U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

31–452PDF WASHINGTON : 2018

REVIEWING CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN

ETHIOPIA

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, 

GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND 

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

SEPTEMBER 12, 2018

Serial No. 115–162

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,

or http://www.Govinfo.gov 

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah 

VACANT 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

KAREN BASS, California 

AMI BERA, California 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

The Honorable Tibor P. Nagy, Jr., Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African 

Affairs, U.S. Department of State ...................................................................... 8

Mr. Girum Alemayehu, co-founder, Ethiopian American Development Council 27

Mr. Jamal Said, president, Oromo Community of Denver ................................... 32

Ms. Emily Estelle, senior analyst, Critical Threats Project, American Enterprise Institute ....................................................................................................... 40

Mr. Yoseph M. Badwaza, senior program officer—Africa, Freedom House ........ 49

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

The Honorable Tibor P. Nagy, Jr.: Prepared statement ....................................... 11

Mr. Girum Alemayehu: Prepared statement ......................................................... 29

Mr. Jamal Said: Prepared statement ..................................................................... 34

Ms. Emily Estelle: Prepared statement ................................................................. 42

Mr. Yoseph M. Badwaza: Prepared statement ...................................................... 52

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 70

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 71

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REVIEWING CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN 

ETHIOPIA 

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 2018

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH,

GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:03 p.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher H. Smith 

(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. SMITH. The committee will come to order, and good afternoon 

to everyone. 

Our first order of business is to note that today many Ethiopians 

are celebrating the start of the New Year under the Ethiopian calendar. So I want to wish our friends a very, very happy New Year 

and many more to come. 

Many of the hearings that this subcommittee has held over the 

years, especially on Ethiopia, have been focusing on criticism, raising fundamental human rights issues in Ethiopia. As a matter of 

fact, I introduced a bill back more than 10 years ago, the Ethiopian 

Human Rights Act. But today, however, strikes a far different tone, 

one not of criticism but of commendation for the great strides Ethiopia has made since Prime Minister Abiy assumed authority in 

April of this year. 

Consider where we were just a year ago: A state of emergency 

existed, and thousands of political prisoners languished in jail; a 

cold war standoff existed between Ethiopia and its neighbor Eritrea; and, of course, people in prisons were being tortured and mistreated in the most horrific of ways. 

As this subcommittee pointed out in a hearing we held in March 

2017, and I quote: Increasingly repressive policy has diminished 

political space and threatened to radicalize not only the political 

opposition but also civil society by frustrating their ability to exercise their rights under law. 

In response to this, I introduced, along with original cosponsors 

Karen Bass and Mike Coffman, my good friend and colleague, H. 

Res. 128, a resolution supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia. 

The resolution sets forth milestones which needed to be met and 

passed thanks to the leaderships of so many, including our Chairman Ed Royce, our Ranking Member Eliot Engel, and, of course, 

2

Kevin McCarthy and the Speaker, who ensured that the bill got to 

the floor in a timely fashion. 

But success of this measure was due in largest part to the efforts 

of the Ethiopian diaspora community in the United States, which 

came together to demand that egregious human rights abuses immediately cease and that fundamental human rights must be promoted and protected for all in Ethiopia. 

Indeed, one of the greatest collateral benefits brought about by 

the passage of H. Res. 128 is the political effectiveness of the Ethiopian American community, which provided a textbook civics lesson 

for all of us to admire and to emulate. It is thanks to their tireless 

efforts of contacting their congressional Representatives, of providing very, very good insights as to what was going on on the 

ground and making the case in a persistent manner that helps 

spur Congress to action. 

Since assuming office, Prime Minister Abiy has begun to implement some of the very reforms that H. Res. 128 called for. He has 

released thousands—I say again—thousands of political prisoners 

and lifted the state of emergency. But he has also reached out to 

the diaspora community, catalyzed an end to the schism that had 

plagued the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and initiated a historic 

peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea this past July. 

Indeed, it is hoped that his domestic reforms will also inspire 

Eritrea, which remains a repressive regime, to undertake similar 

internal reforms. As an aside, Eritrea must reform. Some estimates 

put it at more than 10,000 prisoners being held unjustly, including 

two U.S. Embassy staff, and one young Eritrean American named 

Ciham Ali Abdu. 

This then is an opportunity and an opportune moment for Eritrea as well to enact justice reforms, release political prisoners, and 

end coercive conscription policies. If that country did this, it would 

become too a critical U.S. strategic partner, and it could be—professionalize its military so as to contribute to peacekeeping missions. 

Just a few weeks ago, Ranking Member Karen Bass and I visited—and our staff—the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, where 

we met with Prime Minister Abiy, and a very broad array of individuals and groups including His Holiness Abune Mathias I. One 

impression I had was a profound feeling of change and optimism, 

the likes of which I have not seen in Ethiopia ever. 

For what he has accomplished in less than half a year, the Prime 

Minister deserves praise and encouragement, yet we still must 

keep in mind that expectations have been raised and the reforms 

he has begun must continue. For example, the notorious charities 

and societies proclamation and the antiterrorism proclamation both 

passed in 2009 remain on the books and thus retain the potential 

to stifle legitimate civil society organizations and political speech. 

Many former prisoners and torture victims still demand justice. 

Ranking Member Bass and I met with several groups of tortured 

victims in Addis, and what they described as having what they 

went through was absolutely horrific. One refrain we heard over 

and over, including from the Orthodox Church, is that there is a 

need for a truth and reconciliation in order for the country to move 

forward. 

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There also needs to be an opportunity for people who have been 

displaced to return home. Catholic Archbishop Abraham Desta of 

Meki recently brought to my attention that over 2.5 million people 

are internally displaced and require the government’s immediate 

attention, especially by providing education for displaced children 

as the school year has already started. 

The economy needs to grow to provide jobs for the many youth, 

including those who have participated in protests and civil disobedience; reforms in the economic sector, including liberalization and 

deregulation; as well as an opening of the economy to ethnic groups 

that have not been fully enfranchised needs to continue. It also has 

been said that the reforms begun by Prime Minister Abiy represent 

a ‘‘once-in-a-generation opportunity for Ethiopia.’’ It is thus absolutely crucial that this opportunity be seized and in no way squandered. 

With this in mind, the United States must remain a strong partner with Ethiopia, someone we know that they can call upon, and 

I know we are. We are so grateful to have our Assistant Secretary, 

who was the former Ambassador to Ethiopia, here today. 

We collaborate on counterterrorism measures. We support and 

are grateful for Ethiopia’s contribution to peacekeeping, indeed 

with more than 12,000 troops deployed between U.N. and AU missions. Ethiopia is the largest contributor to peacekeeping missions 

worldwide, and we must continue to encourage Ethiopia to participate in international military education training, or IMET, military 

professionalism programs. 

I also was encouraged by our conversations with military Chief 

of Staff General Mekonen on training Ethiopian peacekeepers on 

fighting the blight of human trafficking. Ethiopian is currently a 

tier two country. As the author of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, I will be strongly advocating that all antitrafficking training be included in our IMET training for Ethiopian peacekeepers. 

Again, they are not tier one, which is the best tier, to try to help 

them make progress in a broad range of trafficking issues in that 

country. 

I do believe, having met the man and having had an opportunity 

to engage in substantive discourse with him, Prime Minister Abiy 

is the right man for the right time and therefore deserving of our 

support. 

Finally, and speaking of support, I want to especially thank our 

Ambassador, Mike Raynor, our Deputy Chief of Mission Troy 

Fitrell, and political officer Wilson Korol, as well as all our Embassy staff for the support that they gave for our delegation. Their 

professionalism and their designation should give us great confidence that our relationship with the Prime Minister and his staff 

and country will remain strong and we will move forward together. 

I would like to yield to my good friend and colleague, Ms. Bass, 

for any opening statements. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you. Thank you, Chairman Smith. Thank you, 

one, for leading the codel and having us go down—even though it 

was a short trip, I think we were able to accomplish a lot—and especially for holding this hearing today. 

I want to welcome the Assistant Secretary. Thank you for your 

time coming and addressing us today. 

4

With the transition to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, it is an opportune time to take a closer look at our bilateral relationship and 

what opportunities exist to strengthen the bond between our two 

nations. 

As Africa’s fastest growing economy and its second most populous country, Ethiopia is a key regional partner for the U.S. The 

last few years, while unstable and at times chaotic, have led to a 

peaceful transition of power to Africa’s youngest leader. 

The Prime Minister’s initial efforts are promising and have elicited effusive headlines from international news publications. However, we do know that he faces daunting challenges ahead, including regional security issues, the country’s past human rights 

record, ethnic tensions across the country, and hardliners within 

the EPRDF that hope to stall his reform agenda. 

And I think holding this hearing today and beginning this process of examining our relationship, it is really an opportunity for us 

to figure out as the U.S. how we can help move Ethiopia forward 

especially in this time period. 

And then relations with Somalia and Eritrea continue to be Ethiopia’s top security concerns, and we know that the government will 

need to address tensions with Somalia as well as its key role in 

counterterrorism efforts. Ethiopia will also need to navigate rapprochement with Eritrea while easing concerns from its own citizens over recent peace deal ending a decades-long stalemate. 

Despite these challenges, I will say, for the last 14 years, I have 

represented a large Ethiopian community in Los Angeles. We even 

have a section of town that is called Little Ethiopia. And for the 

last 14 years, the diaspora has been so concerned and so upset at 

what was taking place in their homeland. And to me, it has just 

been so inspiring to see the Ethiopian diaspora and the people in 

Ethiopia—and when we visited—that are really encouraged and excited about the possibility of moving forward and recognizing that 

there are daunting challenges. 

We did face a little pushback when we were there over our resolution 128, and some people voiced why did we do it at that particular time, what was our timing, what were we trying to say. And 

the chairman and I had an opportunity to explain that, you know, 

the resolution was not trying to—well, it was trying to be encouraging and wanting things to move forward and was not trying to 

slap Ethiopia right when change was occurring. We had an opportunity to really discuss that with many people. 

I am looking forward to seeing how we can provide continuing 

support but how our support might change. I mean, one of the 

things that we know is going to be a challenge is governance, preparing for elections. When we met with the Prime Minister, the 

Prime Minister was very clear that he wanted to see change take 

place, but he was not wedded to be the Prime Minister forever, and 

he made that point very clear with us. 

We had the opportunity to meet with different ethnic groups and 

for them to express their concerns. And I think that one of the 

challenges that Ethiopia is going to face now is how to do the reconciliation, how to account for human rights abuses that took place 

in the past, how to account for that, and how to bring people together at the same time. 

5

And then when we spoke with the Prime Minister, you know, he 

was clear: We want to move the country forward, and we will have 

to figure out the truth and reconciliation process along the way, 

but we can’t stop and just focus on the grievances from the past. 

We absolutely have to do that healing, but we have to move the 

country forward. 

I want to welcome my colleague, Mr. Garamendi from northern 

California, who is here, and I know he will speak in a minute. But 

I was particularly happy to have him come here because Mr. 

Garamendi lived in Ethiopia and was a member of the Peace Corps 

many years ago and, in all those years since, has maintained contact with the village in which he served. 

Thank you very much. I yield back my time. 

Mr. SMITH. Ms. Bass, thank you very much for that. 

And we will recognize Mr. Garamendi in a moment, but I would 

like to yield to Mr. Coffman from Colorado, who has been a tenacious promoter of human rights in Ethiopia. 

And as the ranking member pointed out, you know, when we 

brought this up in April, Prime Minister Abiy had already, obviously, assumed office. But we introduced this in 2017, in February 

2017. We went through some rewrites because things were changing on the ground, and frankly, we gave to his government a prescriptive list of what the U.S. Congress, the House of Representatives, expected would happen. 

And it has been very telling just how close many of the things 

that, on a bipartisan basis, we had recommended, starting with the 

release of political prisoners, have happened. So we hope that the 

resolution has made some difference. 

And as I said earlier, it does go back to 2005 after I visited with 

President Meles and was profoundly disappointed with his human 

rights abuses, which was legion at the time, and stressed—and introduced the human rights bill at that point toward Ethiopia. So 

thank you, Ms. Bass. We worked very closely on this, and the trip, 

I think, was a great success. 

And now I would like to yield to Mr. Coffman. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 

Bass. 

First, I would like to thank Chairman Smith, Ranking Member 

Bass, and the rest of the Africa, Global Health, Global Human 

Rights, and International Organizations Subcommittee for allowing 

me to participate in today’s hearing. 

I have the distinct honor of representing the largest Ethiopian 

community in Colorado, I think one of the largest in the United 

States that is in my congressional district. And over the past few 

years, it has been my pleasure to get to know them, listen to their 

concerns, and work on their behalf here in Washington, DC. 

I am also very proud to have two of my constituents, Mr. Girum 

Alemayehu here today, and Jamal Said, to offer their thoughts on 

the current situation in Ethiopia. 

What we have seen in Ethiopia over the past few months has 

been entirely remarkable. New reforms and changes under the 

leadership of Prime Minister Abiy have started Ethiopia on what 

I believe to be a stronger path of inclusion, democracy, and new 

freedoms. It is of the utmost importance that the United States can 

6

show to Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people that we stand side by 

side with them as these reforms occur and that we are able to provide assistance whenever and wherever possible. 

House Resolution 128, which was passed by the House of Representatives on April 10, has played an important role in illustrating the commitment that the United States has concerning the 

people of Ethiopia. This legislation called on the Government of 

Ethiopia to make clear, decisive steps toward becoming more inclusive, more democratic, and more respectful of the basic human 

rights of its own citizens. 

I was very glad to see House Resolution 128 enjoy such bipartisan support from the Foreign Affairs Committee as well as in the 

full House of Representatives. While progress has been made, we 

must also be aware of the steps that are still required to be taken 

to address some of the remaining issues within Ethiopia. Specifically, there are still very troubling reports of ethnic violence taking 

place in the country where many have died and hundreds of thousands have been displaced from their homes. 

We also still want the results of the FBI’s investigation into the 

grenade attack on June 24, which occurred at a rally for the new 

Prime Minister and resulted in multiple deaths and injuries as well 

as what further actions may be required to be taken. The Ethiopian Government needs to be able to show that it can protect all 

of its citizens to be free and also that it takes great concern with 

the reports of continuing violations of human rights. 

Again, I would like to thank the subcommittee for inviting me to 

today’s proceedings, and I look forward to listening to witnesses’ 

testimonies as we continue this important discussion on how the 

United States and the House of Representatives can support Ethiopia as it works toward addressing some of these remaining concerns. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Coffman. 

The chair recognizes my good friend and colleague from California, Mr. Garamendi. 

Mr. GARAMENDI. I thank you, Chairman Smith and Ranking 

Member Bass. It is a privilege to be with you. This committee has 

been of extraordinary importance in all the work that you do and 

personally important to me because of your work in Africa and specifically Ethiopia. 

It was 50 years ago that my wife and I were Peace Corps volunteers in southwestern Ethiopia and attempted to—I could attempt 

to say [speaking foreign language] to all, maybe [speaking foreign 

language]. In any case, yes, we have gone back and forth to Ethiopia over many, many years. 

The current situation in Ethiopia is extraordinarily positive, and 

I, along with most others, remain very, very optimistic about where 

this new government will lead Ethiopia. 

There are certainly going to be issues that will affect the citizens 

and the people in the area. It is a complex country with many 

ethnicities and languages and incredible economic challenges and 

challenges from the neighborhood. I would encourage all of us to 

be attentive, not to be patient, but to also understand the complexities that face Ethiopia. 

7

I know that the current government, Mr. Abiy Ahmed, is doing 

everything he can. Of particular note—and I noticed the Ambassador’s time in Ethiopia when the Eritrean-Ethiopian war was in 

full—underway with tens of thousands of people dying—that the 

peace negotiations that occurred during that time in which a team 

of returned volunteers had a role, has apparently now taken hold 

after some 17 years of passage. That is a good thing. It will allow 

the northern part, in fact, all of Ethiopian and Eritrea to enjoy the 

benefits of peace and the reduction of the military attention that 

that area has had. 

There is much to be done. This committee is extremely important, and I really want to thank the committee for the opportunity 

to be here and to follow along. I know that my wife and I will continue to always love Ethiopia and the people of Ethiopia. Thank 

you very much. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

I would like to now yield to our distinguished colleague from Virginia, Mr. Garrett. 

Mr. GARRETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Very briefly, as I pointed out during this subcommittee hearing 

and the full committee hearings, and as I am sure our witness 

today is more aware of than I am, we are really at a turning point 

as it relates to Ethiopia’s march forward. There are certain demographic and geographical realities on the ground. 

For example, there is 15.5 times as much land area in the nation-state of Russia as in Ethiopia, and yet the population of Russia is about 35 plus or minus million greater than that of Ethiopia. 

And so we have a lot of people in a relatively small area, which 

creates problems in and of itself, particularly when we consider the 

birth rates therein. 

And this isn’t necessarily a good or bad thing; although, I will 

point out the amazing diversity and vibrant cultural contributions 

as well as contributions in the realms of the arts and sciences, et 

cetera. They go back literally millennia to the region. But if we 

don’t start to get it right, we may not be able to reel it back in. 

And so I am encouraged by Prime Minister Abiy’s steps. I think 

that we are headed in the right direction but certainly as it relates 

to regional stability, which I think I could articulate and argue 

plays in the 21st century directly into global stability, we need to 

make sure we get this right. 

And so, Mr. Chairman, members of the panel, it is important 

that what we do here today, that we formulate policy in the United 

States appropriate to our role as an outside nation to encourage 

and support Ethiopia as it tries to develop economically, educationally, culturally, socially, and that we stand and speak with a clear 

voice as it relates to civil societies, as it relates to best practices, 

engaging disparate elements and opinions, because we won’t have 

today over again. 

So, with that, I thank the chairman for calling this meeting, and 

I thank the members of the panel. I hope that we can do good work 

for the future here today. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Garrett. 

I would like to now introduce our very distinguished leader, in 

the job for a month but certainly a very wise and experienced AfriVerDate 0ct 09 2002 12:41 Oct 29, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00011 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AGH\091218\31452 SHIRL
8

ca hand, a man who has done tremendous work over the years, 

Tibor Nagy is the Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs. 

Ambassador Nagy has spent over 32 years in government service, including 20 years in assignments across Africa. He served as 

United States Ambassador to Ethiopia from 1999 to 2002 and the 

United States Ambassador to Guinea from 1996 to 1999. He also 

served as deputy chief of mission in Nigeria from 1993 to 1995, in 

Cameroon from 1990 to 1993, and in Togo from 1987 to 1990. 

After his retirement from the Foreign Service and before being 

called back into service, Ambassador Nagy was vice provost for 

international affairs at Texas Tech University from 2003 to 2018. 

Ambassador Nagy has received numerous awards for his service, 

including recognition for helping prevent famine in Ethiopia and 

supporting efforts to end the Ethiopian-Eritrean war. He has lectured nationally on African development and U.S. diplomacy and 

serves as a regular op-ed contributor to the Lubbock AvalancheJournal Newspaper on global events. 

Ambassador Nagy is also coauthor of ‘‘Kiss Your Latte Goodbye: 

Managing Overseas Operations,’’ the nonfiction winner of the 2014 

Paris Book Festival. He came to the United States in 1957 as a political refugee from Hungary. He received his BA from Texas Tech, 

MSA from George Washington University, and he and his wife Eva 

Jane have three children and the first triplets to be born in independent Zimbabwe. 

We welcome you, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Ambassador to the committee. And, again, we thank you for your extraordinary service for 

so many decades and look forward to your testimony. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE TIBOR P. NAGY, JR., ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Ambassador NAGY. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Bass, and members of the committee, thank you for 

the invitation to testify today on U.S. national interests and recent 

developments in Ethiopia. 

I also wanted to take the opportunity in this hearing—my first 

before you—to address Eritrea and the regional significance of the 

improving relationships between Ethiopia and Eritrea. As a former 

U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, this topic is of great importance to 

me personally, so it is a real pleasure to be here with you today. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Bass, I also want to thank you 

for your recent trip to Ethiopia. I greatly appreciate the focus that 

Congress has on this region, which I believe is very important for 

our national interests, and I welcome the opportunity to discuss recent developments with the subcommittee. 

Allow me to open our time today with some thematic remarks on 

recent developments. In Ethiopia, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has 

initiated groundbreaking reforms across most every area of Ethiopian society since becoming Prime Minister on April 2, 2018. He 

deserves tremendous credit for his boldness in tackling issues that 

previous governments have not addressed. 

We have a strong relationship with the highest reaches of the 

new administration which reflects not only our century-long diploVerDate 0ct 09 2002 12:41 Oct 29, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00012 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AGH\091218\31452 SHIRL
9

matic relations with Ethiopia, the only country in sub-Saharan Africa which was never colonized, but also our great support for Dr. 

Abiy’s reform vision. 

Implementing this reform vision is not without its challenges, 

and to make such broad and rapid changes will require reinforcing 

the foundation for the relationship between the Ethiopian people 

and its government. We have seen Dr. Abiy do so, actively engaging with the public to support his government and his works to implement reforms. In July, he came to the United States to meet 

with the Ethiopian diaspora members, many of whom are enthusiastic participants in our own electoral process and care greatly for 

their homeland. 

Dr. Abiy has also taken dramatic steps to end the former government’s repression of civil liberties, inviting a diversity of voices, including many who were previously criminalized to participate in 

Ethiopia’s future. Yet, strengthening institutions, setting the economy on a firm footing, and restoring stability to areas facing humanitarian disaster and ethnic conflict will not be done overnight. 

The expectations of the Ethiopian people are also incredibly high 

and many of them are young. We estimate that there are around 

70 million Ethiopians younger than 30, many of whom have participated in protests in recent years due to frustration with corruption 

and the lack of economic opportunity. 

The Ethiopian Government has openly sought partnership with 

the United States to achieve its ambitious reform plans. We have 

a tremendous opportunity to support Ethiopia as a friend and partner in the process. We are working to provide support to Dr. Abiy 

and his administration across all of these challenges as he continues his work in years ahead. 

But looking more broadly at regional issues, we enthusiastically 

welcome Dr. Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki working 

together to end 20 years of conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea. 

There is still much work to do to repair the consequences of the 

conflict for the peoples of both countries, especially in borders regions. But we have already seen a tremendous outpouring of emotion on both sides supporting peace, and both governments have 

highlighted the positive consequences this will bring for the entire 

Horn of Africa. 

We support both sides as they explore possibilities for peace and 

continue to encourage and support their long-term success. But 

guaranteeing the full benefits of peace for years to come will depend on the strength of all parties’ efforts to restore friendship and 

prosperity to both countries, and this must be done as inclusively 

as possible including with other important partners in the region 

and beyond. 

Since Eritrea’s mid-June decision to send a delegation to Ethiopia, there have been several meetings between the two governments’ officials in Asmara, Addis Ababa, and capitals across the 

Horn of Africa to discuss trade, development, and tourism. 

So far, the public and tangible examples of improved relations 

are the reopening of telephone service and the resumption of regular flights between both countries. And since this was written, 

they just opened their land borders yesterday at two points, which 

was remarkable. 

10

Eritrea is also expanding capacity at the Port of Massawa for use 

by Ethiopia, and it was just announced early in September that an 

Ethiopian commercial vessel used the Port of Massawa for the first 

outbound shipment on an Ethiopian vessel since the peace agreement. We anticipate that these and other steps will create the potential for greater development of people-to-people ties on both 

sides of the border. 

Peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea leads us to another remarkable story: Eritrea’s reemergence onto the regional and global stage 

and the many potential opportunities for the United States stemming from regional peace. With Ethiopian-Eritrea’s conflict ending, 

we see strong potential for Eritrea’s contribution to improving regional security. 

Eritrea has resisted extremist threats and could provide lessons 

to others on how to maintain a diversity of communities free from 

violent extremism. Eritrea can also contribute to regional peace 

and stability, as we have seen with Eritrea’s engagement with Somalia and South Sudan and Eritrea’s role-brokering agreements 

among Ethiopian opposition groups. 

Eritrea, which has a strong tradition of self-sufficiency and independence, could also promote a stronger regional approach to countering potentially malign influences of global competitors operating 

in the region. Nonetheless, we still have significant concerns in our 

bilateral relations with Eritrea that we will continue to highlight 

in days ahead. 

Eritrea currently continues to imprison several of our Embassies’ 

locally employed staff members for politically motivated reasons. 

We have also raised concerns about the detention of American citizens who are detained for the same reasons. 

Though Eritrea has regularly asserted that it has no substantive 

relationship with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Eritrea has not fully explained certain past arms procurement transactions between Eritrea and the DPRK that the U.N. panel of experts reported. Broader human rights concerns, such as indefinite 

obligatory national service, the arbitrary detention of religious and 

political prisoners, and a tightly controlled opaque system of government also hinder our scope for cooperation. 

The United States has deliberately engaged with Eritrea in recent months, with both these opportunities and concerns in full 

view, and we will continue to do so. Although we have already seen 

many gains from peace, which the President and the Secretary of 

State have both hailed publicly, further progress will require more 

action, some of these priority issues in Eritrea. 

Thank you so much, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Nagy follows:]

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31452a-1.eps

Statement by Assistant Secretary Tibor Nagy, Bureau of African Affairs 

"U.S. National Interests in Developments in Ethiopia" 

House Foreign Affairs Committee 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 

International Organizations 

Wednesday, September 12, 2018, 2:00PM 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Bass, and Members of the Committee, 

Thank you for the invitation to testify today on U.S. national interests in recent 

developments in Ethiopia. I also wanted to take the opportunity of this hearingmy first before you-to address Eritrea, and the regional significance of the 

improving relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea. As a former U.S. 

Ambassador to Ethiopia, this topic is of great importance to me personally, so it is 

a real pleasure to be here with you today. 

Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Bass, I also want to thank you for your recent 

trip to Ethiopia. I greatly appreciate the focus the Congress has on this region, 

which T believe is very important for our national interests, and T welcome the 

opporttmity to discuss recent developments with the Subcommittee. 

Allow me to open our time today with some thematic remarks on recent 

developments. 

ETHIOPIA 

In Ethiopia, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has initiated grom1dbreaking retorms 

across most every area of Ethiopian society since becoming Prime Minister on 

April2, 2018. He deserves tremendous credit for his boldness in tackling issues 

that previous govenm1ents have not addressed. We have a strong relationship with 

the highest reaches of the new administration, which reflects not only our centurylong diplomatic relations with Ethiopia- the only country in Sub Saharan Africa 

that was never colonized- but also our great support tor Dr. Abiy's retorm vision. 

Implementing this refom1 vision is not without its challenges, and to make such 

broad and rapid changes will require reinforcing the foundation tor the relationship 

between the Ethiopian people and government. 
12


31452a-2.eps

We have seen Dr. Abiy do so, actively engaging with the public to support his 

government as it works to implement reforms. ln July he came to the United 

States to meet with Ethiopian diaspora members, many of whom are enthusiastic 

participants in our own electoral process and care greatly for their homeland. Dr. 

Abiy has also taken dramatic steps to end the former government's repression of 

civil liberties, inviting a diversity of voices- including many who were previously 

criminalized- to participate in Ethiopia's future. 

Yet strengthening institutions, setting the economy on a firm footing, and restoring 

stability to areas facing humanitarian disaster and ethnic conflict will not be done 

overnight. The expectations ofthe Ethiopian people are also incredibly high, and 

many ofthem are young. We estimate that there are around 70 million Ethiopians 

younger than 30, many of whom have participated in protests in recent years due to 

frustrations with corruption and the lack of economic opportunity. The Ethiopian 

government has openly sought partnership with the United States to achieve its 

ambitious reform plans. We have a tremendous opportunity to support Ethiopia as 

a friend and partner in the process. 

We are working to provide support to Dr. Abiy and his administration across all of 

these challenges as he continues his work in years ahead. 

PEACE BETWEEN ETIDOPTA AND ERITREA 

Looking more broadly at regional issues, we enthusiastically welcomed Dr. Abiy 

and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki working together to end 20 years of conflict 

between Ethiopia and Eritrea. There is still much work to do to repair the 

consequences of the conflict for the peoples of both Eritrea and Ethiopia, 

especially in border regions. But we have already seen a tremendous outpouring of 

emotion on both sides supporting peace, and both governments have highlighted 

the positive consequences this will bring for the entire Hom of Africa. 

We support both sides as they explore possibilities for peace, and continue to 

encourage and support their long-term success. But guaranteeing the full benefits 

of peace for years to come will depend on the strength of all parties' eflorts to 

restore friendship and prosperity to both countries, and this must be done as 

inclusively as possible, including with other important partners in the region and 

beyond. 

Since Eritrea's mid-June decision to send a delegation to Ethiopia, there have been 

several meetings between the two governments' officials in Asmara, Addis Ababa, 

2 
13


31452a-3.eps

and capitals across the Hom of Africa to discuss trade, development, and tourism. 

So far, the public and tangible examples of improved relations are the reopening of 

telephone service and the resumption of regular flights between both countries. 

Eritrea is also expanding capacity at the Port ofMassawa for use by Ethiopia, and 

it was just announced early in September that an Ethiopian col1l111ercial vessel used 

the Port ofMassawa for the first outbmmd shipment on an Ethiopian vessel since 

the peace agreement. We anticipate that these and other steps will create the 

potential for greater development and people-to-people ties on both sides ofthe 

border. 

ERITREA 

Peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea leads us to another remarkable story: Eritrea's 

re-emergence onto the regional and global stage, and the many potential 

opporttmities for the United States stenmling from regional peace. 

With Ethiopia and Eritrea's conflict ending, we see strong potential for Eritrea's 

contributions to improving regional security. Eritrea has resisted extrenlist threats, 

and could provide lessons to others on how to maintain a diversity of communities 

free from violent extremism. Eritrea can also contribute to regional peace and 

stability, as we have seen with Eritrea's engagement with Somalia and South 

Sudan, and Eritrea's role brokering agreements among Ethiopian opposition 

groups. Eritrea, which has a strong tradition of self-sufficiency and independence, 

could also promote a stronger regional approach to countering potentially malign 

influence of global competitors operating in the region. 

Nonetheless, we still have significant concerns in our bilateral relations with 

Eritrea that we will continue to highlight in days ahead. Eritrea currently continues 

to imprison several of our Embassy's Locally Employed Staff members for 

politically-motivated reasons. We have also raised concerns about the detention of 

American citizens who are detained for the same reasons. Though Eritrea has 

regularly asserted that it has no substantive relationship with the Democratic 

Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK), Eritrea has not fully explained certain past 

arms procurement transactions between Eritrea and the DPRI<:. that the UN Panel of 

Experts reported. Broader human rights concerns such as indefinite, obligatory 

national service; the arbitrary detention of religious and political prisoners; and a 

tightly controlled, opaque system of government also hinder our scope for 

cooperation. 

3 
14


31452a-4.eps

The United States has deliberately engaged with Eritrea in recent months with both 

these opporttmities and concerns in full view, and we will continue to do so. 

Although we have already seen many gains from peace, which the President and 

the Secretary of State have both hailed publicly, further progress will require more 

action on some of these priority issues in Eritrea. 

Thank you, and I look forward to your questions. 

4 
15

Mr. SMITH. I thank you so very much, Mr. Secretary, again, for 

your leadership and for being here today. 

I do have a number of questions, and I will ask them in somewhat succession. We do have a number of members here today, and 

I think that is a good sign of the concern that we all have. 

Let me start with sex trafficking and trafficking in general. 

Again, it is an area that I have spent more than 25 years working 

on and written a number of laws on, and I raise it everywhere 

every time I go. And Ethiopia does have a problem. Prime Minister 

Abiy inherited a very significant problem with child sex tourism 

which remains unabated in Addis Ababa, Bahir Dar, Hawassa, 

Bishoftu, to name at least some areas where it is very, very rampant. 

Convictions have dropped. In 2016, there were 640; in 2017, it 

dropped to 182, a very bad trend line, because we know the problem has not gone away. And on a positive note, last month, Sudan 

and Ethiopia signed an agreement to work together on their border 

to fight against human trafficking, and I think that was a great 

step forward. 

And when Karen Bass and I met with Chief of Staff General 

Mekonen, we both really strongly made the point that his soldiers 

need to be trained in how to mitigate human trafficking, to spot it, 

to be on the side of protection and not on the side of exploitation. 

He seemed very open to it, especially when we mentioned the 

IMET training that might be an area where we could include this. 

And I wonder if you could just speak to that, because he has so 

many issues and problems he has to deal with all at once, and I 

think there is a key here or a concern that we need to all manage 

expectations. It is not all going to be done in a day. But I think 

this needs to be emphasized very, very strongly. 

Secondly, if I could, and that is on the issue of the internally displaced, 2.6 million displaced, about 1 million IDPs in eastern 

Oromia. What are we doing to try to help them in their humanitarian crisis, which is obviously severe? 

We have also raised on our trip—and we are doing it again here; 

we have done it in our resolution and elsewhere—the use of torture 

against so many individuals. I know the Prime Minister has 

cleaned house of some of the worst of the worst, but we know in 

Maekelawi prison, which is finally being shut down, we heard stories of people who had been grossly mistreated. And obviously the 

guards and others who were a part of that need to be held to account. 

And, finally, the whole issue of China’s influence—and I know 

you are very concerned about that, as well—the debt that they are 

piling on one African country after another that will become 

unsustainable in exchange for their minerals, their oil, their wood. 

It is a one-way ticket to Beijing in terms of the net benefits of that 

relationship, and I think Ethiopia is beginning to understand that 

themselves. 

So maybe you can speak to that as well. 

Ambassador NAGY. Sure. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Four extremely important areas to address. Maybe I can take 

them in reverse order. The Chinese one is extremely important, 

and that is one that is of great personal interest to me. I think the 

16

Ethiopians definitely understand that China is not the long-term 

solution for their problems. 

I think it is true in just about all of Africa that the problems—

the greatest problems they are going to face is this demographic 

wave of the population doubling between now and 2050. And the 

solution all comes down—it sounds simplistic, but it is really not, 

but it comes down to jobs, jobs, jobs for the young people. 

And Prime Minister Abiy, I think, is one of those enlightened 

leaders that fully comprehends that to take Ethiopia on a road to 

prosperity and stability, it requires creating jobs, jobs, jobs for 

those millions and millions and millions of young people who are, 

you know, a huge percentage of the population will be under 15. 

And that is not going to come from trade with China. 

So he is extremely eager to open up trade and commerce in Ethiopia with other companies. They are reaching out to us, as are a 

number of other African countries, and I think it is extremely important for the United States to engage with him, obviously not 

only that area, but that area is critically important to their longterm future. 

And that will require several strategic steps because, of course, 

it will require work on the part of Ethiopia to put on in the kind 

of enabling environment which will be welcoming to other companies besides Chinese, and I think that they are very eager to proceed on that. It will also require work on the United States Government’s part to help the Ethiopians technically in those areas. 

And then, finally, it will also require us to reach out to American 

companies to go to Africa because, unlike China, we don’t have 

state-owned corporations and state-owned banks to where we order 

companies to go to countries X, Y, and Z and invest so much 

money. 

American companies, I know, are eager to invest in Africa, especially Ethiopia has now a phenomenal reputation. And in many 

cases, companies want to do that, but they find it difficult because 

they are not sure that the environment is right for them. So it is 

a cycle that we actually have to step into and work on to help 

Prime Minister Abiy succeed. 

In the area of the use of torture, extremely important area. The 

United States, of course——

Mr. SMITH. While you are answering, could you just add to that 

answer. The Torture Victims Relief Act, and I authored four of 

those over the years, provide for that intervention for PTSD especially. Is that something that you would consider, you know, helping the Ethiopian Government obtain because those best practices 

lead maybe not to a cure but to an ability to overcome the nightmares to a great extent? 

Ambassador NAGY. Absolutely. And we have had experience 

doing this before. I remember when I was Ambassador in Guinea, 

the whole region was engulfed in Liberian and Sierra Leonean civil 

war, and the United States became quite active in working with 

the victims of torture to try to help them overcome that. 

As a matter of fact, we worked with the Peace Corps to introduce 

a brand new program to where third-year volunteers could actually—had to have the competent abilities to work in the camps specifically with the torture victims. 

17

So, as you said, Mr. Chairman, the military and the security 

forces are having to work on so many issues at the same time, but 

this is one that is critically important. And it is also one that the 

Ethiopians are going to have to have a national dialogue on, because different countries in Africa have had different approaches to 

this kind of internal peace and reconciliation post trauma. 

Liberians did it one way; Sierra Leoneans did it another way; the 

South Africans, of course, did it a certain way. And it has to be 

done culturally. But as you said yourself, they do have to come to 

some kind of resolution because, otherwise, it is a poison that will 

exist in their society going forward. 

We, of course,—it is not for the United States to tell other countries how to do it, but we certainly have to be prepared to support 

when asked to do so. And I was delighted to hear you say that even 

the military are interested in this. So that would be another one. 

On the internally displaced, as usual, I am—the United States 

does step forward very quickly. I was very pleased to see this, that 

in July, the U.S. Government announced more than $170 million 

in humanitarian assistance for the emergency response in Ethiopia. 

I mean, we are there. The internally displaced numbers are horrifying. They go back several years, although recently because of 

the emergency that happened in Somalia and the brief violence 

that took part there that added another great number of internally 

displaced. So we are there, USAID, Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, Food for Peace, and we will continue to be there to monitor and to help whatever way we can. 

And let’s see, I think the last one was the trafficking in persons. 

Again, I think you have a situation with Ethiopia where you have 

a transitioning government with the enlightenment to want to 

change things. Their problem comes up is that they have to change 

things in so many critical areas. 

And even the security forces, again, they want to improve. We 

want them to improve, would love to see nothing more than to see 

them get up to that tier one status. And they want to engage with 

us. We want to engage with them. We have made that—specific 

recommendations. So we will work with them on that very actively 

to help them get there. It is very rarely that you have a government with so many good intentions. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. It might be worthwhile to configure a trip 

with the TIP office——

Ambassador NAGY. Yes. 

Mr. SMITH [continuing]. Because they are experts and they have 

a wealth of best practices that they could share. 

Ranking Member Bass. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you very much. 

And, again, Assistant Secretary, I really appreciate you being 

here today, and I look forward to welcoming you on Friday at the 

Africa Brain Trust that the Congressional Black Caucus is doing, 

and I know the public will look forward to hearing your comments. 

I wanted to follow up with the discussion that you were having 

about the reconciliation process, and specifically my questions want 

to know your opinions about what we can do in Congress to be 

helpful with the process. 

18

So, you know, when we met with the various groups, you know, 

top on their agenda was reconciliation. When we met with the 

Prime Minister, you know, you got a slightly different message. I 

mean, he understands how critically important it is, but at the 

same time, he doesn’t want the country to be consumed by that. 

And so I just wanted to know your thoughts on what we might do 

that might be helpful. 

Ambassador NAGY. I believe that the best thing to do would be 

for the United States of America, as voiced by the people’s Representatives, to recognize that Prime Minister Abiy has indicated 

an interest in going toward national reconciliation, the importance 

of national reconciliation, and that the United States stands ready 

to support any way possible to make that happen, as we did with 

South Africa, as we did with Liberia, as we did with Sierra Leone, 

to walk that fine line of not dictating but recognizing and respecting so that, as I said before, it does not become a poison in the future environment. It has to be taken out. 

Ms. BASS. Do you think it is helpful to do a resolution, a sense 

of Congress, or some kind of statement especially following on the 

heels of the resolution that we did? 

Ambassador NAGY. I think resolutions are greatly paid attention 

to in Ethiopia. During my time as Ambassador, I was called often 

by the Ethiopian Government based on actions that Congress took. 

So it definitely would receive widespread——

Ms. BASS. That wasn’t good, I take it. 

Ambassador NAGY. Pardon me? 

Ms. BASS. That was not good, I take it. 

Ambassador NAGY. Well, yes, I was chewed out a fair number of 

times because I was, let me put it this way, credited with the action that, in fact, Congress took. 

Ms. BASS. I see. 

Ambassador NAGY. But in that regard, so I think it would definitely have its purposes, and as I mentioned, it definitely would be 

noticed by not only the Ethiopian Government but the larger Ethiopian community worldwide. And it is not just in the U.S. diaspora, 

it is, you know, Ethiopians around the world. 

Ms. BASS. Right. Well, you know, when you mentioned promoting 

U.S. business involvement in Ethiopia—and I agree with you 100 

percent, but one way we also might look to be helpful—I mean, the 

diaspora has been involved in terms of business, but we might look 

for ways to promote that, especially the diaspora that has not felt 

they could really engage with the country because of prior administrations. So something that we might figure out what we could do 

to help promote diaspora business involvement as well, in addition 

to, you know, the multinational corporations. 

I wanted to ask you also about Eritrea. With the opening of relations between the two countries, do you think or do you have any 

sense at all whether the force, national service will continue on the 

military side, you know, considering what the nature of it would 

be, and especially given that that is one of the major reasons for 

the migration out of Eritrea, you know, and the people getting on 

the boats and attempting to make it to Europe? 

Ambassador NAGY. Representative Bass, you are absolutely right 

on that. Up to now, for the last 20-plus years, Eritrea has used 

19

Ethiopia as an excuse to maintain what I would almost call a fortress state and have one of the largest standing armies in Africa, 

despite the size of their population, plus the heinous national service, which never seem to end. With the opening of peace, they really will no longer have a reason to do that. 

So we will be very—we will be following events very closely to 

see what domestic steps the Eritrean Government now takes to go 

along with their outward openings internationally, because I think 

it is critically important for Eritrea to do domestically the types of 

openings that they are doing internationally. 

I was astounded also a couple of days ago to see the Presidents 

of Eritrea and Djibouti embracing on the tarmac of Asmara Airport. These events, for me, are mind-boggling. In my 40 years of 

following Africa, I have never seen this type of transition happen. 

I think it is a clear indication of the wonderful things that can happen from enlightened, strong leadership, just like we have seen 

awful things happen around unfortunately the continent and from 

other types of leadership, which is the opposite of that. 

And I hope that that serves as an example to President Isaias 

as well, that it leads to instant popularity. You don’t have to have 

a repressive state when you are doing the right thing and you are 

taking your people’s interests as your first goal. 

Ms. BASS. Do you see our relationship having changed at all with 

Eritrea since opening with Ethiopia? 

Ambassador NAGY. Well, the atmosphere has improved, I think, 

remarkably, but now let’s get to the heart of the issue and let’s get 

to actual events and actions, because that also goes, for example, 

to the sanctions regime. 

You know, Eritrea cannot assume that by saying wonderful 

things and opening good relations with the neighbors, that that 

will automatically lead to sanctions relief. There have to be concrete actions taken, and we, of course, will remain very engaged 

and, you know, say things that will not always be popular, but they 

have to be said. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

I yield to my good friend from Denver. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Real concerned with these extraordinary numbers, high numbers 

of displaced individuals in Ethiopia and the ethnic tensions inside 

the country. Is there anything else that the United States can do 

to influence that situation in terms of getting better, reducing the 

tensions, and what is the Prime Minister able to do? 

Ambassador NAGY. That also—thank you, sir. That is a phenomenal question because ethnicity in Ethiopia is such a historically interesting issue. In one respect, Ethiopia being an ethnic federalism offers almost a unique model in Africa based on how some 

of the other States have been structured because of the boundaries. 

So it offers that example. 

So ethnicity in Ethiopia has been a very stark issue. But then, 

on the other hand, of all the places I have served in Africa, I have 

never met people like in Ethiopia who carry all of them a sense of 

Ethiopianess in their DNA going back to 2,000 years of Ethiopian 

20

history. So it is one of those, you know, two forces existing in the 

same place. 

I believe that Prime Minister Abiy recognizes that the best solution to ethnic friction is economic progress, economic opportunity 

for the young people who live there, because if the opportunities 

exist and there is really no reason to be having animosity toward 

other—that other ethnicity that may be in the other side of town, 

and I believe that he intends to work in that regard. 

We, of course, may be in position to offer programs of technical 

assistance in this regard. But I truly believe the heart of the issue 

and the heart of the solution really would be economic progress to 

where the ethnic groups don’t feel that urgency of competition just 

based on ethnicity. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Ambassador, you mentioned about the need to go 

through—for Ethiopia to go through a process of reconciliation. You 

gave some examples of different countries that have gone through 

a process of reconciliation. One of your examples is South Africa. 

Is South Africa in some way a model of reconciliation? 

Ambassador NAGY. The only difference being there that in South 

Africa, you have, of course, that racial dimension, which is almost 

unique to that country. In Zimbabwe, it was at one time but not 

to the extent in South Africa, which is quite a bit different from 

Ethiopia, because in Ethiopia it was not a racial dimension or even 

so much of an ethnic dimension as just abuse of a segment of the 

population by a historicity of regimes, going all the way back, in 

some respects, you know, quite frankly, to the Emperor but then, 

of course, certainly the Mengistu regime, the successor regime led 

by Prime Minister Meles, and the post-Meles government. Now the 

one that wants to take the lid off everything, let the light in, transparency, openness, it falls to them to—in many respects it is unfair 

because it falls to them to have to undue the harm that has been 

done in previous generations, but it has to be a restorative but also 

cathartic experience. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Ambassador, what can we do to assist Ethiopia to 

try to make these changes, these reforms from the Abiy administration, the Prime Minister, sustainable? 

Ambassador NAGY. To continue engagement, to take a whole-ofgovernment approach, to mobilize all of our resources together, 

and, in commonality, to maintain an ongoing dialogue to stay with 

it, and also to act as quickly as the U.S. Government is capable of 

acting because he is moving very, very quickly. And he realizes also 

that the changes that he is bringing in are quite fragile and that 

his people are expecting him to move quickly also and to show 

progress. 

So we have to be also very flexible and very deft. And I would 

like to also echo what the chairman said that we are fortunate to 

have Ambassador Raynor in Addis at this time, an extremely talented Embassy staff. 

Our communications are constant. Their communications with 

Abiy’s government, Prime Minister Abiy’s government, are ongoing 

and constant, so we are going to all work together to be able to 

maximize the effectiveness of the U.S. Government because all of 

us want to see the same thing for a whole variety of reasons, from 

21

U.S. security to our business prosperity but also to the regional stability in the Greater Horn of Africa. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Mr. Chairman, I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mike. 

We are joined by the distinguished chairman of the full Foreign 

Affairs Committee, Chairman Royce. 

Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I will just make some general observations here, but let me begin 

by thanking you and ranking member Karen Bass for the trip that 

you made to Ethiopia and the arguments you put forward. 

And let me also thank Mike Coffman. We worked together on the 

resolution. And let me say that this issue, Mike, of advancing 

human rights in Ethiopia is one that I think we are somewhat encouraged by some of the recent events, but your observation that 

we need to sustain this progress, we need to see the Prime Minister’s work sort of taken up as a long-term commitment by the 

government is important. The focus of the resolution was for the 

government in Ethiopia to address these human rights concerns 

head on. And we have indeed, as I say, seen some commendable 

progress since then. 

When he took office in April, the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed 

took some pretty bold steps to reform Ethiopia’s government, some 

pretty bold moves on the economy as well. And we have tens of 

thousands of political prisoners now that have been released. Many 

more in exile have felt safe enough to return home. That is what 

I am told in Los Angeles and in southern California by the community. Media freedom certainly has expanded from where it was. 

And the government, I think, in their public recognition about the 

need to systemically improve human rights conditions have made 

the right commitments there. 

The economic reforms are encouraging, but many of them are 

proposed at this point, so we want to see full implementation and 

enforcement. There has also been historic progress toward resolving the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and we should comment on that because, during my time as chairman of the Africa 

Subcommittee, we held a number of hearings on the brutal conflict 

between these two countries. 

Years later, we can finally look upon the conflict with cautious 

optimism. The recent reconciliation between these two countries is 

very encouraging. Genuine peace and improved economic and security cooperation, of course, would bring stability, would bring mutual prosperity to both Ethiopians and Eritreans. 

But I think this is just the beginning. The road ahead for Prime 

Minister Abiy’s government will be a very challenging road. It must 

increase accountability of government officials. You have got to do 

something about accountability of the security forces. It will ensure 

that all citizens’ voices are heard and respected. 

The U.S. and Ethiopia have long enjoyed a strong, bilateral relationship, enjoyed the opportunity with the congressional delegation 

we took to Ethiopia, and I know my colleague sacrificed a lot of 

time and effort there, John, when you were in Ethiopia at a very 

difficult time with the Peace Corps. Americans are rooting for an 

Ethiopia on the mend, and everything we see is encouraging. 

22

So our committee will continue to track developments and look 

forward to further strengthening the partnership, further strengthening Ethiopia’s efforts toward becoming a more free, a more inclusive, a more prosperous nation. And I thank the Assistant Secretary for his engagement in all of this. 

Ambassador NAGY. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. ROYCE. I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would like to yield to Mr. Garamendi. 

Mr. GARAMENDI. Once again, Mr. Chairman, thank you for the 

privilege of joining your subcommittee for this hearing, an extremely important hearing. 

Chairman of the full committee Mr. Royce, thank you for your 

many years of attention to Africa and Ethiopia in that process. 

And, Mr. Coffman, the same. 

Just a couple of things. I am on the Armed Services Committee, 

and the new National Defense Strategy emphasizes Russia and 

China. The result of that, apparently, is a movement by the Department of Defense to move away from Africa, particularly the 

Sahel and areas of violent, extreme organizations. 

I draw that to the attention of this committee, the interrelationship between the work of this committee and the Armed Services 

Committee, with regard to the role of the Department of Defense 

and the State Department in Africa deserves our attention. 

Of specific interest beyond that is some of the questions that 

have arisen with regard to the current famine, drought that is occurring on the eastern portions of Ethiopia and probably going to 

move beyond that. The work of this committee in pushing back on 

the $300 million rescission in the food aid programs is much appreciated, I think by—certainly by everybody that pays attention to 

what is going on in those countries. 

And I would draw the—and ask the Ambassador and Assistant 

Secretary about what specifically is taking place with regard to 

support for famine relief in the area as well as security issues. 

And, with that, I would yield back. 

Ambassador NAGY. Thank you very much. On famine relief, our Food for Peace for Ethiopia is at $373 million. And Ethiopia, as you know from your time there, unfortunately suffers periodic famine, and each time, the United States 

tends to be the first one there. I had the same thing happen during 

my ambassadorship, where we were actually able to stem off the 

famine. 

And the types of famine that hit it are of two varieties. Sometimes, unfortunately, a famine is in the highlands, and sometimes 

it is in the lowlands. Totally different requirements. 

But I am always honored to be associated with the United States 

of America, because, thanks to your generosity and the generosity 

of the American people, we are always the first ones there to respond. And we will certainly continue to do so going forward, whatever it takes. We are always the most generous. In my lecturing 

at Texas Tech, I always thanked the American farmers, because we 

had many of those kids in the classes. 

On the security front, of course Ethiopia is one of our most important partners, not just in the region but also throughout Africa. 

23

As I believe the chairman mentioned, Ethiopia is the largest troop 

contributor to U.N. Peacekeeping operations. They contribute 

troops to several operations in Sudan. And then, bilaterally, they 

do it in Somalia because it is their neighbor and Somalia is critically important to their own peace and well-being. 

That is one of the other reasons this ongoing peace process between neighbors, one after the other, after the other, is so critically 

important. From my own experience in Ethiopia, I recognize the 

Ethiopian Armed Forces as one of the most professional I have ever 

worked with. And we depend on them for maintaining peace and 

security throughout the greater Horn, and we will certainly continue that engagement. 

Mr. GARAMENDI. Could you—excuse me, Mr. Chairman. 

Could you speak briefly about Sudan, southern Sudan? 

Ambassador NAGY. Well, of course, Sudan, South Sudan, 

Kenya—IGAD, everybody—has been devastated by the events in 

South Sudan. We were so optimistic when the country gained its 

independence, and what has happened since then has been devastating. 

And a little while ago, I was mentioning what a huge difference 

one enlightened leader who actually cares passionately about their 

own people, what a difference that has made to Ethiopia. And I 

mentioned the opposite of that. And I fear that that is exactly what 

we have seen in South Sudan. 

The current peace process is the only peace process we have 

going. We hope that it will succeed. And, of course, we will do our 

best to be supportive, because everybody wants to see peace and 

reconciliation there. Unfortunately, the leadership, to say that it 

was disheartening is an understatement. 

Mr. GARAMENDI. The role of Ethiopia in that has been long-term 

and significant, and I assume it is remaining so. 

Ambassador NAGY. Yes, sir, absolutely. Ethiopia, of course, has 

been tremendously helpful on a number of fronts, both Sudan, 

South Sudan—when Sudan was still one country—because I remember when I was Ambassador, I had a number of conversations 

with then-Prime Minister Meles about Sudan, at the time, the civil 

war—and then, of course, the other neighbor, Somalia. 

So Ethiopia has been a very positive force for stability and peace 

on both of those fronts. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

Just let me ask a few final questions, if I could. 

Mr. Secretary, you know, I have been to South Sudan twice within the last 21⁄2 years or so and, like you, am greatly distressed over 

Salva Kiir’s performance and how destabilizing it has been, and the 

loss of life in not just South Sudan but the explosion of refugees 

and IDPs from that manmade crisis. So we wish you well as Assistant Secretary for all of Africa, of course, in your efforts there. 

Just a small recommendation would be to consider bringing 

former President George W. Bush back into it. He and Salva Kiir 

did hit it off well. Kiir still wears the hat given to him by President 

Bush. 

Ambassador NAGY. That is right. 

Mr. SMITH. And I think President Bush would be more than 

helpful and effective in saying, ‘‘Get with the program, Mr. PresiVerDate 0ct 09 2002 12:41 Oct 29, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00027 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AGH\091218\31452 SHIRL
24

dent. End the complicity of your troops with rape and pillaging of 

food stuffs,’’ the World Food Programme and our own, of course, 

being stolen by some of them. It is just awful. So if you could 

maybe take that back. 

But let me just ask a question. In Abyei, as we all know, the disputed border between Sudan and South Sudan, Ethiopian peacekeepers have played a huge role. And we know that there is consideration being given to downgrading that—their withdrawal of 

mechanized artillery units, replacing them with police. 

When we met with General Mekonnen, he voiced his extreme 

concern about that. And I would hope that you would take that 

back, that it could actually make the situation worse. And he also 

made the point that he may even withdraw all of his troops. 

So I do hope that that is something you might want to speak to. 

Because I think every dollar we invest in U.N. Peacekeeping, especially in a place like Abyei, is a dollar well-served. The mission 

supports it. Any efforts at cost-cutting I think would be not 

achieved because there could be the loss of life. 

Also, some of our witnesses will follow—so if you could speak to 

that—will follow in a moment with panel two, including Jamal 

Said. 

And we heard this while we were there, and of course we pushed 

this in our resolution, and that is the idea of having a commission, 

investigation, perhaps a peace and reconciliation commission that 

parallels what South Africa did, what El Salvador did after its terrible war with the FMLN, to try to weed out the bad apples, hold 

them to account, and move on to a reconciliation process that, you 

know, leads to a stronger and more human-rights-oriented Ethiopia. So if you could speak to those. 

And, finally, in our witness testimony from Emily Estelle from 

AEI, she makes a number of excellent points, but one of them is 

that sustained conflicts risk mobilizing Ethiopia’s Somali population, potentially causing a new opportunity for al-Shabaab to recruit or even expand its attacks in Ethiopia. Your assessment of 

that risk of those Somalis who, obviously, live in and around Ethiopia? 

Ambassador NAGY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Again, 

if you permit me, I will take those in reverse. 

Mr. SMITH. Sure. 

Ambassador NAGY. With the Somali situation, indeed, one of the 

reasons that the Somali regional state of Ethiopia had such a large 

police force, the so-called Liyu police, there were so many of them, 

was exactly the reason to make sure that al-Shabaab stays out of 

the Ethiopian-Somali region. 

Unfortunately, the local political forces were working for ill. They 

used the Liyu police for human rights violations, for repressing the 

local population. And when Prime Minister Abiy recently changed 

the Somali leadership, they were largely responsible for some of the 

violence and mayhem in the Somali region. 

Prime Minister Abiy and the Ethiopian leadership is very concerned with the potential for al-Shabaab influence and entry into 

the Somali region, so they are keeping their eyes on that. And the 

Ethiopian security forces are also very sensitive to that issue. So 

25

we definitely will engage on that, because that fits, obviously, in 

with U.S. Strategic interest on that one. 

On the peace and reconciliation commission, again, I absolutely 

accept, embrace that suggestion. And I would just underline that, 

with the Ethiopians, it is a system that they will need to develop 

unique to their culture, their history, how they want to go about 

it. And we will be as supportive as we can be, as we have been in 

a number of other situations around the world. And the South African one, obviously, was a very effective and working model in Africa. 

On the U.N. Peacekeeping, of course we have been in contact 

also with the Ethiopians on their concerns. And, globally, the U.N. 

Peacekeeping forces are very much of an issue for the United 

States, and our government is looking at the various peacekeeping 

forces and how to put what resources where. So we will definitely 

maintain that conversation with them, because we have heard the 

same thing that you have, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

Anything else? 

Mr. COFFMAN. Oh. Yeah. 

Mr. Secretary, just one final point, and that is, how would you 

characterize the forces working against the Ambassador right now, 

in terms of his trying to move these reforms forward within Ethiopia? 

Ambassador NAGY. As I mentioned, it is certainly not a done 

deal. The situation is still very fragile. We know that there are reactionary forces at work as well. They may have been partially part 

of the reason that the Somali region so erupted in violence recently. 

That is why I think it is critically important for the friends of 

Ethiopia, at this time, to be as supportive as possible so that Prime 

Minister Abiy can go back to the people and show actual, concrete 

results. 

Because one point I make over and over again is that the young 

people of Africa—and they are the young people of Africa—have exactly the same dreams and ambitions as young people everywhere 

else, thanks to modern technology. And that is the kind of life they 

want, and that is what they are expecting from their own leaders. 

And the enlightened leaders understand this, and they want to respond very quickly, because otherwise they won’t have much of a 

future. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 

I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary, and we look forward to working with you going forward. 

Ambassador NAGY. Thank you so, so much, Mr. Chairman and 

members of the panel. Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. I would like to now welcome our second panel to the 

witness table. 

And I would like to yield to Mr. Coffman to do the introductions 

for our distinguished witnesses. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would like to introduce our second panel. 

26

Girum Alemayehu is the cofounder of the Ethiopian American 

Development Council. He is also a founding member of a sister organization, the Ethiopian American Civil Council, based in Aurora, 

Colorado. 

He plays a leading role in several civic engagement and humanitarian projects in Colorado. Mr. Alemayehu is the cofounder and 

cochairman of the Taste of Ethiopia, a nonprofit based in Denver 

that promotes Ethiopian heritage and community service in a festival that brings together over 10,000 people each year. 

Mr. Alemayehu grew up in Ethiopia and studied philosophy and 

played soccer in Addis Ababa University. He pursued a master’s of 

science in agricultural education from Oklahoma State University 

and is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Walden School of Public Administration. 

Thank you for being here today. We look forward to your testimony. 

Do you want me to do the second one? 

Mr. SMITH. Yes. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Okay. 

And then I am proud to introduce, from Colorado as well, Jamal 

Said. He is the president of the Oromo Community of Denver and 

a human rights activist. He grew up in the Oromia regional state 

of Ethiopia and came to the United States in January 1999, seeking refuge from persecution. 

He graduated from Columbia College in 2009 with a degree in 

business administration. He is married and has four children and 

lives in Aurora, Colorado. 

Thank you for testifying before the subcommittee today. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Coffman. 

I would like to now introduce, as well, Emily Estelle, who is a 

senior analyst for the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute and the Africa team lead. She studies the Salafijihadi movement in Africa, including al-Qaeda, ISIS, and associated 

groups. 

Ms. Estelle specializes in the Libya conflict and has expertise in 

the Horn of Africa. Ms. Estelle also coordinates the Critical Threat 

Project’s training and tradecraft and manages the integration of 

technology into the research process. 

Ms. Estelle graduated summa cum laude from Dartmouth College with a B.A. in anthropology, modified with Arabic language. 

We then will hear from Yoseph Badwaza, who is a senior program officer for Ethiopia at Freedom House. 

Prior to his position at Freedom House, he was the secretary 

general of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, Ethiopia’s foremost human rights organization. Mr. Badwaza fled Ethiopia in 

2009, when government attacks on the Ethiopian Human Rights 

Council became more persistent. 

When he arrived in the U.S., Mr. Badwaza continued his advocacy of human rights protection and good governance. In 2010, he 

received the Alison Des Forges Award from Human Rights Watch 

for his activism. 

Mr. Badwaza has an LL.B. From Addis Ababa University and an 

LL.M. in human rights from the University of Pretoria in South Africa. 

27

We will now begin. 

STATEMENT OF MR. GIRUM ALEMAYEHU, CO-FOUNDER, 

ETHIOPIAN AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU. Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and 

distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify on the situation in Ethiopia. 

I would like to open my testimony first by thanking my Representative, the Honorable Mike Coffman from Colorado District 6, 

for his support to the Ethiopian-American constituents in his district and for giving us the forum to voice our concern about current 

developments in Ethiopia. 

I also would like to recognize the active participation of all Ethiopians, from all walks of life, in advocating the passage of H. Res. 

128. 

H. Res. 128 was passed on April 10, 2018, and in the same 

month, the long-lived struggles of the Ethiopian people resulted in 

disintegration of the EPRDF from within. The former Prime Minister was unable to control the situation, even after declaring the 

state of emergency, and resigned. 

Following that, a new, vibrant Prime Minister was appointed. I 

give full credit to Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megersa, Gedu 

Andargachew, and Demeke Mekonnen for their extraordinary work 

in transforming Ethiopia from a looming ethnic-based civil war into 

unprecedented civil peace. 

Ethiopia is undergoing peaceful changes unlike any that has 

been seen in its long history. After 27 years of dictatorial rule, 

Ethiopians for the first time are now seeing the dawn of a new day 

in which they are regaining hope and confidence in their future. 

Over the past 6 months, we have seen things none of us expected 

in our wildest imagination. To put some examples, the state of 

emergency was lifted; many political prisoners were released; Ethiopians who were denied entry into Ethiopia are now receiving a 

hero’s welcome. 

Peace was finally achieved with neighboring Eritrea. The phone 

service and flights are reinstated. They are also working hard to 

reconnect the countries through the five roads. Some of the roads 

that were heavily mined are now being repaired for commercial use 

between the two countries. 

The government has made a significant stride toward the market 

economy and even offered to partially privatize some of the government-owned businesses. Ethiopian Airlines and Ethiopian Telecom 

are the two biggest that are slated for privatization. 

The press is operating without being muzzled by the government, 

and independent media networks are allowed to work from Ethiopia. 

With all the changes happening there, there are some worrying 

events. 

All over the country, nearly 2 million people have been forced out 

of their homes to escape violence, particularly Oromos from the 

Ethiopian Somali region, Gedeos from Oromia, Wolaytas from 

South region, and Amharas from Benishangul Gumuz. Most of 

them are women, children, and the elderly. 

28

The attempt to take the life of the new Prime Minister at a public support rally in Addis Ababa this past June has yet to be resolved in spite of help from FBI investigators from the USA. There 

were highly publicized cases of mob justice in Shashemene in 

Oromia and Bure in Amhara regions. 

The terror unleashed in Jigjiga, the capital of the Ethiopia-Somalia region, where six churches were burned down, priests were 

killed, and people labeled as highlanders were viciously murdered 

in public squares. 

All these signs, I believe, show the weakness in the institutions 

that safeguard law and order, human rights and democracy. The 

last 27 years, the EPRDF has weakened the institutions to be subservient to it. 

The U.S. Can help strengthen the institutions by providing resources for capacity building of the Human Rights Commission, the 

Election Commission, and the Broadcast Authority as independent, 

competent, and credible institutions. 

We would like the USA to urge the Ethiopian Government to: 

Create an independent commission to conduct a full, credible, and 

transparent investigation into the killings, detention, torture, and 

instances of excessive use of force by security forces, and hold accountable security forces accused of such actions through public 

proceedings, and to publicly release the written findings from such 

an investigation; 

Organize an independent commission that oversees the reorganization of the Human Rights Commission, the Election Commission, and the Broadcast Authority to be independent institutions; 

Conduct a full, credible, and transparent investigation into the 

recent ethnic violence that led to loss of life and displacement of 

a large number of Ethiopians, including those that targeted Amharas in Benishangul, Oromos in Somali region, Gedeos in Oromia 

region, and Wolyatas in Southern region, and hold accountable 

those responsible for those human rights violations; 

And to call for an open, constructive dialogue with all the opposition forces, both at home and abroad, armed and peaceful, in order 

to chart the country’s future together. 

I know, Mr. Chairman, under your leadership, your committee in 

this House will do its part for well-being of the Ethiopian people. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the 

opportunity to appear before you today. I stand ready to answer 

any question you might have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Alemayehu follows:]

29


31452b-1.eps

Testimony of Girum Alemayehu 

Ethiopian-American Development Council 

Before the House Committee on l<'oreign Affairs 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 

International Organizations 

September 12, 2018 

'Reviewing Current Developments in Ethiopia' 

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass and distinguished Members of the Committee, thank 

you for the opportunity to testify on the situation in Ethiopia. I would like to open my testimony 

tlrst by thanking my representative, the Honorable Mike Coffman (C0-6) for his support to the 

Ethiopian-American constituents in his district and for giving us the forum to voice our concern 

about current developments in Ethiopia. I also would like to recognize the active participation of 

all Ethiopians from all walks of life in advocating the passage of HR 128. 

HR 128 was passed on April 10, 2018 and in the same month the long-lived struggles of the 

Ethiopian people resulted in disintegration of the EPRDF from within. The former prime 

minister was unable to control the situation, even after declaring the state of emergency, and 

resigned. Following that a new a vibrant Prime Minster was appointed. I give full credit to Abiy 

Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa Gedu Andargachew and Demeke Mekonen for their extraordinary 

work in transfonning Ethiopia from a looming ethnic based civil war into an unprecedented of 

civil peace. 

Ethiopia today is undergoing peaceful changes unlike any that has been seen in its long history. 

After 27 years of dictatorial rule, Ethiopians, for the tirst time, are now seeing the dawn of a new 

day in which they are regaining hope and contldence in their tuture. Over the past six months, 

we have seen things none of us expected in our wildest imaginations. To put some examples: 

1. The state of emergency was lifted 

2. Many political prisoners were released, Ethiopians who were denied entry into Ethiopia 

are now receiving a hero's welcome. 

~. Peace was finally achieved with neighboring Eritrea. The phone service and flights are 

reinstated. They are also working hard to reconnect the countries through 5 roads. Some 

of the roads that were heavily mined are now being repaired for commercial use between 

the two countries 

4. The government has made a significant stride towards the market economy and even 

offered to partially privatize some of the government owned business. Ethiopian Airlines 

and Ethiopian Telecom are the two biggest that are slated for privatization. 
30


31452b-2.eps

5. The press is operating without being muzzled by the government. And independent media 

networks are allowed to work from Ethiopia. 

With all the changes happening there are some worrying events. All over the country nearly 2 

million people have been forced out of their homes to escape violence, particularly Oromos from 

the Ethiopian Somali region, Gedeos from Oromia, Wolaytas from the South region and 

Amharas from Benishangul Gumuz. Most of them are women, children and the elderly. 

The attempt to take the life of the new Prime Minster at a public support rally in Addis Ababa 

this past June has yet to be resolved in spite of help from FBI investigators from USA. There 

were highly publicized cases of mob justice in Shashemene in Oromia and Bure in Amhara 

regions 

The terror unleashed in Jigjiga, the capital of the Ethio-Somalia region where six churches were 

burned down, priests were killed, and people labeled as highlanders were viciously murdered in 

public squares. 

All these signs, 1 believe, show the weakness in the institutions that safe guard law and order, 

human rights and democracy. The last 27 years, the EPRDF has weakened the institutions to be 

subservient to it. The US can help strengthen the institutions by providing resources for capacity 

building of the Human Rights Commission, the Election commission, and the Broadcast 

Authority as independent, competent and credible institutions. 

We would like the USA to urge the Ethiopian Government to: 

create an independent commission to conduct a full, credible, and transparent 

investigation into the killings, detentions, torture and instances of excessive use of force 

by security forces and hold accountable security forces accused of such actions through 

public proceedings, and to publicly release written tindings trom such investigation 

• organize an independent commission that oversees the reorganization of the Human 

Rights Commission, the Election commission, and the Broadcast Authority to be 

independent institutions. 

• conduct a full, credible, and transparent investigation into the recent ethnic violence that 

led to loss of life and displacement of a large number of Ethiopians (including those that 

targeted Amharas in Benishangul, Oromos in Somali region, Gedeos in Oromia region 

and Wolyatas in Southern Region) and hold accountable those responsible for these 

human rights violations. 

• To call for an open and constructive dialogue with all the opposition forces (both at 

home and abroad, anned and peaceful) in order to chart the country's future together. 

I know, Mr. Chairman, under your leadership your committee and this House will do its part for 

the wellbeing of the people of Ethiopia. 
31


31452b-3.eps

Thank you, Mr. Chainnan and members of the committee for the opportunity to appear before 

you today. I stand ready to answer any questions you might have. 
32

Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very, very much. 

Mr. Said? 

STATEMENT OF MR. JAMAL SAID, PRESIDENT, OROMO 

COMMUNITY OF DENVER 

Mr. SAID. Chairman Chris Smith, Ranking Member Karen Bass, 

Members of Congress, Ambassador Tibor Nagy, fellow panelists, 

and distinguished guests, I offer my gratitude to my Congressman, 

Mike Coffman, great ally of the Ethiopian-Americans in his district, for the opportunity to represent not only Oromo Community 

of Denver but to speak to the concerns shared by Oromo and other 

communities across the U.S. And Ethiopia. 

When we brought to you the demands of the Oromo youth, who 

are known as Qeerroo, we in the diaspora stepped up to speak for 

them because their voices were not heard in the international community. Now, with many of the reforms, voices that were once silenced are finding expression and they can be heard. 

And we are grateful that you, Chairman Smith and Ranking 

Member Bass, have followed up with a congressional delegation to 

Ethiopia on August 23rd, where you recognized, met with, and 

spoke with Qeerroo in Addis Ababa. 

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s strong reforms are certainly to be 

celebrated. Now it is necessary to consolidate and to build on these 

reforms in order to bring opportunity and prosperity to the Qeerroo 

and to the country. 

Everyone thought that Ethiopia was on the verge of collapse 

until the Qeerroo proved to be disciplined, sustained, and nonviolent in their modern form of resistance. They created the opening that ushered in this era of change. 

I want to remind you of the need to ensure that the benefit and 

the opportunity created now with the grassroots. Those who took 

the greatest risk and have made the greatest sacrifice must not be 

forgotten or marginalized again. 

At this point, most key demands of the Oromo protesters have 

not yet been met, but they have hope and we have hope. 

The first is land rights. The first line of resistance was over the 

loss of ancestral land. This matter has not yet been addressed. The 

land of indigenous Oromo, Anuak, Sidama, and many other peoples 

were turned into a commodity for sale or lease without their knowledge or consent. 

Another is language rights. A major demand of Oromo youth is 

to gain access to opportunity and shared prosperity. The need to 

adapt Afaan Oromo as a Federal working language in Ethiopia 

alongside Amharic remains a top priority. In day-to-day reality, access to a vast array of opportunities is currently blocked for those 

who do not speak Amharic. 

Another key demand is for justice and accountability. You should 

be aware that, despite the release of prisoners in Ethiopia, the killing and the displacement of Oromo and other people in some areas 

has intensified, particularly in East Hararghe, West Hararghe, 

Bale, Guji, and Borana. Over 2 million people are now displaced 

across the country, destitute, in urgent need of international assistance to be resettled back in their homes. 

33

The many cases of disappearance and imprisonment highlight 

the need for an independent commission created to conduct a full 

investigation and release its findings and recommendations. 

Regarding the demand of inclusive governance, Ethiopia is home 

to multiple communities who have been marginalized. A democratic 

Federal system where power is not monopolized at the center can 

ensure that diverse views and interests in Ethiopia are served. To 

attain a transition to democracy from authoritarian rule, free and 

fair elections must be carried out in the context of a robust civil 

society, with an in-person and independent electoral vote. 

I summarize my written remarks by saying that the daily lives 

of ordinary Oromo and Ethiopian people have not yet improved, 

but the people have hope and they have appreciated the opening 

offered by Abiy’s reform. Even the Qeerroo from the most deprived 

areas will point out the marginalization has become deeply institutionalized. To undo these arrangements takes vision, time, patience, and collaborative efforts. 

The Qeerroo are eagerly committed to joining in the task. They 

understand that the U.S. Congress has been a great ally who has 

stood with them. We in the diaspora are pleased to continue to play 

a supportive role in this journey. 

Finally, my written testimony includes my recommendations to 

the subcommittee which I believe will help Ethiopia transition to 

a democracy. 

Thank you for this opportunity, Mr. Chairman. I yield the remaining of my time. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Said follows:]

34


31452c-1.eps

Name: Jamal K. Said 

Title and Organization: President, Oromo Community of Denver 

Committee: U.S House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Subcommittee: Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations 

Date: September 12, 2018 

Title of Hearing: Reviewing Current Developments in Ethiopia 

Introduction 

Chairman Chris Smith, Ranking Member Karen Bass, Members of Congress, Ambassador Tibor 

Nagy, fellow panelists, distinguished guests. I offer my gratitude to my Congressman from 

Colorado's Congressional 6th district in Colorado, Representative Mike Coffman, staunch ally of 

all the Ethiopians in the district, for the opportunity to represent not only the Oromo 

Community of Denver in Colorado but to speak to concerns shared by Oromo and other 

communities across the US and Ethiopia. 

On their behalf, I would like to express our sincere appreciation for your support in recognizing 

the sacrifices of Oromo youth, who are known as Qeerroo, and other Ethiopian youth who 

demanded deep reform in Ethiopia from early on and in working closely with us, the diaspora. 

You have acknowledged the sustained nonviolent resistance of youth- first across Oromia and 

then joined by Konso people and people from Amhara region. As early as September 2016 this 

body responded to that youth groundswell by introducing a house resolution (861) on Ethiopia. 

Then, the next year, in the new 11S'h Congress you updated it, made it stronger and 

reintroduced it as House Resolution 128 on "respecting human rights and encouraging inclusive 

governance in Ethiopia." It was kicked off with a hearing on March 9, 2017 titled "Democracy 

Under Threat in Ethiopia." With massive support from the diaspora the well-honed H Res 128 

passed the House on April 10, 2018. 

The passage of H Res 128 was born out of collaborative work of your Subcommittee with the 

diaspora communities like ours and the other Ethiopian American and human rights groupsincluding my fellow panelists here who all worked to bring us to this time of historic transition 

and potential transformation in Ethiopia. You stood with us and with those who persisted 

through suffering. You continue to stand with us. I personally have to tell you that you both 

hold a special place in the hearts of Ethiopians who longed for change. 

When we brought the Qeerroo's demands to you, we in the diaspora stepped up to speak for 

them because their voice was not heard in the international community. Now with many of the 

reforms, those once-silenced voices are finding expression and can be heard. 

We continue to listen and take our lead from them. And we are grateful that you, Chairman 

Chris Smith and Ranking Member Karen Bass, are listening also. You have followed up with a 

Congressional Delegation to Ethiopia on August 23. You both met with a range of Ethiopian 

groups and have received the emotional outpouring of gratitude from Oromo and other 
35


31452c-2.eps

Ethiopians in many walks of life, recognizing you, greeting you with tears, thanking you for your 

role in their release from prison and their right to express themselves without reprisal. Thank 

you for attending with Ambassador Raynor a Town Hall meeting in Addis Ababa with Oromo 

civic association members and some Qeerroo (Oromo youth) to hear their concerns. Your trip 

underscored that US policy toward Ethiopia really mattered during the transition to a new 

Prime Minister, and it continues to matter now on the ground in Ethiopia. The effects and the 

impact of H Res 128 have been to support the transformation underway. Certainly, in my 

community your efforts have been praised. 

I have been asked to provide insights into developments since the passage of the resolution, so 

in the short time I have, I will raise the key ongoing demands of the people that are linked to 

their eventual prosperity. 

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's broad-sweeping democratic electoral, judicial, media and human 

rights reforms are certainly to be celebrated. He has released tens of thousands of political 

prisoners, activists, and journalists, lifted the State of Emergency, brought peace with Eritrea 

through rapprochement, engaged opposition political parties, unblocked access by formerly 

restricted media companies, removed banned parties from legal designation as "terrorist" 

organizations and visited Ethiopia's neighboring countries. 

The Qeerroo celebrate Prime Minister Abiy's success, his innovation, his courage for a special 

reason. They know that he was unknown a year ago when they were resisting daily the 

obstacles that suppressed their own potential. They see that when the political opening came 

that they fought for, he got the opportunity to exercise his capacity and express himself, 

revealing his deep-seated values. He outperformed everyone's expectations. For many Oromo, 

Prime Minister Abiy symbolizes the potential that each Oromo and each person has to exceed 

expectations to live into a different future when obstacles are lifted. 

Key Issues to be addressed: 

Now it is necessary to consolidate and build on the Prime Minister's powerful reforms in order 

to bring opportunity and prosperity to the country. I want to remind you of the need to ensure 

that the benefits and the opportunities reach the Oromo, Amhara and other youth who took 

the greatest risk and made the greatest sacrifice to bring the openings that all the country now 

enjoys. It should not be allowed for them to be forgotten again, marginalized again. 

The original demands of the #OromoProtests were to stop land grab, free all political prisoners, 

make Afaan Oromo a Federal working language alongside Amharic, repeal the anti-terrorism 

proclamation and the restrictive charities and societies laws and lay the groundwork for 

inclusive governance. The House Resolution 128 called upon the Ethiopian government to 

meet these demands. Ultimately providing prosperity will require deep institutional reform. At 

this point in the process most of the Oromo protesters demands have not yet been met, but 

they have hope, and we have hope. That is why we are here, continuing to advocate and work 

with you productively into a new secure, peaceful and prosperous reality. What will that 

require? The people at the grassroots are clear about what is required. 
36


31452c-3.eps

land Rights 

First is land rights. The first line of resistance was over the dispossession of ancestral land. This 

matter has yet to be addressed. The lands of indigenous Oromo, Anuak, Sidama and many 

other peoples were turned to a commodity for sale and lease without their knowledge or 

consent. Their lands were used as magnets to attract foreign investors and diaspora population 

as well as to illegally enrich relatives, use it to make friends and sometimes even sold off 

casually to pay debts or make payroll. The Qeerroo assert that the Oromo and other peoples 

have a right to live on their ancestral land without fear of displacement. They demand that 

development policies be formulated and carried out with full participation of and for the 

benefit of communities. Thus, we ask the Congress to urge the Ethiopian government to 

introduce land reform and otherwise engage in open and transparent consultations about its 

development strategy. We urge the Ethiopian government to end the practice of displacing 

local communities from ancestral lands in the name of development and to offer those already 

displaced from their lands the right to seek remedy or redress in courts. Dispossessed and 

displaced people need to be repatriated to the lands from which they have been violently 

removed. 

language Rights 

The other major demand of Oromo youth (shared with youth across the country and the 

continent) is to gain access to opportunity and share in prosperity. This is where one fullthroated call of Oromo youth needs to be understood in context- the need to adopt afaan 

Oromo as a federal working language in Ethiopia alongside Amharic. In day-to-day reality, 

access to a vast array of opportunities is currently blocked to those who do not speak the 

Amharic language, the current Federal language. Yet a majority of the people in Ethiopia speak 

Oromo as their first language. This needs to be clear to anyone seeking to remove obstacles to 

economic, social, political participation. So, the matter of the youth calling for access to 

business, administrative, educational, health, media and all services in their own language is a 

matter of leveling the playing field, eliminating the biggest hurdle to providing opportunity for 

millions. With this single policy change, now-closed doors will open for a huge sector who are 

now excluded from the marketplace, the government services, the courts, the hospitals, etc. 

Justice and Accountability 

Justice is the foundation for building public trust. Public accountability for persons who have 

violated and continue to violate rights is the first step to building reliable public institutions. 

You should be aware that, despite the release of prisoners in Ethiopia, the killing and the 

displacement of Oromo and other people in some areas has intensified, particularly along the 

borders of Oromia with neighboring regional states including in East Hararghe, West Hararghe, 

Bale, Guji and Borana. The Liyu police forces that were led by security units loyal to the Tigray 

People Liberation Front (TPLF) have committed many mass killings since Abiy attained the 

Prime Minister position, e.g., in Calango Town, in Moyale, Miyu Muluqe and Mieso. So far, none 

of these criminals have faced reprisals. Over two million people are now displaced across the 

country, destitute, in urgent need of international assistance and placing a heavy burden on 

those who care about their survival. 
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Sadly, Ethiopia is full of stories of anguish and injustice fueled by decades of authoritarian 

governance. These stories touch everyone in Oromia and reveal why it is important that PM 

Ahmed's administration make pursuing justice an urgent priority. 

Also, the nation mourns the unresolved disappearances of many well-loved personages. For 

example Yosef Bati, a former schoolteacher snatched by security forces in Addis Ababa, Nadhi 

Gammadaa, head of a bureau was detained by Ethiopian armed forces and never seen again; 

Lamessa Boru, detained by TPLF forces while undergoing treatment at the Police Hospital in 

Addis Ababa; Bekele Dawano disappeared while in detention in Agarfa prison. Dabasa Guyo, an 

Oromo wisdom keeper, beloved oral historian and spiritual leader was kidnapped from Kenya 

by unidentified security forces and taken across the border into Ethiopia. He has been missing 

since September 2015. The whereabouts of these persons and hundreds of others remains 

unknown. The Abiy administration should be encouraged to bring closure by providing families 

with information or assistance to locate their missing family members. We urge the Ethiopian 

government to make pursuing justice in these- and the cases of over 200 unexplained 

disappearances -a priority. 

Reps Smith and Bass, when you were in Ethiopia, you heard the heartbreaking story of Kefaluw 

Tefari, a young Oromo man who was snatched from the street and hauled off to prison without 

explanation or cause. He lost both his legs as a result of torture in detention and named his 

perpetrator. You encouraged victims of this kind of abuse to address this matter of justice and 

accountability by creating a list of those who have been responsible. Thank you for supporting 

justice and rehabilitation for the many persons like him who have been left without recourse. 

His case and many like it highlight the need for an independent commission created to conduct 

a full, credible, and transparent investigation into the conduct of gross human rights violations 

and the public release of its full written findings and recommendations. We also call for 

systems of accountability to be put in place that provide justice for the survivors of torture, 

violence and other atrocities, to hold responsible persons who carried out deaths, cruelty, 

dispossession and displacement. Further, we support the U.S. Congress in seeking that 

provisions of the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act be applied to the cases of 

Ethiopian government officials who have carried out or ordered gross violations of the human 

rights of individuals and business entities. 

Opportunity for Youth 

The Qeerroo in Ethiopia are a prime example of the youth bulge across Africa. The young Prime 

Minister exemplifies in his person the great potential of the youth. The youth have already 

demonstrated that without armaments, without violence, they achieved their goals through the 

concerted discipline required to conduct a sustained nonviolent protest against one of the most 

heavily armed regimes in Africa. Their courageous collective action brought the opening for 

reform that PM Abiy stepped into. We think that prosperity can be built on the youthful 

enthusiasm that is overwhelming the country 
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31452c-5.eps

Chairman Smith and Ranking Member Bass, during the Congressional Delegation trip, you 

wanted to know how you can help further. You pointed out that it is appropriate for Congress 

and US agencies to play a supportive role as the people on the ground propose solutions. Now 

that the youth have a voice, our role in the diaspora shifts to supporting what they identify as 

their needs and help communicate those to you who are seeking to build up the continent. We 

believe that solutions found for the Oromo qeerroo and for the youth countrywide in Ethiopia 

will be applicable to addressing the African youth rising across the continent. We commit to 

continue to serve as a bridge to point to obstacles- as I have pointed to earlier in my remarksas they are revealed so that former protesters can gain access to opportunities and actively 

move forward to build a prosperous future. 

Inclusive Governance 

Above all, Oromo seek democracy and peace. They are not alone in this. Ethiopia is home to 

multiple communities who historically and presently suffer from political, economic and 

cultural marginalization. The Oromo, along with the rest of the peoples of Ethiopia, believe in 

mutual recognition, equality and co-existence. A democratic federal system where power is not 

monopolized at the center can ensure that the diversity of views and interests in Ethiopia are 

served. Federalism with democracy can empower people to solve their problems and develop 

the means to address the social, political and economic challenges they face. 

To attain a transition to democracy from authoritarian rule, the peoples' rights to freedom of 

peaceful assembly and expression must be respected, and free and fair elections must be 

carried out in the context of a robust civil society. Thankfully Ambassador Raynor has publicly 

stated that the U.S. supports free and fair elections in Ethiopia. We call for a non-partisan and 

independent Electoral Board, whose members are approved by both the ruling party and the 

opposition parties, to oversee elections at the local, zonal, regional and federal level. 

Internationally-recognized election observers should assist in election-related preparations and 

monitor election proceedings. The diaspora may be called upon to play a role in connecting 

programs that support elections and inclusive governance to the grassroots where these 

policies must take root. For this to happen some legislative change is necessary. 

The Oromo qeerroo community constantly looks for ways to connect with other peoples who 

have been marginalized in Ethiopia, the Konso, the Anuak, the Sidama, the Afar, the BeniShangul, the Somali, the Amhara in Welkait, the Wolayita, and many others. Remedies that 

unleash energy and potential for the Oromo also resonate for peoples in Ethiopia who have not 

benefited from the repressive structures that enriched only a small minority of the country's 

population. 

I can summarize my remarks by saying that the daily lives of the Qeerroo (Oromo youth) and 

the lives of the ordinary Oromo and Ethiopian people have not yet improved following the 

Prime Minister's rise to the position. But the people have hope and they have appreciated the 

opening offered by Abiy's reforms. Even the qeerroo from the most deprived areas will point 

out, marginalization of the Oromo and other people occurred over centuries and became 

deeply institutionalized. To undo these arrangements will take time and vision and the 
39


31452c-6.eps

patience to see the political, economic and social process through to deep institutional reform. 

The qeerroo are eagerly committed to joining in the task. They see the US Congress has been 

an ally in this journey who stood with them at the darkest point. We are pleased to continue to 

play a supportive role in this journey toward respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive 

governance in Ethiopia. 

Finally, I would like to conclude my testimony by summarizing my recommendations to this 

Subcommittee which I believe will help Ethiopia transition to a democracy. 

I recommend that: 

1.) The U.S. government apply to Ethiopian government officials, individuals, and business 

entities the Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, which is a provision of H Res 

128. The Act applies globally and authorizes U.S. government to sanction human rights 

offenders, freeze their assets, and ban them from entering the U.S., among other terms. 

2.) The U.S. government call for the Ethiopian government to repeal the 2009 AntiTerrorism Proclamation and the 2009 Charities and Societies Act; the former has been 

used to stifle dissent and prosecute opposition leaders, journalists and bloggers; the 

latter to curtail the activities of human rights and democracy civic groups. 

3.) The Ethiopian government form an independent Election Board that both the governing 

party and opposition parties can agree upon to prevent post-election disputes and 

crises, and amend election laws. 

4.) To better transition from post-conflict authoritarian regime to democracy, systems of 

accountability by put in place such as the formation of a 'Truth and Reconciliation 

Commission,' similar to the one assembled in South Africa to transition from apartheid. 

5.) The Ethiopian government adopt Afaan Oromo as a Federal working language alongside 

Amharic to provide access to services in the public sphere for tens of millions of 

speakers of the Oromo language. 

6.) The Ethiopian government conduct land reform and ensure the security of the people 

living on their ancestral land without fear of displacement. 

I thank you for this opportunity. 
40

Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very much. 

And I would like to now ask Ms. Estelle, if you could give us your 

testimony. 

STATEMENT OF MS. EMILY ESTELLE, SENIOR ANALYST, CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT, AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 

Ms. ESTELLE. Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to speak about Ethiopia’s strategic importance. I will focus 

on the implications of Ethiopia’s potential destabilization and 

present risks to U.S. national security interests in the Horn of Africa. 

Ethiopia is a key partner to secure U.S. interests. I am aware of 

the current optimism about its trajectory, and I want to share that 

optimism, but I must raise reasons for concern. 

There is a risk that local and regional conflicts, exacerbated by 

geopolitical competition, will destabilize Ethiopia and expose the 

weakness of partner-reliant U.S. strategies. Direct U.S. interests 

are at risk in the Horn of Africa, including the fight against alQaeda and ISIS and freedom of movement in the Red Sea. 

Ethiopia faces a rapid political transition and ethnic conflict that 

could escalate and challenge its stability. Much of the unrest is on 

the border of the Somali regional state, where Prime Minister Abiy 

Ahmed also faces resistance to his consolidation of power. Sustained conflict could mobilize Ethiopia’s ethnic Somali population, 

potentially creating an opportunity for al-Shabaab to recruit or 

even attack in Ethiopia. 

The Abiy government approach, which includes mass arrests and 

internet blackouts, could exacerbate rather than solve the problem. 

Instability in Ethiopia would undermine U.S. efforts to neutralize 

al-Shabaab, al-Qaeda’s Somalia-based affiliate, and reverberate regionally. Persistent ethnic violence or an insurgency from anti-Abiy 

security officials would draw the regime’s focus inward, affecting 

regional peacekeeping and diplomatic efforts. 

American, Somali, and African Union forces have disrupted alShabaab in central Somalia and improved security in Mogadishu 

but have not yet broken its hold on large areas of southern Somalia. These gains will evaporate if Ethiopia, Kenya, or Uganda, 

which faces an escalating political crisis, falters and redeploys 

troops home. 

The problem of al-Qaeda and ISIS must also be considered alongside issues of human rights and democracy. These groups gain 

strength by defending and governing Sunni populations made vulnerable by conflict and societal disruption. Conditions in Ethiopia 

could create this opportunity. 

Ethiopia’s conflicts typically divide along ethnic lines rather than 

confessional or sectarian ones, but al-Qaeda has a strategy of coopting ethnic conflicts and is succeeding this way in West Africa, for 

example. 

Both al-Qaeda’s and al-Shabaab’s ambitions extend beyond greater Somalia, which includes parts of eastern Ethiopia, to all of East 

Africa. ISIS, which is growing in Somalia, could also target Ethiopia. Legitimate and responsive governance for all Ethiopians both 

41

protects their human rights and inoculates them against extremist 

organizations. 

The Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement is another positive development that nonetheless raises threats to U.S. interests. The UAE’s 

facilitation of the agreement occurs in the dangerous context of a 

larger contest among Middle Eastern states. Escalating geopolitical 

competition in the Horn of Africa is layering proxy conflicts onto 

existing fault lines and increasing the potential for instability, even 

while generating some positive effects. 

Power plays by external actors have caused political turmoil in 

Somalia, weakening the Federal Government on which the U.S. 

counter-al-Shabaab strategy relies. Militarization of the Horn and 

the southern Red Sea has already affected commercial trade and 

threatens freedom of navigation. 

Russia and China are also expanding their influence. The Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement may accelerate this trend, as Russia 

strikes basing deals with Eritrea and Djibouti, which is home to a 

vital U.S. base, faces potential isolation that may drive it toward 

China. 

Experiences elsewhere have shown that supporting strongmen 

does not guarantee security. Ethiopia is no exception. In supporting 

Ethiopia, we must recognize that redressing legitimate grievances 

and protecting human rights yields long-term security dividends. 

Investment in good governance and security also prevents groups 

like al-Shabaab and ISIS from attempting to coopt local grievances. 

The U.S. must also weigh the values of outsourcing foreign policy 

objectives to partners against the potential adverse effects of their 

involvement. 

The U.S. can begin to shape its approach to Ethiopia in two 

ways: By first using all available tools to help Prime Minister Abiy 

demilitarize his response to ethnic violence, resolve internal disputes, and conduct necessary structural reforms peacefully and acceptably to all sides; second, ensuring that the U.S. remains the 

sole guarantor of its interests in the region by not relying on the 

UAE or any other outside power to manage these interests. 

Ethiopia is a critical country in an increasingly important region. 

The U.S. must recognize the dangers of rapidly changing dynamics 

in the Horn of Africa to prepare for worst-case scenarios even as 

we regard new developments with optimism. 

Thank you, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Estelle follows:]

42


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Ethiopia's Strategic Importance 

in I 

AMERICAN 

ENTERPRISE 

INSTITUTE 
43


31452d-2.eps

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and distinguished members of the 

subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to discuss Ethiopia's strategic importance. 

I will focus on the implications of Ethiopia's potential destabilization and present risks to 

US national security interests in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia is a key partner to secure 

US interests. I am aware of the current optimism about its trajectory on both human 

rights and peace with Eritrea. I want to share that optimism, but I must raise reasons for 

concern. There is a risk that local and regional conflicts, worsened by geopolitical 

competition, will destabilize Ethiopia and expose the weakness of partner-reliant US 

strategies Direct US interests are at risk in the Horn of Africa, including the fight against 

al Qaeda and the Islamic State and freedom of movement in the Red Sea. 

The potential for Ethiopia to destabilize persists. It faces a rapid political transition and 

ethnic conflict across multiple regions, 1 both of which challenge its stability. The new 

prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, has pushed through a raft of reforms and raised hopes of a 

new era of respect for human rights in Ethiopia. 2 Ethnic violence persists, however, 

much of it occurring on the border between Abiy's home region of Oromia and the 

Somali Region inhabited by ethnic Somalis, displacing more than 130,000 people 3 

Sustained conflict risks mobilizing Ethiopia's Somali population, potentially creating a 

new opportunity for al Shabaab to recruit or even expand its attacks into Ethiopia. The 

Abiy government, which has continued mass arrests and internet blackouts even while 

making progress on other human rights issues, will exacerbate rather than solve this 

complex problem if it fails to manage it effectively4 Abiy's government also faces 

potentially destabilizing challenges from members of the former security establishment, 

which may be stoking the ethnic conflict in the Somali Region 5 Longtime political elites 

similarly retain the power to derail core economic and political reforms that are required 

for a true democratic transition in Ethiopia. 6 Abiy is also likely to lose support from his 

own base if he fails to contain rising ethnic tensions or mitigate the high expectations 

placed on him as Ethiopia's first Oromo head of state. 7 

Instability in Ethiopia will undermine US efforts to neutralize al Shabaab, al Qaeda's 

Somalia-based affiliate, 8 and reverberate across the region. Persistent ethnic violence 

would draw Ethiopia's focus inward, away from regional peacekeeping commitments. 9 

An internal challenge from anti-Abiy elements in the security establishment would have 

a similar effect. US operations alongside Somali and African Union peacekeeping forces 

have disrupted al Shabaab in central Somalia and improved security in Mogadishu, but 

they have not yet broken al Shabaab's hold on large areas of southern Somalia. 10 

These yet-to-be-secured gains will evaporate if Ethiopia, Kenya, or Uganda-the third of 

which faces an escalating political crisis11 -falters and redeploys troops home. Ethiopia 

withdrew forces from Somalia due to domestic unrest in 2016, allowing al Shabaab to 

reoccupy parts of central Somalia. 12 Unrest in Ethiopia also limits its capacity for critical 

diplomatic engagements, such as the South Sudanese peace talks that it facilitates or 

negotiations with Egypt over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). The 

GERD issue will spawn its own regional conflict if the Nile River states cannot reach an 
44


31452d-3.eps

agreement. 13 

The problem of the Salafi-jihadi movement, which includes al Qaeda and ISIS, must be 

considered alongside issues of human rights and democracy, as they are linked. AEI 

Research Fellow Katherine Zimmerman defines the Salafi-jihadi movement as "the 

ideological movement that holds that it is a religious obligation for individual Muslims to 

use armed force to cause the establishment of a true Muslim state governed under a 

Salafi interpretation of shari'a." 14 The movement draws strength from its relationship 

with Sunni populations by providing protection and governance to populations made 

vulnerable by conflict and societal disruption. Successes by local and regional Salafijihadi groups, such as al Shabaab, advance the global movement's objectives. 

Instability in Ethiopia creates an opportunity for the Salafi-jihadi movement to expand. 

Ethiopia's conflicts typically divide along ethnic lines rather than confessional or 

sectarian ones, and the country has prevented significant Salafi-jihadi recruitment and 

attacks thus far 15 AI Qaeda has a strategy of co-opting ethnic fighting and other local 

conflicts, however, and is strengthening with this strategy in West Africa and 

elsewhere. 16 

Both al Qaeda's and al Shabaab's ambitions extend beyond uniting even Greater 

Somalia, which includes parts of eastern Ethiopia 17 Senior al Qaeda leadership in 

Afghanistan see the group as a vanguard for mobilization throughout East Africa. 18 The 

Islamic State could also turn to Ethiopia as an opportunity for expansion, particularly 

through online recruitment, leveraging a growing footprint in Somalia. 19 Legitimate and 

responsive governance for all of Ethiopia's people is required to both protect their 

human rights and inoculate populations against extremist organizations. 

The rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea is another positive development that 

nonetheless raises threats to US interests. Ethiopia's decision to implement the 2000 

peace deal with Eritrea has yielded diplomatic milestones, though Ethiopian troops have 

yet to withdraw from the contested border20 The rapprochement itself remains fragile, 

particularly if hardliners within the Ethiopian security establishment undermine the 

normalization of relations or if the demobilization of rebel groups fails 21 The UAE's 

facilitation of the agreement also occurs in a dangerous context. 22 

Geopolitical competition is intensifying in the Horn of Africa, layering proxy conflicts onto 

existing fault lines and increasing the potential for instability even while generating some 

positive effects. The UAE's engagement is part of a larger strategic competition among 

Middle Eastern states23 Power plays among the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey 

have caused political turmoil in Somalia. These have weakened the Somali fFederal 

Government (SFG) on which the US strategy to counter al Shabaab relies24 The 

militarization of the Horn and the southern Red Sea region has already affected 

commercial trade and threatens freedom of navigation as more states establish 

competing military positions25 

Russia and China are also expanding their influence in the Horn of Africa, and the 

2 
45


31452d-4.eps

Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement will likely accelerate this trend. Eritrea, emerging from 

isolation, will seek to establish strategic partnerships with states that will not balk at its 

authoritarianism. 26 It recently agreed to the construction of a Russian naval logistics 

center, part of a broader Russian effort to establish strategic military positions on the 

Red Sea and Gulf of Aden27 Somaliland, which is rumored to be preparing to host a 

Russian base, will likely seek greater support as Eritrea's opening threatens to divert 

revenues from Ethiopian goods passing through its ports. Djibouti faces the same 

challenge. Diplomatic efforts have assuaged Djibouti's initial fears. The threat of 

isolation remains, however, and will likely drive Djibouti toward closer ties with China, 

which established its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 201728 The rift between 

the Gulf states has also created power vacuums that China will attempt to fill 29 Beijing 

also stands to benefit from its large role in the Ethiopian economy as Ethiopia 

privatizes. 30 

Experiences elsewhere have shown that supporting strongmen does not guarantee 

security Ethiopia is no exception. In supporting Ethiopia, we must recognize that the 

redress of legitimate grievances and protection of basic human rights yield long-term 

security dividends. Investment in good governance and security also prevents groups 

like al Shabaab and the Islamic State from co-opting local grievances to their benefit. 

The US must weigh the value of outsourcing foreign policy objectives to partners 

against the potential adverse effects of those partners' involvement. The US must begin 

to shape its approach to Ethiopia by: 

1) Using all available tools to help Abiy demilitarize his response to ethnic 

violence, resolve internal disputes, and conduct necessary structural reforms 

peacefully and acceptably to all sides; and 

2) Ensuring that the US remains the sole guarantor of its interests in the region 

by not relying on the UAE or any other outside power to manage these 

interests. 

Ethiopia is a critical country in an increasingly important region. The US must recognize 

the dangers of rapidly changing domestic and regional dynamics in the Horn of Africa to 

prepare for worst-case scenarios, even as we regard new developments with optimism. 

Thank you, and I look forward to your questions. 

The author thanks AEI's Critical Threats Project analyst James Barnett for his research 

contribution to this testimony. 

'Protests have occurred in the summer of 2018 on the border between the Oromia Region and Gedeo 

Zone of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region (SNNPR), within the SNNPR region, 

and on the border between the Oromia Region and the Somali Region. See Paul Chaderjian, "Nearly One 

Million Displaced in Ethiopia Ethnic Violence," AI Jazeera, August25, 2018, 

3 
46


31452d-5.eps

tJtws://vvww.aliazeera,corn/news/2018/08hni!!ion-displaceJ-ethiopia-eH1nic-vio!ence180825130344133.h!ml; Charlie Mitchell, "Ethnic VIolence Triggers Crisis In South Ethiopia," National, 

July 5, 2018, _l}llps.//Mvw.lhen;:diOilfjl.?~t~!.YLGlicUaflica/ethniG:.Y.LO!ence-tr~_:_cris_!§:in-soJJth-ethiopia1.747553; Yonas Abiye, "AG Indicts Former Hawassa Mayor over Conflict," Reporter, September 1, 2018, 

https:l/ww~ov.therepcrterethiopia.corn/article/ag-ind!ds~former-hawassa-mayor-over-conflic:t; Start Network 

and ACAPS, "Ethiopia: Somali, Oromia and Tigray Displacement," August 31, 2018, 

b..i.tQs:f/re!ioiweb.inVsites/rel!efweb.int/fiiQs/resource~201808.~1 acap__L§.LWt briet!QfLll.o..Le_clh!.Qpia dispj 

illiS'l!!-"ll!Jlslf; and Mu Xuequan, "Internet Connection Restored in Eastern Ethiopia After Three-Week 

Blackout," Xinhua, August 25, 2018, httpl/www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-08/25/c 137416697.htm. 2 Jenni Marsh, "Why Ethiopians Believe Their New Prime Minister Is a Prophet," CNN, August 29, 2018, 

1Jtll&;1Ly_~w.cnn.cornf2QJ§L9_§/26/'.JV.Q.[LQL!:!Q.lynlarJia-etlllQ!!b~.Qrl.ul~:lTJlDJ§!~~Qt;L:l!b!n?_d/ind_§.~.J]lml. 

3 Start Network and ACAPS, "Ethiopia: Somali, Oromia and Tigray Displacement." 4 Xuequan, "Internet Connection Restored in Eastern Ethiopia After Three-Week Blackout"; and Premium 

Times Nigeria, "800 People Arrested in Ethiopia amid Fresh Regional Violence," August 23, 2018, 

https:!/v.JWw.premiumtimesnq.com/news/headlines/2811 05~800-oeople-arrested-in-ethiopi~H:"lmid-fresh~ 

r&.gj.Qlla!-violen~JJ1mi. 

5 Prime Minister Ably's hold on power depends in part on his ability to neutralize former regime leaders 

from the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and their allies. Cross-border violence between the 

Oromia and Somali Regions in early August may reflect efforts by anti-Abiy security elements to 

undermine the prime minister. Federal forces intervened in the Somali Region in response and later 

arrested the former president of the Somali Region, a longtime TPLF ally, for stoking ethnic conflict in the 

regional capital. A potential assassination attempt in June 2018 may also reflect efforts to remove Abiy 

from power. See Bronwyn Bruton, "Ethiopia and Eritrea Have a Common Enemy," Foreign Policy, July 12 

2018, !J.l.\!li?:lifili!lliJ!illQ.li.Q\UcQDJI2018/0]JJ2J'eth[9.Qi.Q:.g!lcJ:?ritr~~ohave,jl::Q9JJ1..l!!.Pn-eofc'lli:._@iy.:JllllillEi: 

isaias-afwerki-badme-peace-tplf-eprdfl; Borkena, "Former Intelligence Chief Became Fugitive as Ethiopia 

Issues Arrest Warrant," August 21, 2018, https:l/www.borkena comi2018/08/21/e!lliopia-issued-arresll'/a!T®)-on .. f.gsmer-int.Q)![gf_nce_:QOJQ!:-.®ta .. Qllilw-ass.~1QL; Aaron Maasho, "Ethiopia Arrests Disgraced 

Regional Boss Accused of Rights Abuses," Reuters, August 27,2018, https:l/www.reuters com/article/usethiopia-poiitics-arresttethiopia-arrests-disqracec!-regiona!-boss~accused-of~riqhtsMabusesidUSI<CN1 LC1 QA; Allyson McCarthy, Andrew Larsen, and Emily Estelle, "Gulf of Aden Security Review," 

AEI's Critical Threats Project, August 13, 2018, .IJ1\Q§;[il"f..IIIW.g@calll1J.Q!J.tlhQ[()ill.ri@f.sJ..illllf:91ci!.Q.QQo§fc_llrl!Y: 

review/qulf~of-aden-security-review-august-13-2018; and Associated Press, "The Latest: Police Say 6 

Arrested After Ethiopia Blast," June 23, 2018, https:/lapnews.com/9b96e200a8ff405581ca396ae1e699d7. 6 Hilary Matfess, "So Ethiopia's New Prime Minister Wants Real Democracy? Here's What Has to Change 

First," Washington Post, September 7, 2018, .tlt!PSi:.iLIXl'ill'~'l®..illiltQDP.Q§LQQ..IJ1.in?..'t!§i!JlQ..'l~.lt: 

cage/wpi2018/09/07/so-ethiopias-new-prime-rninister-wants-reai-democracy-heres-what-has-to-changefirstl. 

7 The ethno-nationalist parties that comprise Ably's coalition could turn against him or each other, 

particularly if ethnic violence continues. Oromo nationalist parties, which are consolidating into a bloc, will 

attempt to push Ably toward policies that favor the Oromo. At risk is the fragile alliance between the 

Oromo and Amhara, Ethiopia's two largest ethnic groups, which was key to breaking the TPLF's hold on 

power and remains necessary for effective governance in the country. Engidu Waldie, "Ethiopia: Oromo 

Parties Mull over Forming Merger," ESAT News, August 31, 2018, J:illRs:f/ethsat.corn/2018/08/ethiooiaoromo-parties-muil-over-fOiming-mergeri; Awol Allo, "The Blood Flowing in Oromia Is Our Blood Too: 

Why Oromo-Amhara Solidarity Is the Greatest Threat to the Ethiopian Government," African Arguments, 

September 27, 2016, https:/iafricanargumen!s.org/2016109/27/!he-blood,ftowinq-in-omrnia-is-our-blood: 

too-wlw-oromo .. amhara-solidarity-is-the-qreatest-threat-to-the-ethiopian-qovernment!; and Muktar Omer, 

"Can Contradictory Oromo and Amhara Political Aspirations Be Reconciled?," OPride, August 29, 2017, 

.ttl1J;?s :/ /www .opride .com/20 17 /08/29/can-contrad ictory-oromo-am h ara-oo!itical-asoirations-reconci led/. 8 Katherine Zimmerman, Emily Estelle, and Matthew Cassidy, "AI Shabaab Persists in Somalia," AEI's 

Critical Threats Project, February 7, 2018, hltps:llwww.criticaltl1reats.org/briels/threat-updateia'-shabaabpcrslsts-in-sorna!ia. 

9 Ethiopia contributes the highest number of uniformed personnel to UN peacekeeping missions, primarily 

in Sudan and South Sudan. Ethiopia also provides more than 4,000 uniformed personnel to the African 

Union Mission in Somalia. See United Nations Peacekeeping, "Ethiopia," 

4 
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!JJill_s://peacekeeping.un.orglenlethiopia; and African Union Mission in Somalia, "Ethiopia-ENDF," 

http:/farnisom-au.ora/ethiopla-endf/. 

10 Matthew Cassidy, "AI Shabaab's Vehicle-Borne lED Campaign: January 2017-March 2018," AEI's 

Critical Threats Project, April 13, 2018, hl!ps:l/\lv;yw.criticaltlrreats.orqlanalysislal-shabaabs-vehicle-bomeied-campaiqn; Jordan lndermuehle, "AI Shabaab Area of Operations in Somalia: October 2017," AEI's 

Critical Threats Project, October 17, 2017, https:i/www.criticalthreats.orqlana!ysis/ai-shabaab-area-ofQJ212[alrons-octobor-2017; Katherine Zimmerman et aL, "US Counterterrorism Objectives in Somalia: Is 

Mission Failure Likely?," AEI's Critical Threats Project, March 1, 2017, 

https:/ivvvvw.criticalthreats.orq/analysis/us-counterterrorism-objectives-in-somalia-is-mission-fAii~Jre-like!v; 

and AEI's Critical Threats Project, "Map of al Shabaab's Area of Operations," forthcoming. 11 Daily Monitor, "Museveni's Address to Nation Postponed," September 7, 2018, 

http://wv.;w.monitor.co.IJQ/News/Nationai/Musevelli-8ddress~nation-postponed/688334-4748872ft 

9m7t53z!index htmi. 12 Coiin Lahiff~thi'opian AMISOM Withdrawals," AEI's Critical Threats Project, November 4, 2016, 

https://www.cnticalthreats.arq/ana!ysis/ethiopian-amisom-withdrawals 

13 Daniel Benaim and Michael Wahid Hanna, 'Water Wars on the Nile," Foreign Affairs, August 9, 2018, 

lltii:lli.lLirYJVW. fo[eignafi airs.c(Lm/articles/al ric:a/20 18-08-09/water:wars-nJls:. 14 Katherine Zimmerman, America's Real Enemy: The Sa/afi-Jihadi Movement, AEI's Critical Threats 

Project, July 18, 2017, htiOs://www.ciltlca!threats.org/analysis/americas-real-enemy-the-salafi-!ihadimovement. 

15i'nteriiational Crisis Group, "Ethiopia: Governing the Faithful," February 22, 2016, 

https://v-.ww.crisisqroup.orq/afr!ca/horn-africa/ethiopia/ethiopia-governinqmfaithful. For a map of Ethiopia's 

religious distribution, see Martin W. Lewis, "Religious Change and Tension in Ethiopia," GeoCurrents, 

June 21 , 201 3, lll\12Jffl.W'lUl!2Q.9_4f!SJlttirllil/Q~Jl!Jm!::illl.Qllli!RllYLfilll£!Lonlr!illgjQ_Y§c>;~illlilltllll\:!::1~-@DJ!l:: 

ethiopia. 

16 For discussion of how Salafi-jihadi groups stoke and exploit ethnic conflict in the Sahel region of West 

Africa, see Emily Estelle, "Warning Update: Threats to Mali's Elections Reveal Weakness of U.S. Security 

Policy in West Africa," AEI's Critical Threats Project, July 27, 2018, 

https://vvww.critica:threats.orq/analys!s/warning-update-threats-to-maiis-eiections-reve?JI-weakness-of-u-ssecurity-oolicy-in-west-afnca; Tom Peters and Katherine Zimmenman, "The Salafi-Jihadi Base in the 

Sahel," AEI's Critical Threats Project, November 2, 2017, !lt\J:&l!lW.l'I!Jifl!iCalthreaj§,.QlllLfl.ll!li:ili.§L'Tb~: 

SslafHihadi~Base-in-the-Sahel; and Andrew McGregor, "The Fulani Crisis: Communal Violence and 

Radicalization in the Sahel," CTC Sentine/1 0, no. 2 (February 2017), https://ctc.usma.edwthe-fulanicrisis-·communai vioience·-and-radicalization-in-the-sahel/. For discussion of how al Qaeda operates in 

different theaters, see Katherine Zimmenman, "AI Qaeda's Strengthening in the Shadows," testimony 

before the Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence, Committee on Homeland Security, US 

House of Representatives, July 13, 2017, https:l/www.criticaithrents.org/analysis/testimony-al-gaedasstmngtheninq-in-the-shadows. 

17 AI Shabaab recently released a video in the Oromo language, signaling its intent to recruit beyond 

Ethiopia's Somali community. See Jason Warner and Caleb Weiss, "A Legitimate Challenger? Assessing 

the Rivalry Between ai-Shabaab and the Islamic State in Somalia," CTC Sentine/1 0, no. 10 (November 

2017), h ttps:/ /etc. usma. ed u/ a-legitim nte-ch a!i eng or -assessi nq-thc-riva I rv-beh"v•een-ai-sha baa b-and-theislamic-state-in-somalia/; and James Miller, "AI Shabaab in East Africa," AEI's Critical Threats Project, 

July 24, 2014, https.//www.cr:ticalthreats.org/analysis/ai shabaab-in-east afric{l. 18 AI Qaeda emir Ayman al Zawahiri emphasized al Shabaab's role in the growth of the Salafi-jihadi 

movement in East Africa in a statement released in August 2018. AEI's Critical Threats Project, "Threat 

Update: August 7, 2018," August 8, 2018, https:/lwww.criticaithreats.ora/btiefslthreat-updateliranian-

!"iardliners-wil!-capita!ILe-on-potentia!-oconomic-protests-fol!owing-the-reimpositicn-of-u-s-sanc:.ions. 

19 UN Security Council, "Letter Dated 16 July 2018 from the Chair of the Security Council Committee 

Pursuantto Resolutions 1267 (1999), 1989 (2011) and 2253 (2015) Concerning Islamic State in Iraq and 

the Levant (Da'esh), AI-Qaida and Associated Individuals, Groups, Undertakings and Entities Addressed 

to the President of the Security Council," July 27,2018, h!tp://undocs.org/S/2018/705. 20 Mohammed Yusuf, "Troops on Border Mark Next Issue for Ethiopia-Eritrea Peace," Voice of America, 

August 24, 2018, https:!/'WV'Iw.voanews.com/altroops-on-border-mark-next-issue-for-ethiopia-eritreapcacei4542878 11\rnl. 

5 
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31452d-7.eps

21 Bronwyn Bruton, "Ethiopia and Eritrea Have a Common Enemy," Foreign Policy, July 12, 2018, 

h ttps :1 /foreign policy. com/20 18/07 /12/ethiopiafta nd-eritrea-have-aftcommon-enemy-a biy~a hmerl-isaiasaiwlillli-ballJ:ne-peace-tpJf-eprdlf; and Hamza Mohamed, "Ethiopia Removes OLF, ONLF and Gin bot 7 

from Terror List," AI Jazeera, July 5, 2018, httpsJiwww.aljazeera.cornlnews/2018106/etCJiopia-oif-onlfginoot-7-terror-list-18063011 0501697.html. 22 Maggie Fick and Alexander Cornwell, "In Peace Between Ethiopia and Eritrea, UAE Lends a Helping 

Hand," Reuters, August 8, 2018, ht!osi/aLreulcr~£0111/article_!iQQ,~ws/idA£KB~T1 TE:,QZAIE. 23 Rashid Abdi, "A Dangerous Gulf in the Horn: How the Inter-Arab Crisis Is Fuelling Regional Tensions," 

International Crisis Group, August 3, 2017, https://wwvv.crisisqroup.orq/rnidrlle-east-north-africa/qu!f-ar.daraQian-peninsuta/danoerou_s-g_ylt:.tlOrn-how-inter-@If!Q_:,g_rl§l§:GJ?JllrN.:ffi910na!-tensioJJ.§.. 

24 A diplomatic rift between the UAE and the SFG caused a parliamentary crisis and the end of an Emirati 

training mission in Mogadishu in April2018. The UAE's support for individual Somali states, including the 

self-declared Republic of Sornaliland, has also weakened the SFG. See AEI's Critical Threats Project, 

"Threat Update: April 10, 2018," April 11, 2018, !!l!P.:;:L0t!_ww.cd1Loalthc~1!ts.orgjjJriefs!!!Jilli:l!::illldatelall: 

israeii-<J!rstrike-aqainst-iranian-bar:ked-forces-!n-syrias-sauthwestem-homs-govemorate-kil!ed~fourjranian.::lliJlltm; AEI's Critical Threats Project, "Threat Update: April17, 2018," April18, 2018, 

_I)Jill§.J'/www.criticaltbL~gts.orwbriefs/thre£t:..~teiincapacitaHon-of-lib:l.illJ~tc.onqmall:__kl:miila-ll@M: 

s;reate_s-poW<±Y5!!,CUUm; and Jacqulyn Meyer Kantack, "The New Scramble for Africa," AEI's Critical 

Threats Project, February 26, 2018, lJ!!ill;Jiwww.cniiGelthreats.orglanalvsisllhe-new-scramble-!or-africa. 25 Maha El Dahan and Rania El Garnal, "Saudi Arabia Resumes Oil Exports Through Red Sea Lane," 

Reuters, August 4, 2018, l!!!n§Jil'!i'!i'WJ:;;_!Ji\1IiL\'Qm/ml)!;Je/u~J!IWll:lill_G!dl:i1:tl§audjcQLa bi;;-res_vlnes-QJJo 

exports-throuqr,-red-sea-lane-ldUSKBN1 KPOB7; and David Brennan, "China Is Using Lasers to Target 

U.S. Pilots Flying over Its Base in Djibouti," Newsweek, May 3, 2018, https://v-..ww.newsweek.com/ctlinal!~JllJl:)9_§]"rs-taJ:gg1:!b':Qi lots-flyi 11fL:QY'2!::its-b<?.§~::_(jjjQQil!i:.li_Qil~IQ. 26 For more on the impossibility of isolating Ethiopia in a multipolar environment, see Bronwyn Bruton, 

"Eritrea: A Neglected Regional Threat," testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, 

September 14, 2016, h!tps:iidocs.house.qovimeelinqs/FA/FA 1612016091411 05311/HHRG-'114-FA1 GWstate-BrutonB-20160914.pdf 

27 Russia is pursuing military cooperation with Sudan and has increased its influence in Egypt Russia is 

also planning to establish a naval base in Somaliland and is constructing a base in Burundi. See "Russia 

and Sudan Look to Develop Military Cooperation," Middle East Monitor, July 16,2018, 

https :I iwww. m iddleeaslrnonitor. com/201807 '16-russia-and-sud an-look -to-clevelop-mi I ita cv-cooperationl; 

Nataliya Bugayova with Jack Ulses, "The Kremlin's Campaign in Egypt," Institute for the Study of War, 

June 2018, hltp:iNNifW. undcrslandingwar.orq/sites/defaull/filesiiSW%20-

%20Russia':Vo20Eqvpt%20Campaign%20-%20June·J'o202018. pdf; Salem Solomon, "Russia-Eritrea 

Relations Grow with Planned Logistics Center," Voice of America, September 2, 2018, 

https ·f/vuww. voa news com/ a/russia-critrea-relations-grow-with-planned-logistics-ccntor/4554680. html; 

Michael Rubin, "The US Needs to Recognize Somaliland Before Russia Does," Washington Examiner, 

August 22, 2018, https :/ /wv-1w. wash i ngtonexami ner .com/opinion/the-us-needs-to-recoq n ize-soma!il andbefore russia-does; and UAWire, "Media: New Russian Private Military Company Operates in Syria," July 

6, 2018, https:!/vvww.uawirc.org!rnass-modia-ncw-russian-private-rniiitarv-company-in-syria. 28 Nizar Manek, "Season of Peace Blooms as Eritrea, Djibouti Agree to Rebuild Ties," Bloomberg, 

September 7, 2018, ~,ugs:/lwww. bloomberg.cominews/articles/2018-09·07 /·season ·Of-pence-biooms,asrcd-sca-s\ates-agrec-to-rcbulld-tios; and Ben Blanchard and Michael Perry, "China Formally Opens First 

Overseas Military Base in Djibouti," Reuters, August!, 2017, https:l/www.reuters.comlartic!e/us-chinadjiboutilchina-fOimally-opens-lirst-overseas-militarv-base-in-djibouti-idUSK.BN'IAH3E3. 

29 China offered to deploy troops to Doumeira Island in the Red Sea, which Djibouti and Eritrea both 

clairn, after the withdrawal of Qatari cease-fire monitors in June 2017 nearly led to armed conflict Abdi, "A 

Dangerous Gulf in the Horn." 30 Allan Olingo, "Ethiopia Bags China Debt Deal, Others Wait," East African, September 8, 2018, 

http://www.theeaslafrican.co keil:,usinesslt;:thiQQiR-bags-China-debt-deaii?Q.60-47!iQ,468-

!!ll11.6vlinc.i£&bl!:TJl. 

6 
49

Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very much. 

Mr. Badwaza? 

STATEMENT OF MR. YOSEPH M. BADWAZA, SENIOR PROGRAM 

OFFICER—AFRICA, FREEDOM HOUSE 

Mr. BADWAZA. Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and 

members of the subcommittee, it is an honor to testify before you 

today. And I would also like to recognize the subcommittee’s great 

leadership on human rights issues in Ethiopia. 

We are witnessing a pivotal moment in Ethiopia’s history. If reform succeeds, Ethiopia could become one of the world’s few victories for democratic governance, with significant implications for 

the entire continent. 

Since the selection of Abiy Ahmed as the Prime Minister, we 

have seen many positive changes. Since a lot of the positive developments have been raised in the first panel and by my distinguished panelists, I would like to focus on the challenges and the 

recommendations that we would like to make to make the change 

even deeper and more inclusive. 

The positive steps of releasing thousands of political prisoners 

and the amnesty for opposition party members, including those 

that are designated as terrorist organizations by Ethiopia’s Parliament, and also the plan to limit the term of the Prime Minister’s 

office by making constitutional changes, and initiating legal reforms, including the charities and societies antiterrorism law, and 

the plans to liberalize the economy, ending the state monopoly, and 

by appointing reform-minded executives to key economic positions, 

is something we should all be recognizing. 

And another key positive step is also the move that the new 

Prime Minister took to end 20 years of hostilities between Ethiopia 

and Eritrea. 

When it comes to the challenge, again, despite the many positive 

developments, these challenges still remain. 

The first one is, while popular support for Abiy and reformers in 

the ruling party appears to be strong, internal power struggles 

have not yet been resolved. Powerful members of the establishment 

are not completely convinced of the wisdom of reform measures and 

continue to lament that EPRDF is abandoning its ideological foundations of developmental state and revolutionary democracy in 

favor of neo liberalism and populist tendencies. 

Because there has been minimal distinction between the state 

and the ruling party, the internal EPRDF crisis directly impacts 

the way the government conducts its business. As a result, party 

and government officials who are not on board with Abiy’s reform 

agenda are in a position to derail reforms. 

There is also a need to revive—the challenge of reviving independent media and civil society that have been decimated through 

years of violence from the government and draconian legislation. 

Ethnic-based clashes also threaten the pace and sustainability of 

reforms, as fear of protracted violence and political instability persist. In the past few months, ethnic-based identity clashes killed 

hundreds of civilians and displaced over a million. Government 

strategy in this area seems to be largely reactive. 

50

With the liberalization of the political environment and a new 

tolerance for free speech, we have seen heightened nationalistic 

and identity-based rhetoric putting enormous strain on the long 

tradition of coexistence among Ethiopian ethnic communities. 

The antigovernment protests that led to the current change in 

Ethiopia were primarily organized and led by the youth. Reform 

measures are generating high expectations among the youth and 

could lead to resentment and unrest if left unmet. 

Armed members of former insurgent groups are returning home. 

It is not clear whether these former fighters have gone through 

proper demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration processes. 

The injection of such forces into an already-tense environment 

could easily fuel violence, and there have been incidents of violent 

confrontations between government security forces and these 

former fighters. 

Other than promising to make the next elections free and fair, 

the government has not yet rolled out a roadmap for electoral reforms, nor has it conducted the constitutionally required census 

that was postponed in November 2017 for security reasons. Updated census data is crucial for elections. Past findings were bitterly contested and led to violence. 

Lack of public trust in the security service is also a challenge. 

While there have been encouraging signs of restraint by security 

forces dealing with crowds in recent months, public trust in law enforcement remains very low, and numerous instance of abuse remain unaddressed. Widespread skepticism about the government’s 

handling of the June bombing at the pro-Abiy rally in Addis Ababa 

and also the death of the chief engineer of the Grand Renaissance 

Dam reflect that trust deficit. This in the future poses a serious 

problem, impeding legitimate law enforcement work and resulting 

in extralegal measures, as observed in recent months in parts of 

the country. 

Some policy recommendations that we would like to propose are: 

For the United States to ensure the viability of reforms, the United 

States should press the Government of Ethiopia to mend longstanding ethnic grievances. 

Abiy’s vision of unity, reconciliation, and inclusion should include 

concrete strategies aimed at fostering social cohesion. The government should seek to prevent and resolve violent clashes in a manner that involves affected communities by establishing an earlywarning system and investigating and punishing perpetrators. 

It is critical that the government address youth expectations, undertaking economic reforms to generate job creation, and provide 

education opportunities that allow youth opportunities for the future. 

With national elections in less than 2 years, the importance of 

thorough reforms to ensure free and fair elections cannot be overstated. Eliminating draconian barriers to participation, including 

political party registration rules, the structure and composition of 

the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia, and the number of seats 

in wereda and kebele councils are some of the longstanding questions that need to be addressed before any credible election is to 

be conducted. 

51

Conducting the overdue census should also be part of preparations for elections. 

The government should accelerate the process of reforming the 

criminal justice system too, including revising and repealing repressive laws that impede freedoms of expression, association, and 

assembly; and, importantly, ensuring that the revision of these 

laws should be transparent, include all stakeholders, and occur in 

a timely manner. 

There is also a need to ensure a system of accountability for serious human rights abuses that occurred over the past 27 years of 

the EPRDF rule. This may not necessarily mean that aggressive 

prosecution should occur, but it could entail a truth commission or 

another form of inquiry that allows the opportunity to air grievances, question officials, obtain documents, and seek closure. Such 

an approach can forestall extralegal acts of vengeance against 

former ruling party officials. 

There is also a need to reform the judiciary and law enforcement. 

It is to undertake comprehensive reform of these sectors to make 

them independent of political control and influence. The police 

forces and courts have been routinely used to level spurious and 

politically motivated charges against critics of the ruling party. Revision of restrictive laws, such as the antiterrorism proclamation, 

will have little impact in the absence of reforms to the criminal justice system itself. 

The U.S. could also help deepen political reform in Ethiopia by 

increasing U.S. financial and technical support for elections, including capacity-building for institutions such as the National Election 

Board. The 2019 local elections will be a key test for Abiy’s ability 

to advance his reform agenda and could build positive momentum 

and experience leading up to the 2020 national elections. 

The U.S. also should provide robust support to strengthen civil 

society and independent media. This would take advantage of the 

new political space and test its breadth in practice. 

To the extent allowed by Ethiopian laws, the U.S. should also 

support capacity-building for political parties, which are underdeveloped after years of repression and in need of assistance if they 

are to offer meaningful competition. 

The U.S. could also encourage substantive engagement in the reform process by the U.S.-based diaspora, which could include exchange programs that aim at mentorship of professionals in key 

sectors associated with reform efforts. 

Finally, if reforms continue to advance, the U.S. can strengthen 

economic ties with Ethiopia and expand U.S. economic support to 

assist the new government in providing tangible democratic dividends to a broad swath of population, enabling political reform to 

become clearly associated with an improved standard of living in 

what remains a largely impoverished country where growth has 

been unevenly distributed. 

I thank you, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Badwaza follows:]

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31452e-1.eps

Reform in Ethiopia: Turning Promise into Progress 

Written Testimony by Y oseph Badwaza 

Senior Program Officer 

U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs, 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights and International 

Organizations 

Hearing: Reviewing Current Developments in Ethiopia 

September 12, 2018 

Introduction 

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and members of the subcommittee, it is an honor to 

testify before you today. I ask that my full written testimony be admitted into the record. 

We are witnessing a pivotal moment in Ethiopia's history. Ifrefonn efforts continue on their 

current trajectory, Ethiopia could become one of the few victories for democratic governance at a 

time when many countries are moving in the wrong direction. Much remains to be done, and 

support from the international community will be needed. 

Recent Events in Context 

But before I get into specific recommendations on what needs to be done to maintain positive 

momentum, I will first provide some context for the changes we are witnessing. 

In January 2018, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) announced 

that in order to respond to intensifying antigovernment protests, it would take comprehensive 

reform measures, including revising and repealing laws that narrowed the political space, 

facilitating free and fair elections, releasing political prisoners and promoting national 

reconciliation. In the months that followed, thousands of prisoners were freed and the notorious 

federal crimes investigations unit in Addis Ababa, commonly known as Maekelawi, was closed. 

The resignation ofHailemariam Desalegn as prime minister in February 2018 was one of the 

most consequential political developments that revealed that differences among supporters of 

profound changes and those fighting to ensure the continuation of the status quo with minimal 

overtures to change and reform have reached a tipping point While the resignation of 

Hailemariam was greeted with joy by the public and considered a key step that help push reforms 

forward, the declaration of a state of emergency the next day was a reminder that the power 

struggle within the EPRDF was far from over. 

However, the selection of Abiy Ahmed by the EPRDF to become the new prime minister in 

April after six weeks of painstaking deliberation within the leadership of the ruling party ushered 
53


31452e-2.eps

in a new chapter in Ethiopia's political history, one that seems to put the country on an 

unprecedented trajectory of political change and opening. 

It is not yet certain this reform effort will be sustained, but if it is, Ethiopians can chart a path to 

a viable democracy and economic prosperity that will have significant implications for the Horn 

of Africa region and the entire continent. 

A Promising Start 

Days after his election as prime minister, Abiy Ahmed took his overarching vision of national 

reconciliation and forgiveness to the public as part of his tour of the country, conducting town 

hall meetings, speaking with community leaders and local politicians. This bolstered the image 

of Abiy as a messenger of hope and change who can lead the country on a democratic path 

ending decades of authoritarian rule that created so much division and polarization among the 

ditierent ethnic communities in the country. 

Tn many ways, Abiy's election signaled a dramatic shift in EPRDF's style of governance. While 

structural changes to the institutions and the legal framework that served as an instrument of 

repression have yet to be made, the new prime minister and his team have so far taken several 

bold measures that earned them strong popular support. 

Abiy's new government released thousands of political prisoners, including some high profile 

figures, lifted the draconian state of emergency in June, publicly announced plans to amend the 

constitution to institute term limits on the tenure of the prime minister, invited exiled opposition 

politicians to return home and participate in politics and moved to lift the terrorist designation of 

three major opposition political parties. As a result, many opposition parties including those 

engaged in armed struggle, have returned home pledging to participate in peacetul political 

activities. 

Tn the economic sphere, the government is taking steps to end the government monopoly on key 

economic sectors including telecom, energy and air transport. While the practical 

implementation of this is going to be complex and is likely to face strong opposition from 

different sectors of the public, Abiy seems intent on moving forward. In addition to appointing 

reform-minded executives to key economic positions, including the governor of the National 

Bank, the Chief Executive of Ethio Telecom and the Head of National Planning Commission, 

Abiy set up an advisory council on the privatization of state owned enterprises in August. 

In another dramatic move with potential implications for the wider Horn of Africa region, Abiy 

took the initiative to end 20 years of hostility with Eritrea by declaring EPRDF' s unconditional 

acceptance of the 2000 Algiers Agreement and the 2002 decision of the Ethiopia-Eritrea 

Boundary Commission (EEBC). In the weeks that followed, leaders of the two countries met 

several times in Addis Ababa and Asmara. They restored diplomatic relations, re-opened their 

embassies and signed a number of trade and investment agreements. Last week's symbolic 

anchoring of one of Ethiopia's commercial vessels at the port ofMassawa for the first time in 20 

years indicated the consolidation of the rapprochement between the two countries. This peace 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 
54


31452e-3.eps

dividend seems to be expanding to the region, as Djibouti and Somalia have also engaged in 

peace talks with Eritrea. 

In June, the government set up a law and justice Advisory Council under the auspices of the 

office of the Attorney General. The Council, composed of 13 independent legal professionals, is 

entrusted with examining restrictive laws, including the Charities and Societies Proclamation and 

the Antiterrorism Proclamation, and flaws in the justice system, and developing 

recommendations for comprehensive revisions including amendments to the laws and 

restructuring of institutions. The Advisory Council and the different working groups within it 

have so far done a remarkable job of holding several public forums to solicit feedback from 

stakeholders on proposed changes to these laws. 

Challenges 

Despite the many positive developments, enormous challenges persist. 

Internal power struggles within the FPRDF: While popular support for Abiy and the reformist 

elements within the ruling party appears to be strong, internal power struggles within and 

between the four constituent parties of EPRDF have not yet been resolved definitively. Powerful 

members of the establishment are not completely convinced of the reform measures that the new 

leadership is taking. These elements continue to lament that EPRDF is abandoning its ideological 

foundations of revolutionary democracy and a developmental state in favor ofneoliberal and 

populist tendencies. One reason the party keeps postponing the planned party Congress seems to 

be this disunity among the leadership on the breadth of the reform measures and the future 

direction of the party. As the supreme organ of the party, the Congress is being considered as a 

referendum on Abiy's reform agenda and decisive indicator of the party's direction as a 

coalition. 

As there is minimal distinction between the state and the ruling party, the crisis within the ruling 

party has a direct bearing on the way the business of government is conducted. Party and 

government otlicials who are not on board with Abiy's reform agenda are in a position to derail 

the momentum of change and cause frustration among the public. The new government has 

accused these establishment elements of conspiracy to sabotage the wave of change in the party 

and in the country. For instance, the government blamed disgruntled elements in the security 

services for many acts of subversion, including the grenade attack at the pro-Abiy rally in Addis 

Ababa in June. 

Reviving independent media and the human rights community The intense crackdown on dissent 

that began in 2009 with the enactment of an array of draconian legislation decimated the 

country's once vibrant human rights community and its independent media, and the damaging 

effects are likely to persist for some time. 

£thnic tensions: Ethnic-based clashes also threaten the pace and sustainability of reforms, as fear 

of protracted violence and political instability persist. In the past few months, ethnic and identitybased clashes that flared in Oromia, SNNPR, Amhara, Benishangul Gumuz and Somali regions 

caused the death of hundreds of civilians and the displacement of more than one million people. 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 
55


31452e-4.eps

The government's etl'orts to address these incidents are largely reactive and have so far not done 

much to bring lasting solutions. There have not been coordinated efforts to bring to justice local 

government otlicials who in many cases are instigators and perpetrators of these crimes. 

In August, the prime minister ordered the army to enter into parts of the Orornia-Sornali border 

areas in response to recurring clashes between members of the two ethnic communities. This 

raised concerns, as the move could signal a return to martial law, a scenario witnessed during the 

state of emergency earlier this year. 

Liberalization in the political environment and tolerance for free speech brought longstanding 

grievances between different ethnic groups into public political discourse. The past few months 

also witnessed heightened nationalistic and identity-based rhetoric targeting minority 

communities in different parts of the country. These sentiments are putting enormous strain on 

the long tradition of co-existence among the various communities. Managing expectation of the 

youth: The antigovernment protests that led to the current changes Ethiopia is witnessing were 

primarily organized and led by youth. Refonn measures are generating high expectations among 

the youth and could lead to resentment and unrest if left unmet. 

Reintegration <Jf armed militia: Armed members of former insurgent groups are returning horne 

to communities in Orornia, Arnhara Somali and South regions following the government's 

declaration of amnesty and invitation to participate in peaceful political activities. It is not clear 

whether these former fighters have gone through proper demobilization, rehabilitation and 

reintegration processes. The injection of such forces into an already tense ethnic and political 

dynamics in these parts of the country could easily tile! violent clashes. Violent confrontations 

between these rebel forces and federal and regional government security forces have already 

been witnessed in parts of the Orornia region. 

Flectoral reforms: Other than promising to make the next elections free and fair, the government 

has not yet rolled out its roadmap for electoral reforms, nor has it conducted the census that was 

postponed in November 2017 for security reasons. 

Ethiopia's constitution requires a census to be conducted every 10 years, typically ahead of the 

election cycle. Timely and up-to-date census data is crucial for elections. Census findings in the 

past had been bitterly contested and led to violence in several parts of the country. 

Tack ofpuhlic trust in security services: While there have been encouraging signs of restraint on 

using excessive force by security forces dealing with crowds in recent months, public trust in law 

enforcement remains very low, and numerous instances of abuse and mistreatment remain 

unaddressed. Widespread skepticism about the government's handling of investigations into two 

recent high profile matters, namely the bombing incident in June of the pro Abiy rally in Addis 

Ababa and the death of the chief engineer of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), is 

largely a reflection of that trust deficit. This poses a serious problem going forward, impeding 

legitimate law enforcement activities and resorting to extra-legal measures, as observed in 

several parts of the country in recent months. 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 

4 
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31452e-5.eps

Recommendations 

As the internal power struggle within the EPRDF continues to simmer, it will take time for the 

etTects of Abiy' s sweeping reform measures to take root legally and institutionally and be felt at 

all levels of society. 

In order to harness the optimism and hope of the people of Ethiopia and ensure the viability of 

these refonn measures, the United States should: 

• Press the government of Ethiopia to move quickly to: 

o Mend ethnic grievances: Abiy's vision of unity and inclusion should be 

transformed into concrete strategies aimed at fostering social cohesion by 

responding to longstanding grievances of ethnic communities. The 

government should seek to prevent and resolve violent ethnic clashes in all 

parts of the country in a manner that involves the affected communities by 

establishing an effective early warning system and investigating and 

punishing perpetrators of human rights abuses, including members of regional 

paramilitary forces. 

o Address yonth expectations: It is critical that the government undertake 

economic reforms to generate job creation and provide education 

opportunities that allow youth an outlet for their ambitions and opportunities 

for their future. 

o Undertake meaningful reforms to ensure free and fair elections: With 

national elections corning in less than two years, the importance of 

undertaking thorough reforms to the electoral laws and institutions that are 

agreeable to all political forces cannot be overstated. Eliminating the 

draconian barriers to participation in the electoral process including political 

party registration rules, the structure and composition of the National 

Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), and the number of seats in H'ereda and 

kehele councils are some of the longstanding questions from opposition 

political parties that need to be addressed before any credible election is 

conducted. Conducting the overdue census should also be an integral part of 

the preparations for elections. 

o Guarantee the independence of democratic institutions: Pursue reforms 

that guarantee the independence of key democratic institutions including the 

judiciary, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the security 

services, ahead of scheduled elections in 2019 and 2020. 

o Reform the criminal justice system and implement robust changes to the 

security sector: Accelerate the process of reforming the criminal justice 

system and revise and repeal repressive laws that impede freedoms of 

expression, association and assembly. Also, ensure that the process for 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 
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31452e-6.eps

revising laws is transparent, includes all stakeholders, and occurs in a timely 

fashion. Security sector refonn should aim to address impunity for abuses 

committed by security officials and should aim to improve public trust in the 

security services. 

o Ensure accountability for rights abuses: Establish a system of 

accountability for serious human rights abuses over the past 27 years of the 

EPRDF's rule. This may not necessarily mean aggressive prosecutions, but 

could entail a truth commission or another form of inquiry that gives 

Ethiopians the opportunity to air their grievances, question officials, obtain 

documents, and seek closure. Such an approach can forestall extralegal acts of 

vengeance against former ruling party oftlcials. 

o Reform the judiciary and law enforcement agencies: Undertake a 

comprehensive reform of these sectors to make them independent of political 

control and influence. The police and courts have routinely been used to level 

spurious and politically motivated charges against critics of the ruling party. 

Revision of restrictive laws such as the Antiterrorism Proclamation will have 

little impact in the absence of reforms to the criminal justice system itself. 

• Help deepen political reforms in Ethiopia by considering increased US financial 

and technical support for elections that are free, fair, transparent, and inclusive. 

This includes capacity-building programs for institutions such as the National 

Electoral Board and the judiciary. The 2019local elections will be a key test of 

Abiy's ability to advance his reform agenda, and could build positive momentum and 

experience leading up to the national elections in 2020. 

• 

Provide robust US support designed to strengthen civil society and independent 

media. Such efforts would both take advantage of the new political space and test its 

breadth in practice. To the extent allowed by domestic laws, the US should also 

support capacity-building for political parties. After years of repression, opposition 

parties are underdeveloped and in need of assistance if they are to otTer meaningful 

competition and address a broad range of interests beyond ethnic bases. 

Encourage substantive engagement in the reform process by the U-S--based 

Ethiopian diaspora. This may include supporting exchange programs that help 

Ethiopian-born experts to return and advise, mentor, and train professionals in key 

government and nongovernmental sectors associated with refonn efforts. 

Finally, if reforms continue to advance, strengthen economic ties between the U.S . 

and Ethiopia and expand u_s. economic support to assist Abiy and his government 

in providing tangible democratic dividends to a broad swath of the population, 

enabling political reform to become clearly associated with an improved standard of 

living in what remains a largely impoverished country where growth has been 

unevenly distributed. 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 

6 
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31452e-7.eps

Conclusion 

Ethiopia is a key partner and ally for the United States, and Ethiopia is at a key moment in its 

history. The US. government would be wise to strengthen its partnership with reformers in 

Ethiopia to ensure that recent gains are transformed into actual improvements in democratic 

governance and the protection of fundamental rights- the crucial foundations of sustainable 

peace and prosperity. 

e 

l 

Yoseph Bad~;vaza 

HFAC Africa Suhcommittcc 

9/12/18 

7 
59

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Badwaza, thank you very much for your testimony. 

I would like to yield to Ranking Member Bass. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

I just have a couple of quick questions, but let me just begin by 

thanking all of you, because in each of your comments—and we 

have your written documents here—you give very specific recommendations. So I was just speaking with a member of my staff 

that I want to compile all of those recommendations and look and 

see, you know, where we might be helpful. 

But I just have a couple of questions. I believe it was Alemayehu 

who mentioned the independent commission. 

Did you mention an independent commission? And I wanted to 

know—because you said that in the context of how the U.S. could 

be helpful. And I wanted to know what you meant. Who would be 

on an independent commission? 

And you also mentioned, I believe, people being—especially the 

Oromo people—being forced out of their homes and people going 

back. And how did you see that process taking place? 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU. Thank you for the question. 

When I meant the independent commission, through the last 27 

years, every institution is either diminished or became subservient 

of the——

Ms. BASS. No, I understood that. 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU [continuing]. Dictatorial rule of the EPRDF. So, 

on this——

Ms. BASS. Who would be on an independent commission? 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU [continuing]. Independent commission, I am contemplating Ethiopians who have, you know, an independent view 

of this ethnic federalism to be in that part and to watch the election and to prepare for that, and also putting that with the watchful eye of the United States, with the support. 

Ms. BASS. So it was also mentioned about the Magnitsky Human 

Rights Accountability Act and the U.S. Government applying to 

Ethiopian Government officials. Why would we do that right now? 

And who would you be targeting? I mean, I know some of the offenders—Prime Minister Abiy has gone after himself. 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU. I think all this is related to the capacity of the 

Ethiopian investigators and the last June assassination attempt toward Dr. Abiy at the rally just end up nowhere, and no public explanation is rendered as far as the attempt was concerned. Maybe 

this is an opportune time for the United States to help in expanding that investigation and let the Ethiopians know about it. 

On the other question, the Oromos were—it is a Somalia region, 

where the Somali region leader forced—due to a territorial or some 

kind of misunderstanding there, a lot of Oromos were pushed out 

from the Somali region, and they were not reinstated well yet. And 

this probably goes to the capacity of the Ethiopian Government. 

We are right now with the enthusiasm that Dr. Abiy brought 

with the reconciliation and peace and unity. How that is translated 

into the ground on that region is still questionable. 

Ms. BASS. Okay. 

Do any other panelists want to contribute? 

Okay. Go ahead. 

60

Mr. SAID. Thank you, Ranking Member Bass. 

You know, over 2 million Oromos were displaced from the Somali 

region. It is not—Oromos and the Somalis have never conflict. They 

are brothers. They are the same people. Their displacement is politically motivated by the TPLF regime. 

As far as the Magnitsky goes, for the atrocities that have been 

committed for the 27 years, the country has been looted. When you 

met the youth in the communities in Ethiopia, you have heard the 

stories of Kefyalew Tefera, the young Oromo man who was 

snatched from the street and put in prison, and then he lost his 

two legs——

Ms. BASS. Yeah. 

Mr. SAID [continuing]. In the torture chambers. 

Ms. BASS. So I was trying to get at if you were suggesting that 

the Magnitsky Act be enforced before there is a truth and reconciliation process within Ethiopia, or that that would be one of the results. 

Again, when I looked at your recommendations—and I mentioned 

I want to compile them—I am just trying to figure out how to move 

forward with them. 

So there would be a reconciliation and then the U.S. would respond? Or are you saying that the U.S. should respond before? 

Mr. SAID. I am sure—I think in House Resolution 128 the 

Magnitsky Human Rights Act apply globally. So——

Ms. BASS. Right. 

Mr. SAID [continuing]. The U.S. could act now to those offenders, 

some of them who are on the run. For example, the head of security forces, Getachew Assefa, is on the run. 

Ms. BASS. Right. 

Mr. SAID. So the United States can be able to apply that. 

Ms. BASS. Okay. Thank you. 

Mr. SAID. Thank you very much. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Ms. Bass. 

Let me just ask a few questions about, first of all, trafficking. In 

the earlier panel with the Ambassador, the Secretary raised the 

issue of human trafficking in Ethiopia. I actually, 15 years ago or 

so, went to a shelter in Addis that was funded by the U.S. Government largely, and many of the women there had been trafficked 

into the Middle East. And they were the lucky ones who, obviously, 

came back, were rescued. And they were learning some excellent 

skills so that they could be employed. And, again, the U.S. taxpayer was funding much of it. And I think it is a great use of our 

dollar, to help people who have been horribly abused. 

But Ethiopia remains on Tier 2, and it has some very huge gaps, 

particularly in the area of child sex trafficking. And I would hope 

all of you, if you want to respond or not, would take back that we 

need to keep this as a priority in our dialogue with the new Prime 

Minister and his government. 

He has inherited, as I said before, just one problem after another. And certainly the cruelty that is imposed upon women and 

children with trafficking is among the worst on the planet. So I 

just would encourage you that we all be very proactive and helpful 

with his government on that. 

61

And if you wanted to speak to that, please do. 

On the issue of truth and reconciliation, you know, the South Africans really wrote the book on that, with Desmond Tutu leading 

the 17-member panel back in 1995. And if my memory is correct, 

some 21,000 people were interviewed. It became a very, very highly 

visible process. And there were some trying and successfully destroying documents leading up to its creation and even after its 

creation to avoid the accountability that this would help bring. But 

it had that incredibly laudable impact of moving the country forward. 

And my hope is—and, Jamal, you had this in your testimony 

today. It is certainly something that needs to be very seriously considered, but, obviously, the call is to be made by the Ethiopian Government itself. If you wanted to further elaborate on that, that 

would be excellent. 

And if I could, Ms. Estelle, you brought up—I think one of the 

things—my big takeaway as we got on the plane to come back was 

that there needs to be a managing of expectations by all the ethnic 

communities. This is going to take a long time, even though some 

very high-impact things have been done by the Prime Minister and 

done very successfully. Everyone is talking positively, but we have 

to make sure that everybody does not at some point say, ‘‘Oh, well, 

now we are disappointed,’’ and then there is a reversion back to violence, which would be the worst possible scenario. We need to stay 

at this, no matter how long it takes, and to encourage peaceful 

transition and reconciliation among all the disparate elements of 

the Ethiopian society. 

Again, Ms. Estelle, you did bring out that very, very dangerous 

situation with the Somali ethnic community, and maybe you would 

want to elaborate on that further. I did ask the Secretary, pursuant 

to your testimony, about that earlier. I would appreciate that. 

And, Mr. Badwaza, you—on the elections, everyone always wants 

an election ASAP, but it has to be done right, with a full accounting as to who is eligible to vote, and the whole process. I was there 

in 2005 when President Meles hijacked the election, and it was one 

of the worst processes I have ever seen for an election. 

And so we want a free and fair and totally transparent election. 

So the United States, I know, can be helpful to the Ethiopians. 

What date should there be? Should it be an aspirational goal or 

should it be more hardened, as to when that date should be? 

Parenthetically, Karen Bass and I and our staff, we were slated 

to go to the DR Congo right after our visit to Ethiopia, but we 

couldn’t get in. We were denied a visa by the President. And, of 

course, the issue of elections there and the postponement of, for 

what I believe to be nefarious purposes, to stay in power, not because all the i’s are dotted and the t’s crossed. 

But we have to be helpful to the Ethiopians to get that right as 

well. And I think you can speak to that very well, if you would, 

from Freedom House. 

And then I will yield to Mike for any questions he might have, 

please. The reconciliation. 

Oh, and one other thing if I could. Archbishop Desmond Tutu 

had the gravitas to leave that—the respect of so many to leave 

that. Are there people within the church community or the human 

62

rights community that would come to mind? You don’t have to 

name names, but I am sure there are some people who would play 

that role fairly and dispassionately so that it can be a very, very 

positive experience for the country. 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU. Thank you. 

On the first question on trafficking women, children from Ethiopia to other countries, this issue is, you know, very rampant and 

very common in Ethiopia in every direction. And it is—as I see it, 

it is, you know, it is relies upon the economic capacity of the country. 

Many young women eluded by some dealers in the farmland or 

in the remote part of Ethiopia telling them, you know, there is an 

opportunity in other countries. Well, there is no opportunity in 

their village. So they are subject for this kind of sex trafficking and 

as we have been seeing in our recent history. 

So on this situation, you know, I am—the United States can play 

a lot in helping small neighborhood capacity building and creating 

an opportunity, helping the government, you know, to create an opportunity within the village so that, you know, young girls are not 

travelling from rural area to town to create an opportunity to earn 

a living and support their poor family. 

We know that Ethiopians, we are stricken by poverty. We have 

only our, you know, determination to succeed. So that is what the 

young kids, girls, going to somewhere they don’t know with nothing 

in their hand to support their family. So it is capacity building 

help, an opportunity in the village. 

On the second question, on the peace and reconciliation, I work 

with churches. I serve in church. And there are—Ethiopians usually we respect elderly and religious figures, so we can use religious 

figure in Ethiopia, the elderly to channel this very abstract concept 

of peace and reconciliation, because the peace and reconciliation 

process that we are in is good. We don’t know where it ends because sometimes accountability is missing in that peace and reconciliation. 

So my suggestion is an academic think tank was religious figures 

we can—you know, the United States help in formulating or helping the government to formulate some kind of elderly group who 

can, you know, explain this peace and reconciliation to the young 

people who are expecting a result right now. 

And I don’t think, you know, the current situation allows to satisfy all the younger generation to achieve economic prosperity and 

what they were expecting from the new government. So that is my 

suggestion, trying to formulate the elderly group based on religious 

father figures. Thank you. 

Mr. SAID. Again, thank you. 

To respond to the trafficking it is very important to raise what 

was happening for the last 27 years. The TPLF and their families 

owned trafficking companies. Trafficking has been legalized in 

Ethiopia very much. They are the ones who transport young men 

and women to the Arab countries and everywhere but in—in another side they are accepting money from the United States Government to prevent trafficking, but in the other side they are the 

ones who involve it in trafficking. On this, thanks to our youths 

63

and Dr. Abiy, with Dr. Abiy administration and with the removal 

of TPLF from power, the trafficking can be under control. 

As far as the truth and the reconciliation goes, I am sure you 

have met Abba Gadaa Bayana Sanbato in your visit to Addis 

Ababas. He is the leader of Abba Gadaa in Oromo. So the civics 

association needs to be strengthened. A civic association like a 

Gadaa system need to be strengthened in Ethiopia because for the 

last 27 years the TPLF eroded, totally wiped out the civic societies 

so with elders we can have significant changes and then we have 

a proven result because the Oromo elders have played a significant 

role with the Somali elders to bring the change that we are seeing 

in Somalia’s region now. 

So I will say strengthen the civic society in Ethiopia and repeal 

the antiterrorism law act in the charity law so that will help. 

Thank you very much. 

Ms. ESTELLE. Mr. Chairman, to speak briefly to your question 

about the Somali population in Ethiopia, the main point I want to 

make is that just because the conflict in that region is not yet connected to al-Shabaab doesn’t mean that it can’t become that way. 

So al-Qaeda globally has a strategy of working within local conflicts and essentially changing their character to serve their own 

objective. So if we look at West Africa right now, there is a case 

where groups affiliated with al-Qaeda and other jihadist groups 

have taken on the rhetoric of local ethnic conflict and inserted 

themselves into conflicts and gained support that way. 

And so I think that that is a possibility that we must be very 

aware of in Ethiopia if conflict persists and continues to fester, particularly in an environment where al-Qaeda leadership is emphasizing East Africa as a place for expansion right now. 

So while I don’t think this is an immediate concern, it is one that 

we certainly need to be prepared for, especially with Ethiopia’s regional importance. Where Ethiopia goes the region is going to follow, so it is the worst case but one that we must guard against. 

Thank you. 

Mr. BADWAZA. Chairman Smith, thank you. 

I would like to make a contribution on the issue of Reconciliation 

and Truth Comission. It has been said, I think rightly, on the first 

panel that the state of issues in Ethiopia and elsewhere are clearly 

different than this calls for, I think, a deeper examination of what 

is on the ground in Ethiopia. 

To start with, we still have the same ruling party technically in 

power that is being accused of all the atrocities that have occurred 

in the past 27 years, so there is going to be a lot of interests that 

are going to be affected when we embark on this part of ensuring 

accountability. 

But the key is, I think, where the majority of citizens seem to 

be in agreement is that there needs to be some process which may 

be an opportunity to air grievances, which may be to provide an official sort of a national closure which may be a forum for people 

who have suffered so much over the past 27 years at the hands of 

the security forces essentially with torture chambers and even in 

some cases unmarked graves of dissidents being accused of. 

64

So the issue for me is to carefully analyze what model would be 

effective for Ethiopia and not to lose sight of the fact that there is 

an imperative to at least provide this forum for airing grievances. 

On the issue of, I think, the elections, that is where I see, I 

think, the enormous task where Abiy’s new government is going to 

be tested in terms of delivering and addressing expectations. One 

thing in this connection that I would like to make a point is that 

as the reforms take root and as the change get broadened there is 

also a need to expand this new group of leadership that Ethiopia 

is having to wider and more reform-minded people. 

In other words, as we encourage the Prime Minister to carry on 

on the path that he has been following, there is a need also to get 

him and encourage him to continue some sort of embarking on 

some sort of a delegation of power and introducing many other supporters of the change to the floor so that he should not necessarily 

be personally expected to do a lot of the things that is expecting 

him to. 

Coming back to the elections, if we start with the 2019 local elections which have been postponed from this year, there is enormous 

logistical and technical challenges that need to be met first. The 

first one is that there is this notion that there are over 31⁄2 million 

seats across the country that need to be filled by the local and national elections, and this is partly what TPLF deliberately did since 

2008 to discourage opposition parties to be able to field candidates. 

So there is a lot of questions from this newly reviving opposition 

groups to fix that system before any election is going to take place. 

There is also this longstanding issue of the independence of the 

national electoral board of Ethiopia. It has been widely recognized 

as a rubber stamp body where successive elections were won by 

EPRDF very single handedly with 100 percent difference. 

So there is this crucial task of doing these reforms before thinking of the logistical aspects of elections. And increasingly these opposition groups are indicating that this change should be given a 

priority. 

So I think other than in addition to supporting the Prime Minister and his team to deepen these reforms, it would be wise to encourage them to roll out their plan first and have the stakeholders 

have say in what is being planned. It could be running—conducting 

the elections now or it could be maybe waiting a little bit so that 

everyone could have their views aired so that we will not be going 

back to the types of elections that have been taking place in Ethiopia for the past 27 years. 

So the logistical and technical and also legal challenge need to 

be addressed first. And I think the U.S. could be very helpful in 

encouraging the government, one, in providing technical support to 

the legal reform process that is taking place right now that 

would—that is expected to help civil society organizations and the 

independent media speak freely, engage the government, and other 

stakeholders in wide-ranging democratic processes including the 

elections. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Before yielding to Mike Coffman, I just would note that during 

our visit, and we have worked on this in this committee for years, 

but I raised with Prime Minister Abiy the issue of the first 1,000 

65

days from conception to the second birthday in food security. I gave 

him Roger Thurow’s book which is entitled—he has been one of the 

experts who has testified before this committee—on the importance 

of the first 1,000 days from conception to the second birthday to 

mitigate child mortality, to hopefully put a huge dent in stunting, 

which is a huge problem in Ethiopia and elsewhere, to increase the 

strength and ability of women to overcome some of the problems 

that lead to maternal mortality. 

If the food and the supplementation is sufficient, both mother 

and baby are healthier. And obviously for the child, some of the 

cognitive loss that occurs when there is food insecurity can never 

be reclaimed. So this is that critical window. 

So for the record, I gave Roger Thurow’s book to him. I made a 

strong appeal to him to work obviously with his own government 

but also to work with us because USAID does have a very robust 

program on this led so ably by Beth Dunford at USAID on the first 

1,000 days. 

So I hope all of us, while we are working on the political side—

and I know you all do this—continue to emphasize the humanitarian and health side as well. We will do an additional hearing 

on this in the near future, but I just want to get that on the record. 

The Prime Minister seemed very empathetic to those goals obviously, so the first 1,000 days is transformational. I have never seen 

in my entire career one program that can do so much. I mean, the 

PEPFAR program, all those do enormous good in mortality and 

morbidity really stopping the deaths attributable to AIDS. But this 

one, it is just—the kids are stronger. The mothers are stronger. 

And the next 25,000 or 30,000 days of their lives are that much improved when you get the first 1,000 correct. 

So I would like to yield to Mr. Coffman. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you. 

I just have one final question for all the panelists, starting with 

you, Mr. Alemayehu, and that is, how do you think that given the 

history of the United States and Ethiopia, sometimes positive, 

sometimes not positive, but how do the people of Ethiopia and you 

feel about the United States right now? 

Mr. ALEMAYEHU. Thank you, Congressman. 

It is a really good question, and it has just touched me deeply. 

The United States has been helping Ethiopians since the relationship began in 1903. I am one of the beneficiary of this United 

States support to Ethiopia. Sometimes, as you said, it might be 

good, sometimes bad because of our leaders in Ethiopia, not because of United States. 

I came to United States from the university which is built by 

United States in 1953 in Alemaya. Now it is called Haramaya. 

That was the university I was working. It was built by the United 

States. I was—my first English teacher was a Peace Corps gentleman. I love him dearly, and they showed us the good of people. 

So I deeply thank the United States for their help and thank you 

for that question. And now, with the short past, we have some, you 

know, questionable support. It is not because of the United States 

support. It is our people who are bad on the top of, you know, the 

government who are using that support to the wrong direction. 

66

So I am thinking—I am, you know, suggesting any help, even if 

it is bad, it helps somebody in that country which needs that help. 

So we—Ethiopians are mindful of, you know, the United States’ 

support and we love it. We appreciate it. I am thankful of that. 

Thank you. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you. 

Mr. Said, how do you think that—how do you view the United 

States, but how do you think the people of Ethiopia right now view 

the United States? 

Mr. SAID. Thank you so much. It is a great question. 

Let me start from this, from the Member of Congress. Some of 

you guys, like Representative Mike Coffman and Representative 

Chairman Chris Smith, your names are household names in the in 

most of the Ethiopian people. The Karos, not just me, the Karos 

who bring, who made this days possible, they believe that the 

United States Government and the Members of Congress are the 

greatest alive in their darkest time. 

We believe the help of the United States played a great role in 

bringing the change that we are witnessing, the change, you know, 

the changes that we see, the praise that we are giving to the Prime 

Minister. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was ordinary, a normal person about a year and a half ago. So the—our youth struggle 

brought him to the frontline. 

So I believe, as my colleague said, the role of the United States 

it is not something that we see in Ethiopia and here in the diaspora as something that we see very lightly. So it is great, and we 

consider United States as a great ally of Ethiopia. 

And the other thing, something that I have to add is that Ethiopia has never been governed by the multiethnic Federal—democratic federalism in the past 27 years. It is led by authoritarian 

rules, so people need to really understand that. So ethnic—multiethnic democratic federalism has not been tried in Ethiopia. People 

have been coexisted this. In some case that are three different religious in one household, and we cannot compare Ethiopia to Somalia where it is just one religion. 

So we are very much a great example to the entire world where 

religion can coexist, you know. We believe that we leave that to 

God. So I just want to add that. Thank you so much. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Ms. Estelle, any closing thoughts and about U.S. 

influence in terms of Ethiopia and where we are right now in terms 

of how the Ethiopian people see us? 

Ms. ESTELLE. Thank you, Congressman. 

I think that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship is certainly strong. 

The one point I would add is that we can’t take that strength for 

granted. I know this committee absolutely understands that, but 

looking at the rise of China in particular in the Horn of Africa, this 

week we had China refinancing Ethiopia’s debt, for example. 

And so I do think the U.S. needs to be aware of competition in 

that space and where other states may be gaining influence. That 

said, I don’t see the U.S. relationship to be particularly at risk at 

this time, but that there are more people bidding for that space 

than there have been previously. Thank you. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you. 

Mr. Badwaza. 

67

Mr. BADWAZA. Thank you, Mr. Coffman. 

I would say, I think from the point of view of government-to-government relationship, I agree that the relationship has been strong. 

As much as the Ethiopian population looks up for the United 

States and the type of freedom people have here and the robust 

democratic process that takes place here, there is also a sense of 

disillusionments in some occasions, for example, that comes from—

in recent years from the relationship being overly focused on the 

partnership on counterterrorism and also overly focusing on humanitarian and development support to Ethiopia instead of publicly supporting the aspirations of people to advance democratic 

ideals and freedoms and to show solidarity when it is much needed. 

In many instances that there is, I would say like to say, there 

is a mixed sort of sentiment when it comes to assessing that relationship as far as the regular Ethiopian is concerned. 

Yeah. Thank you. 

Mr. COFFMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Coffman. 

And thank you to our very distinguished witnesses for your wisdom, for your leadership, your insights. Without objection, your full 

statements will be made a part of the record, and this hearing is 

adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:29 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 

(69)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

70

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31452n.eps

SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WASHINGTON, DC 20515-6128 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations 

Christopher H. Smith (R-NJ), Chairman 

September7, 2018 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You are respectfully requested to attend an OPEN hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to be held by the 

Subcommittee on Africa. Global Health, Global Human Rights. and Tntemational Organi/ations in Room 2172 or the 

Ray bum House Office Building (and available li\'e on the Committee \\,ebsite at http:/hnnv.ForeignAffairs.house.gO\ ): 

DATE: 

TIME: 

SUBJECT: 

WITNESSES: 

Wednesday. September 12. 2018 

2:00p.m. 

Rcvic\'Ving Current Developments in Ethiopia 

Panel I 

The Honorable TiborP. Nagy, Jr. 

Assistant Secretary 

Bureau of African Affairs 

U.S. Department of State 

Mr. Girum Alemayehu 

Co-Founder 

Ethiopian Americ~m Development Council 

Mr. Jamal Said 

President 

Oromo Community of Denver 

Ms. Emily Estelle 

Senior Analyst 

Critical Threats Project 

American Enterprise Institute 

:Mr. Yoseph M. Badwaza 

Senior Program Orricer- Africa 

Freedom House 

By Direction of the Chairman 
71

Æ


31452m.eps

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MlNUTES OP SUBCOTvlMITTEE ON Africa, Glohalllealth, Globa!HumanRiglzts, andlJtternationa!Organizations HEARING 

Day Wednesday Date September 12,2018 Room 2172 

Starting Time _ _,2"-:0,J"p'-'-m"-_Ending Time __ 4,_,:""2"-9p""m"-'--

Recesses= (__to __ ) (__to __ ) (__to __ ) ( __ to __ ) (__to __ ) L_to_) 

Presiding Membcr(s) 

Chairman Smith 

Check all of the following tltat apply: 

Open Session 0 

Executive ~sed) Session D 

Televised D 

TITLE OF HF.AIHNG: 

Reviewing Current Developments in Ethiopia 

SUBCOMMTTTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

Ranking Member Ba.", Rep. Garrett 

Electronically Record~ taped) 0 

Stenographic Record LLJ 

NON-SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: (Mark with an* if they are not memhers offull committee.) 

Chairman Royce, Rep. Garamendi*, Rep. Coffman* 

HEARING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attached? Yes 0 NoD 

(If ''no", please list belmt> and include title, agency, department. or organization.) 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD: (List any statements submittedfor the record.) 

TIME SCHEDULED TO RECONVENE ___ _ 

or 

TIME ADJOURNED ____ _ 

Su]?(:ommltteeBtaff Associate 

I