Characteristics of Voters in the Presidential 

Election of 2016

Population Characteristics

Current Population Reports

By Thom File

P20-582

September 2018

INTRODUCTION

For American citizens, voting is among the most 

fundamental and important civic opportunities. Since 

1964, every 2 years following national elections, 

the U.S. Census Bureau has fielded the Voting and 

Registration Supplement to the Current Population 

Survey (CPS).1

 The estimates derived from this survey 

provide some of the most consistently reliable estimates of the social, economic, and demographic characteristics of American voters available to the public.

National elections generally fall into two categories: 

elections where congressional seats are the highest 

offices decided and years where voters decide on 

the office of the President and congressional seats. 

Election results and voting patterns tend to vary 

between these two types of elections. Voter turnout 

is consistently higher in years with presidential races 

(File and Crissey, 2010; File, 2015), and this report will 

focus mainly on presidential election years between 

1980 and 2016. More specifically, the following analysis will highlight characteristics of reported voters in 

presidential election years, with a specific focus on 

age, race and Hispanic origin, sex, and educational 

attainment, characteristics that have historically been 

associated with turnout. (Brooks and Manza, 1997; 

Dittmar, 2015; File, 2013; File, 2014). 

Although the Census Bureau has collected voting and 

registration data since 1964, the earliest year in this 

1

 The supplement is typically fielded during the week immediately 

following a national election. For example, in 2016, Census Bureau 

staff conducted interviews during the period of November 13–19. 

report is 1980.2 Readers interested in voting estimates 

from earlier years can utilize historical CPS voting 

products available at <www.census.gov/data/tables

/time-series/demo/voting-and-registration/voting

-historical-time-series.html>.

This report’s first section, Understanding Voting, 

presents an overview of the CPS voting questionnaire 

and defines various key terms. The report’s second 

section, Who Votes? Shifts in American Voters Over 

Time: 1980–2016, presents a broad overview of how 

the characteristics of voters have changed over the 

last ten presidential elections, with specific focus on 

the characteristics of age, race and Hispanic origin, 

sex, and educational attainment. The third section, 

The 2016 Voting Population, provides a deeper 

exploration of the most recent 2016 election, and provides analysis across multiple demographic characteristics at the same time, including age and race and 

Hispanic origin, educational attainment and race and 

Hispanic origin, and age and educational attainment. 

The fourth section, How Voters Vote, explores the 

ways in which voters exercise their right to vote, and 

includes a comparison of traditional “day-of-election” 

voting and increasingly popular alternative methods, 

such as early and absentee voting, going back to 

1996. The report’s final section, Why Nonvoters Don’t 

Vote, presents results of the reasons people give for 

either not registering or not voting, and includes historical results going back to the election of 2000.3

2 Prior to 1978, there is not a readily available data file that allows 

for the calculation of demographic breakdowns entirely consistent 

with later years. Also, prior to that year, the CPS did not ask about 

citizenship status, which is needed to calculate the citizen voting-age 

population. 3 Questions about nonparticipation have changed over the years, 

and results from questions asked before 2000 are not directly comparable to later data years.
2 U.S. Census Bureau

UNDERSTANDING VOTING

The CPS is a monthly labor force 

survey in which interviews are conducted in approximately 56,000 

households across the country, 

with the primary goal of gathering statistics on employment and 

producing a national rate of unemployment. Each month supplemental questions are asked about 

a variety of additional topics, 

such as health insurance coverage, educational attainment, and 

computer and Internet use, and 

every November following national 

elections, the CPS includes supplemental questions about voting and 

registration. 

Either self-responses or proxy 

responses, where a single respondent can provide answers for 

themselves and all additional 

eligible household members, are 

allowed. The voting questions are 

asked of all U.S. citizens who are 18 

years or older, and these eligibility criteria are determined using 

questions about age and citizenship status asked during the core 

survey. 

First, respondents are asked if 

they voted in the most recent 

election. If they respond affirmatively, they are assumed to have 

been registered, whereas nonvoters are asked an additional question about whether they were 

registered. Dependent on these 

answers, respondents are then 

asked additional questions about 

method of voting and registering, 

and nonparticipants are asked for 

the main reason they chose to not 

participate. All respondents are 

then asked a final question about 

how long they have lived at their 

current address. 

Analysis of the Voting and 

Registration Supplement can vary 

based on the selected population 

universe. Typical population universes used by researchers include 

the total voting-age population 

(anyone aged 18 and older), the 

citizen voting-age population (anyone aged 18 and older who is also 

a citizen), and the registered voter 

population. 

Potential respondents to the survey can be broadly categorized 

into one of the following groups:

Noncitizens—If a respondent to 

the core CPS labor force survey 

indicates not being either a nativeborn or naturalized U.S. citizen, 

they are not asked the voting and 

registration questions. In 2016, of 

the estimated 245.5 million votingage individuals, 21.4 million were 

non-U.S. citizens.

Nonrespondents—Potential citizen 

voting-age respondents sometimes do not answer the voting 

and registration questions for a 

variety of reasons, including not 

knowing a valid answer or refusing 

to answer. In 2016, after post-data 

collection weights were applied, 

about 15 percent of the total estimated citizen voting-age population did not have a valid response 

to the main CPS voting question. 

Nonvoters—This group includes 

citizen voting-age respondents 

who reported not voting on 

election day. In 2016, there were an 

estimated 53.9 million nonvoters.

Voters—This is the estimated number of people who reported voting. 

In 2016, there were an estimated 

137.5 million voters. The majority of 

the following report is focused on 

these individuals.

Registered—If a citizen voting-age 

respondent reports having not 

voted, they are asked separately 

COMPARING CPS VOTING ESTIMATES TO OFFICIAL 

REPORTS

The data in this report are based on responses to the CPS 

November Voting and Registration Supplements, which survey the 

civilian noninstitutionalized population in the United States. Voting 

estimates from the CPS and other sample surveys have historically differed from those based on administrative records, such 

as the official reports from each state disseminated collectively 

by the Clerk of the U.S. House of Representatives and the Federal 

Elections Commission. In general, voting rates from sample surveys like the CPS tend to be higher than official results (Bauman 

and Julian, 2010; DeBell, et al., 2015; McDonald, 2015; Tourangeau, 

2010). Potential explanations for these differences include question misreporting, problems with memory or knowledge of others’ 

behavior, and methodological issues related to question wording, 

method of survey administration, and survey nonresponse bias. 

Despite these observed differences between CPS estimates and 

official tallies, the CPS data remain the most comprehensive data 

source available for examining the social and demographic composition of American voters in federal elections, particularly when 

examining broad historical results.
U.S. Census Bureau 3

if they were registered to vote.4

In 2016, there were an estimated 

157.6 million registered individuals, 

including all voters and registered 

nonvoters.

As noted earlier, voting rates are 

routinely calculated using a variety 

of population universes (Figure 1). 

In the most recent presidential 

election, there were an estimated 

137.5 million voters. Although this 

estimated count of voters does 

not change, calculated voting 

rates do change depending on the 

universe of analysis, as calculated 

voting rates increase as population 

universes decrease. For example, 

in 2016 the voting rate was 56.0 

percent for the voting-age population, 61.4 percent for the citizen 

voting-age population, and 87.3 

percent for the registered population. The remainder of this report 

will focus primarily on reported 

voters regardless of population 

universe. 

4 For the purposes of the CPS, reported 

voters are assumed to have been registered. 

WHO VOTES? SHIFTS IN 

AMERICAN VOTERS OVER 

TIME: 1980–2016

In every presidential election 

since 1980, the size of the nation’s 

citizen voting-age population has 

increased, from 150.7 million in 

1980 to 224.1 million in 2016 (Table 

1). In each election cycle across 

this time series, the number of 

voters has also typically increased, 

from 93.1 million in 1980 and 

137.5 million in 2016. Exceptions 

occurred in 1988, when the number of voters was not statistically 

Registered

population

157,596 

Citizen

population

224,059

Voting-age

population

245,502

* Represents those who were registered with no response to initial voting question. 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2016.

(Population 18 years and older, in thousands)

Voters

(Voting rate)

Nonvoters

No response to

voting question

Noncitizens

(56.0%) (61.4%) (87.3%)

137,537

53,860 53,860

18,933

32,662 32,662

1,127*

21,443

137,537 137,537

Figure 1.

Voters Among the Total, Citizen, and Registered 

Voting-Age Populations: 2016

Table 1.

Voting and Registration: 1980–2016

(Numbers in thousands)

Presidential

Citizens

Registered Voted

election year Total, 18 

and older Total Number

90 percent confidence 

interval Number

90 percent confidence 

interval

2016 ................ 245,502 224,059 157,596 156,854 158,338 137,537 136,772 138,302

2012 ................ 235,248 215,081 153,157 152,528 153,786 132,948 132,286 133,610

2008 ................ 225,499 206,072 146,311 145,668 146,954 131,144 130,481 131,807

2004 ................ 215,694 197,005 142,070 141,420 142,720 125,736 125,068 126,404

2000 ................ 202,609 186,366 129,549 128,900 130,198 110,826 110,155 111,497

1996 ................ 193,651 179,935 127,661 127,009 128,313 105,017 104,344 105,690

1992 ................ 185,684 173,784 126,578 126,036 127,120 113,866 113,290 114,442

1988 ................ 178,098 168,495 118,589 117,934 119,244 102,224 101,542 102,906

1984 ................ 169,963 162,627 116,106 115,541 116,671 101,878 101,282 102,474

1980 ................ 157,085 150,742 105,035 104,737 105,333 93,066 92,689 93,443

Note: Numbers are based on weighted reports of voting behavior derived from a survey sample.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.
4 U.S. Census Bureau

different from 1984, and in 1996, 

when the number of voters 

decreased from the previous presidential election by 8.8 million.

Even in years where the number 

of voters has increased, the size of 

these increases have not always 

been consistent. For example, 

between 2000 and 2004, the 

number of voters increased by 14.9 

million, the largest increase in the 

time series explored in this report. 

As highlighted above, between 

1984 and 1988, the number of 

voters did not increase in a statistically significant way.5

In addition to variations in overall voters, the composition of the 

voting population has changed 

according to a variety of social 

and demographic characteristics 

as well. Since 1980, the greatest 

percentage of voters have typically been between the ages of 45 

and 64, regardless of the election 

5 The differences between the voter 

increases of 1996–2000, 2004–2008, and 

2012–2016 were not statistically significant 

from one another. 

in question (Figure 2).6 In 1988 

and 1992, the greatest proportion 

of voters were aged 30 to 44, but 

in most other elections, 45- to 

64-year-olds have made up the 

largest share of voters. Overall, the 

percentage of voters who were 

aged 45 to 64 increased from 32.5 

percent in 1980 to 37.6 percent in 

2016, while the share of voters who 

were aged 30 to 44 decreased 

from 28.4 percent in 1980 to 22.5 

percent in 2016. 

Meanwhile, since 1988, young people aged 18 to 29 have made up 

the smallest percentage of voters, 

while elderly voters aged 65 and 

older have progressed from comprising the smallest percentage of 

voters in 1980 (16.8 percent) to the 

second largest percentage in 2016 

(24.2). In 2016, the percentage of 

voters aged 65 and older actually 

surpassed the percentage of voters who were 30 to 44 (Figure 2). 

For the most part, from 1980 to 

2012, the share of voters who were 

6 In 1984, the percentage of voters who 

were between the ages of 30–44 and 45–64 

were not statistically different. 

non-Hispanic White decreased 

from one presidential election 

cycle to the next (Figure 3).7 For 

example, in 1980, 87.6 percent 

of voters were non-Hispanic 

White, but by 2012, this number 

had decreased to 73.7 percent. 

Over this same period of elections, the distribution of voters 

who were either non-White or 

Hispanic increased in most elections.8 However, in 2016, for only 

the second time in this series, the 

percentage of voters who were 

non-Hispanic White (73.3) was not 

statistically different from the previous presidential election, meaning that the typically observed 

year-to-year decrease did not 

occur in this most recent presidential election cycle. Additionally, 

2016 was only the second election 

7 Between 1988 and 1992, the share of 

voters who were non-Hispanic White were 

not statistically different. 8 Between 1988 and 1992, the share of 

voters who were either other race nonHispanic or Hispanic of any race were not 

statistically different. Between 1996 and 

2000, the share of voters who were other 

race non-Hispanic were not statistically different. Additionally, between 1984 and 1988, 

and 1988 and 1992, the share of voters who 

were non-Hispanic Black were not statistically different.
U.S. Census Bureau 5

1980

1984

1988

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2016

Figure 2.

Composition of American Voters by Age: Presidential Elections, 1980–2016 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

16.8

30.2

30.5

33.1

18.1

19.0

21.7 30.2 30.4

22.3

19.4

28.4 32.5

32.0

17.7

14.9 31.8 33.0 20.3

14.3 27.3 35.5 20.0

16.0 27.3 37.6 19.0

17.1 24.8 38.7 19.5

15.4 23.1 39.1 22.3

15.7 22.5 37.6 24.2

17.7

(In percent)

18–29 years old 30–44 years old 45–64 years old 65 years and older

1980

1984

1988

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2016

Figure 3.

Composition of American Voters by Race and Hispanic Origin: Presidential Elections, 

1980–2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

2.6

1.7

1.7

9.9

84.9

3.7

85.5 10.0 1.4

87.6

3.6

8.9 1.0

9.8

84.6

82.5 10.6 2.2 4.7

80.7 11.5 2.4 5.4

79.2 11.0 3.8 6.0

76.3 12.1 4.2 7.4

73.7 12.9 4.9 8.4

73.3 11.9 5.5 9.2

3.0

(In percent)

White non–Hispanic Black non–Hispanic Other race non–Hispanic Hispanic
6 U.S. Census Bureau

in this time series where the share 

of non-Hispanic Black voters 

decreased, from 12.9 percent in 

2012 to 11.9 percent in 2016.9

Educational attainment levels have 

also increased for American voters 

in recent election cycles (Figure 

4). In 1980, about 60 percent of 

voters had a high school education 

or less, with 38.7 percent reporting high school completion and 

21.4 percent reporting less than a 

high school education.10 By 2016, 

the proportion of voters with a 

9 Between 2000 and 2004, the share of 

voters who were non-Hispanic Black also 

decreased. 10 The percentage of voters with less than 

a high school education were not statistically different between 1980 and 1984.

high school education or less had 

dropped to about 29.7 percent, 

with 24.6 percent reporting high 

school completion and 5.1 percent 

reporting less than a high school 

education. 

In most elections in this time series 

the percentage of voters with 

some college or an associate’s 

degree (19.3 percent in 1980 and 

30.8 percent in 2016) and at least 

a bachelor’s degree (20.6 percent 

in 1980 and 39.6 percent in 2016) 

have increased.11 Despite these 

relative increases in educational 

11 The percentage of voters with some 

college were not statistically different 

between 2008 and 2012 and between 2004 

and 2016.

attainment, in 2016 a majority of 

American voters still did not have 

a college degree. 

Despite these observed changes 

to the makeup of the American 

voting population with regards to 

age, race and Hispanic origin, and 

educational attainment, the composition of the voting population 

has remained remarkably stable 

over the years when it comes to 

the characteristic of sex. Over 

the course of this time series, the 

percentage of voters who were 

women increased slightly from 

53.0 percent in 1980 to 53.6 percent in 2016, while the percentage 

of voters who were men decreased 

1980

1984

1988

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2016

Figure 4.

Composition of American Voters by Educational Attainment: Presidential Elections, 1980–2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

20.6

28.2

21.6

32.9

15.4

26.6

18.3 39.0 20.5

21.4

25.5

38.7 19.3

37.5

12.3

10.7 30.5 29.4 29.4

9.2 29.5 30.1 31.2

8.1 28.5 31.0 32.4

6.9 27.3 31.6 34.1

6.2 25.9 31.3 36.6

5.1 24.6 30.8 39.6

22.2

(In percent)

Less than high school High school diploma Some college or 

associate's degree

Bachelor's degree 

or more
U.S. Census Bureau 7

slightly from 47.0 percent in 1980 

to 46.4 percent in 2016 (Figure 5). 

There were no statistically significant changes in the percentages of 

men and women voters between 

consecutive election cycles, and 

women comprised a larger share 

of voters than men by about 7 

percentage points in each election, 

which shows how demographically stable the American voting 

population can be depending on 

the characteristic.12

THE 2016 VOTING 

POPULATION

The next section of this report 

provides a more in-depth focus on 

the 2016 election. Reported voting 

rates are typically high among registered voters, and the presidential 

12 In 2016, women made up 52.0 percent 

of the citizen voting-age population, compared with 48.0 percent for men. 

election of 2016 was no exception. 

Typically, the registered population 

and the voting population share 

similar demographic, social, and 

economic characteristics (Table 

2). For example, in the most recent 

presidential election, a majority 

of both the registered and voting populations were female (53.2 

percent of the registered population, 53.6 percent of voters), 

non-Hispanic White (72.4 percent 

of those registered, 73.3 percent 

1980

1984

1988

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2016

Figure 5.

Composition of American Voters by Sex: Presidential Elections, 1980–2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

46.7

46.5

47.0

46.8

46.6

46.5

46.5

46.3

46.3

46.4

53.0

53.4

53.3

53.4

53.5

53.5

53.7

53.7

53.6

53.5

(In percent)

Female voters Male voters
8 U.S. Census Bureau

Table 2. 

Registration and Voter Characteristics: 2016—Con.

(Numbers in thousands)

Characteristic Registered Percent Voted Percent

   Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157,596 100.0 137,537 100.0

Age

18 to 29. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27,405 17.4 21,620 15.7

30 to 44. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,129 22.9 30,933 22.5

45 to 64. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57,394 36.4 51,668 37.6

65 and older. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,667 23.3 33,314 24.2

Sex

Male. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73,761 46.8 63,801 46.4

Female. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83,835 53.2 73,735 53.6

Race and Hispanic Origin

Non-Hispanic, White alone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114,151 72.4 100,849 73.3

Non-Hispanic, Black alone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,148 12.2 16,398 11.9

Non-Hispanic, Asian alone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,602 3.6 4,894 3.6

Non-Hispanic, other race. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,428 2.2 2,713 2.0

Hispanic (any race). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,267 9.7 12,682 9.2

Nativity Status

Native. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145,351 92.2 126,763 92.2

Naturalized . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,245 7.8 10,774 7.8

Marital Status

Married—spouse present. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87,423 55.5 79,382 57.7

Married—spouse absent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,829 1.2 1,520 1.1

Widowed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,456 6.6 8,938 6.5

Divorced. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,138 10.9 14,572 10.6

Separated. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,848 1.8 2,226 1.6

Never married. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,902 24.1 30,899 22.5

Employment Status

In civilian labor force. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103,341 65.6 90,329 65.7

 Government workers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,620 10.5 15,265 11.1

 Private industry. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76,477 48.5 66,242 48.2

 Self-employed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,328 4.0 5,742 4.2

 Unemployed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3,916 2.5 3,081 2.2

Not in labor force. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54,255 34.4 47,208 34.3

Duration of Residence1

Less than 1 year. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,688 11.2 13,958 10.1

1 to 2 years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,063 12.7 16,945 12.3

3 to 4 years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,257 12.9 17,562 12.8

5 years or longer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97,512 61.9 87,308 63.5

Not reported. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,076 1.3 1,764 1.3

Region

Northeast. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28,121 17.8 24,664 17.9

Midwest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36,200 23.0 31,661 23.0

South. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58,840 37.3 50,522 36.7

West. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34,435 21.9 30,690 22.3

Educational Attainment

Less than 9th grade. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,389 1.5 1,788 1.3

9th to 12th grade, no diploma. . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,906 4.4 5,202 3.8

High school graduate. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40,983 26.0 33,774 24.6

Some college or associate’s degree. . . . . . . . 48,845 31.0 42,296 30.8

Bachelor’s degree. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37,270 23.6 34,364 25.0

Advanced degree. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21,203 13.5 20,113 14.6

See notes at end of table.
U.S. Census Bureau 9

of voters), native born (92.2 percent of both populations), married with a spouse present in the 

same household (55.5 percent of 

those registered, 57.7 percent of 

voters), in the civilian labor force 

(65.6 percent of the registered 

population, 65.7 percent of voters), and nonveterans (about 90 

percent of both populations).13 A 

13 The respective percentages of the 

registered population and the voting population who were female, native born, in the 

civilian labor force, and nonveterans were 

not statistically different. 

majority of both the registered 

population (61.9 percent) and the 

voting population (63.5 percent) 

also reported having lived at their 

current place of residence for 5 

years or longer. 

Meanwhile, the greatest percentage of both the registered and 

voting populations were between 

the ages of 45 to 64 (36.4 percent 

of the registered population, 37.6 

percent of voters) and residents of 

the Southern region (37.3 percent 

of the registered population, 36.7 

percent of voters), while a smaller 

share of both populations were 

from families with annual incomes 

of $100,000 or more (30.1 percent 

of the registered population, 31.5 

percent of voters).14

14 The percentage of those registered 

from families with household incomes of 

$100,000 or more was not statistically different from the percentage of those registered from families with household incomes 

of $50,000–$99,999.

Table 2. 

Registration and Voter Characteristics: 2016—Con.

(Numbers in thousands)

Characteristic Registered Percent Voted Percent

Veteran Status2

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157,862 100.0 137,748 100.0

Veteran ................................. 16,001 10.1 14,398 10.5

Nonveteran .............................. 141,861 89.9 123,351 89.5

Annual Family Income3

Total family members . . . . . . . . . . . 116,333 100.0 102,840 100.0

Under $20,000 ........................... 6,929 6.0 5,263 5.1

$20,000 to $49,999 ....................... 22,280 19.2 18,830 18.3

$50,000 to $99,999 ....................... 34,356 29.5 30,516 29.7

$100,000 and over ....................... 35,008 30.1 32,378 31.5

Income not reported ..................... 17,758 15.3 15,853 15.4

1 Some states have durational residency requirements in order to register and to vote.

2 The veterans estimates were derived using the veteran weight, which uses different procedures for construction than the person weight 

used to produce other turnout estimates in 2016. 3 Limited to people in families.

Note: Numbers are based on weighted reports of voting behavior derived from a survey sample.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2016.
10 U.S. Census Bureau

The next section of this report 

considers combinations of demographic characteristics. In 2016, 

White non-Hispanics made up 

the largest percentage of voters 

regardless of age, although these 

percentages varied across age 

groups (Figure 6). For example, 

although 81.7 percent of voters 

65 years and older were nonHispanic White, the percentage 

of voters aged 18 to 29 that were 

also non-Hispanic White was only 

63.3 percent, a difference of about 

18 percentage points between 

these youngest and oldest age 

groups. For other race groups 

and Hispanics, the percentage of 

voters increased as the age group 

decreased, with about 37 percent 

of all young voters between the 

ages of 18 and 29 being either 

non-Hispanic Black (15.0 percent), 

Hispanic (14.9 percent) or some 

other race, and non-Hispanic (6.8 

percent).15

15 Among voters aged 18 to 29, the 

percentage of voters who were nonHispanic Black and the percentage who 

were Hispanic of any race were not statistically different. Among other race nonHispanic voters, the percentage who were 

aged 18 to 29 and the percentage who 

were aged 30 to 44 were not statistically 

different. 

The composition of the voting 

population also varied according 

to educational attainment and 

race and Hispanic origin (Figure 

7). In 2016, half of other race nonHispanic voters (50.6 percent) 

and a plurality of non-Hispanic 

White voters (42.6 percent) had 

at least a bachelor’s degree, while 

only 26.0 percent of non-Hispanic 

Black voters and 26.6 percent of 

Hispanic voters reported the same 

Figure 6.

Composition of American Voters by Age and Race and Hispanic Origin: 2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

14.9

74.8

68.9

11.2 11.9

5.2

8.0 8.8

81.7

4.0 5.5 6.8

13.1

6.8

15.0

63.3

(In percent)

18–29 years old 30–44 years old 45–64 years old 65 years and older

White non-Hispanic Black non-Hispanic Other race non-Hispanic Hispanic
U.S. Census Bureau 11

level of education.16 Although only 

3.4 percent of non-Hispanic White 

voters and 5.5 percent of other 

race non-Hispanic voters had less 

than high school completion, the 

percentage of Hispanic voters (13.1 

percent) and non-Hispanic Black 

voters (9.1 percent) with the same 

16 Among Hispanic voters, the percentage with a high school education and the 

percentage with at least a bachelor’s degree 

was not statistically different. The percentages of non-Hispanic Black voters with 

some college but no degree and at least 

a bachelor’s degree were not statistically 

different from the percentages of Hispanic 

voters with the same levels of educational 

attainment. 

level of attainment were significantly higher. 

In 2016, the composition of the 

voting population also varied 

according to age and educational 

attainment (Figure 8). Among the 

three oldest age groups, individuals with at least a bachelor’s 

degree made up the greatest share 

of voters. These highly educated 

voters made up 34.6 percent of 

voters aged 65 and older, while 

39.9 percent of voters aged 45 

to 64, and 50.9 percent of voters aged 30 to 44 had bachelor’s 

degrees as well. The only age 

group where this was not true was 

for voters between the ages of 18 

and 29, where only 30.4 percent 

of voters had a college degree. 

Among this youngest cohort of 

voters, 42.6 had some college education, while 22.5 had completed 

high school, and 4.5 percent had 

less than a high school education. 

Given that many of these younger 

voters are still enrolled in school, 

the percentage of this voting 

cohort reporting higher levels of 

White non-Hispanic Black non-Hispanic Other non-Hispanic Hispanic

Figure 7.

Composition of American Voters by Educational Attainment and Race 

and Hispanic Origin: 2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

42.6

34.6

9.1

30.3

26.0

5.5

13.1

25.4

17.9

26.1

50.6

26.6

34.9

30.0

24.0

3.4

(In percent)

Less than high school High school diploma Some college or

associate’s degree

Bachelor’s degree

or more
12 U.S. Census Bureau

education will only increase in 

future elections.17

How Voters Vote: Traditional and 

Alternative Methods of Voting

This section will focus on methods 

of voting. Many states have policies in place to allow eligible voters to cast ballots before Election 

Day, either during an early voting 

period, by voting with an absentee ballot, or both. According to 

the National Conference of State 

Legislatures (NCSL), there are currently only 13 states where early 

voting is not offered and an excuse 

is required to vote with an absentee ballot.18

17 Among voters aged 18 to 29 and voters aged 45 to 64, the percentages with 

less than a high school education were not 

statistically different. 18 For more information on the NCSL and 

their summary of early voting for states, see 

<www.ncsl.org/research/elections

-and-campaigns/absentee-and-early

-voting.aspx>.

The NCSL has provided the following summary of alternative voting 

methods across states. 

Early Voting. In 37 states and the 

District of Columbia, any qualified 

voter may cast a ballot in person 

during a designated period prior to 

Election Day. No excuse or justification is required.

Absentee Voting. All states will 

mail an absentee ballot to certain 

voters who request one. The voter 

may return the ballot by mail or in 

person. In 20 states, an excuse is 

required, while 27 states and the 

District of Columbia permit any 

qualified voter to vote absentee 

without offering an excuse. Some 

states offer a permanent absentee 

ballot list: once a voter asks to be 

added to the list, she or he will 

automatically receive an absentee 

ballot for all future elections.

All Mail Voting. A ballot is automatically mailed to every eligible 

voter (no request or application 

is necessary), and the state does 

not use traditional precinct poll 

sites that offer in-person voting 

on Election Day. Three states currently use all mail voting.19

The CPS first asked about early 

and absentee voting in 1996 

and has done so in every voting 

supplement since.20 In 2016, 19.1 

percent voted in person before 

election day, while 21.0 percent 

voted by mail, meaning that in the 

most recent presidential election, 

around 40 percent of all voters 

19 In Colorado, Oregon, and Washington, 

all ballots are cast through the mail. 20 Between 1996 and 2002, the CPS 

asked a single question about timing and 

method of voting. From 2004 onward, the 

CPS has asked two questions, one about 

voting in person or by mail and another 

about voting early or on Election Day. 

18–29 years old 30–44 years old 45-64 years old 65 years and over

Figure 8.

Composition of American Voters by Age and Educational Attainment: 2016

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1980–2016.

30.4

27.9

2.5

18.7

50.9

4.4

8.9

30.0

25.4

30.3

39.9

34.6

26.4

42.6

22.5

4.5

(In percent)

Less than high school High school diploma Some college or

associate’s degree

Bachelor’s degree

or more
U.S. Census Bureau 13

utilized some form of alternative 

voting (Table 3).21

This represents about a fourfold 

increase in alternative voting since 

1996, when only 10.5 percent of 

voters reported voting by alternative method. Since 2002, alternative voting has increased in a 

seesaw pattern, with rates tending 

to increase in presidential election 

years, decrease slightly in the following congressional election year, 

and then increase again in the following presidential election.22

In 2008, for example, the rate of 

alternative voting increased to 

30.7 percent, and then dropped to 

26.5 percent in 2010. In the next 

presidential election in 2012, the 

21 The estimates presented in this section 

are only for individuals with valid responses 

to the method and timing questions. 22 1998 and 2002 were exceptions, as 

alternative voting rates were not significantly different in comparison to the prior 

presidential election year in those two 

instances. 

rate once again increased (32.8 

percent), before dropping off 

slightly again in the most recent 

congressional election of 2014 

(31.2 percent), all before increasing once more to an all-time high 

in the presidential election of 2016 

(40.1 percent).23

In many years of this analysis, non-Hispanic Whites and 

Hispanics have reported relatively 

23 The 2008 rate of alternative voting is 

not statistically different from 2014.

Table 3. 

Method of Voting: 1996–2016

(In percent)

Election year On Election 

Day1

Alternative voting

Total

Before

Election Day1 By mail 

2016* ............. 59.9 40.1 19.1 21.0

2014 .............. 68.9 31.2 10.3 20.9

2012* ............. 67.2 32.8 14.3 18.5

2010 .............. 73.5 26.5 8.4 18.1

2008* ............. 69.3 30.7 14.3 16.4

2006 .............. 80.4 19.6 5.8 13.7

2004* ............. 79.3 20.7 7.8 12.9

2002 .............. 85.9 14.1 3.4 10.7

2000* ............. 86.0 14.0 3.8 10.2

1998 .............. 89.2 10.8 2.4 8.4

1996* ............. 89.5 10.5 2.7 7.8

* Presidential election year.

1 Voted in person.

Note: The estimates presented in this section are only for individuals with valid responses 

to the method and timing questions. 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1996–2016.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

*1996 1998 *2000 2002 *2004 2006 *2008 2010 *2012 2014 *2016

Figure 9.

Alternative Method of Voting, by Race and Hispanic Origin: 1996 to 2016

*Presidential election year.

Note: Alternative method includes those who voted early and/or by absentee ballot.

The estimates presented in this section are only for individuals with valid responses to both the method and timing questions. 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 1996–2016.

(In percent)

White, non-Hispanic

Black, non-Hispanic

Percent Hispanic
14 U.S. Census Bureau

comparable rates of alternative 

voting (Figure 9).24 In 1996, for 

example, the rates for nonHispanic Whites were not statistically different from Hispanics, 

whereas in the most recent congressional election (2014) and the 

two most recent presidential elections (2012 and 2016), the rates 

for Hispanics have been higher 

than for non-Hispanic Whites. 

Alternative voting rates for nonHispanic Blacks have tended to lag 

behind those for both Hispanics 

and non-Hispanic Whites 

(Figure 9). 

However, exceptions were 

observed in the presidential elections of both 2008 and 2012, 

when alternative voting increased 

among non-Hispanic Blacks to 

a level not significantly different 

from both non-Hispanic Whites 

and Hispanics in 2008, and to a 

level not significantly different 

from non-Hispanic Whites—but 

still trailing Hispanics—in 2012. 

In 2016, 43.9 percent of Hispanics 

reported casting ballots via 

alternative methods, compared 

with 39.9 percent of non-Hispanic 

White voters and 37.3 percent of 

non-Hispanic Black voters. It is 

worth noting that among all three 

groups these are the highest rates 

of alternative voting ever measured in the CPS. 

WHY NONVOTERS DON’T 

VOTE

In recent election cycles, the 

Census Bureau has asked about 

nonparticipation among the citizen 

voting-age population in two different ways. Since 2000, respondents who reported not voting, 

but who also indicated that they 

24 In 1996, 1998, and 2010, the rates 

of alternative voting for non-Hispanic 

Whites and Hispanics were not statistically 

different. 

were registered to vote at the time 

of the election, have been asked 

a question about why they chose 

not to vote. Since 2004, respondents who reported not voting, 

and who also indicated that they 

were not registered to vote, have 

been asked a question about why 

they chose not to register. With 

both nonparticipation questions, 

respondents can only pick one 

main reason. 

In 2016, among the estimated 18.9 

million registered nonvoters in 

America, the most common reason 

for not voting was dislike of the 

candidates or campaign issues 

(4.7 million registered nonvoters), 

followed by not being interested 

in the election (2.9 million), being 

too busy or having a conflicting 

schedule (2.7 million), and having 

an illness or disability (2.2 million) 

(Table 4).25

Table 4 also shows results across 

race and Hispanic origin groups, 

age groups, and by varying levels 

of educational attainment. Among 

registered nonvoters, a plurality 

of most demographic groups in 

the table reported disliking the 

candidates or campaign issues 

as the main reason for not voting, although variability did exist 

within groups.26 For example, 

about 26 percent of non-Hispanic 

25 The total number of nonvoters who 

were not interested in the election was not 

statistically different from those who were 

too busy. Also, the estimate of having an 

illness was not statistically different than the 

estimate for other reasons. 26 Among non-Hispanic Blacks, nonHispanic Asians, other race non-Hispanics, 

and those with less than a high school education, disliking the candidates or campaign 

issues did not represent a plurality of registered nonvoters. Additionally, the percentage of nonvoting, non-Hispanic Asians who 

disliked the candidates or campaign issues 

was not statistically different from the 

percentage who were too busy. Likewise, 

among nonvoters with less than a high 

school education, the percentage who disliked the candidates or campaign issues was 

not statistically different from the percentage had a permanent illness or disability. 

Whites, other race non-Hispanics, 

and Hispanics did not vote for this 

reason, compared with only 18.8 

percent of non-Hispanic Blacks.27

Among different age groups, the 

percentage of registered nonvoters who were too busy or had a 

conflicting schedule was higher 

among younger nonvoters than 

older nonvoters, with 18.4 percent 

of 18- to 29-year-olds and 19.5 percent of 30- to 44-year-olds being 

too busy, compared with only 12.4 

percent of 45- to 64-year-olds and 

2.8 percent of those 65 years and 

older.28 The results were generally 

reversed with regards to having 

an illness or disability, with 2.9 

percent of 18- to 29-year-olds and 

5.5 percent of 30- to 44-year-olds 

not voting because of an illness 

or disability, compared with 12.7 

percent of 45- to 64-year-olds and 

33.9 percent of those 65 years and 

older.29

Among most levels of educational 

attainment, a plurality of registered nonvoters reported dislike of 

the candidates or campaign issues 

as the main reason for not voting, 

including 23.1 percent of those 

with less than a high school education, 24.0 percent of high school 

graduates, 26.1 percent of those 

with some college or an associate’s 

degree, and 24.9 percent of college graduates.30

27 The percentage of non-Hispanic Blacks 

who disliked the candidates or campaign 

issues was statistically different from the 

percentage of non-Hispanic Whites and 

Hispanics. The percentages that disliked the 

candidates or campaign issues for all other 

races and Hispanics were not significantly 

different from one another. 28 Among the age groups of those 18 to 

29 and 30 to 44, the percentages who were 

too busy were not statistically different. 29 The percentages of 45- to 64-yearolds who did note vote due to illness or disability were not significantly different from 

the 45- to 64-year-olds that did not vote 

due to being too busy. 30 None of the estimates in this sentence 

are statistically different.
U.S. Census Bureau 15 Table 4. Reasons for Not Registering and Voting, by Selected Characteristics: 2016 (Numbers in thousands and percent) Characteristic Total Percent distribution of reasons for not voting and registering Race and Hispanic origin Age Educational attainment White alone, non- Hispanic Black alone, non- Hispanic Asian alone, non- Hispanic Other race, non- Hispanic Hispanic (any race) 18–29 years 30–44 years 45–64 years 65 years and older Less than high school High school diploma Some college or asso- ciate’s degree Bach- elor’s degree or more    Registered, nonvoters . . . . . Reasons for Not Voting1 Did not like candidates or campaign issues ............... Not interested .................. Too busy, conflicting schedule ... Illness or disability .............. Other reason ................... Out of town .................... Registration problems ........... Forgot to vote .................. Don’t know or refused ........... Transportation problems ........ Inconvenient polling place ....... Bad weather conditions .........    Not registered . . . . . . . . . . . Reasons for Not Registering2 Not interested in the election/not involved in politics ............. Other .......................... Did not meet registration deadlines ..................... Not eligible to vote .............. Permanent illness or disability .... Don’t know or refused ........... Did not know where or how to register ....................... My vote would not make a difference ..................... Did not meet residency requirements .................. Difficulty with English ........... 18,933 4,689 2,920 2,708 2,206 2,105 1,497 831 565 506 492 4049 32,622 13,635 5,364 3,973 2,426 1,602 1,474 1,067 1,581 866 633 12,633 26.0 14.3 13.9 12.8 10.2 8.3 4.4 2.7 2.6 2.7 2.0 0.1 19,210 45.5 17.6 12.0 4.8 5.4 4.0 2.7 5.3 2.2 0.6 2,534 18.8 18.2 14.0 12.2 12.7 6.8 3.8 3.9 2.8 4.7 2.2Z 3,487 36.5 16.4 12.9 11.2 6.4 6.1 3.1 4.2 1.9 1.1 683 21.2 17.8 16.9 6.5 13.2 10.6 3.4 2.9 5.4 1.0 0.9 0.1 2,364 36.5 12.1 11.3 10.7 1.7 5.3 4.0 3.1 5.2 10.2 679 25.8 19.5 14.0 7.8 16.1 3.8 3.9 3.2 1.5 1.4 3.0Z 1,166 33.6 26.8 13.1 6.3 4.7 4.1 3.2 4.2 3.6 0.4 2,403 25.2 16.5 16.2 7.3 12.2 7.6 5.4 3.3 2.4 0.6 3.2Z 6,394 37.0 12.8 12.5 12.2 3.9 5.2 4.1 4.6 3.4 3.6 5,324 22.6 16.8 18.4 2.9 11.1 10.9 6.3 3.9 3.0 1.9 2.2Z 10,717 41.0 14.8 17.2 6.5 2.8 5.6 4.1 4.2 2.9 0.8 4,964 25.2 17.7 19.5 5.5 11.4 6.7 5.3 2.1 2.6 1.8 2.3Z 8,399 41.3 16.7 11.7 9.6 3.3 4.4 2.7 5.2 3.8 1.4 5,420 27.5 15.1 12.4 12.7 10.6 7.8 2.6 3.4 2.8 2.5 2.5 0.1 9,063 43.9 16.8 9.7 8.2 5.0 3.7 3.1 5.4 1.5 2.5 3,225 23.1 10.3 2.8 33.9 11.5 5.1 2.9 2.1 2.1 5.1 1.1 0.1 4,443 40.4 19.1 6.1 4.0 12.8 3.6 2.5 4.7 2.2 4.6 2,214 23.1 13.8 10.3 19.7 12.9 3.8 3.0 4.4 1.8 5.7 1.6Z 6,944 40.6 14.7 8.5 10.7 7.9 4.6 3.1 4.1 1.7 4.2 6,852 24.0 17.4 13.1 13.4 10.5 6.5 4.0 3.0 2.6 2.9 2.3 0.1 13,520 44.0 16.4 10.9 6.9 5.3 4.6 3.6 4.6 2.2 1.5 6,154 26.1 15.4 16.7 8.7 11.6 7.8 4.5 2.6 2.7 2.1 1.8Z 8,198 42.1 17.5 15.2 6.0 2.7 4.6 2.8 4.9 3.3 0.8 3,712 24.9 12.7 14.9 8.6 10.4 13.2 5.7 2.8 3.3 1.0 2.6Z 3,960 35.8 17.6 16.7 6.3 3.0 4.0 3.2 6.9 4.8 1.7 Z Represents zero or rounds to zero. 1 Only individuals who reported being registered and also reported not voting were asked the question about reason for not voting. 2 Includes only those respondents who answered “no” to the question, “Were you registered in the election of November 2016?” Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2016.
16 U.S. Census Bureau

In 2016 the most common reason 

for not registering was disinterest in the election or not being 

involved in politics (13.6 million 

nonregistered individuals), followed by not meeting registration 

deadlines (3.9 million), not being 

eligible to vote (2.4 million)31, and 

having a permanent illness or disability (1.6 million).32

Across most demographics, a plurality of the nonregistered population reported not being interested in the election or involved 

in politics as the main reason, 

including 45.5 percent of nonHispanic Whites, about 37 percent 

of Hispanics, non-Hispanic Blacks, 

and non-Hispanic Asians, and 33.6 

percent of other race nonHispanics.33, 34 There was also 

31 The supplement is only administered 

to respondents who indicate being 18 years 

or older and also U.S. citizens, either by 

birth or naturalization. The Census Bureau 

does not inquire about additional eligibility 

criteria, including residency requirements or 

felony disenfranchisement. 32 About 5.4 million of those not registered indicated an “other reason” than the 

response options offered on the supplement. The estimate of those of who did not 

register because of an illness or disability 

was not significantly different than those 

who said they did not know or refused to 

answer the question, and those who said 

that their vote would not make a difference. 33 The percentage of other race nonHispanics who said they were not interested in the election or involved in politics 

was not significantly different from those 

who selected an “other” reason than those 

offered in the supplement. 34 The percentage of Hispanics, nonHispanic Blacks, non-Hispanic Asians, and 

other race non-Hispanics who were not 

interested in the election or involved in politics were not statistically different. 

variability in the distributions 

of those who did not register 

because they were not eligible, 

ranging from 4.8 percent of nonHispanic Whites, 6.3 percent of 

other race non-Hispanics, about 

11 percent of both non-Hispanic 

Blacks and non-Hispanic Asians, 

and 12.2 percent of Hispanics.35

Keep in mind that these are 

respondents who have identified as being citizens of voting 

age, so the specific nature of their 

reported ineligibility is not entirely 

clear, but could include not meeting residency requirements or 

felony disenfranchisement.36 

Meanwhile, 43.9 percent of those 

aged 45 to 64 were not interested in the election or involved in 

politics, a rate higher than all other 

age groups.37 Although 17.2 percent of the nonregistered population between 18 and 29 years 

missed a registration deadline, the 

rate decreased with age, ranging 

from 11.7 percent of those aged 30 

to 44, 9.7 percent of those aged 

35 Rates for not registering do to eligibility issues were not statistically different 

between non-Hispanic Whites and other 

race non-Hispanics, nor were they statistically different between non-Hispanic Blacks, 

non-Hispanic Asians, and Hispanics of any 

race. 36 Residency requirements vary by state 

and voting district. Felony disenfranchisement policies, or the prohibition from voting 

based on a previous felony criminal conviction, are not currently accounted for in the 

CPS and also vary by state. 37 Among groups aged 18 to 29, 30 to 

44, and 65 and older, percentages for those 

not interested in the election or involved in 

politics were not statistically different. 

45 to 64, and only 6.1 percent of 

those aged 65 and older. 

Finally, the percentage of the nonregistered population not interested in the election or involved in 

politics was also high among high 

school graduates (44.0 percent).38

College graduates frequently 

missed registration deadlines (16.7 

percent), a reason that decreased 

alongside educational attainment, 

with only 8.5 percent of those with 

less than a high school education 

missing the deadline.39

In recent presidential elections, the 

reasons given for not voting have 

changed from one election to the 

next (Figure 10). For example, in 

2000 only 8.1 percent of nonvoters did not like the candidates or 

campaign issues, a percentage 

that increased to about 13 percent 

in both 2008 and 2012, before 

increasing to about 25 percent, or 

a quarter of all nonvoters, in the 

most recent presidential election.40

Across the same time series the 

percentage of nonvoters who were 

not interested in the election or 

38 Rates of not being interested in the 

election or not involved in politics were not 

statistically different between those with 

some college and those with both less than 

a high school education and those who had 

completed high school. 39 The percentage of college graduates 

who were not interested in the election or 

involved in politics was not significantly 

different than those with some college but 

no degree. 40 The percentages who disliked the 

candidates or campaign issues in 2008 and 

2012 were not statistically different. 
U.S. Census Bureau 17

felt that their vote would not make 

a difference increased from 12.9 

percent in 2000 to 15.4 percent in 

2016, while the percentages who 

indicated being too busy to vote 

(22.0 percent in 2000, 14.3 percent in 2016), having an illness or 

disability (15.6 percent in 2000, 

11.7 percent in 2016), or being out 

of town or away from home (10.8 

percent in 2000, 7.9 percent in 

2016) decreased across these election cycles.41

The reasons given for not registering to vote have also varied across 

the time series (Figure 11). In the 

last four presidential elections 

41 In 2016, the percentage who did not 

register because they were too busy was 

not statistically different from those who 

were not interested in the election. The 

percentage who did not register because 

they were not interested in the election was 

not statistically different between 2000 and 

2004 and between 2012 and 2016. The percentage who did not register because they 

were too busy was not statistically different 

between 2000 and 2004. The percentage 

who did not register because of a permanent illness or disability was not statistically different between 2000, 2004, and 

2008. The percentage who did not register 

because they were out of town was not statistically different between 2012 and 2016.

a plurality were not registered 

because they were not interested 

in the election or not involved 

in politics, a percentage that 

has increased slightly from 38.8 

percent in 2004 to 41.8 in 2016.42

Meanwhile, the second most common reason for nonregistration, 

not meeting registration deadlines, 

has decreased slightly from 16.2 

percent in 2004 to 12.2 percent in 

2016. 

42 The percentages who were not 

interested in the election or not involved 

in politics were not statistically different 

between 2004 and 2008 and between 2012 

and 2016.

0

5

10

15

20

25

2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

Figure 10.

Reasons for Not Voting: Presidential Elections, 2000–2016

Note: The estimates in this figure are for registered nonvoters. 

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2000–2016.

(In percent)

Didn’t like candidates or campaign issues

Not interested, felt my vote wouldn’t make a dierence

Too busy, conflicting work or school schedule

Illness or disability (own or familys)

Out of town or away from home

Percent
18 U.S. Census Bureau

ACCURACY OF THE 

ESTIMATES

The population represented 

(i.e., the population universe) 

in the Voting and Registration 

Supplement to the November 2016 

CPS is the civilian noninstitutionalized population living in the United 

States. The excluded institutionalized population is composed primarily of individuals in correctional 

institutions and nursing homes. 

The November CPS supplement, 

which asks questions on voting 

and registration participation, 

provides the basis for estimates 

in this report. The first question 

in the 2016 supplement asked if 

respondents voted in the election held on Tuesday, November 

8. If respondents did not respond 

to the question or answered “No” 

or “Do not know,” they were then 

asked if they were registered to 

vote in the election. 

As in all surveys, the CPS estimates are subject to sampling and 

nonsampling error. All comparisons presented in this report have 

taken sampling error into account 

and are significant at the 90 percent confidence level. 

Nonsampling error in surveys is 

attributable to a variety of sources, 

such as survey design, the respondent’s interpretation of a question, the respondent’s willingness 

and ability to provide correct and 

accurate answers, and post-survey 

practices like question coding 

and response classification. To 

minimize these errors, the Census 

Bureau employs quality control 

procedures in sample selection, 

the wording of questions, interviewing, coding, data processing, 

and data analysis.

The CPS weighting procedure uses 

ratio estimation to adjust sample 

estimates to independent estimates of the national population 

by age, race, sex, and Hispanic 

origin. This weighting partially 

corrects for bias due to undercoverage of certain populations, but 

biases may still be present when 

people are missed by the survey 

who differ from those interviewed 

in ways other than age, race, sex, 

and Hispanic origin. We do not 

precisely know the effect of this 

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

2004 2008 2012 2016

Figure 11.

Reasons for Not Registering: Presidential Elections, 2004–2016

Note: The estimates in this figure are for the nonregistered population.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2004–2016.

(In percent)

My vote would not make a dierence

Not eligible to vote

Not interested in the election/not involved in politics

Did not meet registration deadlines

Permanent illness or disability

Percent
U.S. Census Bureau 19

weighting procedure on other 

variables in the survey. All of these 

considerations affect comparisons 

across different surveys or data 

sources.

Further information on the source 

of the data and accuracy of the 

estimates, including standard 

errors and confidence intervals, 

can be found at <www.census.gov 

/programs-surveys/cps/technical

-documentation/complete.html> 

or by contacting the Demographic 

Statistical Methods Division via 

e-mail at <dsmd.source.and

.accuracy@census.gov>.

The CPS estimates used in this 

report are an important analytic 

tool in election studies because 

they identify the demographic and 

socioeconomic characteristics of 

people by voter status. However, 

these estimates may differ from 

those based on administrative data 

or exit polls.

Every state’s board of elections 

tabulates the vote counts for each 

national election, while the Clerk of 

the U.S. House of Representatives 

reports these state results in 

aggregate form for the entire 

country. These tallies, which are 

typically viewed as the official 

results for a specific election, show 

the number of votes counted for 

select offices. In the various elections discussed in this report, the 

official count of comparison is 

either the total number of votes 

cast for the office of the president 

(in presidential election years) 

or the total number of votes cast 

for a House of Representatives or 

Senate seat (in congressional election years).

Discrepancies occur in each election between the CPS estimates 

and these official counts.43 In 

previous years, the disparity has 

varied, with official tallies typically 

showing lower turnout than the 

estimates used in these types of 

reports.44 Differences between the 

official counts and the CPS may 

be a combination of an understatement of the official numbers 

and an overstatement in the CPS 

estimates.

Understatement of Official Vote 

Tallies: Ballots are sometimes invalidated and thrown out during the 

counting process and therefore do 

not appear in the official counts as 

reported by the Clerk of the 

U.S. House of Representatives. 

Official vote counts also frequently do not include mismarked, 

unreadable, and blank ballots. 

Additionally, because the total 

number of official votes cast is 

typically determined by counting 

votes for a specific office (such as 

President or U.S. Representative), 

voters who did not vote for this 

specific office, but who did vote 

for a different office in the same 

election, are not included in the 

official reported tally. In all of 

these instances, it is conceivable 

that individuals would be counted 

as voters in the CPS and not 

counted in official tallies. 

Overstatement of Voting in the 

CPS: Some of the error in estimating turnout in the CPS is the result 

43 Information about state regulations 

for registration and voting can be found at 

the NCSL Web site, <www.ncsl.org>, or from 

the individual state election offices, which 

are typically (but not always) the state’s 

Secretary of State. 44 The official count of votes cast can be 

found on the Web page of the Clerk of the 

U.S. House of Representatives at 

<http://history.house.gov/Institution

/Election-Statistics/Election-Statistics/>, 

or on the Web page of the Federal Election 

Commission at <https://transition.fec.gov

/pubrec/electionresults.shtm>.

of population controls and survey 

coverage. Respondent misreporting is also a source of error in the 

CPS estimates. Previous analyses 

based on reinterviews showed 

that respondents and proxy 

respondents are consistent in their 

reported answers and thus misunderstanding the questions does 

not fully account for the difference 

between the official counts and 

the CPS. However, other studies 

that matched survey responses 

with voting records indicate that 

part of the discrepancy between 

survey estimates and official 

counts is the result of respondent 

misreporting, particularly vote 

overreporting for the purpose of 

appearing to behave in a socially 

desirable way (Holbrook and 

Krosnick, 2009). 

As discussed earlier, the issue of 

vote overreporting is not unique 

to the CPS. Other surveys consistently overstate voter turnout 

as well, including other highly 

respected national-level surveys like the American National 

Election Studies and the General 

Social Survey (GSS). The potential 

reasons why respondents might 

incorrectly report voting in an 

election are myriad and include 

intentional misreporting, legitimate 

confusion over whether a vote was 

cast or not, and methodological 

survey issues related to question 

wording, method of survey administration, and specific question 

nonresponse.

Voting Not Captured in the CPS:

The CPS covers only the civilian 

noninstitutionalized population 

residing in the United States, and 

therefore does not capture voting 

for citizens residing in the United 

States who were in the military 

or living in institutions. The CPS 

also does not capture voting for 
20 U.S. Census Bureau

citizens residing outside the United 

States, both civilian and military, 

who cast absentee ballots.45, 46

MORE INFORMATION

Detailed table packages are available that provide demographic 

characteristics of the population 

by voting and registration status. 

The Census Bureau also provides a series of historical tables 

and graphics, in addition to an 

interactive “Voting Hot Report.” 

Electronic versions of these products and this report are available 

at <www.census.gov/data/tables

/time-series/demo/voting-and

-registration/p20-580.html>.

CONTACT

U.S. Census Bureau Customer 

Services Center

Toll free at 1-800-923-8282

Visit <https://ask.census.gov/>

Suggested Citation

File, Thom, “Characteristics of 

Voters in the Presidential Election 

of 2016,” Current Population 

Survey Reports, P20-582, U.S. 

Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 

2015.

45 Demographic information for Armed 

Forces members (enumerated in off-base 

housing or on-base with their families) are 

included on the CPS data files. However, 

no labor force information is collected of 

Armed Forces members in any month. In 

March, supplemental data on income are 

included for Armed Forces members. This 

is the only month that nondemographic 

information is included for Armed Forces 

members. 46 The Federal Voting Assistance 

Program offers voting assistance for service 

members, their families, and overseas citizens, and also publishes estimates of overseas voting by U.S. citizens. More information on this valuable program can be found 

at <www.fvap.gov/>.

User Comments

The Census Bureau welcomes the 

comments and advice of users of 

our data and reports. Please send 

comments and suggestions to:

Chief, Social, Economic, and 

Housing Statistics Division 

U.S. Census Bureau

Washington, DC 20233-8500

REFERENCES

Bauman, Kurt, and Tiffany Julian, 

“A Summary of Data Collection 

Procedures and Reports of 

Voter Turnout from the Current 

Population Survey,” U.S. Census 

Bureau, Social, Economic, and 

Housing Statistics Working Paper, 

2010. 

Brooks, Clem and Jeff Manza, 

“Social Cleavages and Political 

Alignments: U.S. Presidential 

Elections, 1960 to 1992,” 

American Sociological Review, 

Vol. 62, No. 6, pp. 937–946, 1997.

DeBell, Matthew, Katie Gera, 

Jon A. Krosnick, David Yeager, 

Michael McDonald, “Facing the 

Turnout Gap in Surveys: Why so 

Wrong for So Long?” Working 

Paper, a version of which was 

presented at the Annual Meeting 

of the American Political Science 

Association, Washington, DC, 

2015.

Dittmar, Kelly, “Women Voters,” 

In Minority Voting in the United 

States, eds., 2015.

File, Thom, “Who Votes? 

Congressional Elections and the 

American Electorate: 1978–2014,” 

Population Characteristics, 

P20-577, U.S. Census Bureau, 

Washington, DC, 2015.

File, Thom, “The Diversifying 

Electorate—Voting Rates by 

Race and Hispanic Origin in 2012 

(and Other Recent Elections),” 

Population Characteristics, 

P20-568, U.S. Census Bureau, 

Washington, DC, 2013.

File, Thom, “Young-Adult Voting: 

An Analysis of Presidential 

Elections, 1964–2012,” Population 

Characteristics, P20-573, U.S. 

Census Bureau, Washington, DC, 

2014.

File, Thom, and Sarah Crissey, 

“Voting and Registration in the 

Election of November 2008,” 

Population Characteristics, 

P20-562, U.S. Census Bureau, 

Washington, DC, 2010.

Holbrook, Allyson L. and Jon A. 

Krosnick, “Social Desirability Bias 

In Voter Turnout Reports: Tests 

Using the Item Count Technique,” 

Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 74, 

Issue 1, Oxford University Press, 

2009.

McDonald, Michael, “What’s 

Wrong with the CPS?” Prepared 

for the 2014 American Political 

Science Association Conference, 

Washington, DC, August 27–31, 

2014.

Tourangeau, R., R. M. Groves, and 

C. D. Redline, “Sensitive Topics 

and Reluctant Respondents: 

Demonstrating a Link between 

Nonresponse Bias and 

Measurement Error,” Public 

Opinion Quarterly, 74, 413–432, 

2010.