Expeditionary Culture 

Field Guide

Qatar

Al Ruwais

Doha

Zekreet
This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally 

complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The 

fundamental information contained within will help you 

understand the cultural dimension 

of your assigned location and gain 

skills necessary for success (Photo: 

Qatari boy participates in traditional 

sword dance at Al Udeid AB). 

The guide consists of 2 parts: 

Part 1 “Culture General” provides 

the foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in 

any global environment with a focus on the Arab Gulf States.

NOTE: While the term Persian Gulf is common in the US, this 

guide uses the name preferred in the region, the Arabian Gulf. 

Part 2 “Culture Specific” describes unique cultural features of 

Qatari society. It applies culture-general concepts to help

increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment 

location. This section is designed 

to complement other predeployment training (Photo: Qataris 

serve Arabic coffee to Lt Gen 

Jeffrey Harrigan, Commander US 

Air Forces Central).

For further information, visit the Air 

Force Culture and Language 

Center (AFCLC) website at 

http://culture.af.mil/ or contact the AFCLC Region Team at 

AFCLC.Region@us.af.mil.

Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not 

be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be 

reproduced in its current format with the express permission of 

the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the 

US government, Wikimedia, and other sources.

About this Guide

ECFG Qatar
What is Culture?

Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes

the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to

adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the

sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that

have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, 

and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs 

and values. 

Members of a culture also

usually assign the same 

meanings to the symbols 

in that culture. A symbol is 

when one thing – an 

image, word, object, idea, 

or story – represents 

another thing. For 

example, the American 

flag is a physical and visual symbol of a core American value— freedom. At the same time, the story of George Washington 

admitting to having chopped down a cherry tree is also 

symbolic because it represents the premium Americans place 

on personal honesty and leadership integrity (Photo: US and 

Royal Oman Air Force personnel following a training flight). 

Force Multiplier

The military services have learned through experience the 

importance of understanding other cultures. Unlike the 20thcentury bipolar world order that dominated US strategy for 

nearly half a century, today the US military is operating in what 

we classify as asymmetric or irregular conflict zones, where the 

notion of cross-cultural interactions is on the leading edge of 

our engagement strategies. 

We have come to view the people themselves, rather than the 

political system or physical environment, as the decisive 

feature in conflict areas. Our primary objective hinges on 

influencing constructive change through peaceful means where 

possible. We achieve this endeavor by encouraging local 

PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL

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nationals to focus on developing stable political, social, and 

economic institutions that reflect their cultural beliefs and 

traditions.

Therefore, understanding the basic concepts of culture serves 

as a force multiplier. Achieving an awareness and respect of a 

society’s values and beliefs enables deploying forces to build

relationships with people from other cultures, positively 

influence their actions, and ultimately achieve mission success. 

Cultural Domains

Culture is not just represented by the beliefs we carry internally, 

but also by our behaviors and by the systems members of a 

culture create to organize their lives. These systems, such as 

political or educational institutions, help us to live in a manner 

that is appropriate to our 

culture and encourages 

us to perpetuate that 

culture into the future. 

We can organize 

behaviors and systems 

into categories—what 

the Air Force refers to 

as “cultural domains”—

in order to better 

understand the primary 

values and characteristics of a society. A cross-culturally 

competent military member can use these domains–which 

include kinship, language and communication, and social and 

political systems and others (see chart on next page)—as tools 

for understanding and adapting to any culture. For example, by 

understanding the way a culture defines family and kinship, a 

US military member operating overseas can more effectively 

interact with members of that culture (Photo: Muslim pilgrims 

visit Ka’aba, Islam’s holiest site, in Mecca, Saudi Arabia).

Social Behaviors across Cultures 

While humankind shares basic behaviors, various groups enact 

or even group those behaviors differently across cultural 

boundaries. For example, all societies obtain food for survival, 

although agrarian societies generally produce their own food 

for limited consumption using very basic techniques. 

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Conversely, industrialized nations have more complex market 

economies, producing foodstuffs for universal consumption.

Likewise, all cultures value history and tradition, although they 

represent these concepts through a variety of unique forms of 

symbolism. While the dominant world religions share the belief 

in one God, their worship practices vary with their traditional 

historical development. Similarly, in many kin-based cultures 

where familial bonds are foundational to social identity, it is 

customary for family or friends to serve as godparents, while for 

other societies this practice is nearly non-existent.

Worldview

One of our most basic human behaviors is the tendency to 

classify others as similar or different based on our cultural 

standards. As depicted in the chart below, we can apply the 12 

cultural domains to help us compare similarities and differences 

across cultures. We evaluate others’ behavior to determine if 

they are “people like me” or “people not like me.” Usually, we 

assume that those in the “like me” category share our 

perspectives and values. 

This collective perspective forms our worldview—how we see 

the world and understand our place in it. Your worldview 

functions as a lens through which you see and understand the 

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world. It helps you to interpret your experiences and the values 

and behaviors of other people that you encounter. Consider 

your worldview as a way of framing behavior, providing an 

accountability standard for actions and a logical explanation of 

why we individually or collectively act in a certain manner. 

Cultural Belief System

An important component of a worldview is our belief system. A 

community’s belief system assigns meaning, sets its universal 

standards of what is good and bad, defines right and wrong 

behavior, and assigns a value of meaningful or meaningless. 

Our beliefs form the fundamental values we hold to be true— regardless of whether there is evidence to support these ideas. 

Beliefs are a central aspect of human culture. They are shared 

views about world order and how the universe was physically 

and socially constructed. 

While all people have beliefs, their specific components tend to 

vary depending upon respective world views. What people 

classify as good or bad, right or wrong depends on our deeplyheld beliefs we started developing early in life that have helped

shape our characters. Likewise, these values are ingrained in 

our personalities and shape our behavior patterns and our selfidentities. Because cultural beliefs 

are intensely held, they are difficult, 

though not impossible, to change. 

Core Beliefs

Core beliefs shape and influence 

certain behaviors and also serve to 

rationalize those behaviors. 

Therefore, knowledge of individual 

or group beliefs can be useful in 

comprehending or making sense of 

their activities. We will use the 

iceberg model for classifying culture

to illustrate two levels of meaning, 

as depicted. Beliefs and values, 

portrayed by the deeper and greater level of the submerged 

iceberg, are seldom visible, but are indicated / hinted at / 

referenced by our behaviors and symbols (top level). It is 

important to recognize, though, that the parts of culture that are 

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not visible (under the waterline) are informing and shaping 

what is being made visible (above the waterline). 

In many cases, different worldviews may present behaviors that 

are contrary to our own beliefs, particularly in many regions 

where US forces deploy. Your ability to suspend judgment in 

order to understand another perspective is essential to 

establishing relationships with your host-nation counterparts. 

The ability to withhold your opinion and strive to understand a 

culture from a member of that culture’s perspective is known as 

cultural relativism. It

often involves taking an 

alternate perspective 

when interpreting others’ 

behaviors and is critical 

to your ability to achieve 

mission success (Photo: 

US and Kuwait Navy 

personnel).

As you travel through 

the Arab Gulf States, you will encounter cultural patterns of 

meaning that are common across the region. What follows is a 

general description of 12 cultural domains which are used to 

frame those commonalities. 

1. History and Myth 

History and myth are related concepts. History is a record of 

the past that is based on verifiable facts and events. Myth can 

act as a type of historical record, although it is usually a story 

which members of a culture use to explain community origins 

or important events that are not verifiable or which occurred 

prior to written language. 

The Arab Gulf States comprise 7 countries that border the 

Arabian Gulf: Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, the 

United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Oman. Scientists believe that 

the southern Gulf region was once home to early humans who 

established permanent settlements as many as 125,000 years 

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ago. In the region’s north, the favorable soil and climate 

conditions of Mesopotamia (present day Syria and Iraq) 

allowed people to settle, farm the land, create irrigation 

systems, build structures, and 

establish towns beginning 

around 6200 BC (Photo: Mask

from an ancient Mesopotamian 

civilization). 

A unique culture emerged 

between 3000 and 2500 BC at 

Dilmun in present-day Bahrain 

and Saudi Arabia. As a regional 

hub, Dilmun played an important 

role in trade between the Arabian 

Peninsula and the Indus River 

valley (located in present-day Pakistan and India) as well as

along longer routes to East Africa, Southeast Asia, and China.

While the Arab Gulf was an important trading hub for centuries, 

the region never saw the birth of its own empire nor were its 

inhabitants ever united under a single local power. Instead, 

each of the region’s port cities was autonomous, with its own 

local economy and social organization. The cities’ dispersed 

power prevented their unification and also made the region a 

target for incursions from beyond the Gulf.

The first external force to exert power and influence over the 

region was the Achaemenid Empire (pictured) which controlled 

parts of the Gulf starting 

in 550 BC from its 

center in Pasargadae 

(Iran). It was followed 

by the Parthian (140 

BC) and Sassanian 

(226 AD) Empires 

centered in Iran and the 

Umayyad Caliphate (661 AD) centered in Syria and Turkey. 

The period marked by the birth of the Prophet Muhammad (570 

AD) in present-day Saudi Arabia and the subsequent 

emergence and establishment of Islam as the region’s 

predominant religion was a defining era in the Gulf’s history. 

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L
In the 16th century, Portugal established control over Bahrain 

and parts of the southern Gulf, a move that ushered in an era 

of European struggle for supremacy in the region. In the late 

16th century, the Safavid Dynasty of Iran allied with England to 

expel Portugal. At the same time, Iraq came under control of 

the Ottoman Empire (centered in present-day Istanbul) whose 

rule lasted until World War I, when the British assumed control. 

England became active in the southern Gulf in the late 18th

century then solidified its dominance in the 19th century 

through agreements with local rulers in present-day Kuwait, 

Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and the UAE. Unlike in Africa and Asia, 

the British never established 

formal colonies in the region 

and left local ruling families

largely in place. 

The discovery of oil in the 

1930s had a profound 

impact on the Gulf States’ 

economies and politics. 

While English and US

companies initially owned and managed the Gulf oil industry, 

local rulers confirmed their control of the industry following their 

countries’ full independence (Saudi Arabia, 1932; Oman, 1951, 

Kuwait, 1961; then Bahrain, Qatar, and UAE in 1971). Of note, 

Iraq like Saudi Arabia achieved independence in 1932, but was 

occupied by Britain during World War II. Following the 

monarchy’s overthrow in 1958, Iraq became a republic (Photo: 

Kuwaiti troops commemorate the First Gulf War in 2011). 

Under the leadership of royal dynasties since independence, 6 

of the Gulf States have remained stable. By contrast, Iraq has 

been enmeshed in several conflicts that have contributed to 

regional instability. Under the autocratic rule of Saddam 

Hussein, Iraq engaged in the bloody Iran-Iraq War from 1980-

1986, then invaded and annexed neighboring Kuwait 4 years 

later, inciting the First Gulf War. Since its 2003 invasion of Iraq 

and subsequent collapse of the Hussein regime, the US has 

engaged in security cooperation activities in Iraq. In reaction to 

the 2011 Arab Spring, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, and 

Kuwait have suppressed protests and calls for reform.

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2. Political and Social Relations 

Political relations are the ways in which members of a 

community organize leadership, power, and authority. Social 

relations are all of the ways in which individuals are linked to 

others in their community. 

The Arab Gulf’s position at a crossroads for international trade 

has greatly influenced its ethnic makeup, politics, and social 

structures. The diversity of people passing through and 

residing in the region as part of its trade-based economy 

persists today—foreign non-citizen workers make up sizable 

portions of the 

populations in 

each of the Gulf 

States with the 

exception of Iraq 

(Photo: An Iraqi 

voter in 2005).

Today, the Gulf 

States minus Iraq

are governed by 

monarchy, though 

several have introduced political and institutional reforms since 

independence. While Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar have each 

adopted a constitution, the Saudi Arabian government 

considers the Qur’an, the primary religious text of Islam, its 

constitution. In 1996, Oman established the Basic Law of the 

State, which introduced a new system of government that 

includes a 2-chamber legislature that meets at the request of 

the sultan (ruler). The 2005 Iraqi constitution established an 

Islamic, democratic, federal parliamentary republic led by an 

elected Prime Minister, President, and legislature. Unlike the 

region’s other monarchies, the UAE’s government is comprised 

of the hereditary leaders of each of its 7 emirates. 

While the legal systems of the Gulf States have incorporated 

many aspects of English, French, and Egyptian law, Sharia

(Islamic) law continues to play a central role, particularly in 

criminal and family matters. In recent years, the Gulf States 

have undertaken efforts to create formalized legal systems that 

combine Sharia and civil systems.

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Despite some political tensions, relations among most of the 

Gulf States are largely amicable. Their good relations are 

primarily a result of their participation in the Gulf Cooperation 

Council (GCC)—a political, economic, and military alliance 

uniting Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, and 

Oman. Since the organization’s inception in 1981, member 

states have undertaken efforts to integrate their economies, 

militaries, and other social 

and political structures 

(Photo: Former US 

Secretary of State Kerry 

and GCC leaders in Saudi 

Arabia in 2014).

Iraq’s role in fomenting 

regional instability has 

affected its relations with

the other Gulf States. While the UAE, Qatar, and Oman have 

strong trade and diplomatic relations with Iraq, Saudi Arabia

and its close ally Bahrain frequently clash with Iraq. 

Disagreements center on Iran’s role in the region fueled by 

ideological differences between Saudi Arabia and Bahrain’s 

Sunni Islam leadership and Iran’s Shiite Islam leadership. 

While Iraq and Kuwait have taken steps to repair their 

relationship, tensions continue to linger from Iraq’s 1990 

invasion of Kuwait. 

Due to their significant sizes, populations, and resources, Iraq 

and Iran compete for influence in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia with its 

large oil reserves is also a powerful regional player even 

though its military forces are significantly smaller than those of 

either Iraq or Iran. 

Most of the Gulf States rely on the US to augment their military 

capabilities. With some 35,000 US troops stationed at several 

military installations throughout the region, the US has entered 

into agreements to sell or transfer arms and defense services 

to most of the States. The US remains in Iraq to train, support, 

and advise Iraqi security forces. Bahrain is the site of the 

longest-serving permanent US military presence in the Gulf, 

while Kuwait, the UAE, and Qatar also host large numbers of 

US military personnel.

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While Gulf States citizens are predominantly Arabs, the region 

is also home to several ethnic minorities—Persians in the UAE 

and Kuwait; Palestinians in Qatar; and Baloch and Persians in 

Oman. In Iraq, strong tensions exist between the country’s 2 

primary ethnic groups, the Arabs and the Kurds. In each of the 

States, except Iraq, significant portions of the population are 

foreign non-citizens—about 25% in Saudi Arabia, 50 in Bahrain 

and Oman, 65 in Kuwait, 85 in the UAE, and 90 in Qatar. 

Of note, the Gulf’s tribal networks were historically a 

fundamental element of social relations. While the region’s 

governments have attempted to supplant tribal allegiances with 

national identity in recent decades, the tribe continues to play 

an important role in social life in most States.

3. Religion and Spirituality 

Religion is a cultural belief system that provides meaning to 

members of a community. Religious and spiritual beliefs help 

preserve the social order by defining proper behavior. They 

also create social unity by defining shared identity, offer 

individuals peace of mind, and explain the causes of events in 

a society. Early regional inhabitants worshipped various gods 

and objects, such as the sun, moon, animals, and tribal heroes. 

Between 500 BC and the 5th century, Zoroastrianism, one of 

the world’s first monotheistic religions, gained followers in the 

region. Although Christianity arrived in the Arab Gulf in the 1st

century, most of the region’s 

Christians fled or converted 

following the arrival of Islam. 

In 610 AD, a merchant from 

Mecca (in present-day 

Saudi Arabia), Muhammad 

ibn Abdullah, began 

preaching the worship of 1 

God, Allah, marking the 

founding of Islam. Through 

conquest and proselytization Muhammad and his followers had 

united the entire Arabian Peninsula under Islam by the time of 

his death in 632 AD (Painting: A 1307 depiction of Muhammad 

receiving his first revelation from the angel Gabriel). 

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Without a chosen successor to Muhammad, his death ushered 

in an era of infighting that eventually split Islam into 2 sects, 

Shias and Sunnis. This divide persists and occasionally causes 

conflict in the region today. Sunni Muslims began moving 

beyond Arabia shortly after Muhammad’s death, making their 

way to Iraq in 638. 

Since its introduction, Islam has been a defining factor in 

shaping the region’s cultures, societies, and political systems. 

Today, Islam is the official religion of each of the Gulf States. 

Further, the majority of the region’s non-citizen residents are 

also Muslim. While the Arab Gulf is also home to some 

religious minorities—primarily Christians, Hindus, Buddhists, 

Baha’is—these nonMuslims are largely noncitizen foreign residents. 

The Gulf States 

governments exhibit 

varying levels of religious 

freedom. For example, 

Saudi Arabian law does 

not recognize or protect religious freedom. While conversion 

from Islam is punishable by death, Saudi courts rarely inflict 

this sentence and instead issue lengthy prison sentences and 

lashings as punishment. Although the Iraqi constitution 

guarantees religious freedom, the government has been 

unable to stop recent acts of violence against Shia Muslims, 

Christians, and others (Photo: The Prophet Muhammad’s burial 

site at Al-Masjid an-Nabawi in Saudi Arabia).

4. Family and Kinship 

The domain of family and kinship refers to groups of people 

related through blood ties, marriage, or through strong 

emotional bonds that influence them to treat each other like 

family members (often called “fictive kin”). 

A fundamental element of Gulf society, family may refer to a 

person’s household and extended family, clan (a group of 

families), or tribe. Family, clan, and tribal connections typically 

play an important role in an individual’s life—they may

determine a person’s social status, potential marriage partners, 

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business opportunities, and inheritance rights. While residence 

patterns differ slightly among the States, multiple generations 

typically reside together in 

1 household (Photo: Iraqi 

mother with her children).

Historically, marriage was 

an arranged union

intended to bring both 

families social and 

economic advantages. 

Although arranged 

marriages are still 

common across the region, many regional residents now 

choose their own spouse, particularly in urban areas. Married 

couples typically live with the man’s family. While divorce was 

traditionally uncommon in the Gulf States, divorce rates have 

increased in some of the Gulf States yet remained steady in 

others. Of note, polygyny, the practice of a man having multiple 

wives, is legal in the Gulf States. 

The urbanization of Gulf society has changed family life in 

recent years. As both men and women take advantage of the 

enhanced educational and employment opportunities available 

primarily in urban areas, family structures have become much 

more diverse. 

5. Sex and Gender 

Sex refers to the biological/reproductive differences between 

males and females, while gender is a more flexible concept 

that refers to a culture’s categorizing of masculine and feminine 

behaviors, symbols, and social roles. 

The Arab Gulf States’ cultures and religions (primarily Islam) 

traditionally privilege the male’s role as leader and provider. 

For example, Sharia law grants men privileges in inheritance 

and other family matters. While most of the region’s inhabitants 

continue to adhere to traditional gender roles—men as 

breadwinners and guardians and women as mothers and 

companions—recent influences from external and internal 

sources have introduced some changes. 

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Women, like most men, were largely uneducated for much of 

the Gulf’s history. In recent decades, literacy rates for women 

have increased significantly across the Gulf. Further, women 

now make up more than 50% of the university student 

population in all States, although they often face challenges to 

getting their education. For example, women are often 

encouraged to pursue traditional “female” disciplines such as 

education and healthcare. In Kuwait, they are required to score 

higher than men on entrance exams for traditionally maledominated fields such as engineering.

Because the Gulf States’ legal systems permit gender-based 

discrimination, women are far less likely to participate in politics 

than men. Some progress has occurred: Saudi Arabia became 

the last Arab Gulf State to 

extend the right to vote to

women in 2015. Although 

women may serve in 

prominent diplomatic and 

judicial posts, the number 

of women serving in 

elected political office 

across the region remains 

very low (Photo: US 

Department of Commerce officials with students from Sultan 

Qaboos University in Oman and the University of Bahrain). 

Historically, Gulf women rarely worked outside the home, a 

tradition that has changed over the past decades. For example, 

female participation in the workforce has increased 3-fold in 

Qatar and nearly 4 times in the UAE since 2003. Despite steps 

towards gender equality, women still face barriers to their full 

participation in society. For example, it remains traditional for

male guardians to accompany women to events outside of the 

home, while many workplaces and schools continue to practice 

gender segregation. 

Homosexuality is illegal in all of the Gulf States except Iraq, 

where it was decriminalized in 2003. Most Gulf residents 

consider homosexuality, bisexuality, and transgender issues 

inappropriate topics of conversation. 

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6. Language and Communication 

Language is a system for sharing information symbolically, 

whereby words are used to represent ideas. Communication is 

defined as the cultural practice of sharing meaning in 

interaction, both verbally and non-verbally.

Arabic is the official language of each of the Arab Gulf States. 

Most residents regularly use 2 Arabic varieties—Modern 

Standard Arabic (MSA), derived from the classical Arabic of the 

Qur’an and used in school, the media, and in official 

government proceedings, and Gulf Arabic or Khaleeji Arabic, a 

widely spoken dialect. The residents of some States speak 

additional languages and dialects. For example, Iraq names 

Kurdish as its 2nd official language, and most Iraqis speak a 

unique dialect of Arabic called Mesopotamian Arabic. Some

residents of Oman 

speak other Arabic 

dialects. 

The Arab Gulf 

nations are also 

home to millions of 

non-citizens who 

speak their own 

native languages. 

These include

Farsi (spoken in 

Iran); Malayalam, Tamil, Hindi, Balochi, Bengali, Pashto, and 

Urdu (spoken in South Asia); African languages such as 

Somali and Swahili; and Asian languages such as Thai, 

Tagalog, and Korean. English is also widely spoken in 

business and by the expatriate communities of the Gulf (Photo: 

Computer keyboard with Arabic script). 

Generally, Gulf residents demonstrate respect, generosity, and 

hospitality in their communication practices. Residents tend to 

share information about themselves and expect Westerners to 

do the same: they may ask personal questions about salary, 

marital status (particularly of unmarried people of a certain 

age), and family. Regional residents commonly use gestures 

when they speak, particularly if they are passionate about the 

topic of conversation. 

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7. Learning and Knowledge 

All cultures require that the older generation transmit important 

information to the younger generation. This information can be 

strictly factual (for example, how to fulfill subsistence and 

health requirements) and culturally traditional (the beliefs, 

behaviors, and symbols that have meaning to the community). 

This knowledge transfer may occur through structured, 

formalized systems such as schools or through informal 

learning by watching adults or peers. 

Prior to the 20th century, formal education in most Arab Gulf 

States was limited to madrasas, religious schools that taught 

memorization of Qur’anic verses and the fundamentals of 

Islamic beliefs and practice, primarily to males. Following the 

20th-century discovery of oil, educational opportunities 

expanded greatly. Bahrain became the first Gulf State to 

establish a public educational system in 1932. In the mid1950s, governments began to establish departments of 

education and allocate funds for schools and other resources. 

An exception was Oman, where educational offerings until 

1970 consisted solely of 3 primary schools reserved for 900 

boys hand-selected by the Omani sultan (Photo: Al-Hidaya AlKhalifia Boys 

school, the first 

public school in 

Bahrain). 

Today, most of the 

Gulf States invest 

heavily in 

education, often at 

rates higher than 

many other 

developed nations. Consequently, adult literacy is over 90% in 

all States except Iraq where it is a low 80%. Further, the past 

several decades have witnessed a significant growth in the 

number of higher education institutions across the region. 

Due to years of conflict, Iraq continues to have inadequate 

education facilities and a shortage of teachers and resources. 

Because many students are displaced, their education is often 

incomplete. 

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8. Time and Space 

In every society, people occupy space and time in ways that 

are not directly linked to physical survival. In most western 

cultures, people tend to be preoccupied with strict time 

management, devoting less effort to relationship-building. By 

contrast, in the Arab Gulf States, establishing and maintaining 

relationships with others often takes precedence over meeting 

deadlines, punctuality, or accomplishing a task in the most 

efficient manner.

As in other Islamic societies, men and women in the Arab Gulf 

region often interact differently than Americans are used to. For 

example, in many parts of the 

Gulf unrelated women and 

men seldom interact, and 

when they do, it is only in

group settings. 

Concepts of personal space 

also differ from those in the 

US. For example, Gulf State

residents of the same sex 

commonly sit and stand closer

to each other than Westerners 

do. They may also touch more 

often during conversations 

than Westerners (Photo: 

Former US President George 

W. Bush and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia holding hands, a 

sign of close friendship among men). 

Residents of the Arab Gulf States also tend to manage time 

differently. While residents typically agree in advance on 

scheduled start times, meetings frequently begin late. Further,

Gulf residents may prefer to deliberate for an extended period 

before making final decisions. 

The Arab Gulf States use both the Islamic and Western 

calendars. Because Friday is considered a holy day in Islam, 

most Arab Gulf States observe a Sunday-Thursday workweek, 

except for Oman, which observes a Saturday-Wednesday 

workweek. 

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9. Aesthetics and Recreation 

Every culture has its own forms of creative expression that are 

guided by aesthetic principles of imagination, beauty, skill and 

style. Most of the Arab Gulf’s forms of artistic expression, 

including its art, architecture, dance, music, and theater, reflect 

the region’s Arabic and Islamic influences. Gulf artists 

historically favored geometric designs and patterns to depict 

plants, flowers, and animals on buildings, jewelry, and 

household items. 

Due to historic trade relationships and intermingling of cultures, 

music and dance in the Arab Gulf States reflect Persian, 

Indian, and east African influences. Popular throughout the 

region, Khaleeji music combines local Bedouin (Arab 

seminomadic group) music with styles from Africa, India, and 

Iran.

For some regional residents, dance forms are an integral part 

of Islamic worship. Others

perform dances only in 

same-sex settings. Many 

of the region’s dances are 

done in line, circle, 

square, or semicircle 

formations with 

participants moving in 

tandem. Dances in the 

Arab Gulf are generally 

grouped by type, including warfare, work-related, “foreign,” 

women’s, weddings, healing, and Sufi religious dances (Photo: 

Iraqi National Folk Dance Troupe performs a traditional dance).

Regional residents practice a variety of arts and crafts including 

weaving (typically using camel or goat hair) and calligraphy—

the art of handwriting in which artists transform letters and 

words into intricate designs. While soccer is the most widely 

followed sport in the region, wealthier residents also enjoy

falconry, horse racing, and camel racing. 

10. Sustenance and Health 

Societies have different methods of transforming natural 

resources into food. These methods can shape residence 

patterns, family structures and economics. Theories of disease 

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and healing practices exist in all cultures and serve as adaptive 

responses to disease and illness. 

While cuisine varies across the region, residents throughout 

the Arab Gulf use many common staple ingredients and spices 

such as mutton, lamb, and fish prepared with cardamom, 

turmeric, saffron, and dried limes. Fruits, yogurt, various 

salads, and rice are common accompaniments to meals. The 

most popular drink, tea is served sweetened and prepared 

either with or without milk. Observant Muslims in the Arab Gulf 

consume neither pork nor alcohol. 

Health in most of the Arab Gulf countries has improved 

significantly in recent decades as evidenced by decreased 

infant and maternal mortality rates and longer life expectancies. 

Most residents in all States except Iraq have access to quality 

healthcare that is largely subsidized by governments (Photo: 

Machbūs, a spiced meat 

dish enjoyed throughout 

the Gulf). 

Years of conflict and the 

Saddam regime’s 

defunding of public 

healthcare by 90% 

created significant 

problems in the Iraqi 

healthcare system. In 

2009, with funding from the World Health Organization, the 

Iraqi Ministry of Health introduced a plan to reform and 

decentralize the country’s healthcare system. Additionally, 

international humanitarian organizations have expanded their 

efforts in Iraq to provide healthcare to both the local population 

as well as those fleeing conflict areas.

The region’s healthcare systems face several challenges, 

particularly rapidly growing healthcare expenditures associated 

with a large, aging population and lifestyle changes that have 

negative health implications. For example, fewer residents 

adhere to the region’s traditional diet and instead have 

increased their consumption of pre-packaged and fast foods. 

Simultaneously, rapid urbanization, the increased use of 

GENERAL

CULTURE
mechanized transportation, and a lack of dedicated green 

spaces for physical activities have led to an increasingly 

sedentary lifestyle for many residents. As a result, obesity rates 

have increased and noncommunicable diseases (such as 

diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer, and chronic 

respiratory disease) now 

cause more than 60% of 

all deaths in all of the 

Arab Gulf States, except 

Iraq (Photo: King Saud 

Medical Complex, Riyadh, 

Saudi Arabia).

Communicable diseases 

remain a concern in Iraq, 

where contaminated 

water supplies, inadequate sanitation, and poor hygienic

practices contribute to the spread of typhoid, cholera, and 

tuberculosis. 

11. Economics and Resources 

This domain refers to beliefs regarding appropriate ways for a 

society to produce, distribute, and consume goods and 

services. Besides fishing and agriculture, the Gulf States’ 

economies have been enmeshed with local and international 

trade since ancient times. During the 17th and 18th centuries, 

the Arab Gulf’s port cities were integral elements of the trade 

routes connecting India, Europe, and East Africa. 

In the late 19th century, the region began exporting dates and 

pearls to new markets in Europe and North America. After 

global demand for pearls grew significantly around the turn of 

the 20th century, pearl diving became a major contributor to the 

economies of the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, and Bahrain before the 

industry collapsed in the 1930s. The region then entered a 

period of socioeconomic hardship until the discovery of oil. 

The growth of the oil industry in in the 1950s-60s significantly 

changed the region. Within a few decades the States had 

transformed from some of the world’s poorest countries to

some of the wealthiest. This wealth has facilitated investment

in infrastructure, enhanced the quality of life, and encouraged 

GENERAL

CULTURE
rapid urbanization throughout the region with the exception of 

Iraq. 

Prior to 1980, Iraq had one of the most advanced economies of 

all Arab Gulf States. Years of conflict, however, have had a 

profound effect on Iraq’s economy. In late 2015, Iraq 

implemented an economic reform 

proposal intended to cut excess 

government spending and 

crackdown on corruption (Photo: 

The Abraj Al Bait Towers complex 

in Mecca, Saudi Arabia). 

Oil remains an important part of 

the region’s economies today—in 

Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait, oil 

exports make up over 90% of 

government revenues. Over the 

past several decades, the Gulf 

States collectively have taken

steps to reduce their economic dependence on oil through 

diversification efforts. For example, Bahrain has worked to 

develop its banking sector; Kuwait produces cement and ships 

and specializes in food-processing; Qatar is expanding its 

agricultural sector; and the UAE is investing in tourism, airport

and aviation services, and facilities management services. 

Despite these efforts, the region remains dependent on oil: all 

of the region’s economies were adversely affected by the 

decline in oil prices and a reduced demand for oil during the 

2008 global financial crisis. The States are currently exploring 

ways to adapt to the decline in oil prices that began in 2015. 

12. Technology and Material 

Societies use technology to transform their physical world, and 

culture heavily influences the development and use of 

technology. 

Most of the Arab Gulf States have invested heavily into 

extensive road networks. The governments of Oman and Saudi 

Arabia, for example, have put significant sums of funding 

towards building large freeways and roads that extend to 

GENERAL

CULTURE
remote areas. Despite years of conflict, Iraq’s 24,000 miles of 

roads remain in relatively good condition. In 2015, 6 of the 

region’s governments allocated $200 billion for the construction 

of a regional rail network which will link Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, 

the UAE, Oman, Bahrain, and Qatar when completed in 2018. 

Information technology is spreading rapidly throughout the 

Arab Gulf. Between 2000 and 2014, Internet usage grew from 

between 2 and 23 users per 100 people to between 63 and 91 

users. The exception is Iraq where just 11 out of every 100 

people are Internet users. Cell phones are extremely popular—

the States report 

between 95 and 336 

mobile phone 

subscriptions per 100 

people (Photo: Freeway 

in Dubai, UAE). 

As the destination of 

11% of all GCC exports, 

the European Union (EU) is the region’s largest trading partner. 

Of note, the EU and the GCC States (with the exception of 

Iraq) are pursuing a free trade agreement. The Gulf States also 

maintain important trade relationships with several Asian 

nations. For example, China depends on the Arab Gulf for 35% 

of its oil imports, India for 45%, and South Korea and Japan for 

70%.

The Arab Gulf faces challenges in meeting its growing energy 

needs. As a result of the region’s rapid urbanization and 

population growth, the Gulf States are shifting from being 

energy suppliers to major energy consumers. Energy 

consumption grew by about 8% annually since 1972 

(compared to 2% globally). While the UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, and 

Saudi Arabia have less than 1% of the world’s population, 

these countries now use more than 5% of the world’s oil. Iraq 

has had difficulty meeting its own power needs, relying on 

imported electricity and petroleum products. 

Now that we have introduced general concepts that 

characterize Arab Gulf society at large, we will focus on 

specific features of society in Qatar. 

GENERAL

CULTURE
HISTORY &

MYTH

Overview

Ruled by the same family since the late 19th century, Qatar 

nevertheless has experienced tremendous societal and 

economic changes since its first oil exports in 1949. While oil 

and gas revenues improved healthcare, education, and the 

nation’s infrastructure, economic growth required a large influx 

of foreign workers who now make up a majority of the 

population. Qatar’s large reserves of oil and especially natural 

gas have made it one of the world’s richest countries, giving it 

significant global influence. Nevertheless, independent policies 

have injured its relations with several neighbors, resulting in 

serious regional tensions. Qatar today is a blend of ancient 

traditions and modern technology, 

and of conservatism and tolerance.

NOTE: While readers may know 

the body of water surrounding 

Qatar by its more common name, 

the Persian Gulf, this guide uses 

the name preferred in the region, 

the Arabian Gulf (Photo: Satellite 

photo of the Arabian Gulf).

Early History

Archaeological finds suggest that humans have inhabited the 

Qatari peninsula for millennia. Evidence includes stone tools 

that date as early as 5600 BC and pottery sherds from around 

5000 BC. These artifacts also suggest regional inhabitants had

trade links with advanced civilizations in Mesopotamia 

(present-day Syria, Iraq, and Kuwait). Pottery findings also 

indicate links with Dilmun, a peaceful trading civilization 

centered in the neighboring island of Bahrain from 2450-1700 

BC. Dilmun’s ships carried silver, textiles, oil, and precious 

resins between Babylonia (in present-day Iraq) and the Indus 

Valley (in present-day Pakistan and India). 

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

1. HISTORY AND MYTH
HIS

MYTH

TORY &

Roughly around this time, Gulf inhabitants domesticated the 

camel, first to provide milk and then as a beast of burden. 

Nomadic pastoralists herding camels, sheep, and goats likely 

visited the Qatari peninsula from central Arabia. Archaeological 

findings dating to around 1750 BC suggest inhabitants of an 

island off the coast of Qatar produced a purple dye from a 

marine snail possibly for trade with Babylonia, where the color 

was a symbol of political and religious power.

While much of the Gulf region was under the domination of 

various foreign empires through subsequent centuries, the 

region of present-day Qatar remained largely isolated due 

primarily to its lack of water and small population. 

Nevertheless, archaeological evidence, such as burial mounds 

dating to 326 BC and settlement remains from around the 2nd

century AD, indicate that some residents may have engaged in 

economic activities beyond basic subsistence. Of note, famed 

Alexandrian astronomer Ptolemy’s 2nd-century AD map of the 

Arabian Peninsula refers to “Catara” as a settlement in 

approximately the same area as modern-day Qatar. 

During this period, bedu (Bedouin – see p. 14 of Political and 

Social Relations) and other Arab nomads from Arabia likely 

traveled to Qatar in rhythm with the seasons. Over the next 

several centuries, a handful of small 

permanent settlements likely arose. 

The Spread of Islam

According to Qatari tradition, an envoy 

from the prophet Muhammad traveled 

to Qatar and Bahrain in 628 bringing a 

new religion, Islam (see p. 2 of 

Religion and Spirituality), which spread 

rapidly among Qatari residents 

(Illustration: A 1595 depiction of 

Muhammad leading his army).

The Gulf region as a whole 

experienced social and political 

upheaval as Islamic dynasties and sects competed for 

supremacy over the next 900 years. As a frontier zone with few 

resources, the Qatari Peninsula remained largely uninvolved in 

those power struggles. Instead, most residents continued to 
HISTORY &

MYTH

engage in nomadic pastoralism, though a handful of small 

settlements centered on trade and pearling arose on Qatar’s 

coast. 

The Activities of Foreign Powers

Beginning in the early 1500s, Gulf frontiers like the Qatari 

Peninsula caught the attention of certain foreign powers. These 

powers competed for strategic ports and settlements in the 

Arabian Gulf in order to attain a share or even outright control 

of Gulf trade in luxury items like spices, silk, and pearls. The 

Portuguese were the first Europeans to enter the region, 

capturing some regional port cities and establishing forts. Their 

activities attracted the attention of several other powers, such 

as the Ottomans (centered in present-day Turkey) who 

managed to eject the 

Portuguese from the area 

around Qatar in 1538. 

Seeking to rid the Gulf of the 

Portuguese entirely, the 

Persians (in present-day Iran) 

then allied with the Dutch and 

English. By 1622, the 

Persians and British had 

driven the Portuguese from 

the Gulf, beginning centuries 

of British influence, if not control, of the region (Illustration: Late 

17th-century map of the Arabian Peninsula).

Pearling Settlements and Nomads

At the beginning of the 18th century, Persia controlled the 

pearling industry in the Gulf, though its influence was 

weakening due to inefficient leadership and continuing 

pressures from European powers. At the same time, increasing 

European demand for pearls prompted some Arab tribes to 

establish competing pearling settlements across the region. 

During this period, nomads continued their activities. One 

group, the Al Naim, crossed the sea between Qatar and the 

neighboring island of Bahrain on a seasonal basis. Other

groups moved into the region from central Arabia. Besides 

herding their animals, these and other nomadic tribes provided

protection for pearling settlements and lent military support to 
HISTORY &

MYTH

powerful sheikhs (Arab tribal leaders) as they jockeyed for 

power and control of land and resources. 

The Emergence of Regional Ruling Families: The 1700s 

also saw the arrival of the ancestors of 2 groups who would 

become modern-day regional rulers: the Al Khalifa clan of the 

Bani Utub tribe (in Bahrain) and the Al Thani clan of the Bani

Tamim tribe (in Qatar). Migrating from Najd in central Arabia, 

the ancestors of the Al Thani settled mainly on Qatar’s eastern 

coast where they engaged in fishing, pearling, date palm 

cultivation, and trade. 

By contrast, the Bani Utub tribe moved from central Arabia to

Qatar for just a short period before continuing to the region of 

present-day Kuwait, where it grew wealthy through pearl 

trading. Eventually, the Al Khalifa branch decided to return to

the Qatari peninsula, founding the pearling community of Al 

Zubarah on the northwest coast in the 1760s. 

Situated just across the Gulf of Bahrain from the island of 

Bahrain, Al Zubarah quickly became a prosperous commercial 

center with a prominent fort. The Al Khalifa maintained trade 

links with their 

tribesmen in 

Kuwait and 

soon came into 

competition with 

Bahrain, itself a 

successful pearling and trading center. The growing rivalry

prompted Bahrain to attack Al Zubarah in 1783. With the 

support of Bedouin tribes, the Al Khalifa repulsed the attack, 

then invaded and conquered Bahrain. As the Al Khalifa sheikh

became the ruler of Bahrain, most of his tribe relocated to the 

island, though a few remained in Qatar to maintain a claim to Al 

Zubarah. The Al Khalifa sheikhdom in Bahrain survives to this 

day (Photo: View from the reconstructed fort at Al Zubarah).

Piracy and Tribal Rivalries

Following the conquest of Bahrain, another branch of the Bani 

Utub tribe, the Al Jalahimah, came into conflict with the Al 

Khalifa over the distribution of spoils and profits. Led by 

Rahmah bin Jabir Al Jalahimah, the Al Jalahimah relocated

north of Al Zubarah and took up piracy against the Al Khalifa. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Despite the presence of passing British merchant ships loaded 

with luxury goods, the Al Jalahimah tended 

to avoid them so as to evade unwanted 

attention from the British Empire. 

Nevertheless, the attacks of other regional 

pirates against their ships during this 

period prompted the British to call the area 

as a whole the “Pirate Coast” (Illustration: 

Rahmah bin Jabir Al Jalahimah in an 1837 

sketch).

With the departure of most of the Al Khalifa

to Bahrain and following a devastating 

attack by Omanis, Al Zubarah lost its trade 

connections to Kuwait and went into 

decline. Without a dominant ruling sheikh, 

tribal rivalries in Qatar flared, leading to 

conflict and insecurity on the peninsula. 

The Trucial System

Meanwhile, the British continued to face piracy and local

commercial competitors. Using various military tactics, 

particularly against tribes based in the present-day United Arab 

Emirates (UAE), the British sought to protect their trade 

interests and exclude rival European powers from the Gulf. 

However, they did not want to politically administer the region 

or rule its inhabitants. Instead, they constructed a network of 

alliances by signing a series of treaties and truces with local 

tribal rulers who remained in power. This system was called the 

“Trucial System,” and the area as a whole became known as 

the “Trucial Coast.” 

In 1820, the British and several sheikhs from the present-day 

UAE and the Al Khalifa of Bahrain signed a treaty which 

required the Arabs to refrain from piracy and register their ships 

with British authorities. At the time, Britain considered Qatar a 

dependency of Bahrain, though in reality Bahrain had only 

nominal control of the Qatari peninsula. Eventually, the Trucial 

System weakened the position of notorious pirate Rahmah bin 

Jabir Al Jalahimah, who died fighting the Al Khalifa’s Bahraini 

fleet in 1826, signaling the end of the Al Jalahimah as a 

dominant force.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Few in Qatar were informed of the treaty with Britain. 

Consequently, they were shocked when a British ship 

bombarded and destroyed the east coast settlement of Doha 

(Qatar’s present-day capital) as punishment for alleged piracy 

in 1821. Following discussions with the British, several Qatari 

groups, notably the Al Thani, agreed to respect the treaty, 

laying the foundation for Britain’s involvement in Qatari affairs 

for the next 150 years.

The Rise of the Al Thani

Although the Al Khalifa maintained nominal control of the 

Qatari peninsula in the first half of the 19th century, their 

interest remained largely centered on Al Zubarah. 

Consequently, Qatar was the site of intermittent conflict 

between competing Arab 

tribes, Bahraini forces, 

and Bedouin groups. 

Territories constantly 

shifted as most groups

were highly mobile and 

often relocated their

settlements (Photo: The

Qatari desert).

In 1847, the leader of the Al Thani clan of the Bani Tamim tribe, 

Sheikh Muhammad bin Thani, moved his family to Doha. After 

cementing strategic alliances, Sheikh Muhammad became the 

region’s dominant leader, providing a relatively stable guiding 

presence. In 1867, Bahrain sought to reassert control of Qatar 

and attacked Doha, largely destroying the city. A year later, 

Sheikh Muhammad retaliated, attacking Bahrain.

With no clear victor, these events attracted the attention of the 

British, who considered the activities of both sides as treaty 

breaches. A British representative dispatched to salvage the 

situation was particularly harsh towards the Bahrainis, forcing 

the Al Khalifa sheikh to abdicate, destroying his fortress, and 

burning his fleet. In Qatar, the British envoy met with Sheikh 

Muhammad, who agreed to sign an agreement guaranteeing 

that Qatar would refrain from war at sea. Until this time, the 

British considered Qatar a dependency of Bahrain, and the Al 

Thani were simply one family among many. However, with this 
HISTORY &

MYTH

agreement, Britain implicitly recognized Qatar as an entity 

separate from Bahrain with the Al Thani as its legitimate rulers. 

While other sheikhs regarded Sheikh Muhammad bin Thani as 

a first among equals, the British now regarded him as 

responsible for order on the peninsula, setting the course for 

Qatar’s future independence. 

Ottoman Nominal Control

To counter British regional ambitions and secure its foothold in 

the area, the Ottoman Empire (from its base in Turkey) 

expanded into eastern Arabia in 1871 and threatened Qatar. 

While Sheikh Muhammad opposed the Ottomans, preferring 

the British, his son Jassim accepted Ottoman sovereignty in 

1872, using his designation as Qatar’s regional governor to 

protect and strengthen his own position. Although father and 

son represented rival empires, they coexisted peacefully until

Muhammad’s 1878 death.

The Al Thani Solidify Control: As Al Thani leader, Sheikh 

Jassim hoped the Ottomans would support the Al Thani in their 

ongoing conflicts with the Al Khalifa of Bahrain and Al Zubarah. 

In 1878, the Al Naim, a Bedouin tribe aligned with the Al 

Khalifa, attacked Qatari 

ships. In support, the Al 

Khalifa sent 

reinforcements to Al 

Zubarah. Responding to 

the perceived act of 

piracy by the Al Naim, 

Sheikh Jassim attacked 

Al Zubarah, destroying it and the Bahraini forces. With this 

victory, the Al Thani controlled the territory of the entire Qatari 

peninsula for the first time (Photo: A renovated 1938 fort at Al

Zubarah).

Meanwhile, Sheikh Jassim sought to conspire with the 

Ottomans to overthrow the Al Khalifa in Bahrain and requested 

their help in other disputes. Nevertheless, Sheikh Jassim’s

relations with the Ottomans eventually deteriorated, and when 

the Ottomans sought to increase the number of troops 

stationed in Qatar in 1893, Sheikh Jassim refused. When the 

Ottomans dispatched a military force to Doha to arrest Sheikh 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Jassim, armed conflict ensued. In the subsequent battle at Al 

Waqbah, remembered today as the most important battle in 

Qatari history, Sheikh Jassim’s supporters defeated the 

Ottomans. Although the Ottoman Empire continued to claim 

Qatar for about 2 more decades, this victory largely secured Al 

Thani authority on 

the peninsula. 

Soon after his 

battlefield victory,

Sheikh Jassim

resigned from 

direct leadership, 

deputizing first his 

brother and later his son, Abdullah, to handle general affairs. 

Jassim then focused his attention on overseeing the 

construction of roads and establishing religious schools (see p. 

1 of Learning and Knowledge). Upon Sheikh Jassim’s 1913 

death, Abdullah became the Al Thani leader. Despite both 

internal and external threats to his leadership over the years, 

Sheikh Abdullah remained ruler until 1949 (Photo: Doha in 

1904.)

British Protectorate

In 1913, a declining Ottoman Empire formally renounced its 

claims to Qatar, though it aligned with the Saud clan in 

neighboring Arabia a year later. This alliance posed a threat to 

a vulnerable Qatar, which also faced opposition from

disgruntled tribes, Bahrain’s continued claim to regions of the 

peninsula (see p. 11-12 of Political and Social Relations), and 

the expansionist Saudis. The Saudis even plotted with 

Abdullah’s brother and cousins to overthrow him. 

When World War I broke out in Europe in 1914, Britain and the 

Ottoman Empire fought on opposing sides, spurring the British 

to further prioritize Qatar’s security. In 1916, Qatar and Britain 

signed a landmark treaty that brought Qatar fully into the 

Trucial System as a British protectorate. Under the agreement, 

Qatar ceded all control of its foreign affairs to Britain. In return, 

Britain provided full protection to Qatar and its seafaring ships 

and offered assistance to the Al Thani against internal and 

external land-based threats. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Slavery in Qatar

It is likely that some residents of Qatar held East 

African slaves beginning in ancient times. The 19th

century agreements between the British and Arabian 

Gulf sheikhs forbade the trade in slaves, though the 

British rarely enforced such bans. The 1916 treaty 

that outlined Qatar’s status as a British protectorate 

required the abolishment of slavery. Nevertheless,

British authorities showed little interest in interfering 

in the internal affairs of the sheikhs and tolerated the 

practice. Well into the 20th century, a few Qatari 

sheikhs used African slaves for armed protection 

and support. These slaves typically adopted their 

owners’ tribal identities and names. Qatar’s slaves 

were freed officially in the 1950s. Shortly thereafter, 

the exploitation of Qatar’s newly-found oil initiated 

the influx of non-citizen workers that continues 

today. Of note, some observers, even former Qatari 

Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani, 

have condemned Qatar’s treatment of its non-citizen 

workforce as “slavery,” though recent reforms have 

sought to improve workers’ plight (see p. 2 of 

Economics and Resources and p. 15 of Political 

and Social Relations). 

The treaty also called for Qatar to abolish slavery (see below)

and, crucially, made the Al Thani the sole arms distributor in 

Qatar, significantly shoring up Sheikh Abdullah’s power against 

other sheikhs. Despite the treaty, Saudi interest in controlling 

the Qatari peninsula continued. 

The Decline of the Pearl Industry

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the pearling 

industry provided employment and income to many of the 

peninsula’s inhabitants (see p. 1 of Economics and 

Resources). By the 1930s, the Gulf region’s economy began a 

dramatic shift. Not only did the worldwide Great Depression 

significantly reduce demand for pearls, the Japanese 
HISTORY &

MYTH

developed a cheaper way to breed oysters and make “cultured” 

pearls. 

These events signaled the beginning of the end of the Gulf’s 

pearl industry and resulted in a significant loss to the region. 

For example, while the 

industry employed some 

60,000 Qataris in 1924, that 

number had fallen to 6,000 

some 20 years later. The 

industry eventually faded 

almost completely in the 

1940s, when newlyindependent India imposed a 

heavy tax on pearls from the Arabian Gulf (Photo: Early 20thcentury pearl divers in the Arabian Gulf).

The Discovery of Oil

About the same time the pearl industry was beginning to 

decline, Western oil companies began surveying for oil in the 

region. While no oil had yet been discovered, Qatar signed its 

1st concession with the British-held Anglo-Persian Oil 

Company (APOC) in 1926. Sheikh Abdullah then sought better 

arrangements by encouraging competition between major oil 

companies, notably APOC and the US’s Standard Oil. 

Nevertheless, facing mounting debt and British threats to 

withdraw protection, Sheikh Abdullah signed another 

concession with APOC in 1935 in exchange for British 

promises of additional assistance. The concession also 

included British recognition of Abdullah’s son, Hamad bin 

Abdullah Al Thani, as his heir apparent, meaning he was next 

in line for leadership.

Initial exploration was conducted by a subsidiary of APOC that 

would eventually become Qatar Petroleum Company, Qatar’s 

national oil company (see p. 2-3 of Economics and Resources). 

Although oil was discovered in 1939, World War II delayed the 

start of oil exports. With the pearling industry failing and no oil 

income yet, Qatar experienced serious economic hardship in 

the 1930s-40s. Poverty and food shortages led some Qataris to 

emigrate, causing the peninsula’s population to drop from 

27,000 in 1907 to 16,000 in the early 1940s. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Territorial Disputes

The discovery of oil in the Gulf region as a whole raised the 

stakes in territorial disputes. First, the newly-founded country of 

Saudi Arabia attempted to claim parts of the Qatari hinterlands. 

In 1936, Bahrain claimed the Hawar 

Islands (pictured) just off Qatar’s 

west coast. Despite Sheikh 

Abdullah’s vocal objections, Britain 

sided with Bahrain, initiating a 

dispute between Qatar and Bahrain 

that would continue until the early 

2000s (see p. 11-12 of Political and 

Social Relations). 

In 1937, Bahrain renewed its claim 

to the town of Al Zubarah, which was 

once again occupied by its allies, the Al Naim. Sheikh Abdullah 

dispatched a large military force to Al Zubarah and defeated 

the Al Naim. Warned by the British to abandon its plans for 

military reprisals, Bahrain imposed an embargo on trade and 

travel to Qatar that was particularly damaging in the harsh 

economic environment. (Of note, Bahrain and its neighbors 

revived such an embargo tactic during the 2017 regional 

tensions – see p. 9 of Political and Social Relations). 

Sheikh Abdullah Abdicates

In 1948, Sheikh Hamad, Sheikh Abdullah’s designated heir, 

died. This event sparked a minor revolt within the Al Thani, with 

members feuding over succession and demanding an

increased share of projected oil revenues. Seeking stability, 

Sheikh Abdullah negotiated British recognition of his son 

Sheikh Ali bin Abdullah Al Thani as ruler in exchange for his 

own abdication. The agreement also stipulated the fulfillment of 

previous treaty commitments to end slavery (see textbox

above) and an official British presence in Qatar along with the 

establishment of a governmental administration.

Economic and Social Changes

In 1949, oil exports finally began, bringing in much-needed 

revenue that would transform Qatar’s economy and society, 

while generating domestic disputes and affecting foreign 

relations. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Since the 1870s, political power in the peninsula had 

increasingly centered on the Al Thani family. As the new ruler, 

Sheikh Ali was reluctant to relinquish any power to a British

administration. Nevertheless, increasing financial difficulties, 

Qatari worker strikes, and the designs of rival sheikhs, 

compelled Sheikh Ali to allow the British to develop a national 

budget and establish a bureaucracy. The British-led 

government began to establish public services, including the 

first telephone exchange in 1953, a desalinization plant in 

1954, and a power plant in 1957, and by 1954 the government 

had 42 employees. A 1956 

demonstration against both the 

British and Sheikh Ali prompted 

the establishment of a British-run 

police force (Pictured: A 1957 

British stamp marked for use in 

Qatar).

Family Obligations

Oil revenues boomed, rising from 

$1 million in 1950 to $25 million 

in 1954. Custom demanded that 

the Al Thani leaders pass on a 

large portion of these revenues in 

the traditional way – as gifts to their tribesmen. In the 1950s, 

Sheikh Ali used oil revenues to fund outright grants or 

“allowances” to some 150 Al Thani men, with rates determined 

by seniority and family relationship. He also provided sheikhs

of other prominent families with land and government positions. 

Members of the Al Thani remained content as long as oil 

revenues increased. Sheikh Ali himself lived extravagantly, 

spending time at a villa in Switzerland and hunting in Pakistan.

In the late 1950s, however, oil revenues began to decline. 

Sheikh Ali’s extravagant lifestyle fueled discontent, especially 

among non-Al Thani Qataris. Amidst mounting pressures from 

family and non-family alike, Sheikh Ali abdicated in 1960.

Dual Leadership

Disregarding family plans to pass leadership to his nephew, 

Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani, Sheikh Ali designated his son, 

Ahmad bin Ali Al Thani as the next ruler. In honor of family 
HISTORY &

MYTH

wishes, Sheikh Ahmad named his cousin, Sheikh Khalifa, his 

designated heir, granting Khalifa significant administrative 

responsibilities.

Like his father, Sheikh Ahmad lived an extravagant lifestyle 

funded by the 25% of oil revenues that he received for his 

personal use. Further, 

Sheikh Ahmad had little 

interest in his new 

responsibilities, preferring 

extended stays at his 

Swiss villa. To ease family 

tensions, Sheikh Ahmad 

gave certain Al Thani

family members

government positions and

increased allowances, 

which he offset with decreased funding to development 

projects and social services (Pictured: Mural with historical 

scenes in Qatar).

All these actions stoked significant resentment among many 

groups, such as low-ranking Al Thani, leaders of non-Al Thani 

families, and Qatari oil workers. In 1963, these groups formed

an organization called the National Unity Front, went on strike, 

and demanded a reduction of Sheikh Ahmad’s privileges. It 

also called for an increase in social services and recognition of 

trade unions. In response, Sheikh Ahmad jailed or exiled many 

of the Front’s leaders, ending the movement. Nevertheless, 

Sheikh Ahmad also instituted some reforms, one of which

became the home loan program Qataris enjoy today (see p. 1

of Family and Kinship). 

By contrast, Sheikh Khalifa proved an adept leader, supporting 

infrastructure projects, the growth of the government 

administration, and attempts to diversify the economy. He also 

recognized the need for labor force growth, leading to a large 

influx of foreign workers that started in the late 1960s and 

continues today (see p. 1-2 of Economics and Resources).

The British Announce Plans to Withdraw

In 1968, fearing that continued support to the states of the 

Trucial System would severely tax its overextended military, 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Britain suddenly announced that in 3 years it would discontinue 

its protectorate commitments on the Trucial Coast, including in 

Qatar. The rulers of Abu Dhabi and Dubai (in the present-day 

UAE) invited 5 other local rulers plus the leaders of Bahrain 

and Qatar to join them in a confederation of Arab emirates 

(principalities). Despite disagreements on the details, including 

the location of the capital of the proposed federation and the 

content of its constitution, the rulers initially accepted the 

proposal. Eventually unable to resolve certain issues, Bahrain 

and Qatar withdrew from negotiations, each declaring 

independence in late summer 1971. 

Abu Dhabi and Dubai, along with 

the 5 other emirates, would form

the UAE several months later.

Independence

When Britain made its 1968 

announcement, conflict between 

Sheikh Ahmad and Sheikh Khalifa 

immediately flared. While Sheikh 

Ahmad supported joining the 

planned federation, Sheikh Khalifa opposed it, primarily due to 

Bahrain’s efforts to lead the federation (Pictured: Emblem of 

Qatar adopted in 1976).

While still publicly supporting the federation, Sheikh Ahmad 

established a provisional constitution in April 1970, declaring 

Qatar an independent Arab and Islamic state while officially 

instituting sharia (Islamic law – see p. 5 of Political and Social 

Relations and p. 9 of Religion and Spirituality). In May, Sheikh 

Ahmad became Emir (ruler of the Qatari emirate – see p. 4 of 

Political and Social Relations) as Sheikh Khalifa became Prime 

Minister. Following Qatar’s withdrawal from federation 

negotiations that summer, Qatar declared its independence on 

September 3, 1971. Sheikh Ahmad made the declaration from 

his villa in Switzerland, provoking significant ridicule and 

resentment. 

The “Father of the Nation” Takes Power

Following lengthy discussions, the Al Thani family decided that 

Sheikh Ahmad must be replaced. On February 22, 1972, with 

the tacit support of the Al Thani, Saudi Arabia, and Britain, 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Sheikh Khalifa peacefully deposed Sheikh Ahmad while he was 

in Iran hunting with his falcons (see p. 3 of Aesthetics and 

Recreation). Widely considered the “Father of the Nation,” 

Sheikh Khalifa would rule for the next 23 years. In 1977, 

Sheikh Khalifa appointed his son, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al 

Thani as his heir apparent and minister of defense. 

As Emir, Sheikh Khalifa moved quickly to consolidate his 

position, placing many close relatives in the highest 

government offices. However, he also reduced family 

allowances and the practice of directing 1/4 of all oil revenues 

directly to Qatar’s ruler in favor of funding social programs in 

housing, health, and education. Rapid economic development 

plus the provision of free healthcare and education to Qatari 

citizens transformed the new country, though non-citizen

workers without such rights and privileges continued to flow in.

Emir Khalifa promised political reform, yet after coming to 

power he undertook no steps towards democratization. While 

he continued efforts to diversify the economy, petroleum 

products remained Qatar’s primary export and source of 

revenue (see p. 1 of Economics and Resources). 

Gulf Cooperation Council: In 1981, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, 

Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE formed the Gulf Cooperation 

Council (GCC) to provide for regional defense and to 

coordinate policy on 

trade and economic 

issues (see p. 11 of 

Political and Social 

Relations). 

Following the 1990 

Iraqi invasion of 

Kuwait, Qatar and 

other GCC states 

entered into a closer 

security relationship with the US (see p. 12-13 of Political and 

Social Relations). Qatari troops participated in battles during 

the Persian Gulf War, and Doha served as the base for US-led

offensive strikes against Iraq (Photo: Former US Secretary of 

State Kerry poses with GCC foreign ministers in 2016).
Another Leadership Change

Meanwhile, Sheikh Khalifa’s son and heir, Sheikh Hamad, had 

developed his own political base, portraying himself as an 

advocate of modernization, innovation, and women’s equality 

(see p. 2-3 of Sex and Gender). Focusing on petrochemical 

industry development, he led the Supreme Planning Council in 

the 1980s. As supreme military commander, he established 

loyal contacts in the Qatari armed forces. Further, Qataris 

considered him a military hero for his actions during the

Persian Gulf War. 

Disagreements concerning the distribution of oil revenues 

flared again in the mid-1990s, though it is likely there were also 

other causes of the family friction. Sheikh Hamad took 

advantage of his father’s visit to Switzerland in 1995 to remove 

him from power in a bloodless coup. Encouraged by Saudi 

Arabia, Sheikh Hamad successfully suppressed a countercoup 

led by his father’s supporters the next year. Nevertheless,

tensions remained between father and son until a lawsuit over 

the rightful ownership of billions in oil revenue was settled out 

of court in the mid-2000s. 

Modernization and Limited Democratization

Under Sheikh Hamad’s rule, Qatar modernized and undertook

some reforms. Throughout the 1990s-2000s, he and his wife 

Sheikha Mozah bint Nasser (see p. 1 of Sex and Gender) 

pursued initiatives to cultivate a 

reputation for openness and 

political independence. For 

example, Sheikh Hamad 

sponsored the 1996 founding 

of Al-Jazeera, now the most 

prominent media outlet in the 

Middle East (see p. 3 of 

Technology and Materials), 

and Sheikha Mozah was a driving force behind Education City 

(see p. 5 of Learning and Knowledge). Under Sheikh Hamad’s

guidance, Qatar invested in the liquified natural gas (LNG)

industry, becoming the world’s largest exporter and propelling 

the country into greater regional prominence (see p. 1 of 

Economics and Resources) (Photo: Sheikh Hamad meets with

former US President George W. Bush in 2003).

HISTORY &

MYTH
HISTORY &

MYTH

Sheikh Hamad also oversaw modest democratic reforms. In 

1999, Qatar held its first elections, selecting members of the 

Central Municipal Council (see p. 5 of Political and Social 

Relations). Sheikh Hamad continually postponed those 

scheduled elections after a new constitution ratified in 2004

called for a national advisory legislature composed partly of 

elected members (see p. 4 of Political and Social Relations). 

Sheikh Hamad strived to enhance Qatar’s role on the world 

stage. Unlike most other nations, Qatar pursued cordial ties 

with a range of countries and groups, even regional rivals such 

as Iran and Saudi Arabia and both secular governments and 

Islamist opposition groups (see p. 9-10 of Political and Social 

Relations). With its reputation for impartiality, Qatar pursued

opportunities to serve as a mediator, hosting several highprofile peace negotiations such as the 2003 Libya, Britain, and 

US negotiations that led to the dismantling of Libya’s nuclear 

program. Sheikh Hamad also resisted domination by Saudi 

Arabia, de facto leader of the GCC. 

During the 2011 “Arab Spring,” when pro-democracy 

movements swept the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), 

Qatar saw no internal unrest. Accordingly, it was able to take

an active role on 2 fronts, providing weapons and funds to

rebels against Libyan dictator Muammar Qadhafi and

significant support to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (see p. 

9 of Political and Social 

Relations).

Contemporary Qatar

Recognizing the need for 

a new generation of 

leaders, Sheikh Hamad 

stepped down in mid2013, peacefully 

transitioning leadership 

to his son, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani (pictured with 

former US Secretary of State Tillerson in 2017).

Like his father, Sheikh Tamim has been slow to schedule the 

constitutionally-mandated national legislative elections (see p. 

4 of Political and Social Relations). In the last municipal 

elections, held in mid-2015, only 14% of eligible voters even 
HISTORY &

MYTH

registered to participate in the election, suggesting that Qataris 

may doubt the effectiveness of their involvement in civic affairs. 

Under Sheikh Tamim, Qatar has continued its independent

foreign policy, supporting Islamist fighters in Syria, Libya, and 

elsewhere in the region and contributing to tensions. Qatar’s 

continuing support to the Muslim Brotherhood strained regional

relations in 2014, causing Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain

to withdraw their ambassadors from Doha for several months. 

Tensions eased when Qatar committed to noninterference in 

the affairs of other GCC states and refrain from supporting any 

Muslim Brotherhood-linked organizations. 

Tensions flared again in mid-2017, when Saudi Arabia, the 

UAE, Bahrain, and several other Muslim-majority countries 

accused Qatar of supporting terrorist groups and Iran’s regional 

interventions. They all severed diplomatic relations with Qatar 

and limited transit of Qatari citizens and vessels in their 

territories (see p. 9 of Political and Social Relations). As of mid2018, the issues remain unresolved.

Unlike some other GCC countries, Qatar has seen no public 

demonstrations against the government in recent years. 

Nevertheless, beneath Qatar’s political calm and economic 

success lie potential causes of instability. These include lax 

immigration and financial controls that enable trafficking and 

forced labor, regional terrorist activity, and the economy’s 

reliance on noncitizen foreign 

workers who now 

make up some

88% of the total 

population (see p. 

1 and 14-15 of 

Political and 

Social Relations) 

and 94% of 

Qatar’s labor force (see p. 1-2 of Economics and Resources).

Since the 2011 Arab Spring, Qatar has issued new laws 

restricting freedom of expression and increasing penalties for 

criticizing the government (see p. 2-3 of Technology and 

Material) (Photo: Doha skyscrapers).
HISTORY &

MYTH

Myth Overview

In contrast to history, which is supposed to be an objective 

record of the past based on verifiable facts, myths embody a 

culture’s values and often explain the origins of humans and 

the natural world. Myths are important because they provide a 

sense of unique heritage and identity. 

Story-telling historically played an important role among Arab 

tribespeople. Many stories tell of the exploits of heroes who are

particularly charitable, clever, loyal, and honorable, providing 

models of proper behavior. Others tell of evil spirits or relate 

the adventures of mystical creatures. Because most stories 

were passed orally through the generations, some have been 

lost. Recently, scholars have documented such tales, using 

them to develop films or comic strips set in a modern context.

Um Homar

Um Homar (“Donkey 

Lady”) is a terrifying halfwoman, half-donkey 

creature who uses 

cunning and deceit to 

seek out and eat children. 

She is most active when 

the sun is high and

Qataris are enjoying an afternoon nap after a long morning’s 

work. Parents warn their children from venturing outside or 

opening the door to strangers during this time of day, knowing 

that Um Homar might be lurking in the neighborhood. Making 

her presence known through the sound of her hooves, Um 

Homar approaches homes and cries out to children for help, 

often requesting food or water, then banging on the door if no 

one answers. Other versions give Um Homar special abilities. 

In modern adaptations, Um Homar is a hitchhiker in the desert 

who preys on teen drivers.

Scholars suggest that such stories illustrate how difficult life 

was and continues to be for desert dwellers. Further, they show 

how existence is uncertain and how quickly one’s fate can

change. The story of Um Homar teaches that survival in the 

desert depends on avoiding the unfamiliar and unknown, while 

adhering to tribal and family rules and habits.
Official Name

State of Qatar

Dawlat Qatar

(Arabic (دولة قطر

Political Borders

Saudi Arabia: 54 mi

Coastline: 350 mi

Capital

Doha

Demographics

Qatar’s population of about 2.6 million is 

growing at a rate of 2.3% per year, 

similar to rates in neighboring Bahrain 

and United Arab Emirates (UAE), but 

higher than in the US (0.8%). Since 

1980, Qatar’s population has grown by 

over 1100% due to a large influx of migrant workers. Today, 

non-citizen foreign workers make up the majority of the 

population (88%) while Qatari citizens constitute the minority 

(12%). Most non-citizens are from South Asia yet significant 

numbers also come from Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and 

North Africa. Over 99% of residents live in urban areas, with 

most of the 

population clustered 

in or around the 

capital city of Doha.

Flag

Adopted in 1971, 

Qatar’s flag consists 

of a maroon 

background with a white, serrated 9-point band situated on the 

left. The maroon portion symbolizes blood spilled during Qatari 

conflicts, while the white band stands for peace. The 9 white 

serrated edges represent the 9 emirates of the Arabian Gulf, 

Qatar, Bahrain plus the 7 emirates comprising UAE. 

2. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Geography

Qatar is a small, peninsular nation jutting north into the Arabian 

Gulf from the eastern shore of the Arabian Peninsula. The 

Arabian Gulf surrounds the nation on the North, East, and 

West, while Qatar’s only land border, shared with Saudi Arabia, 

lies to the South. Qatar’s total land area is about 4,500 sq mi, 

making it slightly smaller than Connecticut.

Coastal plains, rolling sand dunes, beaches, and occasional 

mangrove woodlands extend along Qatar’s long coastline 

(pictured). Qatar’s populous eastern shores lie at sea level, 

while terrain along the western coast rises slightly and 

prominently features limestone pinnacles sculpted by millennia 

of water and wind erosion. Just 1% of Qatar’s territory 

comprises arable land, with the rest of the nation’s interior 

characterized by mostly flat, barren desert interspersed with 

expanses of salt flats (sabkha). The desert also contains 

intermittent date palm oases which support small herds of 

camels, sheep, and goats. While Qatar has no permanent 

rivers, dry riverbeds 

(wadis) occasionally fill 

with water following 

winter rains.

Climate

Located in an arid zone 

that stretches from North 

Africa to East Asia, Qatar 

experiences a subtropical 

desert climate that divides into 2 seasons: a summer or hot 

season and a winter or cool season. Summer occurs between 

May-September and is extremely hot and dry. Temperatures 

often exceed 100°F in inland desert areas and may reach as 

high as 122°F during the summer’s hottest months of July and 

August. Winter months of October-April are characterized by 

more moderate temperatures, which average around 75°F 

during the day and 55°F at night. While humidity can be heavy 

near the coast, rains are infrequent and occur only in the 

winter. Dry, desert winds sweeping from the North and 

Northwest generate powerful sand-laden storms (shamal) 

throughout the year (see “Natural Hazards” below). 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Natural Hazards

Qatar is vulnerable to relatively few natural hazards. Apart from 

a harsh summer climate, Qatar’s most significant hazard 

includes shamal wind storms which intermittently blanket 

portions of the country with thick, rolling clouds of dust and 

sand. At their worst, moving sandstorm walls may last for days 

and reach over 1,000 ft, severely reducing visibility, forcing city 

closures, and generating dangerous driving conditions. 

Prolonged shamal winds may also kill exposed livestock and 

contribute to various health complications, particularly 

respiratory diseases. 

Environmental Issues

Qatar’s most pressing 

environmental issue is a 

lack of natural 

freshwater resources. 

While it relies on 2 

freshwater aquifers to 

sustain its limited 

agricultural production, Qatar increasingly depends on largescale, energy-intensive desalination facilities to process 

seawater to meet the needs of its growing population. Along

the coasts, oil, gas, and hazardous chemical spills, sewage 

runoff, and pollution from desalination facilities threaten marine 

ecosystems. Despite improvements to wastewater treatment 

programs and other protective government initiatives, coastal 

pollution remains a problem, particularly in Doha. Further, 

large urban areas along Qatar’s east coast suffer from air and 

noise pollution. Climate-change scientists recently predicted 

that the region may suffer temperature levels intolerable to 

humans by 2100 (Photo: Doha harbor).

Government

Qatar is a patriarchal constitutional monarchy controlled by a 

hereditary ruler. Amended in 2003, approved by public 

referendum a year later, and effective in 2005, the constitution 

promises freedom and equality for all Qatari citizens. It also

provides for a national advisory legislature which consults with 

the executive branch on matters of defense, foreign affairs, and 

national economic policy. Qatar divides into 8 municipalities 

(baladiyat) which subdivide into 87 administrative zones.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Executive Branch

As a monarchy, both executive and legislative powers, 

including the authority to ratify federal laws and decrees, are 

vested in the Emir – a hereditary ruler who acts as head-ofstate. Upon assuming office, the Emir appoints a Council of 

Ministers (CM) led by a Prime Minister (PM) who serves as 

head-of-government. The CM supports the Emir in running the 

nation’s day-to-day affairs of drafting and voting on proposed 

laws after consulting with the advisory council (see “Legislative 

Branch” below), overseeing the implementation of new and 

existing laws, preparing 

the national budget, and 

otherwise guiding the 

nation in domestic and 

foreign policy. 

Qatar’s current Emir, 

Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad 

Al Thani (pictured with 

former US Secretary of 

State Tillerson in Doha), 

came to power in 2013 following the peaceful abdication of his 

father, Sheikh Hamad (see p. 17 of History and Myth). The 

current PM, Sheikh Abdallah bin Nasir bin Khalifa Al Thani, 

assumed office in 2013. 

Legislative Branch

Qatar’s legislature is a 1-chamber body called the Consultative 

(or Advisory) Council (Majlis al-Shura), an advisory body of 45 

members. According to the constitution, the Emir appoints 15 

Council members to serve unlimited terms, while the remaining 

30 are directly elected by popular vote to serve renewable 4-

year terms. Since the constitution’s ratification in 2004, 

legislative elections have yet to take place. Postponed by 

former Sheikh Hamad several times (see p. 17 of History and 

Myth), the latest elections are presently scheduled for mid2019. Currently, the parliament is comprised of 35 members, 

all personally chosen by Sheikh Tamim. Because it cannot 

enact or veto legislation, the Council’s primary function is to 

advise the Emir, review constitutional amendments, aid in 

drafting new legislation, and appraise national budgets. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
A secondary legislative body, the 29-seat Central Municipal 

Council (CMC), also holds consultative powers and is tasked 

with promoting the interests of Qatar’s 8 municipalities. 

Members of the CMC are elected by popular vote to serve 

unlimited 4-year terms.

Judicial Branch

The judiciary adheres to a dual system of sharia (Islamic) and 

adaliyya (civil) law. As the highest courts, the Supreme Court 

(also called Court of Cassation) and Supreme Constitutional 

Court handle legislative and constitutional matters and serve as 

the final courts of appeal. A 

9-member Supreme 

Judiciary Council, handpicked by the Emir, 

nominates both Supreme 

and Constitutional Court 

justices. 

Other courts include 

Courts of Appeal, an 

Administrative Court, 

Courts of First Instance, and Courts of Justice. The judiciary 

applies sharia to adjudicate criminal and family matters and 

adaliyya to handle administrative, commercial, and civil 

disputes. About 1/4 of judiciary members are non-citizens 

(Photo: The Doha skyline at dusk).

Political Climate

Qatar has a closed political system that outlaws political 

parties. Instead, the political arena is dominated by the large 

and influential royal family, the Al Thani. Controlling Qatar 

since the 1870s (see p. 4-8 of History and Myth), members of 

the Al Thani kin group occupy the majority of high-level 

government positions and consequently retain significant 

control over Qatar’s political environment. Occasionally, 

disputes or divisions among Al Thani family members influence 

political decisions and at times escalate to bloodless coups, the 

latest occurring in 1995 (see p. 16 of History and Myth). 

While Qatar remains a monarchy, recent reforms have 

expanded political participation and introduced some 

democratic elements into the political system. Since 1999, for 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
example, the government has held free, nation-wide elections 

to fill seats in the CMC (see p. 17 of History and Myth). 

Moreover, in 2003, Qatar adopted a constitution that 

established a national advisory legislature having a 

membership in part determined by popular vote (see 

“Legislative Branch” above). While Qatar has yet to hold its 1st 

national legislative elections, regular CMC elections provide a 

channel for Qataris to voice concerns at the local level. These 

elections draw both male and female voters, though often at 

low levels of participation (see p. 18 of History and Myth). 

The 8th consecutive member of the Al Thani family to rule 

Qatar, Sheikh Tamim has expanded his father’s policies of 

economic diversification and social liberalization, while also 

prioritizing the domestic welfare of Qataris. Despite lower oil 

prices and subsequent budget cuts since 2014, the 

government has continued to invest heavily in various social 

welfare programs, healthcare and education systems, and 

national infrastructure. While observers note that some 

members of the Al Thani family question Sheikh Tamim’s 

leadership, most are dissidents linked to former or ousted 

Qatari rulers and pose little threat to the current Emir. Instead, 

Sheikh Tamim enjoys a reputation as a widely respected, 

progressive leader who faces little serious or organized 

challenge to his rule 

(Photo: Former US 

Secretary of Defense 

Chuck Hagel shakes 

hands with Sheikh 

Tamim).

Defense

The Qatar Armed Forces 

(QAF) is a unified federal 

military force consisting of ground, maritime, and air branches. 

Although the QAF is primarily tasked with protecting national 

sovereignty, it also participates in regional counter-terrorism 

and humanitarian assistance/disaster relief efforts. The QAF is 

among the smaller militaries of the region with just 11,800 

active duty troops and no reserve personnel. As a result, Qatar 

relies heavily on the US and other international allies to defend 

against external, state-level threats.

POLITICA 

SOCIA 

RELATIO

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
In recent years, Qatar has accelerated efforts to modernize and 

expand its military capacity. In 2014, for example, the 

government introduced conscription to encourage military 

participation by Qataris. In addition, the government has 

increasingly invested in infrastructure, maintenance, and 

training, and in 2016, negotiated multiple high-quality 

equipment procurement deals with the US, Turkey, and Italy to 

significantly augment the military strength of all 3 QAF 

components. 

Army: Qatar’s Army is composed of 8,500 active-duty troops 

and has 5 maneuver 

divisions and brigades 

(including armored, 

mechanized, and light) 

and a combat support 

battalion.

Navy: Consisting of 

1,800 active-duty 

personnel, Qatar’s Navy 

is a well-equipped force 

organized into 11 patrol and coastal combatants and 1 

amphibious ship and landing craft. The Navy also includes a 

Coast Guard, organized into 12 patrol and coastal combatants, 

and a Coastal Defense battery (Photo: US and Qatari naval 

forces recover a submerged training mine during bilateral 

interoperability exercises). 

Air Force: Composed 

of 1,500 active-duty 

personnel, Qatar’s Air 

Force divides into 8 

squadrons equipped 

with 18 fighter aircraft, 

46 helicopters, air 

defense equipment, 

and air-launched 

missiles (Photo: A 

Qatari Air Force Dassault Mirage 2000-5 fighter jet takes flight 

during a multinational training exercise). 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
POLITICAL & 

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RELATIONS
Security Issues

Although Qatar has not experienced acts of domestic terrorism 

since 2005, the volatility of the Gulf region and the activities of 

regional militant Islamist groups concern its government. As a 

result, Qatar has increasingly pursued regional peace through 

mediation (see “Foreign Relations” below), attempting to 

facilitate a dialogue between numerous opposing groups active 

in the area. As part of this policy, Qatar has controversially 

engaged with leaders of various Islamist groups in recent 

years, including the Muslim Brotherhood (“the Brotherhood” –

an Islamist group based in Egypt), Hamas (a Muslim 

Brotherhood faction currently controlling the Gaza Strip), and 

the Taliban (a fundamentalist Islamist group based in 

Afghanistan). 

By negotiating with all 

parties, Qatar seeks to 

foster communication, 

engage in preventative 

diplomacy, and 

consequently avoid 

further conflict. This 

independent and at times 

divisive policy draws significant criticism from Qatar’s Gulf 

Cooperation Council (GCC) allies (see p. 15 of History and 

Myth and “Foreign Relations” below) (Photo: A Qatari officer 

speaks to his unit during counterterrorism exercises with the 

US). 

Regional Tensions: In June 2017, Egypt and the 3 GCC 

states of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain accused Qatar of 

financially supporting Islamist extremists and severed 

diplomatic and trade ties. The tension primarily stems from 

Qatar’s warm relations with regional rival Iran (see “Foreign 

Relations” below) and Qatar’s longstanding support of the 

Brotherhood. Egypt classifies this group a terrorist organization 

and the UAE and Saudi Arabia view as a regional threat, 

although the US has not labeled a terrorist organization. Qatar, 

by contrast, staunchly asserts that the Brotherhood is not a 

threat to the Arabian Gulf but is instead a non-violent, 

moderate political movement that, as an ally, can help foster 

regional stability. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Tensions continued to escalate throughout the latter half of 

2017 as the Saudi-led movement sought to isolate Qatar by 

cutting diplomatic and economic ties. While some observers 

feared the deteriorating relations and growing friction would 

lead to military escalation, Qatari leaders have reaffirmed their 

commitment to resolve the crisis through political dialogue and 

mediation. As of mid-2018, the crisis remains unresolved, 

though tensions have 

somewhat lessened.

Foreign Relations 

The following factors shape 

Qatar’s activist foreign 

policy: a need to augment 

the limited strength of its 

armed forces through 

diplomatic ties; a desire for 

industrial and economic diversification; and a wish to promote a 

cooperative political, social, and economic model for the 

Islamic world. Consequently, since the mid-1990s, Qatar has 

strengthened its political and economic integration with the 

West, while also attempting to cultivate and balance regional 

relations. In doing so, Qatar often develops bilateral ties with 

nations that benefit Qatar’s political and economic interests yet 

are adversarial with one another (Photo: Former US Secretary 

of State Tillerson arrives in Qatar in 2017). 

In recent years, Qatar has also emerged as a key mediator in 

regional conflicts. For example, in 2008, Qatar helped mediate 

Lebanon’s internal political crisis in a settlement often referred 

to as the “Doha Agreement.” In 2010, Qatar facilitated peace 

talks to address the long-running Darfur conflict in Sudan, and 

since 2013, Qatar has hosted multiple dialogues among the 

US, the Taliban, and the government of Afghanistan. 

Qatar is a member of numerous international organizations, 

including the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade 

Organization, and Arab League. Qatar also participates in the 

Organization for Islamic Cooperation, a 57-member panIslamic organization seeking to improve the image of Muslims, 

promote peaceful conflict resolution, and counter rising Islamic 

extremism.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): Qatar is an active member

of the GCC – an economic and political union that aims to 

strengthen the security of partner countries and promote 

military and economic cooperation. Nevertheless, the 

government’s independent stance in foreign policy often 

creates tension with other GCC members (see p.15 of History 

and Myth) (Photo: 

Former US Secretary of 

State John Kerry poses 

with GCC leaders). 

For example, Qatar 

played an active role 

during the “Arab Spring” 

protests that took place 

across the Middle East 

in 2011, supporting 

rebels in Libya, helping to broker a peace agreement in Syria, 

and financing a temporary government led by the Muslim 

Brotherhood in Egypt. Qatar’s support of these democratic 

revolutions significantly strained relations with Bahrain, Saudi 

Arabia, and the UAE, which viewed Qatar’s involvement as 

destabilizing to the region. Relations had warmed by 2014, 

partly due to Qatar’s willingness to somewhat distance itself 

from the Muslim Brotherhood and efforts to reconcile with the 

new Egyptian government, although regional frictions later 

resurfaced (see “Security Issues” above). 

Relations with Saudi Arabia: Despite maintaining strong 

trade and political ties, skirmishes between Qatari armed 

forces and Saudi border guards along the short but ill-defined 

border occasionally cloud relations between Qatar and Saudi 

Arabia. In 2017, Saudi Arabia led the movement to politically 

and economically isolate Qatar (see “Security Issues” above), 

severely straining relations. 

Relations with Bahrain: Historically, Qatar had a contentious 

relationship with Bahrain, characterized primarily by a territorial 

dispute dating to the 18th century over the sovereignty of the 

Hawar Islands off Qatar’s western coast and Al Zubarah (see 

p. 4 and 10 of History and Myth). Following the dispute’s 2001 

resolution that awarded the islands to Bahrain and Al Zubarah 

POLITICAL & 

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RELATIONS
to Qatar, relations improved significantly. While membership in 

the GCC linked both nations economically and politically for 

nearly 3 decades, in 

2017 Bahrain joined the 

Saudi-led bloc of Arab 

nations to sever 

diplomatic ties with 

Qatar (Photo: Gen 

James Mattis speaks 

with Qatari and Bahraini 

generals in 2011). 

Relations with Iran: 

Qatar views Iran’s ongoing religious fundamentalism and 

suppression of protest movements as threats to the entire 

Arabian Gulf region and has historically worked closely with the 

US and GCC allies to counter Iranian power and capabilities. 

Unlike other GCC members, however, Qatar has promoted a 

diplomatic approach rather than open hostility towards Iran. 

Moreover, Qatar and Iran share a large natural gas field in the 

Arabian Gulf that is integral to Qatar’s economy (see p. 3 of 

Economics and Resources). As a result, the 2 nations share 

relatively warm bilateral relations that contrast sharply to the 

largely contentious ties Iran shares with other Gulf States.

Following the 2017 rift between Qatar and its GCC allies, Iran 

extended political and financial support to Qatar, offering to 

compensate for the economic sanctions imposed by the Saudiled coalition. In return, Qatar formally restored full diplomatic 

ties with Iran in August 2017, after having severed them in 

early 2016 following Iranian attacks on several Saudi 

diplomatic facilities.

Relations with the US: Qatar first established diplomatic 

relations with the US in 1972, soon after Qatar’s independence 

(see p. 14 of History and Myth). Over the next 4 decades, the 2 

countries forged strong bilateral ties, cooperating on a range of 

issues, such as counterterrorism, trade, non-proliferation, and 

energy policy. Over the last several decades, Qatar has served 

as an important strategic defense partner to the US, working 

jointly with US forces to promote regional peace and security in 

the Middle East. 

POLITICAL & 

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For example, Qatar served as the US Central Command’s 

headquarters during the Iraq War (2003-11) and today 

supports US operations against the Islamic State of Iraq and 

Syria (ISIS, also known as Daesh, ISIL, and IS), a notoriously 

brutal militant Islamist group currently controlling territory in 

Iraq and Syria. 

Qatar maintains that sustained US military involvement is vital 

to its national and regional security. Qatar hosts the largest US 

military base in the Middle East, Al Udeid Air Base, which 

provides a major staging ground for air operations against 

terrorist groups in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Al Udeid also 

enables tactical and logistical support for US operations 

elsewhere in the Arabian Gulf. About 10,000 US military

personnel are currently stationed at various facilities in Qatar. 

In the wake of the 2017 intra-GCC rift, the US and Qatar 

temporarily suffered some bilateral friction. Following the initial 

accusations, several US leaders also criticized Qatar for 

shortcomings in its counterterrorism posture. However, in 

subsequent months, the US government officially reaffirmed 

US-Qatar security cooperation, highlighting Qatar’s significant 

role as a partner to the US 

in combating terrorism 

and promoting peace in 

the region. In return, Qatar 

outlined new, more 

stringent measures to 

prevent terrorism 

financing and disable 

potential flows of funds to 

terrorist groups (Photo: 

Qatari special forces conduct a free-fall jump during bilateral 

exercises with the US in 2017). 

Qatar’s robust trade relationship with the US significantly 

supports relations amid the occasional political friction. The US 

is Qatar’s largest single source of imports and supplies much of 

the equipment for its immense oil and gas industry (see p. 3 of 

Economics and Resources). Moreover in 2016, Qatar 

announced plans to invest $45 billion of its state-owned 

investment fund into US assets over the next 5 years, while the 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
US agreed to sell Qatar $21 billion in military equipment and 

$18 billion in commercial airline jets.

Ethnic Groups

Because of the large presence of non-citizen foreign workers, 

Qatar’s population is quite diverse. While Qatar attracts 

workers from all over the world, the largest groups are from 

India (25% of Qatar’s total population), followed by Nepal 

(13.5%), Bangladesh (10.8%) and the Philippines (10%). 

Meanwhile, Qatari citizens make up a minority (about 12%) of 

the population. While nearly all Qatari citizens descend from 

Arabian tribes, several groups distinguish themselves by their 

ancestry. The primary distinction lies between the hadar,

descendants of settled villagers, and the bedu, descendants of 

Bedouin tribes whose members traditionally lived in the desert 

as nomadic herders. Although few modern Qataris follow a 

nomadic lifestyle today, the Bedu identity remains strong. A 

relatively small 3rd group, the abd, comprises the descendants 

of East African slaves who assumed the tribal affiliations of 

their masters when Qatar abolished slavery (see p. 9 of History 

and Myth). Lastly, the ajam are descendants of Persian 

(Iranian) merchants or craftsman (Photo: A US Air Force Col 

with Qatari service 

members).

Social Relations

Qatari society is 

organized according 

to kinship. Qataris 

identify first with their 

family, which aligns to 

a clan (group of 

families), which in turn 

belongs to a tribe. 

Clan and family connections are the primary governing 

principles of Qatari society and consequently influence almost 

all social, political, and economic interactions. The largest and 

most powerful clan in Qatar is the Al Thani (see p. 4-7 of

History and Myth and “Political Climate” above), although 

members of other clans hold important positions in the 

government and economy.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
The chief of a tribe is typically a sheikh (see p. 4 of History and 

Myth), who derives his authority from the power and 

connections of his extended family. Succession within the tribe 

does not always pass from a generation to the next. Instead, it 

often passes laterally to a brother, nephew, uncle or cousin. 

Significantly, a sheikh exercises his power through his wasta, 

or connections, clout, and influence. Instead of issuing decrees 

or laws, a sheikh traditionally mediates between conflicting 

interests within the tribe. Further, to justify his claim to rule, a 

sheikh is bound to demonstrate deep generosity to tribal 

members (see p. 12 of History and Myth).

With its vast oil and natural gas reserves, Qatar developed a 

unique economy (see p. 1-2 of Economics and Resources). 

Fulfilling their roles as just leaders, the Al Thani sheikhs have 

distributed oil and gas revenues, providing direct allowances to 

family members and developing social services such as health 

care and educations 

for all citizens (see p. 

12 of History and 

Myth) (Photo: A 

fisherman in Doha 

tends to his net). 

The separation 

between citizen and 

non-citizen is Qatar’s 

most significant social 

division. Foreign workers exist outside the tribal system and 

have little power in Qatari society. They are subject to strict 

labor laws that leave them few protections and have unequal 

access to the education system (see p. 2-3 of Learning and 

Knowledge). Despite some recent reforms (see p. 2 of 

Economics and Resources), observers note that employers still 

retain significant control over workers’ residency status and 

freedom of movement. Nevertheless, foreign workers are 

covered under the Qatari public healthcare system (see p. 4 of 

Sustenance and Health) and are allowed to dress and worship 

in accordance with their own cultures and beliefs, at least in 

private (see p. 1 and 7-8 of Religion and Spirituality).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Overview 

According to US government estimates, almost all Qatari 

citizens are Muslims. While exact numbers are unavailable, 

most estimates suggest an overwhelming majority (over 90%) 

are Sunni Muslims, while between 5-10% are Shi’a. Most of 

Qatar’s non-citizen residents are also Muslim: a 2010 US 

government report estimates that 68% of the total population

(both citizens and non-citizens) are Muslim, 14% Christian, 

14% Hindu, and 3% Buddhist. Followers of other traditions 

such as Judaism, the

Baha’i faith, and 

traditional indigenous 

religions comprise 

less than 2% of the 

population (Photo: 

The Ka’aba in Mecca, 

Saudi Arabia). 

Qatar’s constitution 

establishes Islam as 

the country’s official religion but guarantees freedom for 

individuals to observe and practice other traditions that do not 

infringe upon public order and common moral boundaries. The 

legal code also outlaws discrimination based on religion. 

Besides Islam, the constitution officially recognizes Christianity 

and Judaism, though it allows only Christians to worship in 

public. Consequently, Jews and followers of any other 

unrecognized religions such as Hinduism and Buddhism are 

legally forbidden to construct public places of worship.

Qatar automatically classifies its citizens as Muslim and denies 

them the freedom to change religion. In fact, Qatar considers 

conversion to another religion from Islam a capital offense and 

consequently forbids proselytization by non-Muslims. While 

Qatar adheres in part to a secular legal system, sharia or 

Islamic law (see p. 5 of Political and Social Relations) 

significantly influences the country’s legal code, particularly 

regarding family-related matters. 

3. RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Most Qataris subscribe to Wahhabism, a conservative and 

strict Islamic tradition predominant in Saudi Arabia (see “The

Arrival of Islam in Qatar” below). The government publicly 

condemns violent extremism as anti-Islamic and promotes a 

more tolerant version of Wahhabism than that found in Saudi 

Arabia.

Early Spiritual Landscape 

Many early regional inhabitants followed an indigenous faith 

characterized by the worship of multiple gods and natural 

phenomena such as the sun, moon, and animals. Further, 

important tribal heroes were revered and often depicted as 

idols. Other groups practiced animism, the belief that the spirit 

of life or consciousness resides in all objects, both animate and 

inanimate. 

Between 500 BC-the 5th century, Zoroastrianism gained 

popularity on the Arabian Peninsula. Founded by Persian 

(Iranian) prophet Zarathustra between 1500-1200 BC, 

Zoroastrianism is a monotheistic religion that focuses on the 

divide between good and evil and uses fire as a form of 

worship. Although Christianity arrived in the region around the 

1st century, following the spread of Islam in the 7th century, 

most members of Christian communities fled or converted to 

Islam. 

Islam

Origins of Islam

Muhammad, who Muslims 

consider God’s final 

Prophet, was born in Mecca

in 570 in what is today 

Saudi Arabia. Muslims 

believe that while Muhammad was meditating in the desert, the 

Archangel Gabriel visited him over a 23-year period, revealing 

the Qur’an, or “Holy Book,” to guide their everyday lives and 

shape their values (Photo: Late 7th century Arabian Qur’an).

Meaning of Islam

Islam is a way of life to its adherents. The term Islam literally 

means submission to the will of God, and a Muslim is “a person 

who submits to God.”

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Muslim Sects

Islam is divided into 2 sects: Sunni and Shi’a. Sunnis are 

distinguished by their belief that the leader (Caliph) of the 

Muslim community (Ummah) should be elected. Conversely, 

Shi’a Muslims believe the religious leader should be a direct 

descendant of the Prophet Muhammad.

Five Pillars of Islam 

There are 5 basic principles of the Islamic faith. 

• Profession of Faith (Shahada): “There is no god but God, 

and Muhammad is His Messenger.” 

• Prayer (Salat): Pray 5 times a day while facing the Ka’aba in 

Mecca, Saudi Arabia. The Ka’aba is considered the center of 

the Muslim world and a unifying focal point for Islamic 

worship (Photo: US 

Marine at the Ka’aba in 

2012).

• Charity (Zakat):

Donate a percentage of 

one’s income to the 

poor or needy. 

• Fasting (Sawm): 

Abstain from food, drink, and sexual relations from sunrise to 

sunset during the holy month of Ramadan.

• Pilgrimage to Mecca (The Hajj): Perform the pilgrimage to 

Mecca, Saudi Arabia once in a lifetime. 

Shared Perspectives

Many Islamic tenets parallel those of Judaism and Christianity. 

In fact, Muslims consider Christians and Jews “people of the 

Book,” referring to biblical scriptures, because they also believe 

in one God. 

Abraham: All 3 faiths trace their lineage to Abraham, known as 

Ibrahim in Islam. However, Christians and Jews trace their 

descent to Abraham, his wife Sarah, and their son Isaac; while 

Muslims trace theirs to Abraham and his Egyptian concubine, 

Hagar, and their son Ishmael.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Scriptures: Much of the content of the Qur’an is similar to 

teachings and stories found in the Christian Bible’s Old and 

New Testaments, and Muslims view Islam as a completion of 

previous revelations to Jewish and Christian prophets. 

However, Muslims believe Jews and Christians altered God’s 

word and that Muhammad received the true revelation of God. 

Jesus: The 3 religions differ significantly in their understanding 

of the role of Jesus. While Christians consider him the divine 

Messiah who fulfills Jewish Scriptures, Jews are still waiting for 

the Messiah to come. Muslims recognize Jesus as a prophet 

but do not acknowledge his divinity or the Christian Trinity. 

View of Death: Muslims believe that God determines the time 

of death and birth. While people grieve the loss of family 

members or friends, they do not view death as a negative 

event, as Muslims believe 

that a person who lived a 

good life goes on to live 

in Heaven (Photo: US 

military members enjoy 

Sahoor, a pre-dawn meal 

during Ramadan in 

Qatar).

Concept of Jihad

The concept of jihad, or inner striving, is a fundamental 

element within Islam. Traditionally, it is the principled and moral 

pursuit of God’s command to lead a virtuous life. It should not 

be confused with the publicized violence often associated with

jihad. Most Muslims are strongly opposed to terrorism and 

consider it contrary to Islamic beliefs. 

Ramadan

Observed during the 9th month of the Islamic lunar calendar 

(see p. 2 of Time and Space), Ramadan is a month-long time 

for inner reflection, self-control, and focus on God. During this 

time, Muslims who are physically able fast from dawn to 

sunset. Many Muslims believe that denying their hunger helps

them to learn self-control, appreciate the difficulties of the poor, 

and gain spiritual renewal – by fasting, a Muslim learns to 

appreciate the good in life. 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
During Ramadan, Qatari leaders may forgive some debts and 

pardon criminals. Qatari law requires Muslims and nonMuslims to refrain from eating, drinking, and smoking in public 

during daylight at this time. 

Qatar’s Muslims typically break their daily fast at sunset with a 

meal known as iftar. Ramadan includes several holidays:

• Lailat al-Qadr: This “Night of Power” marks Muhammad’s 

receipt of the first verses of the Qur’an.

• Eid al-Fitr: This “Festival of Fast-Breaking” celebrates 

Ramadan’s end and is a national holiday in Qatar. 

Another important holiday is celebrated when the Hajj ends, 

about 70 days following the end of Ramadan.

• Eid al-Adha: This “Festival of Sacrifice” commemorates 

Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son, Ishmael (or Isaac, 

according to Christians), as proof of his loyalty to God. Eid 

al-Adha is also a national holiday in Qatar. 

The Arrival of Islam in Qatar

Qatar’s proximity to Islam’s birthplace in the Arabian Peninsula

led to its early exposure to the new religion (see p. 2 of History 

and Myth). By the time of Muhammad’s death in 632, he and 

his followers had united the entire Arabian Peninsula, including 

the area of present-day Qatar, under Islam through conquest 

and proselytization (Photo: A 

US Air Force Chief Master Sgt 

prays during Ramadan in 

Qatar). 

In the mid-18th century, 

Islamic scholar Muhammad ibn 

Abd Al Wahhab began to 

proselytize a conservative form 

of Islam, known as 

Wahhabism, in the heart of present-day Saudi Arabia. Al 

Wahhab claimed that Islam had become damaged by nontraditional elements such as icon worship and mysticism, 

calling instead for a return to Islam’s true, unadulterated form. 

Adopted by the royal family of Saudi Arabia, the Wahhabi 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
movement spread rapidly across the Arabian Peninsula, 

reaching Qatar by the beginning of the 19th century. 

While the Wahhabi movement initially encountered resistance 

from the local population, several prominent Qatari tribes 

eventually adopted the new ideology. Among them was Qatar’s 

historically dominant Al Thani family (see p. 4 of History and 

Myth), which descends from the Bani Tamim tribe of central 

Arabia – the same tribe as Wahhabism’s founder. After political

developments in the late 19th century decisively established 

the Al Thani family as Qatar’s dominant clan (see p. 7-8 of 

History and Myth), Qatar became the world’s only nation other 

than Saudi Arabia to embrace Wahhabism as its dominant 

ideology (Photo: Over 400 Muslim worshippers perform daily 

prayers during 

Ramadan in Doha). 

Religion Today

Islam

The Islamic faith 

features prominently 

in Qatari society and 

is an important part 

of most Qataris’ 

identity. Islamic 

traditions inform socially acceptable public behavior for

Muslims and non-Muslims alike, influence ethics and culture, 

and frame day-to-day living. For example, Islam’s frequent calls 

to prayer shape the daily rhythm, while the routine use of the 

phrase insha’allah (“if God wills”) reveals the popular belief 

that God directly and ultimately controls all events. 

The Ministry of Islamic Affairs carefully monitors religious 

institutions across the country. The Ministry’s functions include

controlling the construction of mosques, guiding clerical affairs, 

and managing Islamic education, among others. The 

government also appoints most imams (worship leaders) and 

reviews sermons for inflammatory language that might incite 

religious violence. Children learn Qur’anic verses from an early 

age and receive compulsory Islamic instruction in public 

schools (see p. 2-5 of Learning and Knowledge).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Sunni Islam: Most of Qatar’s Sunni Muslims, including the 

country’s leadership, adhere to Wahhabi ideology – a 

fundamentalist and conservative form of Islamic thought that 

preaches a strict interpretation of the Qur’an (Photo: US 

service members and 

Department of 

Defense contractors 

enjoy an iftar in 

Qatar).

Shi’a Islam: Popular 

among Qatar’s noncitizens, mostly those 

from Iran, Shi’a Islam 

comprises only a small percentage of Qatari citizens. In Qatar, 

Shi’a Muslims may practice freely both in public and private. 

Since 2005, Qatari courts have included a separate judicial 

panel that is staffed with Shi’a justices to apply Shi’a-specific 

interpretations of sharia when adjudicating cases relating to 

marriage, divorce, inheritance, and other domestic matters for 

members of this community.

Christianity

Qatar’s Christians believe systems include Catholicism, 

Anglicanism, and Coptic Orthodox, among others. Christians 

typically come from many different parts of the world, notably

India, the Philippines, Europe, Africa, and the US. Roman 

Catholics comprise the majority (88%) of Qatar’s Christian 

population, followed by Anglicans (11%), Egyptian Copts (1%),

and small numbers of Greek and other Eastern Orthodox 

Christians. 

In 2004, for the 1st time since the 7th century, a Catholic 

church opened in Doha. Since then, the government has 

allowed 8 registered Christian denominations to build their own 

churches in an area known as the Mesaymir Religious 

Complex (also referred to as “Church City”), located just 

outside of Doha. In addition to the 8 registered denominations, 

Church City today houses multiple Protestant, Evangelical, and 

Pentecostal congregations, where prayers, worship, and Bible 

studies are conducted in a variety of languages to 

accommodate Qatar’s growing non-citizen Christian population. 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Hinduism

Based on ancient scriptures, Hindu worship focuses on a 

Supreme Being having various forms and natures such as

Brahma, the creator; Shiva, the destroyer; and Vishnu, the 

preserver. Qatar’s Hindu population is almost exclusively from 

India and Nepal. Hindus living in Qatar typically hold their 

religious activities in homes or rented spaces.

Buddhism

Although Buddhism is based on a voluminous set of scriptures, 

it does not focus on the worship of a god or gods. Instead, it 

emphasizes ethical and moral instruction to help people follow 

a spiritual path. Buddhists in Qatar, who are primarily from 

South, Southeast, and East Asia, tend to follow either the 

Theravada school common in Southeast Asia or Mahayana 

school popular in East Asia based on their nationality. Buddhist 

typically conduct meditation and observances in private homes.

Religion and Society

Qatar is largely free of sectarian violence and religious-based 

conflict, at least partly due to the fact the majority of Qataris are

Sunni Muslims who adhere to the Wahhabi ideology. 

Wahhabism also 

permeates political 

life: every member 

of the ruling Al 

Thani family and 

virtually all 

government officials 

subscribe to 

Wahhabism. Vocal 

proponents of the 

Islamic faith, royal 

family members and high-ranking government officials promote 

Islam in daily life. The Emir, for example, participates in public 

prayers during Islamic holidays and finances the Hajj for 

Muslims who cannot afford the pilgrimage to Mecca, both

citizens and non-citizens alike (Photo: US Army Cpt 

participates in an iftar in Qatar).

Despite this widespread adherence to Wahhabism, an ideology 

associated with a strict interpretation of Islam, Qatar’s society 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
is generally tolerant. Unlike Saudi Arabia, which does not 

recognize or protect religious freedom, Qatar’s government 

exhibits a higher level of civil and religious liberties, recognizing

several religions besides Islam and allowing adherents of those 

religions to worship relatively freely. International observers 

note that overt religious discrimination or government and 

societal harassment of minority religious groups is rare. 

Moreover, while it restricts public worship for some religious 

minorities, the government does not explicitly ban any religious 

groups, allowing unrecognized religious minorities to worship in 

private with limited government interference (Photo: Qatari 

Armed Forces

members pray before 

a counter terrorism 

exercise).

Further, while 

conversion from Islam 

is technically 

punishable by death

and proselytizing any 

religion other than 

Islam carries a lengthy prison term, Qatari courts have not 

inflicted such sentences since the laws’ inception in the early 

1970s. Instead, to deter proselytization efforts by non-Muslims, 

the government prohibits the distribution of non-Islamic 

religious literature and deports persons suspected of 

proselytization. 

Qatar generally avoids sharia-based criminal penalties except 

in certain cases when punishments also apply to non-Muslims, 

such as in the cases of alcohol consumption (see p. 3 of 

Sustenance and Health) and illicit sexual relations (see p. 4-5 

of Sex and Gender). Other laws ensure the predominance of 

Islam in society. For example, non-Muslims must attend Islamic 

instruction in public schools (see p. 4 of Learning and 

Knowledge), and marriage laws require that a non-Muslim man 

who wants to marry a Muslim woman converts to Islam. Others 

ensure that offspring of mixed marriages are Muslim (see p. 5

of Family and Kinship). Generally, the government expects 

non-Muslims to respect Islamic sensibilities, though it does not 

subject them to all Islamic laws and regulations. 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Overview

While urbanization and a decrease in birthrates have altered 

housing patterns and family structures in recent decades, large 

extended families remain the foundation of Qatari society. 

Residence

Qatar is primarily an urban society (see p.1 of Political and 

Social Relations), where its citizens enjoy access to interestfree home loans provided by the government. Consequently, 

they typically live in more spacious accommodations than noncitizens, often large homes in high-walled compounds housing 

multiple generations of an extended family. While such 

arrangements are still common, the cost and space constraints 

associated with urbanization have supported a trend toward 

more single-family homes (Photo: US soldiers visit a real estate 

development in Doha). 

Many Qatari residences 

include traditional 

architectural features, 

such as the so-called 

“wind towers.” 

Historically used as 

means of cooling desert 

residences before air 

conditioning, non-functional re-creations of “wind towers” are 

often added to modern homes as a celebrated symbol of the 

past. Other common traditional architectural features include 

courtyards and balconies. Homes usually have at least one 

majlis (living room) used for entertaining guests. Such rooms 

are typically decorated in the traditional style with thick carpets, 

plush floor cushions, and embroidered silk or woven floor and 

wall coverings.

A home or compound may provide separate quarters for staff 

and servants, usually non-citizens. Alternatively, non-citizen 

workers may live in dormitories or apartments that are typically 

crowded and of poor quality (see p. 2 of Economics and 

Resources). 

4. FAMILY AND KINSHIP

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Rural: Some Qataris maintain weekend residences in the 

desert as a means of connecting with their nomadic history 

(see p. 3 of History and Myth). These desert homes are 

characteristic of Bedouin lifestyles of the past yet provide 

modern amenities. A typical residence is comprised of several 

large tents constructed of strips of woven black goat hair 

combined with ropes and poles. The moveable dwelling 

typically features curtains that divide the space into rooms. 

Family Structure

Qatar’s family structure is patriarchal and patrilineal, which 

means authority, lineage, and inheritance occur through the 

male bloodline.

Familial relationships are an integral aspect of Qatari social 

organization and daily life. Generally, extended family 

members expect to help each other, avoid actions that may 

bring shame to the family, and value the needs of the family 

over individual desires. 

Children typically remain in the family residence as young 

adults and move into their own quarters after marriage. Qataris 

highly respect their elders, with children typically caring for their 

Islamic Tradition and Physical Space

With the intention of protecting the chastity, purity, 

and honor of women, Islamic societies tend to limit 

interaction between unrelated members of the 

opposite sex, such as physically separating women 

and men during social gatherings.

Consequently, most Qatari homes include separate 

dining and sitting areas, as well as separate 

bathrooms for men and women. While small families 

may dine together, large families commonly are 

segregated by genderduring social gatherings, 

especially when guests are present. Houses and 

compounds are often surrounded by tall walls, meant 

to further shield women from public view. 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
parents as they get older. Nursing homes are uncommon and 

are generally reserved for the ailing or those without close kin. 

Many Qatari families employ domestic servants to perform 

daily household chores, while married women commonly hire a 

nurse or nanny to help in child rearing. Traditionally, Qatari 

women manage all domestic affairs, such as household 

budgets and supervising servants (see p. 1 of Sex and 

Gender). 

Polygyny: Polygyny is the practice of a man having multiple 

wives simultaneously. In accordance with sharia law (see p. 5 

of Political and Social Relations), Qatari men may have up to 4 

wives if they can financially support them all. The practice is 

most common among

members of the ruling 

Al Thani and other

upper-class families.

Children

Traditionally, families in 

the region had as many 

as 12 children and 

relied on their offspring 

to fulfill household 

labor needs. Today, Qatari women have far fewer children (see 

p. 5 of Sex and Gender). Extended family members help raise 

children, serving as mentors and supporting the parents as 

needed (Photo: Qatari child).

Allowed by sharia law, physical discipline or corporal 

punishment for disobedience is common, with an estimated 1 

in 5 Qatari children facing abuse either in the home or school. 

The abuse is rarely reported because of unclear bureaucratic 

processes, cultural taboos, and a lack of properly trained 

support professionals. Qatar’s National Development Strategy 

for 2011-2016 recognizes the severity of the problem and aims 

to create a comprehensive medical and legal framework for 

detection of abuse and prosecution of offenders. 

Birth: In the Islamic tradition, the father whispers the adhan

(call to prayer) into a baby’s right ear and the profession of faith 

in his left immediately following the birth. A week after the birth, 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
the parents hold a naming ceremony before friends and family. 

During the first 40 days after birth, the mother and child share 

an intensive time together separated from the rest of the family. 

They receive special therapies and sometimes wear amulets to 

protect them from evil spirits. At the end of this period, the baby 

is integrated into the rest of the extended family.

Circumcision: Qatari boys traditionally underwent 

circumcision between ages 5-6, signifying their passage into 

adulthood and membership in the Islamic community. Today, 

most newborn males are 

circumcised at the hospital 

immediately following birth.

Marriage

Marriage is an important rite 

that grants prestige, social 

status, and greater 

economic opportunity to 

both spouses. Traditionally, 

a marriage was an arranged 

union among families, often between first cousins or more 

distant relatives. It was often used to strengthen and extend 

alliances among the region’s leading families and ruling tribes 

(see p. 4 of History and Myth) [Photo: The Father (former) Emir 

of Qatar Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani looks on as UN 

Deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro greets his wife 

Sheikha Mozah bint Nasser].

While arranged marriages among families of similar social 

classes are still the norm, some Qataris choose their own 

spouse based upon mutual attraction. While casual dating is 

socially unacceptable, Qatari youth regularly interact at 

educational gatherings, through social media, or by phone and 

may encourage family members to contact potential mates on 

their behalf. In judging a suitable spouse, families consider 

education, social status, religion, character, and wealth. 

Families generally do not force arranged matches, and either 

marriage prospect can reject a proposed mate. 

The government sets the legal minimum age for marriage at 18 

for males and 16 for females. While marriage between citizens

and non-citizens is allowed, various laws discourage the 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
practice. For example, a citizen must receive official consent 

from the government to marry a non-citizen, and female 

citizens who marry non-citizens may be forced to forfeit their 

housing subsidies or other government benefits. While a nonMuslim woman is not required to convert to Islam upon 

marriage with a Muslim man, the law considers all her offspring 

by default to be Muslim.

Generally, marriage to a Muslim citizen of another Gulf nation 

is more acceptable than marriage to any other foreigner. The 

tradition of cousin marriage has resulted in governmentmandated genetic testing for couples applying for a marriage 

license, though a license is approved regardless of the results. 

Bridewealth: Upon marriage, Qatari men traditionally pay 

mahr or a so-called bridewealth to the bride which becomes 

her sole property. A legal requirement for Islamic marriages, 

the mahr symbolizes the bride’s financial independence. 

Further, some women may rely on the payment in the event of 

a husband’s death or after divorce. 

Weddings: Qatari weddings are segregated by gender. The 

women’s festivities are typically extravagant social occasions 

held in upscale venues. Over several days, the bride and her 

female relatives and friends enjoy a series of celebrations, 

such as the Laylat al Henna (henna party), when the bride

receives intricate 

temporary henna 

tattoos made from a 

reddish-brown dye 

extracted from the 

henna plant (Photo: A 

Qatari woman applies 

henna to the leg of US 

Army servicewoman).

By contrast, the men’s 

festivities are usually held in outdoor tents or wedding halls. 

The actual wedding occurs on the last night of celebrations and 

is usually held at a hall or hotel. To officially seal the marriage, 

couples sign a nikah (wedding contract). Afterwards, feasting 

and dancing are held for hundreds of family and friends. 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Following the reception, the groom’s relatives carries the bride 

into a designated room in the groom’s parents’ home called the 

al-khalla where the couple spends their first night together. 

The following morning, the bride awakens to gold or money left 

under her pillow by her new husband. 

While the families typically split the high wedding costs, this 

financial burden combined with a growing desire among young 

Qataris of both sexes to pursue higher education (see p. 5 of 

Learning and Knowledge) compels many young couples to 

delay marriage. Consequently, most Qataris today marry much 

later in life than their parents did. 

Divorce: While exact statistics are unavailable, a Qatari 

government report suggests that divorce among citizens 

increased 71% between 2000-2015. Further, research 

suggests that the divorce rate among first cousins was just 

19%, yet the rate was 64% among non-cousins. Experts 

suggest increased divorce rates are largely due to changing 

expectations of married 

life and financial strain.

Death

According to Islamic 

tradition, Qataris bury 

their deceased as soon 

as possible after death, 

usually within 24 hours. 

The deceased is bathed, 

dried, perfumed, and wrapped in a kafan (clean white cloth). 

Male relatives and friends transport the deceased to a mosque 

where a cleric offers prayers. Relatives then carry the 

deceased to a cemetery where the body is buried. Family 

members and friends gather for the graveside funeral service, 

during which they pray for the deceased and offer condolences 

to the family. For 3 days following the funeral, the family 

receives mourners who offer further condolences and read 

prayers from the Qur’an in gender-separate majlis within the 

family residence (Photo: Former UN Secretary-General Ban Kimoon signs a condolence book for Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad 

bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Mohammed Al Thani, former Emir 

of Qatar). 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Overview

Although traditional Qatari society privileged men over women, 

this trend is slowly changing. Taking advantage of enhanced 

educational and professional opportunities, Qatari women 

participate in the workforce at 1 of the Middle East’s highest 

rates and make up 66% of university students. Despite these 

advances, legal and institutional discrimination plus certain 

cultural norms limit women’s full participation in society. 

Gender Roles and Work

Domestic Labor: Although many Qatari women work outside 

the home, most continue to hold responsibility for household 

affairs. Women often manage the family budget and oversee 

the household duties of 

domestic servants (see p. 

3 of Family and Kinship). 

Labor Force: In 2016,

about 53% of Qatari 

women worked outside 

the home, a significantly 

higher rate than 

neighbors Saudi Arabia 

(20%) and Bahrain (39%) 

yet slightly lower than the US (56%). Some Qatari women are 

highly educated and hold positions in government and 

business. Nevertheless, most Qatari women work in traditional 

“female” roles in healthcare, clerical work, and education 

(Photo: Sheikha Mozah bint Nasser, wife of Father (former) 

Emir Sheikh Hamad, greets former United Nations SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan).

In 2016, Qatari women comprised 36% of the overall citizen 

workforce while female foreigners represented some 12% of 

the non-citizen workforce. Despite women’s growing

participation in the labor market, men typically receive 

preferential job placement and earn higher wages than women. 

High-level positions in both government and business are 

5. SEX AND GENDER

SEX &

GENDER
typically dominated by men, and the number of female 

managers in both the public and private sectors actually 

decreased between 2010 and 2014. Non-citizen women 

typically hold domestic service jobs where they must work 

extremely long hours and are sometimes subject to physical 

abuse (see “Gender Based Violence” below). 

Gender and the Law 

Although Qatar’s constitution guarantees women equality 

before the law and prohibits discrimination based on sex, 

women face persistent disadvantages in government policies 

and receive unequal treatment before the law. Unlike her male 

counterparts, a 

woman’s marriage 

status can limit her 

access to government 

entitlements. For 

example, a divorced 

woman must wait 5 

years before becoming 

eligible for housing 

benefits (see p. 1 of 

Family and Kinship), 

and a woman married to a non-citizen must live in the country 

with her spouse for 5 years before becoming eligible. While a 

Qatari woman married to a non-citizen maintains her own 

Qatari citizenship, she may not sponsor her husband’s 

citizenship nor pass it on to any children born to the couple 

(Photo: A Qatari actress and children perform at a film festival)

Inequality in government policies is compounded by judges’ 

ability to apply sharia (Islamic) law (see p. 5 of Political and 

Social Relations) in ways that disadvantage women. For 

example, under sharia a woman’s testimony is worth just half 

that of a man. Following a man’s death, his wife may inherit 

just 1/3 of the estate, while daughters receive half the amount 

that sons receive. In the case of divorce, children remain with 

the mother until puberty when custody automatically shifts to 

the father. While both men and women can divorce a spouse 

under Islamic law, a woman must officially petition the court

while a man can simply state his wish in front of his wife and a 

witness. 

SEX &

GENDER
Although women may drive and work outside the home, their 

ability to travel unaccompanied can be restricted. Specifically, 

a man may secure a court order prohibiting an adult female 

relative from leaving the country, though there were no such 

reported cases in 2016. Other examples of unequal treatment 

are rooted in tradition. For example, many families do not allow 

unmarried daughters to leave the privacy of the home unless 

they are accompanied by a male relative. 

Gender and Politics

Women have participated 

in Qatari political life since 

the country’s first elections 

in 1999 (see p. 17 in 

History and Myth). In

2003, Sheikha Yousuf 

Hasan Al Jefairia won a 

seat on the Central 

Municipal Council (see p. 5 of Political and Social Relations), 

becoming the Arabian Gulf’s first woman to win a municipal 

election. She retained her seat in 2007 and 2011, and in 2015, 

an additional woman joined her on the Council (Photo: Sheikha 

Hessa bint Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Thani, daughter of former 

Qatar Emir Sheikh Khalifa, addresses the United Nations).

In 2016, a woman served as the Minister of Public Health, and 

women also held positions as representatives to the United 

Nations, judges of the Court of First Instance (see p. 5 of 

Political and Social Relations), and as ambassadors to 2 

countries. Although women’s share of government positions

rose only marginally from 12.8% in 2010 to 14.5% in 2014, 

Qatar’s National Vision for 2030 and its National Development 

Strategy for 2011-2016 support women’s empowerment so that 

they can become active members of their communities. 

Gender Based Violence (GBV) 

Rape is a criminal offense, with life imprisonment as the 

mandatory minimum sentence and the death penalty if the 

perpetrator is a relative, teacher, or caregiver of the victim. 

Nevertheless, few victims report the offense due to the severe 

social stigma attached to the crime, combined with their lack of 

trust in the authorities to protect them. 

SEX &

GENDER
No specific law criminalizes domestic violence. A 2012 

government study found that some 18% of men aged 20-24 

believed a husband was justified in beating his wife for any 

reason. While the police have a female-only division to 

investigate GBV, their abilities to investigate are often limited 

because the male head of household can deny them entry to 

the home. If a victim does report GBV, the police may decline 

to press charges, instead requiring her to accept a written 

promise from the accused 

that he will refrain from 

further abusive activities in 

the future. 

Excluded from legal 

protection and often denied 

any legal recourse, Qatar’s 

non-citizen female 

workforce are especially 

vulnerable to GBV. Because they usually live secluded in their 

employers’ homes, non-citizen domestic workers rarely report 

abuse for fear of losing their employment and housing. 

Resources for victims are severely lacking: Qatar maintains 

just 1 shelter for GBV victims that accommodates 25 cases at a 

time (Photo: A Qatari woman gives a traditional henna tattoo –

see p. 5 of Family and Kinship – to a US servicewoman) 

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): Commonly referred to as 

female circumcision, FGM is intended to modify the sex organ 

in order to decrease sexual desire and promote virginity. While 

no specific law criminalizes FGM in Qatar, the Ministry of 

Health disallows the practice in government hospitals. No 

sources provide accurate estimates of FGM’s prevalence.

Sex and Procreation

Qataris consider sexual intimacy a private matter. Public 

displays of affection, such as kissing and holding hands, are 

socially unacceptable. Though not explicitly banned, authorities 

may interpret vaguely-worded laws prohibiting obscene acts or 

indecent gestures to encompass these actions. Further, all 

sexual relations outside marriage are illegal. For example, to 

receive maternity care, a pregnant woman must present a 

certificate of marriage. A pregnant woman unable to produce 

SEX &

GENDER
such a certificate may be prosecuted and subject to 

imprisonment or other punishment. All such laws apply to all 

residents and visitors.

The birthrate in Qatar has dropped dramatically in recent 

decades from 7.0 children per woman in 1960 to 1.9 in 2015, 

lower than Saudi Arabia (2.6) but comparable to Bahrain (2.1) 

and the US (1.8). This drop is likely due to the large influx of 

non-citizens during recent decades, who do not have children 

while living temporarily in Qatar (see p. 1 and 15 of Political 

and Social Relations). Nevertheless, the decrease in birth rates 

among Qatari citizens has been significant and is primarily due 

to changes in women’s place in society. As more Qatari 

women become better educated, work outside the home, and 

marry later, they have fewer children (Photo: Former US 

Secretary of State John 

Kerry greets a staff 

member of the US 

Embassy in Doha).

Homosexuality 

Qatari law prohibits 

homosexual acts 

between men but does 

not explicitly prohibit the 

same between women. Conviction carries a minimum 7-year 

prison sentence, though it is unknown how many such cases 

are brought to court each year. 

There are no LGBT organizations or advocacy events, and 

most gay individuals conceal their sexuality to avoid 

discrimination and persecution. In 2016, authorities recorded 

no reports of violence against homosexuals nor evidence of 

discrimination in employment, occupation, or housing. Experts 

suggest that victims are unlikely to come forward given the 

potential for further harassment or discrimination. The Internet 

news site Doha News was censored by the government in 

2016 for its reporting on social topics such as LGBT rights. 

Despite the government’s denial that its blockage of the site 

was related to coverage of such topics, international human 

rights organizations condemned the act (see p. 3 of

Technology and Material).

SEX &

GENDER
Language Overview

The official language of Qatar is Arabic, which is the native 

tongue of Qatari citizens. Due to the influx of foreign workers 

from a variety of countries over the last 50 years (see p. 13 of 

History and Myth and p. 1 of Political and Social Relations), other 

languages such as English; dialects of Arabic; and Middle 

Eastern, South Asian, and Southeast Asian languages are 

spoken. 

Arabic

Most Qataris speak a local dialect of Arabic known as Gulf 

Arabic or Khaleeji as their first language. In school, Qataris 

learn to read and write Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), a 

standardized variety used across Arabic-speaking countries. 

Qataris use MSA for writing, formal discussions, speeches, and 

in various national news broadcasts. With a 28-character 

alphabet, Arabic is written horizontally from right to left. Low 

proficiency in MSA among young Qataris and increasing use of 

English in many spheres led the government to approve the 

2016 “Protection of the Arabic Language” law. This statute

mandates that ministries, official organizations, and public 

schools conduct all 

business in MSA (see 

p. 3-4 of Learning and 

Knowledge) (Photo: 

Sign on a Qatari 

beach in English and 

Arabic).

Khaleeji and MSA 

differ in vocabulary 

and pronunciation.

For example, Khaleeji speakers may replace a “q” sound with a 

“g” or “j.” Similarly, they may replace the “k” sound with a “ch,” 

pronouncing the word kalb (“dog”) like “chalb.” Further, Khaleeji 

speakers often pronounce a “j” sound as “y.” Khaleeji is mutually 

intelligible with most other regional Arabic dialects except for 

certain local varieties from Iraq and North Africa.

6. LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Among Qatar’s non-citizens, about 600,000 people speak 

dialects of Arabic such as Najdi (from Saudi Arabia), Levantine 

(from Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan), Sudanese, and Egyptian, all 

of which may differ from the Gulf Arabic of Qatar.

English

English often serves as a common language between citizens 

and non-citizens. English has played a role in the region since 

the formation of the Trucial System under the protection of the 

British in the 19th century (see p. 5 of History and Myth). English 

is currently an important part of the national education 

curriculum, with instruction beginning in primary school and 

continuing through all 12 years (see p. 2-4 of Learning and 

Knowledge). English also plays a significant role in postsecondary education, especially in Qatar’s numerous foreign 

universities (see p. 5 of 

Learning and 

Knowledge).

Qataris’ English skills 

are often dependent on 

a speaker’s age. In 

general, younger 

Qataris are much more 

likely to speak English 

than older ones. Although some younger Qataris alternate 

between Arabic and English with ease, most Qataris are not 

proficient in English (Photo: Water tower in Doha).

Other Languages

While exact numbers of speakers are unknown due to constant 

fluctuation in the foreign worker population, the most prevalent 

other languages are Farsi, the national language of Iran; Urdu, 

the national language of Pakistan; Tagalog, the national 

language of the Philippines; Malayalam, an official language of 

India; Sinhala, one of Sri Lanka’s official languages; Baluchi, 

also spoken in Iran and Pakistan; and Tamil, an official language 

in both Sri Lanka and India. 

Communication Overview

Communicating competently in Qatar requires not only 

knowledge of Arabic, but also the ability to interact effectively 

using language. This broad notion of competence includes 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
paralanguage (rate of speech, volume, intonation), nonverbal 

communication (personal space, touch, gestures), and 

interaction management (conversation initiation, turn-taking, 

and termination). When used properly, these forms of 

communication help to ensure that statements are interpreted as 

the speaker intends.

Communication Style 

Qataris often consider the style of a statement as important as 

the message. Their communication patterns reflect their regard 

for politeness, generosity, hospitality, and respect for protocol

and tradition. They consider eloquent or flowery speech a sign 

of education and refinement and often recite poetry, ancient 

proverbs, and excerpts from the Qur’an during conversations. 

(Photo: US Secretary of Defense Mattis speaks with Qatari 

Minister of Defense 

Khalid bin Mohammed al 

Attiyah in 2017).

In their interactions, 

Qataris strive to 

emphasize respect for 

their conversation 

partners, particularly 

those of a higher social 

status, while avoiding embarrassment to themselves or others.

This tendency is especially true in business meetings and 

interactions with elders or social superiors (see p. 2-3 of Time 

and Space). The emphasis Qataris place on politeness is 

evident in a widely-held preference for indirect or non-specific 

answers. Further, Qataris tend to deliver bad news in a 

roundabout manner, and they often preface requests of elders

or superiors with significant formalities. 

In relaxed social situations, such as among family and friends, 

Qataris tend to be talkative, often repeating themselves to make 

a point or shouting when excited. Qataris may also punctuate 

their speech with oaths to emphasize their point and exaggerate 

for effect. They tend to be tolerant of interruptions during 

discussions and of several people speaking at once. Qataris gin 

general consider the display of emotions during discussions 

indicative of deep and genuine concern for the subject. 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Greetings

Qataris typically extend greetings with great care and respect. 

Upon entering a room, Qataris say Salaam Aleikum (“peace be 

upon you”), and all present respond Wa Aleikum as-Salaam 

(“and upon you be peace”). Qataris typically perform this 

greeting, even if it interrupts conversations or negotiations. 

Following this verbal exchange, men may shake hands lightly, 

exchange kisses on the cheek, or touch noses, depending on 

the status of their relationship. To indicate deep respect and 

sincerity, men may place their right hands to their hearts after 

shaking hands. Qatari women commonly exchange cheek 

kisses when they greet each other. If the women are not well 

acquainted, they may only shake hands. Qataris of the opposite 

sex typically do not touch when greeting. Men usually greet 

women verbally or with a nod, though some women may extend 

their hands for a handshake with foreign men. Foreign nationals 

should wait for 

members of the 

opposite sex to 

initiate the 

greeting (Photo: A 

Qatari Air Force 

member shakes 

hands with a US 

Airman).

Names

Arab names for 

both genders 

reflect the 

genealogy of the father’s side. The full name consists of a first 

(given) name, the person’s father’s (first) name, sometimes the 

paternal grandfather’s (first) name, a family name, and 

sometimes a tribal name. Qataris typically include the term bin

(son of) or bint (daughter of) between a person’s given name 

and his or her father’s name. For example, the Emir’s name 

Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani indicates that he is the son 

of Hamad. A Qatari’s family or tribal name typically indicates 

membership in an extended family, a relationship with a tribal 

ancestor, or origins in a particular geographic location. Qatari 

women do not take their husband’s name upon marriage. 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Forms of Address

Qatari friends and relatives of the same sex usually address one 

another by first name. Honorifics such as military ranks and 

professional or personal titles (Dr., Engineer, Mr. or Mrs.) are 

often combined with the person’s first name (e.g. Dr. Bill, 

Engineer Sarah). Qataris often refer to highly respected 

individuals as Doctor, even if they have not earned the degree. 

Children refer to their mother as um and their father as abu, and 

some Qataris also 

use these titles when 

speaking with elders 

as a sign of respect. 

Qataris address 

members of the 

nation’s ruling family 

with the titles Sheikh

(for males) and

Sheikha (for females) 

(see p. 4 of History and Myth) (Photo: A US Airman converses 

with his Qatari counterpart).

Conversational Topics

Polite conversation typically involves a series of elaborate and 

repetitive inquiries about the general well-being of each other 

and the extended family. For example, Qataris may inquire Kayf 

halak (m)/halik (f) (“How is your condition?”) or Sho akhbarak 

(m)/akhbarik (f) (“What is your news?”), among others. Male 

Qataris usually avoid inquiring about details of another man’s 

female relations, and male foreign nationals should do so as 

well.

While Qataris generally prefer family privacy, they are often

eager to share information about their family’s economic status 

and social connections. Likewise, they may feel comfortable 

questioning a foreign national about similar matters. Qataris do, 

however, tend to withhold less favorable information about their 

families, such as their humble origins or family discord. As is 

common in other Arab countries, some Qataris feel 

uncomfortable talking about unfortunate occurrences. 

Consequently, they may avoid speaking directly about topics like 

illness and death by using indirect expressions. When 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
confronted with a sensitive topic, foreign nationals should 

attempt to change the subject rather than refuse to discuss the 

matter outright.

Foreign nationals should also avoid certain general topics, such 

as politics and religion. For example, ongoing regional conflicts, 

particularly those between Qatar and its neighbors (see p. 9 of 

Political and Social Relations), are sensitive topics. The law 

prohibits speaking ill of Islam or other “divine religions” such as 

Christianity and Judaism (see p. 1 of Religion and Spirituality). 

Foreign nationals should also avoid swearing in conversation, 

which is not only deeply offensive to Qataris but illegal if directed 

at another person and can be punished with fines or jail time.

Gestures

Qataris often use gestures to augment, and sometimes replace, 

spoken words. To point, Qataris use the entire hand. Holding the 

palm upward, with the 

fingertips touching 

means “wait.” Qataris 

wave the fingers with 

the palm facing down to 

beckon someone. 

While a thumbs-up sign 

is offensive in some 

parts of the Middle 

East, some Qataris use 

it to mean “good.” By 

contrast, Qataris consider the US “A-OK” sign highly offensive

(Photo: Qatari Armed Forces General Headquarters leadership, 

Qatari Air Force leaders, and US Air Force CENTCOM 

leadership enjoy a cultural exchange).

Furthermore, any hand gesture used in public in an insulting or 

aggressive manner could result in a fine or arrest. Foreign 

nationals should avoid showing the soles of feet or shoes to 

Qataris, nor should they walk in front of a someone praying.

Language and Training Sources

Please view the Air Force Culture and Language Center website

at http://culture.af.mil for language training resources. Click on 

the Resources tab on the upper toolbar then Language 

Resources.

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Arabic Pronunciation and Transliteration

Transliteration is the process of spelling out Arabic words using 

the Roman (Latin) alphabet. The table below shows sounds or 

letters having no English equivalent or that vary from MSA 

pronunciations. When texting or writing informally online in 

Romanized Arabic, Qataris frequently replace certain Arabic 

letters with numbers, also depicted below.

Arabic 

Letter

Transliteration 

and 

Description

Number 

(if 

applicable)

Example

أ a 2 Africa

ع’ a or aa

3 sound from 

deep in the 

throat as in the 

name ‘Ali or the 

instrument ‘oud

خ kh; strong “h”

5 loch (as 

pronounced in 

Scotland)

ط ṭ or t 6 tar

ح ḥ or h; 

whispered “h”

7 hoot

 g ق

8 golf 

(pronounced like 

“cough”; 

transliterated q 

in MSA)

ص ṣ or s 9 saw

.

غ

gh; like the 

guttural French 

“r”

Paris (as 

pronounced by a 

French person)

ذ dH; Soft “th” this

ء) ‘ glottal stop)

pause in the 

middle of “uhoh”

ج y (or j) yes

ك ch (or k) chin

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Useful Words and Phrases

English Qatari Arabic (Romanized)

Hello (May peace be 

upon you)

Salaam Aleikum

Response: And upon you 

be peace

Wa Aleikum as-Salaam

Hi Marhaba

Good morning Sabah el kheer

Good afternoon/evening Masaa el kheer

My name is... Esmee...

Yes N’em

No La

Please Men fedlek

Thank you Shukran

You’re welcome ‘Afwan

Good night (when 

leaving)

Tosbeho (tosbeheena for female) 

‘ala khair

Where are you from? Men ayna anta (anti? for female)

Where do you live? Ayna taskun (Ayna taskuneen? for 

female)

I am American Ana amreeki (amrekiah for female)

Do you speak 

(English/Arabic)?

Hal tatakallamo alloghah al 

enjleziah/alarabiah?

Today/Now Alyawm/Al aan

Tomorrow Ghadan

Yesterday Albareha

The meal was very good Alwajba tayba waayed

Look! Onzor (Onzori! for female)

Excuse me A ‘ederney

Pardon? Al ‘efew?

I don’t understand you Ana la afhem ‘eleyk

What? Shoo?

Where? Ayn?

How? Kaif?

Me/you Ana/anta/anti (you for female)

Him/her Houwa/hiya

What time is it now? Kam assa’a al aan?

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Literacy

• Total population over age 15 who can read and write: 97.3%

• Male: 97.4%

• Female: 96.8% (2015 estimate)

Early Education

Before the 7th-century arrival of Islam (see p. 5 of Religion and 

Spirituality), inhabitants of the region’s desert and coastal 

communities informally transmitted values, skills, beliefs, 

historical knowledge, and a sense of community to younger 

generations. With the spread of Islam, more formal methods of 

education developed. For example, instructors provided 

lessons in Qur’anic verses, Islamic rituals and duties, and 

Arabic calligraphy. The earliest form of instruction included the 

kuttab, where students received such lessons in a mosque or 

in the home of an educator. By the early 20th century, some 12 

katatib (the plural form) offered such instruction in Qatar. 

The Expansion of Educational Options

In 1948, Qatar’s first secular school opened in Doha, offering 

arithmetic, geography, Arabic, and English in addition to 

Islamic studies. In 1951, 

the ruling Al Thani family 

(see p. 12 of History and 

Myth) began to support 

the school, making it the 

nation’s first public school. 

Following the influx of oil 

revenues in the 1950s 

(see p. 12 of History and 

Myth), the government 

began to allocate resources to expand educational 

opportunities. By 1954, 4 public schools offered education for 

boys, and in 1956, the government converted a former girl’s 

kuttab into Qatar’s first public school for girls (Photo: US 

Airmen teach fire safety to schoolchildren in Doha). 

The 1956 creation of the Ministry of Education (MoE) ushered 

in an era of centralized government control over education. A 

7. LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
boom in oil revenues enabled a 25-fold increase in education 

funding between 1955-1960. Initially, Qatari schools were 

forced to rely on textbooks 

and curricula from other 

Arab countries, but by 

1965, Qatar began 

producing its own 

materials. Over the next 

decades, formal education 

expanded significantly. 

While the early years 

were marked by stark 

gender imbalances 

favoring males, by the late 1970s boys and girls attended 

schools at equal rates. By 1980, 141 schools served 

approximately 40,000 students (Photo: US Navy sailors speak 

with Qatari schoolchildren).

Modern Public Education System

Qatar has invested significantly in education in recent decades. 

Presently, the government allocates almost 13% of its budget 

to education, similar to rates in the US, although less than 

those of regional neighbors like the UAE and Saudi Arabia. 

These efforts have largely been successful: since 1985 the 

literacy rate has improved from about 75% to almost 97%.

In 2001, Qatar implemented a comprehensive reform of the 

education system, creating the Supreme Education Council 

(SEC) a year later to set national education policy and 

establishing curriculum standards for 4 core subjects: Arabic, 

mathematics, science, and English. Despite these and other 

reforms plus continued high funding levels, educational 

outcomes have been lacking. In a 2015 international 

educational assessment of 72 countries, Qatari students 

ranked around 60th. 

Public education at all levels is free for Qatari citizens, and 

government-funded schools historically accepted few noncitizen children. However, the expanding non-citizen population 

combined with a lack of private school alternatives (see 

“Private Schools” below) has forced the government to 

construct new schools in recent years as well as open the 

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
system to some non-citizen children. Nevertheless, stringent 

regulations for non-citizen enrollment remain. Specifically, the 

children of non-citizens may attend public schools free of 

charge if their parents fulfill 1 of several criteria, such as 

holding citizenship in a country belonging to the Gulf 

Cooperation Council (see p. 15 of History and Myth); 

employment in the public sector or with certain non-profit 

entities; or having diplomatic status. The children of noncitizens who do not meet these criteria may attend public 

schools only if they pay registration fees and space is 

available.

School attendance is compulsory through the secondary level, 

and most public-school classes after kindergarten are 

segregated by sex, with boys receiving instruction from male 

teachers and girls from 

female. Certain primary 

schools called “model” 

schools are the 

exception to this 

pattern. First founded 

in the 1970s at least in 

part due to a lack of 

male instructors, these 

schools employ female teachers and administrators to work 

with male students and continue to be popular today (Photo: 

US Airmen play basketball with children at a Doha school). 

While the Qatari government historically has depended on noncitizens to help staff its schools, it announced in 2017 plans for 

the “Qatarization” (see p. 2 of Economics and Resources) of 

the public-school system. Under the plan, terminated noncitizen teachers and administrations will be replaced with 

citizen recruits, and Qatari applicants will receive priority for 

vacant positions in new schools.

The 2016 “Protection of the Arabic Language” law mandates 

that all public education institutions use Arabic as the primary 

language for instruction and communication. Observers 

suggest that the law passed primarily in reaction to the growing 

dominance of English (see p. 2 of Language and 

Communication) and a perceived lack of proficiency in Modern 

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Standard Arabic among young Qataris (see p. 1 of Language 

and Communication). Islamic instruction is compulsory for all 

public-school students, 

whether Muslim or not.

Pre-Primary: As of 

2013, Qatari children 

are required to attend 

kindergarten from age 

3-5 years. While noncitizen children have 

no such requirement, 

some do attend private 

kindergartens and nursery schools (Photo: US Airman with 

schoolchildren in Doha). 

Primary: Primary school consists of grades 1-6. The standard 

national curriculum focuses on science, mathematics, English, 

and Arabic. Individual schools often design additional 

specialized course content within the framework of the national 

curriculum. In 2015, 92% of children of the appropriate age 

were enrolled in primary school. 

Preparatory: Comprising grades 7-9, preparatory school builds 

on the fundamentals of primary school. Upon successful 

completion of a year-end examination, students move on to 

secondary school.

Secondary: Consisting of grades 10-12, secondary school 

provides specialized education in 1 of several tracks, such as 

literature/arts, science, commerce, technical/vocational studies, 

and religion. Students who pass the secondary exit exam may 

enter post-secondary educational institutions. In 2015, 

approximately 78% of youth of the appropriate age were 

enrolled in secondary school. While the gross enrollment rate 

for girls in secondary school is 103% (indicating that some of 

the students are outside the typical age range), the rate for 

boys is only 82%.

Post-Secondary: Qatar’s flagship public university and first 

institution of higher education, Qatar University, was founded in 

1977 through the merger of male and female teacher colleges.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
In 2010, a 2nd public institution, Hamad Bin Khalifa University, 

opened, graduating its first class in 2014.

Post-secondary education at both these public universities is

free to all qualified citizens. Non-citizens may attend Qatar 

University, though they must pay tuition. Women make up 

about 2/3 of Qatari university students (see p. 1 of Sex and 

Gender). Despite the 2016 law mandating the use of Arabic in 

public education institutions, Qatar’s public universities 

continue to offer some courses in English. 

Since 1997, Education City, a district in Doha, has been the 

home of satellite campuses of several prominent foreign 

universities, including several from the US. These satellite 

campuses typically do not offer a full selection of academic 

programs, focusing 

instead on specific areas

such as international

relations or engineering 

(Photo: Private university 

buildings in Doha). 

Private Schools

Qatar’s private schools 

largely serve the needs 

of its non-citizen 

population. Since granting the first private school license in 

1980, the government today issues operating licenses to 

approved schools of 3 types. So-called “community” schools 

are typically sponsored by an embassy and follow the 

curriculum of the associated country. Similarly, “international” 

schools are independent institutions that follow foreign 

curricula. Both types enroll Qataris and non-citizens. The 3rd

type, “private Arabic” schools, follow the Qatari national 

curriculum and typically enroll Qataris and non-citizens from 

other Arab states. 

In contrast to most public schools, many private schools offer a 

co-educational arrangement with boys and girls in the same 

classroom. The Qatari government closely regulates private 

education, requiring all secular private schools to offer optional 

Islamic instruction, while instilling respect for Qatari and Islamic 

values in all students.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Overview

Qataris believe that trust and respect are fundamental to building 

strong personal and business relationships. In general, public 

displays of affection are considered inappropriate and unlawful, 

although social touching between people of the same sex is 

more common than in the US. 

Time and Work

The Qatari work week runs from Sunday-Thursday. While public 

sector employees generally work from early morning to midafternoon (usually 7:00am-3:30pm), private businesses typically 

open from 9:00am-5:30pm. Some businesses may close for a 

mid-day break from 1:00pm-4:00pm and consequently open 

earlier or extend the workday to 7:00pm. During Ramadan (see 

p. 4-5 of Religion and Spirituality), the work day is 2 hours 

shorter (Photo: A US 

serviceman visits a Doha 

market).

While some shops are 

open 9:00am-1:00pm and 

4:00pm-9:00pm, others 

are open all day. Most 

shopping centers are 

open 10:00am-10:00pm 

or later, though grocery stores usually open earlier. Some shops 

have limited opening hours on Fridays, the Muslim holy day. 

Most banks are open 7:00am-1:00pm Sunday-Thursday. 

Working Conditions: Labor laws established in 2014 limit a 

workday to 8 hours, and a workweek typically does not exceed 

48 hours. This law excluded the domestic workers that make up 

a large part of Qatar’s non-citizen labor force (see p. 1 and 15 of 

Political and Social Relations). To rectify this oversight, 

legislation passed in 2017 limits a domestic worker’s day to 10 

hours. Nevertheless, inconsistent enforcement of this and other 

labor laws pertaining to the non-citizen workforce sometimes 

results in human rights violations (see p. 2 of Economics and 

Resources). 

8. TIME AND SPACE

SPACE

TIME &
Time Zone and Date Notation: Qatar adheres to Arabia 

Standard Time (AST), which is 3 hours ahead of Greenwich 

Mean Time (GMT) and 7 hours ahead of Eastern Standard Time 

(EST). Qatar does not observe daylight savings time. 

Lunar Calendar: Qataris use the Hijri (Islamic) lunar calendar

to track Muslim holidays. Since it is based on lunar phases, 

dates fall 11 days earlier each year in relation to the Western 

calendar. The Islamic calendar’s 12 months each have 30 days 

or fewer. Days begin at sunset on what the Western calendar 

would show as the previous day. For example, each new week 

begins at sunset on Saturday, and the Muslim holy day of Friday 

begins on Thursday evening.

Time and Business

Qataris view effective business exchanges as dependent on 

establishment of personal relationships. Accordingly, small talk 

about health, family, and other friendly topics is central to

building trust in Qatari business meetings, although male Qataris 

generally avoid inquiring about another man’s female relations 

(see p. 5 of Language and Communication). Nevertheless, 

National Holidays

• 2nd Tuesday in February: National Sports Day

• September 3: Independence Day

• December 18: National Day

These holidays occur on variable dates according 

to the lunar calendar:

• Eid al-Fitr: End of Ramadan

• Eid al-Adha: Festival of Sacrifice

• Mawlid al-Nabi: Birth of the Prophet 

Muhammad

• Lailat al-Miraj: The Ascension of Muhammad

• Arafat (Haj) Day: Second day of the Haj 

pilgrimage (see p. 3 of Religion and Spirituality) 

• Ra’s al-Sana: Islamic New Year 

SPACE

TIME &
lengthy introductions and small talk may delay the start or 

progress of a business meeting. Qataris generally value 

punctuality and consider tardiness rude. During meetings, 

Qataris may interrupt proceedings without apology. 

At work, Qataris tend to formally and intentionally greeting 

everyone both when they arrive in the morning and leave in the 

afternoon. Superiors often give direct, explicit praise of good 

performance to employees but typically soften reprimands with 

constructive feedback and assurances of good performance in 

other areas. Supervisors typically deliver criticism only indirectly 

and in private.

Public Space 

Qatar maintains gender separation in most public spaces. For 

example, restaurants often have separate eating areas for men 

and women, and some stores and public parks offer special

“family days” where men are permitted to enter only with their 

wives and children. Pools and gyms typically maintain gendersegregated hours of operation, banks have separate lines for 

men and women, and in the home, men and women typically 

have separate spaces for entertaining guests (see p. 2 of Family 

and Kinship). Cars often have tinted windows to shield women 

from public view. Further, most public school children receive 

instruction in gendersegregated classrooms (see p. 

3 of Learning and Knowledge) 

(Photo: US Secretary of 

Defense Mattis with Qatari 

Emir Sheikh Tamim bin 

Hamad Al Thani).

Personal Space

As in most societies, personal 

space in Qatar depends on the 

nature of the relationship. In general, Qataris maintain less

personal space than Westerners, especially when interacting 

with friends of the same gender. 

Touch: Close friends and family members commonly touch one 

another while interacting. For example, friends of the same 

gender may hold hands in public, signaling their deep platonic 

SPACE

TIME &
friendship, or they may emphasize conversation points with arm 

and shoulder touches or hair stroking. 

Public displays of affection between members of the opposite 

sex are considered inappropriate and sometimes unlawful (see 

p. 4-5 of Sex and Gender). Similarly, unrelated Qataris of the 

opposite sex do not typically touch, even during greetings (see 

p. 4 of Language and Communication). 

Qataris use only the right hand when eating, gesturing, passing 

and accepting items, and shaking hands because traditionally 

the left hand is used for personal hygiene and considered 

unclean. Foreign nationals should adhere to this custom to avoid 

offense.

Eye Contact: Qataris generally consider direct eye contact 

during greetings a demonstration of sincerity and credibility and 

may interpret rapid or constant shifts in eye contact as a sign of 

dishonesty. Nonetheless, men typically avoid extended eye 

contact when interacting with unrelated women. 

Photographs

Foreign nationals should obtain permission before 

photographing a Qatari. This custom is especially important 

when taking a photo of a 

woman or group of 

women. Mosques, 

airports, government 

offices, and military or 

industrial areas may 

prohibit photography. 

Driving

Like Americans, Qataris 

drive on the right side of the road. All road signs are typically

written in both Arabic and English. Traffic is heavy in the densely

populated areas around Doha, where tailigating, speeding, and 

poor lane discipline are common behaviors. In 2013, Qatar’s rate 

of traffic-related deaths was 15.2 per 100,000 people, 

significantly higher than the US rate 10.6. Drivers making rude 

gestures or using speech in an aggressive manner against other 

drivers are subject to arrest and imprisonment (Photo: US troops 

attend a Qatari drag race event). 

SPACE

TIME &
Overview

Qataris’ clothing, sports, music and arts reflect pride in their

Arab and Islamic traditions and their country’s place in the 

modern global economy. 

Dress and Appearance

Standards of dress in Qatar 

tend to be conservative. 

Both male and female 

visitors to Qatar should

dress conservatively, 

avoiding shorts, mini-skirts, 

and sleeveless tops, except while visiting private beaches or 

pools (Photo: A Qatari woman gives US Marines a tour of 

Doha’s Museum of Islamic Art).

Men: Qatari men traditionally wear a thobe (also known as a 

dishdashi or kandurah), a collared, loose white robe designed 

to keep the wearer cool. This attire is complemented by a small

kaffiyeh (cap) worn underneath a white or red/white checked

guthra (headscarf) that is secured in place by an agal (black 

cord). Guthra styles vary by wearer’s status, tribe, or age. 

Sheikhs (see p. 4 of History and Myth) and other high-status 

men often wear a finely-embroidered robe called a bisht or 

mislah for important events or celebrations. Qatari men 

sometimes wear Western-style suits for business meetings.

Women: Qatari women traditionally wear an abaya, a loose 

black robe that covers much of the body, accompanied by a 

shayla (headscarf). Some women prefer an almost sheer 

abaya or one that opens in the front. Women from very 

religious families may wear a niqab (face veil) that reveals only

the eyes, a burqa (full face mask), or a batoula, a mask made 

of soft leather that covers the nose and cheeks. Under the 

abaya, women traditionally wore a long tunic over loose, 

flowing trousers (sirwal), but women today tend to wear a 

variety of styles, such as long skirts or jeans with blouses, 

colorful designer dresses and high heels, comfortable 

sweatpants, or even pajamas. Qatari women tend to favor gold 

9. AESTHETICS AND RECREATION

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
jewelry and cloth embroidered with gold thread and often

decorate their hands with intricate temporary henna tattoos for 

special occasions (see p. 5 of Family and Kinship) 

Children: Young children typically wear Western-style pants, 

shirts, and dresses. Older children begin to wear traditional 

adult clothing around puberty, about the time they enter 

secondary school and when the sexes are segregated in 

traditional households (see p. 2 of Family and Kinship). 

Recreation and Leisure

Qataris enjoy spending their leisure time with family and 

friends, gathering to celebrate weddings, birthdays, and 

religious holidays (see p. 4-5 of Religion and Spirituality). In 

urban areas, Qataris enjoy socializing at both modern shopping 

malls and Doha’s traditional souq (covered open air market) 

and coffee houses. Some Doha residents maintain second 

homes in the desert where they retreat for weekend leisure 

activities (see p. 2 of Family and Kinship). 

Festivals: Qatar hosts a series of fairs and festivals that also 

attract international visitors. Notable events include the Doha 

Cultural Festival, the Doha International Trade Fair, the Doha 

International Book 

Fair, and the Doha 

Film Institute’s Ajyal 

Youth Film Festival. 

Sports and Games

Soccer: ‘Football,’ as 

it is known in the 

region, is the most 

popular sport in Qatar. Besides following various European 

leagues, Qataris enjoy their own domestic leagues. Part of the 

Asian Football Confederation, the Qatar men’s national team 

won the Gulf Cup of Nations in 2004 and 2014, though it has 

never qualified for a World Cup. While few Qatari women 

traditionally participated in sports after primary school, this 

custom has changed somewhat in recent years. In 2010, Qatar

founded its first national women’s soccer team, and in 2012, a 

domestic women’s soccer league was created. (Photo: US 

Airmen and Qatari Air Force members enjoy a soccer game).

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Traditional Sports: For 

centuries, desertdwelling Bedouin (see p. 

14 of Political and Social 

Relations) raced camels 

across the desert for 

sport. Today, Qataris 

attend regularlyscheduled events at a 

racetrack west of Doha. 

Qataris typically view the races from a grandstand that 

provides a view of the racing animals jockeyed by remotecontrolled robots (pictured) Other Qataris prefer to race 

alongside the camels in 4-wheel-drive vehicles. Owners and 

trainers typically follow their racing camels in pick-up trucks, 

often beating drums to encourage the animals. 

For centuries, Qatari men trapped peregrine falcons and

trained them to hunt and return prey such as other birds, hares, 

and gazelles. Today, some Qatari men practice falconry during

a season that lasts from October-March, even traveling with 

their falcons to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan to hunt (Photo: 

A Qatari falconer shows 

his raptor to US 

servicemembers). 

Other Sports: These 

include rugby, sailing in 

traditional dhow sailboats, 

tennis, basketball, golf, 

cricket, and water sports, 

as well as outdoor 

adventure and motorsports. Qatar aims to become a hub for 

sports-related tourism and hosts various international events.

For example, it hosted the 2006 Asian Games and 2011 Pan 

Arab Games, among others, and its world-class facilities 

regularly host competitions in motorsports, tennis, golf, track 

and field, and horseracing. In 2022, Qatar will host the FIFA 

World Cup international soccer competition. In preparation for 

the event, Qatar has promoted a construction boom in recent 

years as new stadiums, public transportation, and hotels are 

built for the expected 400,000 international fans.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Music

Traditional: Like other Gulf residents, Qataris historically 

composed music to accompany certain tasks. For example, 

captains of pearling ships would hire a naham (professional 

singer) to lead fidjeri (songs) as their ships sailed into the Gulf. 

Traditional instruments include drums, nayy (flute), rababa (1 

or 2-stringed fiddle), ‘oud (pear-shaped, fretless, stringed lute), 

and tamboura (6-stringed lyre, similar to a harp). While this

tradition virtually disappeared with the decline of the pearling 

industry (see p. 9-10 of History and Myth), the Qatari 

government has sought to collect and preserve these and other 

traditional songs (Photo: A 

US Sailor tries out

traditional instruments in 

Doha).

With its distinctive 5-tone 

scale and 6/8 waltz-like 

rhythms, Khaleeji music is 

a form that unites regional 

Gulf Arabic styles with 

traditions from Africa, India, and Iran. Khaleeji music typically 

features the ‘oud, while drums and clapping mark the rhythm.

Modern: Many Qataris enjoy a modern pop version of Khaleeji

music that uses non-traditional instruments such as 

synthesizers, though other Arabic and Western genres are also 

popular. Radio stations broadcast music in a variety of styles 

and languages. 

Dance

Dance has been an important part of Qatari culture for 

centuries. Perhaps the most famous traditional dance, the al-

‘ardha, involves 2 rows of men waving sticks or swords as they 

dance. Traditionally connected to warfare, the dance is often 

performed at weddings or other special occasions today. Other 

traditional dances mimic the actions involved in work, such as 

farming or pearling. For example, some traditional dance 

moves reflect the pounding of wheat to make harees (see p. 2

of Sustenance and Health), while others symbolize raising a 

ship’s anchor.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Certain dances are performed only by women. The al-murada

dance involves 2 lines of women who hold hands and sing as 

they move forward then retreat. The al-khamery is popular at

weddings, when a single, cloaked female dancer bends and 

straightens while shaking her shoulders and hair to the music.

Literature

Like other Gulf countries, Qatar has a rich tradition of poetry 

and storytelling. For centuries, men from isolated communities 

met to exchange news, tell stories, and recite poetry, often 

while sitting around a desert campfire. Some myths taught 

moral lessons (see p. 19 of History and Myth), while other 

stories reflected the principles of Islam, defined tribal identities, 

or promoted certain values such as hospitality, generosity, and 

endurance. 

There are 2 styles of Qatari poetry: classical, based on verses 

and stories from the Qur’an and written in Modern Standard 

Arabic, and al-nabati, written in the Khaleeji Arabic dialect (see 

p. 1 of Language and Communication). Meaning “vernacular” 

or “popular,” nabati includes a wide range of themes. 

Arts and Crafts

Traditionally, certain Sunni Islamic teachings (see p. 3 of 

Religion and Spirituality) have prohibited the lifelike portrayal of 

humans and animals. Instead, traditional Qatari visual artists 

have used geometric 

designs, ornamental, 

repetitive patterns, 

and calligraphy to 

produce highly 

complex decorative 

motifs.

Qatari women 

traditionally used 

looms to weave camel 

and goat hair to make tents (see p. 2 of Family and Kinship), 

camel bags, carpets, and other functional textiles that featured

simple patterns with elaborate borders. The Qatari government 

supports the preservation of traditional arts and crafts, such as

weaving, metalwork, and pottery (Photo: A Qatari artisan

strings a pearl necklace).

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Sustenance Overview

Meals are often important social events in Qatar. Friends and 

families frequently gather in the home, picnic in parks, or meet 

in cafes. Traditional Qatari dishes tend to incorporate fresh, 

local ingredients richly flavored with aromatic spices. 

Dining Customs

Most Qataris eat 3 daily meals and snack throughout the day. 

In more traditional households, female and male family 

members eat separately (see p. 2 of Family and Kinship),

though this habit is changing among younger Qataris. Even in 

households where male and female family members dine

together, women and children may not join a meal if unrelated

male guests are present. 

While Qataris traditionally

sit on carpeted floors and 

pillows during meals, 

some families increasingly 

use Western-style tables 

and chairs. Before and 

after meals, hosts provide 

a dish of scented water for

diners to rinse their hands. 

Families eat from large, centrally-placed shared dishes, using 

their right hand to scoop up food. Because they consider the 

left hand unclean, most Qataris do not use it to eat (see p. 4 of 

Time and Space). A meal typically begins with a collection of 

starters (mezze) served with flat bread, followed by a main 

course (Photo: A platter of machboos, a traditional dish of 

spiced rice and meat – usually roasted lamb, chicken, or fish).

Diet 

Qatari dishes tend to incorporate a wide variety of spices, such 

as turmeric, cinnamon, cumin, cardamom, and saffron which 

were introduced to the region by early traders (see p. 1-2 of 

History and Myth). Dishes also often feature nuts, dried fruits, 

and limes. Prepared in a variety of ways and served with 

almost every meal, rice is Qatar’s most common staple. 

10. SUSTENANCE AND HEALTH

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Alongside rice, most dishes include an animal protein such as 

lamb, chicken, or goat along with fruits and vegetables. Qataris 

also consume many varieties of fish and other seafood, which 

is typically grilled, fried, or dried and served with rice, 

vegetables, and lemon. Bread is served with most dishes and 

comes in dozens of varieties. A common form is a flat, 

unleavened disk about the size of a plate that diners tear into 

pieces to pinch up morsels of food in place of utensils. Bread 

may also be fried and seasoned with various toppings, such as 

zataar, a spread of sesame 

seeds, dried thyme, and 

olive oil. 

Fresh fruit is a popular 

snack throughout the day. 

Although dates are the 

most common, other 

popular fruits include 

mango, pomegranate, and 

mangosteen (a small, purple fruit with a white edible interior 

that has a sweet-tart flavor – pictured). Observant Muslims 

consume neither pork nor alcohol. In addition, they observe 

particular rules of animal slaughter and meat preparation to 

ensure that food is halal, allowed by Islamic law.

Meals and Popular Dishes 

For breakfast, Qataris often pair eggs with bread, salty cheese, 

labneh (thick, creamy yogurt garnished with olive oil or served 

strained with diced cucumber, fresh mint, and crushed garlic),

olives, and jam. While lunch is traditionally the largest meal, 

either lunch or dinner today may be the main meal with multiple 

courses. Following mezze, a typical main course may include 

rice flavored with cardamom, saffron, and raisins and served 

with seasoned chicken, lamb, or fish. A lighter meal may 

consist of bread, tabbouleh (a salad of cracked wheat, 

parsley, mint, onions, shallots, and tomatoes dressed with 

lemon juice and olive oil), and fruit.

Besides machboos, other traditional Qatari dishes include

harees, slow-cooked lamb and ground wheat stew; margooga, 

meat cooked with fresh vegetables and served with flat bread; 

madhrooba, chicken, vegetable, and rice stew; and ghozi, 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
whole lamb or goat stuffed with rice and served on holidays. 

Popular snacks include kibbe (fried balls of cracked wheat, 

stuffed with minced meat), fatayer (fried pastries with various 

fillings), and warak enab (grape leaves stuffed with rice, meat, 

and onion). For dessert, Qataris enjoy baklava (a pastry of 

layered filo dough, nuts, and honey). Dates are also a common

treat, consumed dried, raw, or baked into various confections. 

Beverages

Qataris commonly drink tea, heavily laden with sugar, and 

traditional Arabian coffee (kahwa), served black and spiced 

with cardamom, cloves, or saffron, throughout the day. Hosts 

or servers continuously provide refills until the guest gently 

swivels his cup to indicate he has had enough. Qataris also 

enjoy fresh-squeezed juices, such as pomegranate, mango, 

lemon with mint, avocado, strawberry, orange, and “cocktails” – 

a mix of several types. Not offered 

at most Muslim-owned 

establishments, alcohol is available 

only in certain restaurants, hotel 

bars, and clubs, or to residents who 

purchase a liquor license from the 

government (Photo: A traditional 

coffee pot). 

Eating Out

Qatari restaurants and cafes are

popular sites for socializing with

friends and families over a meal. 

Coffee shops offering shisha

(flavored tobacco smoked through a water pipe) are also 

popular gathering spots. While men and women may eat 

together in large, modern restaurants and hotel bars, smaller 

eateries often divide into gender-specific dining rooms (see p. 3

of Time and Space). Popular across Qatar, street stalls offer 

casual fare and snacks, such as slices of fresh fruit, falafel

(fried balls of ground chickpeas), and shawarma (sliced meat

wrapped in flat bread with yogurt and vegetables). Restaurants 

serving Western-style fast food and other international fare are 

common. Restaurants rarely add a service charge or gratuity to 

the bill. A tip of 10% handed in cash to the waiter is 

appropriate, although not required or expected.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Health Overview

Qataris’ overall health has improved over the last decades, 

largely due to notable enhancements to the healthcare system. 

Qataris’ life expectancy at birth increased from 69 years in

1971 to 78 years in 2015, higher than the global average of 72. 

Similarly, infant mortality (the proportion of infants who die 

before age 1) decreased from 47 deaths per 1,000 live births in 

1971 to just 7 deaths in 2016, one of the Arabian Gulf’s lowest 

rates and similar to the US rate. Maternal mortality also 

dropped considerably, from 29 deaths per 100,000 live births in

1990 to 13 by 2015. Today, all Qatari residents, both citizens 

and non-citizens, have access to free, publicly-funded 

healthcare treatment in public hospitals and clinics. Some 

residents also have employer-provided health insurance, which 

allows them special 

access to private health 

facilities (Photo: Qatari 

and United Arab Emirates 

armed forces medics in 

an exercise).

Traditional Medicine

Traditional medicine 

consists of the 

knowledge, practices, and skills that are derived from a native 

population’s beliefs, experiences, and theories. Traditional 

Qatari medicine relies on herbal treatments, not surgical 

methods, to identify and cure physical and spiritual illness. 

Besides herbal remedies, common treatment methods include 

acupuncture (a process in which a practitioner inserts very thin 

needles into various parts of a patient’s skin) and hijama (also 

known as wet cupping, the process of applying heated cups to 

the skin to extract toxins from the body, improve blood flow, 

and alleviate pain). Traditional medicine is especially popular 

among non-citizens who cannot afford modern treatments.

In 2016, Qatar legalized the use of certain alternative therapies

by state-licensed practitioners in public hospitals. Among 

others, these procedures include Ayurvedic treatments (an 

ancient system of medicine from India that aims to stabilize and 

rejuvenate bodily energies through a variety of methods), 

homeopathy (a form of alternative medicine developed in 18thSUSTENANCE & HEALTH
century Germany in which a patient ingests diluted plant, 

mineral, and animal substances to trigger the body’s natural 

system of healing), acupuncture, and chiropractic treatments. 

Modern Healthcare System

Since independence in 1971, Qatar has developed a universal 

healthcare system that provides free access to general and

maternity hospitals, outpatient clinics, and specialized health 

centers to all residents of Qatar. Further, Qatari citizens are 

eligible for free healthcare abroad if their medical needs are not 

covered by Qatar’s facilities. Hospitals and clinics offer high 

quality services, while mobile clinics deliver limited, specialized 

care for prevalent diseases like diabetes (Photo: Qatari 

children learn about fire 

prevention from a US Air 

Force mascot). 

Qatar’s government has 

recently stepped up 

investment in the national 

healthcare system in a 

series of 6-year 

development plans known 

as the “National Health Strategy.” First launched in 2011 and 

renewed in 2017, these initiatives include educating local 

medical professionals, increasing pharmaceutical production, 

expanding Qataris’ access to primary and preventative 

services, and investing in healthcare infrastructure to 

accommodate Qatar’s growing population, among other 

improvements. 

Despite significant progress, some residents of more remote 

areas still lack access to adequate care. Clinics in some rural 

areas and smaller towns remain outdated, understaffed, and illequipped. This lack of services forces some patients to travel 

long distances and wait for extended periods before receiving 

treatment. 

Moreover, while all Qatari residents may seek free treatment at 

well-equipped, modern public facilities, overwhelming demand 

sometimes forces overcrowding and results in long wait times. 

While private hospitals and clinics address gaps in healthcare 

service and generally offer exceptional and timely care, they 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
are too expensive for many residents, particularly those without 

health insurance.

Health Challenges

The social and economic 

changes of recent 

decades (see p. 1-2 of 

Economics and 

Resources) have caused

an increase in chronic 

and non-communicable 

“lifestyle” diseases that are now the leading cause of death and 

account for about 66% of all deaths annually. While 

cardiovascular diseases contributed to about 25% of all deaths 

in 2014, other prominent causes of death included cancer, 

diabetes, and chronic respiratory diseases. Preventable 

“external causes,” such as accidents, suicides, drug use, and 

smoking result in a significantly high rate of death. For 

example, in 2015, external causes resulted in 27% of all 

deaths, considerably higher than the US rate of 6%. Traffic 

accidents alone contributed to 8% of deaths that year (see p. 4

of Time and Space) (Photo: US and Qatari military members 

converse during a meal). 

Due to significant government investment in immunization and 

post-exposure treatments, communicable and infectious 

diseases such as tuberculosis, measles, and malaria now 

account for only about 6% of all deaths. Nevertheless, 

communicable diseases disproportionately affect low-income 

non-citizen workers, mostly those who live in crowded, 

unsanitary conditions. 

Obesity: An increasingly sedentary lifestyle and unhealthy 

eating habits have led to a dramatic surge in obesity over the 

last 3 decades. In 2013, about 77% of Qatari adults rated as

overweight or obese, more than twice the world average and 

significantly higher than the US rate of 66%. Moreover, experts

suggest some 40% of children are overweight. Increased 

obesity has resulted in the growth of associated diseases like 

diabetes, with nearly 25% of Qataris suffering from the disease. 

Consequently, obesity is a focus of national concern and is a

priority under the 2017 National Health Strategy. 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Overview

Prior to the discovery of oil in 1939, Qatar’s economy focused 

on fishing, livestock herding, and a declining pearl industry (see 

p. 9-10 of History and Myth). While the development of the oil 

industry in the 1950s brought significant economic growth, it was 

actually liquefied natural gas (LNG), first exported in 1997, that

made Qatar a major regional power and one of the world’s 

wealthiest nations. Today Qatar’s economy is the Arab Gulf 

region’s 3rd largest, behind only Saudi Arabia and the United 

Arab Emirates (UAE), with a GDP per capita that is the world’s

highest and twice that of the US. Average economic growth 

between 2004-2017 was a healthy 2.83% despite a record 

economic contraction of 

23.2% during the 2008 

world financial crisis. 

In recent decades, Qatar

has sought to diversify its

economy and reduce its 

dependence on oil and 

gas (commonly called 

“hydrocarbons”). Consequently, Qatar has invested heavily in its 

national carrier, Qatar Airways; overseen a booming 

construction sector; modernized and expanded its education 

system (see p. 2-3 of Learning and Knowledge); and built a 

strong financial services sector linked to its state-owned 

investment fund, the world’s 9th largest. Further, to attract 

foreign investment, a 2016 law approved the creation of free 

trade zones. These diversification efforts have paid off: nonhydrocarbon goods and services now make up over 50% of 

Qatar’s GDP. However, these sectors were also the hardest hit 

by the 2017 regional diplomatic crisis (see p. 9 of Political and 

Social Relations), making it difficult to predict future economic 

performance difficult (Photo: Qatar Airways sponsors Spain’s 

soccer club FC Barcelona).

The Qatari economy remains heavily dependent on foreign 

labor. Of a population of about 2.6 million, some 2.3 million are 

non-citizens, primarily men from South Asia (see p. 14-15 of 

11. ECONOMICS AND RESOURCES

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Political and Social Relations), and non-citizens make up about 

94% of Qatar’s total workforce. 

Most non-citizens work in the private sector, sometimes in 

dangerous or unhealthy conditions and typically segregated 

from Qatari society. As of 2016, Qatar had modified the

controversial Kafala system, a sponsorship program that tied 

workers to their employers, facilitating serious human rights 

violations. Further, several

2017 labor reforms aim to 

improve migrant workers’ 

working conditions in 

various ways (Photo: 

Skyscrapers in Doha). 

While exact statistics are 

unavailable, few Qataris 

traditionally work in the 

private sector, preferring the 

higher salaries, better benefits, job security, and shorter working 

hours in the public sector. One estimate suggests Qatari citizens 

hold just 1% of private sector jobs. To encourage more Qataris 

to enter the workforce, the government has pursued a 

“Qatarization” program since the 1960s that gives citizens 

priority for hire into vacant positions. 

Nevertheless, the program has repeatedly missed its targets, 

and Qataris remain underrepresented in the private sector for 

several reasons. These include prevailing cultural and religious 

norms that discourage some women from seeking work despite 

their significant educational attainment (see p. 1 of Sex and 

Gender) and a skills mismatch between Qatari job-seekers and 

employers.

Challenges to Qatar’s future economic viability include its 

continuing dependence on hydrocarbon exports (especially in 

view of the recent slump in oil and natural gas prices), its reliance 

on a non-citizen workforce, and the ongoing diplomatic rift with 

its neighbors (see p. 9 of Political and Social Relations).

Industry

Industrial activity accounts for about 66% of GDP and employs 

some 54% of the labor force. Most activity involves the 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
extraction, processing, and export of oil and natural gas carried 

out by the state-owned Qatar Petroleum Company.

Natural Gas: With 24.53 trillion cubic m of natural gas, Qatar 

has the world’s 3rd largest proven reserves. Of the 160 billion 

cubic m Qatar extracts a year, it exports some 118.9 billion cubic 

m, making Qatar the world’s 2nd largest exporter of natural gas 

and the largest

exporter of LNG.

Qatar’s natural gas 

comes from the 

massive offshore 

North Field, part of 

the North 

Dome/South Pars 

field which it shares 

with Iran. Qatar 

sends the gas to Ras 

Laffan, some 50 mi 

north of Doha and 

home of the world’s largest LNG facility, where it is exported 

primarily to Japan, South Korea, and India. In 2017, Qatar 

announced it would lift a self-imposed moratorium on 

development of the North Field, a move intended to increase 

overall production capacity by 30% (Photo: Ras Laffan oil 

tanker).

Despite the 2017 regional diplomatic crisis (see p. 9 of Political 

and Social Relations), Qatar continues to sell significant 

amounts of natural gas to UAE at below-market prices, providing 

approximately 1/2 of UAE’s energy needs in 2017.

Oil: Qatar has the world’s 14th largest oil reserves or some 25 

billion barrels. At its current rate of production of 1.532 million 

barrels per day, the reserves are expected to last 40 more years.

Qatar’s exports of both crude oil (1.303 million barrels per day)

and refined petroleum products (280,000 barrels per day) rank 

as the world’s 10th highest.

Manufacturing: Qatar’s manufacturing sector accounts for 

approximately 10.4% of its GDP and focuses on hydrocarbons 

and petrochemical products, such as fertilizers, as well as steel.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Construction: In recent decades, Qatar has experienced a 

construction boom, with the sub-sector now representing 7.1% 

of GDP. Major projects include the new Doha and Lusail Metros, 

long distance rail links, the expansion of Hamad International 

Airport, oil and natural gas facilities, and stadiums for the 2022 

FIFA World Cup (see p. 3 of Aesthetics and Recreation). In 

2014, the government estimated that the sub-sector employed 

about 900,000 people, mostly non-citizens. 

Services

The services sector comprises an increasingly important part of 

Qatar’s GDP: 36.6% in 2016 while employing 44% of the labor 

force. Major subsectors include tourism and financial services. 

Tourism: To establish 

the country as both a 

luxury destination and 

a major transit point for 

international travelers, 

Qatar has invested 

heavily in its tourism 

industry, which 

represents 6.7% of 

GDP. Major attractions 

include the Museum of Islamic Art (pictured), luxury hotels, 

shopping, restaurants, and international events and festivals

(see p. 2-3 of Aesthetics and Recreation).

Agriculture

With an arid climate, limited freshwater resources, and very little

arable land (see p. 2 of Political and Social Relations), Qatar has 

a very small agricultural sector, comprising just 0.2% of GDP. 

Consequently, Qatar must import 99% of its food. The regional 

diplomatic crisis has forced Qatar to airlift more foodstuffs to 

make up for the loss of imports from its neighbors (see p. 9 of 

Political and Social Relations). The recent boycott has also 

compelled Qatar to develop the agriculture sector, such as 

developing a new livestock and dairy farm that aims to meet all 

of the country’s domestic needs.

Fishing: Qatar has a small artisanal fishing industry consisting 

of under 500 vessels, with an annual catch of some 15,000 tons, 

the vast majority for internal consumption. 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Currency

Qatar’s currency is the riyal (QR or ر.ق in Arabic) issued in 6 

banknote values (1, 5, 10, 50, 100, and 500) and subdivided into 

100 dirhams which are issued in 5 coin values (1, 5, 10, 25, 50). 

The riyal has been pegged to the dollar at a rate of $1 to 3.64 

riyals since 2001, despite a 

slight deviation in 2017 due 

to the ongoing diplomatic 

crisis (Photo: Qatari 

banknotes). 

Foreign Trade

Qatar’s imports, totaling $27 

billion in 2017, primarily 

consist of machinery and transport equipment, food, and 

chemicals. They were purchased primarily from the US (14%), 

Germany (10%), UAE (9%), China (9%), Japan (7%), and the 

UK (6%). In the same year, Qatar’s exports totaled $56 billion

and comprised primarily LNG, petroleum products, fertilizers, 

and steel destined for Japan (20%), South Korea (16%), India

(13%), China (8%), UAE (6%), and Singapore (5%). 

Foreign Aid

As one of the world’s wealthiest countries, Qatar does not 

receive any foreign development assistance from the US. 

Instead, Qatar is a major foreign aid donor, giving an estimated 

$1.3 billion in 2013, up from $543 million in 2012. The main 

recipients of Qatari development aid in 2013 were Egypt, Syria, 

Morocco, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and Yemen. 

Qatar’s foreign assistance has been cited by its Gulf neighbors 

as one of the reasons for the current diplomatic crisis (see p. 9

of Political and Social Relations). Qatar provided $1 billion in 

direct aid and another $4 billion in loans to Egypt’s Muslim 

Brotherhood-backed government from 2012-2013, angering

Saudi Arabia and UAE. While Qatar no longer provides aid 

following the Egyptian leader’s overthrow, its support of Hamas 

in the Gaza Strip continues to cause tensions with Egypt and the 

Gulf Arab states. Aside from its support to Arab countries, Qatar 

also donates to its strategic partners: in 2007, the Emir of Qatar 

donated $100 million to New Orleans in the wake of Hurricane 

Katrina. 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Overview

Qatar has struggled to keep its physical infrastructure in step

with its rapid economic development, yet major projects

currently in progress should improve services. Qatar’s residents 

enjoy access to an advanced telecommunications network, 

although the government imposes content restrictions on the 

Internet and media.

Transportation

Most Qatari citizens and some non-citizens have at least one 

privately-owned vehicle (POV). Government-operated taxis are 

a popular option, as are car-sharing services. Most non-citizens 

rely on Doha’s extensive bus system, which runs from early in 

the morning to midnight. Long distance buses provide service to

locations beyond Doha. Buses typically have a section at the 

front reserved for families and women. 

Roadways: Qatar has more than 6,000 mi of roadways, most of 

which are paved. To alleviate traffic in Doha and environs,

several large expressways have 

been built in recent years. 

Expressways also link Doha with 

other urban and industrial areas 

(Photo: Camel crossing sign in 

Qatar).

Railways: Qatar Rail is currently 

developing 3 large-scale rail 

projects. Set to open in 2020, the 

Doha Metro will service Doha 

and its suburbs with 186 miles of 

track and 107 stations, while the Lusail Tram will consist of 12 

miles of track and 25 stations as well as connections to the Doha 

Metro. 

The largest project is Qatar’s Long Distance Rail, a system of 

passenger and freight lines that will connect Doha to Bahrain 

and Saudi Arabia. The system will also link Qatar to the planned 

Gulf Cooperation Council railway network connecting Bahrain, 

12. TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab 

Emirates, with Qatar’s portion complete by 2030.

Ports and Waterways: Qatar’s major ports are Doha, Ras 

Laffan, and Mesaieed. Ras Laffan is the world’s largest port for 

liquified natural gas exports (see p. 3 of Economics and 

Resources) (Photo: A 

traditional dhow, type of 

ancient sea-faring 

vessel, in Doha’s 

harbor).

Airways: Qatar has 4 

airports, 2 of which have 

paved runways. After 

replacing Doha 

International Airport in 

2014, Hamad International Airport is now Qatar’s primary transit 

hub. Qatar Airways, the state-owned national carrier, flies to 

over 80 countries, although it is currently banned from Saudi 

Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt, and UAE due to the ongoing regional 

diplomatic crisis (see p. 9 of Political and Social Relations). 

Energy

Qatar is the world’s 60th largest producer and 59th largest 

consumer of energy. As a major producer of oil and natural gas, 

Qatar generates 98.5% of its electricity from fossil fuels. Qatar 

has recently begun investing in solar energy, with the goal of 

producing 20% of its electricity by that method by 2030.

Media

Although Qatar’s constitution guarantees freedom of 

expression, the media face significant restrictions. Laws make it 

illegal to criticize Islam, the government, and the ruling Al Thani 

family. The government censors or even blocks certain media 

outlet websites, while broad cybercrime and antiterrorism laws

make it unlawful to distribute “false” news, violate social values 

or principles, and behave in a manner that jeopardizes state 

security, all of which are punishable by fines and imprisonment. 

Consequently, journalists often practice self-censorship, 

particularly on sensitive social, economic, and political matters.

Despite these restrictions, publishers print newspapers in 

Arabic, English, Malayalam (see p. 2 of Language and 

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Knowledge), and other languages. Major English papers include 

The Gulf Times and The Peninsula. 

While local news outlets face severe restrictions, the stateowned Al Jazeera network (see p. 16 of History and Myth) enjoys 

significant editorial freedom to report on international news, 

often publishing or broadcasting stories that are critical of 

regional events and governments. Consequently, the countries 

involved in the current diplomatic standoff with Qatar (see p. 9

of Political and Social Relations) have demanded the closure of 

the network, an action that the Qatari government has rejected 

(Photo: Former US 

Secretary of State

Tillerson at a press 

conference with Qatari 

Foreign Minister Sheikh 

Muhammad bin Abdul 

Rahman Al Thani in 2017). 

Government-run Qatar TV 

and Al-Rayyan TV provide 

local coverage. Several local radio stations tend to 

accommodate more criticism of government services and 

operations than local television broadcasts.

Telecommunications

Qatar has an advanced telecommunications infrastructure, with

260,000 fixed-line telephone subscriptions and 3.5 million 

mobile phone subscriptions. The government partially owns the 

2 main providers of telecommunications services, Ooredoo and 

Vodafone. 

Internet: While some 93% of the population enjoys broadband 

Internet access, the high cost of in-home Internet service makes 

it prohibitively expensive for most non-citizens (see p. 14-15 of 

Political and Social Relations). Instead, non-citizens typically 

access the Internet through their mobile phones. The 

government often compels Internet service providers to censor 

content, even blocking access to material and sites deemed 

critical of the government, contrary to Qatari or Islamic values,

or obscene. Restricted sites have included independent news 

outlets, dating services, and those with homosexually charged

content (see p. 4 of Sex and Gender).

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
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CULTURE GUIDE

August 2018