U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 

1 

89–011 2010

111th Congress, 2d Session – – – – – – – – – – – – – House Document 111–80 

STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE 

MESSAGE 

FROM

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

TRANSMITTING

THE PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS BEFORE A JOINT SESSION OF 

CONGRESS ON THE STATE OF THE UNION 

JANUARY 29, 2010.—Message and accompanying papers referred to the 

Committee on the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered 

to be printed 


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To the Congress of the United States: 

Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, 

distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: 

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President 

shall give to Congress information about the state of our Union. 

For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done 

so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done 

so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife 

and great struggle. 

It’s tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our 

progress was inevitable—that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the 

Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in 

doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights 

marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything 

but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our Union. And despite all our divisions 

and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one Nation, and one 

people. 

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history’s call. 

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by 

severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and 

a Government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political 

spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted—immediately and aggressively. And 1 year 

later, the worst of the storm has passed. 

But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot 

find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially 

hard. For those who had already known poverty, life became that 

much harder. 

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America’s 

families have been dealing with for decades—the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to 

retire or help kids with college. 

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They’re not 

new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These 

struggles are what I’ve witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, 

Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters 

that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by 

children—asking why they have to move from their home, or when 

their mom or dad will be able to go back to work. 

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come 

fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don’t understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn’t; or why Washington 


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has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They 

are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. 

They know we can’t afford it. Not now. 

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American 

people hope—what they deserve—is for all of us, Democrats and 

Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the 

numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us 

here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they 

hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. 

Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life. 

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience 

in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our 

history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting 

businesses and going back to school. They’re coaching little league 

and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, ‘‘We are 

strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.’’ 

It is because of this spirit—this great decency and great 

strength—that I have never been more hopeful about America’s future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. 

We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division 

to break our spirit. In this new decade, it’s time the American people get a Government that matches their decency; that embodies 

their strength. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how together, we 

can deliver on that promise. 

It begins with our economy. 

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the 

same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. 

And if there’s one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it’s that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated 

it. It was about as popular as a root canal. 

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn’t just do what 

was popular—I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might 

be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have 

closed. More homes would have surely been lost. 

So I supported the last Administration’s efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we 

made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money 

we spent on the banks. 

To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. 

I know Wall Street isn’t keen on this idea, but if these firms can 

afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee 

to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. 

As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get 

our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and 

help Americans who had become unemployed. 

That’s why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for 

more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent 

cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and 

passed 25 different tax cuts. 

Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for 


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first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for 

their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, 

and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep 

more workers. And we haven’t raised income taxes by a single dime 

on a single person. Not a single dime. 

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. Two 

hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy. Three 

hundred thousand are teachers and other education workers. Tens 

of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first 

responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year. 

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to 

the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That’s right—the Recovery Act, also 

known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right 

say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you 

don’t have to take their word for it. 

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that’s about to triple its 

workforce because of the Recovery Act. 

Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he 

used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add 

two more work shifts just because of the business it created. 

Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her 

principal on the last week of school that because of the Recovery 

Act, she wouldn’t be laid off after all. 

There are stories like this all across America. And after 2 years 

of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have 

started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning 

to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again. 

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, 

of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing 

where their next paycheck will come from; who send out re ́sume ́s 

week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs 

must continue to be our number one focus in 2010. And that is why 

I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight. 

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always 

be America’s businesses. But Government can create the conditions 

necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. 

We should start where most new jobs do—in small businesses, 

companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a 

dream, or a worker decides it’s time she became her own boss. 

Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have 

weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk 

to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or 

Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street 

are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. 

But financing remains difficult for small business owners across 

the country. 

So tonight, I’m proposing that we take $30 billion of the money 

Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks 

give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also 

proposing a new small business tax credit—one that will go to over 

one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. 


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While we’re at it, let’s also eliminate all capital gains taxes on 

small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment. 

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate 

highway system, our Nation has always been built to compete. 

There’s no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, 

or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products. 

Tomorrow, I’ll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon 

break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery 

Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will 

create jobs and help our Nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy 

facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes 

more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it’s 

time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our 

jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create 

jobs in the United States of America. 

The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these 

steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to 

do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need 

our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. 

But the truth is, these steps still won’t make up for the seven 

million jobs we’ve lost over the last 2 years. The only way to move 

to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America’s 

families have confronted for years. 

We cannot afford another so-called economic ‘‘expansion’’ like the 

one from last decade—what some call the ‘‘lost decade’’—where jobs 

grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of 

health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was 

built on a housing bubble and financial speculation. 

From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our 

larger challenges is too ambitious—that such efforts would be too 

contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we 

should just put things on hold for awhile. 

For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: 

How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? 

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, 

even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China’s not 

waiting to revamp its economy. Germany’s not waiting. India’s not 

waiting. These nations aren’t standing still. These nations aren’t 

playing for second place. They’re putting more emphasis on math 

and science. They’re rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those 

jobs. 

I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As 

hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates 

may be, it’s time to get serious about fixing the problems that are 

hampering our growth. 


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One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I’m interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings 

of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only 

happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly 

brought down our entire economy. 

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have 

the information they need to make financial decisions. We can’t 

allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, 

to take risks that threaten the whole economy. 

The House has already passed financial reform with many of 

these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, 

we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on 

my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back. 

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we 

made the largest investment in basic research funding in history— 

an investment that could lead to the world’s cheapest solar cells or 

treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. 

And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can 

already see the results of last year’s investment in clean energy— 

in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs making 

advanced batteries; or in the California business that’s putting 

thousands to work making solar panels. 

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a 

new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. 

It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas 

for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means 

passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives 

that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in 

America. 

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This 

year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford 

such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those 

who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate 

change. But even if you are a doubter, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our 

future—because the nation that leads the clean energy economy 

will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America 

must be that Nation. 

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more 

products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we 

support here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will 

double our exports over the next 5 years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we’re 

launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and 

small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls 

consistent with national security. 

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign 

trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. 


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But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements 

so our trading partners play by the rules. And that’s why we will 

continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and 

with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia. 

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. 

This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left 

and right by launching a national competition to improve our 

schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we 

only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform—reform that raises student achievement, inspires 

students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing 

schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from 

rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the 

best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. We cannot 

settle for an America where the success of our children depends 

more on their zip code than their potential. And when we renew 

the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with 

Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. 

Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a 

bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career 

pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let’s 

take that money and give families $10,000 for 4 years of college 

and increase Pell Grants. And let’s tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 

ten percent of their income on student loans. Because in the United 

States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to 

go to college. And it’s time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs—because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem. 

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing 

the middle-class. That’s why last year I asked Vice President Biden 

to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That’s why we’re 

nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to 

save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement 

account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest 

egg. That’s why we’re working to lift the value of a family’s single 

largest investment—their home. The steps we took last year to 

shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans 

to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage 

payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. 

And that’s why we still need health insurance reform—because 

there is no greater long-term burden on middle-class families. 

Now let’s be clear—I did not choose to tackle this issue to get 

some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be 

fairly obvious that I didn’t take on health care because it was good 

politics. 

I took on health care because of the stories I’ve heard from 

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ting coverage; patients who’ve been denied coverage; and families— 

even those with insurance—who are just one illness away from financial ruin. 

After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach 

we’ve taken would protect every American from the worst practices 

of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan 

in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to 

cover preventive care. And I want to acknowledge our First Lady, 

Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to 

tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids 

healthier. 

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have 

insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs 

and premiums for families and businesses. And according to the 

Congressional Budget Office—the independent organization that 

both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress— 

our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. 

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the 

more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not 

explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that 

with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most 

Americans wondering what’s in it for them. 

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I’m 

finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their 

health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will 

grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they 

need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. 

I will not walk away from these Americans. And neither should 

the people in this chamber. As temperatures cool, I want everyone 

to take a second look at the plan we’ve proposed. There’s a reason 

why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts across the country consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. 

But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will 

bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, 

strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company 

abuses, let me know. Here’s what I ask of Congress, though: Do not 

walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let 

us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American 

people. 

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it’s not 

enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It’s a challenge that makes all others that much harder to 

solve, and one that’s been subject to a lot of political posturing. 

So let me start the discussion of Government spending by setting 

the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America 

had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, 

we had a 1 year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of 

$8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not 

paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription 


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drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 

trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door. 

Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked 

nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took 

office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression 

have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. 

I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But 

families across the country are tightening their belts and making 

tough decisions. The Federal Government should do the same. So 

tonight, I’m proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that 

it took to rescue the economy last year. 

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending 

for 3 years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, 

Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary Government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and 

sacrifice what we don’t. And if I have to enforce this discipline by 

veto, I will. 

We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can’t afford and don’t work. We’ve already 

identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of 

record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. 

We just can’t afford it. 

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will 

still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That’s why I’ve called for a bipartisan Fiscal 

Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and 

Democrat Kent Conrad. This can’t be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission 

will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. 

Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this 

commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us 

to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another 

generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the 

Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason 

why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. 

I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze Government spending when so many are 

still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect 

until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand— 

if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could 

damage our fragile markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and 

jeopardize our recovery—all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes. 

From the right, I expect we’ll hear that we should make fewer 

investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, 

eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health 

care. The problem is, that’s what we did for 8 years. That’s what 

helped lead us into this crisis. It’s what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again. 


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Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated 

Washington for decades, it’s time to try something new. Let’s invest 

in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let’s meet 

our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try common sense. 

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit 

of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust—deep and corrosive 

doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for 

years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both 

ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the Government they deserve. 

That’s what I came to Washington to do. That’s why—for the 

first time in history—my Administration posts our White House 

visitors online. And that’s why we’ve excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on Federal boards and commissions. 

But we can’t stop there. It’s time to require lobbyists to disclose 

each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it’s time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for Federal office. Last week, 

the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates 

for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend 

without limit in our elections. Well, I don’t think American elections should be bankrolled by America’s most powerful interests, or 

worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American 

people, and that’s why I’m urging Democrats and Republicans to 

pass a bill that helps to right this wrong. 

I’m also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some 

earmark requests online. Tonight, I’m calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there’s a vote 

so that the American people can see how their money is being 

spent. 

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don’t also 

reform how we work with one another. 

I am not naı ̈ve. I never thought the mere fact of my election 

would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I 

knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of Government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place 

for over 200 years. They are the very essence of our democracy. 

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where 

every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign 

where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing 

headlines about their opponent—a belief that if you lose, I win. 

Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants 

should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few 

individual Senators. Washington may think that the vitriol spilled 

out on cable and talk radio is just part of the game; that saying 


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anything about the other side, no matter how false, is what it takes 

to get power. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our 

Government. 

So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I 

know it’s an election year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to 

govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the 

largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some 

problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership 

is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any 

business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is 

now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good shortterm politics, but it’s not leadership. We were sent here to serve 

our citizens, not our ambitions. So let’s show the American people 

that we can do it together. This week, I’ll be addressing a meeting 

of the House Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know 

you can’t wait. 

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more 

than our security. Sadly, the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. 

We can argue all we want about who’s to blame for this, but I am 

not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love 

this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let’s put 

aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let’s reject the 

false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let’s leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes 

to defend our Nation and forge a more hopeful future—for America 

and the world. 

That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, 

we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our Nation. We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We 

are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships 

from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the 

last year, hundreds of al Qaeda’s fighters and affiliates, including 

many senior leaders, have been captured or killed—far more than 

in 2008. 

In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 

2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good 

governance, reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans—men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners 

who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There 

will be difficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed. 

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq 

to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, 

and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our 

combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to 


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partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our 

troops are coming home. 

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform—in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world—must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must 

have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility 

to support them when they come home. That is why we made the 

largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is 

why we are building a 21st centry VA. And that is why Michelle 

has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. 

Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting the 

greatest danger to the American people—the threat of nuclear 

weapons. I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these 

weapons, and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles 

and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and 

Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms 

control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April’s Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together behind a clear goal: 

securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in 4 

years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. 

These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in 

dealing with those nations that insist on violating international 

agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea 

now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions—sanctions 

that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the international 

community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is 

more isolated. And as Iran’s leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences. 

That is the leadership that we are providing—engagement that 

advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are 

working through the G–20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We 

are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education, and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are 

helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the 

fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative 

that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively 

to bio-terrorism or an infectious disease—a plan that will counter 

threats at home, and strengthen public health abroad. 

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we 

also do it because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, 

over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the 

people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the 

girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; we support the 

human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; 

and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in 

Guinea. For America must stand on the side of freedom and human 

dignity. 


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Abroad, America’s greatest source of strength is our ideals. The 

same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, 

drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: that no 

matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law 

you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values 

you should be treated no different than anyone else. 

We must carry this promise forward. My Administration has a 

Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened 

our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will 

work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that 

denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on violations 

of equal pay laws—so that women get equal pay for an equal day’s 

work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system—to secure our borders and enforce our laws so that 

everyone plays by the rules. 

In the end, it is our ideals, our values that built America—values 

that allowed us to forge a Nation made up of immigrants from 

every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every 

day, they meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and 

give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are 

generous in spirit. These aren’t Republican values or Democratic 

values they’re living by; business values or labor values. They are 

American values. 

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our 

biggest institutions—our corporations, our media, and yes, our Government—still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions 

are full of honorable men and women doing important work for the 

country. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a 

banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people’s 

doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians 

tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose 

faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly 

arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. 

No wonder there’s so much cynicism out there. No wonder there’s 

so much disappointment. 

I campaigned on the promise of change—change we can believe 

in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren’t sure if they still believe we can change. 

But remember this—I never suggested that change would be 

easy. Democracy in a Nation of three hundred million people can 

be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big 

things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. 

That’s just how it is. 

Of course, those of us in public office can respond to this reality 

by playing it safe and keeping our poll numbers high. We can avoid 

telling hard truths. We can kick hard problems down the road. We 

can do what’s necessary to get through the next election instead of 

what’s best for the next generation. 

But I also know this: if people had made that decision 50 years 

ago or 100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn’t be here tonight. 

The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were 


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unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when 

success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this 

Nation alive for their children and grandchildren. 

Our Administration has had some political setbacks this year, 

and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing 

that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all 

across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me 

going—what keeps me fighting—is that despite all these setbacks, 

that spirit of determination and optimism—that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people— 

lives on. 

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to 

me of his company, ‘‘None of us,’’ he said, ‘‘. . . are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.’’ 

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her 

neighbors have felt the pain of recession, ‘‘We are strong. We are 

resilient. We are American.’’ 

It lives on in the 8–year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me 

his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. 

And it lives on in all the Americans who’ve dropped everything to 

go some place they’ve never been and pull people they’ve never 

known from rubble, prompting chants of ‘‘U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!’’ 

when another life was saved. 

The spirit that has sustained this Nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. 

We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. 

A new decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s 

seize this moment—to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and 

to strengthen our Union once more. 

Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of 

America. 

BARACK OBAMA. 

THE WHITE HOUSE, January 27, 2010. 

Æ 


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