan 

envisioned the need to deploy a total of five medium bomber groups, a 

fighter group, and reconnaissance units to England within days."' 

Late in 1948, soon after the first American bombers had arrived, the 

British Air Ministry began to consider making room for them at bases in 

the Midlands. There the B-29s would be protected by the air defense 

screen, and the RAF could station its own forces in East Anglia. The 

Commanding General of the 3d Air Division, Leon W. Johnson, opened 

talks with the Air Ministry to arrange the move. These conversations 

faltered on the issue of funding. Not only did the British and Americans 

differ on the extent and estimated cost of preparing the bases, but the 

Hist, SAC, 1948, Vol I, pp 201-220. 

Memo, Maj Gen F. F. Everest, Asst DCS/Ops, to DCS/Mat, subj: Plans of 

Development of Eielson Air Force Base, May 15, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec 

Ofc $$ Corres, Box 1, MMB, NA. 

Borowski, Hollow Threat, pp 202-203. 

Vernon D. Burk, The USAF in the United Kingdom, 1948-1973: Oiganization, USAFE Hist Monograph (Ramstein Air Base, Germany: Hq USAFE, Nov 

771, pp 15-17, 24-27; AF Emergency War Plan 1-50, Jun 1, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (May 2, 1950), Sect 3, Box 327, MMB, NA. 

108 

11' 

273 
SAC and Base Life. SAC became as concerned with the well-being of 

single as well as married airmen. General LeMay championed the replacement of 

traditional open-bay barracks, aboue, right, which housed over a dozen on bunk 

beds, with new models affording suites for two, below, right and left, and an 

unprecedented degree of privacy. An exterior view, aborie, left, of proposed airmen’s 

barracks at Offutt Air Force Base, the site of SAC Headquarters, in Omaha, 

Nebraska, shows a typical dormitory-style housing unit-attractive, practical, and 

low cost. 
275 
Strategic Air Force 

Washington officials also disagreed among themselves on the source of the 

U.S. contribution. President Truman resolved the latter question by ordering the State Department to supply the funds. Further, the United States 

agreed to provide aviation engineer battalions to help with the work. In 

April 1950, the ambassadors in London and Washington approved the 

agreements for financing and scheduling construction of four B-29 bases 

situated north and west of Oxford: Upper Heyford, Brize Norton, Fairford, 

and one other field. (Greenham Common was named later.) By summer, 

planning had begun for the improvements to these fields."' 

The emphasis on England as the principal base area for the strategic 

air offensive did not eliminate the need for Mediterranean bases. SAC still 

planned to use fields there for post-strike recovery. The British remained 

committed to improving the field at Abu Sueir, Egypt, and the United 

States retained rights at Dhahran, Saudi Arabia.l12 Planners also considered establishing a depot in French Morocco. In January 1950 a team from 

U.S. Air Forces, Europe, (USAFE) visited the Protectorate and selected 

Nouasseur as the preferred site. Generally, the U.S. Air Force in the 

Mediterranean region was pursuing a low-cost program to give more reach 

to the strategic f0r~e.l'~ 

Despite the apparent advantages of basing in England, the question of 

the vulnerability of these bases would not disappear. Should they not be 

available, the SAC staff thought medium bombers should operate from 

Morocco, while the B-36s and some of the medium bombers capable of 

refueling in the air operated from North America. Much of the force 

would then have to recover overseas. In December 1949, LeMay's deputy, 

Maj. Gen. Thomas S. Power, sent the Air Staff an alternate war plan 

discussing these concepts. In Washington, officials reacted almost immediBurk, USAF in UK, pp 15-18; rprt, NSC 45/1, to President, Airfield 

Construction in the United Kingdom and the Cairo-Suez Area, Apr 15, 1949, in 

FRUS, 1949, Vol I, pp 285-287; ASSS, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Sec 

AF, Base Utilization in the United Kingdom, Jan 24, 1949, with atchs, RG 341, TS 

AAql?le 18, Box 6, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, CG SAC to Cmdr MATS, subj: Strategic Air Command's Future 

Requirements at Goose Bay, Harmon, and Dhahran Air Force Bases, Aug 27, 

1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, P & 0 686, SAC (Sep 1, 1949), Box 1, MMB, NA; 

General Grussendorf's copy of Trip Book and Special Notes, n.d. [Oct-Nov 521, 

Vandenberg Coll, Box 84, MD, LC. 

Robert L. Swetzer, WAF Operations in the Mediterranean, 1945-1975, 

USAFE Hist Monograph (Ramstein Air Base, Germany: Hq USAFE, 19781, p 41. 

111 

276 
Priority Mission 

ately to the increased cost. In the budget climate of the time, even the 

strategic force might be reaching the limit of what President Truman and 

Congress would be willing to pr0~ide.l'~ 

As oversea bases claimed a high priority, SAC's airfields in the 

continental United States were often in abysmal condition. Of the bomber 

bases, only Davis-Monthan had been in use before the war. Carswell, 

Rapid City, and Spokane had seen some postwar construction. Otherwise, 

paving and buildings constructed under wartime emergency conditions 

were deteriorating or were not designed for the needs of a modern bomber 

force. The housing situation was still far from satisfactory. For construction of operational facilities, LeMay had to assign strict priorities for the 

scarce dollars. He put the fields where the bombers went to pick up their 

bombs at the top of the list. He ranked Carswell and Limestone next, and 

then several of the B-29 and B-50 fields.'15 

Ironically, the forty-eight group program adopted in early 1949 helped 

alleviate SAC's basing problem. The Air Force-wide cutback meant that a 

number of bases would be closed. The Air Staff looked at location 

(availability of transportation, supplies, and housing) and condition (in 

terms of what necessary improvements would cost) in deciding which bases 

the Air Force could most readily do without. Doubtless, few in SAC were 

surprised when their bases were scheduled for closure. Both fighter fields, 

Grenier in New Hampshire and Kearney in Nebraska, appeared on the 

list. As units in other commands inactivated, their stations opened up for 

SAC to take. Among these locations were Barksdale Air Force Base, 

Louisiana, and Fairfield-Suisun and March Air Force Bases, both in 

California. Given the political sensitivities that always accompanied the 

question of closing bases, it is worth noting that Secretary Symington 

Ltr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep Cmdr SAC, to Dir P & 0, USAF, subj: 

Alternate Emergency War Plan, Dec 1, 1949; memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir 

P & 0, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Strategic Air Command Alternate 

Emergency War Plan Study, Dec 23, 1949, with end: Plan Digest; R & R Sheet, Col 

P. E. Ruestow, Asst for Log PI, DCS/Mat, to Ch Ops Div, DCS/Ops, Strategic Air 

Command Alternate Emergency War Plan Study, Feb 2, 19.50, all in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, OPD, 381, SAC (Dec 1, 1949), Sect 1, Box 1027, MMB, NA. 

Rprt, SAC, Immediate Strategic Air Command Base Requirements, Apr 

15, 1949, atch to Itr, Maj Gen G. Gardner, Chmn AF Base Dev Bd, to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, May 11, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc TS Corres, Box 1, 

MMB, NA; Mueller, Air Force Bases, Vol I, pp 63-70, 149-156, 171-178,327-330 

& ff; Itr, LeMay to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Dec 4, 1948, with end: SAC 

Station Priority List, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (41, Box 4.5, MD, LC. 

114 

277 
278 
SAC and Maintenance. B-36s and B-50s of SAC’S strategic bomber 

fleet, on constant alert, demanded frequent maintenance by skilled technicians. 

Clockwise from above: A line of B-36s awaiting checkups in their maintenance 

docks seems to go on forever. The trucks, cranes, and moving platforms essential 

to B-50 propeller installations and repairs or engine replacements were, in a time 

of decreasing budgets and increasing work, often in short supply. These remotecontrol turret repairmen face a daunting thicket of wires and other components in 

a highly complex system. 
Strategic Air Force 

concurred in these actions. This gave him the opportunity to link the 

basing structure to the reductions Congress had voted.”6 

Further realignments followed, with SAC giving up Smoky Hill Air 

Force Base, Kansas (where the expense of needed construction was 

excessive), McGuire Air Force Base, New Jersey (housing considered 

“deplorable”), and Topeka, Kansas. The headquarters of Fifteenth Air 

Force moved from Colorado Springs to March Air Force Base, California, 

and Maj. Gen. Joseph H. (“Hamp’’) Atkinson moved the staff of his 311th 

Air Division from Topeka to Bark~dale.”~ These headquarters moves, late 

in 1949, suggested some restructuring of the command. Atkinson thought 

that SAC might signal a new emphasis on reconnaissance by upgrading his 

division to an air force. For this reason, Atkinson’s headquarters, on 

leaving Topeka, opened for business at Barksdale on November 1, 1949, as 

Headquarters, Second Air Force.”’ 

This reorganization gave SAC three air forces. For years, the Eighth 

had been regarded as the atomic strike force, while Fifteenth represented 

the worldwide conventional capability. Now the Second Air Force would 

specialize in reconnaissance. But the distinction had never been perfect, 

and by the middle of 1950, the Fifteenth was becoming atomic capable. In 

addition, the Fifteenth Air Force had stations stretching from California to 

Florida, and the Second was almost as widely dispersed. Early in 1950, staff 

studies suggested a new pattern of geographical realignment. A new 

RB-36 unit would be based at Rapid City instead of Fairfield Suisun, and 

the air forces would be assigned more compact areas of responsibility. The 

changes took effect on April 1, with Second Air Force at Barksdale 

covering the Southeast, the Eighth at Carswell responsible for the central 

‘16 1st Ind, (ltr, Lt Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to CG SAC, subj: Strategic 

Air Command Base Utilization Plan, Feb 24, 19491, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

to CSAF, Mar 12, 1949, LeMay Coll, McKee, Box B56; memo of phonecon, Maj 

Gen F. F. Everest, Asst DCS/Ops, to LeMay, Aug 15, 1949, LeMay Coll, Memos 

and R & Rs, 1949 and 1948, Box B64; R & R Sheet, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, Jr, Asst 

for Prog, DCS/Ops, to VCSAF, Strategic Air Command Base Utilization Proposals, n.d., with atch ltr, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, to LeMay, same subj, Aug 30, 

1949, Fairchild Coll, SAC 1948-1950, Box 3, all in MD, LC; memo, Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, CSAF, to Sec AF, subj: Reduced Installation Program, Jan 13, 1949, 

Symin ton Papers, Corres File 1946-1950, Vandenberg, Box 13, HSTL. $ See previous note. 

Ltr, Maj Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to Senator E. D. Millikin, Aug 

31, 1949, LeMay Coll, McKee, Box B56; ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt 

Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, Sep 10, 1949, LeMay Coll, Norstad, Box B56, both in 

MD, LC; Maurer, AF Combat Units, pp 420, 458, 470. 

118 

280 
Priority Mission 

states, and the Fifteenth at March Air Force Base, positioned to deploy 

from the Far West.’” 

Organizational realignments, like other actions designed to increase 

the effectiveness of the strategic force, contributed to the national goal of 

creating a strategic deterrent in the face of rising Soviet power. LeMay had 

made a personal commitment to ensuring that SAC was combat ready in 

every respect. Under his leadership, the command’s capacity to meet its 

worldwide obligations gradually improved. However, the decision to build a 

powerful bomber fleet was not LeMay’s to make. Soon critics once again 

questioned the emphasis on the strategic air force, and challenges to the 

national strategy were increasingly raised. 

Staff Study 4-50, 15 AF, DCS/Ops, P1 Sect, LeMay Coll, Box B106, MD, 119 

LC; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol I, pp 1-8. 

28 1 

Chapter Vlll 

Challenges to Strategy 

he role of the strategic air force in the nation’s defense had essen- T tially been established in the JCS 1745 series and by the budget 

reductions after the Berlin crisis. LeMay’s progress in making the 

force effective gave it some degree of credibility. But not everyone was 

entirely satisfied. Opponents of the Air Force’s priority mission raised a 

series of challenges. In the end, the Air Force made its case, and the 

decision for a strategic force was confirmed. Likewise, the news of the end 

of the American atomic monopoly, while it raised again the spectre of an 

“atomic Pearl Harbor” and altered the terms of the national debate, did 

not in fact change the basic strategy. In that September of 1949, the 

Atomic Energy Commission was fully engaged in producing the four 

hundred weapons planned for in 1947, and the prospect of meeting this 

goal by the end of 1950 appeared good.’ Furthermore, the fiscal 1950 force 

reductions, in effect by July 1949, placed such extreme limits on other 

categories of forces that the strategic air offensive became more than ever 

the core of the joint war plan. The national debate, as a result, did not 

focus on what strategy to pursue but whether the Air Force had properly 

executed its stewardship of strategic air resources. 

The major internal challenge came from the Navy. A critique of the 

strategic air offensive, questioning both its feasibility and its desirability 

underlay several attempts by naval advocates to weaken, divert, or dismiss 

altogether the strength of the Air Force role. The strategic air offensive, so 

long as Cairo-Suez was one of its major base areas, served as a rationale 

for strong naval forces to secure the Mediterranean. The new emphasis on 

bases in England and North America vitiated such an argument. Likewise, 

OSD, Strategic Arms Competition, USAF Supporting Studies, Vol I: Descrip- 1 

tion and Analysis, p 105. 

283 
Strategic Air Force 

the Navy countered the airmen’s efforts to ensure centralized control of 

the strategic air force in the event of war and to protect it against 

diversions to other tasks. The same issue, the independence of air power, 

seemed to be present in any commitment to an allied strategy in Europe. 

At the beginning of 1949, some of the participants in the debate 

changed. Admiral Leahy, who had presided over the JCS virtually since its 

inception in 1942, decided to retire. Forrestal, hoping to help the chiefs to 

reach agreement, asked Gen. of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower, now 

President of Columbia University, to return to Washington to advise him 

on war planning and budget matters and to chair the joint chiefs. For years 

an advocate of air power, Eisenhower believed that in a restricted budget 

the strategic air force had to be a priority commitment.’ 

Forrestal himself was unable to benefit from Eisenhower’s leadership 

in the JCS. At the end of February 1949, President Truman, disturbed at 

continuing budget quarrels and doubts as to Forrestal’s loyalty, was ready 

to ask for the Defense Secretary’s resignation. This he did, and Forrestal 

resigned effective March 28. His sense of frustration heightened and 

mental health deteriorating, the former secretary took his own life at the 

end of May. The new Defense chief was Louis A. Johnson, a prominent 

lawyer, past president of the American Legion, and former Assistant 

Secretary of War under Roosevelt. Secretary Johnson had been instrumental in starting the buildup of American forces before the Second World 

War. Having been the principal fund raiser for Truman’s campaign in 

1948, however, he now considered himself to have a mandate from the 

President to cut defense pen ding.^ 

Budget considerations aside, the strategic air offensive faced the 

all-important question-whether it could succeed as planned. Here the 

Air Force could not oppose an objective investigation, and in late 1949 and 

early 1950, several individuals and groups debated the issue. Ironically, the 

more the potential of the strategic air offensive came into question, 

the more evident its importance became. After the Berlin crisis waned, the 

return to limited budgets ensured that the forces would not be adequate to 

any other military task. Only a strong atomic attack could stave off disaster 

in the event of war. 

Throughout the national debate, the Air Force continued to argue the 

case for the approved strategy. An opportunity arose to defend the 

service’s position before Congress and the public when opponents, disgruntled at Johnson’s cancellation of the Navy’s supercarrier, chose to present 

the B-36 as the symbol of a failed strategy. The hearings that followed 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 294-296. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 43-47. 

284 
Challenges to Strategy 

actually reinforced the decisions already made and established the strategic air force as a virtually unassailable component of national strength. 

Public attention turned more and more to the inadequacies of other 

elements of the nation’s military. The Army, concerned at the danger that 

it would have to assist pitifully weak European forces, hoped that the 

strategic air force could help to “retard” any Soviet land offensive. The Air 

Force’s resistance to diverting funds to land and naval forces, while relatively successful in protecting the strategic air offensive, guaranteed that 

questions along this line would continue to arise. 

The report confirming that the Soviets had exploded an atomic bomb 

caught the West by surprise. The Air Force had considered it a reasonable 

precaution to rush an interim detection system into operation, but few had 

really expected the weapon so soon: In the wake of such a startling 

development, assessing the next step took time. Meanwhile, Secretary of 

Defense Louis Johnson’s proposed fiscal 1951 budget continued the trend 

toward austerity. When Truman finally reacted to the apparent new threat, 

he authorized both expanded atomic bomb production and the development of a hydrogen weapon. 

The administration’s commitment to controlling military spending left 

many officials in the State and Defense Departments uneasy at the fact 

that the United States had a strategic force of limited size and a bare 

skeleton of any other military capacity. One outgrowth of this uneasiness 

was a major study the National Security Council prepared early in 1950, 

known as NSC-68. The immediate outcome of the document was a 

tentative look at possible increases in spending, but the long-term impact 

was uncertain. 

Analysts agreed that more funds were necessary to bolster Air Force 

programs in air defense and tactical air power, given the increased threat 

of a Soviet atomic attack. And whether or not the coming Soviet atomic 

arsenal undermined deterrence, the call for ground forces and tactical air 

forces to help the western Europeans defend themselves grew stronger. 

Under the circumstances, the strategic air force remained central to 

the nation’s deterrent strength. Some individuals doubted SAC’s ability 

to accomplish the mission. The command might not yet have the resources 

to do so, but its effectiveness with the available personnel and equipment 

was less and less open to question. It was LeMay’s success in overcoming 

SAC‘s growing pains and his reputation as an effective combat leader that 

gave the Air Force confidence that the deterrent could work. 

Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 288-291. 

285 
Strategic Air Force 

The propeller-driven Northrop XB-35 Flying Wing, a futuristic and evocative, 

though seriously flawed, design. 

The Challenge at Home 

Concerned that budgetary restraint would force serious reductions in 

carrier forces, the Navy feared it would be unable to secure the sea lanes 

in the event of war. The emerging Soviet submarine technology seemed to 

pose a threat that could only be overcome by powerful air attacks on naval 

facilities. Naval spokesmen challenged the Air Force’s predominance in 

several ways. They questioned the emphasis on the strategic air offensive 

in the joint war plans. They sought to insure the ability of theater 

commanders to divert bomber forces from the strategic role. They challenged the money being spent on the strategic force. Ultimately they 

attacked the B-36 as the symbol of the strategic air offensive. The Army 

also voiced some reservations, but it was the naval challenge that quickly 

claimed the time of government leaders and the attention of the public. 

The Air Force’s leadership in turn needed to ensure that the air 

offensive could achieve results, and that the joint chiefs, the Secretary of 

Defense, and the President all understood this. The budget situation did 

help in this respect, as it became apparent that the existing strategic air 

force, now marginally effective, could be improved, while no other forces 

could be made reasonably effective with the funds available. 

286 
Challenges to Strategy 

By late in 1948, planners recognized that budget forecasts for fiscal 

1950 would require reductions of forces in all services. These cuts would 

make the existing war plan HALFMOON (renamed FLEETWOOD in August) 

~bsolete.~ Nor was the plan entirely practical as written. Col. Robert 0. 

Cork of the SAC staff reported that the British bases in the Cairo-Suez 

area intended for the strategic force could not be used in the opening 

phase of a potential conflict. Expensive construction would be needed first. 

Until that work was done, aviation engineer units, already in short supply, 

would have to be prepared for immediate deployment to get the bases 

ready.6 

Shortages of personnel and equipment were only part of the problem. 

Everything needed for support of the strike force in Cairo-Suez would 

have to come through the Mediterranean by sea. The British were as 

aware as the Americans that these waters could be dominated by land-based 

air.7 The allies predicted that the Soviets would be able to bring strong air 

forces to bear to prevent supply and to attack the bases heavily. Thus plan 

FLEETWOOD called for conducting a major part of the strategic air offensive from a base area of doubtful tenability.8 

The Air Staff anticipated the Navy’s argument that a strong naval 

force could keep the Mediterranean open. Naval strategists described the 

Middle East as vital both as a base area and a wartime source of oil. 

Airmen referred to studies indicating that the oil supply in question was 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 293-296. 

Rprt, JSPC to JCS, Revision of Fleetwood, n.d. [Oct 481; memo (unsigned), 

Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Discussion 

of Advice to be given to Planners on Emergency War Plan and Request for JCS 

Confirmation of Soundness Thereof, Oct 13, 1948, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 4, Box 1045, MMB, NA; rprt, JLPG to 

FLPC 416/32, The Logistic Feasibility of ABC 101, Nov 12, 1948, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 5, Box 1046, MMB, NA. 

Ch Marshal RAF Arthur, Lord Tedder, Air Power in War (London: Hodder 

& Stsoughton, n.d. [1948]), pp 63-70, 72-79. 

Memo, subj: Revision of Fleetwood, n.d. [19491, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 6, Box 1046; memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir 

P & 0, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Revision of Joint Outline Emergency War Plan (JCS 1844/32), Jan 18, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 

Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 6, Box 1046; memo, RAdm W. F. Boone, Navy Mem 

JSPC, to RAdm C. D. Glover, Brig Gen C. Van R. Schuyler, Col J. B. Cary, subj: 

Brief of Joint Outline Emergency War Plan-Short Title ORACLE, n.d. [1949], with 

marginal notations, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 

7, Box 1047, all in MMB, NA. 

6 

287 
Strategic Air Force 

not essential in a war.' The Army's spokesmen, recalling the strategic 

debates of 1943 and 1944, when advocates of a Mediterranean strategy 

seemed to be opposed to striking at the heart of Germany, still considered 

the Middle East unacceptable as a major base area. Both the Air Force 

and the Army contended that the British Isles needed to be secured first, 

and remained in any case a priority for basing." 

By late 1948 joint planners were at work on a revision to the existing 

plan, the new one to be named TROJAN. This plan would have an annex for 

the atomic offensive. By this time SAC had decided not to use Cairo-Suez 

for launching bombers, although a commitment still existed to secure the 

Cairo-Suez area." 

Instead, TROJAN called for England and Okinawa as the main strategic air base areas for the medium bomber force. Any available B-36s 

would launch from North America. Like the new SAC plan, TROJAN 

emphasized a powerful initial atomic strike, exploiting the weaknesses of 

an untested Soviet air defense system. In general, TROJAN retained the 

timing used in earlier plans. In the first phase of a war, it called for 

mounting defensive operations in Europe and the strategic air offensive, 

although some operations envisioned in previous plans would have to be 

curtailed because of budget reductions. The next phases would entail 

mobilization for the final offensive, a longer process under TROJAN beg Memo, RAdm W. F. Boone, Navy Mem JSPC, to RAdm C. D. Glover, Brig 

Gen C. Van R. Schuyler, Col J. B. Cary, subj: Brief of Joint Outline Emergency 

War Plan-Short Title ORACLE, n.d. [1949], with marginal notations; memo, Col J. 

B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, subj: JSPC Work 

on New Short-Range Emergency Plan, Jan 28, 1949, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/PI, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 7, Box 1047; memo, subj: Revision of 

Fleetwood, n.d. [1949], RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, 

Sect 6, Box 1046; memo, Col T. C. Rogers to Cary, subj: Plans ORACLE and 

PINECREST (JSPC 877/43 and JSPC 877/44), Feb 23, 1949, with atch tabs, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 8, Box 1047, all in MMB, NA. 

lo MR, Brig Gen W. L. Ritchie, AF Mem JSPC, Meeting of the Operations 

Deputies with the JSPC (Oct 12, 1948), Oct 12, 1948, with atchs; memo (unsigned), 

Col J. B. Cary, AF Mern JSPC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Discussion 

of Advice Given to Planners on Emergency War Plan and Request for JCS 

Confirmation of Soundness Thereof, Oct 13, 1948, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/$ OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 4, Box 1045, MMB, NA. 

US Air Force Initial Strike Plan, atch to memo, Col Haywood to Brig Gen 

W. L. Ritchie, AF Mem JSPC, subj: Atomic Supplement to TROJAN (JSPC 877/32), 

Nov 29, 1948; rprt, JSPC to JCS, & JCS Decision, JCS 1974, Atomic Weapons 

Supplement to TROJAN, Dec 23, 1948; Itr, Brig Gen W. C. Sweeney, Jr, Dir PI SAC, 

to Col J. B. Cary, P1 Div, DCS/Ops USAF, Jan 18,1948, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/PI, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 6, Box 1046, MMB, NA; K. Condit, JCS, 

1947-1949, pp 293-294. 

288 
Challenges to Strategy 

cause so little could be done in peacetime to prepare. Although air 

planners had hoped to include the possibility of an early Soviet surrender 

after the initial air offensive, the chiefs would only agree to a mandatory 

review of plans after three months of war. With this provision, TROJAN was 

approved in January 1949.” 

The influence of the upcoming budget on the war plan was pervasive. 

Eisenhower had begun work with the joint chiefs on both. Looking at the 

budget reductions then in prospect and hoping to update existing plans 

accordingly, he outlined a strategy intended to stop the Soviet offensive on 

the Rhine. Considering the lack of resources, Eisenhower recognized that 

this might not be possible. In that case the only alternative was to prepare 

for an ultimate allied counteroffensive. The essential tasks were three-fold: 

to hold the United Kingdom, the western entry into the Mediterranean, 

and the Middle East.13 

The budget developed for fiscal 1950 provided no forces for the 

Middle East at the outset of a war and left the British to bear the burden 

of defending that region. As far as the American airmen were concerned, 

holding the Middle East would not “permit achievement of any worthwhile 

strategic ~bjective.”’~ Nonetheless, Col. John B. Cary, the Air Force member of the Joint Strategic Planning Committee, found that the Navy was 

still advocating a commitment to the region, budget or no budget.” 

In line with Eisenhower’s proposals, the joint chiefs ordered a new 

plan prepared. Accordingly, the Joint Strategic Planning Committee began 

to look at Northwest Africa as a potential base area, either in addition to 

or in place of the British Isles. Arguments over the role of carrier aircraft 

and of the importance of the strategic air offensive held up progress, and 

’* See previous note; memo, CSAF to JCS 1844/34, subj: Revision of Joint 

Outline Emergency War Plan, Jan 18, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 

Speclple, HALFMOON, Sect 7, Box 1047, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P&O, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, 

DCS/Ops, subj: Force Requirements for Implementation of the Three Tasks 

Proposed by General Eisenhower, Feb 27, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, OPD, 

Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 8, Box 1047, MMB, NA; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, 

Memo, subj: Revision of Fleetwood, n.d. [1949], RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 6, Box 1046, MMB, NA. 

I5Memo, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir 

P & 0, subj: JSPC Work on New Short-Range Emergency Plan, Jan 28, 1949; rprt, 

JSPC 877/43, Feb 15, 1949 (both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir P1, OPD, Spec File 

HALFMOON, Sect 7, Box 1047, MMB, NA). 

pp 2Tt-296. 

289 
Strategic Air Force 

not until late summer of 1949 did plan OFFTACKLE approach its final 

form. l6 

To the Air Staff, command of the strategic air offensive was possibly 

an even more important issue than the Mediterrean bases. Dating back to 

the wartime campaign of the Twentieth Air Force, a precedent existed for 

undivided control of the strategic force, free from interference by the 

theater commanders. The joint chiefs were willing to ratify LeMay’s 

appointment to command SAC as a specified command and to designate 

the Chief of Staff of the Air Force as executive agent for SAC. These 

actions were generally in keeping with the Unified Command Plan as it 

developed since 1946.17 However, the control of naval forces engaged in 

strategic operations and the status of “exempt units”-the atomic force 

not available to theater commanders-proved far more controversial elements of the joint plan. 

The conferences at Key West and Newport in 1948 had seemingly 

confirmed the Air Force as the service primarily responsible for strategic 

air warfare. Nevertheless, Maj. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, Director of 

Plans and Operations, reported in October 1948: “The three services are 

developing weapons and are organizing forces which are capable of conducting strategic air warfare.” Guided missiles were among the weapons 

that all services were working on1’ Obviously, one way to insure effective 

central control involved placing the strategic forces of all services under a 

unified command. Early in 1949 the Air Force made an abortive effort to 

have SAC declared a “unified” rather than a “specified” command. This 

would create a rationale for eventually giving it control over naval forces 

committed to the strategic role. While the Navy was prepared to concede 

to the Commanding General of SAC some control over selecting targets 

and timing the attacks, command of the forces in question had to remain 

with the fleets. Accordingly, on April 11, 1949, the joint chiefs issued a 

See note above; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 294-302. 

Memo, CSAF to JCS, & Decision JCS 1259/104, subj: Unified Command 

Plan, Dec 13, 1948; memo, CSAF to JCS & Decision JCS 1259/110, subj: Unified 

Command Plan, Jan 4, 1949, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 

(Novlf, 19431, Case 13, SAC, Box 151, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P&O, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, 

DCS/Ops, subj: Implementing Amendment to Joint Chiefs of Staff Unifed Command Plan Implementing the Strategic Air Command, n.d. [Oct 481, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 1943), Case 13, SAC, Box 151, MMB, 

NA. 

16 

290 
Challenges to Strategy 

formal directive to SAC, outlining its commander’s responsibility to “conduct strategic air operations,” but not to command them.’’ 

Even SAC units themselves were at risk. Under the Unified Command 

Plan, theater commanders had the authority to take command of all forces 

in their areas in an emergency. The joint chiefs had exempted SADDLETREE-modified units from this provision so that they would always be 

available for atomic operations.’’ At “Dualism” LeMay had expressed 

concern that the wording of the provision was inadequate, and Norstad 

had outlined a proposal to exempt all units involved in any way with the 

atomic offensive. LeMay observed: “Then I gather that no Strategic Air 

Command units are available to theater commanders.” This would not be 

the precise wording, Norstad indicated, but the effect would be similar.” 

On December 27, 1948, Vandenberg submitted the Air Force’s plan to 

the joint chiefs. Wings currently receiving modified aircraft were to be 

added to the 509th, already on the exempt list. In addition, other aircraft 

were used for reconnaissance to support the atomic offensive, as decoys, 

electronic jammers, and for fighter escort. Air planners speculated that if 

theater commanders took these forces, the atomic offensive would be 

seriously impeded. This was especially so because of the close timing 

involved in LeMay’s deployment plan. Instead, Vandenberg requested a 

blanket exemption of affected units, with the list revised from time to time 

as units were reorganized and re-equipped.” 

Both the Chief of Staff of the Army and the Chief of Naval Operations objected to the plan. Though in basic agreement with the need for an 

independent strategic air force, the Army continued to fear that all 

long-range air reconnaissance would be centrally controlled and vital 

information denied to the theater commanders. Vandenberg acknowledged SAC’S obligation to support other JCS commanders and agreed to 

Rprt, JSPC to JCS 1259/117, The Unified Command Plan, Jan 6, 1949; 

memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, subj: 

The Unified Command Plan, Feb 9, 1949; memo, CS Army to JCS & Decision JCS 

1259/129, subj: Unified Command Plan, Mar 3, 1949, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 13, SAC, Box 151, MMB, NA. 

19 

Dualism, Vol 11, p 258. 

Memo, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Sec JCS, subj: Designation of 

Units Exempt from Operational Control of Theater Commanders, Dec 27, 1948, 

with atch memo, CSAF to JCS, subj: Unified Command Plan; memo, Maj Gen S. 

E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Vandenberg, subj: Designation of Units Exempt from 

Operational Control of Theater Commanders (Unified Command Plan JCS 

1259/115), Jan 12,1949, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 

19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Box 152, MMB, NA. 

21 [bid. 22 

29 1 
Strategic Air Force 

Louis A. Johnson succeeded 

James V. Forrestal in 1949 as Secretary of Defense. 

provide that support when it was needed.23 The Navy’s objection was that 

the original concept had been to husband the scarce resources of atomiccapable bombers. Vandenberg pointed out that even though these aircraft 

were no longer so scarce, they were intended for use in the strategic air 

offensive, which enjoyed a high priority in all war plans. Accordingly, all 

units committed to that offensive had to be exempted. His views prevailed, 

and the joint chiefs approved his proposal on January 19, 1949.24 

The creation of the North Atlantic Alliance added to the controversy 

surrounding the control of the strategic force. The treaty signed on April 4, 

1949, provided in Article V “that an armed attack against one or more of 

[the members] shall be considered an attack against them all.. . .”25 When 

ratifications were completed in August, the United States was thus com- 

”Memo, CS Army to JCS, subj: Unified Command Plan-Designation of 

Units for Atomic Operations, n.d.; memo, Maj Gen J. Smith, Dep Dir P&O, to 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Unified Command Plan-Designation of 

Units for Atomic Operations (JCS 1259/172), Sep 21, 1949; memo, CSAF to JCS, 

1259/166, Unified Command Plan-Designation of Units for Atomic Operations, 

Aug 22, 1949, & Decision, May 9, 1950, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, OPD, 

323391 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Box 152, MMB, NA. 

Memo, CNO to JCS, 1259/120, subj: Unified Command Plan-Designation 

of Units for Atomic Operations, Jan 14, 1949; memo, CSAF to JCS, 1259/121, 

subj: Unified Commands-Designation of Units for Atomic Operations, Jan 19, 

1949; memo, CSAF to JCS, 1259/115, subj: Unified Command Plan-Designation 

of Units for Atomic Operations, Dec 28, 1948 & Decision, Jan 19, 1949, all in RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 1943), Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, 

Box 152, MMB, NA. ’’ NATO Information Service, NATO Facts and Figures (Brussels, 19761, p 301. 

292 
Challenges to Strategy 

mitted to regard a Soviet attack on Western Europe in the same light as an 

attack upon itself. This language did not guarantee any specific action, but 

it did indicate that the resources of the United States, including its atomic 

force, might enter the balance. This brought atomic deterrence clearly into 

America’s relations with Europe. 

The problem of allied command relationships had received serious 

thought long before the North Atlantic Treaty actually took effect. At 

Newport the joint chiefs had agreed that in time of war, the allies should 

have an American commander under direction of the Anglo-American 

Combined Chiefs of Staff. This officer would have three major subordinate 

commanders, one for Western Europe, one for the Mediterranean and 

Middle East, and one for strategic air forces. In the interim, the Americans suggested that the Brussels Pact countries appoint a British or French 

commander. Clearly, any future allied strategic air force would be mainly 

American in composition. Only the British possessed a force of this type, 

and it was small and equipped only for conventional bombing?6 

Vandenberg may have harbored doubts about this arrangement. He 

proposed measures that would preclude creating an allied strategic command?’ As for placing SAC under an allied command at all, opinions 

diverged. Cary thought that in an inter-allied forum, where Lord Tedder or 

a successor of comparable stature would have influence, there would be 

less obstruction than in a purely American one. Nevertheless, the Air 

Force increasingly favored keeping SAC under exclusively American control, even in war. As matters were to develop, the NATO forces in Europe 

became committed to a land defense, and the allied commander was likely 

to seek the diversion of strategic air forces to support the ground operations. Staff papers prepared by joint committees increasingly tended to 

include diagrams placing SAC under the U.S. joint chiefs in both peace 

and war.28 

MR, Ofc of Sec Def, Newport Conference Decisions with Respect to 

Command, Aug 23,1948, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir P1, OPD, 323.361 (Apr 22,1948), 

Box 146, MMB, NA. 

27 Paper,. . .extract views of the Chiefs of the Services.. . , n.d. [1949], RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 1943), Case 1, Anx A, Box 148, MMB, 

Memo, Col J. B. Cary, Asst Ch P1 Div, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen S. E. 

Anderson, Dir P&O, subj: Allied Higher Direction and Command for FLEETWOOD, Sep 17, 1948; MR, Capt G. W. Lalor, USN, Sec JCS, (a) Command Plan for 

FLEETWOOD. (b) FLEETWOOD Planning for Mediterranean-Middle East Area, Sep 

16, 1948, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Apr 22, 19481, Box 

146; R & R Sheet, Anderson to Dir Tng & Rqmts, Strategic Air Warfare Command 

Relationships, Mar 15, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Apr 22, 

19481, Sect 3, Box 146. 

26 

NA. 28 

293 
Strategic Air Force 

Disturbed at the rising tide of acrimony in the discussion of strategy, 

Forrestal had written to the service secretaries on November 8, 1948, 

establishing ground rules for congressional testimony. He hoped that 

witnesses would refrain from any “attack upon, or criticism of, the competence, equipment or weapons of another service.” These attacks and 

criticisms were going on in private and would continue, but the Secretary 

of Defense hoped the services could resist the temptation to make public 

attacks on each other’s alleged pet weapon^.'^ 

Forrestal was also troubled by the substance of the disagreements, 

especially because he recognized how much the country was coming to 

rely on the strategic force. Symington told him of Vandenberg’s repeated assurances that “he was absolutely certain [the bomb] could be 

dropped. . . ” wherever req~ired.~’ Nevertheless, late in 1948 Forrestal 

asked the joint chiefs to study the feasibility of an atomic offensive and its 

potential effectiveness. 

Vandenberg responded to the first question-whether the offensive 

could be carried out-by submitting a description of SAC‘S existing plan. 

He noted the command’s progress in building an effective force and 

argued that it could penetrate Soviet air space. According to intelligence 

sources, Soviet air defenses were weak, with a radar net totally inadequate 

for protecting a vast extent of territory. The enemy possessed no fighters 

capable of nighttime operations, and its antiaircraft guns could not be 

expected to hit targets above thirty thousand feet. Estimating twenty-five 

percent losses to the attacking force, Vandenberg reported that SAC could 

deliver the entire atomic ~tockpile.~’ 

Admiral Louis E. Denfeld, the Chief of Naval Operations, objected to 

the Air Force report, primarily on the grounds that the intelligence about 

Soviet air defenses was too uncertain. Although the joint chiefs might 

reach a partial agreement, major issues remained unresolved. In due 

course, the question of the air offensive’s feasibility was referred to the 

new Weapons Systems Evaluation Group (WSEG), then being organized 

under a JCS agreement made at the Newport Conference to deal with 

precisely this kind of question.32 

However, the WSEG would not consider the problem of what the 

atomic offensive would actually achieve if the bombers got through. The 

Memo, J. V. Forrestal, Sec Def, to Secs Army, Navy, AF, Nov 8, 1948, 

Rprt, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to JCS, JCS 1952/1, Dec 21, 1948, in 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 403-405. 

29 

Forrestal Diary, Vol XIII, p 2629, in Forrestal Papers, OSD. 

3”Ibid., p 2539 (Oct 5, 1948). 31 

Etzold & Gaddis, Containment. 32 

294 
Challenges to Strategy 

chiefs referred that matter to a committee headed by Lt. Gen. Hubert R. 

Harmon of the Air Force. A classmate of Eisenhower and Bradley at West 

Point, Harmon had attended the Army War College and served on the 

Army Staff before a brief wartime tour in command of Thirteenth Air 

Force in the South Pacific. He was on the military staff at the United 

Nations, an assignment suggesting a reputation for fairmindedne~s.~~ 

The Harmon Committee did not submit its report until May 1949. It 

estimated that a successful strategic air offensive would temporarily reduce 

Soviet industrial capacity by thirty or forty percent and severely damage 

the oil industry. A Soviet attack on Western Europe could not be stopped, 

but over time the enemy’s military strength would be undermined. Offering a conservative assessment of casualties, the committee estimated the 

probable dead at nearly three million, in addition to millions of homeless. 

The commitee admitted that the psychological reaction among Soviet 

civilians the the international community might not serve American interests, and that the air offensive in itself would not be enough to “win the 

war.” Nevertheless. 

the atomic bomb.. .would constitute the only means of rapidly 

inflicting shock and serious damage to vital elements of the Soviet 

war-making capacity. In particular, an early atomic offensive will 

facilitate greatly the application of other Allied military power.. . . 

In sum, “the advantages of its early use would be tran~cending.”~~ 

Vandenberg reacted to the Harmon report by insisting that it be 

changed before its submission to the Secretary of Defense. The Air Force’s 

assistant for atomic energy, among others, objected to the report, noting 

that it neglected any consideration of damage from fires started by the 

bombing. The Air Force’s dissent was acknowledged in the final report the 

JCS sent to Secretary Johnson.35 

The controversy over the effectiveness of the strategic air offensive 

highlighted the same issues that perennially arose during the budget 

negotiations. In early 1949 these discussions resumed. As the Air force was 

Fogerty, Study # 91, “Harmon, Hubert R.;” John Ponturo, Analytical 

Support for the Joint Chiefs of Stafi The WSEG Experience, 1948-1976 (Institute for 

Defense Analyses Study S-507, Washington, Defense Technical Information Center, \279), pp 52-55. 

Rprt, Evaluation of Effect on Soviet War Effort Resulting from the Strategic Air Offensive, May 49, in Etzold & Gaddis, Containment, pp 363-364, 360-364; 

memo, subj: The Harmon Board Report, Oct 14, 1949, RG 340, OSAF NumericSubj5ft Files 46-50, lj (2), Box 3, MMB, NA. 

33 

Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Pt 11, pp 343-348. 

295 
Strategic Air Command 

February 1948 

HQ SAC I Washington, D.C. 

Eighth Air Force HQ 

27th Fighter Gp Canwell Kearney 

,Ir 309th Bomb Gp 

33d Fighter Gp 

Walker 

Zd Bomb Gp 436 Bomb Gp Davis-Monlhan -- 

28th Bo

Wea

98th Bo

Spok

-

307th Bomb Gp 

MacDill 

3 I 1 th RCN Wing 

Andrews 

82d Fighter Gp I I th Photo Tech Ut 10 Photo Tech Sq 

53 RCN Gp 16th Photo RCN Sq 

4th Fighter Gp 

I Geo Cont'l Sq MacDill I 
Challenges to Strategy 

cutting back to forty-eight groups before the end of June, Congress was 

considering the 1950 budget and the joint chiefs were turning to the plans 

for fiscal 1951. In the congressional debate on fiscal 1950, the greatest 

controversy involved the size of the Air Force. In April 1949, citing the 

need for an atomic striking force that could deter Soviet aggression, the 

House added nearly $800 million to the defense budget, earmarked for 

more air groups?6 Should an increase be approved, the Air Staff intended 

to build four new groups of long range bombers. This would especially 

strengthen the second phase of the offensive, a sustained effort “policing” 

targets previously hit. However, the additional money would also fund 

three new fighter groups and one each of light bombers and troop carrier 

aircraft. These would largely augment the air defense and tactical forces. 

In fact, the number of groups approved at “Dualism” and the McNarneyFairchild Boards had already ensured that the strategic striking force 

would be strong. With any extra money, the Air Force would try to repair 

the damage resulting from the stripping of the other forces. Despite these 

positive signs, however, the defense establishment entered fiscal year 1950 

dependent on continuing resolutions to pay its bills, while the Senate 

debated the regular budget.37 

When Eisenhower began his work with the joint chiefs on fiscal 1950, 

he understood that the budget ceiling would again be in the neighborhood 

of $15 billion. He told Forrestal that the top priorities for defense centered 

on a strategic air force, a Navy to fight submarines, and an Army to 

mobilize for defensive operations. Eisenhower recognized that the biggest 

disagreement lay between the Navy and the Air Force. Meeting with naval 

leaders, he concluded that they were emphasizing air power as their 

contribution in a future war. The argument that Sherman had earlier 

advanced, that carrier aviation should be used to attack submarine yards, 

was apparently getting short shrift in the Navy. The sailors contended that 

the long range bomber was too vulnerable; only carrier-based planes could 

reach defended targets. Eisenhower believed that if Air Force bombers 

could not get through, neither could Navy planes. To resolve this disagreeWarner R. Schilling, “The Politics of National Defense: Fiscal 1950,” in 

Warner R. Schilling, Paul Y. Hamrnond, & Glenn H. Snyder, Stratea, Politics, and 

Defense Budgets (NY: Columbia Univ Press, 1962), pp 71-79. 

Memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, subj: Composition of the 9 Groups Which May Be Added to a 48-Group Air 

Force, Feb 4, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 320.2 (Dec 31, 19481, Box 

126, MMB, NA; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 354-356. 

36 

37 

297 
Strategic Air Force 

ment, he favored an objective evaluation of the bomber’s ability to penetrate.38 

As the cost-conscious Louis Johnson assumed direction of the defense 

program, Eisenhower recognized that pressure on the budget would not 

abate. He needed to get the military chiefs to agree on plans for fiscal 

1951. He devised what he called the “red brick” plan, under which each 

service defined the minimum size for each of the other two. Any addition 

to the minimum for each service would then be open to debate. The Air 

Force asked for seventy-one groups and proposed that the Navy retain no 

large carriers, only escort carriers for anti-submarine work. The Navy, in 

turn, recommended limiting the Air Force to forty-eight groups and 

requested ten large carriers in commission. While skeptical of the Navy’s 

demands, Eisenhower believed that at least one carrier task force would be 

needed at the onset of a war.39 The chiefs were starting to work toward 

agreement when Eisenhower learned to his frustration that the President 

had lowered the ceiling by nearly $2 billion, to $13 billion. The Bureau of 

the Budget, fearing inflationary pressures, was insisting on rigorous 

economies in government spending:’ 

Given the new fiscal reality, by July 1949, Eisenhower could submit a 

budget plan proposal calling for forty-eight groups in the Air Force and 

four large carriers.41 Vandenberg had been reluctant to concur. In May he 

wrote Eisenhower that: 

. . . it has become apparent to me that an increase in the retaliatory 

striking power of the Air Force and an increase in the mobile 

striking power of the Army are needed. It has become equally 

apparent to me that in Fiscal Year 1950 [sic] there will be maintained in the Navy forces which are not essential to the maintenance of an acceptable degree of national security.42 

Although the Air Force failed in its attempt to eliminate large carriers 

from the active fleet, the new secretary did decide to cancel construction 

of the Navy’s first new flushdeck supercarrier. Work was scheduled to 

38 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 364-366; Dwight D. Eisenhower, The Eisenhower Diaries, ed Robert H. Ferrell (NY: Norton, 1981), Dec 13,1948, p 150, Jan 8, 

1949, pp 152-153, Jan 27, 1949, pp 154-156, Feb 4, 1949, pp 156-157; Palmer, 

Origiyrt of Maritime Strategy, pp 22-29, 46-52. 

Reardon, Formative Years, pp 365-372; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, 

pp 295-264. 

Eisenhower, Eisenhower Diaries, Feb 9, 1949, p 157, Jun 4, 1949, p 159. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 378-379. 

Ltr, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Gen Army D. D. Eisenhower, May 

41 

42 

23, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, Files 1947-1948, Box 32, MD, LC. 

298 
Challenges to Strategy 

begin in April 1949, and Johnson asked Eisenhower and the chiefs whether 

it should proceed. Everyone except Denfeld opposed the carrier.43 Vandenberg restated his position that no requirement existed for the carrier in 

strategic operations, nor could it serve any real function against a negligible Soviet surface navy. 

The Military Establishment does not possess the resources, nor is 

there a need, to prepare military forces for all possible types of 

wars against all possible types of enemies. We have only one 

potential enemy and we know his military characteristic^.^^ 

On April 23, without further consultation with the Navy, Johnson cancelled the supercarrier. Secretary of the Navy John L. Sullivan issued a 

strong protest, and angry naval officers sought ways to attack the B-36 

pr0gram.4~ 

Others also challenged the Air Force’s reliance on the strategic air 

force. In April 1949 Frank Pace, Jr., Director of the Bureau of the Budget, 

warned the President of the implications of plans for the atomic offensive. 

In essence he feared that the President’s options would be limited if war 

plans committed him to use atomic weapons at the start of a war.% 

Undeterred, Truman declared publicly in a speech on April 6 his willingness to employ atomic weapons if ne~essary.~’ 

The President did indeed appear to be concerned primarily with the 

effectiveness of the atomic strategy. Recalling the wartime charge that a 

band of “battleship admirals” had impeded the Navy in adapting to the 

conditions of modern war, he worried that the Air Force was hated on 

bombers, with the same potential result. Brig. Gen. Robert B. Landry, 

Truman’s air aide, arranged to have the SAC staff send a representative to 

brief the President on the war plan. Landry further explained to his chief 

that the Air Force’s rationale for supporting the B-36 was based on a 

clearly defined mission. In a future conflict, the three primary tasks of the 

armed forces would be the defense of the United States, the destruction of 

the enemy’s industrial capacity, and the occupation of bases for the 

~~~ 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 410-413. 

Memo, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Sec Def, subj: CVA-58 Project, 

Apr 42,3, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, Navy vs Air Force, Box 52, MD, LC. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 412-413. 

Memo, Frank Pace, Jr, Dir Bureau of the Budget, to President, Apr 5, 1949, 

PSF,4ySC-Atomic, AE Budget, Box 200, HSTL. 

Remarks to a Group of New Democratic Senators and Representatives, Apr 

6, 1949, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Hany S. Truman, 1949, 

43 

44 

46 

p 200. 

299 
Strategic Air Force 

eventual counter-offensive. The Air Force was responsible for the first two 

tasks, while all three services would implement the third. Landry advised 

Truman that the Peacemaker represented the best weapon then available 

for the second function. Either a better bomber or guided missiles would 

be the next developmental step for the strategic mission.48 On April 20, at 

the air aide’s request, a SAC representative briefed Truman. Following 

this, the President asked Johnson what had been done to determine if the 

air offensive would succeed. Meanwhile, Landry made sure that Truman 

was aware of the controversy between the services. But even though he 

still had doubts, on May 4, 1949, the President approved the additional 

B-36 orders recommended by the McNarney-Fairchild Boards.49 

With the cancellation of the supercarrier by Secretary of Defense and 

the President’s approval of the B-36 order, a symbolic as well as substantive decision had been made to rely on the strategic air offensive. However, Truman did foster continued debate among the services by encouraging further study. Unfortunately, the discussions were becoming more 

rancorous. The previous January Eisenhower had written in his diary: 

“God help us if ever we go before a congressional committee to argue our 

professional fights as each service struggles to get the lion’s share of the 

money.”50 By May 1949 that very prospect was coming closer to reality. 

Facing the Challenge 

The challenge to the Air Force’s priority mission ultimately came 

down to a question of national strategy. The joint chiefs had approved a 

war plan in which the strategic air offensive was the central feature. They 

had likewise sanctioned the development of an atomic strike force to carry 

out that offensive. If opponents questioned the Air Force’s strategic role, 

that challenge went to the very rationale of the JCS decisions. If critics 

contended the Air Force could not provide enough resources for any other 

functions, such as tactical support of ground forces, the reply in essence 

admitted that this was true, given the budget limitations on all the services. 

The 1949 congressional hearings on the B-36 bomber and the debate 

Memo, Brig Gen R. B. Landry, AF ADC, to President, Apr 16, 1949, 

Symington Coll, Corres File 1946-1950, L-general, Box 7; Cross-ref sheet, memo, 

Landry to President, Apr 19, 1949, CF 1285-D, 1949, Box 1638, both in HSTL. 

48 

49 Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 406-407. 

Eisenhower, Eisenhower Diaries, Jan 8, 1949, p 152. 50 

300 
Challenges to Strategy 

Secretary of Defense James V. Forrestal with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and 

their advisers outside the Naval War College at the Newport Conference in Rhode 

Island, August 1948. Leff to right: Gen. Lauris Norstad, USAF; Gen. Hoyt S. 

Vandenberg, USAF, Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA; Gen. Omar N. Bradley, 

USA; Forrestal; Adm. Louis E. Denfeld, USN; Vice Adm. Arthur W. Radford, USN; 

and Maj. Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther, USA. 

within the JCS on a tactical mission for the strategic force illustrated two 

distinct national defense issues. 

The public dispute between the Navy and the Air Force over the B-36 

is an oft-told tale.5’ Indeed, the controversy was a dramatic event, although it focused on decisions that had already been made. At center 

stage, the Air Force found itself forced to defend its hard-won position in 

the nation’s strategy. 

In the aftermath of Johnson’s order in April 1949 canceling the Navy’s 

supercarrier, the press portrayed the defense debate as a contest in which 

the Air Force had beaten the Navy. Now the Navy was prepared to 

retaliate.’* Late in 1948, the Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for 

See especially Paul Y. Hammond, “Super Carriers and B-36 Bombers: 

Appropriations Strategy, and Politics,” in Harold Stein, ed, American Cicil-Military 

Decisions: A Book of Case Studies (Tuscaloosa, Ala: Univ of Ala Press, 19631, pp 

465-568; George M. Watson Jr., The Office of the Secretary of the Air Force, 

1947-1965 (Washington: CAFH, 19931, pp 83-101; Murray Green, “Stuart Symington and the B-36,” (Ph.D. Dissertation: American Univ, 1960); K. Condit, JCS, 

51 

1947-1949, pp 330-351; Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 412-422; Futrell, Ideas, pp 

129-134. 

G. Watson, Secretaries, pp 83-101; Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 412-413. 52 

301 
Strategic Air Force 

Administration had approved the creation of a research and policy office 

called “Op-23.” In charge of the office was Capt. Arleigh A. Burke, who 

took on the job of building the Navy’s case for the supercarrier and against 

the B-36. Others within the Navy Department acted on their own, with 

more initiative than discretion, to argue the service’s case. One unofficial 

advocate was Cedric R. Worth, a former Hollywood scriptwriter with war 

service in the Navy and now an assistant to Undersecretary of the Navy 

Dan A. Kimball. Worth privately assembled a document detailing various 

rumors of corruption in the B-36 program. Glenn L. Martin, whose 

XB-48 and XB-51 bombers had not been accepted by the Air Force for 

production, circulated this paper without attrib~tion.’~ 

The contents of the “anonymous document” became public knowledge on May 26, 1949, when James E. Van Zandt, a Republican Congressman from Pennsylvania with wartime naval service, delivered a speech on 

the House floor. According to the rumors, Symington, Secretary of Defense Johnson, and Floyd B. Odlum, Chairman of the Board of Convair, 

had pressured Air Force leaders to order more B-36s in spite of the 

bomber’s known deficiencies. Van Zandt called for a congressional investigation. Symington immediately denied the charges and also asked for an 

investigation. In June, Congressman Carl Vinson of Georgia, Chairman of 

the House Armed Services Committee, agreed to the hearings, which he 

scheduled for August. During the summer, the press learned of the 

existence of the “anonymous document,” as the source of Van Zandt’s 

allegations. Symington invited Col. W. Barton Leach, a law professor at 

Harvard and an Air Force reservist, to organize the Air Force’s defense in 

the hearings and assigned the Air Force’s Director of Special Investigations, Brig. Gen. Joseph F. Carroll, to inquire into the origins of the 

document. Leach proceeded to construct a carefully researched historical 

account of the B-36 program. Meanwhile Carroll’s investigators traced the 

path to Cedric W~rth.’~ 

When the hearings began on August 9, Vinson declared the purpose 

of the first part of the investigation to be an assessment of the charges 

against the Air Force. Only later would the committee discuss the question 

of strategy. Nevertheless, the Air Force’s defense was that the decision to 

’3 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 412-414; study, ARDC, Air Force Deuelopmental Aircraft, 1957, pp 135-138, AFCHO. Burke had commanded a destroyer 

squadron in the Pacific with great distinction. His nickname, “thirty-one knot” 

Burke, referred to a sardonic message of his referring to the effect of maintenance 

problems on the squadron’s operational capability. 

Rearden, Formatiue Years, pp 413-414; Symington OHI, pp 33-36; Hammond, “Super Carriers,” pp 498-500, 505-506; G. Watson, Secretan’es, pp 83-101. 

54 

302 
Challenges to Strategy 

order more B-36s had been based on technical and strategic grounds, not 

in response to pressure motivated by greed. Maj. Gen. Frederic Smith 

presented the documentary evidence.55 But perhaps one of the most 

effective witnesses was LeMay. Preceding testimony served to foreshadow 

his appearance by emphasizing his qualifications as an authority on strategic operations. Vandenberg, for example, noted that: 

General LeMay has participated in more strategic bombing in time 

of war than any other man in the world. He knows more about it. 

He constantly keeps in touch with the latest developments both 

here and abroad?6 

Fairchild, McNarney, and others reinforced this by testifying to the importance they had attached to LeMay’s recommendation^.^' Thus, when 

LeMay himself took the stand, his observations on the B-36 carried 

considerable weight with the ~ommittee:~~ “I expect that if I am called 

upon to fight I will order my crews out in those airplanes, and I expect to 

be in the first one myself.” Van Zandt and other critics cross-examined 

him thoroughly, but LeMay never wavered and continued to argue that the 

B-36 was the only plane that could perform the intercontinental mission.59 

As noted earlier, the Air Force’s case required a discussion of strategy, and Vandenberg’s testimony provided this. But larger questions of 

policy and strategy were soon overshadowed by the climactic testimony of 

Cedric Worth. The revelation that Worth was the culprit behind the 

“anonymous document” essentially brought the hearings to an end. The 

attack on the Air Force had backfired on the Navy, forcing the creation of 

a court of inquiry to examine Worth’s behavior. Vinson and his committee 

concluded that the charges of corruption were unfounded.60 

If knavery could not be proved in the purchase of the B-36, it would 

be necessary to demonstrate folly. The rationale for producing the Peacemaker would be the issue when the hearings reconvened in October 1949. 

By then, the news of the Soviet atomic explosion had captured public 

attention, making any debate over strategy better press than might have 

been expected. 

Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, House, Investigation of 

Ibid., p 177. 

ST Ibid., pp 402-441. 

58 Ibid., p 148. 

Ibid., pp 139-163. 

Ibid., pp 165-173, 524ff; Rearden, Formative Years, pp 414-415. 

55 

the B-36 Bomber Program, 81st Cong, 1st sess, Aug, Oct 49, pp 42-90. 56 

59 

60 

303 
Strategic Air Force 

Adding to the excitement was the “Revolt of the Admirals.” In fact, 

the ‘‘revolt’’ was started by a captain, a flier named John G. Crommelin 

who told the press that there was a move in the works to eliminate the 

Navy. The Secretary of the Navy, Francis P. Matthews, (who had succeeded Sullivan on the latter’s resignation), told the congressional hearing 

that the service’s morale was good, only to be followed by a succession of 

naval leaders, led by Adm. Arthur W. Radford, Commander in Chief, 

Pacific, who contradicted the secretary.61 Besides embarrassing Matthews, 

this immediately created a forum for any uniformed Navy witness to 

express his dissatisfaction with defense decisions. As for the question of 

strategy, Radford maintained that the heavy bomber’s “day is largely past.” 

The Navy witnesses dismissed the theory of the “atomic blitz” as a false 

promise of a cheap and easy victory. The B-36 could not bomb accurately 

from high altitudes, could not survive without escort, and would produce 

mass slaughter of civilians with no significant strategic result. Meanwhile, 

the naval leadership contended, the money poured into the B-36 could 

have been spent for the tactical aviation so vitally needed for the defense 

of western Europe.62 Rear Adm. Ralph A. Ofstie, who had tangled with 

Orvil Anderson on the Strategic Bombing Survey, testified as the Navy 

member of the Military Liaison Committee to the AEC. He forcefully 

challenged the very concept of strategic air warfare: “Must the Italian 

Douhet continue as our prophet because certain zealots grasped his 

doctrine many years ago and refuse to relinquish this discredited theory in 

the face of vast, costly e~perience?”~~ Thisthrust at a straw man, suggesting the intemperate tone of much of the Navy’s argument, detracted from 

the positive case the Navy sought to make for its own role. The service’s 

credibility was further weakened by its failure to use a statement submitted by Admiral Sherman, serving in the Mediterranean, which outlined the 

role of a balanced Navy in a unified strategy. As for the Air Force, 

Sherman wrote: 

We need long range air force elements ready for action in forward 

positions such as the bomber groups now in England, and if the 

B-36 is not a good bomber the Air Force should get a better one. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 415-416. Successor to Sullivan after the 

latter’s resignation, Matthews had little standing in the serving Navy, where the 

allegation that he had never been in anything larger than a rowboat led to his 

nickname, “Rowboat” Matthews. 

Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, House, The NutionaI 

Defense Program-Unification and Strategy, 81st Cong, 1st sess, Oct 49, pp 45, 

39-122. 

Ibid., pp 189-193; MacIsaac, Strategic Bombing, pp 119-135. 

304 
Challenges to Strategy 

The need for maintaining a Navy does not depend on the merits or 

defects of any particular 

Sherman’s statement was out of step with the position of many of the Navy 

witnesses, and moderation lost out. 

As in August, it fell to Vandenberg to outline the Air Force’s larger 

views on national defense. The Air Force Chief of Staff denied that the 

strategic air offensive was intended to win the war by itself, or that victory 

would be cheap and easy. What the Air Force did believe, he argued, was 

that there could be only one possible enemy in a future war: the Soviet 

Union. Only long range bombers could strike at its industrial heartland, 

especially if the United States lost its oversea bases. Vandenberg assured 

the congressional committee that the Air Force was acting vigorously to 

make the B-36 effective. He also pointed out that the strategic air 

offensive was part of a plan approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and SAC 

was under the direction of the joint chiefs. While denying that the Air 

Force was neglecting tactical air and air defense, Vandenberg maintained 

that cutting the strategic force would condemn the allies to a grueling, 

costly, and far more uncertain effort against huge ground and air forces in 

Europe.65 

Vandenberg found considerable support from outside the uniformed 

Air Force. Secretary Symington gave him forceful support, especially by 

introducing a letter from General Harmon denying charges that he had 

been pressured to make his report more favorable to air power.% But the 

most eloquent voices in favor of the Air Force were those of Eisenhower, 

Bradley, and Marshall. All reiterated the point that the air offensive was a 

legitimate part of a JCS-approved war plan. Bradley, as Chairman of the 

Joint Chiefs of Staff, added his own remarks attacking the Navy as poor 

losers who resisted true unification of the services.6’ 

Much of the press described the hearings as a victory for the Air 

Force, and apparently many naval officers agreed. In the aftermath, 

Admiral Denfeld was relieved as Chief of Naval Operations, and Burke (a 

future Chief of Naval Operations) was briefly removed from the promotion 

list. Some congressmen objected to these actions as “reprisals” against 

Navy witnesses, but no change in policy resulted. In approving the final 

report on the hearings, and in increasing the defense appropriation in the 

Palmer, Origins of Maritime Strategy, p 52. 

Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, House, The NationaI 

Defense Program-UniJication and Strategy, 81st Cong, 1st sess, Oct 49, pp 451-515. 

Ibid., pp 401, 404, 397-451. 

Ibid., pp 562-567, 597-606, 515-543. 

64 

65 

66 

67 

305 
Strategic Air Force 

fiscal 1950 budget passed that October, the members of Congress demonstrated their continued confidence in the leadership of the Air Force.68 

Critics of the B-36 often saw the intercontinenal bomber as a symbol 

of the strategic air offensive, against which in reality many of the attacks 

were directed. Objections to the Peacemaker were in essence attempts to 

criticize the plans for the offensive at different levels. The B-36 represented a wrong concept of war, or it was designed for an impossible task, 

or it could not do what it was designed to do. Implicit in the first argument 

was the belief that strategic bombing, and by implication, atomic war, was 

immoral and should not be undertaken. Any money committed to it ought 

to be assigned to other types of forces. Given the weakness of the West’s 

defenses against Soviet land power in Europe, this view had few adherents 

in the Defense Department or even in Congress. In the pages of The Air 

University Quarterly Review, the moral question was generally seen in terms 

of necessity: a war with the Soviet Union would jeopardize the survival of 

the free nations, and only strategic bombing offered any chance of turning 

the tide. Also, the threat of atomic attack constituted a deterrent that 

could prevent war alt~gether.~~ 

Critics claiming that strategic bombing simply could not accomplish its 

purpose found themselves on increasingly weak ground. The Harmon 

Committee, despite its reservations, maintained that the air offensive 

could inflict real damage. Though not charged to consider the effectiveness 

of strategic bombing, the Weapons Systems Evaluation Group did conclude that the advertised number of bombs could be delivered on target. 

The WSEG report, briefed to President Truman on January 23, 1950, did 

raise questions of the third category: whether the existing force, including 

the B-36, could carry out the strategic air offensive. On this topic, 

however, all the observations agreed with the views of LeMay and other 

airmen. The parts shortages and mechanical problems plaguing the B-36 

were facts of life, of which SAC was all too aware. The WSEG report 

merely noted the small number of serviceable heavy bombers. Though its 

capabilities were well short of the miraculous, the B-36 would be able to 

strike assigned targets. In a broader context, the WSEG cataloged the 

inadequate bases and fuel stocks overseas, weaknesses in airlift support for 

the war plan, and related logistical problems. The group also expressed 

apprehension about air attacks on overseas bases and cited uncertainties 

about the strength of Soviet air defense, raising the spectre of heavy losses 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 415-422, 351-360. 

Maj Gen Orvil A. Anderson, “Air Warfare and Immorality,” AUQR I11 

(Winter 49), pp 5-14; Chap John W. Wood, “The Morality of War,” AUQR IV 

(Summer 50), pp 31-42. 

306 

68 

69 
Challenges to Strategy 

Lt. Gen. Hubert H. Harmon, 

whose committee appointed by the 

Weapons Systems Evaluation Group 

conducted an in-depth analysis of the 

probable effects of an atomic offensive 

on the Soviet Union’s war-supporting 

industries. 

in the attacking force. While analysts believed Soviet night fighters to be 

primitive and few in number and considered antiaircraft artillery to be 

ineffective against high-altitude bombers, none of these claims were entirely certain. Further, an attack in summer could not avoid some daytime 

exposure to Soviet fighters, and the B-36s, which could fly above fighter 

cover, were not yet available in large numbers. Much of the enemy’s 

defense might be susceptible to electronic jamming, but SAC’s electronics 

countermeasures capability remained underdeveloped. In short, the WSEG 

report concluded that, if the logistical problems were corrected, SAC could 

deliver the required number of weapons, though possibly with heavy 

losses.70 

Again, Air Force planning had generally acknowledged the risks 

inherent in the strategic air offensive. A year earlier, LeMay had gone on 

record with the Senior Officers’ Board as believing that fourteen bombardment groups were in~ufficient.~’ In view of the priority the nation gave to 

SAC’s mission, the answer to criticism seemed to lie in building the force 

up to the level required to do the job. 

In FLEETWOOD and TROJAN, the first joint plans of the Cold War era, 

it was assumed that periodic updates would occur. The scope of the 

A valuable account of the WSEG report is in Rearden, Fomatice Years, pp 

407-410. See also Ponturo, Analytical Support, pp 52-55,74. An “advance copy” of 

the summary report is attached to Memo, Lt Gen J. E. Hull, USA, Dir WSEG, to 

JCS, Jan 21, 1950, in OSD Historical Office. The ten-volume full report is in RG 

330, 7YSEG Spec File, MMB, NA. 

70 

See Chapter VII. 

307 
Strategic Air Force 

revisions, however, went beyond expectations, because budget cuts required major changes in the forces available. Updating the plans also gave 

services the chance to revive earlier controversies and to introduce new 

ones. This was especially the case with OFFTACKLE, the draft plan under 

discussion beginning early in 1949.72 Besides long-standing Air Force-Navy 

differences, a new issue arose between the Air Force and the Army 

concerning the role of bombers in support of ground forces. The Joint 

Strategic Plans Committee failed to resolve these questions, thus becoming, in the view of Col. John B. Cary, the Air Force member, “a useless 

organization.” Indeed, Cary considered his own behavior symptomatic; 

the Army and Navy members’ efforts to weaken the strategic air offensive compelled him to adopt arguments that he himself described as 

“extreme.”73 

Through the summer of 1949, major issues in OFFTACKLE remained 

unsettled, though much of the detail work was finished. In August, when 

the joint chiefs visited Europe, there was still no agreed proposal. The next 

month Secretary Johnson settled a number of questions about the plan, 

but not all.74 The B-36 congressional hearing, which absorbed much staff 

effort, doubtless caused further delays. 

In May, Eisenhower had decided against a major commitment to hold 

the Eastern Mediterranean, but the Navy continued to argue in favor of 

the Cairo-Suez base area. SAC now was planning to use the bases there 

only for recovery of bombers after their strikes. Cary expected the Navy to 

oppose any plan that did not call for launching strategic missions from 

Egypt. It was, in fact, somewhat of a surprise to Cary later in the year 

when the Navy gave in on this point. So in October 1949, when the British 

Chiefs of Staff visited Washington, their American counterparts could tell 

them not to expect help in trying to hold the Eastern MediterraneanMiddle East region.75 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, p 295. 

Memo, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir 

P & 0, May 13, 1949; memo, Cary to Brig Gen J. Smith, Ch WPD, DCS/Ops, subj: 

Plan OFF TACKLE [sic], Jun 2, 1949, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File 

HALTYOON, Sect 9, Box 1047, MMB, NA. 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 297, 388-389. 

MR, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, JSPC Appearance Before the JCS and 

Subsequent JSPC Meeting of May 13, 1949, May 16, 1949; memo, Cary to Maj Gen 

S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, subj: Progress on Plan OFFTACKLE, Jun 7, 1949, both in 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 9, Box 1047; memo, Anderson to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Joint Outline Emergency War Plan 

OFFTACKLE (JCS 1844/46), Nov 29, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File 

SREP, Sect 14, Box 1056, all in MMB, NA. 

72 

73 

75 
Challenges to Strategy 

The North Atlantic Pact contributed to reviving a historic dispute 

between the Air Force and the Army, namely, the issue of strategic 

bombers in a tactical role. Before the signing of the treaty in April 1949, 

U.S. planners had anticipated the problem of defending Western Europe. 

In the European Command (then an Army organization), existing plans 

called for withdrawal to England in the event of a full-scale Soviet attack. 

Eisenhower noted the shift when he advocated holding the line at the 

Rhine in OFFTACKLE. Given the weakness of allied forces in Europe, this 

appeared to be a monumental task, and many doubted it could be done at 

all. In any case, a defending ground force would need massive support 

from air power. Realizing the weaknesses of tactical air power throughout 

the alliance, Army planners examined SAC and its atomic capability. 

Atomic weapons seemed especially useful for deep interdiction strikes at 

the Soviet lines of communication. These operations would retard the 

advance of the aggressor’s armies. The Air Force naturally feared the 

diversion of scarce bombers and weapons from the strategic air offensive. 

Thus, each service had views on “retardati~n.”~~ 

In previous years, the Air Staffs Plans Division had considered the 

possibility of using conventionally armed B-29s against the rear areas of a 

Soviet advance. The concept bore the name OPERATION STRANGLEevocative of the major effort at air interdiction in Italy in 1944.77 A similar 

plan, using atomic weapons, was outlined at a meeting of the Joint 

Strategic Plans Committee on May 12 and 13, 1949. On the 13th, the 

committee briefed the joint chiefs, and a discussion followed on the use of 

strategic bombers “in retarding the Russian advance into Western 

Eurasia.” The services concurred on this wording, and Eisenhower consented to have it included as an element of OFFTA~KLE.~~ 

At this point, the services actually seemed to be in agreement. The 

Air Force was preparing to meet the new commitment in its own planning 

and in its own way. Vandenberg had the task of providing the joint chiefs 

with the detailed plan for the strategic air offensive.79 On August 31 he 

submitted an Air Staff proposal, which envisioned “maximum exploitation 

of the power of the atomic bomb, at the earliest practicable date.” Already 

MR, Lt Col J. J. Kruzel, Red Tm WPD, DCS/Ops, Jan 24, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS Ops, OPD, Spec File SREP Imp1 Dir, Sect 3, Box 1052, MMB, NA. ‘ Memo, Col C. B. Dougher, Actg Ch AWPD, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen S. E. 

Anderson, Dir P & 0, subj: Operation STRANGLE, Jun 13,1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 1, Box 1057, MMB, NA. 

78 MR, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, JSPC Appearance Before the JCS and 

Subsequent JSPC Meeting of May 13, 1949, May 16, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 9, Box 1047, MMB, NA. 

79 K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, p 299. 

76 

309 
Strategic Air Force 

this was growing more feasible, as the atomic force continued to expand. 

The objectives of the strategic air offensive were defined as “the destruction of the vital elements of the enemy war-making capacity and the 

retardation of enemy advances in western Eurasia.” Industrial targets had 

the first priority, followed by other traditional target categories such as oil 

and electric power. The planners intended to achieve retardation by 

striking at the transportation net, arms factories, and the oil industry. In 

all, the plan required 292 atomic bombs, allocated to specific targets within 

groupings?’ 

Following study by the Joint Staff agencies, the joint chiefs approved 

the plan in December 1949. On the 8th, they ratified the overall plan 

OFFTACKLE as well. In doing so, the chiefs reaffirmed the strategic air 

offensive as the sole offensive operation the US. could undertake at the 

beginning of a war. The joint chiefs had also authorized expanding the 

scope of the offensive by directing that strategic air power was intended 

not merely to be “sent against” the enemy’s war economy. Now the 

bombers were to “destroy” it.” 

The Air Force leaders had apparently accepted retardation as one of 

the objectives. Cary, for one, had reservations about another service simply 

assuming that the Air Force could take on an additional task. The previous 

June, he had warned that should war come, ground and naval forces would 

be left idle because no air forces existed to support them. He saw danger 

in the Army and Navy being encouraged to accept this premise: 

Any acceptance by the Air Force of.. . falsely optimistic estimates 

as to Air Force capabilities would be most prejudicial to the Air 

Force and to the United States, immediately during budgetary 

proceedings, and in the long run through the acceptance of the fact 

that woefully inadequate air power will be able to insure the 

national security.82 

In spite of the wording of the joint plan, Army officials had reason to 

doubt the Air Force’s true commitment to retardation. This skepticism 

emerged when SAC, after a prolonged exchange with the Air Staff, 

submitted its Emergency War Plan to the JCS for review. (This was a 

Rprt, CSAF to JCS 2056, Target System for Implementation of Joint 

Emergency War Plan (short title OFFTACKLE), Aug 31, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 1, Box 1057, MMB, NA. ii K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 297, 300n. 

80 

Memo, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir 

P & 0, subj: Relationship of Plan OFFTACKLE to Budgetary Procedures, Jun 8, 

1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File HALFMOON, Sect 9, Box 1047, MMB, 

NA. 

3 10 
Challenges to Strategy 

requirement for SAC as a specified command).83 In December 1949, when 

the Joint Strategic Planning Group discussed the SAC plan, Col. C.V.R. 

Schuyler, the Army member, wanted to write in a strong commitment to 

retardation, along with procedures for close coordination in an emergency 

with the Commander in Chief, Europe.84 Another Army staff officer 

objected to SAC‘s stated intention of being able to deliver all atomic 

weapons in a single strike. As the stockpile grew, this obviously would 

require a larger force and thus mandated continuing expansion of the Air 

Force.85 By the end of the year, the Air Force agreed to compromise 

wording that insured that SAC operations would be coordinated with the 

theater commanders to accomplish retardation. The joint chiefs then 

approved SAC’s plan on January 18, 1950. Power, LeMay’s deputy, had in 

the meantime defended the single-strike concept, declaring that it might 

not always be feasible, but that SAC needed to plan around the idea.86 

Despite the overt assurances, the Army still had doubts. In March 

1950, Schuyler warned: “I do not concur in the exclusive commitment of 

the Strategic Air Command to a large scale bombardment of Soviet 

industry during the initial stages of hostilities when ominous events will be 

taking place in Western Europe.”87 While the Army staff withdrew its 

proposal to assign some SAC units to theater commanders, it did not 

Ltr, Col J. B. Cary, AF Mem JSPC, to Brig Gen W. C. Sweeney, Jr, Dir P1 

SAC, May 25, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 19491, Box 1027, 

MMB, NA. 

84 Memo, Col G. F. McGuire, Ch Ops Div, DCS/Ops, subj: Strategic Air 

Command Emergency War Plan 1-49 (JSPC 934/3), Dec 21, 1949; memo, Brig 

Gen C. Van R. Schuyler, Army Mem JSPC, to Maj Gen R. C. Lindsay, AF Mem 

JSPC, et al, subj: Strategic Air Command Emergency War Plan 1-49 (JSPC 

934/3), Dec 21, 1949, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 19491, 

Box i227, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Maj Gen R. E. Duff, Actg Dir P & 0, Army, to CSAF (AFOOP), subj: 

Strategic Air Command Emergency War Plan 1-49, Sep 12, 1949, RG 341, 

DCS Ops, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 1949), Sect 1, Box 1027, MMB, NA. ‘ Memo, Capt W. G. Lalor, USN, Sec JCS, to Gen 0. N. Bradley, Chmn JCS, 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, et al, subj: Strategic Air Command Emergency War 

Plan 1-49, Dec 30, 1949, with atch rprt, JCS 2057/3, same subj, Dec 29, 1949; 

memo, Lalor to CSAF, subj: Strategic Air Command Emergency War Plan 1-49, 

Jan 18,1950, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 1949), Box 1027; 

Itr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to CSAF, subj: Revision of the Strategic 

Air Command Emergency War Plan 1-49, Apr 1, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 

381 ieC (Mar 23, 19491, Sect 2, Box 1028, all in MMB, NA. 

Memo, Brig Gen C. Van R. Schuyler, Army Mem JSPC, to JSPC, subj: 

Employment of Units of the Strategic Air Command in Support of CINCEUR and 

CINCFE, Mar 8,1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 1, Box 1057, 

MMB, NA. 

83 

311 
Strategic Air Force 

concede the principle of direct Air Force support of the land battle. For 

his part, LeMay argued that in a plan for implementing the strategic air 

offensive, support of theater forces was out of place, no matter how 

legitimate the goal.@ 

The Air Force’s Emergency War Plan in June 1950 put OFFTACKLE 

into effect. Clearly, the strategic air offensive remained the service’s first 

priority. The plan assumed that the European continent would be overrun 

and that SAC would function as NATO’s strategic air force, in keeping 

with OFFTACKLE. The command’s mission remained the bombing offensive 

and long range reconnaissance. The authors of the plan expected heavy 

losses, especially if the attack had to be launched in summer, when the 

hours of darkness were short. By the end of the three-month first phase of 

the war, SAC would have largely expended itself. All other commands 

were to give “priority to SAC operations.” The command would base its 

selection of targets on the objective of disrupting Soviet industry and 

political control, undermining the will to fight, and disarming enemy 

forces. For the retardation mission, the bombers were to hit some arms 

factories and the petroleum industry. A few weapons would remain in 

reserve to be used against the Soviet atomic program, as targets were 

discovered. The reconnaissance forces were to assess bomb damage and 

look for atomic targets, including factories and airfields. Only after the first 

three months would SAC be expected to consider such missions as aerial 

mining or hauling freight.89 

Although the retardation question had been settled for the time 

being, the Army’s concerns persisted. Doubt surfaced, for example, in 

some particularly pointed observations from Vannevar Bush, a consultant 

for the Army then with the Carnegie Institution. In April 1950 Bush wrote 

Bradley that he was “appalled” at the condition of the nation’s defenses. 

Bush believed that the United States could no longer hope to win a war 

with atomic weapons alone, if indeed there had ever been a chance of 

doing so. By this time, of course, the existence of a Soviet atomic arsenal 

had to be given serious consideration. Given poor allied intelligence 

concerning strategic targets and the state of Soviet air defenses, he 

wondered if the Air Force could carry out an offensive and suggested 

88 Memo, Col W. S. Steele, Dep AF Mern JSPC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, 

Dir P & 0, subj: Diversion of the Strategic Air Offensive, Apr 20, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS Ops, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 1, Box 1057, MMB, NA. ‘ AF Emergency War Plan 1-50, Jun 1, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, TS 

OPD, 381 (May 2, 19501, Sect 3, Box 327; Air Intel Div, Suppl to Intel App-USAF 

SREP Based on OFFTACKLE, “Intelligence Requirements for Reconnaissance,” Feb 

14, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (May 2, 1950), Sect 1, Box 325, 

both in MMB, NA. 

3 12 
Challenges to Strategy 

greater emphasis on retardation. He considered the tactical air forces 

needed for the defense of Western Europe desperately weak?’ He then 

called for an unbiased assessment of the services: 

This applies to every Service, of course. But it applies particularly 

to the Air Force, for, in their enthusiasm, which is an indispensable 

and invaluable asset, I feel that they have been drawn down a single 

line of reasoning much too long.” 

For a reply to Bush’s letter, Vandenberg turned to the new Assistant 

Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, formerly the Air Force member of 

the Joint Strategic Studies Committee, Maj. Gen. Truman H. Landon. It 

was Landon who, as a young major on December 7, 1941, had landed a 

squadron of B-17s in Oahu during the Japanese attack. Landon denied 

that the Air Force was over-emphasizing strategic bombing. He did agree 

with Bush’s observation that the West lacked a “tactical air force worthy of 

the name.”92 But, Landon pointed out, the strategic air offensive, though 

it would not necessarily result in a Soviet collapse, was an essential part of 

the nation’s effort in the event of war. The Air Force therefore had to 

build up its strategic forces. As for the other commitments, the Air Force 

had “continually maintained that it cannot meet all its requirements under 

a 48 group ceiling”-hence the need to put first things, namely strategic 

and air defense forces, first. The equal three-way split of budgets among 

the services guaranteed ineffective allocation of strength. For this reason, 

Landon heartily endorsed Bush’s argument that large aircraft carriers had 

no economically justifiable role. He also agreed that improved anti-tank 

weapons offered an opportunity for the Army. As for an impartial review 

of the Air Force’s role, Landon felt his service “certainly has nothing to 

fear from such an inquiry.”93 

The External Challenge: The Soviet Bomb 

One of the factors that disturbed observers about the open disputes 

among the armed services was the fear that their programs might soon be 

tested by actual war. The temporary anxiety of September 1948 was 

Ltr, V. Bush to Gen 0. N. Bradley, Chmn JCS, Apr 13, 1950, in FRUS, 90 

1950, VOI I, pp 227-234. 

91 Ibid., pp 229-230. 

Zbid., p 229; memo, Maj Gen T. S. Landon, Asst to DCS/Ops, to Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Letter from Dr V. Bush to General Bradley, Jun 13, 

1950, Vandenberg Coll, 1. File here Miscellaneous, Box 83, MD, LC. 

92 

93 See previous note. 

313 
Strategic Air Force 

alleviated for a time by the realization that the Soviets probably did not 

want a war. This may have reinforced a tendency to put off the day when 

the United States had to face the significance of possible Soviet nuclear 

weapons. The sudden revelation that the Soviets possessed atomic weapons 

upset these assumptions, raising questions as to the nature of deterrence 

and whether sole reliance on the strategic air force was enough to counter 

the threat, The Air Force tended toward the view that the best response to 

Soviet atomic strength lay in the ability to retaliate swiftly. Nonetheless, 

political pressure to protect the U.S. population through air defense along 

with concerns for the vulnerability of the strike force itself further complicated Air Force planning. 

A futher major source of controversy resulted from Truman’s and 

Secretary of Defense Johnson’s continued commitment to cuts in the 

defense budget. Opponents of these reductions would need a great deal of 

effort, including a major government study, to begin redirecting policy. 

Building more and bigger bombs seemed one plausible solution, but only a 

partial one, as it would make demands on the delivery force. In any case, 

the growing public sense of danger also raised popular concern about 

possible communist subversion, producing a politically explosive atmosphere. Under the circumstances, the role of strategic air power would 

never be far from the center of the debate. 

The actual discovery of the Soviet atomic bomb was the product of an 

Air Force effort. When the service gained responsibility for long-range 

detection of atomic explosions in September 1947, it began to develop a 

permanent system, but it also put an interim arrangement into service. In 

December 1947, Maj. Gen. Albert F. Hegenberger, an aeronautical engineer and pilot, who had flown the first nonstop flight from California to 

Hawaii in 1927, took charge of the project. His Long Range Detection 

Division was part of the Air Staff Special Weapons Group, then under the 

Deputy Chief of Staff for Materiel.94 Hegenberger found the division 

already at work preparing to study methods of detection during the atomic 

tests at Eniwetok. Those tests in April and May 1948 showed that the best 

method was to mount geiger counters and air filters in an airplane. 

Radioactive air samples could then be collected for laboratory analysis.95 

The resulting interim program involved collecting samples from air 

currents coming out of the Soviet Union. Having established a few ground 

stations, the Air Weather Service equipped aircraft and flew them on 

routine weather missions. A contract laboratory analyzed the samples and 

Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 288-291. 

95 Little, Foundations, Pt I, pp 288-302. 

94 

314 
The Soviet Threat. In 1949 the Soviet Union detonated its first series 

atomic bomb, a disarmed version of which is shown, aboue. A product of wartime 

and postwar atomic espionage as well as indigenous research, this test weapon 

galvanized the West and altered forever the postwar world. The Mikoyan-Gurevich 

MiG-15 jet fighter, below, designed to shoot down atomic-armed B-29s, blended 

British engine technology, acquired through ill-considered sales of Nene jet engines, and German-inspired sweptwing design. 
Strategic Air Force 

notified the Long Range Detection Division of the results. After the first 

flights, the Air Force opened Shemya Air Force Base in the Aleutians, 

allowing for better coverage. By the end of 1948, the system was in full 

operation. Nearly seventy alerts had taken place, all “cancelled as negati~e.”~~ 

Hegenberger meanwhile, was directing plans for a permanent system. 

Unfortunately, disagreements over the project’s priority affected his timing. In March 1948, the Joint Nuclear Energy Committee, an interdepartmental group linked to the National Security Council, estimated that the 

Soviets could develop a bomb as early as the middle of 1950, although 1953 

seemed a more likely date. The Air Force then sought funding to have a 

full permanent detection system operating by the middle of 1950.97 Although the joint chiefs in general supported the plan, they weakened the 

emphasis, particularly on the aspects concerning seismic stations. By early 

1949, planning was complete, but there had been several delays. Much of 

the credit for keeping the program alive belonged to Lewis L. Strauss of 

the Atomic Energy Commi~sion.~~ 

On September 3, 1949, a WB-29 passing east of the Kamchatka 

Peninsula collected a radioactive air sample. Laboratory findings triggered 

another alert, and the Air Weather Service scheduled more flights to 

monitor the apparent cloud. This time there was no cancellation. The 

Long Range Detection Division notified the Atomic Energy Commission, 

which in turn convened a panel headed by Vannevar Bush and including J. 

Robert Oppenheimer and other scientists. The group reported on September 19 that the air samples carried products of nuclear fission “consistent 

with” an atomic explosion in the Soviet Union late in August. That evening 

the joint chiefs urged President Truman to announce the news to the 

public. Although Secretary Johnson remained skeptical, virtually all scientific opinion held that the Soviets had exploded an atomic bomb. The 

President made a public announcement to this effect on September 23.w 

The initial concern of the administration was to avoid any sign of 

panic. In an interview quoted in the Saturday Evening Post, General 

Bradley discounted any immediate significance of the Soviet weapon.”’ 

The question, however, was what to do next. One group concluded that the 

Zbid., pp 302-309. 96 

97 

98 

99 

Ibid., pp 309-319; K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 525-529. 

See previous note. 

Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, pp 279-286; Hewlett & Duncan, 

Atomic Shield, pp 362-368. 

‘00 Futrell, Ideas, p 140; draft memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. A. 

Johnson, Sec Def, (Nov 8, 1949), Jan 9, 1950, Symington Papers, Corres File 

1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Box 6, HSTL. 

316 
Challenges to Strategy 

country had anticipated the end of the atomic monopoly, and thus existing 

programs would suffice. On the other hand, many no doubt agreed with 

the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, David E. Lilienthal, who 

believed that the idea that business as usual would suffice ". . . is the 

bunk.""' The on-going congressional hearings on the B-36 and national 

strategy added to the sense of urgency. 

Among those hoping to continue on the same course was Louis 

Johnson. He had become Secretary of Defense convinced of his presidential mandate to cut or at least control defense spending. Johnson had told 

Congress and the joint chiefs that he expected to achieve an annual rate of 

savings of a billion dollars by the end of 1949. In August, about the time of 

the Soviet explosion, he was trimming expenditures for the current fiscal 

year (1950) although the appropriation bill was still in Congress. He had 

concurred in the President's ceiling of $13 billion for fiscal 1951. Politically, Johnson would have faced severe problems had he acknowledged 

that immediate increases were required in the wake of the Soviet bomb."' 

In fact, after Congress finally approved the 1950 budget in October 

1949, Johnson went beyond cutting actual current expenditures. He had 

already agreed with Truman to impound the extra $736 million that 

Congress had appropriated for the Air Force. Clearly, Johnson's efforts to 

reduce military spending sharply had ~ucceeded.'~~ 

The defense budget for 1951 would continue the trend toward austerity. The President's ceiling of $13 billion had led during the summer of 

1949 to a series of revisions directed by Eisenhower, working with the joint 

chiefs. The original proposal of fifty-seven air groups would have cost $6 

billion, nearly half the budget. Eisenhower trimmed the number of groups 

to fifty and then forty-eight. He managed to keep the strategic forces 

stable, cutting tactical air units in tandem with reductions in the Army. 

When Johnson sliced another $200 million off the Air Force total, Eisenhower warned against interfering with strategic air power.lo4 It was now 

August 1949, and Eisenhower was finally able to return to New York, as 

Bradley took over as the first statutory Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of 

Staff under the new amendments to the National Security Act. Eisenhower 

would be heard from again on the subject of defense budgets. 

Lilienthal, Journals, p. 580. 101 

lo* Rearden, Formative Years, pp 372-377; hearings before the Committee on 

Armed Services, House, The National Defense Program: Unification and Strategy, 

81st Cong, 1st sess, Oct 21, 1949, pp 624-625; memo, L. Johnson, Sec Def, to Sec 

AF, Nov 16, 1949, with atch, Vandenberg Coll, Sec of National Defense (I), Box 62, 

MD,It;C. 

See previous note. 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 372-379. 104 

317 
Strategic Air Force 

Symington and the Air Staff lodged strong protests against the allocations. The Air Secretary noted the $1.1 billion for procurement of aircraft, 

and pointing to estimates that the Soviet Air Force would reach a peak 

strength in 1956, he predicted that a continuation of funding at the 

proposed level would leave the U.S. Air Force with thirty-four modern 

groups in that year.lo5 (In the event, fiscal 1951 aircraft procurement was 

set at $1.2 billion). The Air Staff particularly objected to starving the Air 

Force when the Navy was spending so much money on fleet carriers. The 

Directorate of Plans and Operations argued that these were not the best 

ships for anti-submarine warfare and that the war plan had no mission for 

them at the outset of a war. Such ships, the planners stated, should best be 

laid up in peacetirne.’O6 Along similar lines, an officer writing in the Air 

University Quarterly Review at the end of 1949 attacked the prevalent view 

of “balanced forces.” He contended that there was no inherent reason why 

an increase for the Air Force should require additions to the Army and the 

Navy.’07 

But in fact there was little chance of overturning Truman’s decision 

even after the news of the Soviet bomb. The budget presented to Congress 

in January 1950 was close to the presidential ceiling. It provided the Air 

Force with $4.4 billion for forty-eight groups. The Bureau of the Budget 

had shifted some funds around to increase the strength of B-36 groups at 

the expense of reductions in the manning levels of some units, including 

medium bombers.”’ Congress responded with the usual move to add funds 

for the Air Force. Meanwhile, pressure was mounting both within the 

administration and in public debate to increase defense spending. In 

March Eisenhower, speaking as a private citizen, stated publicly that 

defense reductions had gone far enough. Truman finally authorized Johnson to mitigate some of the pressure by asking Congress to make some 

spending adjustments, including an additional $300 million for the Air 

Force. The adminstration’s request went to the House in April 1950, where 

members voted some increases and sent the entire appropriation to the 

Memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. A. Johnson, Sec Def, Jul 21, 1949, 

Vandenberg Coll, Budget 1949-1950, Box 41, MD, LC. 

lo6ASSS, S. E. Anderson, Dir P&O, to CSAF, Preparation of Fiscal Year 

1951 Budget, Aug 10, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, Budget 1949-1950, Box 41, MD, LC. 

‘”John J. Daunt, “In My Opinion: The Balance in Our Armed Forces,” 

AUQR 111 (Winter 491, pp 66-69. 

Memo, W. J. McNeil, Comptr ASD, to Sec Army, Sec Nav, Sec AF, Jan 18, 

1950, with charts, Vandenberg Coll, Budget 1949-1950, Box 41, MD, LC. 

105 

318 
Challenges to Strategy 

Senate, where it was under consideration when the previous fiscal year 

ended in June."' 

Austerity in the defense budget thus survived the initial reaction to 

the detection of the Soviet bomb. But within the Air Force establishment, 

the sense of urgency continued to build. The service's response to the news 

gradually emerged from discussions initiated by General Fairchild on 

September 30, 1949. The principal members of the Air Staff agreed in 

conference that Vandenberg should be prepared to testify in favor of a 

fifty-eight group program then being considered in the House for fiscal 

1950. (This revision to the budget would have allowed the Air Force to 

organize ten new groups during the first half of 1950). The service should 

take the opportunity to request enough funds to carry out the air defense 

program envisioned for the seventy-group Air Force. Vandenberg, 

Fairchild, and Maj. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, Director of Plans and 

Operations, met to examine the possibility of a major study of air defense 

needs."' 

This emphasis on air defense made sense to the extent that it 

acknowledged public concern about the danger of an atomic attack on the 

United States. Within the Air Force, however, most thinking followed the 

doctrinal emphasis on the offensive. It was considered far more effective 

to destroy enemy bombers at their home bases with a determined attack 

than to attempt to shoot them down individually as they approached their 

targets. At the same time, the bomber offensive, by threatening to undermine the enemy's war potential, could deny his hope for victory and thus 

deter him from attacking in the first place. LeMay not surprisingly recognized the advantages accruing to the side that struck first in an atomic 

war."' But Maj. Gen. Gordon Saville, an expert on air defense, also 

pointed that it was essential for SAC to be able to attack an enemy's 

atomic striking force. The problem with the theory was that under the 

forty-eight group program, the strategic striking force was marginally 

adequate to the task of hitting the industrial base, without having to 

contend with the hostile atomic force."2 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 372-382. 

MR, Gen M. S. Fairchild, VCSAF, Sep 30, 1949; memo, Fairchild to Gen 

H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Sep 30, 1949; draft memo, Vandenberg, Nov 10, 1949, 

with marginal notes, all in Fairchild Coll, Sep-Dec 1949, Box 1, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Dec 

12, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, OPD, 600.96 SAC (Feb 10, 19501, Box 1029, MMB, 

Futrell, Ideas, pp 140-144; draft memo, atch to memo, W. S. Symington, 

Sec AF, to L. A. Johnson, Sec Def, Mar 21, 1950, Symington Papers, Corres File 

1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Box 6, HSTL; Lt Col Harry M. Pike, "In My Opinion: 

Limitations of an Air Defense System," AUQR 111 (Fall 49), pp 46-48. 

109 

110 

111 

NA. 112 

319 
Strategic Air Command 

June 1949 

7th Bomb Gp 

1 lth Bomb Gp Carswell 

Eighth Air Force HQ 3 1 Ith Air Division 

I 1 

Carswell Forbes 

91st Strategic 55th Strategic - - '09* Bomb Gp 

Walker 

97th Bomb Gp 

1st ss sq 

2d SS Sq 

BW 

43d Bomb Gp 

9th Strategic 7th Geodetic Sq 92d Bo

RCNGp __ Mountain Home 98th B

2d Bomb Gp 

Spo

FPirfieldSuisun -- Chatham 

307th B

27th Ftr Gp 31st RCN Sq 72d S RCN Sq 306th b

(&W Ma

Davis-Monthan kwtrom WAF) - 
Challenges to Strategy 

In any case, the need was clear, according to an editorial in the Air 

University Quarterly Review: 

It is a matter of history that we have refrained from striking the 

first blow. Hence it is vital that we be capable of immediate and 

decisive reprisal. No longer can we depend upon time as an ally to 

prepare the return blow. It must be struck in hours.”3 

Others might have read the historical record differently, but nevertheless, 

the rationale here existed for maintaining a strike force in being, ready to 

go. As for preventive war, airmen hastened to reject the idea in public, 

Saville citing the sheer risk inv01ved.l’~ 

Further, even when both potential enemies had atomic weapons, 

deterrence was not necessarily undermined. Barton Leach outlined the 

idea to Symington: 

... the effect of a deterrent is not lost by the fact that the other 

fellow has a deterrent too. The Soviets have heretofore professed to 

believe that we are preparing war against them.. . . Now they have 

the A-bomb and should feel much happier. . . . We do not begrudge 

this sense of security to the Soviets; and we trust that they will not 

begrudge the same to us.115 

News of the atomic bomb stimulated a variety of proposals. These 

included increasing the production of atomic weapons, developing a “Super” (hydrogen) bomb, strengthening the European allies, increasing defense spending generally, or a combination of these. Given the failure of 

efforts to stop the Soviet atomic program through international control, 

further negotiations on the subject attracted little enthusiasm in the 

administration. 

Since early 1949, the Atomic Energy Commission and the military 

establishment had been considering the expanded production of bombs. 

The commission developed plans to build more facilities, and the Military 

Liaison Committee was studying whether or not to put additional pressure 

on the AEC by asking for more weapons than the existing capacity could 

produce. The Secretary of Defense pushed strongly for an increase, and 

when Truman appointed him to a committee with Secretary of State Dean 

Acheson and AEC Chairman Lilienthal, Secretary Johnson made sure that 

Maj R. J. Seabolt, “Prize Editorial: Why Emphasize Air Power?” AUQR 

Futrell, Ideas, p 142. 

Memo, W. B. Leach, Feb 15, 1950, Symington Papers, Corres Files 

113 

111 (Tpter 491, p 3. 

1946-1950, Leach, Box 7, HSTL. 

115 

321 
Strategic Air Force 

arguments in favor of expansion were included in their report. Similar 

pressures came from Congress, especially the Joint Committee on Atomic 

Energy. Since the Democratic victory in 1948, the chairman of that 

committee had been Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, the author 

of the 1946 Atomic Energy Act. His executive director was a recent 

graduate of Yale Law School and a former B-24 pilot named William L. 

Borden, who had written There Will Be No Time, a book calling for the 

nation to prepare for modern war.116 

For Johnson’s efforts to boost atomic bomb production, the detection 

of the Soviet atomic test proved fortuitous. The Johnson-AchesonLilienthal report reached the President in October 1949, and Truman 

agreed to seek an appropriation to support expanded production. In 

December, the joint chiefs stated their postion on the matter. They advised 

the President that the increase in weapons production would not affect 

current war planning, but it was necessary to deter the Soviets as their 

production expanded and would provide a more versatile stockpile. For the 

Air Force, the issue revolved around its consistent opposition to developing weapons for use by the Army and Navy. An expanded stockpile might 

allow other services to obtain bombs more easily, without having to impose 

a limit on those available for the strategic air offensive. When Secretary 

Johnson presented the services’ views to the President in January, however, the decision had in reality already been made to expand production.’17 

Scientists had recognized the possibility of developing a thermonuclear weapon (i.e. employing the principle of fusion) since 1942. The 

Atomic Energy Commission had given first priority to the production of 

fission (atomic) weapons, but research into fusion continued. In the summer of 1949, the Air Staffs Atomic Energy Office and the Directorate of 

Intelligence had examined the military value of a very large bomb, with a 

yield of 1,000 kilotons. They concluded that such a weapon would permit 

execution of the current war plan with fewer sorties.l18 

Among the supporters of the “Super” fusion device were Lewis L. 

Strauss, a member of the Atomic Energy Commission, and Senator McRearden, Formative Years, pp 439-446; Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, 

‘17 K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 535-536; Rearden, Formative Years, 

pp 444-446; Lee Bowen, The Development of Weapons, Vol IV of Bowen & Little, 

The History of Air Force Participation in the Atomic Energy Program, 1943-1953 

(Washington: USAF Historical Division), Pt 1, pp 101-124. 

’18 Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt 1, pp 176-180, 188-189; Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Pt 2, pp 357-359. 

116 

pp 178-184. 

322 
Challenges to Strategy 

Mahon. As a flag officer in the naval reserve, Strauss had no objection to 

atomic weapons for the Navy, but he also favored national strength in all 

categories. Because the hydrogen bomb needed an atomic explosion to 

trigger the thermonuclear reaction, the program would compete with the 

expansion of atomic bomb production. Still, Senator McMahon considered 

that both efforts were needed. While there was no absolute certainty that 

the hydrogen bomb was feasible, the Soviets were certain to develop one if 

it was. Consequently, atomic energy experts found it difficult to oppose at 

least a study of this new techn~logy."~ 

In October, General Vandenberg testified in favor of the Super 

before the McMahon Committee.''' However, Strauss was in the minority 

in the Atomic Energy Commission, where opposition was strongly supported by J. Robert Oppenheimer and the other scientists on the General 

Advisory Committee. The joint chiefs turned to the Joint Strategic Studies 

Committee for advice. Supported by Landon, the Air Force representative 

issued a report to the JCS on November 17, confirming the Air Staff belief 

that the hydrogen bomb would make the strategic air offensive more 

efficient. The report also noted the tremendous psychological importance, 

both at home and abroad, should the United States not have the weapon 

when the Russians did. The joint chiefs supported this finding, viewing the 

weapon mainly as a deterrent and doubting that the American refusal to 

develop it would stop the Soviets. These arguments certainly reflected 

Bradley's opinion, as he had expressed it before the Oppenheimer Committee.'*' 

To resolve this controversy, Truman once again turned to Johnson, 

Acheson, and Lilienthal. The three convened a working group, which 

included Norstad, Maj. Gen. Kenneth D. Nichols of the Armed Forces 

Special Weapons Project, and representatives of other agencies. By the 

time the study was completed, the committee found itself split two to one, 

with Lilienthal dissenting. Truman heard him out sympathetically, but 

approved the majority recommendation for a feasibility study. Full-scale 

development of a hydrogen bomb was deferred so as to keep from tying up 

fissionable material.'22 Clearly, both in the matter of expanded atomic 

bomb production and in the decision on the hydrogen bomb, the growing 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, pp 373-399. 

Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt 1, p 188. 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 543-549; Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic 

Shield, p 382. 

K. Condit, JCS, 1947-1949, pp 549-557; Rearden, Formative Years, 

pp 446-453; David A. Rosenberg, "American Atomic Strategy and the Hydrogen 

Bomb Decision," Journal of American History 66 (Jun 791, pp 79-87. 

119 

121 

323 
Strategic Air Force 

First, Gen. Muir S. Fairchild, Air Force Vice Chief of Staff, left, and then, 

Gen. Joseph T. McNarney, Commander, Air Materiel Command, right, chaired a 

special board charged by General Vandenberg with designing a forty-eight group 

service while weighing the needs of SAC. Generals Norstad and Craig also served 

on the McNarney-Fairchild Board. 

sense of national danger had been an influential factor. Lilienthal, overruled on both questions, observed: “More and better bombs.. . . We keep 

saying, ‘We have no other course;’ what we should say is ‘We are not 

bright enough to see any other course.’ ”lZ3 

The case for the hydrogen bomb as a deterrent to Soviet aggression 

acquired special significance in the eyes of many Europeans, who were 

convinced that a Soviet attack spelled inevitable disaster. For them, the 

question was not whether to defend themselves or be overrun. A war 

would entail a “liberation” even more devastating than the one in 1944. In 

that view only deterrence made sense. Leach told Symington that Europe’s 

true defense lay not in the underfunded tactical forces but in the power of 

America’s atomic strike force. He noted Churchill’s repeated endorsement 

of atomic air power and also the views of Gen. Pierre Billotte, formerly the 

French representative on the United Nations Military Staff Committee, 

who had been advocating the immediate development of the hydrogen 

bomb by the United States.lZ4 

Lilienthal, Journals, p 577. 

Iz4See note 115; ltr, W. B. Leach to W. S. Symington, Sec AF, Feb 10, 1950, 

both in Symington Papers, Corres Files 1946-1950, Leach, Box 7, HSTL. 

324 
Challenges to Strategy 

Compounding the shock of the Soviet explosion, on October 1, 1949, 

the Chinese communists declared the formation of the People's Republic. 

Nanking had fallen earlier in the year, and in December the Nationalists 

under Chiang Kai-Shek gave up their position on the mainland of China 

and established themselves in Taiwan. Although this development was less 

surprising in official circles than the Soviet bomb, the strong interest of the 

American public in Chinese matters made it a comparable trauma.lZ5 

Bad news continued into the new year. On February 2, 1950, confirmation was received that Klaus Fuchs, a German-born scientist active in 

both the British and American atomic projects, had been arraigned in 

London on espionage charges. He had already confessed, and the information he was suspected of passing on to the Soviets, which concerned the 

fusing mechanism of the bomb and suggested a means of counteracting it, 

was valuable indeed. Lilienthal informed Congress that there was no way 

the story could be sugar-coated. If there was any doubt of the detrimental 

effect of these events on the national mood, it was dispelled several days 

later by the intense public reaction to a speech by Senator Joseph R. 

McCarthy (Republican of Wisconsin), which blamed espionage and treason for the danger to America's security. The tremendous success of 

political rhetoric about communist subversion could only reflect considerable public unease at the international situation.'26 

Still, Truman seemed determined to hold the line on the defense 

budget. In his view, the need to spend money on military and economic aid 

to the European allies made economies in the U.S. military budget all the 

more important. The joint chiefs warned that further cuts posed a serious 

danger to military capabilities. But even they tempered their warning, 

emphasizing that the economy could not support increases in defense 

spending.'27 Symington had expressed similar views, and he once again 

predicted the long-term dangers posed by limiting the Air Force's program. 

He learned from Doolittle of reports that the Soviets were working on air 

refueling and heavy bombers. For the near future, their jet fighters would 

125 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 230-232; Robert A. Divine, Since 1945: 

Politics and Diplomacy in Recent American History (NY: John Wiley, 19751, 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, pp 412-415; Lilienthal, Journals, pp 

634-$!5. See note #98 

Walter S. Poole, 1950-1952, Vol IV, The History of the Joint Chiefs of StaR 

The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy (Washington: Historical Division, JCS, 

1976), pp 25-35; memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. A. Johnson, Sec Def, Mar 

21, 1950, Symington Papers, Corres Files 1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Box 6, HSTL. 

PP 2yg. 

325 
Strategic Air Force 

furnish a powerful air defense, and their large numbers of conventional 

bombers would be a powerful support for the ground forces, should they 

attack westward in Europe. To the east, the Soviets might also attack 

Alaska to get a base. Intelligence sources early in 1950 estimated the 

Soviet air defense force at eighteen hundred fighters, while medium 

bombers numbered fifteen hundred. Few analysts expected war in the near 

future, but at some point the Soviets’ rising power might tempt them into 

aggression.’28 Urging more emphasis on research and development, 

Doolittle also suggested to Symington that, “ . . .with the approval of the 

President, the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense [should] 

advise the American people of the true state of affairs as regards our 

relative air ~trength.”’~~ 

A similar alarm was sounded by Lt. Gen. Ennis C. Whitehead, 

formerly air commander in the Far East and now in charge of Continental 

Air Command (the consolidation of Tactical Air Command and Air 

Defense Command). Based on current briefings, Whitehead concluded 

that by 1952 the Soviets would be able to destroy the United States. The 

current budget restrictions would not allow the Air Force to match the 

enemy’s capabilities. Thus it was imperative that concerted efforts be made 

to strengthen the strategic air force and continental air defense. Convinced 

that the nation faced a crisis on the scale of the American Revolution, 

Whitehead urged Vandenberg to brief the Secretary of Defense and “the 

highest authority of our country.”’30 

In a larger context, the Soviet military threat had already captured 

presidential attention. In January 1950, Truman authorized a study by the 

State and Defense Departments of the implications of the latest international developments. When he decided at the end of that month to 

proceed with development of the hydrogen bomb, he gave the study a 

broader mandate. A ten-member Program Review Group took on the task 

of drafting the report. Paul H. Nitze, Kennan’s successor at the Policy 

Draft memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. A. Johnson, Sec Def, (Nov 8, 

1949) Jan 9, 1950, Symington Papers, Corres Files, 1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Box 

6, HSTL; memo, J. H. Doolittle to Sec AF, subj: Report, Jan 3, 1950, Symington 

Papers, Corres Files, 1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Declas Docs, Box 4, HSTL. 

129 Memo, J. H. Doolittle to Sec AF, subj: Report, Jan 3, 1950, Symington 

Papers, Corres Files, 1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Declas Docs, Box 4, HSTL; 

Rearden, Formative Years, pp 522-526; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 4-9. 

Ltr, Lt Gen E. C. Whitehead, CG CONAC, to CSAF, subj: Capability of 

the United States Air Force to Meet Its Responsibilities, May 1, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/P1 TS, P & 0, 381 (Jun 9, 19501, Box 324, MMB, NA. 

128 

130 

326 
Challenges to Strategy 

Planning Staff, assumed the lead for the State Department, and Landon 

represented the joint chiefs. The Defense Department members all believed that Secretary Johnson was keeping them on a tight leash, and they 

accordingly confined their role to providing information. Nitze, on the 

other hand, oversaw the preparation of a lengthy, detailed analysis of the 

world situation, making a case for a major buildup of American military 

strength. His draft report entered the National Security Council papermill 

as “NSC-68” and soon became recognized as one of the major state 

papers of the Cold War.’31 

The estimate supplied by NSC-68 was indeed sobering. The document described the world as engaged in a political struggle between two 

opposing camps. From twenty atomic bombs in the middle of 1950, the 

Soviet stockpile would expand to 200 by 1954. Land and air forces could 

overrun most of Europe more or less at will, and the atomic arsenal could 

nullify any chance of American intervention. This military strength was 

subordinated to a larger “Kremlin design” of communist expansion through 

political means. While Soviet leaders were unlikely to resort to war, a weak 

free world might tempt them into one.’32 

As conditions stood, in the event of war it was still possible for the 

United States to offer some resistance. American forces could: 

provide a reasonable measure of protection to the Western Hemisphere, bases in the Western Pacific, and essential military lines of 

communication; and an inadequate measure of protection to vital 

military bases in the United Kingdom and in the Near and Middle 

East. We will have the capability of conducting powerful offensive 

air operations against vital elements of the Soviet war-making 

capacity.133 

Unfortunately, the paper went on to explain, continuation of present 

policies would lead to deterioration of the American position: “From the 

military point of view, the actual and potential capabilities of the United 

13‘ Rearden, Formative Years, pp 522-526; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 4-9; 

Paul H. Nitze, with Ann M. Smith & Steven L. Rearden. From Hiroshima to 

Glasnost: At the Center of Decision-A Memoir (NY: Grove Weidenfeld, 19891, pp 

87-99, 

13’A Report to the President Pursuant to the Presidential Directive of 

January 31, 1950, Apr 7, 1950, encl to note, J. S. Lay, Jr, Exec Sec NSC, to NSC, 

NSC-68, Apr 14, 1950, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, pp 239-244, 249-252,287. 

133 Ibid., p 262. 

327 
Strategic Air Force 

States . . . will become less and less effective as a war deterrent.” A major 

Soviet atomic attack would even prevent U.S. forces from mobilizing and 

recovering lost ground.’34 

Nitze and the other drafters of the report agreed that there were four 

possible courses of action: preventive war, continuing on the present 

course, isolation, and “a Rapid Build-up of Political, Economic, and 

Military Strength in the Free World.” The first was deemed unacceptable. 

Besides being risky, preventive war would be repugnant to many Americans. Following the current program would lead to the deterioration 

previously described. In the drafters’ view, isolation meant abandoning 

allies, including the inhabitants of the major industrial areas of Europe. 

The argument thus led to a call to strengthen the forces of freedom.13’ 

While NSC-68 considered military aspects in a larger context, it held 

them to be crucial. The free countries had to be able to hold key areas and 

defend the American mobilization base until new strength could be built 

up. The study group maintained that the strategic air offensive was 

important as a means “to destroy vital elements of the Soviet war-making 

capacity and to keep the enemy off balance until the full offensive strength 

of the United States and its allies can be brought to bear.”’36 Defense of 

specific local positions was also needed in order to avoid “the dilemma of 

reacting totally to a limited extension of Soviet control or of not reacting at 

all (except with ineffectual protests and half measures).”137 

NSC-68 did not contain any specific estimates of costs of the proposed defense buildup. Still, the drafters made two essential points on that 

subject. The added burden to the economy was justified because the 

survival of the free world was at stake. The other statement challenged 

directly the usual economic reasoning that had held budgets down. That is, 

the effects of large increases might be less harmful to the economy than 

had been feared.138 

During the drafting of NSC-68, Secretary of State Acheson had kept 

himself abreast of the work. Defense Secretary Johnson’s involvement, by 

contrast, remained limited. Indeed, at a meeting on March 22, 1950, to 

discuss progress on the report, Johnson said he had not had time to read 

it. He reacted angrily to what he perceived as an attempt to railroad the 

1341bid., p 277. 

13’ Zbid., pp 272, 279-287. 136 Ibid., p 283. 

138 Ibid., pp 286-287. 

13~ Ibid., 278. 

328 
Challenges to Strategy 

paper through, and he then left the meeting. This contributed to the 

extension of Johnson’s and Acheson’s political conflict into a personal one. 

Nonetheless, Truman assured the Secretary of State, the study would 

continue. In the end, when Johnson realized that Pentagon officials were 

perceptibly cheered by the report, he endorsed it. On April 12 Truman 

asked for cost figures for the recommended long-term defense buildup. As 

noted, at the same time Johnson was asking Congress for more money.’39 

Both actions signaled a possible departure from the tight fiscal policies of 

the Truman administration. 

Symington’s was among the welcoming voices: 

The report is strong.. . .We believe that under current world conditions this country has gone too far in disarmament.. . and believe 

this disarmament trend should be reversed immediately.. . . Despite 

the serious and far-reaching consequences of this Report to the 

President, the Air Force respectfully recommends that it be approved and forwarded.. . .14’ 

So far, however, all the discussion had produced little more than a 

potential addition of $300 million for the Air Force. These were difficult 

times. Looking ahead to fiscal 1952, Maj. Gen. Frederic Smith, Director of 

Programs, began outlining plans for a forty-two group force.14’ Lt. Gen. 

Benjamin W. Chidlaw, commanding Air Materiel Command, described the 

aircraft procurement problem as cutting the suit to fit the cloth and having 

to decide “what part of our anatomy we want In the light of 

the increasingly unstable international situation, it is tempting to speculate 

that there was a rising level of anxiety among American leaders. What 

contribution this made to General Fairchild’s death on March 17, 1950, 

following a heart attack, would be hard to say, but Symington said 

Fairchild had “literally worked himself to death.”’43 

139 Rearden, Formative Years, pp 525-527. 

Memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. A. Johnson, Sec Def, Apr 6, 1950, 140 

Symin ton Papers, Corres Files 1946-1950, Johnson, Louis, Box 6, HSTL. 

Tentative 42 Group Program for FY 1952, Apr 5, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Budget 

1949ii950, BOX 41, MD, LC. 

Briefing, AMC Presentation on Materiel Deficiencies, Dec 30, 1949, LeMay 

Coll,lgfficial Docs, Misc, Box B105, MD, LC. 

New York Times, Mar 18, 1950, p 13; memo, W. S. Symington, Sec AF, to L. 

A. Johnson, Sec Def, Mar 22, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Sec of AF, 1950, Box 61, 

MD, LC. Symington was arguing for more senior general officer authorizations for 

the Air Force. 

l4 T Memo, Maj Gen F. H. Smith, Asst for Prog, DCS/Ops, to CSAF, subj: 

329 
Strategic Air Force 

The Air Force Secretary himself had decided that prospects for real 

rearmament were not encouraging. In addition, for a man of Symington’s 

ambition, following the 1949 amendments to the National Security Act, a 

post in which he was no longer a statutory member of the National 

Security Council and yet subordinate to Louis Johnson was not one to stay 

in. Early in 1950, he told Truman he did not wish to remain responsible for 

the condition of the Air Force, which he considered inadequate to its 

mission. In April he resigned to become Chairman of the National Security 

Resources Board. There his familiarity with business and with industrial 

mobilization could be put to good use, independent of the Secretary of 

Defense, and he would gain a seat on the National Security Council. If the 

long-range buildup advocated in NSC-68 were implemented, this would be 

an important position. Meanwhile, Truman named Thomas K. Finletter as 

Symington’s successor. Having chaired the President’s Air Policy Commission, Finletter had served as Chief of the Economic Cooperation Administration mission in London. He took office as Secretary of the Air Force on 

April 24, 1950.’44 

By early 1950 the strategy of deterrence had weathered major challenges. The long-range atomic striking force at the ready now clearly was 

central to national strategy. Challenges had included criticism of the strike 

force because it was not strong enough to achieve decisive results, proposals to divert or weaken the strike in order to support ground forces, attacks 

on the decision to procure the B-36 as the mainstay of the intercontinental force, and charges that the Air Force was neglecting tactical air forces 

or continental defense. The result tended to be a reinforcement of the 

strategic force’s role. Its alleged inadequacy merely highlighted the need 

for more spending to strengthen it. That the Air Force’s ability to accomplish such other missions as support for ground forces and air defense was 

limited, the service was only too ready to admit. The danger posed by 

Soviet atomic weapons merely buttressed the argument for the strike 

force. And the public attacks on the strategy merely confirmed the fact 

that the central role of the strategic air offensive had already been 

decided. Central to the nation’s faith in the strategic air force as a 

deterrent to world war was the knowledge that the resources were being 

ably managed, and that the strategic air offensive, should it fail, would not 

do so for lack of competent effort on the part of the force itself. General 

Symington OHI, pp 60-63; Cole, et al, Department of Defense, pp 84-86. 144 

330 
Challenges to Strategy 

From THE HERBLOCK BOOK (Beacon Press, 1952) 

Political cartoons such as this one by Herblock for the Washington Post on the 

detonation of the first atomic bomb by the Soviet Union in 1949 provided only a 

little comic relief to an American public alarmed by the Cold War and, by 1952, the 

ever intensifying military rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. 
Strategic Air Force 

LeMay’s achievements in this respect insured confidence in the priority 

mission. 

The Strategic Force at the Ready: SAC in 1950 

Recognition of LeMay’s success at SAC was not slow in coming. 

When Lindbergh visited Air Force units in 1949 he singled out SAC for 

special praise, and Vandenberg made a point of passing on his comments 

to L~M~Y.’~~ In administrative matters, LeMay was beginning to enjoy the 

prerogatives of a successful field commander. A draft letter criticizing the 

rates of crime and disciplinary infractions in SAC and instructing LeMay 

to make improvements reached Vandenberg’s desk in March 1950, and the 

Chief of Staff immediately ordered it rewritten to soften the tone.146 About 

the same time, Idwal Edwards, Acting Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations (while Norstad was acting vice chief after Fairchild’s death), vetoed 

an Air Staff plan for upgrading navigator training on the grounds that SAC 

did not need any supervision on matters of crew training.’47 No doubt 

cases of overregulation occurred, but the senior leadership of the Air 

Force recognized a successful command and tried not to interfere. 

In October 1949 LeMay held a bombing competition. For SAC, the 

rules set demanding standards that would involve ground crews and entire 

units, as equipment failures would not excuse poor performance. Bombing 

was to be from 25,000 feet. The results provided the SAC staff with data 

for assessing where the command stood. Curiously, the two winning units 

had both recently re-equipped. The number one crew, from Rapid City, 

flew a new B-36, scoring a visual bombing average error of 441 feet and an 

average error in radar bombing of 1,053 feet. The 93d Bombardment Wing 

at Castle was recognized as the best overall unit. Having recently conLtr, Gen H. s. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Sep 

21, lXt9, Vandenberg Coll, V. Files 1949, Box 32, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Mar 

27, 1950, Vandenburg Coll, SAC (3), Box 45, MD, LC. 

Memo, Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, Actg DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, 

Dir P & 0, Apr 1, 1950, atch to ASSS, Anderson to CCS/Ops, Capabilities of SAC 

Navigators, Mar 27, 1950; ASSS, Maj Gen J. Smith, Dep Dir P & 0, Capabilities of 

Strategic Air Command Navigators, Apr 25, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

P & 0, 211, SAC (Mar 27, 19501, Box 1027, MMB, NA. 

145 

147 

332 
Challenges to Strategy 

verted to B-50s, the wing had to use B-29s because of fuel leaks in its new 

p~anes.’~’ 

As 1950 opened, LeMay was reporting progress and stating urgent 

needs. SAC’S ability to implement the war plan had much improved under 

his leadership. With eighteen atomic assembly teams, an expanding stockpile of weapons, and over two hundred aircraft modified to carry them, the 

United States was well ahead of its position eighteen months before. 

Crews had target materials on hand for about half of the objectives in the 

plan, and for the others LeMay believed reconnaissance would be needed 

just before the offensive anyway, although the weaknesses of the reconnaissance units continued to trouble him.’49 

While the training of crews progressed, SAC did experience shortages. 

Until the school at Houston started graduating air observers in July 1950, 

more specialized crew members were needed for navigator, bombardier, 

and radar positions. Radar repairmen and engine mechanics were also in 

short upp ply."^ 

Improvements in materiel could be expected, but problems with the 

new B-36 still seemed to be defying solution. Late in 1949, serious leaks 

began to develop in fuel tanks. The guns, still totally unsatisfactory, raised 

doubts about the B-36’s chances in a fight. Vandenberg had called on Air 

Materiel Command to mobilize its expertise to get an improved armament 

system into service. With the B-50, engine malfunctions persisted, but 

repairs were finally completed late in the spring of 1950. For the moment 

it appeared that the B-29 engine problem was solved. Despite these 

achievements in major systems, the Air Force was still plagued by shortages of spare parts. Chidlaw and his Air Materiel Command understood 

that the supply system had trouble keeping up with numerous modifications and that many parts had to be diverted to the production line. This 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Oct 

11, 1949, atch to memo, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, Dir P & 0, to CSAF, subj: SAC 

Bombing Competition, Oct 27, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (41, Box 45, MD, LC.) 

Rprt, Materiel Deficiencies Which Limit the Combat Capabilities of the 

Strategic Air Command, Jan 4, 1950, LeMay Coll, Official Docs, Misc, Box B105, 

MD, LC; according to David A. Rosenberg, “U.S. Nuclear Stockpile, 1945 to 

1950,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 38 (May 82), pp 26, 29-30, a study in 

February 1950 asserted that plans calling for the delivery of 292 atomic weapons 

“could be executed” on May 1, 1950. 

See previous note; ltr, Maj Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to Lt Gen C. 

E. LeMay, CG SAC, Apr 28, 1949, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (41, Box 45, MD, LC. 

148 

149 

333 
Strategic Air Force 

would require a painful choice between meeting delivery schedules for new 

aircraft or keeping the existing force flying. Chidlaw also foresaw similar 

difficulties with the B-47. From the point of view of materiel, he felt the 

weak areas were the lack of a service test program for new aircraft and 

insufficient planning for spares.”’ 

Whatever the limitations, and whatever doubts the Weapons Systems 

Evaluation Group might raise about SAC‘s ability to fight its way to the 

targets, LeMay intended to undertake a demonstration of his command’s 

abilities. The exercise he planned had to be postponed for a number of 

reasons. Until the end of the Berlin airlift in September 1949, MATS was 

unavailable to provide the needed airlift. Other delays followed, but finally 

in June 1950, SAC was ready to carry out Exercise BECALM.''^ 

This was to be an exercise of the entire medium bomber force, 

including reconnaissance, tanker, fighter, and transport units. Crews were 

warned ahead of time, but no one on temporary duty was to be called 

home for the exercise. The 301st Bombardment Group, then in England, 

was the only medium unit excused. First, in the deployment phase, each 

unit would load for overseas and fly a long-distance mission, simulating the 

move overseas. Some units would practice air-to-air refueling. The exercise 

was then to conclude with a full-scale simulated atomic bombing mi~si0n.l~~ 

On June 4 at 2224 hours, Central Standard Time, Headquarters 

USAF sent out the message ordering execution of BECALM and establishing June 5 as E-Day (Execution Day).’54 Headquarters SAC set up a 

control room and in little over two hours issued the order to its air forces. 

Eighth Air Force prepared to deploy an advanced echelon. SAC’s major 

units began to move on E + 1, and over the following days 314 of the 395 

bombers on hand launched long-distance missions. An exercise with the 

Atomic Energy Commission gave the atomic wings practice in picking up 

the weapons from storage depots. On E + 6 (June 11) the command flew a 

See previous note; transcript, Conference held January 6, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Files 1950 (3), Box 33; briefing, AMC Presentation on Materiel Deficiencies, Dec 30, 1949, LeMay Coll, Official Docs, Misc, Box B105, both in MD, 

LC; rprt, Summary of Deficiencies Which Impair the Execution of the SAC 

Emergency War Plan, Apr 1, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC 

(Marlz3, 19491, Sect 2, Box 1028, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Oct 

4, 1949, atch to Itr, Vandenberg to LeMay, Nov 8, 1949, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 1949), Box 1027, MMB, NA. 

153 Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol 11, Chap 7. 

Is4Zbid.; msg, Hq USAF/OOP-C to CG SAC, CG CONAC, Cmdr MATS, et 

al, 0504252 Jun 50, subj: Execution Order for SAC OPSORD 15-50; msg, CG 

SAC to Hq USAF, AFSWP, et al, 0505052 Jun 50, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 1949), Sect 2, Box 1028, MMB, NA. 

334 
Challenges to Strategy 

concerted attack against sites representing groups of targets in the Soviet 

Union. Sixty aircraft simulated atomic sorties, while 104 other bombers 

flew as decoys or jammers, and 19 reconnaissance planes and 22 tankers 

provided specialized support. The report of Exercise BECALM estimated 

that 58 bombers struck their targets, an impressive a~hievement.'~~ 

Although the exercise did not test the bases overseas or the staging 

fields, and MATS did not exercise its entire plan, BECALM appeared to be 

a success overall. The SAC staff believed that the command had shown its 

ability to launch the atomic attack as planned, while nonatomic units had 

also proved their effectiveness. For the future, they could envision increasing the scale of the attack. Though the weary crewmen at Biggs, Castle, 

March, and Spokane did not know it, in less than a month they would be 

loading out again, and the ones at March and Spokane would not be 

bombing for practice.'56 

Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, Vol 11, Chap 7. 

Ibid.; msg, CG SAC to CSAF, 1223002 Jun 50, subj: SAC-MATS Mobility 

Test, Flash Report, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 1949), 

Sect 2, Box 1028, MMB, NA. 

156 

335 

Part 111 

Expansion of the Strategic Force 

1950-1 953 

Chapter IX 

Limited War, Atomic Plenty, and 

Rearmament 

unday, June 25, 1950, was an important day for the U.S. Air Force. S The first Boeing B-47A, intended as the initial production model of 

the Stratojet, completed its first flight. Meanwhile the newspapers 

and radio offered the usual catalogue of misfortune; the lead story was the 

crash of an airliner in Lake Michigan with heavy loss of life, and there 

were reports of armed clashes in a country called Korea. As the day went 

on, it became clear to those who followed foreign news that the hostilities 

were not mere repetitions of the frequent incidents on the border between 

North and South Korea. In point of fact, the forces of the communist 

North Korean regime had launched an all-out offensive against the United 

Nations-backed, pro-American Republic of Korea to the south. Accordingly, late Sunday the Security Council of the United Nations called upon 

the North Koreans to cease and desist. 

The three-year conflict that erupted that day on the 38th parallel was 

in its roots a Korean civil war, in which the People’s Democratic Republic 

of Korea, headed by Kim 11-Sung, attempted to unify the peninsula by 

force. It also marked a major East-West confrontation, raising fears of 

general war between the United States and the Soviet Union. While the 

North Koreans achieved surprise (evidence suggests that even the Soviets 

were surprised by the timing, although not by the attack itself), key 

American observers had been expecting a communist move somewhere in 

the world for months.* 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 108-109; Glenn D. Paige, The Korean Decision, June 

24-3?, 1950 (NY: Free Press, 1968), pp 108, 145-147. 

Steven L. Rearden, Re Evolution of American Strategic Doctrine: Paul H. 

Nitze and the Soviet Challenge [SAIS Papers, No.41 (Boulder, Colo: Westview, 19841, 

pp 27-28; Paige, Korean Decision, pp 116-121. 

1 

339 
Strategic Air Force 

The apparent failure of the United States to deter local aggression in 

Korea seemed for a time to presage a much larger failure of the policy of 

deterrence. In the unstable situation brought on by the war, the preservation and expansion of the strategic air force became more crucial than 

ever to national policy. Even with the decision to keep the war in the Far 

East limited, it proved necessary to deploy some of SAC’S conventional 

B-29s. The policy of limited war was itself partly motivated by the desire 

to maintain the Air Force’s ability to deter general war. 

Besides the Korean war, another factor influencing the expansion of 

strategic forces was the predicted onset of an age of atomic plenty. This 

led to speculation concerning the availability of various weapon types as an 

alternative to reliance on strategic bombardment. The ensuing debate 

became a recurring theme in disputes among the armed services as to the 

importance of the strategic air offensive in defense planning. 

In ordering a partial mobilization for Korea, the Truman administration intended to expand SAC as well as other forces. This challenge to the 

command affected all aspects of its operational activities. At the same 

time, SAC faced the broader issues of organization and the threat of 

Soviet atomic capabilities. Coping with all these pressures, the command 

asserted its dominance in the U.S. defense establishment, a destiny confirmed in the national budget by the end of 1951. 

Deterrence at Risk 

The global implications of the Korean war were evident from the 

outset. Not only did Kim’s regime bear all the earmarks of a Soviet 

satellite with a Soviet-trained army, but the attack probably had at least 

Stalin’s tacit approval. In the anxious atmosphere of the time, observers in 

the West were inclined to assume that the Soviet leader had ordered it 

directly. Given the American role in establishing Korea’s southern regime 

in 1948 and its assistance to the Republic’s armed forces, as well as the 

involvement of the United Nations, from the first there was strong pressure for the Truman administration to react. 

Robert F. Futrell, The United States Air Force in Korea, 1950-1953, rev ed 

(Washington: AFCHO, 19831, pp 14-20; Nikita S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers, ed by Edward Crankshaw (Boston: Little, Brown, 19701, pp 367-368. See 

also Robert R. Simmons, i”he Strained Alliance; Peking, P’yongyang, Moscow, and the 

Politics of the Korean Civil War (NY: Free Press, 1975) for an interesting thesis 

about the outbreak of the war. For a survey of the most recent literature on the 

Korean war, see Michael Schaller, “US Policy in the Korean War,” International 

Security 11 (Winter 86-87), pp 162-166. 

340 
War and Rearmament 

When Secretary Finletter arrived in Washington from his vacation 

home at Bar Harbor, Maine, early on June 25, he joined a number of 

weekending officials congregating on the capital. Attention focused on 

Korea, but over the next few days the State Department raised the 

prospect of another incident in Germany, Yugoslavia, or Iran. Should any 

incident lead to general war, the allies had only ten divisions on the 

continent in Western Europe, facing at least twenty Soviet divisions in 

East Germany alone. French forces were committed in Indochina and the 

British in Malaya.4 

On the other hand, perhaps the Soviets realized the risk of more 

serious provocations. Brig. Gen. Richard C. Lindsay, USAF, the Deputy 

Director for Strategic Plans of the Joint Staff, argued that the Soviets 

would not initiate a general war without major attacks on NATO forces 

and the continental United States. Since they were probably not yet strong 

enough to attack the United States, such a widening of the war seemed 

unlikely. In fact Moscow’s note on of June 29 on Korea, while blaming the 

South for the war, made no threats5 On July 1 the National Security 

Council staff concluded that the Soviet goal in Korea was to embarrass the 

United States, either by liquidating an American client or by tying down 

the forces sent to save it. While the Chinese communists might take 

action, the Soviets’ intent appeared to be to divert and distract, not to 

attack directly. 

Consequently, as the North Koreans captured Seoul, the southern 

capital, on June 28 and swept southward, the risk of sending US. troops to 

salvage the situation did not seem excessive. The initial decision to 

intervene with air and naval units proving insufficient to stop the invaders, 

Truman ordered the deployment of American ground forces. 

Even as the first units arrived in the peninsula on July 1, the Truman 

administration could not ignore the broader implications of the Soviet 

threat in the light of the move on Korea. Symington, the Chairman of the 

National Security Resources Board, persuaded the National Security 

Paige, Korean Decision, p 109; memo, NSC Consultants Meeting, Jun 29, 

’Memo, NSC Consultants Meeting, Jun 29, 1950, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, 

Draft rprt, NSC-73, The Position and Actions of the United States With 

Respect to Possible Further Soviet Moves in the Light of the Korean Situation, Jul 

1, 1990, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, pp 332-333. 

Roy E. Appleman, South to the Naktong, North to the Yalu (June-November 

1950) [The United States Army in the Korean War] (Washington: GPO, 19611, 

pp 30-35; Paige, Korean Decision, pp 143, 174-176, 214-216, 253-261. 

1950, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, pp 327-330. 

pp 357-330. 

34 1 
Strategic Air Force 

Council to discuss the possibility of at least a partial mobilization.’ 

NSC-68 contained a program for a military buildup, and one of the State 

Department officials who had worked with Nitze on that paper, Charles E. 

Bohlen, urged that the government: 

Initiate measures to bring about a rapid build-up of the United 

States military position both in manpower and in production in 

order to place us as speedily as possible in a military situation 

commensurate with the present state of international affairs. lo 

Bohlen outlined several diplomatic and military objectives, among them 

improving the state of defense, deterring potential enemies, offsetting any 

loss of prestige resulting from Korea, and encouraging friends. l1 

While discounting the risk of general war, the administration realized 

that the only ready force available as a hedge against that risk was the 

Strategic Air Command. The Air Force was already drawing on SAC forces 

to bolster readiness in the Far East, and on July 7 the joint chiefs formally 

recommended the deployment of bomber and fighter units to the United 

Kingdom, “[iln light of the international situation . . . and in order to 

improve our immediate military posture.” l2 

Within hours Headquarters USAF had notified SAC to ready two 

B-29 groups for England.13 With the 301st Bombardment Group on 

normal rotation at Lakenheath, this action would triple the medium 

bomber force in the country. Vandenberg sent word of the order to Maj. 

Gen. Leon W. Johnson, Commander of the 3d Air Division in the United 

Kingdom. By this time it was Saturday, July 8, and when Johnson realized 

that British approval of the deployment of the two bomber groups would 

not be a matter of routine, he knew he faced a diplomatic challenge. Even 

the Chief of Air Staff, Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir John Slessor, 

needed higher authorization before agreeing to accept the two groups. l4 

‘Statement, W. S. Symington, Chmn NSRB, to NSC, Jul 6, 1950, in FRUS, 

:p pp 327-329. 

”Rprt, JSSC to JCS, Record of Actions Taken by the Joint Chiefs of Staff 

Relative to the United Nations Operations in Korea from Jun 25, 1950 to April 11, 

1951, Apr 27, 1951, p 20, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 333.5 (May 17, 1951), 

MMB, NA. Hereafter referred to as Record of Actions. 

l3 Hq SAC Command Section Journal, Jul 8-10, 1950, in SAC/HO. 

I4Burk, USAF in UK, pp 26-27; Johnson OH1 (with Hasdorff), p 155, in 

AFHRC; msg, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, Actg 

VCSAF, 1013402 Jul 50, Vandenberg Coll, Jul 1950 (11, Box 86, MD, LC. 

1950, Vol I, pp 338-341 & 33811. 

Memo, C. E. Bohlen, Jul 13, 1950, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, p 343. 

Ibid. 

342 
War and Rearmament 

Thomas K. Finletter, second Sec. 

retary of the Air Force. 

Complicating matters further was LeMay's request that certain nonnuclear components of atomic weapons accompany the units. These were 

the casings of the bombs, with the high explosives and wiring, but without 

the fissionable core. The SAC Commander argued that this would speed 

up operations in the event of war and economize on airlift, now at a 

premium with so many transports committed to the Far East. Is Here was a 

sensitive matter for the American commander to clear with the British 

authorities. 

Johnson succeeded in obtaining Air Ministry approval and even 

discussed the matter with Churchill, leader of the opposition. Accompanying Ambassador Lewis Douglas, Johnson called Prime Minister Clement 

R. Attlee out of a cabinet meeting on Monday morning to obtain his 

approval. Despite his concern that the show of strength might provoke a 

Soviet reaction, Attlee agreed to the move. British Chief of Air Staff 

Slessor insisted that no official statements link the bomber deployment to 

the war in Korea. I' 

At the same time, Vandenberg was consulting with Army Chief of 

Staff J. Lawton Collins and the Chief of Naval Operations, Adm. Forrest 

Msg, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

Redline 0813002 Jul 50, in SAC/HO. 

Johnson OHI, pp 157-158; Burk, USAF in UK, p 22; msg, CG 3 AD to Lt 

Gen L. Norstad, Actg VCSAF, 1013402 Jul 50; msg, Norstad to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, Jul 9, 1950; msg, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, to Norstad, 

1014402 Jul 50, all in Vandenberg Coll, Jul 1950 (l), Box 86, MD, LC. 

15 

I6 

343 
Strategic Air Force 

P. Sherman, and on Monday, July 10, the joint chiefs gave their formal 

approval to the shipment of the atomic bomb casings. The same day the 

Atomic Energy Commission agreed to transfer custody of the casings, and 

on the eleventh President Truman gave his approval. l7 Official news 

releases linked the bomber movements to routine training, and crews were 

briefed on the importance of security. The British had objected to plans 

that would have virtually quarantined the crews, arguing that this would 

merely increase the chance of public attention. 

The two units alerted for England were the 93d Bomb Wing at Castle 

and the 97th at Biggs, both equipped with B-29s. Individual squadrons 

deployed during the period July 15 to 20, the 93d reforming at Mildenhall 

and the 97th at Sculthorpe. Meanwhile, the Tactical Air Command’s 20th 

Fighter Group moved to Manston. The vulnerability of the bomber groups 

concentrated at Mildenhall, Sculthorpe, and Lakenheath concerned LeMay 

because they were vulnerable to air attack. British air defenses offered no 

protection against night attack, while the radar system could not be 

operated around the clock without mobilization, which the British were 

unwilling to order. l9 

W. Barton Leach, the Harvard law professor and air reservist, confirmed the vulnerability of the bases in East Anglia during a trip in July. 

He also observed that the units from the States had arrived with a sense of 

urgency, heightened by their having to subsist for the first week on canned 

rations. Thus, the airmen felt a letdown when they discovered that their 

British hosts were conducting business as usual. Vandenberg rejected 

LeMay’s implication that the allies be pressured into mobilizing their air 

defense. Despite their disagreements, both parties recognized the risk 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, Actg VCSAF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

Jul 9, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, July 1950 (l), Box 86, MD, LC; Hewlett & Duncan, 

Atomic Shield, pp 521-522. See also Roger Dingman, “Atomic Diplomacy During 

the Korean War,” International Security 13 (Winter 88-89), p 63; according to 

Dingman, casings were also sent to Guam at about this time. See also Poole, JCS, 

1950-1952, pp 153-154; R & R Sheet, Col Putnam, Psychological Warfare Div, Dir 

P1, to Pol Div, Dir P1, Crash Deployment of SAC Units, Jul 18, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0, 686 SAC (Jul 18, 19501, Box 1030, MMB, NA. 

l8 SAC Cmd Sect Journal, Jul 10 & 12, 1950, in SAC/HO; msg, Lt Gen L. 

Norstad, Actg VCSAF, to Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, Jul 12, 1950, 

Vancfgenberg Coll, July 1950 (l), Box 86, MD, LC. 

Burk, USAF in UK, pp 22-23; msg, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Maj 

Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, Aug 9, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Aug 1950 (21, Box 

86; msg, Johnson to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 0612092 Sep 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Sep 1950 (31, Box 86, both in MD, LC. 

17 

344 
War and Rearmament 

involved in having over a third of America’s atomic strike force concentrated on three fields near the North Sea.*’ 

Though Air Ministry was fully cooperative about providing fields for 

dispersal, it also took the threat of sabotage seriously and required security 

guards at the fields. Johnson accommodated his hosts by obtaining some 

security units from the States to supplement the British effort. Ironically, 

the only act of “sabotage” involved the slashing of B-29 tires with 

bayonets by two drunken British soldiers with no political motive, only 

pique at their sergeant. However, lax security allowed a London reporter 

to walk onto the hardstand unchallenged, and he reported the incident in 

the Dairy Express.” 

By the end of August the British had provided another six airfields for 

dispersal of aircraft in an emergency. Paratroops had replaced the unit 

involved in the tire-slashing, and Air Chief Marshal Sir George Pirie 

informed Vandenberg that fencing would soon be available, and “In 

meantime heaven help the next reporter who tries to get near one of these 

aircraft.” As a further precaution against air attack, Johnson experimented 

with smoke generators, camouflage, and dummy bases and planes. He also 

recommended that the United States send an F-86 wing to reinforce the 

RAF.22 

As part of the American effort to keep the fighting limited to Korea, 

the deployment of strategic forces to Europe was intended to deter Soviet 

actions to expand the war. The joint chiefs, however, also envisioned the 

Ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, Dep CG 8 AF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

Aug 15, 1950, with atch ltr, Col D. Flickinger, Hq 3 AD, to Old, Aug 7, 1950, 

LeMay Coll, Old (8th AF & 7th AD), Box B57; msg, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

to LeMay, Redline, Aug 9, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Messages, Aug 50 (21, Box 86, 

both in MD, LC; Burk, USAF in UK, p 22; ltr, Maj. Gen. L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, 

to Vandenberg, Oct 2, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 330.1 (Sep 7, 19501, 

Case 6, 3 AD, Box 163, MMB, NA; encl, Preliminary Memorandum, Vulnerability 

of SAC Bases in the UK and Outline of Defensive Measures Taken, Planned, and 

Feasible, Aug 7, 1950, to memo, Brig Gen W. B. Leach, Spec Asst to Sec AF, to 

LeMay, Aug 10, 1950, in SAC/HO. 

21 Msg, CG SAC to CSAF, DIA9533, 2622462 Jul 50; msg, Maj Gen L. W. 

Johnson, CG 3 AD, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, Actg VCSAF, 2718052 Jul 50, both in 

Vandenberg Coll, Jul 1950 (l), Box 86, MD, LC; msg, Johnson to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, 0612092 Sep 50; msg, Johnson to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

& Lt$lay, 1417252 Sep 1950, Vandenberg Coll, Sep 1950 (31, Box 86, MD, LC. 

Ltr, ACM G. Pirie to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Sep 15, 1950, 

Vandenberg Coll, Classified, Box 53; msg, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, to Lt 

Gen L. Norstad, Actg VCSAF, 2718052 Jul 50, Vandenberg Coll, Jul 1950 (11, Box 

86, both in MD, LC; Burk, USAF in UK, p 22; end, Preliminary Memorandum, 

Vulnerability of SAC Bases in the UK and Outline of Defensive Measures Taken, 

Planned, and Feasible, Aug 7, 1950, to memo, Brig Gen W. B. Leach, Spec Asst to 

Sec AF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Aug 10, 1950, in SAC/HO. 

20 

345 
Strategic Air Force 

possibility that deterrence might fail. On July 8, while the England-bound 

groups were being alerted, the JCS recommended a course of action 

should the Soviets intervene in Korea. Plans called for the United States to 

pull all of its troops off the peninsula, begin mobilization, and execute the 

emergency war plan. 23 In short, direct Soviet involvement would prompt 

general war. 

It was precisely the worldwide peril that encouraged US. leaders to 

attempt to limit the scope of the Korean War. Still, with forces being sent 

to the Far East to reinforce General of the Army Douglas MacArthur’s 

United Nations Command, SAC was not exempt from the pressure to 

deplete America’s strategic reserve for a local conflict. With a number of 

nonatomic B-29 units, the command had a well-trained conventional force 

usable in Korea. On July 3 Vandenberg alerted the 22d Bomb Wing at 

March and the 92d at Fairchild to prepare their combat groups for 

deployment. On the Sth, Headquarters Far East Air Forces organized 

FEAF Bomber Command to incorporate these two units with the theater’s 

own Bomb Group, the 19th. Headquarters Air Force assigned Maj. Gen. 

Emmett O’Donnell, Jr., then commanding Fifteenth Air Force, to take 

over the new organization. 24 

On July 13, 1950, ten days after the alert, the 22d Bomb Group was in 

place at Kadena Air Base, Okinawa, and the 92d at Yokota, Japan, both 

ready to fly their first combat mission. The American ground forces 

already on hand in Korea were still too weak to do more than slow the 

enemy’s advance. MacArthur needed a maximum air effort to support the 

sagging front line and interdict the advance of the North Koreans. Accordingly, FEAF Bomber Command flew a variety of missions. The first was 

directed against the railroad yards and oil refineries at Wonsan. That night 

O’Donnell learned of an emergency at the front, and so on the 14th 

B-29s7 directed by controllers in the Fifth Air Force, hit strictly tactical 

targets.25 Thus, in the first two days of bombing, the group’s missions 

illustrated the nature of their work over the next three years, against 

targets of every kind. 

At the same time, Headquarters, SAC, had begun to review North 

Korean industrial targets, drawing on material collected when they were 

Japanese industrial targets. To be sure, the real production base of the 

North Korean war machine was in Soviet territory and thus inviolate under 

the policy of limited war. Still, SAC planners concluded that incendiary 

attacks on the North Korean strategic targets could weaken the aggressor’s 

23 Record of Actions, p 20. 

24 Futrell, Korea, pp 46-47. 

Ibid., pp 91-92. 25 

346 
War and Rearmament 

warmaking capacity and deprive the Soviet Union of a source of manufactured goods. O’Donnell accordingly recommended a campaign against 

these facilities. Although the joint chiefs rejected the technique of firebombing, on July 31 they approved the targets and authorized the deployment of two more B-29 groups. 26 Accordingly, SAC alerted the 98th Bomb 

Wing at Fairchild and the 307th at MacDill. By August 7 the 98th had a 

group in position to launch a mission from Yokota, and the 307th at 

Kadena flew its first attack the next day. For nearly two months, while busy 

with other types of targets, the FEAF Bomber Command struck at North 

Korean industry. Meeting virtually no opposition, the B-29s made short 

work of the plants, reducing them to rubble.” Meanwhile, hammered by 

superior American air power, the North Koreans proved unable to break 

the Pusan perimeter during August 1950. Likewise, they proved no match 

for the counteroffensive MacArthur opened on September 15. By the time 

the United Nations forces approached the 38th parallel and prepared to 

enter North Korea, the strategic campaign had come to an end. The 22d 

and 92d Bomb Groups returned home, leaving FEAF with three medium 

bomber groups. 28 

In order to prevent an expansion of fighting, the Truman administration essentially improvised a concept of limited war. Though this policy 

met considerable resistance, the free world’s overall military weakness 

forced decision makers to conserve the critical elements of strength in the 

hope of deterring the Soviet Union from more serious action. Defense 

Secretary Johnson did raise the possibility of conducting a preventive war, 

but he did recognize the need to prepare the public for such a step. The 

administration, however, rejected any open discussion of an American first 

strike, and when Secretary of the Navy Matthews overstepped these 

bounds in a speech on August 25, Truman made him retract his 

statement. 29 

Maj. Gen. Orvil A. Anderson, Commandant of the Air War College, 

had frequently discussed the case for preventive war. With singularly poor 

timing, he gave an interview to a reporter for the Montgomery Advertiser 

late in August, just when Matthews’s speech was in the press and bad news 

from Korea was harming public morale. Apparently misunderstanding the 

ground rules for the interview, Anderson stated his views. He argued that 

since the American lead in atomic weapons was ephemeral, the potential 

Ibid., pp 183-187. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 22-23; Futrell, Korea, 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Deuelopment of SAC, p 23; Futrell, Korea, pp 157-175. 

26 

27 

pp 1zr198. 

29 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 74-75; Futrell, Ideas, p 148. 

347 
Strategic Air Force 

Maj. Gen. Emmett O’Donnell, 

Commander, Fifteenth Air Force, at 

the outbreak of the conflict in Korea, 

was assigned to build and lead FEAF’s 

new Bomber Command in Yokota, 

Japan. 

Soviet threat should be dealt with sooner rather than later. He could 

identify “Russia’s five A-bomb nests,” and believed they could be attacked. 

For Anderson, the situation required a direct response: “[Tlo assume that 

Russia won’t use their A-bombs if we sit by and watch them build them is a 

dangerous assumption.” In light of Truman’s displeasure, Vandenberg had 

no alternative but to relieve Anderson from the War College on September l.30 

Another casualty of the uncertain times was Secretary Johnson himself. Identified with the stringent budgets of the recent past, he was 

vulnerable to any criticism of the state of preparedness of U.S. forces as 

well as the larger questions of national strategy. Accordingly, Truman 

asked the secretary for his resignation, which was submitted on September 

12. To succeed him, the President recalled General Marshall to serve once 

more. Marshall’s deputy secretary would be Robert A. Lovett, who had 

served with the Royal Naval Air Service long-range force in 1918 and as 

Assistant Secretary of War for Air during the Second World War. Few 

could match Lovett’s experience in mobilization for an air war.3’ 

Unofficial criticism of the administration’s strategy of limited war 

continued, however, even when the news from Korea improved. Editors of 

3oNew York Times, Sep 2, 1950, p 1. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 74-75. Johnson’s departure continued a longstanding practice in which Presidents usually sought a new Secretary of War early 

in a wartime mobilization. Richard H. Kohn, Eagle and Sword: The Federalists and 

the Creation of the Military Establishment in America, 1783-1802 (NY: Free Press, 

1975), p 243. 

31 

348 
War and Rearmament 

the magazine Air Force, for instance, agreed that General Anderson’s 

remarks were inappropriate, but only because of the timing and his official 

position. The Soviet threat was too serious, an editorial argued, to ignore 

the possibility that Anderson was right.32 

On November 1 American aircraft in Korea encountered communist 

MiG-15 jet-propelled sweptwing fighters. MacArthur remained optimistic 

that the fighting was nearly over. Then on November 26 the Chinese struck 

in force, and one of the worst disasters in American military history began 

to unfold. Those forces unable to retreat were surrounded and had to fight 

their way out with heavy loss. By the end of the year North Korea was 

again in communist hands and the chance of stabilizing the front did not 

appear great. 33 

The end of November 1950 until about May of 1951 was a critical 

period. American leaders could no longer dismiss the possibility of general 

war between the West and the Soviet Union. If the United Nations forces 

were driven out of Korea altogether, the blow to US. prestige would 

create an extremely dangerous situation. In order to retain a foothold, 

MacArthur argued at first, it would be necessary to take action directly 

against mainland China. On December 6, 1950, the joint chiefs advised 

commanders to look at their war plans. A series of most unattractive 

options seemed to face U.S. decision makers. 34 

The atmosphere of danger was keenly felt in Europe. When Truman 

revealed in a news conference on November 30, 1950, that the atomic 

bomb was always under “active consideration” for use in Korea, the 

publicity prompted a strong international reaction. The White House 

issued an immediate “clarification” that the President had not authorized 

the use of atomic weapons. Still, Prime Minister Attlee flew at once to 

Washington to confer with Truman. A joint communique followed, promising consultation between the British and Americans before any decision to 

use atomic weapons. 35 

The growing anxiety among European nations was evident at the 

NATO meeting on December 18-19 in Brussels. Overcoming their usual 

32 Editorial, Air Force, Oct 50, p 5. 

Futrell, Korea, pp 157-168, 214-237. Recent evidence indicates that there 

were, indeed, Soviet aircraft engaged. 

34 Record of Actions, p 91; Public Papers: Truman, 1950, pp 746-747; Dean 

Acheson, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (NY: W. W. 

Norton, 1969), pp 485-488; James F. Schnabel & Robert J. Watson, The History of 

the Joint Chiefs of Stafj? The Joint Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, Vol 111: The 

Korean War, Pt I (Washington: Historical Division, JCS, 1978), pp 394-406; Futrell, 

Korea, p 241. 

33 

35 Public Papers: Truman, 1950, p 727; Futrell, Ideas, p 150. 

349 
Strategic Air Force 

differences, the representatives agreed to accept the American terms for 

strengthening Europe’s defenses against a land attack. These included 

establishing an American supreme allied commander, Europe (SACEUR), 

a position to which Truman named General Eisenhower on December 19. 

The assignment of American ground troops and tactical air forces to 

Europe would soon follow. 36 

As the news from the Far East grew more discouraging, Truman faced 

tremendous pressure to prepare for the worst. Symington submitted a 

report to the National Security Council in January recommending forceful 

action. He proposed evacuating Korea, attacking the Chinese mainland, 

and making an explicit atomic threat against the Soviets. 

Atomic bombing by itself cannot win a war against Soviet Russia, 

but today it is the most powerful military weapon. In this world of 

power politics, therefore it should be further utilized in political 

negotiation. 37 

Symington also called for a more rapid mobilization, focusing heavily on 

air power.38 He addressed a memorandum to the President, in which he 

condemned containment as a failure. Truman apparently confined his 

response to recording a visceral reaction in the margins of his copy of the 

memorandum. Words such as “bunk!” were inscribed frequently, and at 

the end he annotated: “[as] big a lot of Top Secret malarkey [sic] as I’ve 

ever read.” 39 The President’s considered, more restrained, reaction can be 

seen in the policy he chose to pursue. 

The public controversy centered on what action to take toward China. 

MacArthur especially wanted to attack Chinese supply lines and airfields 

in Manchuria, but he also favored operations directly against the centers 

of the communists’ power in East Asia. The joint chiefs discussed possible 

actions, but showed a strong reluctance to consider strategic air operation~.~~ As for a major war with China, Bradley later described such a 

development as “the wrong war, at the wrong place, at the wrong time, and 

with the wrong enemy.” 41 

36 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 213-220. 

Rprt, Chmn NSRB to NSC, Recommended Policies and Actions in Light of 

Zbid., pp 7-18. 

39 Memo, W. S. Symington, Chmn NSRB, to President, subj: Current History 

37 

the Grave World Situation, Jan 11, 1951, in FRUS, 1951, Vol I, p 12. 

of National Planning Policy, n.d., in FRUS, 1951, Vol I, pp 21-33 & 33n. 

38 

Schnabel & R. Watson, JCS: Korean War, pp 394-406, 417-421. 

Zbid., p 542. 

40 

41 

350 
On Target. Marshalling yards, abooe, in the Kaenson-Chunchon sector of 

North Korea are visually struck by B-29s of the 92d Bombardment Group, July 

1951. Bombs, below, are loaded onto the hardstands beside waiting B-29s of FEAF 

Bomber Command. 
Strategic Air Force 

In the end, the United States gambled on its ability to hold the line in 

Korea. By the end of February the United Nations forces had stopped the 

communist advance, and a counteroffensive in March brought the front to 

the vicinity of the 38th parallel. Reports of an impending communist 

offensive included accounts of Chinese or Soviet forces massing in 

Manchuria. Truman warned congressional leaders that the United States 

might widen the war if necessary and authorized transfer of some complete 

atomic weapons to military custody. Over the next few months, the front in 

Korea held. 42 

The public controversy over strategy embroiled military men. O’Donnell had favored hitting the bases in Manchuria, and when he returned 

from the Far East in January 1951 to resume command of Fifteenth Air 

Force he was misquoted on the matter in the press.43 More significant, of 

course, was MacArthur’s outspoken disagreement with the administration’s 

decision not to attack Manchuria. His direct challenge to Truman’s policies finally led to his relief on April 11, 1951, and to congressional hearings 

in which the administration and the joint chiefs stated their case. 44 

The period of crisis that subsided in May and June 1951 finally led the 

administration to seek a negotiated settlement of the war. Talks between 

the opposing military commands in Korea began on July 8, ushering in a 

two-year period of negotiating and fighting.45 This situation, as well as the 

strategy of limited war, gave rise to exacerbated criticism of Truman’s 

policy. The public controversy in turn damaged the standing of the Democratic administration as the election year of 1952 drew near. 

In supporting the decision to keep the Korean War limited, Vandenberg repeatedly argued that the Air Force simply could not fight an 

expanded war in the Far East and still have forces available in the event of 

a general war. The nation could not afford to expend its limited stock of 

atomic weapons in Korea or China. Nonetheless, the Chief of Staff 

acknowledged the frustrations involved, telling the British and French 

military chiefs that “. . . there must be a limit as to how far we can extend 

this fighting against satellites.” 46 

42 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 152 & 152n. 

44 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 152 & 152n; Schnabel & R. Watson, JCS: Korean 

New York Times, Jan 19, 1951, p I. 43 

War, p 542-558. 

the &$?an War] (Washington: GPO, 1966), pp 20-21 &passim. 

Notes, Sec JCS, US-UK-French Chiefs of Staff Talks, Jan 11, 1952, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361, Sect 6, Am (Aug 16,19501, Box 142, MMB, NA. 

D Walter G. Hermes, Truce Tent and Fighting Front [The United States Army in 

352 
War and Rearmament 

Rearmament Begins 

Secretary of Defense Marshall and Deputy Secretary Lovett began 

their terms of office as MacArthur was launching his offensive in September 1950. The two officials took charge of the short-term rearmament 

program that had been initiated after alarming news from the Korean 

front. However, the blueprint for the expansion, NSC-68, argued that the 

need for military strength was continuous. President Truman had requested that Congress add nearly $12 billion to the $13 billion already 

budgeted for fiscal 1951, and this proposal was faring well. The legislators 

had also removed all manpower ceilings for the armed forces. The President had approved specific increases, including 10 more wings for the Air 

Force by June 1951. Reserve forces were starting to go on active duty, and 

planners in the services were considering long-term increases that would 

entail a partial mobilization. The Air Force alone was asking for an 

increase to 130 wings. 47 

The President had made his first request for a supplemental appropriation for fiscal year 1951 on July 24. At that time the war was still being 

financed under continuing resolution. (Congress adopted the 1951 regular 

appropriation only on August 24, already aware that it would be superseded).48 In presenting his case to Congress, Truman explained his rationale for the increases as well as for further programs he intended to 

propose: 

First, we need to send more men, equipment, and supplies to 

General MacArthur. 

Second, in view of the world situation, we need to build up our own 

Army, Navy, and Air Force over and above what is needed in 

Korea. 

Third, we need to speed up our work with other countries in 

strengthening our common defenses. 49 

These three goals-sustaining the fighting forces, general rearmament, 

and aid to allies-would remain the focus of Truman’s defense policy for 

the rest of his presidency. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 38-57; Rearden, Formatiue Years, p 382. 

Rearden, Formative Years, p 382, Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 46. 

Radio and Television Address to the American People on the Situation in 

47 

48 

49 

Korea, Jul 19, 1950, in Public Papers: Truman, 1950, p 540. 

353 
Strategic Air Force 

Although NSC-68 had not been formally approved, it now served as 

the basis for plans for the long-term rearmament under way. The joint 

chiefs were unable to agree on the size of the Air Force in the program 

until late in September 1950, when they recommended a goal of seventy 

wings by June 1951 and ninety-five wings by 1954. However, the sense of 

crisis brought on by the Chinese intervention on the Korean peninsula 

prompted Congress to vote more money than the Defense Department 

was requesting. Supplemental appropriations now pushed the fiscal 195 1 

defense budget to more than $40 billion. The services agreed to accelerate 

the buildup, and the Air Force would have its ninety-five wings two years 

earlier, by June 1952. Thirty-four of the wings would be allocated to the 

strategic force. 50 

Indeed, one rationale for the ninety-five wing program involved the 

proposed size of the strategic force. Calculations showed that twenty-six 

bomber wings were needed in order to drop 330 atomic bombs in fifteen 

days, sustain the anticipated heavy losses, and still have a force in condition to “police” targets where rebuilding might occur, support ground 

forces, and start training the mobilization force. Six of the bomber wings 

would be heavy, equipped with B-36s7 and the other twenty medium wings 

would consist of B-50s and B-47s. Eight reconnaissance wings would be 

divided into four heavy (RB-36) and four medium wings. The remaining 

sixty-one wings represented a considerable buildup in tactical and air 

defense forces, but given the seriousness of the global threat, even these 

resources might prove insufficient. 51 

The Role of Nuclear Weapons 

Even as Defense officials planned a major expansion of the nation’s 

strategic air force, developments in atomic weapons technology also pointed 

to considerable growth in the stockpile and advancements in the means of 

delivery. Yet, the likelihood of atomic plenty and the advent of small 

“tactical” weapons raised controversies. Some strategists hoped that if 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 38-57, 63-64, 66-71; memo, R. A. Lovett, Dep 

Sec Def, to Sec AF, Jan 12, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, Classified, Box 61, MD, LC; 

mins, 75th Mtg NSC, Dec 14, 1950, PSF, NSC Mtg # 75, Box 210, HSTL. 

51 Memo for Maj Gen T. D. White, Dir PI, subj: Increase in Wings Above the 

95 Wing Program, May 22, 1951; memo for Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: 

Strategic Air Force, n.d., both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, Decimal 1942-1954, 

320.2 (Jul 24, 19501, Sect 2, Box 123, MMB, NA. 

50 

354 
War and Rearmament 

atomic weapons could enable the outnumbered forces of NATO to defend 

Western Europe, a strategic air offensive against the Soviet Union would 

not be necessary. Likewise, the Army and the Navy envisioned having 

nuclear weapons available for a variety of tasks, not merely the strategic 

ones. 

By 1951 the Atomic Energy Commission had production in full swing, 

with construction of more facilities at Hanford and Oak Ridge already in 

progress. President Truman had approved the building of new heavy-water 

reactors for the hydrogen bomb project. The era of atomic scarcity was 

coming to an end. The laboratory at Los Alamos was developing designs 

for new weapons, both atomic and thermonuclear, ranging in yield from a 

few kilotons to megatons. 52 Planners could anticipate a variety of weapons 

for different purposes. 53 

The armed services faced new decisions concerning the potential uses 

of the smaller, more powerful bombs. These decisions in turn would affect 

the larger questions of organization, control, and targeting. Air doctrine, as 

the Air University was inclined to point out, stressed the versatility of air 

forces. However, the Air Staff continued to maintain that the forces 

designated for the strategic air offensive needed to be preserved for that 

essential task. Under the circumstances, the primacy of the strategic air 

offensive and SAC’S role as the centerpiece of atomic deterrence were 

more and more subject to debate.54 

The Atomic Energy Commission’s achievements involved success on 

several fronts. More deposits of uranium were being discovered in the 

United States. New bomb designs, as previously mentioned, allowed for 

varied yields. In addition, “boosted” weapons, using some nuclear fusion to 

increase efficiency and yield, were awaiting tests. Small, compact weapons, 

soon to be on the production line, could be delivered by smaller planes, 

guided missiles, or even cannon. Thus both improved strategic and new 

“tactical” weapons were becoming available. 55 

As knowledge of these developments grew, pressure on the commission from the armed forces and Congress increased dramatically. McMahon’s Atomic Energy Committee began to challenge Secretary Johnson’s 

initial reluctance to support a larger weapons program. Calling on General 

Bradley to testify, the committee obtained a statement from the joint 

One megaton is equivalent to a million tons of TNT. 

Rosenberg, “U.S. Nuclear Stockpile, 1945 to 1950,” The Bulletin of the 

Atomic Scientists 38 (May 1982), p 26; Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt I, p 21, 

Pt I1 p 37ff, 407; Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, pp 430, 669. 

Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt I, pp 21ff, Pt 11, pp 370ff. 

52 

53 

r Futrell, Ideas, pp 191-192. 55 

355 

War and Rearmament 

chiefs on August 9, 1950, in favor of expansion. Johnson now regarded the 

question favorably, and the chiefs soon supplied the AEC‘s Military 

Liaison Committee with a formal statement of requirements. This led to a 

production program approved by President Truman on October 9. 56 

The armed forces’ requirements for weapons were increasing in 

number and scope. Up to 1950 the AEC’s production capacity determined 

the services’ priorities. Now that the commission was preparing to expand 

its facilities, the continuing requirement for weapons for the strategic air 

offensive was open to discussion. Both the Air Staff and LeMay considered 

the existing stockpile inadequate for destroying the Soviet industrial base. 

But the strategic bombing capability was not the only issue. Fears of a 

mounting Soviet atomic stockpile raised the question of countermeasures. 

Logic seemed to suggest that defensive measures alone could not prevent 

serious damage to the United States, and doctrine told Air Force planners 

that the answer was to attack the hostile atomic striking force. In addition, 

there were those who advocated retardation, using atomic weapons for the 

interdiction of the Soviet land offensive in Europe. 

In August 1950, the Joint Strategic Plans Committee defined three 

tasks for atomic-capable forces. Attacking Soviet atomic targets was known 

as “blunting” the offensive (later called “counterforce”). Industrial targets 

would be struck to achieve “disruption” of the hostile war economy. To 

these strategic tasks, the committee added retardation. (These three tasks 

were subsequently named in accordance with the new NATO phonetic 

alphabet, BRAVO, DELTA, and ROMEO). A few additional weapons 

could be justified for a reserve and for post-attack policing of targets. 57 

Once targets had been identified, an ad hoc committee under the joint 

chiefs, with an Air Force officer as chairman, applied a sophisticated 

methodology to compute the actual number of weapons needed. The Air 

Staff and experts at RAND had developed formulae to determine the 

specific number and yield of weapons that would give the desired probability of destroying a target. Industrial plants of modern construction, for 

example, would require considerable yields to produce the necessary blast 

effect. As intelligence about the targets improved, estimates of how many 

56 Ibid., Pt 11, pp 419-421. 

571bid., pp 422-423; Futrell, Ideas, pp 142-144; ltr, Col J. F. Bird, XO, 

National War College, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Aug 19, 1952, with atch 

lecture, Strategic Air Operations, Mar 6, 1952, LeMay Coll, Semi-official # 15, 

1952, Box B80, MD, LC; David A. Rosenberg, “The Origins of Overkill: Nuclear 

Weapons and American Strategy, 1945- 1960,” International Security 7 (Spring 831, 

pp 16-19. 

357 
Strategic Air Force 

weapons would actually get through the defenses produced the needed 

number and type of weapons. By December 1950 the joint chiefs could 

submit a proposal for a thirty percent increase over the production plan 

approved in the October program, based on these calculations. 

Still further gains in weapons production soon became likely. The 

commission’s efforts to increase capacity had entered a new phase with the 

approval by the President late in 1950 of construction of new facilities. 

These included a plant near Paducah, Kentucky, and reactors for the 

hydrogen bomb project at the Savannah River site, near Aiken, South 

Carolina. Meanwhile, an extensive series of tests, some at Eniwetok and 

some at a new site in Nevada, scheduled during 1951, would validate new 

designs and probably affect the armed forces’ requirements. 59 

The ensuing debate over nuclear roles and missions arose in part from 

the idea that smaller weapons might be used on the battlefield to offset the 

superior numbers of the Soviet ground forces. The Army hoped to develop 

such a concept and had the support of Oppenheimer, who was Chairman 

of the Atomic Energy Commission’s General Advisory Committee. 6o 

Specifically, the Army leadership was interested in atomic-armed tactical 

air forces as well as developing a 280-millimeter gun, the “atomic cannon.” 

The Navy in turn wanted to expand the potential of carrier-based aircraft 

to strike naval targets or support strategic operations. The Air Force did 

not in principle reject these claims. Instead, it argued that true nuclear 

plenty would not exist for a number of years, and until then the strategic 

air offensive should have priority for all nuclear weapons. Another, more 

technical view claimed that large bombs made the most efficient use of 

fissionable material. Behind these discussions lay the question of whether 

an effective defense on the battlefield would eliminate the need for the 

strategic air offensive.61 

The Air Force was prepared to make a major concession and support 

weaponry for tactical aircraft-a move which would benefit both the Army 

and the Air Force. Since 1949, work had proceeded on the technical 

problems of delivery by fighters and light bombers. Col. John D. Stevenson 

in the Air Staffs atomic energy office outlined a plan for an air division 

equipped with atomic-capable B-45s and F-84s. Stationed in England, 

such an organization could play a role in the task of retardation.62 

58 Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt I, pp 421-427. 

59 Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, pp 531-532, 669, 672-673. 

Kaplan, Wizards of Armageddon, p 81. 

Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt 11, pp 427-433. 

62Zbid., p 428; Futrell, Ideas, pp 156-157. 

60 

61 

358 
War and Rearmament 

It took several months to reach an agreement on the issues of weapon 

design or quantities. When Vandenberg submitted a proposal for requirements to the joint chiefs on September 15, 1951, they passed the matter to 

the Joint Strategic Plans Committee, which negotiated without success. 

Then the chiefs took up the matter themselves, and with further Air Force 

concessions, new requirements emerged in January 1952. 63 

At the end of 1951 Truman approved yet another construction program for the Atomic Energy Commission, and progress continued over the 

next year. Successful weapons tests, in addition to the discovery of a major 

deposit of uranium in Canada confirmed that the age of plentiful and 

varied weapons was approaching. Then on October 31, 1952, a major 

breakthrough occurred. The commission detonated its first thermonuclear 

device in the IVY test series at Eni~etok.~~ The “21-ton cryogenicallycooled, liquid-fueled monster,” 65 as one historian has called it, yielded a 

ten megaton explosion. A “dry” and lighter device was known to be on the 

way, and with it the prospect of an operational hydrogen bomb.66 

Having new, more sophisticated atomic weapons in prospect, the 

armed forces had to plan for their use in the event of war. However, such 

decisions reflected back to the question of establishing requirements. The 

basic joint emergency war plan, OFFTACKLE, remained in effect, although 

its name changed from time to time. This plan continued to give the 

central role at the onset of a war to the strategic air offensive, while the 

other forces held their ground and the nation mobilized. True, the Korean 

War and the expansion of the armed forces led to some changes, but the 

basic plan remained the same. The arrangements for targeting atomic 

weapons, however, was subject to change. 67 The approved target list in the 

summer of 1950 was JCS 2056. Despite his reservations about the document, LeMay did use it as a basis for the SAC bombing plan. The Army 

was dissatisfied, believing that the list failed to provide for the interdiction 

role. The controversy came to a head among the joint chiefs in August 

1950 over what revisions to make in the list. 68 

63 Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt 11, pp 429-436; Hewlett & Duncan, 

Atomic Shield, pp 561-567. 

Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, pp 576-578, 669, 672-673. 

Rosenberg, “Origins of Overkill,” p 24. 

Ibid.; Bowen, Development of Weapons, Pt I, p 29. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 167-169. 

ASSS, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to DCS/Ops, Target Destruction 

Annex for SHAKEDOWN, Jan 5, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec 

File SAO, Sect 3, Box 1058, MMB, NA. 

64 

65 

66 

67 

68 

359 
Strategic Air Force 

Previously, the Air Targets Division of the Air Staffs Directorate of 

Intelligence had set to work to develop a new list. Appearing on June 30, 

1950, this list reflected the experience of the Second World War. It 

emphasized the oil industry-including synthetic fuels-and electric power. 

The study also recommended assigning some weapons against the Soviet 

atomic energy industry and holding back some weapons for use against 

enemy military forces, including bomber bases. It was in its review of this 

study that the Joint Strategic Planning Committee identified the three 

tasks of blunting, disruption, and retardation. 69 

On August 15, 1950, the joint chiefs approved the three tasks but 

failed to reach an agreement on the rest of the review.70 The Air Force 

supported the Air Targets Division study, with some revisions. On November 30 Vandenberg submitted that study as JCS 2056/9-called SLANT 

NINE in Joint Staff parlance. The wrangling went on. The Army and the 

Air Force could not agree on procedures for controling retardation operations. For its part, the Navy sought a role in the strategic air offensive 

without being subjected to central control. 71 

By the beginning of 1951, the joint chiefs had progressed to the point 

of allocating sixty weapons for retardation. 72 Also, although they had not 

adopted SLANT NINE, Vandenberg appeared to believe that there was 

enough consensus for him to tell SAC to start using the new target list. 

Memo, Col G. H. Tibbets, Ch Blue Team, WPD, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen T. 

H. Landon, Dir P1, subj: Target Systems Submitted for Consideration for the 

Strategic Air Offensive in Support of the Objectives of the Joint Outline Emergency War Plan, Fiscal Year 1951 (DI/USAF-ON1 Study No. 245), Jul 4, 1950, 

with encl; rprt, JSPC 877/128 to JCS, Responsibility for the Continuing Selection 

of Targets and Target Systems for the Strategic Air Offensive, Aug 8, 1950, with 

atch, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 2, Box 1057, 

MMB, NA. 

'O Rprt, JSPC to JCS, 2056/7, Target Selections for the Strategic Air Offensive, Aug 12, 1950, with JCS Decision 2056/7, Aug 15, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/$l, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 2, Box 1057, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Brig Gen D. Hale, Ch WPD, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen J. Smith, Dep 

Dir P1, subj: Target Selection for Strategic Air Offensive (JSPC 902/72), Sep 28, 

1950; memo, CSAF to JCS, 2056/9, subj: Target Destruction Annex for Plan 

SHAKEDOWN, Nov 30,19.50; memo, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Target Selection for Strategic Air Offensive (JCS 

2057/10), Nov 4, 1950, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File SAO, 

Sect 4, Box 1057, MMB, NA. 

Msg, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to Lt Gen J. K. Cannon, CINC 

USAFE, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, Jan 6, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 384.5 (Aug 28, 1950), Box 452, MMB, NA. 

69 

360 
War and Rearmament 

However, LeMay had serious objections to SLANT NINE and visited Washington on January 22, 1951, to present his case. As later outlined, the SAC 

Commander’s reservations were based on the limited stockpile of weapons 

and on practical operational considerations. 73 

The problem with both retardation and blunting was that no one knew 

where the targets were. Once the offensive began, reconnaissance would 

have to identify elements of the Soviet atomic force.74 Although LeMay 

had no objection to attacking retardation targets, he suspected that many 

would turn out to be disruption targets already on the list, “strategic in the 

classical sense of the Further, he insisted on SAC control of 

retardation operations, coordinating with theater commanders at the discretion of the joint chiefs.76 

As far as the industrial targets were concerned, SAC planners considered many electric power plants too difficult to find and remote from other 

targets. Thus there was no “bonus” in a strike, destroying more than one 

target with a single weapon. In fact, no information existed for many of the 

power plants in SLANT NINE. The SAC Headquarters staff planners still 

preferred the oil industry as a target, while government centers (thought to 

be crucial in a rigidly centralized economy), atomic plants, and other 

factories followed on the list. A city, seen as an aggregation of industrial 

targets, including the labor force, was the most promising objective 

overall.77 For LeMay, a veteran of the costly campaign against the German ball bearing industry, focusing on a single type of target was suspect. 

In LeMay’s own words, “disruption’’ should give way to an absolute goal: 

“Destroying that [industrial] base means blasting it down, plant by plant.” 78 

73ASSS, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to CSAF, Target Destruction Annex 

for SHAKEDOWN, Jan 5, 1951; ltr, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to CG SAC, 

subj: Target Destruction Annex for SHAKEDOWN, Jan 12, 1951, both in RG 341, 

DCS Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 3, Box 1058, MMB, NA. ‘ Briefing, Brig Gen W. C. Sweeney, Jr, Dir P1 SAC, to Sec AF, Jan 17, 1951, 

RG 3J0, OSAF/OOA Numeric-Subject File 51, lj(2), Box 16, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Maj Gen T. D. White, Dir P1, May 7, 

1951, in SAC/HO, Organization, Mission & Command. 

76 Ibid. 

771bid.; Briefing, Brig Gen W. C. Sweeney, Jr, Dir P1 SAC, to Sec AF, Jan 17, 

1951, RG 340, OSAF/OOA, Numeric-Subject File 51, lj(2), Box 16; ltr, Maj Gen 

T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to CSAF, subj: JCS 2056/9, Mar 27, 1951, with encl: 

SAC Comments and Recommendations on the Target Destruction Annex for Plan 

CROSSPIECE [sic] (encl to JCS 2056/9), Mar 23, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/$l, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 3, Box 1058, all in MMB, NA. 

Briefing, Strategic Air Command Presentation for Secretary Finletter and 

Gen Vandenberg, Sep 4, 1951, SAC/HO HA-0086. 

361 
Strategic Air Force 

On January 23, the day after LeMay’s meeting with the Air Staff, the 

Vice Chief of Staff, Gen. Nathan F. Twining, advised the SAC Commander 

to continue using JCS 2056. With the Chinese communists still advancing 

in Korea, Air Staff officials expressed doubt that the target list could be 

revised in time. In any case, given the joint chiefs’ general support for 

SLANT NINE, a team chief in the War Plans Division warned of serious 

repercussions about SAC‘S not complying with it. However, Maj. Gen. 

Thomas D. White, Special Assistant to Maj, Gen. Truman H. Landon, the 

Director of Plans, argued that both JCS 2056 and SLANT NINE were out of 

date, and that with new weapons and new intelligence another major 

revision was due. Lt. Gen. Idwal H. Edwards, the DCS for Operations, 

essentially agreed and advised LeMay to develop proposals for a revision 

to SLANT NINE. Considering the time needed for SAC to change target 

folders and plan missions, LeMay would actually be using JCS 2056 for 

some time. Meanwhile, on February 26, 1951, the Army and the Air Force 

were able to force the issue and win approval of SLANT NINE.” 

Faced with conflicting views from two groups of planners, Vandenberg 

was looking for new insights. Bernard Brodie of Yale University had 

written an article that appeared in August 1950, calling for more analytical 

thinking about atomic targeting. Acquainted with Orvil Anderson, Brodie 

attracted the notice of Norstad, at the time acting vice chief, and of Lt. 

Gen. Howard A. Craig, the Inspector General. When asked for his view, 

LeMay had suggested that Brodie might be useful to the target experts in 

Washington.80 Vandenberg asked the professor to look at the plans and 

give him his thoughts. After receiving Brodie’s initial report, the Chief of 

Staff intended to organize a talented outside panel with Brodie as chairman. However, this effort proved abortive. Norstad, Brodie’s chief supporter, was now in Europe, and the civilian scientist failed to establish a 

good working relationship with the Air Force targeting staff. Apparently, 

ASSS, Maj Gen T. D. White, Dir P1, to DCS/Ops, Target Destruction 

Annex for SHAKEDOWN, Mar 10, 1951; memo, Col R. E. Applegate, Ch Red 

Team, WPD, DCS/Ops, to Brig Gen D. D. Hale, Ch WPD, DCS/Ops, subj: 

Target Destruction Plan for SHAKEDOWN, Feb 7, 1951; ltr, Lt Gen I. H. 

Edwards, DCS/Ops, to CG SAC, Mar 13, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 

Spec File SAO, Sect 3, Box 1058; memo, CSAF to JCS, 2056/9, subj: Target 

Destruction Annex for Plan SHAKEDOWN, Nov 30, 1950, with Decision, JCS 

2056/9, Feb 26, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 2, 

Box ,10057, both in MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen H. A. Craig, IG, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Aug 21, 

1950; Itr, LeMay to Craig, Aug 28, 1950, both in LeMay Coll, Craig, Box B52, MD, 

LC; Kaplan, Wizards of Armageddon, pp 38-40. 

79 

362 
War and Rearmament 

Secretary Finletter also disapproved of Brodie’s selection. In any case, a 

new panel convened under the chairmanship of Henry C. Alexander, the 

executive Vice President of J. P. Morgan and former Vice Chairman of the 

U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey at the end of World War 11. Alexander’s 

committee submitted its report on July 20, 195LS2 

The Alexander Panel favored an emphasis on targeting electric power. 

However, it conceded that operational problems might prevent an effective 

attack. Further, although it considered limiting the number of human 

casualties a desirable goal, the panel did not think that striking power 

plants would achieve this. Still, if it could be done, hitting the electrial 

system would prove the most economical means to achieve disruption of 

the Soviet industrial base. The panel also favored a reserve of weapons to 

be held for use against targets that had escaped damage in the first 

onslaught. 83 

Maj. Gen. Charles P. Cabell, the Director of Intelligence, found the 

panel’s report “constructive,” and especially liked the idea of a reserve of 

weapons. The SAC staff, however, gave the report a cooler reception. The 

arguments against the electrical program persisted. As for the reserve, the 

command’s planners argued that, under existing conditions, the length of 

time required to deliver the stockpile of atomic weapons would allow for 

any adjustments for new targets or undamaged old oness4 

Meanwhile, on July 16, the joint chiefs gave SAC permission to use 

JCS 2056 as the target list, as opposed to SLANT NINE. The JCS remained 

deadlocked over approval of a new list.85 In effect, with JCS 2056 largely 

Memo, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Bernard Brodie, subj: Formation 

of Special Advisory Panel on Strategic Bombing Objectives, Mar 23, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, 1. File here-Misc, Box 83, MD, LC; Kaplan, Wizards ofAmageddon, pp 

45-49 & 49n. According to Kaplan’s account, Brodie clashed with the Targeting 

Division and the Director of Intelligence, Maj. Gen. C. P. Cabell. Finletter’s 

concern, according to Kaplan, probably resulted from a meeting the secretary had 

on May 7, 1951, with the historian Edward Meade Earle, long a critic of Brodie. 

Brodie’s report has been the object of at least two unsuccessful searches in the 

National Archives. 

Rprt, Panel of Consultants to Sec AF, CSAF, Dir Intel, Target Systems for a 

Strategic Air Offensive, Jul 20, 1951, RG 340, OSAF/OAA Numeric-Subject File 

51, l’(2) Box 16, MMB, NA. 

81 

l3 Idid. 

Memo, Maj Gen C. P. Cabell, Dir Intel, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Gen N. 

F. Twining, VCSAF, Jul 3, 1951; Itr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to Dir 

Intel, USAF, subj: Report of Panel of Consultants to Secretary of the Air Force, 

Chief of Staff, USAF, and Director of Intelligence, Headquarters USAF, Oct 1, 

1951, both in RG 340, OSAF/OAA Numeric-Subject File 51, lj(2), Box 16, MMB, 

84 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 172. NA’ 85 

363 
Strategic Air Force 

out of date, LeMay was targeting his own force, at least for disruption and 

blunting tasks. 

Control of the retardation task raised controversies on an even 

broader scale. Support of ground forces with nuclear weapons was intimately connected to the issues of command structure in the European 

theater and the rearmament of NATO being pursued with renewed vigor 

as a result of the outbreak of the Korean War. The structure of SAC in 

Europe had to serve not merely to control its forces but also to insure 

effective cooperation with the allied command. This was a special and 

complicated case of the problem of SAC’S role as a worldwide specialized 

force dealing with theater commanders.86 

Even before Truman had selected Eisenhower for the supreme command in Europe, the joint chiefs had begun to reorganize American forces 

in the area. In particular they detached United States Air Forces, Europe, 

from the European Command to create a third co-equal specified command (along with Army and Navy commands), over all of which Eisenhower had authority as the JCS representative. 87 

The Air Force’s own leadership was realigned in connection with 

these changes. In the interim structure Vandenberg had created after 

Fairchild’s death, Norstad acted as Vice Chief of Staff, Edwards headed 

Operations, and Twining came in from Alaska to replace Edwards in 

Personnel. Now that the air command in Europe was to be a critical 

position, Norstad took it, becoming Eisenhower’s air chief. He replaced Lt. 

Gen. John K. Cannon, who returned to the States to preside over the 

revival of the Tactical Air Command. Twining became Vice Chief of 

Staff. 88 

Norstad’s new position was ambiguous, for while Eisenhower had 

authority in the theater, Vandenberg was the joint chiefs’ executive agent 

for U.S. Air Forces, Europe. Furthermore, Eisenhower made Norstad the 

NATO air commander on the central front. Landon moved to Wiesbaden 

as Norstad’s American deputy, while the latter ran his international 

headquarters at Fontainebleau. 89 

~ 

Staff Study (draft), Col H. C. Hugh, NATO Stdg Gp, Relationship of 

Strategic Air Command to NATO, Feb 3, 1951, atch to memo, VAdm J. Wright, 

Dep US Rep Stdg Gp NATO, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Relationship 

of the Strategic Air Command to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 26 A 51, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Aug 16, 1950), Sect 4, Box 141, MMB, 

NA. 

87Spec Study, JCS Hist Div, Histoly of the Unified Command Plan, 1977, 

pp 73 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 225. 

”Ibid.; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 231. 

86 

Fogerty, Study # 91, “Edwards,” “Fairchild,” “Norstad,” “Twining.” 

364 
War and Rearmament 

Gen. Nathan F. Twining became 

Air Force Vice Chief of Staff in October 1950. As head of Fifteenth Air 

Force during World War 11, he was 

one of the service’s most experienced 

commanders of strategic air forces. 

He succeeded Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg as Air Force Chief of Staff in 

1953. 

The arrangements to coordinate this structure with SAC were inadequate. At the time, Maj. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson was in England at the 

head of Eighth Air Force Advanced Echelon (ADVON), leaving a deputy 

at Carswell to control his air force. In April 1951 Headquarters SAC 

developed a plan for “Command Elements,” to be headed by senior 

officers provided by the headquarters of the numbered air forces. These 

would deploy or prepare to deploy to specific theaters overseas to coordinate SAC operations with the theater commands. The chiefs of these 

elements would be agents of LeMay himself. LeMay had been concerned 

at the possibility of atomic operations in Korea as well as the debates over 

retardation. These command elements would enable him to control strategic operations everywhere and arrange any support for the theaters directed by the JCS. Elements were identified by phonetic alphabet designations, SAC X-RAY and SAC ZEBRA being the first.’” 

It remained to reach agreement with the theater commands to set up 

these elements. Even as the risk of escalation in Korea was fading, the first 

liaison agreement SAC got was with the Far East Command. General 

Study, Col J. S. Samuel, Red Team, WPD, DCS/Ops, The Atomic Aspects 

of Retardation and Associated Problems, Jul 18, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 4, Box 1058; Itr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to 

CG 2 AF, subj: Organization and Deployment of Headquarters Strategic Air 

Command, Apr 19 (altered to 201, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, 

SAC (Apr 19, 19511, Box 1027, both in MMB, NA; msg, Power to Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, 0116202 May 51; ltr, Power to CG 8 AF, subj: Headquarters 

SAC Command Elements, Aug 19, 1952, both in SAC/HO, Organization, Mission, 

& Command. 

YO 

365 
Strategic Air Force 

Power signed the text in May. SAC X-RAY would operate in the theater, 

and in the event of general war FEAF Bomber Command would come 

under it.91 Arrangements in Europe, closely tied as they were to the issue 

of retardation, proved more complex. The staff at Supreme Headquarters, 

Allied Powers, Europe (SHAPE), had developed the so-called “Eisenhower Plan” for the defense of Western Europe. Eisenhower himself 

calculated that at the outbreak of a war in the region, the first thirty days 

would be critical. Ground forces would have to hold a defensive zone east 

of the Rhine while a maximum air effort, using atomic and conventional 

weapons, was launched against the aggressor’s forces. Allied planners 

proposed to have SAC units allocated and on call to bomb targets 

identified by SHAPE. 92 

The Air Staff considered the provisions for retardation to threaten 

SAC’s ability to do its other tasks. 93 Indeed, the plans in NATO fitted well 

with the proposals being offered from other quarters. The whole question 

of the relation of strategic forces to local commands and the procedures to 

use them in a tactical role was involved in the debate. The availability of 

tactical atomic weapons was only part of the equation. 

The proposal to designate specific bomber units for retardation missions might be objectionable, but some on the Air Staff recognized that 

some action would be necessary. Norstad certainly shared such views. 94 

Col. J. S. Samuel of the War Plans Division urged in July 1951 that SAC be 

encouraged to move in such a direction. He anticipated the need to modify 

more B-29s for the purpose. The Army’s atomic cannon and the Navy’s 

carrier-borne planes enabled those services to address the need for tactical 

operations. Samuel felt that the Air Force’s failure to deal with tactical air 

issues had given rise to this. In the long run, he believed tactical atomic air 

units would have to be assigned to theater commanders. He noted “SAC‘s 

general tendency to minimize the problems associated with retardation in 

Msg, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

0116202 May 51; MR, M. S. Oldham, Ops An, SAC, Conference with General 

Stratemeyer, May 5, 1951, May 11, 1951, both in SAC/HO, Organization, Mission, 

& Cpnand. 

Memo, subj: Air Force Comments on Plan “Headstone,” Sep 24, 1951, with 

atch memo, subj: A Specific Example to Show How Plan “Headstone” is Incompatible with Air Force Planning, n.d., RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (Feb 

7, 1950), Case 3, Sect 8, Box 338, MMB, NA Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 254. 

2512102 Aug 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines Jun 1951-, Box 86, MD, LC. 

91 

See previous note. 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

93 

94 

366 
War and Rearmament 

spite of the positive steps taken to meet the responsibility.” In that context, 

the role of the atomic 49th Air Division then forming at Langley was 

clearer. 95 

The lobbying for tactical atomic weapons continued, with both the 

Army and Navy developing concepts. Navy planners late in 1951 recommended allocating all new weapons production to the theater and fleet 

commanders. They also recommended joint policies for tactical atomic 

operations. 96 

The Air Staff had meanwhile initiated a study of tactical air power, to 

be conducted by the California Institute of Technology under the chairmanship of its President, the physicist Lee A. DuBridge, who was a former 

member of the USAF Scientific Advisory Board. The Army agreed to join 

the Air Force in sponsoring the study, called VISTA. Approved in April 

1951, PROJECT VISTA soon started to shift its focus. The potential of small 

nuclear weapons in the tactical role soon overshadowed other aspects of 

the problem. And the European land battle, as the potential scene for 

testing tactical air power, drew special attention from the Caltech group. 97 

Late in 1951 Robert F. Bacher, who was head of the VISTA group 

working on tactical atomic weapons, brought J. Robert Oppenheimer in to 

help write his report. Oppenheimer accompanied DuBridge and others of 

the VISTA group that visited Europe soon after.98 Vandenberg had been 

following VISTA and kept Norstad informed. On December 5 and 6 the 

study group met with Norstad at Fontainebleau. The allied air chief 

discussed the group’s report and was disturbed to learn that it carried the 

implication that tactical atomic weapons were to be considered as an 

alternative to a strong strategic air offensive. This was precisely Oppenheimer’s view, of course, but DuBridge readily agreed to revise the report 

so as to eliminate the implication that there was an opposition between 

tactical and strategic weapons. Completed in January 1952, the VISTA 

report advocated expanding the stockpile of tactical atomic weapons 

Study, Col J. S. Samuel, Red Team WPD, DCS/Ops, The Atomic Aspects 

of Retardation and Associated Problems, Jul 18, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, 

OPD, Spec File SAO, Sect 4, Box 1058, MMB, NA. 

96 Memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dep Dir P1, subj: Target Systems Which Could 

Be Destroyed by the Strategic Air Offensive in Support of the JOEWP (JCS 

2056/21 and /22), Nov 30, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File 

SAO, Sect 4, Box 1058, MMB, NA. ‘’ David C. Elliot, “Project Vista and Nuclear Weapons in Europe,” Intemational Security 11 (Summer 86), pp 163-183. 

95 

Futrell, Ideas, p 167; Hewlett & Duncan, Atomic Shield, p 580. 98 

367 
Strategic Air Force 

without being a vehicle for Oppenheimer's view. 99 Nonetheless, when 

Secretary Finletter received the report, he took no further action on it, not 

even circulating it in spite of protests from DuBridge and leaks to the 

press of some of its contents. loo 

During 1952 the Army further developed its own concepts for tactical 

atomic weapons. Unlike VISTA, Air Force observers noted, they failed to 

consider the problem of overcoming Soviet air power in Europe and 

neglected much of the real retardation task. In any case, the joint chiefs 

authorized continuing plans for tactical atomic weapons. 

While the Army and the Air Force looked at the European land battle 

during 1951, SAC and SHAPE were concluding an agreement. In October, 

at Vandenberg's suggestion, LeMay had visited Europe to confer with 

Eisenhower and Norstad. An accord similar to that in the Far East 

resulted, with a command element called SAC ZEBRA to be stationed in 

Europe. This agency was to control the SAC forces located in the theater 

and coordinate any atomic missions flown in support of the allied command."* 

While SAC was working with SHAPE to coordinate their possible 

wartime operations, the joint chiefs formed an ad hoc committee to study 

how to control atomic forces. Maj. Gen. Walter C. Sweeney, SAC's 

Director of Plans, was the Air Force member. He was committed to an 

uncompromising defense of Air Force and SAC control of the strategic air 

offensive. In fact, the Air Force position was essentially adopted by the 

joint chiefs and an agreement finally concluded. True, this required conceding that SAC's atomic monopoly would end. The joint chiefs would 

99 See previous note; msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen H. S. 

Vandenberg, CSAF, 0812452 Dec 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redline Messages 

May-Dec 1951 (21, Box 86, MD, LC; USAF OHI, #K239.0512-1116, Hugh N. 

Ahmann, with Gen Lauris Norstad, Feb 13-16 & Oct 22-25,1979, pp 433-434, in 

AFH]F$. 

Elliot, "Project Vista," pp 170ff. 

"'Ibid.; memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir P1, to Lt Gen T. D. White, 

DCS/Ops, subj: Outline of Presentation of Army Concept Given to Joint Chiefs of 

Staff, Jul 7, 1952, Jul 15, 1952, with atch briefing notes, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

, Dir/PI, TS OPD, 381 (Jan 19, 19521, Box 319, MMB, NA. 

Io2Msg, CINC AAFCE to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Lt Gen C. E. 

LeMay, CG SAC, Redline 1005, 2713372 Sep 51, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, 323.361 (Aug 16, 19501, Sect 5, Box 141; ltr, LeMay to Lt Gen T. D. White, 

DCS/Ops, USAF, Dec 19, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, Spec File 

SAO, Sect 4, Box 1058, both in MMB, NA; msg, Vandenberg to Lt Gen L. Norstad, 

CINC AAFCE, Redline 344, 0817102 Oct 51, Vandenberg Coll, May-Dec 1951 

(81, Box 86; msg, Norstad to Vandenberg, Redline 393, 0717422 Dec 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redline Messages, May-Dec 1951 (21, Box 86, both in MD, LC; Itr, Gen 

A. M. Gruenther (USA), CS SHAPE, to LeMay, Dec 29, 1951, with atch, in 

368 

SAC/HO, HA-0104. 
War and Rearmament 

allocate the weapons to be used for retardation. On the other hand, 

Norstad would select the targets in his theater that required atomic attack, 

and then he and SAC ZEBRA would consult on methods and suitability. 

Eisenhower would then ask the joint chiefs to authorize the strikes. If SAC 

received direction to fly the missions, SAC ZEBRA would control the 

operations.'03 This still failed to address the question of what the joint 

chiefs would decide to do, but at least the question would be handled at 

the level where plans for the strategic air offensive were also approved. 

For the time being, SAC'S cooperation was in fact essential for any 

tactical atomic mission. The 49th Air Division did arrive in England in 

June 1952. It became part of U.S. Air Forces, Europe, and the NATO 

command, but its effectiveness was limited. Its B-45s were grounded late 

in the year and SHAPE canceled an exercise in which they were to have 

taken part. Still, the atomic air division was a beginning of a new chapter 

in the story of atomic weaponry.'04 

The effort to preserve the integrity of the strategic air offensive 

largely succeeded, at the price of conceding its monopoly of atomic 

weapons. LeMay was skeptical of the potential for tactical atomic warfare, 

arguing that it would destroy the battlefield.lo5 Norstad believed a few 

weapons could have a powerful effect in the NATO area. Noting the 

concern that the Soviets could overrun Europe while SAC was attacking 

Russia, Norstad saw these few weapons as serving a useful purpose. In his 

view, the strategic air offensive and the defensive battle on the Rhine were 

"complementary and not alternative." 

It is my firm belief that strength in Western Europe fixes a horizon 

against which the strategic air offensive can operate, and without 

which we would continue to have, as we have had during the last 

'03 Briefing, Brig. Gen. W. C. Sweeney, Dir P1 SAC, Presentation at Hq TAC, 

Langly [sic] AFB, Va, on Jan 8, 1952, in SAC/HO, HA-0135, Tab 2; memo 

(T/R&D), Sweeney to Lt Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, n.d., in SAC/HO, 

HA-0135, Tab 14; rprt, Ad Hoc Cmte (Maj Gen R. E. Jenkins, USA, RAdm S. H. 

Ingersoll, Brig Gen W. C. Sweeney, USAF) to JCS, 2056/24, Procedures for 

Control and Coordination of all the Forces Possessing an Atomic Delivery Capability, & JCS Decision, Feb 29, 1952, in SAC/HO, Organization, Mission, & Command; msg, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, 

Redline 443, Mar 28, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Nov to ... (OUT), Box 87; 

msg, Vandenberg to Norstad, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Redline 327, Aug 23, 

1951, Vandenberg Coll, Messages Jun-Oct 1951 (9), Box 86, both in MD, LC. 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Lt Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, 

0110?zZ Feb 53, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Dec 52, Box 87, MD, LC. 

Briefing, Strategic Air Command Presentation for Secretary Finletter and 

Gen Vandenberg, Sep 4, 1951, in SAC/HO, HA-0086. 

369 
Strategic Air Force 

seven years, considerable difficulty in answering questions relative 

to the time and space factors involved.’” 

At the end of May 1952 Eisenhower left Europe to take up his 

candidacy for President of the United States Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway 

succeeded him as SACEUR. In August, Ridgway also became U.S. Commander in Chief, Europe, with three component commands. This clarified 

the position of Norstad to some extent. He was now clearly subordinate to 

Ridgway in most cases, but he retained authority in Morocco, not as a 

component commander in a unified command, but as a specified commander directly under the JCS. ‘07 

Another aspect of the relations between SAC and the theaters revolved around the “exempt units.” The atomic force was not subject to 

seizure by theater commanders in the event of an emergency. Clearly, 

should the United States launch a strategic air offensive, it would be at 

precisely a time when theater commanders might be facing emergencies. 

From SAC‘S standpoint this was clearly no time to allow disruption of the 

war plan.lo8 

Moreover, the prospect of nuclear plenty provided a rationale for 

attacking the concept of exempt units. The Chief of Naval Operations 

advised the joint chiefs early in 1952 that atomic units had been exempted 

from seizure in order to protect scarce weapons, but that this justification 

no longer applied. At that time the JCS and the Joint Strategic Plans 

Committee were deadlocked over the Air Force’s proposal to exempt new 

atomic units from seizure. This condition remained until October 1952. 

In part the controversy dealt with the question of “functional” commands, such as those in the Air Force, SAC and the Air Defense Command, as well as the Military Air Transport Service, which would be largely 

supporting SAC at the onset of a war. The Army and the Navy presented 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, 

Spec Study, JCS Hist Div, History of the Unified Command Plan, 1977, 

Memo, Maj Gen J. Smith, Dir PI, to Gen H. S, Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: 

Command Relationship Between SAC and Other JCS Commands, Aug 18, 1951; 

memo, Vandenberg to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Aug 22, 1951, both in RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Box 

152; memo, Finletter to Vandenberg, Jul 31, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 1943), Case 13, SAC, Box 151, all in MMB, NA. 

‘09 Rprt, JSPC 757/134 to JCS, Composition of Major Commands, including 

Exempt Units, Jul 31, 1952; memo, CNO to JCS, 1259/229, subj: Units to Be 

Exempt Under the Provisions of Paragraph 13 of the Unified Command Plan, Feb 

28, 1952, with JCS Decision, Feb 29, 1952, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 

323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Sect 2, Box 152, MMB, NA. 

106 

0211?$Z Aug 52, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Jul 1, 1952, Box 87, MD, LC. 

PP 73- 

370 
War and Rearmament 

themselves as advocates of the theater commanders. By the fall of 1952 

there was in fact an Army-Navy proposal to do away with exempt units 

altogether. 

Maj. Gen. Robert M. Lee, Director of Plans, advised Twining: 

This is a matter of vital concern to the Air Force. No compromise, 

other than [minor deletions], should be accepted at the JCS level. 

Approval of the Army-Navy view would be the first step toward 

dismemberment of SAC and MATS.. . . The Air Force must work 

toward strengthening the functional command concept and must, if 

necessary, split this issue to the President. 'I0 

Yet it was shortly after this that an agreement began to emerge. In 

essence, it barred theater commanders from seizing any forces engaged in 

carrying out a JCS-approved plan. It was conceivable that the theater 

commander could define what constituted such a plan, but the Air Staff 

seemed confident that the strategic air offensive obviously qualified. Vandenberg in turn agreed not to have the exempt units specified in advance. '" 

Still, Lt. Gen. Thomas D. White, Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, 

wrote to both LeMay and the commander of the Military Air Transport 

Service telling them to designate exempt units in their war plans and to be 

prepared to advise theater commanders that these were not subject to 

seizure. 

Memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir PI, to Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, subj: 

Composition of Major Commands, Including Exempt Units-JCS 1259/246, Sep 2, 

1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of 

AtoylJnits, Sect 2, Box 152, MMB, NA. 

Memo, Col L. H. Dalton, Asst Ch WPD, DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen H. B. 

Thatcher, Dep Dir PI, subj: Composition of Major Commands-JSPC 757/142, 

Dec 10, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, 

Cont of Atom Units, Sec 3, Box 152; memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir P1, to Gen H. 

S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: Composition of Major Commands, Including Exempt 

Units (SM-2325-521, Oct 8, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361 (Nov 

8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Sect 2, Box 152 (Besides Lee's signature, 

the memo has radical revisions in his handwriting); memo, Lee to Vandenberg, 

subj: Supplement to Brief dated Oct 13,1952 on Composition of Major Commands, 

Including Exempt Units (JCS 1259/252), Oct 29, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, 

OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Sect 2, Box 152 (Here 

also Lee revised the draft by hand and signed); memo, Col J. F. Whisenand, Asst 

Dep Dir PI, to Lee, subj: JCS 1259/274, Jan 30, 1953, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, 

OPD, 323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Sect 3, Box 152, all in 

MMB, NA. 

ASSS, Col W. C. Barrett, XO, Dir PI, to DCS/Ops, Operational Control of 

SAC and MATS Units by JCS Commanders, Mar 13, 1953, with atch ltr, Lt Gen T. 

D. White, DCS/Ops, to CG SAC, Mar 27, 1953, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 

323.361 (Nov 8, 19431, Case 14, Cont of Atom Units, Sect 3, Box 152, MMB, NA. 

110 

371 
Strategic Air Force 

Expanding the Strategic Force 

The inclusion of a major expansion of SAC in the Air Force's 

rearmament program reflects as much as anything the extent of the 

nation's commitment to atomic deterrence. By the time Deputy Secretary 

Lovett approved the ninety-five-wing program in January 1951, SAC was 

fully aware that it faced the challenging task of building an expanded force 

while at the same time maintaining the existing force in a high state of 

readiness. Vandenberg emphasized this, saying that SAC had "a much 

longer hill to climb" than the other commands. l3 

The new program called for a near doubling in the size of the 

command. It involved conversions to new equipment, training new men, 

and adjusting organization. At the same time, SAC had to revise its plans 

for overseas bases, especially in light of the growth of the Soviet atomic 

stockpile. And all of this had to go on simultaneously. 

Vandenberg considered the most important problem to be that facing 

the aircraft industry. After five years of starvation budgets, its ability to 

expand was limited.'14 Until new planes came off the production line, 

then, the service's capacity to receive and train men would exceed its 

power to provide them with aircraft. 

The effect of the creation of the new units required under the 

ninety-five-wing program was to accentuate the division of SAC into two 

commands, or three if one counted FEAF Bomber Command. First was 

the atomic force, together with the reconnaissance and other elements 

having critical roles in the war plan. This had become the larger part of 

SAC by June 1950, and continued to grow in size as new bombers entered 

the inventory. Secondly, the wings with the unmodified B-29s constituted a 

potential addition to the atomic force, but for the time being their major 

mission was to train toward the day when they could convert to new types 

of equipment. As SAC expanded, more of these units formed, using B-29s 

taken out of storage. They were to train and to serve as pools for 

replacements for the B-29 groups in the Far East. 

As of June 1950 SAC was still building up the planned bomber force 

of fourteen wings. Four of these were to have B-36s7 and two at Carswell 

Commanders Conference, Hq USAF, Jan 22, 1951, LeMay Coll, Box B100, 113 

MD, LC. 

'I4 Ibid. 

372 
War and Rearmament 

were equipping and trying to get their bombers operational. The ten 

medium wings were to include five of B-50s. The progress of the jet B-47 

program seemed to justify ending B-50 production and planning to convert all remaining B-29 wings to the jets. Four reconnaissance wings were 

planned. Two were starting to equip with RB-36s at Rapid City and 

Fairfield-Suisun. Another was getting RB-50s. The fourth was using B-45s 

and RB-45s and waiting to see the progress of a B-47 reconnaissance 

model. The B-36s and B-50s were coming off the assembly lines. There 

were now fewer than one hundred atomic-capable B-29s. '15 

During the fall of 1950, as the services' manpower ceilings were 

removed, terms of enlistment extended, and draft calls increased to meet 

the Army's needs, the Air Force found its recruiting offices swarming with 

volunteers. Tent cities went up at Lackland Air Force Base, Texas, to 

shelter the trainees. But it would take time to turn out pilots and 

mechanics. The only ready supply of qualified men was the reserve forces. 

Beginning in October 1950 the Air Force started calling up units and 

individuals of the Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve. '16 

The SAC staff would have preferred graduates of the Air Training 

Command's schools to reservists. The turbulence of the call-up, compounded by inadequate records, tended to add to the bitterness many 

reservists felt. The morale problems were easy to anticipate. But in the 

short term, SAC had no choice. During the first six months of 1951 the 

command took in 7,000 officers, mainly reservists, and 42,000 noncommissioned officers and airmen, little more than half from the Air Training 

Command. Reservists experienced in multi-seated aircraft were to be 

found in the light bomber and troop carrier units, besides men who had 

been in B-29 units in the previous war. Early in the year the Air Force 

assigned SAC two National Guard light bombardment wings: the 106th 

from New York and the 111th from Pennsylvania. Four fighter-bomber 

units were also added.'" 

Zbid.; Knaack, Bombers, pp 28-30, 36-37, 88-89, 169-172; Hopkins & 

Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 15,20; Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 

1950, p 164-181; Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Vol 111, Pt 11, pp 309-316. 

Jun <?;I, pp 228-234. 

Ltr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, to Lt Gen R. E. Nugent, 

DCS/Pers, Jan 4, 1951, LeMay Coll, Nugent, Box B58; Notes for Commanders 

Conference, Jul 24, 1951, LeMay Coll, Box B101, both in MD, LC; Gerald W. 

Cantwell, draft, History of the Air Force Reserve, CAFH; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, 

Vol I, pp 22-39; rprt, Col A. J. Russell, Dir Pers, SAC, to CS SAC, Report of Staff 

Visit, Jan 8, 1951, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol 111, Chap I, Ex 3. 

115 

P Rprt, Sec Def, Semi-Annual Report of the Secretary of Defense, 1 Jan to 30 

Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 22-39. 

373 
Strategic Air Force 

The North American B-45 was part of SAC’S aircraft inventory in June 1950 

when the command’s force expansion for Korea and deterrent backup for England 

were ordered. 

Additional units were activated to be built from scratch. All operating 

units were liable to have men pulled out to form cadres for new units. 

However, SAC insisted that no transfers be allowed if they reduced the 

effectiveness of the atomic force. In other units strength could be cut to 

ninety per cent. Reservists and recruits would man the new units and 

replace those drawn off for cadres. Meanwhile, the two light bomber units 

were to convert to B-29s. Units were also to send men to schools as these 

expanded, and thus train replacements for men being drawn off. ‘I9 

The Strategic Air Command was also the logical source for replacement crews for FEAF Bomber Command. By establishing a six-month 

rotation cycle, SAC could receive combat experienced crews in return, not 

to mention commanders-O’Donnell returned to Fifteenth Air Force in 

January 1951. The Air Training Command formed a B-29 Combat Crew 

Training School at Randolph Air Force Base, Texas. From this school, 

crew members would go to further training at an Operational Training 

374 
War and Rearmament 

Unit (OTU) in SAC. These were set up at Forbes and at Lake Charles, 

Louisiana, when that field was reopened. Crews trained by the OTUs went 

to the Far East, to one of the existing SAC units, or to form one of the 

newly-activated wings. But it took time to get this system working, and 

until it was, the operational units had to provide replacement crews for the 

Far East. 

Based on his experiences in 1941 and 1942, LeMay was certainly 

aware of the challenge of organizing a bombardment unit from scratch. He 

also knew experienced officers to whom he could turn. He described the 

job of wing commander as the most complex and challenging in SAC. Any 

colonel being considered for promotion had to hold this position. LeMay 

also asked for a number of officers to be transferred to SAC to take over 

wings. This list, including such names as Burchinal, Compton, Holzapple, 

Martin, Nazzaro, and Preston, could be considered the decisive turn in a 

number of distinguished careers. One promising career that had ended 

abruptly shortly before was that of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Travis, who was 

killed in a crash at his own base, Fairfield-Suisun (subsequently known as 

Travis Air Force Base), in August 1950. ''' 

While the new units these officers were to command were beginning 

to form and train on old B-29s from storage, the aircraft industry was 

preparing to provide them with modern bombers. The ninety-five-wing 

program provided authority to order more B-36s and RB-36s and to 

expand orders for the B-47. But to reactivate factory space and tool up 

would take time and money. Bottlenecks would certainly appear. It would 

doubtless help that the Deputy Secretary of Defense, Robert A. Lovett, 

had presided over the industry's expansion in the Second World War. But 

now the mobilization was only partial and was to limit its interference with 

civilian needs. Thus while the peak monthly output for the AAF in 1944 

had been 6,800 planes, the Air Force now planned an increase from 200 

''OZbid.; memo, Col D. D. Hale, Ch WPD, DCS/Ops, to Ops Div et al, subj: 

Air Force Policy on Flying Training, Nov 20, 1950, with atch study, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir P1, OPD 353 (Aug 30, 19-50), Box 250, MMB, NA. 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Lt Gen R. E. Nugent, DCS/Pers, 

Jan 30, 1951, LeMay Coll, Nugent, Box B58, MD, LC. David A. Burchinal retired 

as Deputy Commander in Chief, Europe; Keith K. Compton as Vice Commander 

in Chief, SAC; Joseph R. Holzapple, Commander in Chief, USAFE; Glen W. 

Martin, Vice Commander in Chief, SAC; Joseph J. Nazzaro, Commander-in-Chief, 

SAC; and Maurice A. Preston, Commander in Chief, USAFE. 

Mueller, Air Force Bases, Vol I, p 553; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development 

of SAC, p 26. 

375 
Strategic Air Force 

per month to 1,100 by the end of 1952. This level would drop after an 

adequate reserve of modern aircraft had been built up.123 

At the outbreak of the Korean War, the Air Force had not yet 

ordered its planned full complement of B-36s. Some 80 were on hand, 

with 40 in the active inventory. The expansion approved in January 1951 

gave authority to order enough for four more wings at 30 each, plus spares. 

During fiscal 1951 the Air Force accepted 55 more planes from Convair, 

most of them D models with the added jet engines. The next fiscal year 

added over 100 more, with still more on order. By that time three 

bombardment wings-two of them at Carswell- had been equipped and 

two reconnaissance wings. That is to say, SAC was halfway to the complete 

ten-wing program. 124 

Medium bombers on order in June 1950 were B-50s and RB-50s to 

equip six wings, and 97 B-47s. By a year later all B-50 units were 

equipped. Boeing was now producing the B-47 as its primary bomber. The 

new budgets called for production in the hundreds. In the ninety-five-wing 

program there were to be twenty medium bombardment wings. Subtracting 

the five B-50 wings, this meant fifteen wings at 45 planes per wing. 

Likewise, the program called for three wings of the reconnaissance model, 

or 810 of all types of Stratojet, plus spares. As will be seen, the B-47 

encountered serious delays, and by June 1952 only 124 had been received. 

And by then the program had expanded still more.125 

The bomber force in 1951 was thus still strongly a B-29 and B-50 

organization. It was manned in part with fresh trainees and recalled 

reservists. LeMay, meanwhile, was concerned to keep up its readiness. The 

deployments in July 1950 showed that the wing and base organization was 

still unsatisfactory. Although nothing occurred like the situation in 1948, 

the separation of the functions of the combat unit and the air base 

remained unclear. LeMay ordered revisions, laying down the principles he 

believed important. The officer responsible for dropping the bombs should 

have full authority over all his units, including those directly supporting 

him. Just because he transferred some legal functions to the commander 

of the air base group, he did not lose any responsibility or authority. That 

Memo, J. A. McCone, USec AF, to Sec Def, Apr 19, 1951, Vandenberg 

Coll,&st Sec of the AF, Box 38, MD, LC. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 29, 34; Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 

1950, pp 164-181; Ravenstein, Combat Wings, pp 16-18, 112-113, 128-130, 

133-134; Futrell, Ideas, pp 126-127, 145. 

123 

See previous note. 

376 
War and Rearmament 

transfer was made so that if the wing commander took his unit overseas, 

someone at the base was still legally empowered to run it. 126 

The new arrangement worked out in the SAC staff took advantage of 

the increase in the number of units, creating more two-wing bases. Early in 

1951 the command established several air divisions. At a base, the division 

commander was normally placed over the two wing commanders as well as 

the air base group. 127 

As for the wings themselves, the four-group (combat, maintenance 

and supply, air base, and medical) scheme gave way to a simpler one. In 

January 1951 the Air Staff approved a service test of the concept, and by 

the end of the year a slightly revised version was approved for all of SAC. 

The combat group existed now only in name, and the maintenance and 

supply group disappeared altogether. Each wing had flying squadrons, an 

aviation squadron trained to handle atomic weapons (if the wing was in the 

atomic bombing force), and three specialized maintenance squadrons 

which embodied LeMay’s concepts about their duties. These three 

squadrons centrally provided for field (repair shops), periodic (routine 

inspection), and armament and electronic maintenance. Each wing then 

included an air base group, including the medical unit, to operate the base. 

Overseas bases had air base groups on the spot ready to receive a 

deploying wing. The flying squadrons still did flight line maintenance, but 

all activities were directed by the wing’s maintenance control officer. 12’ 

The uneasiness of the units deploying to England in the summer of 

1950 at the danger of air attack came as no surprise to LeMay. Although 

estimates of the Soviets’ atomic stockpile did not attribute large numbers 

to it, the five hundred Tu-4s the Soviets were reported to have could strike 

with conventional weapons at bases in England and North Africa. From 

East Germany they could reach the Azores. In January 1951 the Air Staffs 

Directorate of Intelligence estimated that the Soviets could keep ten 

R & R Sheet, Col E. B. Broadhurst, Dir P1, SAC, to CS SAC, Notes from 

Air Force and Wing Commanders’ Conference, Jan 15, 1951, LeMay Coll, Official 

Docs, SAC Commanders Conference, Box B100, MD, LC. 

126 

iii Ibid.; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 31-32. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 31, 38; ltr, Maj Gen A. W. 

Kissner, CS SAC, to Dir Manpower & Orgn, USAF, subj: Revised Combat Wing 

Organization, Oct 13, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0, 323.3 SAC (Jun 21, 

19491, Box 1027, MMB, NA, hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1950, Vol I, pp 131-149, Jul-Dec 

1951, Vol I, p 182. The combat groups continued to exist on paper, but their 

headquarters were absorbed in the wing headquarters. On June 16, 1952, the 

groups were formally inactivated, and their lineages and honors were subsequently 

“temporarily bestowed” on the parent wings. Ravenstein, Combat Wings, p xxiii. 

377 
General LeMay’s new wing commanders were destined for high rank and 

responsibility. Clockwise from aborie, left: Joseph R. Holzapple of the 47th Bombardment Wing became CINCUSAFE; Maurice A. Preston of the 308th Bombardment Wing became CINCUSAFE; Joseph J. Nazzaro of the 68th Bombardment 

Wing became CINCSAC; Glen W. Martin of the 6th Bombardment Wing became 

Vice CINCSAC; Keith K. Compton of the 97th Bombardment Wing became Vice 

CINCSAC; David A. Burchinal of the 43d Bombardment Wing became Deputy 

USCINCEUR; Robert F. Travis of the 9th Bombardment Wing was killed in the 

crash of a B-29 on August 6, 1950, at Fairfield-Suisun Air Force Base, which was 

subsequently named in his honor. 
War and Rearmament 

airfields out of action with those numbers. And behind their advancing 

land forces they could put new airfields in even closer. 129 

When the Korean War broke out, the Air Staff was studying a plan 

submitted by SAC to deal with this vulnerability. Called the Outline 

Alternate Emergency War Plan, it envisioned airfields ranging from Newfoundland to Morocco to which the medium bomber force would deploy. 130 

By the time the SAC representatives reached Washington to brief 

their latest revisions of the plan on July 18, groups were arriving in 

England. The new plan called for routine rotations to forward bases. Units 

there would thus be able to strike more rapidly if the order came to do so. 

The overburdened airlift force would get some relief, and the forward 

positioning had value as a demonstration to the Soviets. 13’ 

The Air Staff was generally favorable. In Edwards’s words, “We all 

seem to be in favor of this scheme-what is the next step?”132 Landon 

pointed up the real problem. Many of the bases lacked the necessary 

supplies, and negotiations would have to begin with the Portuguese for the 

Azores and the French for Morocco. Perhaps, though, the United States 

had some leverage in NATO channels with both countries. 133 

R & R Sheet, Brig Gen E. Moore, Actg Dir Intel, to Dir P1, SAC OAEWP 

2-50 (Revised), Jan 30, 1951, with Appendix, Soviet Threat to SAC Bases in the 

Azores and Northwest Africa, Jan 30, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 381 

SAC (Dec 1, 1949), Sect 2, Box 1027; AF Emergency War Plan 1-52, as of Jan 1, 

1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (May 2, 19501, Sect 3, Box 328, all 

in Ml$B, NA. 

Ltr, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to CG SAC, subj: SAC Outline 

Emergency War Plan 2-50, Aug 8, 1950, with atch ltr, Maj Gen A. W. Kissner, CS 

SAC, to CSAF, subj: SAC Outline Alternate Emergency War Plan 2-50, Jul 27, 

1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Dec 1, 19491, Sect 1, Box 1027; 

memo, Col H. 0. Bordelon, Dir Ops, to Maj Gen R. M. Ramey, Dir Ops, subj: 

Strategic Air Command Alternate Emergency War Plan, Jul 19, 1950, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0, 686 SAC (Jul 18, 1950), Box 1029; memo, Landon to 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF’, SAC Outline Alternate Emergency War Plan 2-50, 

Aug 15, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Dec 1, 1949), Sect 1, 

Box t3q27, all in MMB, NA. 

See previous note. 

Memo, Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, Actg DCS/Ops, to Maj Gen F. F. Everest, 

Asst DCS/Ops, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, Maj Gen R. M. Ramey, Dir Ops, 

JuI22,1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0,686 SAC (Jul 18,19501, Box 1029, 

MMB, NA. 

133 Memo, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir PI, to Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, Actg 

DCS/Ops, subj: SAC’S Outline Emergency War Plan, n.d.; memo, Landon to 

Edwards, subj: Base Rights for SAC Plan, Jul 19, 1950, atch to memo, Brig Gen P. 

M. Hamilton, Ch Pol Div, DCS/Ops, to Landon, subj: SAC Crash Plan, Jul 25 

[19501, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, P & 0, 686 SAC (Jul 18, 1950), Box 1029, 

MMB, NA. 

129 

132 

379 
Strategic Air Force 

Another problem arose when Vandenberg tried to get the plan 

through the joint chiefs. 134 He finally withdrew it but, as Twining advised 

SAC in November, “The Chief of Staff believes, even though the plan has 

now been withdrawn, that it has served a useful purpose in that its 

submission is responsible for action now under way.. . .7’135 In fact, approval by the joint chiefs soon followed for talks with the French about 

Morocco and for the Air Force’s efforts to upgrade communications, stock 

supplies, and arrange for air defense. Meanwhile, at the end of November, 

Twining sent the plan back to SAC for revision. 

A further difficulty throughout the effort to develop this plan finally 

became clear as the Air Staff went over SAC‘S revision in January 1951. 

Feeling that the plan was still not ready to go to the joint chiefs, Edwards 

had Sweeney bring a group of his planners to Washington to work on 

further revisions with the Air Staff. It was essential for the staff of a 

specified command to learn the requirements involved in putting together 

material for presentation to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. 137 

The revisions were complete by March 1. By now it was no longer an 

alternate plan but a complete revision and updating of the SAC Emergency War Plan. As such it attracted the interest of Finletter, who shared 

the concern about the threat to SAC bases. He received a briefing on the 

plan on March 12, and it soon had gone to the joint chiefs. 

There it still did not secure immediate approval. For one thing it tied 

in with the other controversies then swirling around the strategic air 

offensive. The chiefs finally approved the plan on October 22, 1951. 139 But 

Memo, CSAF to JCS, 2057/7, subj: Strategic Air Command Outline 

Alternate Emergency War Plan 2-50 (SAC OAEWP 2-50), Aug 24, 1950, with 

note by Secs, Aug 31, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Dec 1, 

19491, Sect I, Box 1027, MMB, NA. 

135 Ltr, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to CG SAC, subj: SAC OAEWP 2-50, 

Nov 28, 1950, with atchs, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Dec 1, 

1949), Sect 1, Box 1027, MMB, NA. 

134 

13‘ Ibid. 

SAC Emergency War Plan 1-51, Mar I, 1951, atch to memo, Maj Gen T. 

D. White, Dir P1, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: SAC Emergency War 

Plan 1-51, Mar 10, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 

1949), Sect 3, Box 1028; memo, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Vandenberg, Feb 23, 

1951, with marginal note, Meeting held in Secretary’s office, 0950, March 12, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS P & 0, 384.5 (Jul 10, 19501, Box 452, all in MMB, NA; 

memo, Finletter to Vandenberg, Nov 23, 1951, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File 

Nov tl51, Box 55, MD, LC. 

See previous note. 

Memo, RAdm Lalor, Sec JCS, to JCS, SM-2462-51, subj: Strategic Air 

Command Emergency War Plan 1-51, Oct 12, 1951, with atch JCS 2057/26, Oct 

11, 1951, with JCS Decision, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 SAC (Mar 23, 

19491, Sect 4, Box 1028, MMB, NA. 

380 

137 

139 
War and Rearmament 

in the meantime, the reassessment of the situation of SAC bases overseas 

had led to important action with important consequences. The coming 

years were to see a major leap overseas by the Strategic Air C~rnmand.'~' 

An Investment in Air Power 

In spite of the seemingly interminable disputes among the services 

over the strategic air offensive, agreement on the budget was possible even 

when air power was the issue. During 1951 the Air Force mounted a major 

effort to go beyond the ninety-five-wing program. This effort was to a 

considerable degree successful and reflected an understanding of the 

depth of the nation's commitment to strategic deterrence. 

Based on the Harmon report,I4' air planners were confident that the 

strategic air offensive could do serious damage to Soviet industry. Even the 

appearance of the MiG-15 in Korea, where it showed it could take on 

strategic bombers, did not betoken a major improvement in night defenses 

in the Soviet Union. It was easy to assume that the Russians were 

undertaking major improvements in this area, but the offensive threat was 

taken more seriously. 14' 

Predictions of the growth of the Soviet atomic stockpile grew gloomier 

and influenced thinking about the scale of the strategic air offensive. In 

1950 an estimate foresaw 200 weapons by 1954, but at the beginning of 

1952 the Air Staff was predicting 320 by the same date. It was thought the 

Tu-4 fleet had reached 700 planes by then. To this, Finletter was not the 

only one to add the threat of conventional attacks on SAC bases. 143 Under 

such circumstances, the Air Force estimated the requirements for the 

blunting as well as the disruption task. Given all the commitments in the 

strategic air offensive, the ninety-five-wing program seemed far from 

adequate. Just as an example, eight reconnaissance wings were not enough 

to meet such commitments as going in search of the Soviet atomic force. 144 

14'See Chapter X. 

See Chapter VIII. 

ASSS, Col J. F. Pinckney, for Dir Est, Dir Intel, to CSAF, Revision of Air 

Intelligence Study: Aircraft of the US and the USSR, May 19, 1952, with encl, 

Vandenberg Coll, 13. Acft of the US & the USSR, Box 84, MD, LC. 

143A Report to the President Pursuant to the Presidential Directive of 

January 31, 1950, Apr 7, 1950, encl to Note, NSC-68, J. S. Lay Jr, Exec Sec to NSC, 

Apr ti, 1950, in FRUS, 1950, Vol I, p 251. 

Memo to Maj Gen T. D. White, Dir P1, subj: Increase in Wings Above the 

95 Wing Program, May 22, 1951; memo to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: 

Strategic Air Force, n.d., RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 320.2 (Jul 24, 19501, 

Sect 2, Box 123, MMB, NA. 

38 1 

141 

142 


Strategic Air Force 

It was Secretary Finletter and Professor Leach who worked out much 

of the political line for the Air Force in advocating further expansion. 

Influenced perhaps by briefings on the target lists and the three atomic 

“tasks,” Finletter discussed with Leach the possibility of defining all the 

tasks of the armed forces in the event of a war. This, both of them came to 

believe, would reveal that the Army and Navy had not clearly justified their 

programs in the light of their specific missions. In Finletter’s words, “the 

concept theoretically should produce the maximum defense for any given 

budget . . . .” 145 

Early in October 1950 Leach outlined the military tasks the United 

States would have to accomplish at the outset of a war. In a memorandum 

to the secretary, he put the strategic air offensive first: 

We can build and maintain, for decades if necessary, an atomic air 

offensive as a deterrent to the USSR. It must be kept at combat 

readiness with increasingly effective aircraft types. It must grow in 

size and in ability to penetrate. Some growth in size is necessary 

because it can be anticipated that Soviet ability to attack SAC 

installations will grow; and we must increase the size of SAC to 

whatever extent is required to permit it fully to perform its mission 

after absorbing the expectable losses from Soviet counter-air-force 

operations. 146 

Leach likewise expected Soviet air defenses to improve, necessitating a 

continuing evolution in SAC‘S ability to penetrate. 14’ 

With regard to other Air Force missions, Leach favored the formation 

of a mobile strike force of ground and tactical air units to deal with local 

trouble spots like Korea. He hoped that until technology could make for 

an effective air defense force, the Air Force could resist political pressures 

to build up that component. As for NATO, he argued, “We cannot defend 

Western Europe on the ground.” He believed that a large land force for 

defending Europe would be too expensive over time and would have to be 

cut back, or there would be a temptation to use it in a war.’48 

145Paper, Comments on Memo to Mr Finletter, ad., atch to memo, W. B. 

Leach to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, subj: The “Task” Concept in Planning Forces in 

Being, Oct 50, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 381 (Feb 7, 19501, Case 3, Sect 6, 

Box 336, MMB, NA. The “Comments” appear to have been typed from Finletter’s 

dictation. 

146 Ibid. 

Zbid. 14’ Ibid. 

147 

384 
War and Rearmament 

Politically, the goal was to “turn Russia’s energies inward upon its 

own people.” Leach favored a strong Anglo-American alliance. What he 

feared was that pressure was building in NATO to build massive land 

forces. Churchill, in spite of his endorsement of the atomic deterrent, 

seemed to be aiding in this kind of pressure. 149 

Reacting to these arguments, Finletter was less optimistic that the 

“task concept” would appeal politically. He feared that there would be no 

limit to the expansion of SAC. He was also sensitive to the Europeans’ 

concerns as they were still trying to rebuild from the last war: “To [them] 

liberation has little appeal.” A realistic strategy would contain a Soviet 

land offensive while SAC struck at the aggressor’s heartland. 150 

Still, both the secretary and the professor were agreed on the centrality of the deterrent role of SAC. With the “task concept” they could use 

the Air Force’s commitment to that role to make a case for the Air Force’s 

expansion program. In a similar vein, Landon’s Directorate of Plans had 

developed a program with specific links to tasks outlined in NSC-68. The 

results showed that the 95-wing program was insufficient. Air defense 

forces and tactical air units to fight in the European land battle needed to 

be larger, bringing the total in one study to 163 wings, without even 

expanding the strategic force. 15’ 

Nor did the strategic forces look all that awesome when new intelligence estimates appeared. While NSC-68 had predicted that the Soviets 

would have 200 atomic bombs by 1954, new information pointed to 1953 

for this event.’52 The increasing stockpile, the commitment to the blunting, disruption, and retardation tasks, and the need to survive a Soviet 

attack made an expansion of SAC feasible and necessary. 

The calculations now being used in the Air Staff envisioned an Air 

Force far exceeding anything that had existed since 1945. Still, the political 

prospects for expansion seemed to be improving during the early months 

of 1951. The public debate was focusing more on air power and deterrence. In February Republican Senator Kenneth Wherry of Nebraska 

started hearings to challenge the sending of troops to Europe. In the 

149 Zbid. 

Zbid. 

Plan WEEKEND, md., RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir P1, OPD, 381 (Oct 16, 19501, 

Box 324, MMB, NA. 

‘s2NSC-114/1, Status and Timing of Current US Programs for National 

Security, Aug 8, 1951, in FRUS, 1951, Vol I, p 132; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 94. 

IS1 

385 
Strategic Air Force 

so-called “great debate” that followed, the “isolationist” congressional 

bloc led by Republican Senator Robert A. Taft, emboldened by their 

party’s gains in the elections the previous November, advanced air power 

as the alternative to entanglement in NATO. General Vandenberg testified in support of the administration, describing the need for a force to 

shield NATO Europe until the strategic air offensive had weakened the 

Soviets. It was Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., Republican of Massachusetts, who led the successful effort to block a bill that would have 

limited further deployments. 153 

This may have been what led one of Lodge’s constituents, Professor 

Leach of Harvard, to write the senator to discuss national strategy. The 

result was to make Lodge one of the Senate’s leading advocates of 

expansion for the Air Force. Citing Leach, Lodge delivered a speech on 

the floor on April 30 in favor of a 150-wing program.’54 

Similarly, such advocates as Seversky and General Spaatz appeared in 

the press to promote air power. Spaatz condemned the “wall of flesh” 

strategy he considered implicit in the administration’s plans for NATO. 155 

Vandenberg’s opportunity to enter the debate came in May, when the 

Senate investigated the relief of General MacArthur. On May 28 and 29 

the air chief took the stand before the committee. He adopted a pragmatic 

defense of administration policy in the Far East. A wider war in the region 

would cause losses the Air Force could not afford if it was to remain a 

deterrent force. 

The fact is that the United States is operating a shoestring air force 

in view of its global responsibilies. 

Starting from a forty-odd-group Air Force, the aircraft industry is 

unable until almost 1953 to do much of a job toward supplying the 

airplanes that we would lose in war against any major opposition. 

In my opinion, the United States Air Force is the single potential 

that has kept the balance of power in our favor. It is the one thing 

that has, up to date, kept the Russians from deciding to go to war. 

Futrell, Ideas, pp 162-163. 

154 Zbid. 

Zbid. 

153 

386 
War and Rearmament 

In my opinion, we cannot afford to.. . peck at the periphery as long 

as we have a shoestring air force.. . . 

Today the United States is relatively safe from air attack. Tomorrow in my opinion we will not be.. . . 

Today we have only one job that we would have to do if we got into 

a major war with Russia, and that is to lay waste the industrial 

potential of that country. Tomorrow when they have developed 

their long-range air force and they have more atomic weapons, we 

have two jobs. 

We would have to put into first place the job of destroying the 

Russian air potential that could utilize atomic bombs against the 

United States, and lay waste the industrial potential.. . . 

- 

[W]e have to have an Air Force that can take the attrition that 

would be necessary to destroy that [Russian] air force . . . . 

The Air Force was now heavily engaged in promoting a major expansion. From March to May 1951 a task group in the Air Staff developed a 

program going well beyond 95 wings. By June, when they briefed Finletter, 

Vandenberg, and the Air Force Council, this group had the main features 

in place for an Air Force of 163 wings. Subtracting 25 airlift wings, this 

produced the so-called “138 combat wing” program.157 In July the Air 

Force presented this to the joint chiefs, an earlier version of it having been 

agreed to by the Joint Strategic Planning Committee in May. The 163-wing 

plan called for a strategic force with 45 bomber wings (12 of them heavy) 

and 14 for reconnaissance-a recognition of the crucial need for target 

intelligence. Also, for support of NATO forces, the planners included not 

only fighter-bombers but also 7 wings of medium bombers, so as to free 

SAC for its primary mission. lS8 

General Vandenberg proposed this 163-wing goal for fiscal 1952, but 

it would be difficult not only to get it approved but also to produce the 

156 Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services and Committee on 

Foreign Relations, Senate, Military Situation in the Far East, 82d Cong, 1st sess, Pt 

2, Ma 28 29, 1951, pp 1379-1380, 1425. 

19, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, 2A. Memos Re 138 Wings, Box 83, MD, LC, hist, Hq 

USAF, Jul 1950-Jun 1951, p 18; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 96-103, 100n. 

1- ’ Table, Unit Aircraft Assigned the 80 and 138 Combat Wing Programs, Sep 

lS8 See previous note. 

387 
Strategic Air Force 

aircraft. By April 1951 total appropriations to the Air Force for the current 

fiscal year were $16 billion, while the 1952 budget then in Congress asked 

for $20 billion for 95 wings.’59 To go beyond this would require a supplemental appropriation, which the Army and Navy would not be likely to 

favor. 

Indeed the joint chiefs did prove unable to agree on the Air Force 

program. The idea of “balanced forces” still prevailed. Specifically, the 

Army and Navy chiefs asked for cost figures before they could agree to 

anything, while Vandenberg was trying to get a commitment in principle to 

the 163-wing goal before submitting costs.’60 On June 11, 1951, the other 

chiefs conceded a willingness to expand the Air Force to 102 wings by June 

1952 and to discuss further growth later, but Twining (acting for Vandenberg while the latter was in Europe) rejected this proposal. The next day 

Lovett informed the services of rising pressure in Congress to expand the 

Air Force.16’ 

In fact Senator Lodge had returned to the charge. In July he testified 

in budget hearings, calling again for 150 wings. Although he emphasized 

the weak condition of US. tactical air, he also recommended a strategic 

force of 62 wings. To the economic argument he offered the rejoinder that 

existing plans called for forces that were both costly and ineffectual. 

Besides this, deterrence was cheaper than war.’62 Other members of 

Congress were not as easily convinced. Chairman Vinson doubted that the 

industry could produce the planes. However, Finletter met with Vinson at 

the end of August and was able to win his support for the Air Force’s 

program. 163 

Before reaching Congress, however, the Air Force needed to go 

through the joint chiefs. Bradley arranged for them to meet with Lovett on 

August 9. The deputy secretary believed that the services could meet their 

manpower and production goals for fiscal 1952. To expand the Air Force 

to 163 wings would require a supplemental appropriation of $4.3 billion. 

Soon after this meeting, Vandenberg came to an agreement with the chiefs 

Air Force Statistical Digest, FY 1951, p 312: Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 85. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 96-100. 

159 

160 

“‘Zbid., p 98; msg, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, for J. A. McCone, USec AF, 

to Lt Gen 0. P. Weyland, CG FEAF, for T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Redline 263, 

1122312 Jun 51, Vandenberg Coll, Messages Jun-Oct 1951 (91, Box 86, MD, LC. 

Statement of Sen H. C. Lodge, Jr, Senate Committee on Appropriations, 

Jul 13, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, Sec of AF (2) [1951], Box 61, MD, LC. 

163 Memo, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Jul 28, 

1951, Vandenberg Coll, 8. Selected Memos, Box 84, MD, LC. 

388 
War and Rearmament 

that he would seek the supplemental with their approval of a “possible 

expansion” beyond the 1952 goals. A final decision would be made in 

September. 164 

Anticipating a detailed discussion, Finletter and Vandenberg prepared their arguments carefully. The Air Secretary considered it likely that 

the Secretary of Defense would have to resolve the question. He decided 

to make sure that, if civilian consultants were called in, they would include 

DuBridge and other experts who had worked well with the Air Force. 165 

Meanwhile, the services were preparing their proposals for fiscal 1953 

and 1954. In these and the comments exchanged over them during 

September 1951, the debate over strategic forces began to assume a 

characteristic form. Collins, for the Army, proposed that the Air Force 

expansion not be so great. He recommended cutting down on strategic air 

power and airlift and deletion of the seven medium bomb wings included 

in tactical forces, in favor of fighter-bombers. As rationale he argued that 

it was important to stop the Soviet attack on Western Europe because the 

strategic air offensive could not do that. Adm. William M. Fechteler, Chief 

of Naval Operations after Sherman’s fatal heart attack on July 22, favored 

even stronger limits on strategic air forces. He argued that tactical forces 

were more flexible and able to respond to a variety of threats. 166 

The Air Staff could hardly have been surprised by these arguments. 

Finletter emphasized the point that the first task of the armed forces was 

to deter an attack on the United States. If war came it would be necessary 

to destroy the atomic force that could make such an attack and to 

dismantle Soviet industry. Although he favored strong air forces in support 

of the European land battle, the Air Secretary opposed trying to meet 

aggression everywhere. “We are not able to create a force in being to take 

care of local wars.” He hoped to cast the Navy’s argument in such a light 

as to make it appear that such a force was in fact their objective. From the 

economic standpoint, the Air Force program should be presented, he 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 99-102. 

Memo, subj: Presentation Support of 138-Wing Program, atch to memo, T. 

K. Finletter, Sec AF, to CSAF, n.d. [Aug 511, Vandenberg Coll, 2A. Memos Re 

138 Tpgs, Box 83, MD, LC. 

Tab B, Views of the Chief of Staff, US Army, to draft memo for Sec Def, 

subj: United States Programs for National Security, Sep 12, 1951; memo, Adm W. 

M. Fechteler, CNO, to JCS, n.d., atch to draft memo for Sec Def, subj: United 

States Programs for National Security, Sep 12, 1951, ail in Vandenberg Coll, 

Classified, Box 83, MD, LC; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 99, 103n. 

164 

389 
Strategic Air Force 

argued, as part of a national defense program that could be sustained for 

years. 167 

One line of argument that also concerned Finletter arose from the 

recognition that atomic plenty lay in the future. Rather than making a 

reduced strategic force possible, he believed the future stockpile called for 

a redoubled effort. 

The air power atomic strike force against industry must be maintained. There is nothing in the new wealth of weapons which 

justifies in any way the diminution of this striking weapon. On the 

contrary, the increase in weapons should increase the volume of the 

strategic strike against industry. 

General Vandenberg recognized the need to present the Air Force's 

case soon. Tooling up industry, placing orders, and taking delivery of 

equipment, especially a large number of bombers, as well as building 

airfields and training men, would take time. He had assurances from 

Assistant Secretary of Defense Anna Rosenberg that the manpower would 

be available. A study by Air Staff and outside experts showed that an Air 

Force of 1,200,000 men could operate 163 wings, a reduction from previous 

estimates. Thus a variety of arguments would show that the Air Force 

could meet its goals at a manageable cost to the nation. 16' 

In mid-September the joint chiefs reported that they could not agree 

on the defense program. Robert Lovett, now Secretary of Defense since 

Marshall's retirement on September 12, withheld final decision pending 

other studies under way. In particular, a scientific panel questioned the 

idea that tactical atomic weapons could replace strategic ones, the very 

issue that would arise in PROJECT VISTA. Nonetheless, it proposed a cut in 

the heavy bomber program. 170 

With this information, Lovett and the chiefs arrived at agreement, 

although Vandenberg concurred under protest, to set the goal for the Air 

Memo, subj: Presentation Support of 138-Wing Program, atch to memo, 

T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to CSAF, n.d. [Aug 511, Vandenberg Coll, 2A. Memos Re 

138 Wings, Box 83; memo, Finletter to Lt Gen T. D. White, Dir P1, Sep 10, 1951; 

memo, Finletter to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Aug 28, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, 

8. Selected Memos, Box 84, all in MD, LC. 

167 

See previous note. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 96-103; Doris Condit, The Test of War, 

1950-1953, Vol 2 [History of the Ofice of the Secretary of Defense] (Washington: 

Office of the Secretary of Defense, 1988), pp 261-268. 

169 

I7O See previous note. 

390 
War and Rearmament 

Force at 143 wings. These were all to be activated by June 1453, but not all 

would be combat ready until the next year. The heavy bomber force was to 

increase little beyond that planned for the 95-wing force. The other serious 

reductions affected airlift. The medium bomber units for the European 

theater were largely eliminated in favor of other tactical forces. To 

recapitulate: 

Air Force 

Programmed Approved Proposed Approved 

Wings June 1950 for FY 52 July 1951 for FY 53 

Medium Bombardment 10 20 33 30 

Strategic 

Reconnaissance 

Heavy Bombardment 4 6 12 7 

Heavy 2 4 6 4 

Total Strategic 20 41 69 57 

Medium 3 4 8 6 

10 

- 10 - 7 - 1 - Fighter Escort 

Air Defense 12 20 31 29 

Medium Bombardment 1 7 2 

Other Tactical 38 

Total Tactical 10 19 38 40 

- 31 

- 19 - 9 - 

Troop Carrier 

Grand Total 

15 25 17 

48 95 163 143 - 6 - __ - 

A historian for the Joint Chiefs of Staff rightly calls this debate and its 

outcome “momentous.” 173 Although President Truman’s approval was only 

“tentative,” the Secretary of Defense had decreed that one service-the 

Air Force-should get well over one-third of future defense budgets. 174 A 

new era of air power had begun in the history of American defense policy. 

17’ D. Condit, The Test of War, pp 267-269; memo, W. C. Foster, Actg Sec Def, 

to Sec Army, Sec Nav, et al, Oct 15, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, 4A. FY 53 Budget, Box 

88, y71$ LC. 

Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 1950, pp 3-5; table, Unit Aircraft 

Assigned to the 80 and 138 Combat Wing Programs, Sep 19, 1951, Vandenberg 

Coll, 2A. Memos Re 138 Wings, Box 83; memo, W. C. Foster, Actg Sec Def, to Sec 

Army, Sec Nav, et al., Oct 15, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, 4A. FY 53 Budget, Box 88, 

bothlg MD, LC. 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, p 103. 

D. Condit, The Test of War, pp 267-269. 174 

391 
Strategic Air Force 

Previously, the defense program had given a central role to air power, and 

especially strategic air power. But when the budget had been allocated, the 

other services got rough parity. Now the Air Force would be funded 

without a commitment to keep the other services on a comparable budget 

level. No longer would the size of the Air Force be limited because the 

country could not afford to bring the other services’ budgets up to the 

same amount. Nevertheless, part of what reconciled the Army and the 

Navy to such an increase was the fact that they too were expanding, even if 

to a lesser degree. This meant annual defense budgets exceeding $50 

billion. As the sense of emergency subsided, as well it might, it would be 

increasingly difficult to sustain such levels. Then the controversy might 

once again be joined. 

392 
Chapter X 

“Never Before Surpassed” 

he military stalemate and truce talks in Korea, though frustrating to T the nation, did not divert the Air Force from the important task of 

building up its strength overall. Expanding SAC remained a high 

priority, and by 1952 LeMay’s contribution in this regard had made him 

virtually identifiable with the command itself. Even as the Korean War was 

approaching its climax, Secretary Finletter personally assured him of his 

continued interest in the command.’ In January 1952, Thomas D. White 

(since July 1951 a lieutenant general and DCS for Operations) wrote to 

LeMay, “I am personally well aware that you have, without any qualification, the most vital military mission of any man in the world.. . .’72 The 

commitment to building SAC went beyond words. Previously, while commanding the Military Air Transport Service, Kuter had initiated an arrangement to transfer to SAC all his pilots with four thousand hours in 

four-engined planes, in return for all of SAC’s pilots with two thousand 

hours.3 

LeMay’s promotion to full general came on October 29, 1951. He had 

been SAC‘s commanding general for three years, and in the normal 

pattern of military service he could expect to rotate to another position in 

the coming year. Vandenberg’s term as chief of staff would expire on April 

30, 1952. However, both Twining and McNarney were senior to LeMay, 

who shared the same date of rank with John K. Cannon at the Tactical Air 

Ltr, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Nov 8, 1950, 

LeMfy Coll, Finletter, Box 53, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Jan 

21, 1252, LeMay Coll, White, Thomas, Box B61, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, Cmdr MATS, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Sep 

13, 1951; ltr, Maj Gen A. W. Kissner, CS SAC, to Kuter, Sep 22, 1951, both in 

LeMay Coll, Kuter, Box B55, MD, LC. 

1 

393 
Strategic Air Force 

Command and Benjamin W. Chidlaw of the Air Materiel Command. In 

view of LeMay’s aversion to duty in Washington-in which he was not 

alone-and his belief in the importance of SAC, he would have reason to 

prefer to remain in Omaha. Norstad proposed that Vandenberg’s term be 

extended, resolving the question of a ~uccessor.~ With congressional approval, an extension of fourteen months was announced in March 1952. In 

spite of a growing personal estrangement between Vandenberg and Secretary Finletter, both continued in office. At the same time as the announcement of Vandenberg’s extension, the Air Force also reported that Twining 

would assume command of SAC, with LeMay succeeding him as vice chief 

of staff. What happened next is not clear, but the switch never took place. 

Vandenberg was not well, having learned that he needed surgery for 

can~er.~ The vice chief would have to act for him, and recent experience 

on the Air Staff may have been considered a key asset. In any case, LeMay 

remained at SAC, and the identification of command and commander 

became even more pronounced. 

Meanwhile, the acceptance of the 143-wing program by Congress 

marked a new phase in the history of the independent Air Force. From 

September 1947 to June 1950 the Air Staffs advocacy of a seventy-group 

force had only produced continued frustration. The outbreak of the 

Korean War had altered the political climate, leading to the adoption of 

the 95-wing program as the Air Force’s share of a general program of 

rearmament. The significance of the larger program adopted in 1952 was 

that the Army and Navy would remain stable while the Air Force expanded to 143 wings. The nation’s leaders had decided to rely on air power 

for defense. 

The military and political situations in Korea and Europe continued 

to exert a major influence on the U.S. defense program. With the stabilization of the front in Korea in the spring of 1951, it was clear that United 

Nations forces would not be driven from the peninsula. At the same time, 

reconquest of North Korea was becoming an increasingly elusive goal. 

Truce talks between the opposing forces began in July, though the fighting 

persisted as both sides hoped to improve their negotiating position. Superior American air power counterbalanced the Chinese advantage in numMsg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

2213302 Jun 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redline Messages (May-Dec 51) (21, Box 86, 

MD, LC; Fogerty, Study # 91, ‘‘LeMay” &passim. 

’New York Times, Mar 7, 1952, p 3; LeMay & Kantor, Mission with LeMay, 

p 395; USAF OHI, # 744, James C. Hasdorff, AFHRA, with Brig Gen Noel F. 

Parrish (Ret), Jun 74, p 225, in AFHRA. For a discussion of the personal 

difficulties between Finletter and Vandenberg, see G. Watson, “Secretaries,” pp 

111-112 

4 

394 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

bers of ground troops. A concerted air interdiction campaign failed to 

weaken the communists to the point of allowing a major advance by 

United Nations forces. Thus in 1952 the strategic goal for Far East Air 

Forces shifted from interdiction to “air pressure,” an effort to inflict 

enough damage on the enemy to encourage him to come to an agreement 

in the truce talks. The terrible fear of a widening war and an even greater 

catastrophe, so evident at the beginning of 1951, gave way to frustration at 

the continued bloodshed and financial drain of an indecisive conflict.6 

In Europe, as American forces began to arrive in the summer of 1951, 

the allies gradually regained confidence. The high point of cooperation was 

reached in the NATO meeting at Lisbon in February 1952, when the allies 

agreed to ambitious force goals, which eventually included a plan to have 

ninety divisions and ten thousand combat aircraft available in Europe on 

thirty days’ notice. But increased confidence in Europe, as in Korea, 

detracted from the sense of urgency, creating what Secretary of State 

Dean G. Acheson later termed a “receding tide of political Added 

to the malaise was the growing economic crisis in the United Kingdom and 

the general unwillingness to sustain huge military budgets on both sides of 

the Atlantic. 

The possibility of a stretchout, a decrease in planned force levels, or 

even an actual reduction, especially strong once the war ended in Korea, 

concentrated the Air Staffs attention. So many American officials considered the concept of “balanced forces” as a rationalization for dividing the 

defense budget into equal thirds that the Air Force could be forced to cut 

back with the rest. This would straightjacket the Air Force within an 

inadequate budget and allow the spending of vast sums on land and naval 

forces with a strategic function hardly discernible to the airmen.8 The 

nation could ill afford to reduce SAC; nor, the air leaders argued, would 

the public be assured by reductions in air defense. And the Army would be 

equally handicapped by cuts in tactical air forces. 

Finletter had originally constructed the case for the 143-wing Air 

Force on the “task concept,” which required justifying programmed forces 

in terms of the specific wartime task they were to perform. Meanwhile, the 

’ Futrell, Korea, pp 63-372, 433-474, 605-629. 

’Acheson, Present at the Creation, p 625. Ironically, there has been speculation 

that Stalin, beginning early in 1951, was actively preparing the Soviet bloc for an 

attack on the West. No Western intelligence agency at the time seems to have had 

any information on this. See Mikhail Heller and Aleksandr Nekrich, Utopia in 

Power: The History of the Soviet Union from 1917 to the Present, trans by Phyllis B. 

Carly (NY: Summit, 19861, pp 504-505. 

See for example, John J. Daunt, “In My Opinion: The Balance in Our 

Armed Forces,” AUQR I11 (Winter 491, pp 66-69. 

395 
Strategic Air Force 

Air Staff during 1951 and 1952 developed what came to be called the “Air 

Concept” to define the way the service proposed to make its case. This 

focused on the strategic air offensive as the crucial operation in the event 

of war, with forces for other tasks in a supporting role. Deterrence would 

be assured by the services’ being able to undertake operations at once. 

Public discontent with the stalemate in Korea and large budgets, 

together with the widespread fear of communism and an image of a 

scandal-ridden Democratic administration, placed the Air Force in a 

difficult position. It was, after all, Secretary Lovett who had approved the 

143-wing program. At the same time, many Republican critics advocated 

an increased emphasis on air power as the solution to the problem of 

defense spending. The platform of the Republicans in the upcoming 

presidential election campaign, stressing what came to be called the “K 

and two C’s”-Korea, communism, and corruption-promised an effective 

defense at less cost.’ The airmen only hoped that their service would not 

become a political football in the course of the debate. If this did not 

materialize, the Air Force was likely to be in a strong situation whoever 

won. In the meantime, the Air Force would continue to provide forces for 

the war in the Far East and to build up under the 95-wing program and 

then the 143-wing program. 

Medium Bombers in Korea 

The three years of FEAF Bomber Command operations in Korea 

were rich in ironies. A plane designed to carry all-out war to the industrial 

heart of enemy nations served in a limited, localized, peripheral conflict. In 

that war the strategic bomber was used against a variety of targets. The 

obsolescent, second-line segment of SAC did the actual fighting, though 

the B-29 showed a good deal of versatility. These circumstances came 

about precisely because the true industrial base of the communist forces 

lay within the Soviet Union, and off limits to allied bombers. As a result, 

the Superfortresses were not used in their primary mission. 

After the return of the 22d and 92d Bomb Groups to SAC in*October 

1950, Far East Air Forces normally had a little more than one hundred 

B-29s and some twenty-five reconnaissance and weather types. Although 

Bomber Command was part of the theater forces, it drew its crews, 

Herbert S. Parmet, Eisenhower and the American Crusades (NY: MacMillan, 

19721, p 141. 

396 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

commanders, and methods from SAC. The commanding generals of FEAF 

Bomber Command normally served tours of four to six months before 

returning to SAC. Beginning in March 1951 crews rotated back to SAC 

after their tours.” The stateside command thus built up a new generation 

of combat-tested aircrew members. In addition, operations provided lessons 

in new techniques, particularly against Soviet-built air defenses. 

In 20,000 sorties Bomber Command lost 24 aircraft to enemy action. 

All operational losses accounted for 627 aircrew members killed or missing 

and 96 wounded. In contrast, 5,800 completed tours unscathed. This was a 

far cry from “Black Thursday” perhaps,”but losses did at times inhibit 

operations, and combat flying remained a hazardous enterprise.’* 

Much was made at the time of the age of the B-29s. They no doubt 

posed a headache for maintenance. A faster, more modern aircraft might 

have been better prepared to contend with MiGs and flak. On the other 

hand, the Superfortresses were fitted with new equipment such as Shoran 

to enhance their survivability and bombing accuracy. And there was no 

doubt of the value of a plane that could carry such a large bomb 10ad.l~ 

Of the more than 20,000 total sorties flown by FEAF Bomber Command in Korea, 12,000 were directed against the transportation networkroads, railroads, bridges, marshaling yards, and supply centers. Other 

targets included troop areas (over 700 sorties), industrial areas (about 

1,4001, and airfields (approximately 1,250). Besides interdiction missions, 

the command flew 2,800 sorties in support of United Nations ground units. 

The bombers dropped leaflets, and the RB-29s of the reconnaissance 

squadron provided essential photographic ~0verage.l~ Furthermore, SAC 

sent some KB-29 tankers to the Far East to refuel fighters. The first 

combat refueling took place on July 6, 1951, when an Air Materiel 

Command tanker and a SAC crew refueled four RF-80s.15 

When Bomber Command went into action in July 1950, a controversy 

immediately arose concerning the control of its operations. Responding to 

the emergency of the North Korean advance, FEAF found it difficult to 

refuse calls for support missions at the front line. Subsequent experience 

showed the difficulty of planning and flying B-29 missions from bases in 

This account is drawn primarily from Futrell, Korea; see pp 93-94. 

On Thursday, October 14, 1943, Eighth Air Force launched 291 bombers in 

an unescorted daylight attack on the ball-bearing facilities at Schweinfurt, Germany. Of these 60 were lost, and, from then until escort fighters were available, no 

major deep penetrations of Germany were attempted. 

10 

11 

Air Force Statistical Digest, FY 1953, pp 58, 59, 90, 92, 110-111. 

Ibid., p 32; Futrell, Korea, pp 93-94, 773, 387. 

Air Force Statistical Digest, FY 1953, p 77. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 34. 

12 

13 

14 

15 

397 
Strategic Air Force 

Japan and Okinawa to operate in a volatile situation. So Lt. Gen. George 

E. Stratemeyer, the Commanding General of Far East Air Forces, managed to convince MacArthur and his staff that the B-29s were better 

suited for interdiction missions, which could be planned some time ahead. 

From that point on, although political considerations intervened, and overall arrangements for control of air operations in Korea remained unsatisfactory throughout the war, FEAF itself selected most of the targets for the 

Until the Chinese with their MiG-15s entered the war in November 

1950, Bomber Command encountered negligible oppposition. The 19th 

Bomb Group lost one bomber in the early days of the war. The next loss 

occurred several months later, on November 10. That month incendiary 

attacks on supply centers were authorized and went ahead successfully. 

The bridges on the Yalu, where Chinese forces were entering Korea, 

proved tougher to handle, especially since the attacking bombers had to 

avoid entering Chinese air space.” 

Once the Chinese offensive started in November 1950, FEAF concentrated all its efforts to help the United Nations ground forces stem the 

tide. As the communists’ supply lines lengthened, they came under continuing air attack until the enemy’s drive south came to a halt. In April 1951 

Bomber Command became involved in a grueling air battle near the Yalu. 

The bridge and supply center at Sinuiju were circled with heavy air 

defenses, and the 27th Fighter Escort Wing’s F-84s proved unequal to the 

task of keeping the MiGs away. On April 12 three of the thirty-nine 

bombers dispatched against the bridge at Sinuiju were lost. Stratemeyer at 

once suspended Bomber Command operations in the far north until a 

solution to the air defense problem could be found. Even so, bomber 

losses continued.“ 

The answer was not long in coming. First, the ground radar that Fifth 

Air Force used for close support at night was found to be workable with 

the B-29. Further, in June Bomber Command began installing Shoran sets 

on a few B-29s, which could then use the Fifth Air Force’s beacon for 

night operations. These developments made Bomber Command an increasingly effective night bombing force.” 

Late in 1951 the command engaged in two major operations, one for 

interdiction and the other counter-air. Its participation in a major interdiction campaign, inaptly named STRANGLE, began in June. As this operation 

began, the communist air forces made a strong bid to gain air superiority 

B-29~’~ 

Futrell, Korea, pp 50-55, 92-94, 501-504. 

Ibid., pp 220-230, Air Force Statistical Digest, FY 1953, p 59. 

Futrell, Korea, pp 293-300. 

l9 Ibid., pp 355-359, 408-409. 

16 

17 

18 

398 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

by setting up important bases within Korea. The B-29 was the prime 

weapon to use against airfields, and Bomber Command thus played a 

major role in this new air battle. The daylight attacks that followed 

brought the heaviest aircraft losses yet. During October the enemy shot 

down five B-29s and two more in November. Still, the U.S. effort kept the 

bases from becoming operational, and by the end of 1951 the communist 

airmen had been forced back into their sanctuary in Manchuria.” 

In the early months of 1952, as STRANGLE failed to produce satisfactory results, the United Nations Command began to formulate the concept 

of “air pressure.” To overcome the political stalemate at the truce talks, 

the allies decided to use concerted air attacks to maximize the cost to the 

enemy of continuing the war. Operating at night, the B-29s brought their 

massive bomb tonnages to bear against rear area targets. The enemy 

resorted to a number of ruses to defend against the Superforts. For 

example, fighters at high altitude dropped flares to guide searchlights onto 

the bomber stream. U.S. losses increased, with three B-29s shot down in 

January 1953. This, however, represented the enemy’s last stand. The 

crucial weapon in night defense, the radar-equipped fighter, never appeared in the communist order of battle. From February to the end of the 

fighting, not a single B-29 was lost to enemy action thanks in large 

measure to the heroic efforts of U.S. Air Force, Marine Corps, and Navy 

radar-equipped F-94 and F3D air crews which fought grueling night 

dogfights over Korea’s rugged hills against communist MiGs21 Air pressure 

continued up to the armistice in July 1953. In May the B-29s struck at 

irrigation dams, while continuing their interdiction and close support 

missions. On July 27 an RB-29 on a photographic mission had the 

distinction of flying FEAF Bomber Command’s last combat sortie of the 

war. Over the next year, although they now no longer flew combat 

missions, the crews of the command still constituted a major conventional 

bombing force in the Far East. Not until June and July 1954 was FEAF 

Bomber Command inactivated and its units reincorporated into SAC?2 

Expansion and Professionalism 

There existed a basic tension between rapidly expanding the atomic 

force and maintaining the existing deterrent force intact. In deciding not 

to draw heavily on the older atomic units for experienced personnel, SAC 

Zbid., pp 401-413, 471-474. 

Zbid., pp 475-482, 613-616. 

20 

21 

22 Ibid., pp 666-672; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 43. 

399 

SAC and the Korean War. Elements of SAC’S non-atomic strategic 

reserve were hurriedly deployed to the Far East in July 1950 to bolster FEAF 

Bomber Command and begin missions in Korea. Members of the 307th Bombardment Wing, aboue, line up before departing for Japan. One, center, left, bids 

goodbye to his family. A C-97, center, right, of the 307th from MacDill Air Force 

Base in Florida is well-loaded for takeoff. Piles of empty boxes, below, attest to the 

haste with which the 307th left for the Korean battle zone. Arriving at Kadena Air 

Base on Okinawa from March Air Force Base in California, the 22d Bombardment 

Wing turned an open field into a tent city, left, below. A tent serves as the 22d’s 

interrogation room, left, center. B-29s of the 22d, left, aboce, unload their bombs 

on communist targets in North Korea. 
Strategic Air Force 

posed a challenge for the newly formed wings to use their resources 

efficiently in training to a wartime level of ability. These wings, equipped 

with unmodified B-29s from storage, also had to support the program of 

sending replacement crews to the Far East. 

SAC expected the new units to make significant progress toward full 

readiness, as measured by the rating system. In August 1950 Col. Robert 

0. Cork, the SAC Comptroller, assured LeMay that the rating system 

worked. For example, such events as the arrival of new crews or a rotation 

to England, which could be expected to lower performance, usually had 

the predicted effect on the ratings. On the other hand, units that had long 

been the command's highest priority, such as the 509th Bomb Wing, 

looked excellent in the ratings.23 Thus SAC's staff could hold up a credible 

standard for the newer units. 

But a look at the SAC manpower and strength figures suggested that 

commanders would be hard pressed to keep their units effective. During 

the three years of the Korean War, SAC's strength grew from 58,000 to 

162,000, the number of officers increasing from 9,000 to 19,000 in the same 

period. Medium bomber wings expanded from ten to nineteen, those of 

heavy bombers from two to four, and heavy reconnaissance also from two 

to four. Much of this increase was in untrained or partially trained men. 

To cope with the shortage of experienced people, the command utilized 

more military women and civilian employees in support roles. Reservists 

also provided a leavening of wartime experience. But these solutions were 

short lived. The enlistments extended by Congress at the outbreak of the 

war in Korea began to expire in July 1951. By November 5,000 men in SAC 

had taken their discharges. Late the next year the reservists would start to 

go home, and in due time the officers and enlisted men who had joined in 

the wake of rising draft calls would reach the ends of their terms.24 

LeMay's long-standing interest in the issues of morale, incentives, and 

reenlistment had prepared SAC for this challenge, but it would be a 

difficult situation all the same. 

The SAC rating system was indeed a valuable way to note the 

command's progress. It covered all aspects of a unit's activities. In addition, regular missions, especially those against radar bomb scoring sites, as 

23 Ltr, CoI R. 0. Cork, Comptr SAC, to CG SAC, subj: Analysis of the SAC 

Rating System, Aug 4, 1950, LeMay Coll, Multiple Addressees (l), Box B62, MD, 

LC. 

24Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 1950, pp 29, 35, N 1953, pp 364, 

367; hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1952, Vol I, p 3, Jul-Dec 1952, Vol I, pp 9-10; Ravenstein, 

Combat Wings, pp 141-142, 170-172. 

402 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

well as the annual bombing competition, evaluated the end result-the 

command‘s ability to deliver weapons on target. LeMay affirmed the rating 

system’s real purpose; it was designed to reveal a unit’s strong and weak 

points, not to decide who was in first place.25 Nevertheless, certain units 

consistently performed well. Irvine’s B-36 units regularly ranked high, 

especially in radar missions. Considering the problems they faced, this was 

commendable indeed.26 But then LeMay had said that these units had the 

toughest mission in the war plan, since they had to reach the deepest 

targets. The pioneering 509th, 43d, and 2d Wings did well, the 509th most 

c~nsistently.~~ When the 2d Bomb Wing’s B-50s began to enter the depot 

at Sacramento in the summer of 1952 for modification of some electronics, 

the Air Materiel Command informed LeMay that the aircraft were in 

outstanding shape, the sign of superior maintenance.28 

Bombing accuracy had improved dramatically from the dismal days of 

1949. By May of 1950 the radar bombing average error was cut to 4,500 

feet (from 10,000 feet in the Dayton mission) and gross errors halved. A 

year later, missions against the radar bomb scoring site, then at Binghamton, New York, using seven-year-old photographs of the city, produced an 

average error of 3,000 feet and only fourteen percent gross errors. The 

best crews scored a remarkable 2,500 feet. But by late 1951, the average 

SAC crew’s circular error probable declined to 1,840 feet.29 

The competitions showed similar results. The critical situation in 

Korea in late 1950 prompted the cancellation of that year’s meet, but in 

August 1951 SAC renewed the event. The 97th Bomb Wing, the B-50 unit 

at Biggs, proved the best overall unit, a real recovery from earlier problems. To emphasize the importance of reconnaissance units, a separate 

navigation event had been added, for which a trophy, donated by the 

Hughes Aircraft Company, had been named in honor of Muir Fairchild. 

The 97th won that contest as well. Taking part in the meet were Royal Air 

25 Notes for Commanders Conference, Jul 24, 1951, LeMay Coll, Box B101, 

26 See below, p. 19. 

MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Col Miller, Asst AG SAC, to AFs, et nl, subj: SAC Rating 

System-Operations Section (April 19511, May 12, 1951; ltr, Lt Col H. N. Moore, 

Asst AG SAC, to AFs, et al, subj: SAC Bombardment Wing Rating 

System-January 1952, Feb 27, 1952; ltr, Moore to AFs, et al, subj: SAC Bombardment Wing Ratings-March 1952, Apr 25, 1952, all in LeMay Coll, Box B96, MD, 

LC. 

1st Ind, (Itr, Lt Gen E. W. Rawlings, CG AMC, to CSAF, CG SAC, subj: 

Commendation, Jul 11, 19521, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to CG SAC, Jul 31, 

1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Jul 52 (21, Box 57, MD, LC. 

29 Rprt, Springfield Evaluation Mission, Jul 7, 1952, LeMay Coll, Box B106; 

SAC Progress Analysis, Oct 53, LeMay Coll, Box B98, both in MD, LC. 

27 

403 
Strategic Air Force 

New and improved radar allowed SAC to 

tighten its bombing accuracy by impressive percentages during test runs and simulations from 

1949 through 1952. Pictured is a radar scope 

image of Massachusetts that highlights the contrast between land and water from the Boston 

area to the tip of Cape Cod. 

Force Washington bombers (B-29~1, while SAC B-29s won the British 

bombing c~mpetition.~’ After the October 1952 competition LeMay described the performance of the navigators as “phenomenal.” The overall 

best crew, from the 2d Wing, consisted entirely of men with spot promotions. The 97th had to share the Fairchild Trophy with the 93d (Castle Air 

Force Base). The B-36s had an incredibly low radar error of 465 feet. In a 

separate reconnaissance competition the Paul T. Cullen Trophy3’ went to 

the 28th Strategic Reconnaissance Wing (RB-36s) which two years earlier 

Memo to Lt Gen T. D. White, Dir PI, subj: SAC Bombing Capability, n.d. 

[Aug 511, Vandenberg Coll, 2A Memos Re 138 Wings, Box 83; ltr, Maj Gen S. E. 

Anderson, CG 8 AF, to CO 97 BW (Med), subj: RBS Scores, n.d. [Jan 11, 19511, 

LeMay Coll, Anderson, S. E., Box B49, both in MD, LC. Over the years, SAC press 

releases invariably referred to the “coveted [or even ‘Coveted’] Fairchild Trophy.” 

30 

See below, p. 432. 31 

404 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

had been lambasted by the Eighth Air Force commander for general 

sloppine~s.~’ 

The unit ratings vindicated the commandwide programs to improve 

proficiency. Standardization of training and performance criteria still ruled, 

as did the lead crew system. The standardization school at MacDill was in 

full operation, evolving in May 1951 into the 3908th Strategic Evaluation 

Squadron. Fourteen crews entered the course every three weeks, each one 

required to fly four missions with a total of thirty-six hours. The command’s 

long-term objective was to provide most squadrons in the war plan with 

five lead crews.33 

As indicated by the results of the 1952 competition, spot promotions 

were an important factor in developing first-rate crews. During 1950 

LeMay obtained authority to promote captains and majors as well as 

lieutenants. Boards of flying officers were to screen candidates, whom 

LeMay or his deputy would then interview before selecting. Candidates 

had to be members of lead crews and possess personal qualities suitable to 

their new rank. On January 23, 1951, SAC was allowed to make the system 

permanent, and three days later the authority was extended to promote 

enlisted crew members. By the end of June SAC had promoted 321 

officers, and 9 of these had lost their new grade through failure to 

perform. Of 554 promotions of noncommissioned officers, only 20 were 

later rev0ked.3~ 

Though SAC made progress toward improving promotion opportunities and recognition of aircrew members, other morale issues, often 

imponderable, claimed the command’s attention. The talk of “one-way 

missions” could resurface, and the careful planning for assigned targets 

focused the attention of the crews on the dangers they would likely face. 

They might not see the report by the Weapons Systems Evaluation Group, 

but common sense suggested the degree of risk. Little could be done 

directly except to emphasize the overriding importance of the task for the 

nation’s defense. Gradually training could increase the crews’ confidence 

32 Ltr, Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Oct 31, 

1952, Vandenberg Coll, SAC 6, Box 45; Itr, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, to 

Col A. T. Wilson, Jr, CO 28 Strat RW (Heavy), Sep 11, 1950, LeMay Coll, S. E. 

Anderson, Box B49, both in MD, LC; Hopkins & Goldberg, Deuelopment of SAC, 

Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 51, Vol I, pp 86-94; ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

to Lt Gen R. E. Nugent, DCS/Pers, May 14, 1951, LeMay Coll, Nugent, Box B58, 

MD,3$C. 

Ltr, Lt Gen R. E. Nugent, DCS/Pers, to CG SAC, subj: Spot Promotions 

for Lead Aircrew Members, Jan 23, 1951, LeMay Coll, Nugent, Box B.58, MD, LC; 

hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 98-119. 

pp 3g39. 

405 
Strategic Air Force 

in their ability to complete the mission. The command survival school 

established first at Camp Carson, Colorado, and later at Reno Army Air 

Base (renamed Stead Air Force Base), Nevada, taught crewmen that 

should they come down in hostile territory, they were not totally without 

resources. Danger and anxiety posed difficult problems, no doubt, but 

young Americans had responded to good leadership before, and there was 

growing reason to believe that this was happening again.35 

So a proficient crew member had many reasons to continue flying. 

When he returned to the ground, however, he shared the same concerns as 

the mechanics and other support personnel. The SAC staff had long been 

aware that the heavy workload, frequent travel, possible hazardous duty, 

combined with inadequate base facilities, made airmen fear assignment to 

the command. Also, there was a sense that commanders were not good at 

communicating with their men. Finally, with only ten percent of the 

married officers and men living on base, the availability of suitable family 

housing remained a crucial issue.36 

A report prepared for General LeMay early in 1952 indicated that 

even though many “irritants” could be eliminated, SAC would continue to 

demand long working hours and frequent disruptions. A major factor in 

the command’s success then would have to be the ability to instill a 

different attitude in the force. Besides appeals to patriotism, adventure, 

and comradeship, SAC should emphasize pride in belonging to an elite 

force. The command’s emblem had been approved in January 1952 and it 

provided a means to symbolize that pride. Signs and equipment could bear 

it, and it could appear on personal items for sale in the base exchange. The 

report recommended other ways to emphasize the special role of the 

command, such as LeMay wearing a flight suit when he visited bases or 

encouraging units to send letters of congratulations to the parents of newly 

assigned airmen.37 

None of these efforts were intended to downplay the arduous task of 

improving conditions on the bases. Commanders needed to keep people 

informed. LeMay insisted that every base have a Personal Affairs Officer 

to help families deal with the disruptions of service life, and he resisted 

attempts to eliminate such support positions. Meanwhile progress was 

being achieved in an important morale-building program: family housing 

Remarks by Gen. Jack Catton, Office of Air Force History, May 18, 1989. 

Memo, Lt Col Reade Tilley, Spec Asst to CG, SAC, to Gen C. E. LeMay, 

CG SAC, subj: Development of Incentive in the Strategic Air Command, May 1, 

1952, with atch, Item Project: A Program to Raise and Maintain Incentive Levels, 

LeMa Coll, Box B106, MD, LC. 

3s 

36 

3’1bid. 

406 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

authorized by the Wherry Act housing was under construction and soon 

o~cupied.~’ 

The chance to raise a family in a decent house was an obvious 

inducement to reenlist, but for the unmarried personnel, representing sixty 

percent of the enlisted force, the condition of the barracks was crucial. In 

1951 the new SAC barracks with their furnished two-person rooms were 

being built at Offutt and elsewhere. LeMay was determined to expedite 

the construction. When he encountered opposition from the Directorate of 

Installations on the Air Staff, he included in his next Washington trip a 

call on the chief of materiel, in which he “discussed, in strong language, his 

unhappiness over the resistance on the part of [the Installations Directorate]” to the new barracks design.39 The Senate Preparedness Committee judged the new-style barracks too expensive and luxurious, but in 

December 1951 Kissner replied that the old designs were a false economy: 

The services have passed the point when they can afford a constant 

turnover of highly-trained non-commissioned officers in technical 

specialties.. . .YMCAs and even third-class rooming houses [afford 

some privacy]. We no longer operate on the principle that a 

company or battalion will rise each morning to reveille and turn out 

lights at taps.4” 

Kissner emphasized that SAC’S round-the-clock operations made open-bay 

barracks even less livable. Besides, SAC hoped to attract personnel who 

would study to qualify for advanced training: “Open bay barracks do not 

afford this ~pportunity.”~~ 

In reality, a majority of the SAC enlisted force continued to live in 

old-style barracks, and change came slowly. But at least the SAC staff 

could resist reactionary proposals. After the Air Force abolished “kitchen 

police” (KP) duty, someone in Eighth Air Force became disturbed by high 

absenteeism and discipline problems in the food service squadrons (with 

their generally low-skilled personnel). The proposed solution involved 

reestablishing KP-or rather a “food service rostering system.” The SAC 

staff was not misled by the change of name, and LeMay turned down the 

Zbid.; ltr, Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, Nov 20, 

1952, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (6), Box 45, MD, LC. 

39 Memo, Lt Col P. K. Carlton, Air Defense Command, to CG SAC & CS 

SAC, subj: Movement of Commanding General, Nov 19, 1951, LeMay Coll, Trip 

R~rt$~l951, Box B74, MD, LC. 

1st Ind, Maj Gen A. W. Kissner, CS SAC, to Dir L & L, USAF, Dec 28,1951, 

to 34th Rprt, Preparedness Subcommittee, US Senate, LeMay Coll, Multiple 

Addresees (l), Box B62, MD, LC. 

38 

4’ Ibid. 

407 
Strategic Air Force 

proposal. There were not enough trained enlisted personnel, and they 

could not be diverted to such low-level tasks.42 

A new kind of military organization was emerging. When young airmen no longer slept in open bays or “pulled KP”; when they were 

encouraged to start families and study for advanced schooling, SAC would 

be far removed from the traditional American pattern of peacetime 

soldiering. Nor did one find in SAC the proverbial leisurely pace of the 

interwar years. Perhaps one of the reasons for the changes was that, 

however remote from the war zone, this was not peacetime. Deterrence of 

an atomic war imposed demands that threw many traditions out the 

window. 

Although the reenlistment statistics highlighted SAC‘S morale problems, the most spectacular episode concerned reserve officers. Most of the 

pilots and observers recalled to active duty during the buildup had flown in 

the Second World War. Many had volunteered for recall under the misapprehension that their rank and age would entitle them to administrative 

and staff jobs rather than aircrew duty. They thus soon shared the 

bitterness of the involuntary recallees at the prospect of being sent to fly 

combat missions in Korea. As a result, these officers assiduously searched 

for loopholes in the regulation^.^^ 

They quickly came across a provision entitled “Fear of Flying,” which 

gave unit commanders the discretion to deal with aircrew members who 

had psychological problems. By late 1951 hundreds of officers had obtained suspension from flying under this provision with relatively slight 

repercussions, as they waited for final rulings from Headquarters U.S. Air 

Force.44 

Whatever emotions may have motivated the recallees, the situation 

inspired very different feelings among the Air Force’s leadership. In one of 

the SAC B-29 squadrons alerted for the Far East in July 1950, a navigator 

had requested suspension due to fear of flying and had accordingly been 

grounded. On his crew’s first mission over Korea the substitute navigator 

was killed. When Kuter became Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, he 

Ltr, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Nov 

14, 1952; ltr, LeMay to Anderson, Dec 3, 1952, both in LeMay Coll, Anderson # 2, 

Box g49, MD, LC. 

Hist, ATC, Jan-Jun 1952, pp 105-110, 118-121. The author is indebted to 

Lt Col Vance 0. Mitchell of the Office of Air Force History for material 

concerning this episode; see his draft study, i%e USAF and Intelligence. 

42 

44 Hist, ATC, Jan-Jun 1952, pp 105-110,118-121. 

408 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

had occasion to comment on the officer who had been grounded: “I am 

convinced we have no place in the service for 

LeMay was less diplomatic on the subject. He considered any aircrew 

member who requested relief from flying duties on such grounds a “contaminating influence.” He had long favored their summary dismissal from 

service. In any case, the Air Force leadership regarded the recallees as 

having entered knowingly into a contract to serve when needed. Those who 

tried to avoid flying were breaking the contract.46 

Although the Air Force as a whole was slow to recognize the scope of 

the problem, SAC took strong action from the start. Applicants for 

suspension were removed from their units until a final ruling could be 

made. By November 1951 some twenty-eight pilots and seventy-two observers had been grounded.47 More worrisome were the cases in the Air 

Training Command. At the B-29 Combat Crew Training School at Randolph Air Force Base, fear-of-flying applications multiplied. In January 

1952 there were 134 cases in the command. The training command officials 

recommended that future applications be rigorously screened to excuse 

only those with real psychological problems, with the option of court-martial action against anyone who still refused to fly after the suspension was 

revoked.48 Having a definite interest in the B-29 school at Randolph, 

LeMay felt strongly about the Air Force’s policy on this question and 

favored court-martial action. In April 1952 charges were brought against 

twelve officers at Randolph. Six of them then issued a statement and 

received sympathetic coverage in the news media.49 

In view of the publicity and the impression that would be created by 

prosecuting decorated combat veterans, Finletter and Vandenberg were 

reluctant to proceed. Secretary Finletter dismissed the charges but ordered 

that all further applicants pleading fear of flying be expelled from service. 

On April 16 the Air Staff issued a firm policy exempting only those with 

Memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, DCS/Pers, to VCSAF, subj: Retroactive 

Application of Fear of Flying Policy, May 16, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCWC Reading 

File, Jun 52 (2), Box 56, MD, LC. This memorandum, signed by Kuter, also 

contains the memorandum of disapproval, signed by Kuter as Acting Vice Chief of 

Staff and dated June 27, 1952 (during Vandenberg’s hospitalization). Those recalling the case of the pre-civil war officer who arrested himself need to note that 

Kuter’s two opposing positions were consecutive, not simultaneous. 

45 

46 Mitchell, draft, The USAF and Intelligence. 

Notes for Commanders Conference, Jul 24, 1951; Notes for Commanders 

Hist, ATC, Jan-Jun 1952, pp 112-117. 

Mitchell, draft, The USAF and Intelligence. 

47 

Confetence, Nov 7, 1951, both in LeMay Coll, Box B101, MD, LC. 

49 

409 
Strategic Air Force 

ten years’ service and a critically needed skill in a ground job.” This left 

unresolved the fate of the 570 fliers suspended before the announcement 

of the policy. JiMay and Kuter urged full retroactivity, but the Air Staff 

turned this down. The episode was soon closed, but it reaffirmed SAC‘S 

reluctance to rely on reserve call-ups. Even though most of the fear-offlying cases did not come from involuntary recalls, the staff was convinced 

that the flying force should be all-~olunteer.~~ 

Planes and Weapons, 1950-1953 

Effective modern aircraft remained, along with trained air and ground 

crews, the most effective aircraft, and suitable bases, one of the essential 

components of air power. The Air Force continued to pursue its historic 

commitment to advancing the technology of flight. As SAC expanded, 

considerable progress was made in upgrading current bombers and equipment. Meanwhile, Air Force planners focused their attention on new 

bomber designs for the middle and late 1950s. As the debate began over 

the direction of the future bomber program, LeMay’s staff voiced a 

commitment to the large intercontinental bomber that was not universally 

shared by Air Force decision makers. 

Throughout the period of the Korean War, SAC relied primarily on 

the B-36 and the B-50 for the capability to deliver the atomic blow. After 

years of development, the B-36 itself was finally coming into its own. The 

large number of B-29s-exceeding four hundred in 1952-was deceptive?2 

Few of the Superforts were atomic-modified. Many of the newly established B-29 units were not yet operational, and much of the training 

concentrated on preparing for deployment to Korea. But the World War I1 

vintage bombers still represented a valuable conventional bombing potential and might contribute to the American strategy of deterrence. 

Accompanying the dramatic increase in the atomic weapons stockpile 

was an accelerated expansion of the strike force. The latter was almost 

entirely due to new production of the B-36. The Peacemaker was now 

becoming an effective part of the force in large numbers. With production 

Ibid. 

Memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, DCS/Pers, to VCSAF, subj: Retroactive Application of Fear of Flying Policy, May 16, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCWC Reading 

File, Jun 52 (2), Box 56; Notes for Commanders Conference, Nov 7, 1951, LeMay 

C0ll,~3ox B101, both in MD, LC; G. Watson, p 118. 

51 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 37. 

410 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

in full swing, the active inventory grew from 42 in June 1950 to 271 three 

years later.53 Meanwhile, the modernization of the medium bomber force 

encountered delays as production of the B-47 fell behind schedule and 

those produced experienced numerous problems. Still, as 1953 began, the 

prospect of a large force of jet bombers with nuclear weapons ready to be 

loaded on fairly short notice, was a virtual certainty. As for the weapons, 

the expanding supply demanded the construction of new storage facilities, 

which, if properly located, would ease the logistical problem of transferring 

the weapons to the operational bases. And with more bombs stored 

overseas as well as the newer, more convenient sites in prospect, the Air 

Force was gaining more control over its most powerful weapon. 

The same period saw a major improvement in SAC‘S reconnaissance 

force. LeMay took a great interest in this perennial stepchild of the 

strategic program. Again, growth was primarily attributable to the largescale production of the RB-36. The progress was encouraging because the 

RB-36’s range and carrying capacity made it ideal for the many powerful 

cameras needed for high-altitude, intercontinental mission^.'^ 

In just a few years, the characteristics of a strategic bomber-range, 

speed, and capacity-had taken on new dimensions. Besides the approach 

to the range problem epitomized by the massive B-36s and B-52s, another 

option, air-to-air refueling, offered a highly practical means of extending 

the reach of a smaller plane. However, the development of forward bases 

remained crucial to the existing medium force. In the new era, speed was 

only one means of defense against enemy fighters. High-altitude flying, 

evasive courses, improved armament, use of darkness, escort fighters, and 

increasingly, electronic countermeasures all were part of the formula. 

Bomber aircraft also needed an effective radar bombing system, and it was 

no coincidence that training so heavily emphasized the latest bombing 

techniques. Unfortunately, this complex mix of new requirements allowed 

no easy technological solutions. 

By the end of 1950, Convair had begun full production of the B-36 

and the RB-36. If SAC had not altogether resolved its problems with the 

Peacemaker, at least the in-commission rate was vastly increased by 1952. 

The availability of spare parts improved, while the mechanics learned to 

keep up with the workload. In a new modification program, Convair 

converted the B models to Ds by installing jet engines and other new 

53Air Force Statistical Digest, Jan 1949-Jun 1950, p 179, FY 53, p 211. 

54 Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 21, 30, 37; Knaack, Bombers, 

pp 36, 112-119. 

41 1 
Strategic Air Force 

equipment. Newer models began to arrive in 1951, with the last production 

model-the J-flying in 1953.55 

Solutions to the B-36s teething problems appeared at irregular intervals. In 1950 the fuel leaks seemed to subside, but at the end of the year 

there was an outbreak at Rapid City. Not until the production of the H 

and J models, with their improved tanks and sealants, was the problem 

overcome. Earlier aircraft continued to be affected; for example, the D 

model B-36s still had numerous fuel leaks every winter. Deficiencies in 

the gunnery system proved even more intractable. Although gunners and 

mechanics benefitted from more training and experience, as of 1953 the 

situation remained unsati~factory.~~ 

The gunnery system’s troubles had a further impact on the problems 

of altitude and navigation. With inadequate armament, the Peacemaker 

would need all of its climbing ability to reach forty thousand feet and 

escape enemy fighters. Even then, the MiG-15 could reach it. And at high 

altitudes accurate bombing required good sights and radars. The serious 

inadequacies with the bombing and navigation system were in some 

measure resolved when SAC was able to replace the sets beginning in 

1952. Though the B-36 fleet was grounded briefly early in the year after a 

landing gear failed, the overall development was encouraging. SAC was 

finally acquiring a fairly reliable operational heavy bomber force.57 

More time in commission meant more time to train the crews. The 

B-36 bomber carried a crew of fifteen, largely because extra men were 

required for long flights. (There were three pilots, for example.) Reconnaissance crews numbered twenty-two. The operational concept for the 

bombers involved staging through Limestone, Maine, or Alaska. As part of 

their training in long-range flights, six B-36 crews deployed to England in 

January 1951, and six more flew nonstop to Morocco in December.58 

Ironically, the most serious setback to the readiness of the B-36 force 

occurred at a high point in the program. On Labor Day, September 1, 

1952, the weather forecast at Carswell Air Force Base called for thunderstorms and gusting winds. At about 1800 hours a few people observed 

heavy clouds moving toward the base, and within moments the base was 

engulfed in cloud and high winds. The anemometer climbed to ninety-one 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 29-37, 49; Air Force Statistical Digest, FY 1951, 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 28-33. 

Zbid., pp 32-33; ASSS, Col J. F. Pinckney, for Dir Est, Dir Intel, to CSAF, 

Revision of Air Intelligence Study “Aircraft of the US and the USSR,” May 19, 

1952, Vandenberg Coll, 13. Acft of the US & the USSR, Box 84, MD, LC. 

55 

pp 1’9)-197, FY 52, pp 202-222, FY 53, pp 230-232. 

57 

58 Knaack, Bombers, p 55; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 35. 

412 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

A crew of the 6th Bombardment Wing works on an RB-36 in the remoteness 

and cold of Greenland at Thule Air Base, a staging stop on SAC’s arduous 

long-range training flights. 

miles per hour before breaking. It became impossible to move about in the 

open. The storm tossed B-36s about as if they were made of paper. Fuel 

tanks burst. The duty officer of the 7th Bombardment Wing saw that 

power lines were down and broken near the fuel spills and hurried to turn 

off the electricity, possibly averting a disastrous fire. As the storm subsided, an estimated two-thirds of America’s heavy bomber force was out of 

action.59 

One B-36 was reported “demolished” by the storm, and out of a total 

of eighty-two damaged, including ten at the Convair plant, twenty-four 

were seriously damaged. On receiving the news, General LeMay had no 

choice but to remove the 19th Air Division from the war plan. The base 

went on an eighty-four-hour week until the repairs were completed. Brig,. 

Gen. Kingston B. Tibbetts, SAC’s Director of Materiel, arrived the day 

after the storm to observe the work. Within ten days one of the wings was 

Hist, 7 BW, Sep 1952, & Ex I; Summary Rprt, Bd Sr Offs to CSAF, 

Investigation of Tornado Damage at Carswell Air Force Base, Dec 10, 1952, atch 

to Itr, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Dec 22, 1952, 

Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Dec 52 (2), Box 58, MD, LC. 

59 

413 
Strategic Air Force 

operational, and by the end of the month, with help from Air Materiel 

Command, the base was operating more airplanes than before the storm. 

Undersecretary of the Air Force Roswell L. Gilpatric called the achievement “remarkable.” The initial cost estimates proved to be exaggerated.@’ 

Secretary Finletter and the Air Staff found the news of the storm 

“disturbing,” to say the least. Finletter worried about a possible Soviet 

reaction to the news that America’s premier atomic bomber was nearly out 

of action.6l Yet a press release would probably have to be issued. However, 

by the time of the announcement on September 12, the situation had 

greatly improved. Meanwhile, Lt. Gen. Bryant L. Boatner, the Inspector 

General of the Air Force, conducted an investigation and determined that 

the storm, probably a full tornado, could not have been predicted. A Board 

of Senior Officers was content to recommend some procedural changes.62 

The question that remained was what so many bombers were doing on 

one base. The Air Staff tended to believe that, in the case of Carswell, 

concentration had been unavoidable. The problems in materiel associated 

with the new aircraft would have been far more complicated had the force 

been widely dispersed. Lt. Gen. William F. McKee, the Assistant Vice 

Chief of Staff, assured the secretary that the Air Force favored greater 

dispersion, but the complexities of building the 143-wing program had 

prevented action thus far. All agreed that the issue was not closed.63 

Medium bombers reached intercontinental ranges by the use of 

forward bases and air refueling. This enabled designers to provide a 

smaller aircraft with superior performance. Such was the Boeing B-47 

Msg, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Sep 11, 

1952, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (6), Box 45; memo, Maj Gen W. D. Eckert, Asst 

DCS/Mat, to CSAF, subj: Status of Repair Program on B-36 Aircraft Damaged at 

Carswell AFB, Sep 18, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, Aircraft, Box 34; msg, LeMay to 

Vandenberg, 0321452 Sep 52, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Jul 1, 1952, Box 87; ltr, 

R. L. Gilpatric, USec AF, to Sen L. B. Johnson, Chmn, Preparedness Investigation 

Subcommittee, Dec 20, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Dec 52 (l), Box 

58, a!!in MD, LC; hist, 11 BW, Sep 1952, pp 20-24 

Ltr, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Rep C. Vinson, Chmn, House Armed 

Services Cmte, Sep 9, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, Sec AF (21, Box 62; memo, Finletter, 

to CSAF, Sep 5, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, 8. Selected Memos, Box 84, both in MD, 

Facts on File, 1952, p 305F msg, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to Gen C. 

E. LeMay, CG SAC, Sep 11, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (6), Box 45; Summary 

Rprt, Bd Sr Offs, to CSAF, Investigation of Tornado Damage at Carswell Air 

Force Base, Dec 10, 1952, atch to ltr, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to LeMay, Dec 

22, 1252, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Dec 52 (2), Box 58, all in MD, LC. 

Memo, Lt Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Oct 

31, 1952, atch to ltr, Finletter to Sen A. Wiley, Nov 5, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, Sec 

AF (21, Box 62, MD, LC. 

60 

Lc’ 62 

414 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Stratojet. The symbolic date marking the entry of the bomber force into 

the jet age was October 23, 1951, when Col. N. W. McCoy, Commanding 

Officer of the 306th Bombardment Wing, flew a B-47B from the Boeing 

plant at Wichita, Kansas, to MacDill Air Force Base. Soon nicknamed The 

Real McCoy, this plane represented more a promise than an actual combat 

capability. It would be more than a year before SAC had an operational 

B-47 unit.64 The very month that McCoy brought the first B model to 

MacDill, a high-level Air Force conference discussed the future of the 

entire B-47 program. The complexities of producing a high-speed jet 

bomber combined with the troubles plaguing an expanding aircraft industry endangered the program. The service’s plans for the bomber had 

proven overly ambiti~us.~’ 

The test program with the B-47A that began in June 1950 ran 

concurrently with production of the B model. Unfortunately, the latest 

version encountered many delays, caused by design uncertainties, scheduling difficulties, and unsatisfactory equipment. Boeing had difficulties tooling up because the Air Force insisted on manufacturing the plane at 

Wichita, as well as other reasons. Anticipating that extensive testing of the 

product would be required, the Air Force instituted Project WIBAC 

(Wichita Boeing Airplane Company). Beginning in April 1950, representatives from SAC and the Air Proving Ground Command went to Wichita to 

do the testing. But even before any B models were ready, serious problems 

arose. Obviously, many design questions had been settled with inadequate 

data.66 

The first B model flew in February 1951, confirming that the production model was in unsatisfactory condition. The General Electric engines 

lacked sufficient power. Numerous subcontractors had not recognized the 

need for sophisticated component design. In particular, the navigation 

radar and the armament system had fallen behind schedule, so the B-47 

would have to use the same unreliable sets as the B-36. Design changes 

had added weight, affecting handling, and yet another problem, fuel 

boil-off at high altitude, reduced the aircraft’s range. Even the ejection 

seat, which the Air Force considered essential for escaping from the plane 

at high speeds, had been dela~ed.~’ 

While SAC had planned for the conversion of B-29 units to B-47s7 

the staff had kept itself informed of the production difficulties and postponed much of the conversion program. Only two B-29 wings, the 305th 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 11511, 120. 

Ibid., pp 115-117. 

Zbid., pp 108-116. 

Zbid., pp 115-118. 

64 

65 

66 

67 

415 
Strategic Air Force 

and 306th, both at MacDill and the former only recently activated, stood 

down to convert. The 306th began training on A models in May 1951 but 

had too few aircraft for a serious program. The wing had little enough time 

to train its own crews, let alone serve as SAC‘S transition 

Throughout 1951 Boeing and the Air Force wrestled with the continuing unsatisfactory performance of the B-47 program. Participants in an 

October meeting of top Air Force officers recognized that the 143-wing 

program called for at least 25 wings of Stratojets, and a contract for 445 

planes was under discussion. The outcome of the meeting was an order by 

Twining to the Air Staff to develop a “refinement” program to start in 

January 1952. All of the necessary fixes would be applied on the production line, while completed items would undergo modification. At first the 

Grand Central Depot of Air Materiel Command assumed the task of 

modifying 310 B-47Bs for SAC. But the depot lacked enough workers and 

plant capacity to meet the schedule, and soon the Air Force had to 

contract with Boeing and Douglas to get the work done. Finally, after all 

these delays, the first modified bombers reached SAC in October 1952. By 

the end of the year the command had 62 B-47s and had almost equipped 

both wings at MacDill up to operational levels.69 

The basic B-47B delivered to SAC, with a takeoff weight of 185,000 

pounds, used six General Electric engines of the improved 547 type. It 

could climb to more than 40,000 feet and cruise at 433 knots. Its top speed 

exceeded 500 knots, and its radius of operation was 1,700 nautical miles. 

Two SO-caliber machine guns were mounted in the tail and the bomb bay 

could accommodate up to 25,000 pounds. With its swept-back wings, the 

Stratojet had the look of a new style of bomber.” 

The plane’s newness affected the training of crews. Carrying modern 

radar and electronic gear, the B-47 was far less labor-intensive than earlier 

bombers, using a highly skilled crew of only three. The pilot and co-pilot 

sat in tandem in the cockpit, while the observer’s compartment was in the 

nose of the plane. Ideally all crew members were to be pilot-observers: 

that is, qualified multi-jet engine pilots would go to observer school to 

master navigation, bombing, aqd radar. But because of the production and 

modification delays, pilots duly finished observer school only to become 

surplus. To ease the problem, SAC made an interim change. Only one 

pilot-observer would be assigned to each B-47 crew. The rest would go to 

B-29 or B-50 units to fill navigator or bombardier seats and replace 

68Zbid., pp 109-110, 109n; hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1951, Vol I, pp 29, 203-205. 

69 Knaack, Bombers, pp 113-120, 124; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of 

70 Knaack, Bombers, p 156. 

SAC, p 31. 

416 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

departing reservists. In the B-47, a pilot without observer training would 

sit in the second seat, and an observer without pilot’s wings manned the 

navigator’s station. Meanwhile training imbalances persisted; although 

there were surpluses in aircrew, mechanics were in short supply.71 

Despite these obstacles, by the beginning of 1953 the B-47 program 

was well under way, with 1,760 aircraft ordered for the 143-wing program. 

In April 1953 the 303d Bomb Wing at Davis-Monthan, one of the B-29 

expansion units, was the first to receive the E model, which incorporated a 

number of changes. Also that month, on the reconnaissance front, the first 

RB-47Bs arrived at Lockbourne Air Force Base, Ohio, to replace the 

B-45s. A conference at Wichita agreed on a final standard for all B-47s 

remaining to be produced, while requiring the modification of those 

aircraft still in the plant.72 

The 306th Bomb Wing put its Stratojets through an extensive combat 

exercise, and on April 6 Colonel McCoy flew from Limestone to Fairford, 

England, one of the new United Kingdom bases, in a record time of 3,120 

miles in five hours and thirty-eight minutes. McCoy’s record lasted less 

than two months. In June the entire wing staged to Fairford through 

Limestone in three days. Nine planes beat the colonel’s time, the last one 

to arrive taking first place with five hours and twenty-two minutes.73 

Even when its deficiencies were corrected, the B-47 had several drawbacks. Its abbreviated range could be mitigated by air-to-air refueling and 

staging through overseas bases. However, the bomber’s small size limited 

the amount of electronic equipment or cameras it could carry. Also, with a 

crew of only three in cramped quarters, a long-distance mission would be 

grueling. Its speed and altitude characteristics, though, made it a promising addition to the force, and, considering the large numbers in production, defending against the Stratojet would be a costly problem for a 

potential enemy.74 

Ever since the appearance of the first jet fighter, designing an effective long-range escort had proved challenging. The SAC fighter force by 

June 1950 consisted of two wings of Republic F-84E Thunderjets. These 

aircraft soon found themselves diverted to other tasks than strategic 

escort. The 27th Fighter Escort Wing at Bergstrom Air Force Base, Texas, 

was tapped during the fall to ferry nearly 180 F-84s to Europe to reequip 

U.S. units there. For this operation, known as Fox ABLE 111, the wing 

received the Mackay Trophy. In November the 27th and its planes went by 

Ibid.; hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1951, Vol I, pp 29, 203-205. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 120-121, 133-134, 155. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, p 45. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 147-148; hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1951, Vol I, pp 29, 

71 

72 

73 

74 

203-205. 

417 
Strategic Air Force 

Force of Nature. B-36s7 lie strewn like toys and battered, many beyond 

salvage, at Carswell Air Force Base in Ft. Worth, Texas, home of the 7th Bombardment Wing, after a disastrous storm on September 1, 1952. The cataclysm destroyed equipment, buildings, and approximately two-thirds of SAC’S heavy bomber 

force. 

418 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

ship to the Far East. There, in combat over Korea, the Thunderjet’s 

limitations as an escort fighter were obvious; the F-84 performed best as a 

low-level fighter-bomber. The 27th returned to the U.S. in mid-1951 and 

reequipped with F-~~Gs.~~ 

The new model Thundejet had been designed to carry atomic weapons 

and be refueled in the air. The latter feature could be attributed to the 

efforts by Col. David C. Schilling of the Air Staff to develop air refueling 

for fighters. By January 1953 SAC had five wings of the Gs either operational or forming. Meanwhile, the diversion to other tasks continued, with 

two wings deploying to Japan to augment the air defenses. The first 

deployment, Fox PETER I, led by Schilling himself, consisted of a mass, 

tanker-supported flight to Japan. This occurred in July 1952, and FOX 

PETER I1 followed later that year.76 

Given the limitations of the F-84 in air combat, the atomic-capable 

fighter-bomber seemed to have a different role from that of the traditional 

escort fighter. The Air Staff gave the matter much study, and as a result in 

January 1953 SAC’s fighter units became “Strategic Fighter” Wings. The 

F-84s would operate as atomic intruders, both for reconnaissance and 

escort patrols and to attack air defense positions. Two years earlier, in 

search of a better plane for these roles, SAC had secured the revival of the 

McDonnell XF-88 project, which ultimately led to the development of the 

much more advanced F-101 In the 143-wing program SAC was 

to have 10 fighter wings. Given that the F-84 force would constitute only 

one-seventh of the total SAC force and one-seventh of the total Air Force 

fighter needs, it would prove difficult to maintain a priority to secure 

adequate equipment for this force in the coming years. In the strategic 

bomber program, the emphasis on speed, dispersal, overwhelming numbers, night, and jamming seemed to outweigh the importance of fighter 

escort as means to insure penetration by the bombers. 

Air-to-air refueling of bombers, fighters, and reconnaissance aircraft 

would obviously be essential to maintaining SAC‘s intercontinental reach 

for the forseeable future. The operation itself, from the days of George 

Ravenstein, Combat Wings, pp 27-29, 49-52, 54-57; Hopkins & Goldberg, 

Development of SAC, pp 23-26. 

Marcelle Size Knaack, Post World War II Fighters, 1945-1973 [Vol I of 

Encyclopedia of US. Air Force Aircraft and Missile Systems] (Washington: AFCHO, 

1978), pp 36-38; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 37, 39-40. 

77 Memo, Col R. Taylor, Actg Dir Ops, 8 AF, to CG 8 AF, subj: Potential 

Capabilities of SAC Fighter Units, Oct 17, 1952SAC/HO, HA-0227; Hopkins & 

Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 37, 43; Knaack, Fighters, pp 35-138. 

75 

76 

419 
Strategic Air Force 

Kenney’s “stunt,” had become almost a matter of routine. In September 

1950 the boom-fitted KB-29P tanker entered the command’s inventory. 

This brought the “American” system into operation. Like the M, loopedhose (British) type, however, the model was already obsolescent. The 

tanker’s performance was compatible with some bombers, but a B-47 

Stratojet would have to sacrifice speed and altitude to position itself below 

a KB-29. Boeing proposed to modify the C-97 Stratofreighter to meet the 

requirement. The Air Force ordered sixty KC-97Es, the first of which 

joined a unit on July 14, 1951. There were subsequent F and G models. By 

the end of 1952 SAC had 179 KB-29s and 139 KC-97s in nineteen 

squadrons.” 

The KC-97 program, though promising, experienced some early operational difficulties. The tanker had a crew of five: pilot, co-pilot, flight 

engineer, navigator, and boom operator. SAC soon established a Combat 

Crew Training School for tankers at MacDill Air Force Base. Newly 

trained crews found that the nozzles on the booms often broke during a 

mission. The most serious equipment problem, however, involved the radar 

beacon necessary for the bomber and tanker to rendezvous. In fact, the 

only reliable procedure was for bomber and tanker to fly out together to 

the refueling point. The SAC staff therefore endorsed a continuing effort 

to come up with more accurate beacon^.'^ The total purchase of KC-97s 

fell short. According to the standard organization, a squadron of twenty 

tankers supported a medium bomb wing of forty-five bombers. Though the 

SAC staff wanted a one-to-one ratio between tankers and bombers in 

order to ensure a full intercontinental capability, the Air Staff continued 

to authorize only one squadron per bomber wing in the 143-wing program.” 

The B-47 program absorbed a major part of the Air Force’s procurement effort during 1951 and 1952, and the development and production 

delays were no doubt a factor in the congressional criticism of September 

1952. At the same time, longer term developmental programs suffered 

from the high priority given the current production. Of particular importance was the development of the B-52 as a successor to the B-36.’l B-52 

78 Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1950, pp 53-63, Jul-Dec 1952, pp 102-122; Swanborough, US Aircraft, pp 127-129; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 26, 

Hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1952, pp 102-122. To rendezvous, the tanker’s navigator 

generated a pulse on a radar beacon or transponder. The receiving airplane 

received the pulse on its radar and homed in on it. 

Zbid.; Paper, with marginal notes “Discussed with CG LeMay, Feb 29, 1952 

after8fransmittal to Col Van Sickle,” Mar 13, 1952, SAC/HO. 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 115-120, 205-207. 

34-32. 

80 

420 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

prototype models were under construction at the start of the Korean War, 

and a decision was pending on quantity manufacture. Alternatives under 

consideration included a new Boeing design called the B-47Z and the 

Convair YB-36G, a sweptwing jet version of the B-36. Later known as the 

YB-60, the modified B-36 prototype was already scheduled for flight 

testing.” 

In November 1950, Secretary Finletter received briefings on the 

various options. The B-36 itself was now clearly obsolescent. Convair 

acknowledged that the B-60 had little potential for further design growth; 

its real promise lay in a new application-as a carrier for a small, 

high-performance “parasite” bomber which could be launched near the 

target. The Air Force was already planning to test the parasite concept 

with a B-36 and an F-84. As for the B-47Z, although the basic Stratojet 

design was sound, it held little further potential. The newer B-52 design, 

drawing on Boeing’s experience with the B-47, offered more possibilities 

for the future. Experts at Air Materiel Command doubted that the B-36 

could actually carry the eight jet engines needed to boost its performance 

and calculated that the B-52 would be faster than the B-60.83 

Accepting this rationale, Finletter supported the B-52, and the Air 

Force on February 14, 1951, contracted with Boeing for thirteen B-52As. 

The program was soon extended to include B models, and work proceeded 

with little delay. A controversy arose over whether the pilot and co-pilot 

should be seated in tandem or side-by-side. LeMay favored side-by-side 

seating, and at his insistence Boeing changed the design accordingly. For 

the first flight, a YB-52 took off from Boeing’s Renton, Washington, plant 

on April 15, 1952, and performed well. Under the 143-wing program, plans 

called for the last one of seven heavy bombardment wings to equip with 

B-52s, after the first six wings all had acquired B-36~.~ 

Despite Finletter’s approval, the B-52’s future remained uncertain. 

The Air Staff and the secretary recognized that if the words “Maginot 

Line” symbolized hidebound reaction in a ground soldier, and admirals 

were accused of a “battleship fixation,” big bombers might evoke the same 

image for airmen. Besides, by the summer of 1952 the B-47 program was 

finally getting under way and any attempt to reduce it in favor of developing the B-52 might lead to congressional inquiries. The Air Force’s top 

Ibid.; briefing transcript, Hq USAF to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Nov 1, 1950; 

briefing transcript, Hq USAF to Finletter, Nov 15, 1950, both in RG 341, DCS/Mat 

Exec8pfc, Gen File 1949-1951, Box 1, MMB, NA. 

82 

Knaack, Bombers, pp 38, 132, 228, 22811, 553-555. 

84 Ibid., pp 218-223. 

421 
Strategic Air Force 

leadership were inclined to expect the B-52 to make its own case.E5 

LeMay, for one, believed that the Stratofortress could win funding on its 

own merits. Though its large size might make the bomber conspicuous on 

a radar screen, it could carry a lot of electronic gear and jam the enemy’s 

radar. Or, depending on the mission, it might employ sophisticated reconnaissance cameras. By the end of 1952 the Air Force had sixty-three of the 

mammoth jet bombers on order.E6 

The question of the big bomber extended beyond the development of 

the B-52. The Air Force and industry began to debate the relative merits 

of large versus small bombers. One sponsor of reduced sizes was Col. 

Bernard A. Schriever, Assistant for Development Planning to the Deputy 

Chief of Staff for Development, and sponsor of a Development Planning 

Objective for strategic aircraft in the period 1955-1960. Issued on May 29, 

1952, with Air Staff approval, the Planning Objective favored teaming a 

small, fast, high-altitude bomber with a tanker to offset the bomber’s 

limited range. Both Boeing and Convair had been working on an advanced 

medium bomber. Boeing relied on its experience with the B-47 and B-52 

for its effort, while Convair looked at a delta-wing design for a supersonic 

plane that could be launched from the bomb bay of a B-36. With the Air 

Force’s growing confidence in air refueling, however, the “parasite” concept was aband~ned.’~ Convair’s second general bomber study (GEBO 11) 

confirmed the refueling approach, and a RAND study concurred.E’ 

LeMay’s staff did not share this enthusiasm for the small bomber. 

While acknowledging that the B-52 would probably need air refueling to 

reach some targets, SAC officials pointed out that the big bomber was not 

dependent on the tanker in intercontinental operations. On the other 

hand, even using forward bases, a small bomber would require refueling. 

Limited size, as in the B-47, meant confining the crew to cramped 

quarters for a long mission. And, however small or fast, smaller bombers 

could not carry the load of radar and electronic gear the B-52 could. 

Finally, the SAC staff worried about the technological risk of producing a 

supersonic bomber, arguing that there were too many unanswered question~.~~ 

Paper, The New Phase-A Statement of Air Force Policy, Aug 2, 1952, 85 

Twining Coll, TS File (11, Box 122, MD, LC. 

86 Knaack, Bombers, pp 217-220, 223-229. 

87 Ibid., pp 357-358, 363-364. 

Ibid., pp 356-357. 

Ibid., pp 357-364. 89 

422 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Republic F-84E Thunderjets delivered by the 27th Fighter-Escort 

Wing via SAC’S North Atlantic flight route are arrayed at a USAFE air 

unit in Furstenfeldbruck, Germany during the Fox ABLE I11 ferrying 

mission of September 1950. The 27th deployed to FEAF later that year 

and escorted B-29s over Korea. There, F-84s proved more effective as 

low-level fighter-bombers than as high-altitude bomber-escorts. 

In September 1952 the Wright Air Development Center ruled in favor 

of the Convair design, stating that the company had the best chance of 

actually producing a supersonic bomber. The report went to the center’s 

parent headquarters, the Air Research and Development Command, where 

the Commander, Lt. Gen. Earle E. Partridge, although worried about the 

potential costs, approved it. At the Pentagon, Vandenberg ratified the 

selection of the Convair design, later designated the B-58 Hustler, on 

November 18, and the first contract for a mockup was signed on February 

12, 1953. The Air Staff anticipated the production of 244 planes, with 

deliveries to begin in January 1956.”’ 

If the Air Force was tolerant of technical risk in designing bombers, it 

was perhaps less so in the matter of guided missiles. The service’s view 

could be summed up in the words of a briefing sheet presented to General 

Vandenberg on the 163-wing program: “Pilotless Bomber (Strat) will 

Ibid., pp 361-367. 90 

423 
Strategic Air Force 

replace Piloted Bombardment Units ,when operationally proven.”” In the 

early 1950s missiles emerged from a purely experimental state to the status 

of testing possible combat types. Among those with strategic possibilities 

were the Rascal, the Snark, the Navaho, and the Atlas. The Rascal would 

be launched from a bomber within one hundred miles of the target. The 

Snark and the Navaho were ground-launched, jet-powered cruise missiles 

of intercontinental range. For years Convair’s Atlas ballistic missile had 

been a developmental stepchild. But in December 1952 the Air Force’s 

Scientific Advisory Board noted that new designs for nuclear weapons 

made a smaller, more powerful warhead possible. Suddenly the lower accuracy of the ballistic missile was not such a significant drawback, and the 

Atlas began to attract more attenti~n.~’ 

The Air Force’s interest in the atomic stockpile was as much organizational as technical. As the stockpile expanded, the service’s relationship 

with the Atomic Energy Commission would inevitably change. Meanwhile, 

the Air Force’s own approach to atomic weapons was evolving. The service 

was consciously moving toward handling atomic weapons as a normal part 

of its arsenal and administering the effort through regular organizational 

channels. The Air Materiel Command managed the logistics of the weapons 

allocated for the Air Force, maintaining the weapons and ancillary gear. 

The Special Weapons Command at Kirtland Air Force Base, New Mexico, 

worked with the Armed Forces Special Weapons Project and handled the 

specialized training and technical data. And though the Strategic Air 

Command remained the primary element preparing to use the weapons, 

the Tactical Air Command was developing its own program. The Armed 

Forces Special Weapons Project included Air Force personnel, and the 

service had representation on the AEC‘s Military Liaison Committee. Maj. 

Gen. Howard G. Bunker, who succeeded Roscoe Wilson as Assistant for 

Atomic Energy on the Air Staff in October 1951, anticipated that his office 

could soon be eliminated. Already the Special Weapons Command had 

been absorbed by the Air Research and Development Command, becoming the Special Weapons Center?3 

The Air Staff also wanted the authority to deal directly with the 

Atomic Energy Commission, without having to go through the Armed 

Memo, subj: Force Composition and Deployment, Vandenberg Coll, 2A 

Mernfs Re 138 Wings, Box 83, MD, LC. 

Futrell, Ideas, pp 240-245; Neufeld, Ballistic Missiles, pp 61-76. 

Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Vol 111, Pt 1, pp 11-33; Fogerty, Study 

# 91, “Bunker;” Charles A. Ravenstein, The Organization and Lineage of the United 

States Air Force [USAF Warrior Studies] (Washington: AFCHO, 19861, p 19. 

91 

93 

424 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Forces Special Weapons Project. Unfortunately for the service, Secretaries 

of Defense tended to rely more and more on the Special Weapons project 

to control the expanding nuclear program and manage the stockpile.94 

While the Air Force did inherit some of the training functions, the 

project’s units continued to guard the storage sites and maintain the 

weapons. In November 1951 the Defense Department and the Atomic 

Energy Commission agreed to terms that increased the project’s control 

over the weapons, especially in some of the storage sites then scheduled to 

be built. In many cases, legal “custody,” which the commission still 

retained over most weapons, had become a mere f~rmality.~’ 

The Air Force scored one gain in February 1951. Under the agreements leading to construction of new storage sites, the Air Force would 

administer them under the project’s overall supervision. Air Materiel 

Command would in effect operate the sites and would be able to insure 

rapid transfer of weapons to combat units in an emergency.96 In April 

1951, when some weapons were transferred from the commission’s custody 

(in addition to the casings already stored overseas), the Military Liaison 

Committee tried to raise the question of transferring custody of the whole 

stockpile. Committee members argued that, while the world situation was 

deteriorating, the stockpile was outgrowing the commission, and the armed 

services’ expertise, aided by standardized weapon designs, was increa~ing.~~ 

In November Secretary Lovett raised the matter with the joint chiefs. 

Replying on December 11, the JCS recommended transfer of enough 

weapons “to assure Operational flexibility and Military readine~s.”~’ The 

next month, President Truman referred the matter to Acheson, Lovett, 

and Gordon Dean, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. The 

three officials submitted a report in August 1952 on “Agreed Concepts 

Regarding Atomic Weapons,” which basically supported the joint chiefs’ 

recommendations. In approving the report on September 10, the President 

appeared to have taken the momentous step of giving the armed services 

full custody of the weapons in the stockpile. But in fact no executive order 

effecting this transfer followed, despite the joint chiefs’ request. Truman 

decided to defer the matter for the next administration. In March 1953 the 

question did in fact come before the new Secretary of Defense, Charles E. 

Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Vol 111, Pt 1, pp 33-48. 

y5 Ibid., pp 57-67. 

Ibid., pp 20-21. 

971bid., pp 60-61. 

” Ibid., pp 63-64; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 152-154. 

94 

96 

425 
Strategic Air Force 

Wilson. He, too, deferred action on an executive order, and the custody 

question remained unsettled throughout 1953.’’ 

If 1953 was not destined to be the year of decision in the question of 

custody, it proved to be the year the Air Force developed an “emergency” 

delivery capability with the hydrogen bomb. Truman had approved the 

construction of facilities in 1950, and work had progressed to the point of 

testing a device and designing a workable bomb. Though this was still an 

experimental program, enough B-36s were available to allow an allocation 

for the thermonuclear project.loO 

Basing for a Global Strike Force 

The subject of bomber design, as it dealt with matters of range and 

payload, touched directly on the location of bases for the strategic force. 

With the bulk of the medium bomber force committed to deploy overseas 

in the event of an emergency, SAC had to think in global terms about the 

basing structure. In the states the medium forces needed home bases to 

train. The heavy bombers would operate from their bases, staging through 

more northerly fields. Overseas, bases served as strike launching areas, or 

as alternate fields or recovery bases for those missions in which the 

bomber could not return straight home from the target. Besides having 

adequate facilities, bases had to be dispersed, secure against ground 

attack, and capable of an effective air defense and dispersing their aircraft. 

Because basing requirements involved large-scale construction work, 

they attracted considerable congressional interest. It must be noted that 

the Corps of Engineers and thus the Secretary of the Army were directly 

responsible for the actual construction. And since the bases overseas 

required negotiations with the host country, the Air Force found itself 

immersed in a brew of strange and varied ingredients. 

Since 1945 the condition of the stateside bases had varied considerably. One of the few benefits to arise from the budget cuts in 1949 was that 

SAC inherited older, better-built bases such as Barksdale and March. The 

command still had some of the wartime fields where the “temporary” 

facilities were deteriorating. There was little money to refurbish them, let 

alone build more permanent structures. And the new bombers, the B-36 

99 Little, Building an Atomic Air Force, Vol 111, Pt 1, pp 64-67; Poole, JCS, 

loo Bowen, Development of Weapons, p 174-233. 

1950-1952, p 159. 

426 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

and B-47, both required extensive facilities that were not available on all 

bases.”’ 

After June 1950, as the drive for rearmament led to major budget 

increases, LeMay outlined an agenda for base construction. The work 

planned included new facilities, base reopenings, more family housing, and 

new-style barracks. Despite the new funding, construction could not keep 

pace with the expansion of the force, and most of SAC’S bases were 

crowded.lo2 The Air Force Installations Board (established in July 1950 to 

replace the Air Force Base Development Board) assigned twenty bases to 

SAC, including Ramey in Puerto Rico, listed as overseas. These came from 

a list of eighty-five “permanent” Air Force bases in the continental United 

States and twelve overseas. One purpose of this list was to identify those 

bases where the Air Force intended to justify construction designed to last 

twenty-five years, as opposed to the ten years considered normal for 

temporary constru~tion.’~~ 

LeMay wanted another base from the Installations Board’s “permanent” list, so he could have twenty wing bases plus Offutt for his headquarters. This would allow him one wing per base if there were another force 

reduction. Also, the SAC commander emphasized that long-term construction plans should include provisions for B-52 bases. Permanent construction, he maintained, would encourage real estate developers to build 

housing nearby. In any case, closing bases during a force reduction was a 

false e~onorny:”~ “This saving of a million dollars per year in operating 

cost per station, and then spending twenty to forty million dollars per base 

to put them back in minimum usable condition, needs no further discus- 

 ion."'^^ 

Under the 95-wing program, SAC would have to find new bases 

anyway. At the end of 1950 the command had sixteen main bases to 

accommodate twenty wings. The new program would require enough 

Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to CSAF, subj: Permanent Peacetime 

Bases Under the 48 Wing Program, Feb 5, 1951, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol 

111, Chap 11, Ex 35; hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 42-47. 

101 

‘‘’See previous note. 

Memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, Actg Chmn, AF Council, to CSAF, subj: 

Procedures for Approving Additions to the Permanent Base Structure of the Air 

Force, n.d. [Dec 521, with atchs, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Dec 52 (21, 

Box 58 MD, LC. 

‘04’Zbid.; ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to CSAF, subj: Permanent 

Peacetime Bases Under the 48 Wing Program, Feb 5, 1951, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 

51, Vol 111, Chap 11, Ex 35; ltr, LeMay to Maj Gen P. W. Timberlake, Dir Instal, 

USAF, May 25, 1951, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol 111, Chap 11, Ex 34. 

’”Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Maj Gen P. W. Timberlake, Dir 

Instal, USAF, May 25, 1951, in hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol 111, Chap 11, Ex 34. 

103 

427 
Strategic Air Force 

The Jet Age. The high speed Boeing B-47 Stratojet, left, and Boeing B-52 

Stratofortress, right, joined the Consolidated Vultee B-36 Peacemaker, whose D 

version was fitted with jet pods, in the Air Force's growing atomic armada. The 

B-47 was America's first large jet aircraft that featured swept wings. 

stations for twenty-one additional wings. LeMay considered the doubling 

up to be inevitable, a necessary evil. Still, because the new units would be 

essentially training wings, it would be possible to disperse the operational 

units, the war plan force, somewhat.'"' 

The B-36 force posed the biggest problem on this score. Indeed, the 

disastrous storm of September 1, 1952, highlighted the reasons why the 

war plan bombers should not be so concentrated, and why SAC had for so 

long attempted to acquire more bases for the heavy bombers. The parking 

ramp at Carswell was failing from poor construction well before the storm, 

a highly visible reason for LeMay's concern over the basing issue. Before 

the storm Brig. Gen. Clarence S. Irvine, commanding at Carswell had 

worried that dispersal would compound the massive logistical problem he 

faced, and some of the Eighth Air Force staff supported this view. On the 

Air Staff, Lt. Gen. Kenneth B. Wolfe, the Deputy Chief of Staff for 

Materiel, tended to agree. Wolfe also advocated moving the RB-36 wing 

Zbid.; rnsg, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, 3524, to Gen C. E. LeMay, 106 

CG SAC, Oct 11, 1952, LeMay Coll, Anderson # 2, Box B49, MD, LC. 

428 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

at Rapid City (the 28th Reconnaissance Wing) to a warmer location, but 

Ma]. Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, commanding the Eighth Air Force, 

resisted what he considered overconcentration at southern bases, and 

LeMay himself opposed the move. The SAC commander anticipated easing the crowding at Carswell by transferring the 11th Bomb Wing to 

Limestone Air Force Base, Maine, once the new base was ready. However, 

work there went too slowly to allow a movement in the near future. 

Naturally, the SAC leadership agreed that Travis, one of the few suitable 

bases for B-36s, could not be ceded to the Military Air Transport 

Servi~e.”’~ 

The ninety-five-wing program required fields for ten wings of B-36 

aircraft. When the program was adopted at the end of 1950, the only bases 

available were Carswell, Rapid City, and Travis. Work was in progress at 

Limestone, though stop-and-start funding created many delays at the 

Draft Itr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 

AF (ADVON), n.d. [Mar 511; Itr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, Actg CG 8 AF, to LeMay, Jul 

7, 1950; Itr, Old to LeMay, Mar 20, 51, all in LeMay Coll, Old (7AF & 7th AD), 

Box B57; memo, Anderson to CG SAC, subj: Limestone Air Force Base, Apr 26, 

1951, LeMay Coll, Anderson, S. E., Box B49; ltr, LeMay to Gen N. F. Twining, 

VCSAF, Jun 7, 1951, Twining Coll, Jun 51 (21, Box 55, all in MD, LC. 

107 

429 
Strategic Air Force 

Maine base. The difficulties were compounded by the field's isolation in 

the Maine north woods (population of the town was 1,213) and the 

extreme winters. These factors affected transportation, supply, and the 

availability of labor. In December 1950 SAC anticipated completion by the 

next October, but that month came and went with the project delayed 

indefinitely. In particular, Congress had balked at spending a large sum for 

family housing, but LeMay countered that no developer would want to 

build even Wherry housing in such an unpromising area. Clearing up the 

funding issue took time.lo8 

By March 1952 the construction at Limestone was nearly finished, 

although the family housing would not be ready for another year. Twining 

agreed not to move the 11th Bomb Wing from Carswell. Meanwhile, SAC 

did establish an air base group and started using the field as a staging base 

for overseas deployments. Then the heating system began to fail, and 

basing a unit there over the winter of 1952-1953 would have posed a 

health hazard. Thus Carswell remained a two-wing base. Finally, when 

Limestone was ready, a new wing was activated there on February 25, 

1953. Conditions were still rough, with inadequate housing and only partial 

facilities for personnel. There was no service club, library, chapel, or 

exchange, and of course, unless one hunted or fished, there were no 

recreational opportunities off base.'" 

In fact, B-36 production in the early fifties had outstripped the 

preparation of facilities. Work at Walker Air Force Base, New Mexico, 

(formerly Roswell Field) and Fairchild began later than at Limestone. As 

these bases became ready during 1951 and 1952 some of the bombers went 

there. As of 1952 construction was scheduled to begin soon for Biggs Air 

Force Base, near El Paso, Texas."' 

During 1951 SAC acquired three bases with specific functions. Lake 

Charles, Louisiana, and Forbes Air Force Base, Kansas, were to hold the 

B-29 training units, and Lockbourne Air Force Base, Ohio, received 

log Ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, 

Dec 9, 1950, LeMay Coll, Anderson, S. E., Box B49; ltr, Gen N. F. Twining, 

VCSAF, to LeMay, Mar 20, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Mar 52, Box 

56; Itr, LeMay to Twining, May 10, 1951, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, May 

51 (21, Box 54, all in MD, LC; hist, SAC, Jul-Dec 1951, Vol I, pp 16-18. 

lo9 Ltr, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Mar 20, 

1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Mar 52, Box 56; memo, LeMay to Lt 

Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, subj: Limestone Air Force Base, Dec 16, 1952, 

LeMay Coll, White, Thomas, Box B61, both in MD, LC; Mueller, Air Force Bases, 

"'Msg, Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, 3524, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG 

VO~ I, p 324-329. 

SAC, Oct 11, 1952, LeMay Coll, Anderson #2, Box B49, MD, LC. 

430 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

reconnaissance units, relieving crowding at Barksdale. This left Offutt and 

Travis as SAC’S most crowded bases as of mid-1951. LeMay hoped to ease 

the situation at Offutt with a new headquarters building. Travis was suited 

for the B-36, but a medium bomb wing was also shoehorned in. Also 

serving as home to the Military Air Transport Service’s west coast aerial 

port, the base was bound to be busy as long as there was a war in the Far 

East.” ’ 

At Offutt SAC had established its headquarters in an aircraft factory 

operated by the Martin Company during the Second World War. Mobilization planners on the Air Staff continued to envision reopening the plant in 

any wartime expansion. So, to allow for this contingency, the Air Force 

sought funds to construct a permanent headquarters building and command center at Offutt. Senator Wherry and the prominent Omaha brewer 

Arthur Storz helped keep the proposal moving in Congress, but money was 

slow in coming.”* In August 1950, when the possibility of mobilization 

seemed real, Kissner was pessimistic: “It looks as though someone will 

have to admit that it was wrong to move this headquarters here in the first 

place.”” 

In spite of increased defense appropriations, funds for SAC headquarters were still delayed, while Air Materiel Command eyed taking over the 

factory. Finally, Edwards, as Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, assured 

SAC in October 1950 that the headquarters would stay in the building 

“until suitable facilities have been pr~vided.””~ But the threat of displacing SAC remained alive. In September 1951 Lt. Gen. Edwin W. Rawlings, 

commanding Air Materiel Command, tried to raise the issue again. LeMay’s 

reaction was blistering as he pointed out that many seemed unaware that 

Hist, SAC, Jan-Jun 1951, Vol I, pp 42-47; Mueller, Air Force Bases, Vol I, 

MR, Maj Gen A. W. Kissner, CS SAC, Aug 8, 1950, LeMay Coll, Memos, 

R-Rs, 1950, Box B64; SSS, Brig Gen Troup Miller, Jr, Dir Indus Resources, 

DCS/Mat, to VCSAF, Reactivation of Air Force Plant No 1, Omaha, Nebraska, 

Oct 22, 1951, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Feb 52, Box 95; ltr, Arthur C. 

Storz, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Oct 19, 1951, LMay Coll, Storz 

(1948-19511, Box A5; Itr, Storz to Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, Dec 13, 1951, 

Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Dec 51, Box 55; ltr, Twining to Storz, Oct 14, 

1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Oct 52 (11, Box 57, all in MD, LC. 

MR, Maj Gen A. W. Kissner, CS SAC, Aug 8, 1950, LeMay Coll, Memos, 

‘I4 Memo, Col Troup Miller, Jr, XO, DCS/Mat, to Maj Gen R. M. Ramsy, 

Dir Ops, DCS/Ops, Sep 28, 1950, with atch Itr, Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, DCS/Ops, 

to CG AMC, subj: Joint Occupancy and Utilization of Facilities of GAP # 1, 

Offutt Air Force Base, Omaha, Nebraska, Oct 17, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec 

Ofc TS Corres, Box 1, MMB, NA. 

pp 5??*-559. 

R-Rs, 1950, BOX B64, MD, LC. 

43 1 
Strategic Air Force 

the headquarters was actually in the plant, or perhaps they thought a 

major command organization could function while factory production went 

This settled the matter for the time being. The next year Twining 

once again had to affirm that the headquarters would remain in the former 

plant."6 

Late in 1952 Secretary Finletter approved a new list of permanent 

bases, adding six more for SAC. This was essential if the command were to 

continue to expand. By the end of the year some new bases were already 

occupied. SAC units returned to Smoky Hill, having given up the base in 

1949, but Sedalia, Missouri, a disused wartime base now refurbished, was a 

new location for the command. Expansion and construction work had now 

reached the point of "bursting at the seam^.""^ 

From their home bases, most medium bomber units cited in the war 

plan were to deploy to England on short notice. The expansion of the 

medium bomber force had little immediate impact on foreign-based forces, 

but with an eye to future contingencies, LeMay wanted to acquire more 

bases, not only in England, but also in other areas, particularly French 

Morocco. The alternate war plan developed at SAC guided the planning 

and preparations to extend the command's base area."' 

To command the forward-based forces, LeMay created two new air 

divisions early in 1951. The 5th Air Division headquarters under Maj. Gen. 

Archie J. Old, Jr., was to organize at Offutt and then travel to French 

Morocco. The 7th, under Brig. Gen. Paul T. Cullen, would deploy to England. On March 23 Cullen and some fifty members of his staff departed on 

board a C-124. The plane went down, without a trace, somewhere in the 

North Atlantic. Immediately, Old and his staff were rushed to the planned 

headquarters at South Ruislip, near London, remaining there for a month 

while Maj. Gen. John P. McConnell organized a new staff. McConnell 

reached South Ruislip late in May, and Old then proceeded to Rabat, 

Morocco, with his staff."' 

'15 Ltr, Lt Gen E. W. Rawlings, CG AMC, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, 

Oct 9, 1951, with atch ltr, LeMay to Rawlings, Sep 28, 19.51, LeMay Coll, Rawlings, 

Box E28, MD, LC. 

Msg, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Sep 29, 

19.52, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Oct 52 (l), Box 57, MD, LC. 

'"Memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, Actg Chmn, AF Council, to CSAF, subj: 

Procedures for Approving Additions to the Permanent Base Structure of the Air 

Force, n.d. [Dec 521, with atch Tabs A, B, C, D, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading 

File,'f)8ec 52 (2), Box 58, MD, LC. 

See Chapter IX. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 32-33. 119 

432 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Maj. Gen. Archie J. Old, Jr., 

Commander, 5th Air Division Headquarters in Rabat, Morocco, one ofthe forward-based facilities created by 

General LeMay in 1951. 

One reason for establishing a new SAC air division in the United 

Kingdom was to keep command lines to the strategic force clear. Plans for 

expanding U.S. forces in NATO called for a tactical force under U.S. Air 

Forces in Europe to operate from fields in both France and England. Leon 

Johnson, commanding 3d Air Division, was the person best situated to 

work with the British and command the base area. On May 1, 1951, his 

division was replaced by Third Air Force, which would be the tactical force 

and support the SAC 7th Air Division bases. McConnell would then be 

directly responsible to LeMay for SAC operations.”’ 

McConnell later described the poor conditions he found at the bases 

in East Anglia: 

Lack of hardstands resulted in bombers having to be parked in neat 

rows on closed runways. Aircraft maintenance had to be conducted 

in the open. Hangars were too small for medium bombers and they 

were unheated. Maintenance control was non-existent. Vehicles 

were World War I1 types requiring extensive maintenance. Power 

and water supplies were critical. Housing was crowded and recreation facilities were undeveloped.. . .Messing facilities were bad.’21 

Burk, USAF in UK, pp 25-31. 

Encl, Summary of Seventh Air Division Deployment from May 19.51 to 

February 19.53, to memo, Maj Gen J. P. McConnell, Dep Dir PI, SAC, to Maj Gen 

T. S. Power, Dep CG SAC, Mar 16, 1953, in SAC/HO. 

I20 

121 

433 
Strategic Air Force 

The new bases to the west were being upgraded under a bilateral 

agreement of April 1950. The British, with the help of four battalions of 

American aviation engineers, were preparing four fields to the north and 

west of Oxford for B-47 operations. Work had started during the summer 

of 1950, but bad weather and shortages of materiel caused delays. Besides 

monitoring the construction, McConnell had to manage the rotational 

program. After the 93d and 97th wings returned home in October 1950, 

SAC resumed the normal one-wing rotation force. Later, in response to 

the crisis in Korea during January 1951, B-36s visited Lakenheath.'22 

Also in 1951 General Johnson approached the British about a much 

more extensive program of base construction. To expedite the work, the 

Third Air Force commander reached an agreement with the Air Ministry 

on an interim cost-sharing arrangement. A long-term agreement was postponed because the British were coming to grips with their severe balanceof-payments problem. Further, the elections in October 195 1 brought 

Churchill and the Conservatives back to power and once again raised the 

overall question of American bases. In January 1952 Churchill and Truman issued a joint statement that use of the bases in war would be a 

matter for joint decision by the two governments. Talks continued, although the final signature of an agreement at the ambassadorial level did 

not come until September 1953.lZ3 

During the negotiations, the four bases were nearing completion. The 

7th Air Division took over Upper Heyford 'in January 1952, but it was not 

actually ready until later in the year. Fairford, Brize Norton, and Greenham Common were turned over to the SAC units late in 1952, again 

~nfinished.'~~ 

The move to French Morocco had been under consideration since 

early 1950, when planning began for a depot at Nouasseur, twenty miles 

Ltr, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

Oct 2, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 330.1 (Sep 7, 19501, Case 6, 3 AD, 

Box 163, MMB, NA; inder, General Grussendorrs copy of Trip Book and Special 

Notes, n.d. [Oct-Nov 521, Vandenberg Coll, Box 84, MD, LC; hist, 3 AD, Jul-Dec 

122 

1950, p 62-85, 140-142. P Ltr, Maj Gen L. W. Johnson, CG 3 AD, to A/M W. F. Dickson, RAF, Aug 

31, 1950, atch to ltr, Johnson to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Oct 2, 1950, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 330.1 (Sep 7, 1950), Case 6, 3 AD, Box 163, MMB, 

NA, gn-k, USAF in UK, p 23. 

SAC Operations in the United Kingdom, 1948-1956, 7 AD Historical Monograph, p 10; Burk, USAF in UK, pp 38-39; Itr, Maj Gen J. P. McConnell, CG 7 AD, 

to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Aug 26, 1952, LeMay Coll, McConnell, Box B55, 

MD, LC. 

434 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

from Casablanca. In August, as SAC developed its alternate war plan, 

officials advocated basing up to three wings on the existing airfields at 

Meknes and Casablanca. It appeared that some construction would be 

needed to improve the airfields and provide ground transportation and air 

defense. The planners at SAC and the Air Staff initiated a “crash program” 

to get bombers in operation in Morocco as soon as p0ssib1e.l~~ 

What seemed a fairly simple process became incredibly complicated 

as the Air Force entered this relatively unfamiliar area. Yet so important 

was the extension of the strategic basing complex that the airmen persisted. The negotiations involved diverse groups, not only the French in 

Morocco but those in Paris, as well as the Moroccans and the Army Corps 

of Engineers, not to mention contractors and Congress. 

Late in 1950 a party of Air Force officers and Army engineers visited 

Morocco under the leadership of Col. Stanley T. Wray, USAF. The group 

identified five airfields, then in use by the French, which could be put into 

shape for SAC operations in six months. Meanwhile, the American Embassy in Paris approached the French Foreign Ministry.’26 Although Morocco was outside the North Atlantic Treaty area, the United States 

stressed the important contribution the bases could make to the defense of 

the alliance. On December 22, 1950, the two governments concluded an 

agreement for the United States to use the existing bases. The United 

States would do the necessary construction, subject to a provision for 

hiring some French subcontractors and, significantly, a limit on American 

purchases on the underdeveloped Moroccan economy. By this point, the 

Air Force had prepared the necessary construction directive to the Corps 

of Engineers. Issued on November 29, this directive required that there be 

Memo, G. A. Brownell, Spec Asst to Sec AF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, Nov 21, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (Feb 7, 1950), Case 

6, Sect 1, Box 334; R & R Sheet, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, Dir P1, to Dir Ops USAF, 

Deficiencies in Major Air Force Commands, Nov 17, 1950, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, 330.1 (Sep 7, 19501, SAC Case 2, Box 163, both in MMB, NA; Study, 

Log P1 Div, DCS/Mat, Logistics Data and Policies for Use in Planning Development of USAF Base Complex in Morocco, Jun 8, 1951, in SAC/HO; hist, Hq 

USAF, Jul 1, 1950-Jun 30, 1951, p 91; R & R Sheet, Col Broadhurst, Dir P1 SAC, 

to CS SAC, Notes from Air Force and Wing Commanders’ Conference, Jan 15, 

1951, LeMay Coll, Official Docs, SAC Commanders Conference, Box B100, MD, 

Ltr, Col E. Vandevanter, Dir P1 SAC, to CS SAC, subj: Report on Visit to 

USAFE and French Morocco by SAC Party, Oct 27, 1950, in SAC/HO; hist, Hq 

USAF, Jul 1, 1950-Jun 30, 1951, p 92. 

125 

Lc’ 126 

435 
Strategic Air Force 

facilities for limited bomber operations within six months of the day the 

workers entered Morocco.’27 

The French had reason to be uneasy about turning Morocco into an 

American base area. Their position in the country was based on a complex 

political foundation in which France was the “Protector” of the nominal 

sovereign, the Sultan Mohammed ben Youssef. In effect, the French 

Resident-General in Morocco governed the country (except for the Spanish Zone and Tangier to the north), frequently bypassing the native 

government. What disturbed the French was the rising nationalist agitation 

among the Moroccans. Arab countries in the United Nations were supporting this agitation, and France hoped that strategic interests would 

induce the United States to suppress its urge to sympathize with emerging 

colonial peoples.128 

The implications of this quickly became clear in the airman-to-airman 

negotiations on the details of the agreement. The head of the U.S. Air 

Force mission to Morocco, Brig. Gen. Pierpont M. Hamilton, had recommended presenting the American needs pie~emea1.l~~ The technical agreement concluded on April 14, 1951, offered only half a loaf for the United 

States. The Resident-General, Alphonse Juin (who had commanded the 

French Corps in the Italian campaign) drove a hard bargain. The list of 

bases, numbering four with a fifth to be named later, was almost entirely 

new. All except Nouasseur lay in remote areas of the coastal plain or the 

plateau and would have to be built from scratch. There was a peacetime 

ceiling of two wings of aircraft and seventy-four hundred U.S. military 

personnel, with few or no dependents. While the Americans foresaw 

127Study, Log PI Div, DCS/Mat, Logistics Data and Policies for Use in 

Planning Development of USAF Base Complex in Morocco, Jun 8, 1951; memo, 

Col W. E. Creer, USAF Msn Rabat, to Col Broadhurst, Dir P1 SAC, subj: Periodic 

Report Number 3 Regarding Negotiations for French Moroccan Air Bases, Mar 1, 

1951, both in SAC/HO; memcon, Leo G. Cyr, OIC N African Affairs, Dept of 

State, Morocco, Apr 23, 1951, in FRUS, 1951, Vol V, pp 1381-1383; rprt, Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee, Committee on Armed Services, Senate, 

Investigation of the Preparedness Program: Interim Reporf on Moroccan Air Base 

Construction (Washington, 1952), pp 2-3. 

Richard F. Nyrop, Beryl Lieff Benderly, et al, Area Handbook for Morocco, 

DA Pamphlet 550-49 (Washington: Dept of Army, 19721, pp 49-57; paper, Dept of 

State, Morocco, Aug 29, 1951, in FRUS, 1951, Vol V, pp 1384-1386. 

lZ9 Memo, Col W. E. Creer, USAF Msn Rabat, to Col Broadhurst, Dir P1 SAC, 

subj: Periodic Report Number 3 Regarding Negotiations for French Moroccan Air 

Bases, Mar 1, 1951; msg, Brig Gen P. M. Hamilton, Ch USAF Msn Rabat, to Col 

H. L. Maddux, Asst Air Base Prog, DCS/Ops, USAF, 2722522 Jan 51; ltr, 

Hamilton to Maddux, Jan 20, 1951, all in SAC/HO. 

436 

128 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

morale problems, Norstad, commanding in the area, approved the agreement in order to expedite work on the bases.’30 

The Air Force secured $62 million from Congress for the Morocco 

program. The Corps of Engineers retained the firms of Porter-Urquhart 

and Skidmore, Owings, Merrill as architect-engineers and contracted with 

a consortium of building companies called Atlas Constructors to do the 

work. The contractors were ready to begin at the signing of the technical 

agreement, but completing a major project by July 1951 would be a 

~ha1lenge.l~~ 

General Old’s arrival at Rabat was delayed in the aftermath of the 

loss of the Cullen party, but when he arrived late in May 1951 work had 

already begun. The District Engineer, Col. George T. Derby, was well 

aware of the pressure to get results. At a meeting of Old, Norstad, and 

Derby, it was agreed that one usable runway would be finished by July 14, 

Bastille Day.’32 Old was conscious of his role as customer of a project in 

the hands of others, although with LeMay as his superior he understood 

he could not remain passive. He did demand and obtain what he knew 

were costly changes. By July work was under way at Ben Guerir, Sidi 

Slimane, and Nouasseur, and by the 13th the latter two had operational 

airstrips but little else. Old flew from Rabat to Sidi Slimane with a party of 

French dignitaries to greet a flight of F-84s. The next day, with great 

ceremony, a similar group at Nouasseur witnessed a flyover and landing of 

eighteen B-50s and KB-29s sent from England, followed by a demonstration by the American fighters. The bombers left the next day, and no more 

came until December. Nouasseur’s capabilities were still mostly symb01ic.l~~ 

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Military Public Works, Committee 

on Appropriations, House, Moroccan Air Base Construction, 82d Cong, 2d sess (pub 

info), Pt 4, pp 280-281; Technical Agreement Number One Between the French 

Air Force and the USAF Regarding the Occupancy of the Moroccan Air Bases, 

Mar 26, 1951 (copy approved by USAF Mission & French AF in Morocco, not final 

copy signed Apr 14, 1951 in Paris, but substantially the same), in SAC/HO; ltr, 

Maj Gen S. E. Anderson, CG 8 AF, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Mar 13, 

1951, LeMay Coll, Anderson, S. E., Box B49; ltr, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to 

LeMay, Jul 9, 1951, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Jul 51, Box 55, both in 

Hist, Hq USAF, Jul 1, 1950-Jun 30, 1951, p 92; Hearings before the 

Preparedness Subcommittee, Committee on Armed Services, Senate, Hiring for 

Work at Overseas Bases, 82d Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, pp 217-240, 290. 

133 Ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, CG 5 AD, to Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Jun 

23, 1951; ltr, Old to LeMay, Jul 8, 1951, both in LeMay Coll, Old (5th AD), Box 

B57, MD, LC; Hearings before the Preparedness Subcommittee, Committee on 

Armed Services, Senate, Hiring for Work at Overseas Bases, 82d Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, 

p 261; hist, 5 AD, Jul-Dec 1951, pp 68-69; ltr, Lt Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, to 

LsMay, Aug 9, 1951, LeMay Coll, White, Thomas, Box B61, MD, LC. 

130 

MD&C. 

See previous note; Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 30-31. 132 

437 
Strategic Air Force 

On the coastal plain of Morocco, the rainy season begins in October. 

By November 1951 General Old was growing uneasy at the condition 

of the pavement at Sidi Slimane and Nouasseur. He believed Derby had 

lost control over Atlas, which had spent a lot of money on camps for the 

American workers. The architect-engineers had reported unsatisfactory 

work, but the chief engineer had refused to call a halt. Should the pavement be inadequately supported, water would get in and start washing 

away the ground underneath. Old’s cooperative relations with Derby began 

to turn sour. Then the apron at Nouasseur and the runway at Sidi Slimane 

began to 

The six B-36s that visited Sidi Slimane on December 3, 1951, stayed 

six days and left. Old was too worried about the state of the airfields to put 

the bombers at risk. The architect-engineers shared his doubts. By this 

time Vandenberg was informed, but the problem was soon out of his 

hands. Early in 1952 the Preparedness Subcommittee of the Senate Armed 

Services Committee, under the chairmanship of Lyndon B. Johnson of 

Texas, began to investigate the Morocco pr0je~t.l~~ 

The Johnson Subcommittee hearings began in February 1952, and the 

next month the Army recalled Derby, ostensibly to testify. Lt. Gen. Lewis 

A. Pick, USA, the Chief of Engineers (and builder of the Ledo Road in 

Burma), endured much of the subcommittee’s criticism. On the whole, the 

senators were sympathetic to the Air Force and its problems. As members 

of the SAC staff agreed, the Air Force and SAC had avoided the political 

repercussions, even if the Moroccan airfields remained only marginally 

~sefu1.l~~ 

134 Ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, CG 5 AD, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Nov 30, 

51; ltr, Old to LeMay, Feb 9, 1952, with atch ltr, Old to Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC 

AAFCE, Feb 8, 1952; ltr, Old to LeMay, Dec 11, 1952, all in LeMay Coll, Old (5th 

AD), Box B57, MLD, LC; Hearings before the Preparedness Subcommittee, 

Committee of Armed Services, Senate, Hiring for Work at Overseas Bases, 82d 

Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, pp 219-248. 

13’ Ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, CG 5 AD, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Dec 11, 

1951; ltr, Old to Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, Feb 8, 1952, atch to ltr, Old to 

LeMay, Feb 9, 1952, both in LeMay Coll, Old (5th AD), Box B57; msg, Norstad to 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 1510312 Dec 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Nov 

to-, IN, Box 87, all in MD, LC; hist, Dir Ops, DCS/Ops, Hq USAF, Jul 1-Dec 31, 

1951,p 2. 

Msg, Lt Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

1510312 Dec 51, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Nov 1951, IN, Box 87, MD, LC; 

Hearings before the Preparedness Subcommittee, Committee on Armed Services, 

Senate, Hiring for Work at Overseas Bases, 82d Cong, 2d sess, Pt 2, Pt 5 Investigation 

of Overseas Air Force Buses; ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, CG 5 AD, to Norstad, Feb 8, 

1952, atch to ltr, Old to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Feb 9, 1952; ltr, Old to 

LeMay, Mar 28, 1952, both in LeMay Coll, Old (5th AD), Box B57, MD, LC. 

438 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Estimates for the repair bill ran from $4 million to $30 million, and 

satisfactory repairs would have to wait until 1953. In the meantime SAC 

used the Moroccan bases for limited operations. During 1952 only two 

B-29 wings spent time there. With such a minor mission, morale in the air 

base units was impaired. At Nouasseur the contractors had not built a 

water tower, so there was no running water. No money was available to 

repair boilers, so there was no hot water either. Without paved walkways, 

men had to cross seas of mud during the rains. The huts leaked, and 

recreational facilities were limited. Moroccan nationalist agitation led to 

rioting in the towns, rendering them off limits, not to say that the 

recreation they offered was especially wholesome. In September 1952 the 

venereal disease rate at Nouasseur was two hundred per th0~sand.l~’ 

Finletter called the lack of recreational facilities in Morocco a “national 

di~grace.”’~~ Anna Rosenberg, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower and Reserve Affairs, on a worldwide tour of U.S. facilities, called 

Nouasseur the worst overseas base she had seen.’39 

Ironically, for an as yet marginal strategic benefit, the United States 

was taking a significant political risk. Determined to retain their influence 

in Morocco, at the end of 1952 the French were arresting nationalists and 

communists alike, professing to see a link between the two. The United 

States was ambivalent about the issue in the United Nations, aware of the 

risk that the rising tide of Arab nationalism would take an anti-American 

stance. The State Department believed that the threat to stability in 

Morocco had increased in direct proportion to the strength of the American interest there.I4” 

Ltr, Maj Gen A. J. Old, CG 5 AD, to Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, Jul 29, 

1952; DF, Brig Gen C. J. Bondley, Jr, Dir Mat SAC, to CG SAC, Construction 

Problems in North Africa, Jan 20, 1953; msg, Old to LeMay, Gen L. Norstad, 

CINC USAFE, Maj Gen T. H. Landon, VCINC USAFE, 1313152 Dec 52, all in 

LeMay Coll, Old (5th AD) # 2, Box B57, MD, LC; msg, R. L. Gilpatric, USec AF, 

E. V. Huggins, Asst Sec AF/Mat, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Sep 23, 1952; msg, 

Huggins to Old, Sep 19, 1952, both in Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Jul 1, 1952, Box 

87, MD, LC; msg, CINC USAFE to CSAF, 2913002 Sep 52, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/P1, OPD, 330.1 SAC, Case 2, Sect 2, Box 163; memo, A. Rosenberg, Asst Sec 

Def (M & RA), to Sec AF, Aug 23, 1952, RG 341, OPD 333.1, AF P1 (Jan 15, 1952), 

Sect 1, Box 165, both in MMB, NA; hist, Dir Ops, DCS/Ops, Hq USAF, Jan I-Jun 

30, 1952, p 99, Jul 1-Dec 30, 1952, p 144. 

13’ Msg, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to R. L. Gilpatric, USec AF, 2113502 Sep 52, 

Vanql-herg Coll, Redlines Jul 1, 1952, Box 87, MD, LC. 

Memo, A. Rosenberg, Asst Sec Def (M & RA), to Sec AF, Aug 23, 1952, 

RG ?!J, OPD 333.1, AF P1 (Jan 15, 19521, Sect 1, Box 165, MMB, NA. 

Policy paper, Dept of State, United States Policy in Morocco, Nov 21, 1951, 

in FRUS, 1951, Vol V, pp 1392-1395; msg, J. C. Vincent, Dip Agt Tangier, to Sec 

State, Dec 14, 1952, in FRUS, 1952-1954, Vol XI, Pt 2, pp 604-606. 

137 

439 
Strategic Air Force 

In contrast, a better-controlled but still costly overseas project was 

undertaken at Thule, Greenland. Extremely interested in the strategic 

potential of the Arctic, Secretary Finletter conferred with the Air Force's 

leading expert on the region, Col. Bernt Balchen. The Norwegian-born 

explorer and aviator was then commanding the 10th Rescue Squadron at 

Elmendorf Air Force Base, Alaska. Years before, the explorer Knut 

Rasmussen had told Balchen about a harbor that was open during the 

summer, along the northwest coast of Greenland. During the Second 

World War Balchen had occasion to fly over Thule to confirm the report. 

The AAF had subsequently established an emergency airstrip at Thule, 

calling the station Bluie West Six. Balchen continued to believe that the 

site could be a major base, and eventually Finletter agreed. On October 2, 

1950, the secretary instructed the Air Staff to study the possibilities of 

bases in the Arcti~.'~' 

Col. George E. Glober of the War Plans Division led the study, 

consulting with Balchen and other experts. His report recommended Thule 

as the best site. Situated six hundred miles north of the Arctic Circle, it 

was near enough to the Soviet Union that a B-36 could reach eighty-five 

percent of the targets, and a B-47 with one in-flight refueling could reach 

half of them. But neither the Air Staff nor SAC was enthusiastic about 

Arctic bases on the proposed scale. The Glober Committee's cost estimates ranged from $75 million to $125 million. This funding would have 

gone much further in more hospitable climates. SAC operations analysts 

stressed that should the project be approved, it needed to be pressed with 

vigor.'42 

On learning that a base at Thule was feasible, Finletter had no further 

reservations and he initiated PROJECT BLUEJAY. The secretary had obtained Congressman Vinson's concurrence, and in January 1951 he asked 

Deputy Secretary Lovett to approve the major construction project. After 

some consultation with Congress, Lovett gave his ~0nsent.l~~ 

14' Bernt Balchen, Come North with Me: An Autobioqruphy (NY: Dutton, 19581, 

pp 235-236, 298, 305-306; paper, Brief Chronology of Thule, n.d., Vandenberg 

Coil,,??. Papers Used by CS Before Senate, Box 85, MD, LC. 

Staff study, Glober Cmte, Dec 50; msg, CG SAC to CSAF, 2023552 Dec 

50; R & R Sheet, C. L. Zimmerman, Ch Ops An SAC, to Dir Ops, SAC, SAC Bases 

in Greenland, Jan 3, 1951, all in SAC/HO; paper, Brief Chronology of Thule, n.d., 

Vandenberg Coll, 27. Papers Used by CS Before Senate, Box 85, MD, LC; hist, Hq 

USAF, Jul 1950-Jun 1951, pp 93-94. 

143 Memo, G. A. Brownell, Spec Asst to Sec AF, to J. A. McCone, USec AF, 

subj: Thule, Jan 11, 1951; memo, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to R. A. Lovett, Dep Sec 

Def, Jan 13, 1951; memo, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to CSAF, Mar 30, 1951; 

memo, Lovett to Sec AF, subj: Construction of a Bomber Staging Base at Thule, 

Greenland, Feb 16, 1951, all in Vandenberg Coll, 27. Papers Used by CS Before 

Senate, Box 85, MD, LC. 

440 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Lt. Gen. George E. Stratemeyer, 

Commander, Far East Air Forces. 

Establishing a major base in the Arctic obviously demanded a strenuous effort. Items that might be considered luxuries elsewhere would be 

necessities in northern Greenland. LeMay insisted on a heated shelter for 

bomber maintenance. A logistician pointed out that without skilled mechanics, equipment failures could cost lives. And when the Army Engineers toured the site, they increased the cost estimates to $168 mi1li0n.l~~ 

Construction would be limited to a few summer months each year. The 

first party flew to the site in March 1951. The engineers set up an office in 

a suburb of Saint Paul, Minnesota, which recruited 8,500 men for a 

construction job somewhere overseas in a cold climate. These work conditions required making offers of up to $4.20 an hour, then a large sum for 

construction work. The work force reached Thule by ship in July. By 

September the crews had completed a 7,500-foot runway and facilities for 

limited operations. The main body returned to the States for the winter, 

leaving a caretaker force behind.’45 

LeMay continued to urge speed in completing the project. He was 

especially concerned that the base be well equipped with navigation aids 

Memo, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to CSAF, Mar 30, 1951, Vandenberg 

Coll, 27. Papers Used by CS Before Senate, Box 85, MD, LC; MR, Lt Gen 0. R. 

Cook, DCS/Mat, Sep 28, 1951, RG 341, DCS/Mat, Exec Ofc TS Corres, Box 1, 

MMB, NA. 

145Air Force Times, Sep 27, 1952, p 1; monograph, Project BLUE JAY, NEAC 

Hist Br, Nov 52, pp 6, 9, 61. 

44 1 

144 
Strategic Air Force 

for Arctic flying. The SAC commander envisioned using Thule primarily 

for staging B-47s. The Northeast Air Command, selected to operate the 

base, took possession in January 1952. The 1952 construction season 

rendered the base virtually operational, and most work was done by late 

1953. Costs had exceeded all estimates, going over $200 million. But in 

marked contrast to Sidi Slimane or Nouasseur, Thule was finished on time 

and did not have to be reb~i1t.l~~ 

In other areas, base construction was a simpler process, although few 

proposed installations were free of political complexities. Okinawa was in 

fact the only war plan base solidly in U.S. hands at the time. Most fields 

were to be used as recovery bases or for staging. Basing rights for Wheelus 

in Libya depended on talks with the government of King Idris, to whom 

the British and French had turned over power. British work on Abu Sueir 

in Egypt proceeded irregularly, being finally finished in 1952. However, 

that same year saw the overthrow of King Farouk I1 in a military coup, and 

foreign bases in Egypt suddenly were in jeopardy. While Dhahran, Saudi 

Arabia was probably more secure, the regime there requested economic 

aid. Obtaining rights to Lajes, in the Portuguese Azores, and Keflavik, 

Iceland, required continual negotiations, but both countries were members 

of NATO and thus gave the United States a good hearing. In general, SAC 

did not operate these bases, nor were they exclusively committed to the 

strategic air offensive. Still, they had various uses in the command’s war 

plan.147 

Secretary Finletter was also interested in what he called “bargain 

alternates.” Spain, Portugal, and Northern Ireland appeared from time to 

time in his corre~pondence.’~~ Spain was promising strategically, being 

closer to the targets than Morocco but shielded by the Pyrenees from a 

rapid Soviet conquest. Once again, the problems were political. The 

‘46Hist, NEAC, Jan-Jun 1952, pp 156-157; hist, 8 AF, Jul-Dec 1952, pp 

339-340, Jan-Jun 1957, pp 5-6. 

147 Rprt, USAF Requirements, Deployments, Activations, and Public Works 

Program and Status of Negotiations for Military Rights, Nov 10, 1952, Vandenberg 

Coll, Classified, Box 34; General Grussendorfs copy of Trip Book and Special 

Notes, n.d. [Oct-Nov 521, Vandenberg Coll, Box 84; Itr, Maj Gen T. S. Power, Dep 

CG SAC, to DCS/Ops USAF, subj: Designation of Facilities at Keflavik for 

Strategic Air Command, Apr 22, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (61, Box 45; MR, J. 

Wise, Asst Dep Sec AF/Instal, Feb 9, 1953, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, 

Feb 53, Box 58; memo, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, 

Nov 23, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, AFCVC Reading File Nov 51, Box 55, all in MD, 

Msg, R. L. Gilpatric, USec AF, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Sep 20, 1952, Lc. 148 

Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Jul 1, 1952-, Box 87, MD, LC. 

442 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

regime of Francisco Franco seemed stable enough, but until late 1950 the 

United States had had no diplomatic relations with it, in keeping with a 

ban on the government by the United Nations. The Spanish regime was 

unpopular in many circles in the United States. Nevertheless, as the Cold 

War developed, the United States had maintained some contacts, including a visit by LeMay during his tour in Europe. Soon after the Korean War 

began, the United Nations lifted its ban and relations resumed. During 

1951 the United States broached the question of bases, and in July the 

Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Forrest Sherman, visited Madrid. 149 

The Air Force hoped eventually to be able to base five B-47 wings in 

Spain. In the short term, emergency landing rights would help.’50 In April 

1952 Maj. Gen. August W. Kissner, until then LeMay’s chief of staff, 

arrived in Madrid with a negotiating team. He began talks with Lt. Gen. 

Juan Vigon, Chief of the High General Staff. The Spanish drove a hard 

bargain, and no agreement was reached until September 1953.151 

The bases overseas raised domestic political controversies as well. 

Late in 1952 two members of the Senate Armed Services Committee, 

Russell B. Long, Democrat of Louisiana, and Wayne L. Morse, Republican 

of Oregon, questioned the need to station so many men overseas. In fact, 

the Air Force did not entirely disagree. SAC policy called for limiting the 

size of the permanent parties as much as possible.’52 During his travels, 

Secretary Finletter was disturbed by the frequent hostility of local populations and the questions raised by foreign officials. He also wondered about 

“the effect on the men themselves” of these overseas 

In February 1953 Senators Long and Morse released a report critical 

of the costs, fiscal and political, of large-scale overseas basing. Their report 

and the committee hearings reflected a widespread public concern. Finletter and Twining both sought to reassure the senators, arguing that the 

forward bases, with a widely dispersed force, were currently essential to 

the strategic air offensive. Twining noted the Air Force’s efforts to keep 

Swetzer, Operations in the Mediterranean, pp 33-34. 

Ltr, Col H. R. Maddux, Asst DCS/Ops for Air Bases, to Gen N. F. 

Twining, VCSAF, subj: USAF Requirements in Spain, Jul 9, 1951, Twining Coll, 

Jul 51, Box 55, MD, LC. ”’ Swetzer, Operations in the Mediterranean, p 34. 15’ Msg, E. V. Huggins, Asst Sec AF/Mat, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Sep 23, 

1952; msg, Finletter to Huggins, 0111142 Oct 52, both in Vandenberg Coll, 

Redlines, Jul 1, 1952, Box 87, MD, LC; memo, Finletter to CSAF, Oct 21, 1952, 

RG ?$$, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 320.2 (Jul24,1950), Sect 3, Box 126, MMB, NA. 

Memo for file, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Oct. 23, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, 320.2 (Jul 24, 19521, Sect 3, Box 126, MMB, NA. 

149 

150 

443 
Strategic Air Force 

overseas manning down. Apparently, the question of overseas basing was 

not c10sed.l~~ 

In planning the construction of bases both overseas and within the 

continental United States, dispersal of air resources to reduce vulnerability 

to air attack was a recognized goal. Secretary Finletter continued “to be 

worried about the security of SAC bases,” and concentration was viewed as 

a necessary The wider implications of dispersal at a time when the 

Soviet atomic threat was increasing had begun to interest the staff at 

RAND. A young researcher there named Albert Wohlstetter was studying 

the matter thoroughly and beginning to attract an audience for his concern~.~~~ Other factors were involved in protecting the strategic force. For 

one, the sheer size of the force planned in the 143-wing program would 

pose a challenge to an attacker. And although the Air Force held the view 

that no level of defense against air attack could prevent serious damage to 

the United States, the service was successful in having the Army allocate a 

number of anti-aircraft artillery battalions to key SAC bases.157 

Besides the threat from the air, LeMay devoted attention to protecting the bases against attackers on the ground, especially saboteurs. He had 

instituted a plan to improve base security in November 1949, proposing to 

build up the Air Police in quality and quantity. On each base, the 

commander was to set apart critical areas, fence and light them, and 

strictly control entry. Although SAC approved the basic plan in May 1950, 

manning ceilings and limited budgets prevented action. Nor was the Army 

in any better position to provide men for the ground defense units.’58 

154 MR, J. Wise, Asst Dep Sec AF/Instal, Feb 9, 1953, Twining Coll, AFCVC 

Reading File, Feb 53 (11, Box 58; MR, Col A. J. Cox, Jr, Ch, Senate & White 

House Liaison, General Bradley’s Testimony-Military Public Works Hearing, 

Senate Armed Services Committee, Feb 10, 1953, Vandenberg Coll, 27. Papers 

Used by CS Before Senate, Box 85, both MD, LC; msg, Sec AF to Asst Sec 

AF/Mat, 0111142 Oct 52; memo, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to T. K. Finletter, 

Sec AF, subj: Air Force Personnel in Overseas Areas, Nov 12, 1952, both in RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, OPD, 320.2 (Jul 24, 19501, Sect 3, Box 126, MMB, NA. 

155 Memo, T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Nov 23, 

1951, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Nov 51, Box 55, MD, LC. 

156 The Cost of Decreasing Vulnerability of Air Bases by Dispersal: Dispersinq a 

B-36 Wing, RAND Rprt R-235, Jun 1, 1952. 

157 SAC Proqress Analysis, Oct 53, LeMay Coll, Box B98, MD, LC. 

”‘Zbid.; encl 1, IG SAC, to ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, CG SAC, to CSAF, Jan 

27, 1950; draft memo, Dir P1, DCS/Ops, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, subj: 

Security of Bases of the Strategic Air Command, May 29, 1950, with atch memo, 

Maj Gen F. H. Smith, Jr, Asst to DCS/Ops for Prog, subj: Nonconcurrence in 

Proposed Memorandum for General Vandenberg Re Security of Space of the 

Strategic Air Command, Jun 1, 1950, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 

600.96 SAC (Feb 10, 19501, Box 1029, MMB, NA SAC Proqress Analysis, Oct 

1953, LeMay Coll, Box B98, MD, LC. 

444 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

With increased funding after the Korean War broke out, manning 

ceilings could be lifted, and Air Police squadrons were beefed up. A SAC 

school at Camp Carson, Colorado, trained officers and noncommissioned 

officers destined for the command’s Air Police units. In addition, J. Edgar 

Hoover, the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, detailed 

fifteen of his agents to SAC bases as instructors. At the same time, the 

command undertook the needed construction, and by May 1951 LeMay 

could report that most of the fencing, lighting, and towers were in place. 

Routine procedures were in effect for screening people and controlling 

entry to restricted areas. Armed reaction teams were on duty. Only the 

more expensive security measures remained: the construction of dispersed 

and revetted parking for the planes and underground storage for 

Having established the apparatus for base security, SAC needed to 

know that it worked. By arrangement between SAC and the Air Force 

Office of Special Investigations (OSI) in 1951, agents of the latter began 

covert penetrations of SAC stations to test their security. These activities 

provided a continuing program to evaluate and correct weaknesses. According to one account, during an exercise in 1952 ten agents attempted to 

perform simulated acts of sabotage. One succeeded in reaching a parked 

B-36, but eight were captured.16’ In other words, acts of sabotage could 

produce losses, but SAC had a pretty good score in trying to prevent them. 

From New Phase to New Look 

The decision by the Secretary of Defense to halt the expansion of the 

Army and Navy in 1952, while the Air Force would continue to grow, did 

not of course guarantee that this would happen. But in fact President 

Truman and Congress concurred. In the current political atmosphere, no 

service was going to grow larger and faster than the Defense Department 

requested. The question was how fast the Air Force would grow, as well as 

how large. The general diminishing of the sense of danger, both in Europe 

15’ Memo, Maj Gen W. F. McKee, Asst VCSAF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, Lt Gen L. Norstad, DCS/Ops, Aug 14, 1950, Vandenberg Coll, SAC (31, 

Box 45; ltr, J. E. Hoover, Dir FBI, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, Jul 13, 1950, 

Vandenberg Coll, Sec of the AF-1950, Box 61; ltr, Lt Gen C. E. LeMay, to Gen N. 

F. Twining, VCSAF, May 10, 1951, Twining Coll, May 51 (21, Box 54; Security 

folder, Strategic Air Command, Feb 3, 1953, LeMay Coll, Box B106, all in MD, LC. 

I6O SAC Progress Analysis, Oct 1953, LeMay Coll, Box B98, MD, LC; LeMay 

& Kantor, Mission with LeMay, pp 479-480. 

445 
Strategic Air Force 

and in the United States, meant that the pressure to limit the defense 

budget would be strong. On December 28, 1951, President Truman set 

ceilings on defense spending both for the current year and the next. The 

Joint Strategic Plans Group told the Joint Chiefs of Staff that these 

ceilings would actually lower the Army’s and Navy’s force goals and slow 

the Air Force’s expansion, 143 wings to be attained only in 1956.161 The 

Air Force found the budget cutbacks disturbing because the “task concept” 

was still not being applied to justify expenditures, and there were land and 

naval forces programmed for no particular strategic function. Col. James 

F. Whisenand in the Directorate of Plans agreed, “That Army and Navy 

programs are not only over on forces but have a tremendous fat for 

expansion and war reserves.”162 The strategy of mobilization still had its 

proponents. 

President Truman’s budget request for fiscal 1953 included $48 billion 

for defense, $21 billion of that for the Air Force. Congress seemed to be in 

a strong mood to cut these amounts. Lovett intended in his congressional 

testimony to highlight the danger facing the country, asserting that 1954 

was still the year of maximum peril, as well as defend all programs while 

stressing that cuts would limit the Air Force. Vandenberg testified about 

the increasing strength of the Soviet air force. The potential enemy was 

thought to have one hundred heavy bombers and fifteen hundred mediums, a quarter of them jets, while its air defenses were improving. Only the 

U.S. Air Force, the Air Force chief said, was “charged with striking from 

enemy hands the weapon most dangerous to this nation.”’63 Senator Taft, 

a presidential candidate, was not alone in calling for cuts, and in favoring 

air power as a means to economize, he foreshadowed congressional action. 

The final appropriation increased the Air Force share from $20.7 billion to 

$21.2 billion, trimming $2 billion from the Army budget.’64 

The congressional debates thus perpetuated the political argument 

concerning the Truman administration’s defense policy. The U.S. ground 

Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 109-111. 

Memo, Col J. F. Whisenand, to Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir P1, DCS/Ops (and 

passed to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF), subj: Comparison of Strategic Requirements for Service Programs, Dec 14, 1951, Vandenberg Coll, Z. Memos from Col 

Whisenand on Strat Rqmts, Box 83, MD, LC. 

Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, Senate, Department of 

Defense Appropriation for 1953, 82d Cong, 2d sess, pp 3-11, 143-161, 197-221; 

Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, Air 

Force Appropriation for 1953, 82d Cong, 2d sess, p 72; memo, Col J. V. Murphy, to 

Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Apr 4, 1952, with atch draft statement for O’Mahoney Committee, Vandenberg Coll, 14. Proposed Statement, Box 84, MD, LC. 

163 

164 Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 111-113. 

446 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

and tactical air units that began arriving in Europe during the last half of 

1951 were one focus of the debate. In February 1952 at Lisbon, the NATO 

allies agreed to have ninety divisions available on thirty days’ notice, 

supported by ten thousand air~raft.’~’ To many this seemed to symbolize 

the commitment to the futile effort to defeat Soviet land armies should 

they attack. Another sign of the times seemed to be the change in the 

allied command. Eisenhower, although he had advocated strong land 

forces in Western Europe, was a strong proponent of air power as well. On 

Eisenhower’s resignation in April to begin his candidacy for President, 

Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway succeeded him as supreme commander. Although highly respected in the Army, Ridgway was less known as a 

supporter of air power than Eisenhower had been.’66 

Despite these trends, the Air Staff was taking steps to defend the 

143-wing program by articulating an air power strategy for the nation. By 

the end of 1951 some work was under way, with Finletter’s assistance. No 

doubt this effort played a part in the congressional testimony, but it also 

had long-term significance. The “Air Concept,” as its authors called it, 

represented an interweaving of basic ideas on airpower with current 

strategic and budgetary realities. Its central elements concerned geography, technology, budgets, and ~trategy.’~’ 

The geographical argument held that the Soviet Union was not 

vulnerable to naval or land forces. Though it had limited access to the sea, 

it had become a major power. Its vast expanse of territory, including the 

satellite countries of Eastern Europe, together with its enormous manpower and industrial capacity, made invasion or occupation by land forces 

infeasible. By the same token, it could strike with great strength across 

Western Europe. Only air power, by penetrating and neutralizing targets, 

could defeat the Soviets.’68 

It was now technically possible for the U.S. Air Force to do just that. 

New weapons, bombers with intercontinental reach (albeit with forward 

basing and tankers) and equipped with nuclear weapons, would be able to 

destroy the Soviet Union’s ability to make war. At the very least, the 

Zbid., pp 297-301. 165 

166 Briefing, Military Philosophy as a Basis for Strategic Decision, n.d., RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (Jan 19, 1952), Box 319, MMB, NA; paper, 

The New Phase-A Statement of Air Force Policy, Aug 2, 1952, Twining Coll, TS 

File (11, Box 122, MD, LC; Poole, JCS, 1950-1952, pp 307-308. 

Briefing, Military Philisophy as a Basis for Strategic Decision, n.d., RG 341, 

DCSL’ps, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (Jan 19, 1952), Box 319, MMB, NA. 

Zbid.; plan, Mob Div, Dir P1, DCS/Ops, US Air Force Planned Wartime 

Activity, CUMULO-NIMBUS, FY-54 Budget Guidance, Apr 52, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, TS OPD, 381 (Aug 10, 19511, Box 321, MMB, NA. 

167 

447 
Strategic Air Force 

strategic air offensive would prevent disaster. The entire force would have 

to be ready on D-day. Losses would be heavy, but the stakes were high. 

The Air Staff estimated that in 1954 Soviet attacks on SAC could inflict 

twenty percent losses on the command in the continental United States 

and thirty percent overseas. Attrition to the attacking SAC forces during 

the first month could approach fifty percent, although this depended on 

the timing. But, according to the Air Concept, the planned force would be 

equal to the task. Nuclear weapons would be in short supply until 1956, 

which meant that the strategic force should have priority in all~cation.'~~ 

The budget argument proposed that spending reflect political realities. Money allocated to a costly and ineffective effort to defeat the Soviet 

Union on land or by sea would be wasted. For the United States to 

maintain the kind of forces needed for such a strategy would disrupt the 

economy and turn the country into a garrison state. Spending had to be for 

essentials, and the first priority was the strategic air force.17' 

Soviet atomic weapons would soon be numerous enough to threaten 

serious damage to the United States. A modern air defense could weaken 

but not stop an atomic attack, so the strategic force should devote a 

serious effort to the blunting task. The atomic threat also meant that 

mobilization at the outbreak of a war would be impossible, and the country 

really needed a ready D-day force. Besides continental air defense, the 

United States needed forces to support the Europeans in holding back the 

Soviets until the air campaign had taken effect. Ground forces thus had a 

role, along with tactical air forces, in winning the air battle. Naval forces 

were needed to keep the sea lanes open.I7' 

The air planners did not entirely agree about the need for forces to 

fight local wars. The frustrations of the Korean situation suggested that 

such conflicts should be avoided. Many agreed with Finletter that the 

United States could not afford to maintain enough forces to oppose local 

aggression. As long as the real adversary was the Soviet Union, local forces 

were not really necessary. Instead, the nation needed a diplomatic approach that translated strategic air power into deterrence of all 

aggre~si0n.l~~ 

The Europeans had a similar strategic problem. W. Barton Leach, 

Finletter's special adviser, described the widespread desire to prevent war 

in Europe. A deterrent that kept the Soviets at bay was preferable to a war 

by the United States to liberate an occupied Europe. Writing from 

See previous note; paper, The New Phase-A Statement of Air Force 169 

Polk , Aug 2, 1952, Twining Coll, TS File (l), Box 122, MMB, NA. 'IJ See Notes 167-169. 

See Notes 167-169. 

See Notes 167-169. 

171 

448 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Europe, Leach also noted another dimension, similar to the American 

budgetary issue: “Can you imagine any French premier coming to power 

on a program of increase in the period of military service, higher taxation, 

more land devoted to U.S. air bases, and more U.S. troops quartered in 

France?”’73 Leach did not see much chance of holding anywhere on the 

continent north of the Alps. Under the circumstances, an air-oriented 

strategy to deter war or end it quickly would have definite appeal. Leach 

did emphasize, however, that the Air Force could contribute to European 

security by developing sound strategy and assigning effective staff officers 

to SHAPE.’74 

The Air Concept presented the case for the 143-wing program. It also, 

as Leach anticipated, offered a strategic solution when European enthusiasm for the Lisbon program waned. Leach believed that Churchill would 

support something along the lines of the Air Force’s proposed strategy. 

Indeed, soon after his government took office in October 1951, Churchill 

had to deal with Great Britain’s massive international exchange deficit. 

The British would have to devote as much industrial plant as possible to 

production for export rather than armaments. Reductions in the armed 

forces were necessary, and this meant a cut in the British contribution 

under the Lisbon accords. Before broaching this to the allies, the British 

chiefs of staff decided in July 1952 to prepare the arguments for a 

reorientation of ~trategy.’~’ 

Among the chiefs, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Rhoderick McGrigor, 

Field Marshal Sir William Slim, and Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir 

John Slessor, it was Slessor who most strongly influenced the white paper 

prepared.’76 The chiefs agreed that the American atomic strike force 

formed the primary deterrent to war. Massive land forces on the continent 

could not be the basis of allied strategy. Also, an effective defense against 

atomic air attack was unlikely. Thus the primary reliance for the United 

Ltr, W. B. Leach to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Apr 30, 1952, Vanden174 Ibid. 

175 See Note 173; msg, Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, to Gen N. F. Twining, 

VCSAF, RL 1065, 3111522 Jul 52, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines, Jul 1, 1952 to Dec 

1952, Box 87, MD, LC, memo, JSPC to JCS, subj: Report by the United Kingdom 

Chiefs of Staff on United Kingdom Defense Policies and Global Strategy, Jul 24, 

1952, encl to memo, RAdm W. G. Lalor, Sec JCS, to Gen Army 0. N. Bradley, 

Chmn JCS, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, et al, same subj, Jul 28, 1952, RG 341, 

DCS/Ops, Dir/PI, OPD, 323.361, Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 19501, Box 142, MMB, NA; 

Ronald Lewin, Slim: The Standardbearer (London: Leo Cooper, 1976), pp 278-280. 

173 

berg Coll, 6. Bart Leach Memos, Box 83, MD, LC. 

176 Lewin, Slim, pp 278-280. 

449 
Strategic Air Force 

0 

0 L: a 

I 

President-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower, center, with John Foster Dulles, his 

Secretary of State-designee, and Charles E. Wilson, his choice for Secretary of 

Defense. Both were active in his New Look initiative. 

Kingdom had to be on the deterrent power of the American strategic air 

force. The British were much impressed by that f0r~e.l’~ 

The strength of the American long-range bomber force is steadily 

increasing, and the training of its specialised crews has reached a 

point never before surpassed by any air force in peace, and only 

equalled by the best crews of our own Bomber Command.’m 

The British saw their own role as contributing a portion of the allied 

strategic air force, as soon as they developed their own atomic capability. 

Other than that, all existing forces had to be reduced.’79 

Study, Dir PI, DCS/Ops, Defense Policy and Global Strategy, Jul 52, atch 

to memo, Maj Gen H. B. Thatcher, Dep Dir PI, to Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, 

subj: Report by the United Kingdom Chiefs of Staff on United Kingdom Defense 

Policy and Global Strategy, Jul 25, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, 

Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 19.501, Box 142, MMB, NA. 

178 Rprt, COS UK, Defence Policy and Global Strategy, Jul 9, 1952, p 6, RG 

341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 1950), Box 142, MMB, 

Study, Dir P1, DCS/Ops, Defense Policy and Global Strategy, Jul 52, atch to 

memo, Maj Gen H. B. Thatcher, Dep Dir PI, to Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, 

Report by the United Kingdom Chiefs of Staff on United Kingdom Defense Policy 

and Global Strategy, Jul 25, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, Sect 6, 

Anx (Aug 16, 1950), Box 142, MMB, NA. 

177 

NA. 179 

450 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Unlike some of their American counterparts, the British chiefs rejected the idea that there was a year of maximum danger and expected 

that the Cold War would continue for years. Thus allied forces had to be 

maintained at a steady, affordable level. This could only be assured by 

reliance on air power. A “1914-1918” strategy, that is maintaining large 

armies on the continent of Europe, would require forces so large that no 

European nation could afford them without American aid.’” 

At the end of July Slessor and Slim visited Washington to begin 

discussion of their plan to reduce the Lisbon force goals. During the 

meetings with the top leaders of the American services-at which the U.S. 

Navy was heavily represented-Bradley and Collins were skeptical. The 

British had dismissed the importance of carrier task forces, a position the 

American naval officers protested. Twining and White, however, sought to 

assure the British that the strategic air offensive had a good chance of 

success.’81 Slessor offered his own perspective: “I would say 20,000 U.S. 

airmen in Norfolk [England] might be a better guarantee than the number 

of ground troops that we have now in Germany.”’82 The upshot of the 

discussions was a U.S. agreement that NATO should study possible reductions in long-term force goals. This allowed Bradley to keep emphasizing 

the idea of 1954 as an especially critical year in the Cold War.’83 

The Air Staff naturally welcomed a British white paper which was so 

close to its own position.’84 On June 26 the Air Force Council (established 

in 1951 as representing the top echelon of the Air Staff) approved a 

statement proposed by the Director of Plans, that in the event of war with 

the Soviet Union: “The war objectives of the United States and her Allies 

will be imposed on the USSR by the application of military air force, 

180 Ibid. 

Note, Lt Gen T. D. White, DCS/Ops, Jul 29, 1952, handwritten in Copy 9, 

rprt, COS UK, Defence Policy and Global Strategy, Jul 1952; MR, Maj Gen H. B. 

Thatcher, Actg Dir PI, DCS/Ops, Minutes of the Meeting with Air Chief Marshal 

Slessor and Air Chief Marshal Elliot on the British Concept Paper, Aug 1, 1952; 

summary of notes, Sec JCS, Meeting of Jul 29, 1952; summary of notes, Sec JCS, 

Politico-Military Meeting, Jul 13, 1954 [sic, 19521, all in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 19501, Box 142, MMB, NA. 

lS2 Summary of notes, Sec JCS, Meeting with CMRAF Slessor, Jul 29, 1952, 

RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 323.36, Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 1950), Box 142, 

MMB, NA. ii: Ibid. 

181 

Draft msg, Gen N. F. Twining, VCSAF, to Gen L. Norstad, CINC AAFCE, 

Redline, n.d. [Jul 31, 19521, not sent, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/P1, OPD, 323.36, 

Sect 6, Anx (Aug 16, 19501, Box 142, MMB, NA. 

45 1 
Strategic Air Force 

properly supported by essential land and sea forces.”185 In short, the Air 

Force was officially advocating reliance on an airpower strategy. 

After the meetings with the British, Finletter, Gilpatric, Twining, and 

Kuter (Vandenberg was convalescing from cancer surgery) went to Finletter’s summer home in Bar Harbor, Maine. There they prepared a memorandum outlining the approach to take in furthering the Air Concept. The 

Air Force officials gave their paper the title “The New Phase.” In the 

history of the independent Air Force, the first phase had been the 

unsuccessful struggle for seventy groups. The next phase encompassed the 

buildup to ninety-five wings. That expansion was virtually complete, and 

the first funds were available for the 143-wing program. The Air Force was 

ready to lead in the nation’s defense.ls6 

The conferees at Bar Harbor proposed to end once and for all 

America’s reliance on a strategy of mobilization. Instead, the United 

States would maintain as a deterrent a permanent military establishment, 

ready to go into action on D-day. Once again, they made the point that 

with unessential forces eliminated, the country could afford a strong 

defense, without becoming a garrison state. Specifically, if the Air Force 

received Congress’s budgetary support and operated the 143-wing force 

efficiently, and the Army and Navy were maintained at appropriate levels, 

an adequate defense was attainable for ten percent ($34.5 billion at 1952 

levels) of the gross national pr~duct.’~’ 

As a planning document, the memorandum constructed the pillars of 

what it considered a sound American military strategy, to include air 

defense, NATO forces of reasonable size, tactical air capabilities, and the 

strategic air offensive. It reiterated the need to devote the scarce nuclear 

arsenal to the primary tasks. And it rejected maintaining forces for local 

wars. Instead, its authors advocated maximizing the deterrent power of the 

strategic force. In short, the Bar Harbor Memorandum outlined the views 

that had been developing in the Air Staff for some time.188 

After Kuter and Twining had returned to Washington, Kuter discussed what further action was needed. The Air Force should, he believed, 

present its views as part of the public debate on the best military strategy 

for the country, one in which the Air Force could and should play the 

_______ 

Memo, Col D. A. Burchinal, Sec AF Council, to Dir P1, subj: Development 

of a Military Strategic Concept, Jul 1, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 

(Jan l!J 19521, Box 319, MMB, NA. 

Paper, The New Phase-A Statement of Air Force Policy, Aug 2, 1952, 

Twining Coll, TS File (11, Box 122, MD, LC. 

185 

lS7 Ibid. 

Ibid. 

452 
“Never Before Surpassed’’ 

leading role. The service’s argument should focus on national priorities 

and avoid giving the impression that “the Air Force is feeling its oats.” He 

also suggested that the Air Force redefine the idea of “balanced forces” 

rather than attack it.’89 And when General Vandenberg returned from 

convalescent leave late in August, Kuter advised the chief that the Air 

Concept was one of the small number of major issues requiring immediate 

attention. Kuter anticipated a test of the Air Force’s po~ition.”~ 

That challenge came in just a few weeks, and it largely concerned the 

Lisbon force goals. The NATO Standing Group (representing the American, British, and French military staffs in Washington) gave the joint chiefs 

their proposed update to the NATO Strategic Guidance on July 28. The 

review of that document revealed a major split among the American 

services. The Army, Navy, and Marine Corps generally approved the 

Strategic Guidance, with the exception of the limited role it assigned to 

carrier task forces.’” The Air Force wanted the whole document rewritten. In the words of Maj. Gen. Robert M. Lee, Jr., the proposed guidance 

would produce: 

a strategy that calls for a blend of maritime air and land operations 

which includes large scale offensive naval operations, a land defense and counteroffensive, and, in general, subdues [sic] the effect 

of the strategic air offensive. In other words, it is a modernized 

1914-1918 concept-an attempt to superimpose a new atomic 

strategy upon the old traditional strategy, mixed with a philosophy 

which rew out of US. Naval operations of World War I1 in the 

Pacific5 

The Air Staff recommended that the chiefs ask the Standing Group to 

revise the proposal. The strategic air offensive ought to be regarded as a 

central operation of NATO, and the guidance should emphasize the 

deterrent effect of the strategic force.’93 

Memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, Actg VCSAF, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, R. L. 

Gilpatric, USec AF, Gen N. F. Twining, Actg CSAF, Aug 11, 1952, Twining Coll, 

TS Fii (11, Box 122, MD, LC. 

Ltr, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, DCS/Pers, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, Aug 

20, la22, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Aug 52, Box 57, MD, LC. 

Rprt, JSPC to JCS, 2073/408, Strategic Guidance, Aug 25, 1952, RG 341, 

DCS(Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 (Feb 7, 19501, Case 2, Sect 2, Box 334, MMB, NA. 

92 Memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir P1, DCS/Ops, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, subj: Strategic Guidance (JCS 2073/408), Aug 26, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/gi, OPD, 381 (Feb 7, 19501, Case 2, Sect 2, Box 334, MMB, NA. 

Zbid.; memo, Maj Gen R. M. Lee, Dir P1, DCS/Ops, subj: Strategic 

Guidance (JCS 2073/408), Sep 2, 1952, RG 341, DCS/Ops, Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 

(Feb 7, 1950), Case 2, Sect 2, Box 334, MMB, NA. 

189 

453 
Strategic Air Force 

Lee was prepared for another interservice wrangle, proposing that the 

Air Force carry the matter to Secretary Lovett if necessary. In fact this did 

not prove necessary. On September 3 the joint chiefs agreed to most of the 

changes the Air Force had recommended, particularly those stressing the 

contribution the strategic air offensive made to NATO. Lee could no 

doubt expect that the British would support this position. By the end of 

1952 a reexamination of NATO strategy had begun.’94 

The debate on U.S. strategy gained a wide audience during the 1952 

presidential campaign. The two leading Republican candidates brought 

differing perspectives to the question of national defense. Eisenhower, of 

course, would be seen by the public as uniquely qualified on the subject. 

But he was also identified with the buildup of American forces in Europe, 

a sore subject with many in the Taft bloc. Senator Taft himself stressed the 

importance of air power as the means to an economical defense policy. His 

position strongly appealed to isolationist voters.’95 

Leach in fact saw a political problem in the Taft embrace. The 

Democratic platform endorsed “balanced forces,” clearly a defense of 

Truman administration defense policy. Emphasis on strategic air power 

over land and naval forces might thus be attacked by the Democrats as 

isolationism. The secretary’s adviser maintained: 

Taft favors a strong Air Force policy because it will “keep war out 

of America” (an isolationist reason) instead of because it is the 

most effective deterrent to war and the decisive military factor if 

war comes (the Churchill-Eisenhower rea~on1.l’~ 

Rprt, JSPC to JCS, 2073/408, Strategic Guidance, Aug 25, 1952; memo, 

RAdm W. G. Lalor, Sec JCS, to US Rep, Stdy Gp NATO, subj: Strategic Guidance 

(SM-2079-521, Sep 3, 1952, encl on note, Lalor & Col E. H. Carns, & JCS 

Decision 2073/413, Strategic Guidance, Sep 3, 1952, both in RG 341, DCS/Ops, 

Dir/Pl, OPD, 381 (Feb 7, 19501, Case 2, Sect 2, Box 334, MMB, NA. 

195 Memo, W. B. Leach, subj: Danger to the USAF if Taft is Nominated-Preventive Measures, Jun 28, 1952, atch to memo, Capt M. Berry to Col W. F. Hipps, 

XO to Sec AF, Jul 1, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Jul 52 (11, Box 57; 

memo, Lt Gen L. S. Kuter, Actg VCSAF, to T. K. Finletter, Sec AF, R. L. 

Gilpatric, USec AF, Gen N. F. Twining, Actg CSAF, Aug 11, 1952, Twining Coll, 

TS File (11, Box 122, both in MD, LC. 

Memo, W. B. Leach, subj: Danger to the USAF if Taft is Nominated-Preventive Measures, Jun 28, 1952, atch to memo, Capt M. Berry to Col W. F. Hipps, 

XO to Sec AF, Jul 1, 1952, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Jul 52 (11, Box 57, 

MD. LC. 

1 94 

196 

454 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Leach suggested that if Taft were nominated Finletter should advise the 

President to lead the Democrats in an attack on the politicization of 

defense rather than on the strategy proposed.”’ 

At the Republican convention in July, former President Herbert C. 

Hoover denounced the administration for bankrupting the nation to arm 

Europe, arguing that “The sure defense of London, New York, and Paris 

is the fear of counterattack on Moscow from the air.”’y6 But with Eisenhower’s nomination, a somewhat different tone could be expected. In the 

Republican platform, the general had insisted on the deletion of the word 

“retaliation” from the plank on defense. On the other hand, the leading 

Republican spokesman on foreign policy, John Foster Dulles, saw a clear 

value for the concept of retaliation. Indeed he specifically advocated using 

the threat of retaliation to deter general or local aggre~sion.’~’ This in 

Dulles’s view was precisely the key to the diplomacy of deterrence. 

The Democratic nominee, Adlai E. Stevenson, faced long odds from 

the start. The November voting gave Eisenhower the presidency, and 

planning began for a revision of the defense program. The incoming administration was committed to take a “New Look” at defense. Evocative as 

this term was of Christian Dior’s “New Look” of 1946 in women’s clothing, 

it was natural, in the words of one historian, “to extend [the term] from the 

activity to the results.”200 After a visit to Korea in fulfillment of a 

campaign promise, the President-elect returned to the United States on 

the cruiser USS Helena. On board he conferred with Dulles, his designee 

as Secretary of State, and his Secretary of Defense-designate, Charles E. 

Wilson. Eisenhower also consulted, among others, Admiral Arthur W. 

Radford, Commander in Chief, Pacific.201 

The New Look evolved in two phases. First, it was necessary to revise 

the Truman budget for fiscal 1954 and to organize the administration’s 

’” Zbid. 

199Zbid., pp 120-123; John Foster Dulles, “A Policy of Boldness,” Life (May 

19, 1!9:2), p 151. 

Robert J. Watson, The History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Vol V: The Joint 

Chiefs of Staff and National Policy, 1953-1954 (Washington: Hist Div, JCS, 1986), 

p 35; William Manchester, 7’he Glory and the Dream: A Narrative History of 

America, 1932-1972 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), p 422. 

Glenn H. Snyder, “The ‘New Look’ of 1953,” in Schilling, et al, Strategy, 

Politics, and Defense Budgets, pp 191-193. Wilson was at the time of his nomination 

President of General Motors. He was called “Engine Charlie” to distinguish him 

from Charles E. Wilson, President of General Electric (‘‘Electric Charlie”), who 

had served in the Truman administration. 

Quoted in Parmet, Eisenhower, p 95. 198 

201 

455 
Strategic Air Force 

new defense team. This done, a formal policy evaluation produced the 

concepts that were to guide future defense policy. The concept that 

emerged was not altogether new. Ending the Korean War and reducing 

defense spending responded to the political pressures that had brought the 

previous administration down. Key elements of the New Look-a reliance 

on America’s lead in nuclear weapons, an emphasis on air power, especially strategic forces, support of NATO, and a strong nuclear deterrence 

-were already part of the national strategy. The Eisenhower adminstration’s particular contribution lay in the doctrine of so-called “massive 

retaliation,” the threat that the United States might not limit its response 

to aggression as it had in Korea. This was a matter of making the underlying deterrent threat more explicit to potential adversaries.*” 

The first initiative of the New Look, then, focused on the defense 

budget. Submitted by the previous administration before Eisenhower’s 

inauguration on January 20, 1953, this document allocated $16 billion for 

the Air Force for fiscal 1954. Because of the backlogs in B-47 production 

and other aircraft programs, the service had considerable unobligated 

money available, so this was not as serious a cut as might have appeared. 

The issue of excess funds had indeed already aroused criticism of the Air 

Force, and the Bar Harbor Memorandum addressed improved financial 

management as a means of maintaining the service’s credibility with 

Congress. Though the budget situation seemed workable for the time 

being, the Air Force’s Comptroller, Lt. Gen. Charles B. Stone 111, warned 

that the 143-wing program faced trouble if downward pressure on the 

budget continued.203 

On February 7 the new Deputy Secretary of Defense, Roger M. Kyes, 

instructed the services to review their budgets. The joint chiefs took the 

position that reductions were out of the question, and the Secretary of the 

Air Force, Harold E. Talbott, defended his service’s pr0grams.2’~ The 

crucial development came, however, on March 9, when Kyes, having 

received word from the Bureau of the Budget on the cuts required under 

the new spending ceilings, assigned each service its share. The Air Force 

’02 R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, pp 1-3, 35-37. 

Ltr, A. H. Berding, Dir PIO, DoD, to R. A. Lovett, Sec Def, subj: Notes on 

Newsmens’ Luncheon, Aug 28, 1952, Vandenberg Coll, Class, Box 62; memo, Lt 

Gen C. B. Stone 111, DCS/Compt, to CSAF, Jan 5, 1953, with note, Gen N. F. 

Twining, VCSAF, to CSAF, Jan 5, 1953, Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading File, Jan 

53 (2), Box 58, all in MD, LC; Poole, JCS, 1950-19.52, pp 117-131. 

’04 R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, p 5; memo, H. E. Talbott, Sec AF, to Sec Def, 

Feb 12, 1953; memo, Lt Gen T. D. White, Actg Chmn, AF Council, to CSAF, subj: 

Re-examination of the USAF FY 1954 Budget Program, Feb 16, 1953, both in 

Twining Coll, AFCVC Reading Files, Feb 53 (11, Box 58, MD, LC. 

203 

456 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

would receive $14.4 billion in 1954. The next fiscal year would see a 

balanced federal budget, under which the Air Force would receive $11.6 

billion and aircraft procurement would shrink to $5.3 billion and strength 

to 850,000.2°5 General Vandenberg was in Europe at the time, but when 

Twining saw the figures he immediately cabled the chief, informing him of 

cuts “so substantial as to warrant your personal con~ideration.”~~~ 

According to Air Staff estimates, the new budget would provide 

sufficient funds for only seventy-nine wings. This would render the Air 

Force unable to meet any commitment at all. Talbott warned of the 

probable effect on the aircraft industry. He calculated that two airframe 

plants would close in 1953, nine in 1954, and one the year after that, while 

the situation with engines would be even w0rse.2’~ The protests were for 

the most part unavailing. Defense Secretary Wilson insisted that the Air 

Force could manage its programs better. On April 29, 1953, he presented 

the proposed budget to the National Security Council. Vandenberg was 

present as acting chairman of the JCS and lodged a formal protest. 

Despite the bleak outlook, the Air Force was able to salvage part of its 

program; the service would expand to 114 wings in June 1954 and to an 

“interim” goal of 120 the year after.208 

In the normal budgetary process, Vandenberg had used up his last 

opportunity for open opposition. However, certain factors altered the 

situation. The Air Force chiefs extended term would expire on June 30, 

1953, and a further extension seemed unlikely. Vandenberg also knew that 

his cancer surgery of the year before had been unsuccessful. On May 7 the 

White House announced that Twining would succeed him, and within a 

few days the successors of the other chiefs, whose terms were to expire in 

August, had also been named. Admiral Radford would be the new Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. At this point, Vandenberg concluded that 

he was in a position to make his objections known during the congressional 

budget hearings.’09 

205 Memo, R. M. Kyes, Dep Sec Def, to Sec Army, Sec Nav, et al, Mar 9, 1953, 

Vande:berg Coll, Budget (FY 541, Box 41, MD, LC. 

Msg, Brig Gen R. A. Grussendorf, XO to CSAF, to Gen H. S. Vandenberg, 

CSAF, Mar 13, 1953, Vandenberg Coll, Redlines Dec 52, Box 87, MD, LC. 

*07 Statement, Gen H. S. Vandenberg, CSAF, to NSC, Reasoning and Procedures Used by the Air Force in Calculating the Impact of Budget Levels as 

Indicated in Sec Def Memo of March 9, 1953, Mar 25, 1953; memo, H. E. Talbott, 

Sec AF, to Sec Def, Mar 16,1953, both in Vandenberg Coll, 31. Impact of Reduced 

Budget, Box 85, MD, LC. 

*08 R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, pp 7-9, 61-63. 

209 Parrish OHI, p 229: R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, p 15. 

457 
Strategic Air Force 

The decision to do so was made with extreme reluctance. Symington, 

now a Democratic Senator from Missouri, met with Vandenberg and 

Leach to discuss the issue. Twining and the Air Staff were also providing 

much assistance. At a prolonged evening discussion in his quarters at Fort 

Myer, Virginia, Vandenberg explained how unwilling he was to oppose the 

Commander in Chief. In the end, he agreed to attack the budget and had 

his special assistant, Col. Noel F. Parrish, prepare his statement.”’ 

Appearing before the Senate Committee on Appropriations from 

June 3 to 5, the air chief gave his views forthrightly: 

No sound military reason has been advanced to explain why the Air 

Force build-up to the agreed force level is again to be delayed. 

Once again the growth of American air power is threatened with 

start-and-stop planning, and at a time when we face an enemy who 

has more modern jet fighters than we have and enough long-range 

bombers to attack this country in a sudden all-out effort. Rather 

than reduce our efforts to attain air superiority over the Communists, we should now increase those efforts.’ll 

Although Vandenberg’s testimony won much public sympathy, the 

President’s budget prevailed. Former Secretary Finletter denounced the 

resurgence of the idea of balanced forces. However, the Air Concept was 

stronger than may have appeared at the time. The fiscal year 1954 budget 

was easier on the Army and the Navy, but eventually the formal policy 

evaluation under the New Look would bring a clearer understanding to the 

new administration of the importance of air power?12 

Making sharp reductions in the military budget presupposed that the 

war in Korea would soon end. In the face of a continuing deadlock in the 

truce talks at Panmunjom, the administration had to consider whether to 

extend the war. NSC-147 outlined several courses of action, which included the use of atomic weapons and striking at China.213 In addition, the 

death of Stalin in March 1953 had raised the prospect of a change in the 

Soviet position. On May 21, 1953, meeting with India’s Prime Minister 

Parrish OHI, pp 227-230; memo, Brig Gen R. A. Grussendorf, XO to 

CSAF, to Maj Gen M. J. Asensio, Dir Budget, DCS/Compt, & Maj Gen 0. S. 

Picher, Asst DCS/Ops for Prog, May 26, 1953, Vandenberg Coll, Budget (FY 

‘I1 Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, House of Representa- 

’’* Futrell, Ideas, p 210. Vandenberg died on April 2, 1954. 

‘13 Note, James S. Lay, Exec Sec NSC, to NSC, NSC-147, Analysis of Possible 

Courses of Action in Korea, with encl, Apr 2, 1953, in FRUS, 1952-1954, Vol XV, 

54-2), BOX 41, MD, LC. 

tives, Department of Defense Appropriations for 1954, 83d Cong, 1st sess, p 474. 

Pt 1, pp 839-857. 

458 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Hoyt S. Vandenberg, although 

mortally ill, continued to carry heavy professional burdens, testifying before Congress in June 1953 to protest the administration’s 

severe budget cuts on the service. Exhausted and strained, he is 

shown resting briefly during a recess. 

Jawaharlal Nehru at New Delhi, Dulles warned that the United States was 

contemplating stronger action. 

I [stated] that if the armistice negotiations collapsed, the United 

States would probably make a stronger rather than a lesser military 

exertion, and that this might well extend the area of conflict. (Note: 

I assumed this would be relayed [to the Chine~e].).~’~ 

Eisenhower subsequently attributed the conclusion of the armistice to this 

When the fighting ended on July 27, the administration had 

witnessed a successful outcome of its policy of deterrence, particularly 

when explicitly stated. 

The formal development of the New Look policy took place in a series 

of conferences in the summer of 1953. In PROJECT SOLARIUM, an undertak214 Memcon, Sec of State, May 21, 1953, in FRUS, 1952-1954, Vol XV, Pt 1, 

Dwight D. Eisenhower, The White House Years: Mandate for Change, 

pp 1t)FF-1069. 

1953-1956 (NY: Doubleday, 19631, p 181. 

459 
Strategic Air Force 

ing devised by Eisenhower and his advisers during a meeting in the White 

House solarium, prominent military and civilian officials conferred at the 

National War College in June. The conferees sought to outline alternative 

strategies for the United States in the Cold War. The results generally 

confirmed containment of communism and Soviet influence as the preferred course. The new members of the JCS met in August, at Quantico, 

Virginia, and on board the yacht assigned to the Secretary of the Navy, the 

USS Sequoia. From these discussions emerged the concepts for the force 

levels to be sought in fiscal 1955 and after.216 

The culmination of the process was a speech Dulles gave in New York 

on January 12, 1954. In it he outlined the concept subsequently known as 

“massive retaliation.” The United States had decided to extend the concept of deterrence by declaring that it would no longer be bound by 

artificial limits in local conflicts: 

Local defense must be reinforced by the further deterrent of 

massive retaliatory power.. . . We need allies and collective security. Our purpose is to make these relations more effective and less 

costly. This can be done by placing more reliance on deterrent 

power and less dependence on local defensive p0wer.2~’ 

Here was the declaratory policy, the coercive diplomacy envisioned by 

Eisenhower and Dulles. Under the New Look, the defense establishment 

built up forces to support this diplomacy. In reality, “massive retaliation” 

and extended deterrence were not altogether new concepts; rather they 

confirmed existing tendencies among the armed forces, as seen in the Air 

Concept and the 143-wing program. These trends had been obscured by 

the costs of the war in Korea and the periodic resurgence of the idea of 

“balanced forces.” Also, the first instinct of the Eisenhower administration, as seen in the budget for fiscal 1954, involved maintaining such balanced forces. As for the declaratory policy, both Dulles’s writings earlier 

in his career and his “message” to the Chinese via Nehru foreshadowed 

the New York speech.’18 

For his part, Admiral Radford saw that the outcome of the New Look 

implied a reinvigorated strategy of air power. Late in 1953 the Air Force 

concurred in a minor reduction of its long-term development program, a 

total of 137 wings to be reached in 1957. Air defense forces would be 

augmented, and SAC was to lose only three wings from its final program. 

Despite these cutbacks, the Air Force would become the lead service in 

216 R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, pp 11-21. 

217New York Times, Jan 13, 1954, p 2. 

218R. Watson, JCS, 1953-1954, pp 36-37. 

460 
“Never Before Surpassed” 

the New Look. Its budget was the largest of the three services. When 

Dulles spoke of deterrent forces, he clearly had SAC, and its atomic 

capabilities, first and foremost in mind. The link between the diplomacy of 

a deterrent threat and the forces necessary to support it had been made.219 

By the end of 1953 SAC had achieved an unprecedented level of 

striking power. Of seventeen wings in the atomic force, eleven were 

equipped. The B-47 force had grown during the year from 62 to 329 

planes, the B-36 force reached 185, and the reconnaissance RB-36 component numbered 137. Supporting the bomber force were more than 500 

tankers and 200 fighters. The unmodified B-29s were being phased out. 

Personnel strength stood at nearly 160,000, based at twenty-nine bases in 

the states and ten overseas. Of course, the figures did not tell the whole 

story. Indeed the numbers that indicated the precise ability of the command to deliver a decisive blow were often preserved in the strictest 

secrecy. But LeMay’s achievement in building a combat-ready force with a 

high state of discipline was open knowledge. The prestige of the Strategic 

Air Command bespoke assurance that whatever the numbers of personnel 

and aircraft, if determination and training could deliver the atomic blow, 

the threat of atomic retaliation was real. The deterrent force was in this 

sense beyond question.220 

Ibid., pp 35-37. 

Hopkins & Goldberg, Development of SAC, pp 37, 42. 

219 

220 

46 1 

Conclusion 

s the authors of the Bar Harbor Memorandum presented their A views on future defense priorities, they looked back over the five 

years since the signing of the National Security Act of 1947.' The 

airmen who met at Secretary Finletter's summer home in July 1952 had a 

unique vantage point, and they presented an interpretative framework for 

the history of the Air Force in the immediate postwar period. The first 

phase began at the independence of the Air Force in 1947 and encompassed the consolidation of independence as well as the unsuccessful 

struggle to obtain adequate funding for air power. It was a period of 

austerity, ending at the outbreak of war in Korea in 1950. According to the 

memorandum, the second phase consisted of the buildup of air power in 

connection with the general rearmament of the nation. The New Phase to 

which the airmen referred would be an outgrowth of the reexamination of 

defense strategy due to the stalemate in Korea and the unpopularity of 

high defense budgets. In this phase, the Air Force was well positioned to 

lead the realignment of the armed forces for a strategy of nuclear deterrence. Thus, as matters developed, the New Phase envisioned by the air 

leadership bore a great similarity to the New Look of the Eisenhower 

administration. 

The immediate postwar years up to 1947 had been a period of 

reorganization. It had brought America's leaders to the conviction that it 

was both necessary and feasible for the nation to build a strategic air force. 

The perception of necessity arose from the experience of the past war, and 

in particular from the painful experiences of Munich and Pearl Harbor. It 

also derived from the strength of ideas about air power, international 

tensions, and the perceived nature of the Soviet threat. Obstacles and 

uncertainties plagued the effort to build a strategic air force, but as these 

were overcome it became clear that the project was feasible. Ambiguities 

and secrecy surrounding the atomic bomb itself were among the most 

'See p 452. 

463 
Strategic Air Force 

important problems facing the fledgling Air Force. Political barriers tended 

to give way to the awareness that more than diplomacy and monetary aid 

to foreign countries were needed to meet the Soviet challenge to world 

security. And the existence of a force capable of global air operations 

under a single command assured that the personnel and organization were 

in place to serve as a true strategic air force. 

Past experience had taught that mere preparedness was not enough. 

Only ready forces would deter aggression and prevent crippling surprise. 

Further, airmen found many of their beliefs confirmed or only partially 

modified by the experiences of the war. Unity of command in the air was 

vital. Air forces were flexible but primarily offensive in nature. A powerful 

bombing offensive could break down the industrial war machine of an 

enemy country. Arnold’s call for continued technological advance also 

affected their thinking about the needs of a deterrent force. 

The emergence of a plausible enemy in the form of the Soviet Union 

took these ideas out of the abstract. It seemed that in Stalin another 

aggressive dictator had emerged who had to be deterred by the threat of 

force. The failure of efforts to achieve international control of atomic 

weapons exacerbated the perception of a Soviet threat. As Truman reluctantly conceded the need for the United States to arm with atomic 

weapons, he also came to recognize the value of being able to deliver the 

bomb. At the same time, the West, vulnerable to attack by Soviet ground 

and tactical air forces, could scarcely afford the burden of maintaining 

strength sufficient to meet this threat. The strategic air offensive seemed 

to be the only way to offset enemy superiority at the front line. 

Still, several obstacles had to be overcome before the strategic force 

could be built. The armed forces were engaged in demobilization and the 

occupation of former enemy countries, and there were few resources of 

troops or money for anything else. American military leaders became 

preoccupied with the inevitable postwar reorganization. The airmen were 

particularly absorbed in the quest for an independent service. Only with 

the creation of the new military establishment could other matters receive 

attention. 

Atomic weapons, of course, posed the knottiest conceptual problem. 

The tests at Bikini and new developments in design suggested that strategically important numbers of weapons could be built. Reorganization of the 

atomic program finally led to a program to build weapons. Recognizing the 

bomb as a potential strategic air weapon, the AAF developed a plan for 

three atomic bombing groups. Secrecy on the part of the Manhattan 

Project and the Atomic Energy Commission was overcome sufficiently for 

the AAF to develop concepts for employing the weapon. This progress 

demonstrated the real possibility of building a striking force centered 

around the atomic bomb. 

464 
Conclusion 

The actual design of the atomic force posed fewer problems than the 

development of the bombs themselves. It was a matter of directing and 

intensifying an already existing technological effort. Some naval planners 

were prepared to argue that carrier-based forces could carry out the 

mission of hitting strategic targets. But design work for B-29s, B-50s, and 

B-36s to carry the bomb was more advanced, and the Air Force was better 

positioned in the short run to carry out the mission. In the long term, an 

effective intercontinental capability would be essential to the Air Force’s 

plans for the strategic air offensive. In any case, the Strategic Air Command 

was increasingly able to operate over long distances. The Unified Command Plan gave the Air Force a charter for a global strike force, and the 

joint war plan clearly acknowledged the importance of the strategic air 

offensive. As far as extending range was concerned, the B-36 showed 

promise as an intercontinental bomber. Pending its appearance in large 

numbers, such technological devices as air-to-air refueling or tractor 

landing gear for undeveloped Arctic airfields remained relatively unexplored. One-way missions might prove a necessary evil. But bases, especially in England, were likely to become available, and air refueling was 

mainly a matter of engineering refinements. As the building of a strategic 

air force seemed increasingly necessary, planners became convinced that it 

could be done. 

The decision to build an atomic air force of some size was reached at 

the end of 1947 and the beginning of 1948. It was accompanied by the 

appearance of public reports by the Finletter Commission and the Brewster Committee endorsing a major role for air power in the nation’s 

defense. The decision itself involved approval by the joint chiefs of a series 

of important intiatives: a war plan in which the strategic air offensive 

played a critical part, requirements for the production of atomic weapons, 

and a plan for modifying bombers for an expanded atomic force. At the 

same time the Air Force decided on various equipment modifications and 

the development of new air-to-air refueling techniques.’ These actions 

would secure a role for the Air Force in strategic air warfare. 

The planned atomic force might seem an adequate deterrent, but 

even before the marked rise in international tension during 1948, Secretary of Defense Forrestal had been worried about the condition of the rest 

of the armed forces as well. Unsure of the potential of a strategic air force 

not yet built, he saw the need for forces to serve in those local crises in 

which the policy of containment was likely to involve the United States. 

See Chapter V. 

465 
Strategic Air Force 

Forrestal’s concept of “balanced forces” likewise stressed the interrelationship of the strategic force with other elements of national strength. 

More parochial minds than his would make “balanced forces” a code term 

for an equal division of funds among the services regardless of strategic 

rationale. In any case, Forrestal secured agreement on the Air Force’s 

leading role in the strategic air offensive and supported the slowly emerging strategic air force. 

The crises of 1948, particularly the confrontation over Berlin, had 

significant impacts on the strategic air force. International tensions stimulated defense budget increases, which, while not concentrated on an already approved program like the strategic force, did generally improve the 

condition of the armed forces and may have lessened competition for 

funds. The Berlin crisis also improved the positioning of the force. Bomber 

units were now deployed and based in England, and an organization, the 

3d Air Division, was committed to improving this base area. But perhaps 

the most important development occurred as the chief of staff became 

concerned that the slowly emerging strategic force was not receiving the 

leadership necessary to make it into an effective, combat-ready force. As a 

result, in October the Air Force called in Curtis E. LeMay to head the 

Strategic Air Command. 

LeMay articulated a growing consensus within the service that its 

primary mission was strategic air offensive operations. As the crises of 

1948 subsided (largely because of the success of the Berlin airlift), budget 

austerity returned. Forrestal’s tenure ended with more funding reductions 

and the failure to develop balanced forces as the defense secretary had 

intended. Now the strategic air force stood as the one ready element 

capable of taking the offensive at the outbreak of war. Forces for local 

wars were starved. At the same time, the tight allocation of funds within 

the Air Force only allowed the service to maintain certain strategic forces 

and little else in any strength. 

The Harmon and WSEG reports highlighted the pr~blem.~ Initiated 

in response to challenges to the role of the strategic air offensive, ironically these studies demonstrated that a stronger atomic blow than was 

possible at the time might achieve valuable results. In short, the strategic 

force was inadequate, but the only plausible weapon. Here was an implicit 

mandate to increase strategic air power. In September 1949 the discovery 

that the Soviets possessed an atomic capability heightened public concerns 

about national defense. In the atmosphere of growing threat, new initiatives seemed likely. 

See pp 294-297. 3 

466’ 
Conclusion 

Truman’s decision to proceed with the thermonuclear effort and the 

related NSC-68 study, examining possible expansions in all armed forces, 

arose from the widespread sense of national danger. When war broke out 

in Korea and the president decided to intervene, about all the nation had 

available were run-down occupation forces and the strategic air force. 

Though the bomber units could assist in the allied intervention and deter 

any wider aggression, the United States essentially faced a military challenge for which it was unprepared. The one consolation was that the 

strategic force itself had achieved a high pitch of combat readiness, 

whatever its material limitations. 

The war in Korea affected the strategic air force in a number of ways. 

As medium bomber units became involved in supporting ground forces and 

flying interdiction missions, aircrews gained valuable combat experience. 

The American decision to confine the fighting to the Korean peninsula, 

even after the Chinese intervention, no doubt helped avert a confrontation 

with the Soviets, but it limited the direct role strategic air forces could play 

in the fighting. On the other hand, the fear that the fighting would expand 

into general war led to increased funding and major improvements in the 

strategic force itself. More units were stationed overseas, and the effort to 

expand the armed forces overall included a major emphasis on the atomic 

deterrent. 

The rearmament itself began slowly, but the expansion of the atomic 

stockpile planned before the outbreak of war in Korea allowed for the 

possibility of increased forces to deliver the weapons. In particular, increased approprations funded the acquisition of large numbers of the new 

B-47 jet for the atomic force, although the modernization effort encountered delays. New units were formed and trained on unmodified B-29s 

until the Stratojets became available. The expansion of the strategic force 

had begun, although the process was not always neat and orderly. 

The increasing number of atomic weapons available also raised questions of control and use. The Air Force managed to defend the integrity of 

the strategic force as a single specified command with a worldwide mission. 

However, the use of atomic weapons in a tactical role proved more 

controversial. In the end, SAC had to prepare for operations in support of 

theater commanders, while tactical nuclear forces began to develop in the 

other services. As commander of the allied forces in central Europe, 

Lauris Norstad, for one, welcomed the strengthening of theater forces, 

with both atomic and conventional weapons, as a complement to the 

strategic air offensive. 

The strategic force soon expanded overseas. More bases became 

available in England, but concern at the vulnerability of these new fields 

led to a search for alternative basing areas. Morocco and Spain proved 

467 
Strategic Air Force 

especially attractive in this respect, though both posed bewildering political 

complications. When construction began in Morocco, problems soon arose 

with the Army engineers as well. But the urgency of acquiring a more 

secure group of bases led the Air Force to persevere. Meanwhile in the 

continental United States, the vulnerability of bases was becoming a 

concern for the long term as Soviet stockpiles were expected to increase. If 

a tornado could nearly eliminate the heavy bomber force at Carswell Air 

Force Base for a time, SAC had a definite problem, and a future issue was 

emerging: 

What made such matters especially sensitive was the growing emphasis on the role of strategic air forces and air power in general. At the end 

of 1951 Secretary of Defense Lovett approved programs that set new limits 

on the expansion of the Army and Navy, while directing continued growth 

in the Air Force. In the past, although its preeminent role had been 

recognized, the strategic force had been obliged to compete for funds with 

other elements of the armed forces. Now air power would be funded to a 

level approaching what could be considered politically feasible, while 

ground and naval forces would be forced to accept lower levels. 

If the rearmament in the wake of the North Korean attack heralded 

an expansion of the strategic force, ironically the defense cutbacks that 

began during 1952 supported the development of strategic air power even 

further. It was the Europeans, and especially the British, who first reacted 

to the high cost of arming. The decision by the Churchill government to 

reduce naval and ground forces and emphasize atomic weapons and air 

power seemed to promise a more rational and economical strategy. The 

example was not lost on the Air Force leaders as they drew up the Bar 

Harbor Memorandum. As public discontent at huge budgets helped bring 

Eisenhower to the White House, the Air Force leaders decided to develop 

their own approach to the challenge of retaining the preeminence of their 

service. 

The New Phase conceived at Bar Harbor in fact dovetailed easily into 

the New Look. The SAC expansion program endured some budget cuts 

during 1953, but as the new administration formulated its defense strategies, it became clear that the deterrent power of SAC was to be a central 

instrument of national policy and would be funded accordingly. The 

command faced some difficult questions, such as the best choice for future 

weapon systems and how to reduce vulnerability to hostile atomic attack. 

Yet, with the renewed emphasis on strategic air power, the leaders of the 

See pp 412-414. 

468 
Conclusion 

Air Force had confidence that their needs would receive serious attention 

at the highest levels. 

An important strand throughout the early postwar period had been 

the increasing combat readiness of SAC. What LeMay achieved can be 

seen as both traditional and innovative. Standardization created a highly 

disciplined, capable organization. Commanders who demanded and received top performance were nothing new in the nation’s history. In fact, 

one could predict that Americans in uniform would respond to a challenge 

and take pride in their special status. Yet maintaining air forces at such a 

high state of readiness, especially during peacetime or at home, was 

unprecedented-and so were some of LeMay’s solutions. The new style 

barracks he promoted, with their two-man rooms, were far more suitable 

housing than open bays for a force emphasizing round-the-clock operations and technical training. The same focus on retaining skilled personnel 

also affected the strong emphasis on family housing. Likewise the pressures of maintaining readiness produced a new heightening of the inherent 

tension of deterrence-training to fight a war so that it would not happen. 

In any case, SAC earned a reputation for almost fanatical devotion to 

high performance: “To err is human; to forgive is not SAC poli~y.”~ The 

crews had few illusions about the dangers they faced if they actually had to 

fly to those targets so assiduously studied. Yet there is little on record to 

suggest that they would have failed to respond to the call. Perhaps the very 

gravity of the challenge led SAC personnel to welcome demanding leadership. Surrounding the command were numerous secrets concerning numbers of weapons, units, and the like. But the world saw SAC‘S open 

dedication to its mission. This intangible was a large part of what made the 

deterrent “credible,” to use a word soon to appear in the strategic lexicon. 

A look at the 143-wing program reveals that airpower strategy involved more than the strategic force. The United States was prepared to 

rely heavily on air power to stop a Soviet onslaught in Europe, to sustain 

its position in the Pacific, and to intervene in trouble spots. Airlift would 

be an important part of the strategy. In addition, a large program was 

being undertaken to defend the nation against air attack. Nevertheless, 

SAC obviously would play the lead role. When commentators referred to 

Dulles’s speech of January 1954, they quoted the term “massive retaliation” and usually had in mind the threat of a full-scale strategic air 

This tag, like so many unofficial mottoes, has proved exceedingly difficult to 

document. The author can personally attest to its authenticity, and a telephone 

conversation with Mr. J. C. Hopkins of the SAC Historian’s Office on February 10, 

1989, did establish that it remains part of the lore of the command to this day. In 

any case, the actual origins of the expression will probably always be obsure. 

469 
Strategic Air Force 

offensive against the Soviet Union. In his various clarifications of that 

address, the Secretary of State did not altogether rule out the ultimate 

threat. And the sheer size of the planned strategic force indicated its 

importance in the administration’s policy of deterrence. 

Thus by early 1954 the strategy of nuclear deterrence was in place. At 

the end of the Second World War, the Truman administration had understood the potential of the bomb as a deterrent. Eisenhower and Dulles 

took this strategy one step farther by being more explicit and trying to 

prevent indecisive limited wars. The strategic force constituted a threat in 

peacetime, and in war it would serve two functions, retaliation against an 

attack and disruption of an enemy’s war economy. In either case, its effects 

could be devastating. A naval officer visiting SAC Headquarters in 1954 

described the war plan, perhaps with some hyperbole, as one that envisioned turning the Soviet Union into “a smoking, radiating ruin at the end 

of two hours.. . .7’6 At the least, the strategic air offensive would help 

prevent disaster to the free world. 

Born of an invention, a simple flying machine, the American air arm 

emerged from the World War I1 with a second revolutionary invention, 

the atomic bomb. Arnold’s enduring legacy became an awareness that in 

the technology of warfare, change is the constant. From this standpoint the 

challenge was to preserve America’s technological preeminence. 

In this light, the appearance of Soviet atomic weapons posed a very 

real threat. Since MAKEFAST, the first atomic war plan, the American 

armed forces had envisioned a situation in which they might use atomic 

weapons in a war with the Soviet Union. At the time, the Soviets themselves did not possess an atomic capability. This did not fit the normal 

definition later given to the word “preemption,” which referred to launching a nuclear attack in anticipation of one by the other side. But the early 

postwar plans did establish that the United States would not necessarily be 

limited to a non-atomic response to a non-atomic attack. When the Soviets 

themselves acquired nuclear weapons, the issue took on a new dimension. 

Still, for the United States, deterrence in 1953 was still largely a question 

of a warning as to the consequences of aggression in general, and not just 

a way to deter a nuclear attack. 

Since it could be assumed that the potential enemy was building a 

striking force of his own, SAC‘S stateside bases would soon be vulnerable. 

The Air Force was receiving a lot of advice on this matter, and as of 1953 a 

clear answer had not emerged. Nevertheless, the service intended to 

defend its bases, protect the aircraft, and build an offensive force large 

David A. Rosenberg, ed, “A Smoking, Radiating, Ruin at the End of Two 

Hours,” International Security, 6 (Winter 81-82), p 25. 

470 
Conclusion 

enough to sustain heavy losses-both on the ground and dufing penetration-and still deliver a crushing blow. Developing this capability would 

obviously be expensive. In the long term then, it was not certain that the 

new administration had solved the problem of a strong affordable defense. 

But for the time being, the Air Force had a well-defined mission-to be 

ready to deliver global strategic power in the event of war-and it had the 

means to do so well in hand. For a military organization charged with 

defending a democratic society, such was welcome news. 

471 

Glossary 

Glossary 

AAG File 

ACAS 

AFB 

AFCHO 

AFHRC 

AFM 

AFR 

AFSHRC 

AHR 

AU 

Bd 

Bx 

CMH 

DCAS 

FRUS 

Air Adjutant General File 

Assistant Chief of Air Staff 

Air Force Base 

Office of Air Force History 

Air Force Historical Research Agency 

Air Force Manual 

Air Force Regulation 

Albert F. Simpson Historical Research Center, 

predecessor organization of the Air Force 

Historical Research Agency 

American Historical Review 

Air University 

board 

box 

U.S. Army Center for Military History 

Deputy Chief of Air Staff 

U.S. Department of State, 

Foreign Relations of the United States 

475 
Strategic Air Force 

GPO 

Hist 

JCS 

Mtg 

NA 

Ofc 

P1 

Pub 

SAC 

TS 

Univ 

USAJ? 

USAF Hist Div 

Government Printing Office 

historical 

Joint Chiefs of Staff 

meeting 

National Archives 

office 

plans 

publication 

Strategic Air Command 

Top Secret classification 

university 

United States Air Force 

USAF Historical Division 

476 

Bibliography 
Bibliography 

Governmental Sources 

National Archives and Records Administration 

he records of the United States Air Force and the predecessor Army T Air Forces for the period 1945-1953 are to be found in the Military 

Reference Branch (formerly the Modern Military Branch) of the 

National Archives, Washington, D.C. Because of the wide-ranging scope of 

the subject (the strategic force being a major focus of Air Staff attention 

and a major element of all Air Force planning) and the condition of the 

records, location of the most important material is always difficult. Because of the lack of detailed finding aids and the fact that material is often 

filed under seemingly unrelated subjects, a great deal of inspired searching 

on the part of the researcher and the archivist is required. An additional 

difficulty is that, at this writing, much of the material remains classified. 

Nonetheless, the record groups at the National Archives that contain 

the pertinent material are easy to identify. They are RG 18, records of 

Headquarters Army Air Forces; RG 165, records of the War Department 

General and Special Staffs; RG 218, records of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of 

Staff; RG 319, records of the Army Staff; RG 330, records of the Office of 

the Secretary of Defense; RG 340, records of the Office of the Secretary of 

the Air Force; and RG 341, records of Headquarters, United States Air 

Force. The record groups most heavily used for this volume are 341, 18, 

and 340. 

In record group 18 the Air Adjutant General File, notably under 

decimal file 320, contains a wealth of material concerning the immediate 

postwar period. Under the records of the Office of the Chief of Air Staff is 

material concerning the Scientific Advisory Group. 

Record group 340 contains valuable material under a number of 

headings. Most important for this volume were the proceedings of the Air 

Board and correspondence found in the Office of the Secretary of the Air 

Force Numeric Subject Files. 

479 
Strategic Air Force 

In record Group 341 are vast collections of material, much of it hard 

to locate. The most important heading for this volume was under the 

Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, Director of Plans. The so-called 

“OPD” decimal files under this were of surpassing importance. Decimal 

files 320, 322, 323, 330, 353, 381, 384, and 686 were the most heavily used. 

The British white paper of 1952 and its related material is in file 323. The 

files of the Assistant for Atomic Energy (AFOAT) are indispensable for a 

study of this nature. There are also special files for war plan HALFMOON, 

the Short-Range Emergency Plan (SREP), and the Strategic Air Offensive 

(SAO). Also under the Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations is the 

Executive Office File, especially decimal file 452. 

Also valuable in RG 341 is the Office of the Secretary of the Air Staff 

Message File. The Deputy Chief of Staff-Comptroller file 452 is useful on 

aircraft programs, as is the same designation in the files of the Deputy 

Chief of Staff for Materiel. The proceedings of the Aircraft and Weapons 

Board and the Senior Officers’ Board that replaced it are found in two 

places. The records of the board itself are in the files of the Deputy Chief 

of Staff for Development, while later meetings are in the records of the 

Deputy Chief of Staff for Materiel under the Directorate of Production 

and Procurement. 

Library of Congress 

The Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, holds the collections of 

the papers of the Chiefs of Staff, United States Air Force. 

Both of the chiefs for the greater part of the period under consideration, Carl A. Spaatz and Hoyt S. Vandenberg, provide in their collections a 

rich body of material. These collections contain a wealth of material 

covering every aspect of the evolution of the Air Force. Since they deal 

with large questions of national defense, the budget, and procurement of 

weapon systems, as well as correspondence with SAC and other commands, there is little that is not in some way pertinent to the subject of this 

study. Of particular interest to the later phases is the correspondence of 

Secretaries Symington and Finletter, and General Vandenberg, with 

W. Barton Leach, who served as a semi-official advisor to the Air Force 

during these years. A reservist and a law professor at Harvard, Leach 

served as counsel for the 1949 B-36 hearings and then became a regular 

consultant to the leadership. 

The Curtis E. LeMay Collection is of value in this case for the 

material from the years as commander of SAC. Some correspondence 

480 
Bibliography 

from the period when LeMay was DCAS/RD and in Europe is also 

included. But again the wealth of material, well-organized and diverse, 

makes this an extremely important collection. Among the wealth of documents here is the file of regular SAC Progress Analyses. 

Both the vice chiefs from the period, Muir S. Fairchild and Nathan F. 

Twining, have material of value. The Bar Harbor Memorandum and 

related material are in the Twining Collection. 

Harry S. Truman Library 

Holdings in the Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri, 

cover the entire period of this volume. The President’s Secretary’s file and 

the papers of W. Stuart Symington are full of useful material. Papers from 

the National Security Council as well as the Joint Chiefs of Staff appear in 

these collections. 

Office of the Secretary of Defense 

Besides its publication effort, the Office of the Historian of the Office 

of the Secretary of Defense, Washington, D.C., houses some useful records, 

notably the papers of James V. Forrestal, which contains material that was 

not included in the published edition by Walter Millis. 

Office of Secretary of Defense. History of Strategic Arms Competition, 1945-1972. 

3 volumes plus supporting studies. Washington: Office of the Secretary 

of Defense, 1974. 

Defense Technical Information Center 

Ponturo, John. Analytical Support for the Joint Chiefs of Sta# The WSEG Experience, 1948-1976. IDA Study S-507. Washington: Institute for Defense 

Analyses, 1979. 

Air Force Historical Research Agency 

The massive records housed at the Air Force Historical Research 

Agency (formerly the Albert F. Simpson Historical Research Center), 

Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, contain an immense collection valuable 

481 
Strategic Air Force 

material. Much of this is on microfilm at the Air Force History Support 

Office in Washington, D.C. 

In preparing a major study of a large institution, the historian is 

inevitably dependent on the work of others within the organization. The 

histories prepared in wings and groups, air forces, and major commands, 

especially, in this case, the Strategic Air Command, for the period in 

question have been a major source. These are some of the main features 

in the records at Maxwell, and many have been declassified. 

Historical Studies 

Fogerty, Robert P. Biographical Data on Air Force General Officers, 1917-1952. 

USAF Historical Study 91. Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.: USAF 

Historical Division, Air University, 1953. 

Gleckner, Robert F. The Development of the Hea y Bomber. USAF Historical Study 

6. Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.: USAF Historical Division, Air 

University, 195 1. 

Greer, Thomas H. The Development of Air Doctrine in the Army Air Arm, I91 7-1941. 

USAF Historical Study 89. Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.: USAF 

Historical Division, Air University, 1951. 

Sanders, Chauncey E. Redeployment and Demobilization. USAF Historical Study 77. 

Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.: USAF Historical Division, Air University, 1952. 

Air Materiel Command 

hlir Force Logistics Command) Historical Studies 

Bagwell, Margaret C. The XB-52 Airplane. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: 

Air Materiel Command, 1949. 

Case History of XB-36 Airplane Project. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: 

Air Materiel Command, 1946. 

Case History of the XB-36, YB-36, and B-36 Airplanes. Wright-Patterson Air Force 

Base, Ohio: Air Materiel Command, 1948. 

Case History of Air-to-Air Refueling. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: Air 

Materiel Command, 1949. 

Fenwick, Amy C. History of Saddletree Project. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, 

Ohio; Air Materiel Command, 1953. 

Self, Mary R. Histoy of the Development and Production of US. Heay Bombardment Aircrafr, 191 7-1949. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: Air 

Materiel Command, 1950. 

-. History of the USAF Five-Year Aircrafr Procurement Program, I January 

1948-1 July 1949. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: Air Materiel Command, 1949. 

Trester, Dorothy. History of the AF Storage and withdrawal Program. Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio: Air Materiel Command, 1954. 

482 
Bibliography 

Other Studies and Monographs 

Air Force Developmental Aircraft. ARDC Study. Baltimore, Md.: Air Research and 

Development Command, 1957. 

Bowen, Lee, and Robert D. Little. The History of Air Force Participation in the 

Atomic Energy Program, 1943-1953. 5 volumes. Washington: Office of 

Air Force History, 1959. 

I. Bowen, Lee. Project Siluerplate, 1943-1946. 

ation Sandstone, 1946-1948. Parts 1 and 2. 

1 and 2. 

11. Little, Robert D. Foundations of an Atomic Air Force and Oper111. Little, Robert D. Building an Atomic Air Force, 1949-1953. Parts 

IV. Bowen, Lee. The Development of Weapons. Parts 1 and 2. 

V. Alling, Frederick A., et al. Atomic Weapon Delivery Systems. Parts 

I and 2. 

Burk, Vernon D. The USAF in the United Kingdom, 1948-1973: Orgnnization. 

USAFE Historical Monograph. Ramstein Air Base, Germany: Headquarters, United States Air Forces, Europe, 1977. 

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483 
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Interviews 

The Oral History Program at the Air Force Historical Research 

Agency has undertaken an ambitious effort over the years to interview 

important participants in the history of the Air Force, including those 

involved in the events described in this volume. The author has depended 

heavily on the achievements of the interviewers and transcribers who have 

produced these. 

Gen. Curtis E. LeMay, USAF, Ret., was most courteous in granting 

time to the author to clear up a number of points. Brig. Gen. William G. 

Hipps also consented to an interview by the author and other members of 

the staff of the Air Force History Support Office. 

The following interviews were used and are available at the Air Force 

Historical Research Agency and the Air Force History Support Office: 

Lt. Gen. Ira C. Eaker 

Brig. Gen. William G. Hipps 

Brig. Gen. Clarence S. Irvine 

Gen. Leon W. Johnson 

Gen. George C. Kenney 

Gen. Curtis E. LeMay 

Stephen R. Leo 

Gen. Lauris Norstad 

Brig. Gen. Noel F. Parrish 

Gen. Earle E. Partridge 

W. Stuart Symington 

Strategic Air Command 

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material concerning the development of the command, its operations and 

plans. Much of this is classified, but all of it is well-organized and usable 

finding aids exist. Much of it supplements material in other collections and 

was indispensable for this volume. 

Department of State 

The international scope of the issues covered in this volume required 

that the published documentary series Foreign Relations of the United States 

be consulted. 

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-. “The Strategic World of 1946.” Air Force Muguzine (February 1971). 

“X’ [Kennan, George F.]. “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” Foreign Affuirs 25 

(July 1947). 

Ph. D. Dissertations 

Converse, Elliot V. “United States Plans for a Postwar Overseas Base System, 

Fanton, Jonathan F. “Robert A. Lovett: The War Years.” Yale University, 1978. 

Green, Murray. “Stuart Symington and the B-36.” American University, 1960. 

1942-1948.” Princeton University, 1984. 

494 

Index 
Index 

ABC-101: 198-201 

Abu Sueir, Egypt: 276,442 

Acheson, Dean G.: 46,425 

Acheson-Lilienthal Report: 46 

Aerial refueling: 176-1 86,20 1,245, 247, 

Africa 

Air Coordinating Committee: 70 

Air Corps Tactical School: 15,20 

Aircraft industry: 150-151,254,388 

and NSC-68: 328 

267-268,419-420,422,465 

as basing area: 289 

competition and favoritism: 18 1-183 

and defense needs: 164-1 65 

and SAC buildup: 375-376 

See also names of companies 

Aircraft, Soviet. See under model number 

Aircraft, U.S. See under model number 

Aircraft and Weapons Board: 10-12, 

150,242 

approves B-36 18 1 

and B-52 185 

endorses aerial refueling: 180 

Heavy Bombardment Committee: 

and reconnaissance aircraft: 239 

Air Defense Command (ADC) 

responsibility of: 6 1,63 

strength: 65 

3d: 273,466 

5th: 432,433 

7th: 432,433,434 

19th: 413 

49th: 367,369 

175-177, 181-185 

Air Divisions 

Air Force: 349 

Air Force Council: 387,45 1 

Air Force Installations Board: 427 

Air Force Reserve: 373 

Airlifts: 206, 207, 469 

Air Materiel Command (AMC): 92,93 

Air National Guard: 373 

Air observers: 257-258 

Air Police: 444-445 

Air Staff 

on atomic energy: 174 

Air Targets Division: 360 

articulates national air power 

strategy, Air Concept: 396, 

Atomic Energy Division: 128 

and B-52 contract: 181-183 

DARKHORSE: 201-202 

and design of atomic strike force: 

emergency war plan (EARSHOT): 

meets on B-36: 237 

and postwar force issues: 55 

strategic bombing plan (MAKEstudy of tactical air power (VISTA): 

wants direct relationship to AEC: 

447-449,452-453,458 

59-60 

146-147 

FAST): 142-143 

367-368,390 

424-425 

Air Training Command: 373-374 

Air University: 355 

Air University Quarterly Review: 109, 

Air War Plans Division (AWD) 

Alamogordo, New Mexico: 6 

Alaskan Air Command: 85, 108-109 

and fear of flying: 409 

306,318,321 

AWPD- 1 : 20-22,24,25,97 

497 
Strategic Air Force 

Aluminum Company of America: 100 

Allen, William M.: 182 

AN/APQ-13 radarequipment: 89 

Anderson, Frederick L.: 84 

Anderson, Orvil A.: 304,347-349,362 

Anderson, Samuel E.: 2 18,223,247, 

Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland: 84, 

290,3 19,365,429 

208,254 

as SAC headquarters: 63 

Alexander, Henry C.: 363 

Alexander Panel: 363 

American Expeditionary Force (AEF): 

15, 16 

Appeasement: 10 

Arctic operations: 67,80,439-441 

command for: 133- 134 

importance in strategic plan: 106, 108 

refueling: 177, 180 

Armed Forces Special Weapons Project 

becomes Special Weapons Center: 

and Berlin crisis: 247-248 

control of: 173-174 

guarding of bombs: 126-1 27 

and interservice rivalry: 16S170 

as priority: 186 

tension with AEC: 128 

training: 129, 169 

in war plan: 148 

(AFSWP), 201,204-205 

424 

Armed Services Committee: 75 

Armstrong, Frank A.: 95,97, 174 

Armstrong, John G.: 124-125,214-215 

Armstrong Committee: 125 

Army Air Forces (AAF) 

CAF position in command structure: 

FY 1947 budget effect on strength: 

FY 1948 budget: 75-76 

Hobson reorganization plan: 92-93 

and Manhattan Project: 7 

Peripheral Basing Plan: 49,53,79 

planning strategic air offensive for 

postwar shortages: 68 

61 

70-73 

atomic war: 137-1 49 

proposed 70-group size: 54,57,73, 

R&D budget: 72-73 

role of atomic weapons in: 55-57 

Army Corps of Engineers: 426,435, 

Army General Classification Test 

Arnold, Henry H. (“Hap”): 10,36 

76 

438,441 

(AGCT): 81,83, 189 

and air power: 17,28,34 

and atomic weapons: 7-8,56 

and basing plan: 47 

commands of: 50 

forms AWPD: 20-21 

on morale bombing: 16 

and organization of strategic 

bombing of Japan: 26 

and preparedness: I3 

and separate air force: 27,34-35,38 

and 70-group size: 54 

and UMT: 27 

Ashworth, Frederick L.: 6 

Atkinson, Joseph H. (“Hamp”): 280 

Atomic Energy Act of 1946: 48, 322 

Atomic Energy Commission (AEC): 48, 

113, 124, 126-127,464 

Air Force relation to: 424-425 

bomb transfer procedures: 21 4 

custody of bombs: 126, 170 

and detection of Soviet atomic 

detonation: 3 14-3 16 

and hydrogen bomb 322-323 

and Korean War: 344 

military control of: 204-205 

Military Liaison Committee: 124, 

production levels: 170-1 7 I, 32 1-322 

and security: 128-329,257 

Atomic Energy Committee: 355, 357 

Atomic weapons: viii, 24,26,464 

127-129, 132, 168-170, 174,321 

ability to strike inland, Air Force case 

for: 159-160 

aircraft designed to carry: 104-105 

and AAF: 56-58 

change to administration through 

development of American program 

normal channels: 424 

498 
Index 

for: 39-48 

first use: 3-8,9 

increases, buildup: 357-359,467 

and New Look: 456 

planned uses in emergency war 

public support for use: 218-219 

size of arsenal needed to attack 

Soviet use: 270,331 

stockpile issues: 32 1-322, 354-371, 

storage sites: 425 

as strategic weapon: 55 

tactical: 366-368 

targets: 360-363 

testing: 115-122 

thermonuclear: 322-324,326,467 

war plans and policy: 216-219 

plan: 309-310 

Soviets: 149 

390,467 

Atlas Constructors: 437-438 

Atlas missile: 424 

Attlee, Clement R.: 2 18,343,349 

B-17: 14, 16,20,79,94,96,97 

B-24: 16,27,96,97 

B-29: 4, 13-14, 16,23,24,26,29,49, 

54,60,67,71,80, 106,107, 109, 

1 11,224,273,315,351,372, 

375-376,410,465 

aerial refueling: 176-1 77,178, 180 

“air pressure:” 399 

in atomic testing: 119-120 

basing needs: 141,430 

combat crew training school: 374 

conventional force for use in Korea: 

crews: 95 

and cruise control: 222 

demonstrations of: 90 

deployment in Berlin Crisis: 209-212, 

deployment in England during 

Dreamboat: 95 

European basing of: 146, 148 

in Korea: 347,401 

346 

213 

Korean War: 342-345 

modifications to: 93, 123, 125-126 

Pacusan Dreamboat: 95 

phaseout: 164 

postwar inventory: 97 

qualities of: 94-97 

record flights: 95,97,214 

SADDLETREE modifications: 244-245, 

and STRANGLE: 309 

247-248 

B-29D: 54 

B-35: 99 

B-36: 16,27,61,68,97,99-102, 104, 

106, 108-109, 11 1-1 12,131,206, 

224,273,354,372,373,375-376, 

410-41 1,427,438,465 

Arctic basing: 440 

basing needs: 141 

capabilities and uses: 180-181 

crew size: 412 

in England: 434 

force in 1953: 46 1 

inventory, 1948: 164 

maintenance: 279 

modifications: 126, 130, 132, 171 

Navy challenge to program: 283-295, 

obsolescence: 42 1 

overconcentration: 428429 

procurement and modifications: 

production exceeds facilities: 430 

shortages and mechanical problems: 

stonn damage to: 412414,418,428 

300-306 

235-238,244,245 

266-267,306,333-334 

B-36B: 176 

B-36C: 180 

B-45: 130,358,369,373,374 

B-41: 110, 130,131,178, 185,239,252, 

270,354,373,375-376,420-422, 

427,42&429 

Arctic operations: 440,442 

characteristics: 416, 417 

crews: 416-417 

in England: 434 

force in 1953: 46 1 

testing, problems: 41 4-416 

B-47A: 339 

499 
Strategic Air Force 

B-48: 239 

B-49 Flying Wing: 182-185,239-240, 

252-253 

B-50: 55,97, 103, 104, 106, 109-1 11, 

224,239,242,245,252,254,255, 

265,270,354,372,373,376,410, 

437,465 

aerial refueling: 177, 178 

extended range: 176 

maintenance: 279 

modification for atomic bomb: 130, 

nonstop flight around world: 255, 

procurement: 186 

132, 171 

266 

B-52: 101-105, 108, I1 I, 131, 175,270, 

4 I 1,420-422,427 

armament: 183-1 84 

atomic bomb accommodations: 130 

development: 238-239 

program redirection: 181-183, 186 

B-54 252-254 

B-58: 423 

B-60 

Bacher, Robert F.: 367 

Baker, George: 167 

Balchen, Bernt: 440 

Bar Harbor Memorandum: 452,456, 

463,468 

Barksdale Air Force Base, Louisiana: 

277,268,280-281,426,431 

Barrows, Arthur S.: 182,237,240 

Baruch, Bernard M.: 46,47, 139 

Bases 

“parasite” concept: 2 1, 422 

conditions of in US.: 277-278 

in England: 433-434 

global: 426-445 

in Mediterranean: 276 

need for European: I 14, 141 

in North American: 270-272 

overseas: 142,273,276,283-284, 

security of: 444 

for Soviet attack: 201-202,208 

vulnerability of: 27 I, 276 

287-288,377,467 

BECALM: 334-335 

Bergstrom Air Force Base, Texas: 268, 

Berlin crisis: 187,205-216 

Beser, Jacob: 4,6, I1 

Bevin, Ernest: 207,209-210 

Biggs Air Force Base, Texas: 222,268, 

Bikini Atoll bombing tests: 67,78, 

Billotte, Pierre: 324 

Binghamton, New York: 403 

Blanchard, William H.: 122 

Blandy, William H. P.: 118,119 

Boatner, Bryant L.: 41 4 

Bock, Frederick C.: 6 

Bock’s Car: 6,107 

Boeing Aircraft Company: 98,99, 102, 

42 I, 422 

417 

335,403,430 

113-1 14, 117-122, 144, 146,464 

B-47 problems: 416 

competition controversy: 18 1-183 

B-52: 238, 247 

Bohlen, Charles E.: 342 

Bolling Field, D.C.: 49 

Bombardment Groups 

as SAC headquarters: 63,65,84 

2d: 213,214,225 

7th: 92,220,225,25 1 

19th: 222,346,398 

28th 80, 108, 133,208,209,227 

43d: 88,90, 105,225,239 

92d: 347,351,396 

93d: 222,224 

97th: 91,222 

301st: 209,214,222,342 

305th: 17 

307th: 208,209 

449th: 65 

340th: 91 

393d: 6 

Bombardment Wings 

2d: 403,404 

6th: 377,413,413 

7th: 266-267,412-414,418 

9th: 377 

I 1 th: 429, 430 

22d: 222-223,346,347,3% 

Bombardment Squadrons 
Index 

22d: 346,401 

43d: 254,255,377,403 

68th: 377 

92d: 346 

93d: 332,344,404,434 

97th 344,377,403,434 

98th 347 

303d: 417 

58th: 60, 8 1-82, 1 17, 125 

305th: 415-416 

306th: 415-416 

307th: 347,401 

308th: 377 

Bombing accuracy: 403,404 

Bombing competitions: 224,332, 

Bong, Richard I.: 64n92 

Borden, William L.: 322 

Born, Charles F.: 80 

Bradley, Omar N.: 196,249,301,305, 

Brereton, Lewis H.: 121-122, 124, 149, 

Brewster, R. Owen: 151 

Brewster Board 158, 161, 164-166,465 

Brewster Report: 196, 197 

British Independent Air Force: 15 

Brodie, Bernard: 39-41,362-363 

Bunker, Howard G.: 128,424 

Burchinal, David A.: 375,377 

Burke, Arleigh: 302 

Bush, Vannevar: 41-42,51,312-313, 

Byrnes, James F.: 35,52 

403-405 

310,316,350,355,451 

157 

3 I6 

C-47: 90,213 

c-54 93,211 

C-97: 60, 171,401 

KC-97 program: 

Cabell, Charles P.: 230,363 

California Institute of Technology: 367 

Camp Carson, Colorado: 406 

Cannon, John K.: 364,393 

Career fields 

atomic force service: 26 

SAC school: 445 

Carnegie Institution: 312 

Caron, George R.: 5, I I 

Carroll, Joseph F.: 302 

Cary, John B.: 289,293,308 

on Air Force capabilities in war 

on joint emergency war plans: 308 

Carswell Air Force Base, Texas: 225, 

plans: 310 

231,25 1,253,254,255,265,266, 

27 1,277,280,365,372,376, 

412-414,418,428,429,430 

Castle Air Force Base, California: 7 I, 

222,224,268,332,335,404 

Central Intelligence Agency: 166-167, 

214 

Chauncey, C. C.: 76-77,87 

Chiang Kai-Shek: 325 

Chidlaw, Benjamin W.: 329,334,394 

China: 190,458 

controversy over action against: 

basing Superfortresses in: 23-24 

Churchill, Winston S.: 8-9,28, 218-219 

and American bases: 434 

and atomic air power: 324 

and Korean War: 343 

and land force buildup: 385 

and U.S. strategy: 449 

350-35 1 

CINCSAC: 377 

CINCUSAFE: 377 

Clay, Lucius D.: 187, I9 I, 207,208,2 1 1 

Collins, J. Lawton: 343,389 

Collins Plan: 34 

Columbia University: 284 

Combat Crew Standardization School: 

259 

Communism 

economic aid as weapon against: 74 

and need for military buildup: 156 

Compton, Karl T.: 121 

Compton, Keith K.: 375,377 

Compton Board: 114, 144-145 

Consolidated Vultee Aircraft (Convair) 

Corporation: 98-100, 102, 

180-1 8 1,269,270,422,423 

302 

and B-36 congressional hearings: 

501 
Strategic Air Force 

ballistic missiles: '424 

B-36 production: 41 1-412 

general bomber study (GEBO 11): 422 

Containment: 190,2 16 

Continental Air Forces 

becomes SAC: vii 

groups in: 61 -62 

and occupation forces: 49,54 

Cork, Robert 0.: 201,287,402 

Craig, Howard A.: 157,163,362 

Craigie, Laurence C.: 177,184 

Crawford, Alden R.: 103 

Crommelin, John G.: 304 

Cross-training: 21!9-221,226,233 

Cullen, Paul T.: 432 

Cullen Trophy: 404 

Currency reform, Germany: 206,207 

Czechoslovakia: 10.45 

Soviet invasion of: 187, 191-192 

and B-52 181-183 

and experimental aircraft: 99-100 

Dave's Dream: 119-120 

Davis-Monthan Air Force Base, Arizona: 88,90, 105,214,220,225, 

259,268,277,417 

Dayton, Ohio 

DC-6: 242 

Dean, Gordon: 425 

Demobilization: 50-52 

Denfeld, Louis E.: 195, 198,294,301, 

305 

Denmark 

U.S. basing rights in: 53 

Derby, George T.: 437,438 

Deterrence: viii, xii, 41,47,321, 

simulated bombing mission: 233, 403 

448-450 

bomb seen as: viii, 470 

European economy and: 2 16-21 7 

and hydrogen bomb 324 

joint chiefs meeting on: 230 

Korean War as failure of: 340 

and massive retaliation: 455456,469 

SAC effectiveness and confidence in: 

285 

strategy, 1950 330 

Truman and: 189 

Dewey, Thomas E.: 21 6 

Dhahran, Saudi Arabia: 276,442 

Dior, Christian: 455 

Doolittle, James H. 

on air power: 34 

on Soviet threat and U.S. defense: 

325-326 

DOUBLEQUICK: 199

Douglas, Lewis W.: 207,343 

Douglas Aircraft Company: 98 

Douhet, Giulio: 15, 16 

Dresden, Germany: 23 

DuBridge, Lee A.: 367,368,389 

Dulles, John Foster: 450,455,459460, 

469 

Eaker, Ira C.: 2 1,25,57 

and aerial refueling: 176 

on atomic bomb: 55 

and planning for atomic strike force: 

58-59 

Earle, Edward Meade: 363n8 1 

EARSHOT 146-147, 148 

Eberstadt Report: 34 

Edwards, Idwal H.: 163,259,332,364, 

EARSHOT JUNIOR: 148 

379,380 

and SAC headquarters: 43 1 

and SAC staffing: 227 

and SLANT NINE: 362 

Eglin Field, Florida: 176 

Egypt 

as basing site, 114, 141, 146, 148, 

Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska: 273 

Eighth Air Force: 25,63,82,85,280, 

168,201 

428 

aircraft: 125 

as atomic force: 125,214 

bombing competition: 224 

mobility plan testing: 92 

as retaliatory threat: 144 

and security clearance for: 128-1 29 

size: 87 

502 
training: 90, 220-221 

Eighth Air Force Advanced Echelon 

Eisenhower, Dwight D.: 364, 368,450, 

(ADVON): 365 

454455,459 

and Air ForceJNavy budget 

disagreements: 297-300 

and air power: 63 

as Army Chief of Staff 3 1,37 

and atomic strategy: 43,47,55-56 

authority in Europe: 364 

begins presidential campaign: 370, 

and budget effects on war plans: 289 

chairs JCS: 284 

command of 25-26 

emergency war plan of 308-309 

named SACEUR: 350 

and national defense strategies: 

and 195 1 defense budget: 3 17,3 18 

and occupation force: 53 

postwar budget cutting: 72, 73 

as pro Air Force: 305 

447 

459-460 

Eisenhower Plan: 366 

Elmendorf Air Force Base, Alaska: 80, 

Engineer Battalion (Special) 

Engines 

133,140,440 

2761st: 122 

in experimental aircraft: 239 

General Electric: 415-416 

jet: 98, 105,425-416 

Pratt and Whitney 547: 415,416 

Pratt and Whitney 557: 238 

variable discharge turbine (VDT): 

T-35-3: 104 

102-103,108,110-111,175,180, 

237-238 

Wright R-3350: 94 

Wright R-3350-23: 107 

Wright R-4360: 102 

Wright turboprop T-35: 181 

Eniwetok: 314, 358 

bombing tests: 220, 359 

England. See United Kingdom 

Enola Gay: 4,11, 107, 127 

Ernest Harmon Air Base, NewfoundEurope 

land: 271 

emergency waddefense plans for: 

and hydrogen bomb: 324 

US. atomic defense of: 292-293 

309-3 10 

Everest, Frank F.: 138,273 

F3D: 399 

F-12: 110-111,185-186,239,242 

F-13: 71,97 

F-84: 269,358,398,437 

F-84E: 41 7,423 

F-84G: 419 

F-86: 269,345 

F-94: 399 

F-101: 419 

Fairchild, Muir S.: 227,324 

and austere defense budget: 319 

on B-36: 237-238 

death of 329 

as Air Force vice chief of staff 188 

Fairchild Air Force Base, Washington: 

Fairchild Board: 254 

Fairchild Trophy: 403404 

Fairfield-Suisun Air Force Base (Travis 

430 

Air Force Base), California: 

Far East Air Forces (FEAF): 68,91-92, 

“air pressure” program: 395,399 

Bomber Command: 346,348,372, 

control of operations in Korea: 

incorporation into SAC: 399 

interdiction missions: 397-398 

losses: 398 

night bombing: 398 

FAT MAN: 6,9,118 

Fear of flying: 408-410 

Fechteler, William M.: 389 

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 

and secret atomic information: 125 

271-272,277,375,378 

22,346 

374,375,401 

396-399 

503 
Strategic Air Force 

Ferebee, Thomas: I I 

Fifteenth Air Force: 25,53,63,80-81, 

85,225 

bombing competition: 224 

headquarters: 280 

training and morale problems: 82-83 

Fifth Air Force: 346 

Fighter Escort Wings 

27th: 398,417 

Fighter Groups 

82d: 222 

86th: 206 

Finletter, Thomas K.: 151, 167, 341, 

343,368,394,452 

appointed Secretary of Air Force: 330 

base approvals: 432 

expansion and Soviet threat: 381, 

and fear of flying: 409-410 

overseas basing: 442-444 

reaction to tornado damage: 4 14 

“task concept:” 395-396 

384-390 

Finletter Commission: 158, 16 1-162, 

509th Composite Group: 3-4,11,29 

164-166,167,465 

aircraft of 65, 168-1 69 

air refueling training: 225 

in atomic war plan: 148, 215 

and Bikini bombing tests: 67,8 1, 

organized into SAC: 78 

postwar: 55-56,59-60 

rating: 403 

as resource and training priority: 233 

security clearances: 220 

tanker units: 268 

FLEETWOOD: 287,307 

Flight Refueling, Ltd.: 176-177 

Foch, Ferdinand: 16 

Forbes Air Force Base, Kansas: 430 

Foreign Affairs: 74 

Foreign aid 

effect on military spending: 74 

Forrestal, James V.: 30-31, 33,36,85, 

118, 121 

138,158 

and budgets: 159, 162 

and control of military atomic 

program: 174 

294,465 

in England: 2 10-2 1 1 

and feasibility of atomic offensive: 

gives reasons for B-29 deployment 

and interservice coordination: 33 

and interservice rivalries: 187- 188, 

on military strength: 74-75 

and 1948 budget: 240-241,249-250 

requests AEC transfer: 204 

resignation and death of: 284,292, 

as Secretary of Defense: 156 

show of strength: 90 

Fort Bliss, Texas: 261 

Fox ABLE 111: 41 7,423 

FOXPETER I: 419 

Fox PETER 11: 419 

France: 14 

Franco, Francisco: 443 

Fuchs, Klaus: 325 

192- 194,203-205 

30 1 

U.S. basing rights in: 53 

Ganey, Wiley D.: 200,201 

Gardner, Grandison: 27 1 

GEMSADDLETREE: 244 

General Electric: 415,416 

Generalized Bomber Study (GEBO): 

George, Harold L 20,25 

Germany: 9, 14 

bombing of: 2 1-22 

four-power government of: 205-206 

occupation of: 49 

269-270 

Gilpatric, Roswell L.: 414, 452 

Glenn Martin Company: 98,99 

Glober, George E.: 440 

Goose Bay, Labrador: 27 I, 272 

Gorrell, Edgar S.: 14-16 

Grand Island, Nebraska: 80 

Greece 

civil war in: 190-191 

Grenier Field, New Hampshire: 222 

Groves, Leslie R.: 7,51, 58, 1 16, 174 

atomic policy: 41-43.45-46, 48, 124 

504 
Index 

conflict with AEC: 128 

and training: 122, 129 

Gruenther, Alfred M.: 172-173, 

Guided missiles: 290, 423 

Gunn. Paul I.: 641192 

190-191,301 

HALFMOON (FLEETWOOD): 199-201, 

Hamilton, Pierpont M.: 436 

Hansell, Haywood S.: 20,24,25 

Harmon, Hubert H.: 295,305,307 

Harmon report: 295,306,38 1,466 

Hegenberger, Albert F.: 168,3 I4,3 16 

Hickenlooper, Bourke B.: 149, 171, 173 

Hipps, William G.: 83 

Hiroshima, Japan: 3nl,4-5, 8,18 

Hitler, Adolf: 10, 23 

Hobson, Kenneth B. 

reorganization plans: 92-93 

Holzapple, Joseph R.: 375,378 

Hoover, Herbert C.: 455 

Hoover, J. Edgar: 445 

Hopkins, J. C.: 4691-15 

Housing 

205,2 1 I, 287 

LeMay’s programs to upgrade: 

260-261,263-265,268,274,280, 

40647,427 

postwar problems: 7 I, 82 

Hoyt, Palmer: 167 

Hughes Aircraft Company: 403 

Hutchinson, David W.: 223 

Hydrogen bomb: 322-324,326,467 

India 

Intelligence 

basing problems in: 141 

on Soviet atomic program: 167-1 68 

on Soviet strategic targets: 140-141 

communism in: 190 

Italy 

Japan 

atomic bombing of: 5, 7, 9, 18 

deployments to: 91-92 

occupation of: 49 

surrender of: 24,54 

Jenkins, Reuben E.: 138 

Jeppson, Morris R.: 4, I I 

Johnson, Leon W.: SO,%, 213,215, 

229,273,342-343,433 

appointed Secretary of Defense: 284 

and atomic production increase: 322, 

FY I95 I budget: 285,298-299 

NSC-68: 328-329 

and mandate to cut defense spending: 

and preventive war concept: 347 

resignation of 348 

Johnson-Acheson-Lilienthal reports: 

Johnson, Lyndon B.: 438 

Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) 

357 

316,317 

321-322 

and Air Force expansion: 388-391 

approval of strategic air offensive 

atomic strategy: 40-44 

on atomic stockpile control: 425 

and balanced forces concept: 388, 

in Berlin Crisis: 21 1 

BROILER emergency war plan: 168 

Budget Advisory Committee: 203, 

COLOR plans: 135 

and control of atomic forces: 360-368 

control of strategic air warfare: 

discussions to resolve interservice 

emergency war plans: 198-199, 

first statutory chairman: 3 17 

and interservice rivalries: 187-188, 

and 1948 budget allocation: 248-250 

and NSC-20/4: 2 17 

and NSC-30: 2 1 8 

and OFFTACKLE: 308-3 10 

PINCHER planning study: 138-142 

and direction of SAC: 305 

395,408,454,460,466 

248,249 

289-291,293 

rivalries: 192-1 95 

286-288 

192-1 94,203-205 

505 
Strategic Air Force 

postwar: 31,33,35,38-39 

recommendation to use emergency 

review and approval of SAC 

SLANT NINE: 360-363 

on strategic air offensive: 3 10 

and tactical atomic weapons: 368 

Unified Command Plan: 133-1 34, 

United Nations peacekeeping role: 13 

war plan in Korean War: 345-346 

emergency war plan: 3 10-3 1 I, 380 

272 

Joint Research and Development Board: 

Joint Strategic Plans Committee: 289, 

identifies atomic targets: 357-360 

and 163-wing plan: 387 

1 26 

308,309,3 I I, 359 

Joint Strategic Studies Committee: 323 

Joint Strategic Survey Committee: 

41-42,51, 127 

Report 1745/5: 171-173 

Jones, Junius W.: 82 

Juin, Alphonse: 436 

Jumper, George Y.: 200,20 1 

Kadena Air Base, Okinawa: 346,347, 

KhrmBn, Theodore von: 27 

von Kiirmin Committee: 98, 175 

first combat refueling: 397 

401 

KB-29: 437 

KC-97: 178 

Keflavik, Iceland: 442 

Kennan, George F.: 33 

192,216-217 

containment strategy: 74-75, 190, 

and invasion of Czechoslovakia: 19 I 

Kenney, George C.: 22n43,75, 188, 

4 19-420 

and aerial refueling: 180 

on aircraft design: 108 

on atomic offensive: 170 

basing: 222 

commands Air University: 229 

commands SAC: 63,68,84-85, 157 

on experimental bombers 100-101 

increases strength 93 

management problems of: 219,221, 

and medium bomber force: 266 

objections to B-36 184-1 85 

public speaking by: 85 

and strategic air power: x, 34, 64 

success in deployment: 224 

at United Nations: 63,65,78 

and use of B-29: 26 

appointed Chief of Atomic Energy 

on atomic capability: 145-1 46 

andatomic tests: 118, 119, 120-121 

and Special Weapons Group study on 

227-228 

Kepner, William E. 

Division: 128 

atomic offensive: 160, 174 

Key West JCS Conference: 192,290 

Kimball, Dan A.: 302 

Kim 11-Sung: 339,340 

King, Ernest J.: xiii 

Kirkpatrick, Elmer E., Jr.: 142 

Kirtland Field, New Mexico: 125, 424 

mittee (T&TLC): 128-129 

Kissner, August W.: 229,232,443 

Knapp, James B.: 171, 172,200,201 

Korean War: viii, 339-346,394-396 

crisis period: 347-352 

effect on military expansion: 394 

end of: 456,459 

negotiated settlement: 352 

strategic phase: 346-347 

and fear of flying: 409-410 

Tactical and Technical Liaison ComKuter, Laurence S.: 20,25, 393, 452-453 

Kwajalein Island: 1 19 

Lackland Air Force Base, Texas: 373 

hks, Azores: 442 

Lake Charles, Louisiana: 375,430 

Landon, Truman H.: 3 13,364,379 

Landry, Robert B.: 299,300 

Leach, W. Barton: 302,32 I, 344,448, 

454 

and defense of Europe: 324 

and U.S. military tasks in event of 

506 
Index 

war: 384-386 

Lead crews: 256,258,262,405 

League of Nations: 10 

Leahy, William D.: 31,47, 139, 168, 198 

Lee, Robert M., Jr.: 371,453,454 

LeMay, Curtis Emerson: 64,211,232 

and AAF atomic responsibilities: 

on aircraft contract competition: 181 

appointed Deputy Chief of Air Staff 

appointed SAC Commander: 229 

and Arctic operations: 441 

on atomic strategy: 160 

and atomic tests: 120 

on bomber requirements: 102, 105, 

and Compton report: 145 

confers with RAF on war plans: 201 

creates bombing competition: 224, 

creates new air divisions, 195 1 : 432 

and deployment of B-29s in 

at “Dualism” conference: 230-23 1 

on fear of flying: 409-410 

JCS 2056 and bombing plan 359: 

leadership approach of: 255-256 

leads XXI Bomber Command 24 

mission statement: 11 7 

and new officers to build 

bombardment unit: 375 

on Pearl Harbor attack: 12 

promoted to full general: 393 

revised organization, 1950: 376-377 

on SAC headquarters: 43 1 

and SAC ZEBRA: 368 

skepticism about tactical atomic 

and strategic campaign against Japan: 

success recognized: 332 

on sufficient number of bomb 

testimony in B-36 investigation: 303 

training reforms and requirements: 

115,117, 124, 127-128 

for R&D: 58 

108, 110 

332,403-405 

England: 344 

363-364 

warfare: 369 

23-24 

groups: 307 

129-130,233 

and Unified Command Plan: 291 

views on aircraft development, 1952: 

views on targets: 361-362 

421,422 

Leo, Stephen F.: 227 

Lewis, Robert: 1 I 

Light Bombardment Wings 

106th: 373 

1 1 1 th: 373 

Lilienthal, David E.: 46, 128-129, 146, 

149,156,317 

opposes AEC transfer: 204 

opposes use of hydrogen bomb: 

Limestone Air Force Base, Maine: 

Lincoln, George A,: 123, 126, 140, 148 

Lindbergh, Charles A.: 226227,228, 

Lindsay, Richard C.: 341 

LITTLE BOY: 3-4,6,8 

Lockboume Air Force Base, Ohio: 417, 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr.: 386, 388 

Long, Russell B.: 443 

Lovett, Robert A,: 21,30-31,37, 348, 

323-324 

271-272,412,417,429430 

229,233,261,332 

430 

375, 388,390, 396,425,440,446, 

468 

MacArthur, Douglas: 64, 132-1 33 

and atomic bomb: 26 

and Korean War: 346347,349 

relieved: 352 

Senate investigation: 386 

wants to attack China: 350-352 

Mackay Trophy: 417 

MacDill Air Force Base, Florida: 208, 

259,401,405,415-416,420 

Combat Crew Training School: 420 

MacMahon Act: 113-1 14, 142 

McCarthy, Joseph R.: 325 

McCone, John A,: 161,167 

McConnell, John P.: 432 

McCoy, N. W.: 415,417 

and basing in England: 433,434 

507 
Strategic Air Force 

McGrigor, Rhoderick: 449 

McGuire Air Force Base, New Jersey: 

McKee, William F.: 78,79, 264,414 

McMahon, Brien: 48,322-323 

McMullen, Clements: 86 

280 

and low ceilings of strength: 87-88, 

made Deputy Commander, SAC : 

management problems of: 219-221, 

on medium bombers: 110 

93 

85-87 

224,226 

McNarney, Joseph T.: 22n43,79,188, 

324,393 

and aerial refueling: 180 

and atomic modification program: 

and B-52: 182 

chairs Budget Advisory Committee: 

criticizes Special Weapons Group: 

237 

203 

174 

McNamey-Fairchild Boards: 250-253, 

297,300,324 

McNeil, Wilfred J.: 240 

MAKEFAST: 142-143,470 

MANHATTAN PROJECT: 3nl,4,7,24, 

26-27,41,42,48, 51,60,464 

dissolution of 124 

responsibilities of 116 

secrecy: 115, 125, 126, 145-146 

and testing: 121 

training: 123 

March Air Force Base, California: 60, 

277,280,401,426 

Mariana Islands: 24,26 

Marshall, George C.: 24, 37, 305 

and atomic policy study: 41 

and foreign aid: 74 

recalled by Truman: 348 

retirement of: 390 

and UMT: 27,33-34, 189,196 

Marshall Plan: 74,91, 113, 189-190, 

Martin, Glenn L.: 302 

Martin, Glen W.: 375,377 

193, 196 

Martin Company: 43 1 

Masaryk, Jan: 191 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology: 

64,121 

Mather Air Force Base, California: 258 

Matthews, Francis P.: 304, 347 

Maxwell, Alfred R.: 4445, 98 

Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama: 15, 

MiG-15: 249,315,381,398-399,412 

Military Air Transport Service (MATS): 

Missiles: 108,269-270,428 

Mitchell, William (“Billy”): 15 

Mizutani Air Base, Japan: 95 

Molotov, Vyacheslav M.: 12 

Montgomery, John B.: 229-231,232 

Morale: 82-83,233,405408 

Morocco 

229,230 

370-371,429,43 1 

basing in: 432,433,434439, 

467468 

Morse, Wayne L.: 443 

Munich crisis: 10, 17 

Muroc Field. California: 121 

Nagasaki, Japan: 5,7,9, 18 

National Defense Act of 1920: 15 

National Security Act of 1947: 110, 

135, 149-150, 156,158,194,317, 

330,463 

National Security Council: 191,210,457 

in Berlin Crisis: 248 

Joint Nuclear Energy Committee: 3 16 

NSC-7 on Soviet threat: 216 

NSC-20: 216 

NSC-68: 285,327-328,342, 

353-354,385 

NSC-147: 458 

Symington and: 330,350 

Nazzaro, Joseph J.: 375,377 

Nehru, Jawaharlal: 459 

Nelson, Richard: I1 

Newfoundland: 133 

New Look: 450,455456,458459,461, 

Newport JCS Conference: 290,293, 294 

463 

508 
Index 

301 

Nichols, Kenneth D.: 323 

Nimitz, Chester W.: 26,3 I, 47 

on atomic strategy: 162 

retirement of: 194 

and Unified Command Plan: 

132-134, 139 

Nitze, Paul H.: 326-328 

Norstad, Lauris: 26,45,79, 163,301, 

323,364,368,369 

I74 

and atomic strike force: 59-60, 146, 

andB-52: 181-183 

as Deputy Chief for Operations: 157 

and interservice rivalry: 203 

as NATO Air Commander: 366,367, 

and overseas air bases: 437 

on postwar defense needs: 38,55 

proposed cancellation of Convair 

contract: 237 

strengthening of theater forces: 467 

and targeting: 362 

and training of atomic crew: 123 

and Unified Command Plan: 29 1 

North American Aviation, Inc.: 98 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

369 

(NATO): 219,292-293,384-386, 

395,447,45 1,454 

349-350 

responsibility of in Korean War: 

SAC and: 3 12 

Standing Group: 453 

Strategic Guidance: 453 

support for: 386-387 

Northeast Air Command: 272,442 

North Field, Tinian Island: 3 

Northrop Aircraft, Inc.: 98, 103 

Norway 

U.S. basing rights in: 53 

Odlum, Floyd B.: 302 

O’Donnell, Emmett, Jr.: 346-348, 352, 

OFITACKLE: 290,308-310,312,359 

Offutt Air Force Base, Nebraska: 228, 

374 

265,274,407,427,431 

SAC headquarters: 43 1-432 

Ofstie, Ralph A.: 304 

Okinawa 

Old, Archie J., Jr.: 432,433, 437 

One-way mission concept: 109, 176 

Operational Readiness Test: 258 

OPERATION CROSSROADS: 1 18-121 

OPERATION STRANGLE: 398-399 

Oppenheimer, J. Robert: 323,358 

Oppenheimer Committee: 373 

Outline Alternate Emergency War Plan, 

as base: 201,202,222,273,288,442 

and tactical atomic weapons: 367-368 

SAC: 379-380 

P-5 I: 22,222 

P-80 111, 184 

P-82 222 

P-84 11 1,222 

P-85: 1 12 

P-86 11 1 

P-87: 185 

P-88: 112 

P-90 1 12 

Pace, Frank, Jr.: 299 

Palestine: 190, 191, 192 

Parrish, Noel F.: 458 

Parsons, William S.: 4, 1 1, 127 

Partridge, Earle E.: 69,9 I, 102, 109, 

and aerial refueling: 180,185 

Patterson, Robert P.: 30,36,56, 100, 

239,423 

156,158 

budget requests: 76, 78 

Pearl Harbor 12-13,1& 

People’s Republic of China: 325 

Pepperel Air Base, Newfoundland: 272 

Pershing, John J.: 16 

Personal Affairs Officer: 406 

Personnel 

spot promotions: 236,259-260 

standard operating procedures 

(SOPS): 258 

Peterson, Howard C.: 43 

Philippines 

509 
Strategic Air Force 

basing rights in: 39 

Pick, Lewis A.: 438 

Pirie, Sir George: 345 

Ploesti, Romania: 50 

Porter, John: I I 

Porter-Urquhart: 437 

Power, Thomas S.: 109, 133, 120, 144, 

184,232,276,311 

and aerial refueling: 177 

as Deputy Commander, SAC: 229 

Powers, Edward M.: 25 1 

Presidential Air Policy Commission: 15 1 

Preston, Maurice A.: 375,377 

Princeton University: 40 

PROJECT BLUEJAY: 440 

PROJECT SILVERPLATE: 4,7,65,67, 123, 

PROJECT SOLARIUM: 459460 

PROJECT VISTA: 376-368,390 

PROJE~ WONDERFUL: 49,52-54,61, 

67,79-81,83, 141 

Publicity flights: 58, 89-90 

125-126, 128 

Question Mark: 1 76, I78 

Racial integration and housing: 26 I 

Radar: 404 

bombing by: 22, 89,256 

for night operations in atomic war 

planning: 143 

Radar bomb scoring (RBS): 89 

Radford, Arthur W.: 301,304,455,457, 

Ramey, Roger M.: 60,86, 115-1 16,119 

Ramey Air Force Base, Puerto Rico: 427 

Randolph Air Force Base, Texas 

B-29 Combat Crew Training School: 

460 

374,409 

271,277,373,412,429 

Rapid City Air Force Base, Iowa: 208, 

Rasmussen, Knut: 440 

Rated officers 

Rating system: 402-403 

Rawlings, Edwin W.: 157,163,43 1 

cross-training of: 86-88 

RB-17: 269 

RB-29: 269 

RB-36: 354,411,413,428429 

RB-47B: 417 

RB-50: 376 

Real McCoy: 4 15 

Reconnaissance: 403 

aircraft: x, 239-240,242,252-253, 

postwar R&D needs: 105-106 

weakness of units: 333 

Reconnaissance Wings 

28th: 404405,429 

Red Army: 13,22 

Refueling, aerial: 17&186,201,245, 

Reno Army Air Base (Stead Air Force 

command survival school: 406 

fear of flying: 408-409 

269 

247,267-268,419420,422,465 

Base), Nevada 

Reserves 

“Retardation:” 309-3 13,357,360-364, 

Rhein-Main Air Base, Germany: 90,213 

Ridgway, Matthew B.: 370,447 

Roark, Robert L.: 125, 129 

Robertson, Brian: 208 

Robey, Pearl H.: 184 

Roosevelt, Franklin D.: 28 

postwar plans: 12-1 3 

war strategy: 23 

Rosenberg, Anna: 390,439 

Roswell Field (Walker Air Force Base, 

New Mexico): 56, I 18,224 

Round-the-world flights: 222 

Royal Air Force (RAF): 15, I83 

366-367 

B-29 basing at stations: 209-2 1 1 

Bomber Command 9 1 

in bombing competition: 40344 

night bombing: 20,23 

Ryan, John D.: 220-22 1 

Sacramento Air Materiel Area: 125 

Samuel, J. S.: 366 

Sandia, New Mexico: 122 

Saturday Evening Post: 3 16 

510 
Index 

Saville, Gordon: 319,321 

Schilling, David C.: 419 

Schuyler, C.V.R.: 3 11 

Schriever, Bernard A.: 422 

Second Air Force 

reconnaissance: 280 

Sedalia, Missouri: 432 

Semple, David: 1 18 

Searls, Fred, Jr.: 47 

Selective Service: 69 

Shemya Air Force Base, Aleutian 

Islands: 3 16 

Sherman, Forrest P.: 134, 160,304-305, 

344,389,443 

Shumard, Robert: I1 

Simulations 

BECALM atomic bombing exercise: 

334-335 

Skidmore, Owings, Merrill: 437 

Slessor, Sir John: 342,449,451 

Slim, Sir William: 449,451 

Smith, Dale 0.: 109 

Smith, Frederic H., Jr.: xiii, 177,185, 

Smoky Hill Air Force Base, Kansas: 91, 

Smyth, Henry D.: 40 

Smyth Report: 40 

Spaatz, Carl A,: 37,45, 163 

and aerial refueling: 176 

forms Aircraft and Weapons Board: 

as Air Force Chief of Staff: 156 

and atomic responsibilities: 124, 128 

begins atomic operations: 26 

commands of: 25,31 

convenes Aircraft and Weapons 

creates Air Defense Command 

defines SAC’S mission: 65-66 

on demobilization: 52 

on development of B-36: 100-102 

and interservice rivalries: 204-205 

on JCS 1745/5: 172-173 

on location of headquarters: 82 

and offensive against Germany: 

223,227,247,303,329 

206,222,223,280,432 

110 

Board: 150 

(ADC): 61,63 

2 1-22 

promotes air power: 386 

promotes Arctic theater: 108 

reorganization plan, 1946: 7 1 

and SAC combat readiness: 221 

sets rated officer level: 87 

visits England to plan basing: 

141 -142 

Spaatz Board 

recommends atomic weapons 

strategy: 56-58 

Spaight, J. M.: x 

Spain 

Spanish Civil War: 32 

Spokane Air Force Base, Washington: 

Stalin, Josef xii, 13,28,458 

“Standardization:” 236,255-256,405, 

State Department 

basing in: 44243,467 

277,335 

469 

and NSC-68: 327-328 

Policy Planning Staff 216-217 

States’ Rights Democratic Party: 215 

Stevenson, Adlai E.: 455 

Stevenson, John D.: 358 

Stiborik, Joseph: 11 

Stimson, Henry L.: 21,36 

Stone, Charles B., 111: 456 

Storz, Arthur C.: 228,431 

Strategic Air Command (SAC) 

acknowledged as major arm of 

national strategy: 134 

basing of bomber groups in England 

and Germany: 208 

BECALM: 334-335 

and Berlin crisis: 188 

command elements plan: 365 

debate over role: 1951,355 

deterrent role of: 385 

Developmental Program: 233 

division in U.K.: 433 

emblem, and other aspects of elite 

emergency war plan: 379-381 

emphasizes professionalism: 408 

established: vii, 63 

character: 406 

511 
Strategic Air Force 

European flights: 90-9 1 

and exempt units: 370-371 

expansion, 1951,372-381 

housing association: 261-262 

initial strength: 65 

lack of combat readiness: 80-81, 

liaison with Far East Command: 

mission: 65-66, 83 

mission in Air Force emergency war 

plan, 1950: 312 

Operational Training Unit (OTU): 

374375 

organization plan for atomic strike 

force: 116-1 17 

overseas duty, 1946: 79 

performance and equipment 

planning group for: 58-60 

rating system: 402-403 

reorganization, 1949: 280-281 

size, 1948: 248 

strength, 1947: 93 

strength, 1953: 461 

wing organization: 377 

worldwide role: 364 

Strategic Evaluation Squadron 

3908th: 405 

Stratemeyer, George E.: 398,441 

and aircraft industry: 150-1 5 1 

Strauss, Lewis L.: 170,316, 322 

Streett, St. Clair: 86 

and atomic strike force: 59 

on lack of urgency: 78 

role in SAC: 65 

and training and morale problems: 

219-233 

365-366 

deficiencies, 1948: 225-230 

82-83 

Sullivan, John L.: 156,159, 299 

Summerfelt, Milton F.: 200, 201 

Supreme Allied Commander, 

Europe (SACEUR): 350 

Survival in the Air Age: 164, 167 

Swancutt, Woodrow P.: 118-1 19 

Sweeney, Charles W.: 6 

Sweeney, Walter C., Jr.: 230, 232 

Symington, W. Stuart: 30,37,90, 159, 

182,213,222,240,255,458 

on autonomous air arm: 150 

base closings: 277,280 

becomes Secretary of Air Force: 156 

and hydrogen bomb: 324 

and interservice rivalries: 203 

and NSC-68: 329 

and 1951 budget: 318-319,325 

recommends aggressive policy in 

supports Vandenberg: 305 

Korea: 350 

Taber, John: 75 

Tactical Air Command (TAC): 63-64, 

364 

Taft, Robert A.: 386,446,454-455 

Talbott, Harold E.: 456,457 

Tedder, Sir Arthur: 141-142 

Tempelhof Air Base, Germany: 215 

There Will Be No Time: 322 

Thule Air Base, Greenland: 413,433, 

440-442 

PROJECT BLUEJAY: 440 

Thurmond, J. Strom: 215 

Tibbetts, Kingston B.: 413 

Tibbets, Paul W., Jr.: 4, lI,200,201 

Toward New Horizons: 27 

Towers, John H. 

Trenchard, Sir Hugh: 15, 16 

Training 

and interservice rivalries: 204205 

of atomic officers: 122-1 23 

of B-29 groups: 88-89,92 

cross-: 219-221, 233,266 

for handling atomic bomb: 129-130 

lead crew concept: 221,223 

in northern latitudes: 133 

Training Standard: 84 

Travis, Robert F.: 375 

Travis Air Force Base (formerly 

Fairfield-Suisun Air Force Base), 

California: 429,43 1 

TROJAN: 28-89,307 

Truman, Harry S.: 167 

announces Soviet bomb detonation: 

316 

512 
Index 

approves NSC-20/4 2 17 

and atomic production: 355,359 

and atomic stockpile custody: 425 

and atomic weapons: 45,467 

bomb production: 322 

crisis with Britain over use of atomic 

defense budget austerity: 69,70,72, 

weapons: 349 

74, 187-193, 197,285,314, 

3 17-319,236,325,446447,454 

defense policy, 195 I: 353 

election year: 21 5-2 I6 

foreign policy: 46 

and Korean War: 34 I, 344,347-353 

and limited war concept: 347-349 

military experience: 30 

names Eisenhower SACEUR: 350 

1948 budget: 240-241,248-249 

recalls Marshall: 348 

relieves MacArthur: 352 

and Soviet threat: 326-329 

willingness to use atomic weapons: 

299 

Truman Doctrine: 74, 1 13, 190 

Tunner, William H.: 209 

Twentieth Air Force: 26, 11 4 

command structure: 132 

delivery of atomic bomb: 3 

XX Bomber Command: 26 

XXI Bomber Command: 24,26 

Twining, Nathan F.: 101,362, 364,365, 

Tu-4 46, 136,377 

393-394,452 

bomber development priorities: 

commands of 157 

and 1954 budget: 457-458 

and SAC alternate emergency war 

103-1 05 

plan: 380 

Unified Command Plan: 290-293, 465 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

(USSR) 

assessed military power of: 135-136 

and atomic bomb: 39-42,45-47, 

3 13-335.466 

atomic tests by: 270, 285 

atomic espionage: 325 

atomic stockpile: 327, 38 I 

attacks Manchuria: 5 

blockades Berlin: 187- 188 

containment policy: 74-75 

estimated strength, 1950: 377-378 

involvement in Korean War: 339-347 

joint war plan if attacked by: 199-200 

night defenses: 381 

plans for atomic war against: 216-219 

postwar relations with U.S.: 31-33, 

postwar tensions effect on R&D: 

relations with US.: viii 

strategic air force of 23n45 

strategy against: 447 

strategic targets in: 140-141 

U.S. planning for atomic war with: 

32n8,49,68,464 

105-106 

135-1 49 

United Nations Atomic Energy 

United Kingdom 

Commission: 46 

as basing site: 114, 141, 146, 148, 

168, 175,208,261,276,288 

consultation on use of atomic 

weapons: 349 

deployment of B-29s in Korean War: 

four-power government of Berlin: 205 

and global strategy: 449-450 

postwar economic problems: !9- 10 

SAC air division in: 433-434 

war plans focused on: 198-20 1,273 

and atomic energy: 46-48 

and Korean War: 339,341,394-395 

Military Staff Committee: 47,63 

need for atomic control under: 144 

and nuclear disarmament: 139 

peacekeeping role: l2-13,32, 84 

U.S. Air Forces, Europe (USAFE): 9 1, 

276 

U. S. Army ' 

3 42-3 45 

United Nations 

on Air Force expansion: 389 

and balanced forces budgets: 3 18 

513 
Strategic Air Force 

budgets: 392, 395 

command structure disputes with 

Navy: 132-1 33 

conflicts over role of bombers in 

support of ground forces: 308-309 

dissatisfaction with JCS 2056: 359, 

360 

and exempt units: 370-37 I 

Ground Forces: 61,63 

limits on expansion: 468 

I948 budget: 73,75-76 

objections to Unified Command Plan: 

plans for atomic bomb: 109-1 10 

postwar recruiting: 69 

postwar role reassessment: 33-34 

Signal Corps: x 

skepticism of Air Force commitment 

to “retardation:” 3 10-3 12 

Strategic Striking Force: 49-50 

tactical operations: 366-368 

acceptance of 143-wing program: 394 

hearings on B-36 program: 300-306 

Joint Committee on Atomic Energy: 

113, 149, 168 

1949 budget hearings: 158-166 

I950 budget: 297 

Preparedness Subcommittee of the 

29 1 

U.S. Congress 

Senate Armed Service Committee: 

438 

U.S. Navy 

activity in Northeast, 1950: 272 

and atomic tests: 1 18, 120 

atomic program development, 

rivalry: 48, 169-1 73,297-298 

and balanced force budgets: 3 18 

budgets: 392,395 

and carrier-based nuclear potential: 

358,45 1 

challenges air strategy and B-36 

program: 283-295,300-306 

challenges strategic bombing 

emphasis: 249 

criticism of SAC: 84 

and emergency war plan: 308 

disputes command structure with 

Army: 132-133 

and exempt units: 370-37 1 

limits on expansion: 468 

objections to Unified Command Plan: 

opposition to Air Force atomic 

opposition to Air Force expansion: 

plans for atomic war: 137-1 39 

portion of fleet command: 290-29 1 

postwar role reassessment: 33-34 

preparedness for war: viii, 12-13 

relationship with Air Force in 

29 1-292 

strategy: 160-162 

389 

strategic air operations: 192-195, 

199,203-205 

role in strategic air offensive: 360 

and supercarrier cancellation: 

tactical operations: 366-367 

298-299 

United States Strategic Bombing Survey: 

Universal military training (UMT): 27, 

University of Chicago: 41 

USS Helena: 455 

USS Nevada: 1 19-120 

USS United States: 206 

23 

33,54, 189-190, 193, 196-197 

Vandenberg, Arthur: 156, 196 

Vandenberg, Hoyt S.: 45,228,228,229, 

as Air Force Deputy Chief of Staff: 

and Air Force view of national 

and alternative emergency war plan: 

on atomic warfare: 39 

and B-52 contract: 182 

budget requests of: 76 

congressional testimony: 446 

and engine development: 106 

and expansion of SAC: 372 

and fear of flying: 409-41 0 

and feasibility of atomic offensive: 

240,255,364,388,452,453 

156-157 

defense: 305 

380 

514 
Index 

294-295 

fighting: 352 

on limited strength to extend 

on medium bombers: 1 10 

and national defense strategy and Air 

Force expansion: 386-390 

opposes 1954 reduced budget: 

457458,459 

postwar issues: 55,59 

procurement for 70-group level: 203 

removes Anderson: 348 

and SLANT NINE: 360-362 

and strategic offensive plan: 309-1 10 

succeeds Spaatz as Air Force Chief 

tactical atomic weapons: 367-368 

Unified Command Plan: 291-292 

of Staff: 188 

Van Kirk, Theodore: I I 

Van Zandt, James E.: 302-303 

Vigon, Juan: 443 

Viner, Jacob 41 

Vinson, Carl: 302,388,440 

Walker, Kenneth N.: 20,25 

Walker Air Force Base (formerly Roswell Field), New Mexico: 215,224, 

268,430 

Wallace, Henry A.: 215 

War Department: 146, 149 

postwar role: 33-34 

study of atomic warfare issues: 146 

Victory Program: 20-21 

Washington Post: 33 I 

Weapons Systems Evaluation Group 

(WSEG): 294295,306,307,405, 

466 

Weaver Air Force Base, South Dakota: 

227 

Webb, James E.: 76 

Wedemeyer, Albert C.: 170-1 7 1,209, 

211,301 

Western European Union: I93 

Weyland, Otto P.: 142 

and atomic warfare: 146, 17 1-1 73 

Wheelus Air Base, Libya: 442 

Wherry, Kenneth S.: 228,264,385-386, 

407,43 1 

Wherry Act: 264 

Wherry Housing Project: 268 

Whisenand, James F.: 446 

White, Edward H.: 71-72 

White, Thomas D.: 362,37 I, 393 

Whitehead, Ennis C.: 84,91-92, 192, 

Whiteside, Arthur: 167 

Whitney, Cornelius V.: 19 I 

WIBAC (Wichita Boeing Airplane 

Wilson, Charles E.: 425,450,455,457 

Wilson, Roscoe C.: 58, 174 

Wohlstetter, Albert: 444 

Wolfe, Kenneth B.: 23 1,240, 428-429 

Wood, Harold E.: 1 19- 120 

World War I 

World War I1 

326 

Company): 4 15,417 

creation of strategic air force and: 14 

precision bombing doctrine and: 

2 1-22,24 

Worth, Cedric R.: 302-303 

Wray, Stanley T.: 2 10, 435 

Wright Air Development Center: 423 

Wright-Patterson Air Force Base (formerly Wright Field), Ohio: 125,238 

XAJ-I: 160 

XB-35 286 

XB-36: 99-100 

XB-49: 103, 130, 182-185,239 

XB-52: 99 

XF-88: 419 

XRB-49A: 242 

Yale University: 39,40,322,362 

Yokota, Japan: 346,347,348 

Youssef, Sultan Mohammed ken: 436 

515