U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

30–232 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018

TIBET ‘‘FROM ALL ANGLES’’: PROTECTING HUMAN 

RIGHTS, DEFENDING STRATEGIC ACCESS, AND 

CHALLENGING CHINA’S EXPORT OF CENSORSHIP GLOBALLY 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE 

COMMISSION ON CHINA 

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

FEBRUARY 14, 2018 

Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China 

( 

Available at www.cecc.gov or www.govinfo.gov 

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CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA 

LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS 

Senate House 

MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Chairman 

TOM COTTON, Arkansas 

STEVE DAINES, Montana 

JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma 

TODD YOUNG, Indiana 

DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California 

JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon 

GARY PETERS, Michigan 

ANGUS KING, Maine 

CHRIS SMITH, New Jersey, Cochairman 

ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina 

RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois 

MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio 

TIM WALZ, Minnesota 

TED LIEU, California 

EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS 

Not yet appointed 

ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Staff Director 

PAUL B. PROTIC, Deputy Staff Director 

(ii) 

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C O N T E N T S 

STATEMENTS

Page 

Opening Statement of Hon. Marco Rubio, a U.S. Senator from Florida, Chairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 1 

Smith, Hon. Christopher, a U.S. Representative from New Jersey, Cochairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ...................................... 3 

Wangchen, Dhondup, Tibetan Filmmaker and Recently Escaped Political Prisoner ........................................................................................................................ 5 

Dorjee, Tenzin, Ph.D., Commissioner, U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) and Associate Professor, California State University, Fullerton ....................................................................................................... 10 

Green, Michael J., Ph.D., Senior Vice President for Asia and Japan Chair, 

Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) ..................................... 13 

APPENDIX 

PREPARED STATEMENTS

Wangchen, Dhondup ................................................................................................ 34 

Dorjee, Tenzin .......................................................................................................... 37 

Green, Michael J. ..................................................................................................... 63 

Rubio, Hon. Marco ................................................................................................... 64 

SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD

Statement of Hon. James P. McGovern, a U.S. Representative from Massachusetts ................................................................................................................. 65 

Witness Biographies ................................................................................................ 68 

(iii) 

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(1) 

TIBET ‘‘FROM ALL ANGLES’’: PROTECTING 

HUMAN RIGHTS, DEFENDING STRATEGIC 

ACCESS, AND CHALLENGING CHINA’S EXPORT OF CENSORSHIP GLOBALLY 

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 2018 

CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE

COMMISSION ON CHINA, 

Washington, DC. 

The hearing was convened, pursuant to notice, at 10:42 a.m., in 

Room 301, Russell Senate Office Building, Senator Marco Rubio, 

Chairman, presiding. 

Also present: Representative Christopher Smith, Senator Steve 

Daines, and Representative Ted Lieu. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO, A U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA, CHAIRMAN, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA 

Chairman RUBIO. This hearing of the Congressional-Executive 

Commission on China will come to order. The title is ‘‘Tibet ‘From 

All Angles’: Protecting Human Rights, Defending Strategic Access, 

and Challenging China’s Export of Censorship Globally.’’ 

We will have one panel today. It features Dhondup Wangchen, 

a Tibetan filmmaker and recently escaped political prisoner; Dr. 

Tenzin Dorjee, who is a Commissioner, U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, also an associate professor at California State University at Fullerton; and Dr. Michael Green, senior 

vice president for Asia and Japan Chair, Center for Strategic and 

International Studies. We thank you all for being here. 

Without question, Tibet remains one of the most sensitive issues 

in U.S.-China relations. Conflict between Tibetan aspirations and 

Chinese policy is found within cultural, religious, and educational 

spheres. 

As the Chinese government seeks to diminish or altogether eliminate aspects of Tibetan culture that it regards as threatening, the 

peaceful exercise of internationally recognized human rights is systematically suppressed. Inside the Tibet Autonomous Region and 

Tibetan Autonomous areas, Chinese officials have increased restrictions on the religious and cultural life of Tibetans over the past 

decade by implementing pervasive controls and restrictions on religious practice. This trend was highlighted in the Commission’s 

most recent annual report. 

Beginning in 2016, Chinese authorities targeted renowned centers of Buddhist learning for demolition and reportedly expelled 

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more than 4,800 Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns and subjected 

them to periods of ‘‘patriotic education’’ lasting from several weeks 

to six months. There are more than 500 cases of Tibetan political 

or religious prisoners currently in detention who are in this Commission’s political prisoner database, a staggering figure that is far 

from exhaustive. 

Access to Tibet for foreign journalists, nongovernmental organizations, and diplomats remains severely restricted. At the same 

time, the Chinese Communist Party’s government exports its 

authoritarianism abroad, pressuring foreign academic institutions 

who invite the Dalai Lama to speak on campus, as well as businesses who mention his name or the Tibet Autonomous Region as 

a distinct region. 

It is this dimension of global Chinese censorship which has thus 

thrust Tibet into the news in recent days. Every week, it seems another major international company is publicly, and in some cases 

shamelessly, apologizing to the PRC for some sort of misstep related to Tibet, the Dalai Lama, or otherwise sensitive issues. 

Driven by their bottom line in China’s vast market, many companies are increasingly prepared to toe Beijing’s line. There is a certain grim irony to the Chinese government demanding that businesses apologize for social media posts on social media platforms 

that are actually blocked inside of China. 

It is clear that the cost of doing business for foreign companies 

in China keeps getting steeper, and at the same time, there is little 

price to be paid in the west when companies engage in self-censorship to further their bottom line despite the fact that it is antithetical to the values that underpin our own society—the values, by the 

way, that allow these companies to even exist in the first place. 

We will explore all of these topics during today’s hearing, in addition to the future of the Dalai Lama’s succession, China’s efforts 

to control water resources and expand its military presence on the 

Tibetan plateau, and the impact on the broader U.S. strategic interests in human rights. 

Before turning to our witnesses, I would be remiss if I did not 

underscore how pleased we are to welcome the Tibetan filmmaker 

Dhondup Wangchen to today’s hearing. It is not often that we are 

able to welcome to the witness stand political prisoners whose 

cases the Commission has highlighted in our prisoner database, in 

letters to the administration, and on our social media. 

Set against a backdrop of a different Olympic Games in Asia, it 

is fitting to recall that Mr. Wangchen’s ‘‘crime’’ was the making of 

a short documentary film, ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind,’’ in 2008, which 

was based on 108 interviews he conducted with Tibetans who expressed views on a range of issues from the Dalai Lama to the 

2008 Beijing Olympics. 

Golog Jigme, Mr. Wangchen’s assistant in producing the film, 

was among the witnesses at an April 2016 Commission hearing titled ‘‘China’s Pervasive Use of Torture.’’ He too was subsequently 

detained in 2008 for his work on the documentary, and during his 

detention, he was severely tortured. 

Mr. Wangchen, we welcome you to America. We welcome you to 

safety and to freedom, and we stand with you in working toward 

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the day when the Tibetan people are afforded these same protections. 

I now recognize Congressman Smith for his opening comments. 

STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER SMITH, A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM NEW JERSEY, COCHAIRMAN, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA 

Cochairman SMITH. Thank you very much, Chairman Rubio. 

And, again, thank you for your extraordinary leadership on this 

Commission. 

This hearing, again, reminds us of the dire and worsening situation of the Tibetan people inside China. Along with you and my colleagues, I would very, very robustly like to welcome Dhondup 

Wangchen to the United States. 

We’re glad you’re here and finally reunited with your family. 

What an unbelievable irony that at a time when China is buying 

Hollywood, and buying access, and buying companies to influence 

product, that a man who speaks so eloquently to another product— 

and that’s repression—would find himself so horribly mistreated. 

So we are so glad you are here, and as the Chairman said, you 

were one of the key focuses of this Commission for a very long 

time. So thank you for being here. 

You are one in a long line of heroic dissidents and former prisoners of conscience who have testified before this Commission. The 

Chinese government may not like our efforts, and that is an understatement. They don’t like a light being shone on their human 

rights abuses, but nothing good happens in the dark. We need to 

accelerate what we are doing to bring focus and scrutiny to their 

abuses. 

We are looking today at Tibet from all angles, as a human rights 

issue, as a critical matter of diplomacy, and as a geostrategic concern. Too often human rights and human rights diplomacy are discounted or ignored as a secondary concern in bilateral relations. 

That has been a bipartisan failure by a number of White Houses 

and State Departments. 

They are too often viewed as problems, and not of real interest 

to the United States. I believe that sells out the dissidents, and 

sells out the best and the bravest women and men in China and 

anywhere else where we practice that kind of subordination of 

human rights to other concerns. 

It is abundantly clear that we are in direct link between China’s 

domestic human rights problems and the security and the prosperity of the United States. There is a link. 

The health of the U.S. economy and the environment, the safety 

of our food and drug supplies, the security of our investments and 

personal information in cyberspace, the academic freedom of our 

universities and the stability of the Pacific region will all depend 

on China complying with international law, allowing the free flow 

of news and information, complying with its WTO obligations, and 

protecting the basic rights of Chinese citizens, including the fundamental freedoms of religious expression, assembly, and association. 

Losing sight of these facts leads to bad policy, bad diplomacy, 

and the needless juxtaposition of values and interests. It also sends 

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the wrong message to those in China standing courageously for 

greater freedom, human rights, and the rule of law. 

There is the issue of corporate capitulation referenced by our distinguished Chairman. As Mercedes Benz pulled an advertisement 

on Instagram with the Dalai Lama and a quote, ‘‘Look at a situation from all angles and you will become more open.’’ Like Delta 

and Marriott before it, Mercedes shamelessly apologized even 

though Instagram is blocked in China. 

I remind my colleagues that back in 2006, I began a series of 

hearings where we had Google, Microsoft, Cisco and Yahoo. I had 

them take the stand and swear in. It was an eight-hour hearing. 

And they were not only censoring all things on their platforms, 

Google especially, but they were also aiding and abetting the propaganda of the Beijing dictatorship, all for profit—all for profit. 

Now we see others following that terrible and dangerous precedent of years ago. It has been unabated, and now it’s continuing 

even in a more shameless way toward Tibet. 

The administration’s national security strategy rightly identifies 

China’s foreign influence operations as a strategic threat. It is imperative to counter China’s global influence operations and efforts 

to export its authoritarian model, and globally. 

I chair the Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights Committee. We are planning very shortly, within about a month, a 

hearing on the influence in Africa. We’ve had them before, but it 

is getting worse. The bad governance model of Beijing is being accepted by some, particularly dictatorships like Zimbabwe. So we 

need to bring a light there and compete with that influence that 

is being subjected, or imposed, I should say, on Africa. 

As China increasingly flexes its economic muscle, the result will 

be more apologies, sadly, accommodation, and self-censorship. 

Corporate America needs to get more of a backbone. It needs to 

stand for fundamental freedoms. Yes, make a profit, but do so in 

a way that does not violate human rights. And it is not just companies that have capitulated, but universities and Hollywood, and 

nongovernmental organizations, and even whole countries. 

As China’s Belt and Road Initiative expands, so will demands 

that countries be silent about human rights abuses, silent about religious persecution, and silent about the Chinese government’s repeated failure to abide by its international obligations. 

Where is the UN? I have raised it over and over again. The 

Human Rights Council, even at the Periodic Review it’s a very 

short look and scrutinizing—Israel gets unbelievable focus at the 

United Nations on all things related to human rights; China, not 

even a slap on the wrist. 

We should not be silent about the abuses faced by the Tibetan 

people and religious leaders. The China Commission’s political prisoner database contains records on 600 known Tibetan political and 

religious prisoners. Forty-three percent of those detained are 

monks, nuns, and religious teachers. Almost all were imprisoned 

since 2008. 

The Tibetan people have a right to practice their religion, preserve their wonderful culture, and speak their language. They have 

a right to do so without restriction or interference. The Chinese 

government, of course, does not agree. To them, their faith and culvosborn on LAP6TQMWD2 with DISTILLER

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ture are problems to be solved, not a heritage to be preserved and 

protected. To them, the Dalai Lama is an agitator and a revolutionary, not a world-renowned and respected voice for peace and 

harmony that we know him to be. 

The Chinese government wants the Tibetan Buddhism that is attractive to tourists for photo ops, and not the one that is strongly 

embraced and revered by the Tibetan people. Allowing greater religious freedom is an essential part of dealing with the grievances 

of the Tibetan people, but China’s answer is always the same: control, manage and repress, and incarcerate, and torture. It is counterproductive and it violates China’s international obligations. 

Finally, in our dealings with the Chinese government and officials, Members of Congress and the administration should affirm 

the peaceful desires of the Tibetan people for greater autonomy and 

freedom within China. We should stress that China’s policies create 

needless grievances and their repression of Tibet only hurts China’s international prestige. It brings dishonor—dishonor to Beijing. 

We should demand open access to Tibet by journalists and diplomats, and we should raise the cases of prisoners of conscience 

with Chinese officials. U.S. leadership on these issues is critical because our allies in Europe and Asia can often be bullied by Chinese 

threats of economic boycotts. We must demonstrate that Tibet matters, human rights matter, that religious freedom matters to U.S.- 

China relations. 

And, again, I want to thank Chairman Rubio who has been a 

stalwart in speaking out on behalf of human rights all over the 

world, including and especially in Tibet. 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you. Thank you for those kind comments. And thank you as well for your activism, and for your work 

on this Commission, and for being accommodating at the late start. 

We have all of these other issues going on. 

So let’s begin with our witness testimony. 

Mr. Wangchen, we thank you for being here with us today, and 

we recognize you for any statement you have for the committee. 

STATEMENT OF DHONDUP WANGCHEN, TIBETAN FILMMAKER 

AND RECENTLY ESCAPED POLITICAL PRISONER 

Mr. WANGCHEN. [Formal Tibetan Greeting.] I am very pleased to 

be here—to be in the United States Congress—to be addressing 

you, the Members of Congress. I would like to take this opportunity 

to thank you all for your support for the Tibetan people. 

I would like to begin by talking about the reason why I made the 

movie ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ The Chinese authorities were 

launching a campaign of disinformation about what the Tibetan 

situation is, what Tibet is. They claim that there is religious freedom in Tibet, there is freedom of expression, etc. So I wanted to 

address all of these issues. 

The reality is that today life in Tibet is being destroyed, the nomadic tradition of the majority of Tibetans is being destroyed. Tibetans are being forced to denounce His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, 

and there is virtually no space for the Tibetan grievances to be addressed. Therefore, without being afraid of all of the risks that entails, we wanted to make this documentary to spread the true information about Tibet to the world. 

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As a result of making that documentary, the Chinese authorities 

detained and imprisoned me. During the imprisonment, I suffered 

physical torture as well as mental torture. Physically for days and 

nights, they would abuse me. Mentally, they would not allow me 

to sleep. They would not allow me to do anything that I wanted. 

They would even insert fear into me by putting a mask or a hood 

over me whenever they were taking me, handcuffing me, so that 

I didn’t really know where they were taking me. 

So then I was without any due process. I was sentenced to six 

years of imprisonment. They did not allow me to have my own lawyers. They did not follow the judicial process, in violation of their 

own constitution. And then they gave me the six years of imprisonment. 

In prison, there was discrimination. Although as a political prisoner, they should have given me certain rights, they did not do 

that. They also did not allow me to have any connections with my 

family, etc. So, virtually, they did not give me any rights that they 

were giving even to other prisoners. 

So, therefore, I confronted the prison authorities about the rights 

that a prisoner should be getting, that I should be getting. And 

that they did not allow me. As a result, I wrote a long petition to 

the international community about the situation inside the prison, 

about my situation, about what was happening there. And I sent 

this petition out in the hope that it would be spread in the international community. 

However, the Chinese authorities confiscated that petition. As a 

result, I was sentenced to 84 days of solitary confinement. 

Even when I was released, my release wasn’t like any other prisoners. Normally, prisoners—when they are released at—when prisoners are released, they are released at 7:00 a.m., and then they 

are handed over to the family members. However, in my case, I 

was taken at 4:00 a.m. and was able to be at my family’s home 

only at 4:00 p.m. after taking me different ways to the place. 

Even after release, I was virtually in prison. My political rights 

were taken away for three years. Wherever I would like to go, it 

would be monitored and I had to seek permission from the authorities. 

They would interrogate me, and one of the issues they would always raise with me is, you have made this movie, ‘‘Leaving Fear 

Behind,’’ which has been internationally known. So if you confess 

your wrongdoing about that documentary, then we will help you 

with your family reunification. 

And it wasn’t just me alone that the Chinese authorities were 

tormenting. The people I—me, my friends, the place where I 

stayed, or wherever I went, those people would also be confronted, 

or would also be interrogated by the Chinese authorities. 

I also know that the United States Government had appealed to 

the Chinese authorities about my case, but nothing came out of 

that thing. So eventually, ultimately, through the help of many 

people, despite the risk involved, despite having to pay a lot of expenses, I was able to escape. 

I am in freedom now. However, there are many people like me 

who are political prisoners, who are under detention in China. 

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So I would like my testimony to be read—the full testimony to 

be on the record, but will read excerpts from it. 

Cochairman SMITH. Without objection, so ordered. 

And please proceed. Take as long as you would like. 

[The prepared statement of Dhondup Wangchen appears in the 

appendix.] 

Mr. WANGCHEN. I was born on October 17, 1974, to a family of 

Tibetan farmers in Bayen which is in the province we call Amdo. 

In today’s administrative divisions, Bayen is in Tsoshar prefecture, 

Qinghai province, People’s Republic of China. 

I arrived in the USA on December 25, 2017, and it was the first 

time in many years that I felt safety and freedom. The reunion 

with my family in San Francisco was a wonderful moment that I 

had looked forward to in the past years with a mixture of anxious 

joy and the hesitation a man feels who was hindered from being 

the husband he ought to be for his loving wife, a man who was not 

given the chance to stand by with fatherly advice to his children 

in a world full of challenges, and a man denied being the son needed for his aging parents, tormented by the thought that they would 

not see each other again in their lifetime. 

Growing up in the remote village of Khotse in Amdo, 2000 km 

east of Tibet’s capital, Lhasa, I started the discovery of my people’s 

history with little knowledge, but with an insatiable and juvenile 

curiosity about what life had to offer me. 

Our family lived a simple life, right at the edge of the Tibetan 

plateau, bordering the Chinese mainland. I was aware of repression in the past. I had lost members on both my mother’s and my 

father’s sides of the family as a result of China’s atrocities toward 

Tibetans. 

However, it wasn’t until I made my journey to Lhasa in the early 

1990s as a young adult that I first saw, firsthand, resistance to 

China’s occupation and political symbols such as the Tibetan national flag. In 1992, I witnessed monks from Ganden Monastery 

carry out a street protest in Lhasa. Some nuns also protested. I 

saw armed police and military forces quell the protest in a heavyhanded manner and detain the monks and nuns. 

It was also in 1992 that I decided to go to India to see His Holiness the Dalai Lama and receive some education. At that time, 

there were many Tibetans escaping to India. However, I only 

stayed a year and returned to Tibet in 1993 where I was involved 

in activism such as helping former political prisoners. 

I would like to acknowledge my cousin Jamyang Tsultrim who 

mentored me in my formative years and who is here at today’s 

hearing. 

In 1996, my good friend, Ganden monk Jigme Gyatso—a true Tibetan hero—was arrested on charges related to the 1992 protest. 

Jamyang Tsultrim was also arrested and they both served prison 

sentences. I was working in Jamyang’s restaurant in Lhasa, which 

the authorities threatened to close down as it was the center of 

many of our activities. 

I spent many years involved in various forms of activism and 

was detained several times. The longest that I was held in detention was for about 30 days in Lhasa in 2001, but I was never formally charged and was always released. 

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As the 2008 Olympic Games were fast approaching, and it was 

always being reported in state media, I told Jamyang Tsultrim— 

who had by then gone to Switzerland—that I wanted to do something that would have a big and long-term impact and that would 

reflect the true feelings and wishes of the Tibetan people. This was 

when we first started thinking about making a documentary film 

from inside Tibet that would later be known as ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ 

I set to work finding collaborators and traveling all over Tibet to 

interview ordinary Tibetans. We would record interviews in isolated places so as not to arouse suspicion, and we were always 

careful to ask whether the interviewees wanted to have their face 

shown on camera or not. We carried with us the DVDs of the ceremony which showed U.S. President George Bush awarding His Holiness the Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold Medal in October 

2007. We showed this to many people who became very emotional 

upon seeing it. 

Our final footage was taken in Xi’an on March 10, 2008, and 

handed over to a UK-born Tibetan who helped to ensure that it 

reached Zurich in Switzerland. We spent that day together unaware that protests had broken out in Lhasa the same day and 

would continue over the next days and months all over Tibet. 

Even though I was aware that I was being followed and was 

under surveillance, it wasn’t until March 26, 2008 that I was arrested and interrogated by secret police. I was not kept in a police 

station or prison but in a hotel, and my family was not informed 

of my whereabouts. 

The torture started as soon as I was detained. I was forced to sit 

in the ‘‘tiger chair’’ for seven days and eight nights. I was given no 

food and was not allowed to fall asleep. 

It wasn’t long before I was back in detention after I was briefly 

released. 

‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’ was by then released and distributed online just before the Olympics started in China. 

Even though I did not know for sure, I was hopeful that everything had gone according to plan. I suspected that the authorities 

were building their case against me. I was often interrogated and 

told I had to denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and that if 

I admitted my wrongdoings, I would be released. I always refused 

to do these things. 

I was shown ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’ while in detention in December 2008, a few months before I was released. I will remember this 

moment forever. The interrogator wanted to know how I knew the 

people I had interviewed. And then they showed me the edited film 

and wanted me to confess. 

For the first time I watched the film in a Chinese prison. While 

the interrogator continued to force me to confess my wrongdoings, 

I just enjoyed in my inside the train scene, the music and auspicious lyrics and felt immensely proud. I thought that even if I received a 10-year sentence, it would have been worth making the 

film. I felt happy for the interviewees who had taken great risks 

to appear in the film and we had promised them that the film 

would be seen by the outside world, and His Holiness the Dalai 

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Lama would know about the film as well. So I was happy that I 

had been able to keep that promise to the interviewees. 

I remained in informal detention until I was tried and sentenced 

on December 28, 2009, to six years in prison for ‘‘subversion of 

state power.’’ The case against me mentioned the projects I had 

been involved with, printing and distributing books, as well as 

making ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ 

During my time in various forms of labor detention, I had to do 

manual labor which differed depending on where I was. I had been 

made to do many different tasks such as peeling garlic or stitching 

military uniforms and was given only two meals a day, which was 

barely adequate. The day would start at around 6:30 a.m., and we 

had to work until 11:00 p.m. We never went outside and I was in 

constant pain with headaches and hurting arms. I always witnessed a difference in how prisoners and political prisoners were 

treated. When it came to Tibetan prisoners, we were never allowed 

to speak Tibetan to each other. 

While in prison, I wrote many letters to my sister and my family 

members, and the prison authorities took them, saying they would 

be sent on. After release, I discovered that none of the letters had 

arrived. In March 2012, it was discovered that I tried to smuggle 

a letter to the outside world. This letter was a long appeal to the 

then Chinese President, Hu Jintao, and Premier Wen Jiabao outlining the corrupt prison system and the discrimination that Tibetan prisoners suffer. I was punished by being placed in solitary 

confinement for 84 days. 

Following my release, I was always monitored closely and the police would contact me constantly. I did not feel free at all. I wanted 

to study and improve my Tibetan, and I wanted to work, but in 

those three and a half years I couldn’t do anything. Feeling frustrated and increasingly isolated, I decided that it would be better 

to escape from the PRC, rather than stay under those circumstances without any freedom. 

While in Tibet, I had information that the outside world, including the United States Government, was concerned about my situation. The Swiss, Dutch and the German governments were also 

concerned about me. The attention from outside from civil societies 

around the world, as well as from governments, definitely helped 

me. This was reflected, for example, in the way my prison inmates 

and the prison administration treated me. Though I suffered from 

being restricted in my communications with my relatives, to the extent that I was isolated from the outside world, I was less subject 

to arbitrary punishments and beatings. 

I feel your support for cases like me and Tibet, in general, could 

be of greater effect if you regularly recall the ground reality in 

Tibet. There are thousands of Tibetans like me, actively involved 

in the struggle. Tibetans in Tibet are not victims but agents of 

change trying to explore and use every opportunity to fight for a 

better future. We need support and partnership from the outside 

world. 

Every attempt for more freedom or democracy is oppressed by 

China. It is against the nature of this regime to tolerate freedom 

and democracy, be it in China, in Tibet and ultimately in the rest 

of the world. 

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I am not a politician, and my knowledge about the specifics of 

your legislative process is limited. My friends from the International Campaign for Tibet in Washington, D.C. explained the 

goal and important details of their recommendations to the Congress to me. I am happy to support these recommendations. 

Actions taken by the U.S. Congress on Tibet send a strong message to the people in Tibet. However, the systematic suppression 

of free press and reporting from Tibet can only be fought with a 

systematic counterapproach. Therefore, the Congress should pass 

the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017. 

I know that there is a U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan 

Issues in the State Department who I would have liked to meet, 

but I am told no one has been appointed to this position as yet. 

And so I would like this position to be filled as soon as possible. 

I would also like you all to pass the resolution expressing the sense 

of the Congress that the treatment of the Tibetan people should be 

an important factor in the conduct of United States relations with 

China. 

I would like to ask the U.S. administration to raise Tibet in appropriate international fora, including the U.N. bodies. 

Finally, I would like to urge China to release all Tibetan political 

prisoners, including the 11th Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi 

Nyima. 

My wish is that whatever measures you take, do it with the 

strongest possible conviction and in the most forceful and wise 

manner. As a Tibetan who has tried his best to give a voice to his 

fellow countrymen, I can assure you that Tibetans in Tibet have 

not given up. 

Thank you. 

[Applause.] 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you. 

Dr. Dorjee. 

STATEMENT OF TENZIN DORJEE, Ph.D., COMMISSIONER, U.S. 

COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 

(USCIRF) AND ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, CALIFORNIA STATE 

UNIVERSITY, FULLERTON 

Mr. DORJEE. My thanks to the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, and you, Senator Rubio and Representative Smith, 

cochairs of the Commission; and Representative Lieu and Senator 

Daines for today’s hearing. 

I ask that my written testimony be submitted for the record. 

I am Tenzin Dorjee, a USCIRF Commissioner. I testify as a 

proud Tibetan American and Tibetan refugee. 

I am joyful to be here with Dhondup Wangchen but saddened 

that he and his family had to flee Tibet to live in freedom. This 

is so because the Chinese government seeks total domination by 

forcing Tibetans to assimilate into the dominant Han culture, seeking to control Buddhism and restricting the teaching of the Tibetan 

language. The government seeks to advance its sinicization of religion, infusing all aspects of faith into a socialist mold with Chinese 

characteristics. 

Tibet now is a police state because: 

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(1) The Chinese government implements oppressive restrictions 

in Tibet and Tibetan areas, including reeducation campaigns and 

extensive surveillance and intrusive presence of military and security forces. The government quickly suppresses any perceived religious dissent and imprisons and tortures those viewed as threats. 

While these policies are set in Beijing, Chen Quanguo perfected the 

surveillance state when he was Tibet’s party Secretary. He now is 

Xinjiang’s leader and doing the same thing there. 

(2) The Chinese government believes the Dalai Lama threatens 

its control. Officials recognize his central importance to Tibetans. 

While the Dalai Lama seeks to achieve stability and coexistence between Tibetans and Chinese through the Middle Way, the government accuses him of blasphemy and splittism, targeting anyone 

suspected of separatist activities and participating in the Dalai 

clique. 

Beijing seeks to diminish the Dalai Lama’s international influence. For instance, after delivering a commencement address in 

2017 at the University of California, San Diego, the Chinese Communist Party-controlled Global Times condemned the university for 

inviting him to speak, and threatened to withhold visas. Officially 

atheist, the Chinese government absurdly claims it can select the 

next Dalai Lama. Such a decision is reserved to the current Dalai 

Lama, Tibetan Buddhist leaders, and the Tibetan people. If SinoTibetan issues do not get resolved, His Holiness has said that the 

next Dalai Lama will be born in freedom. 

While the Dalai Lama hopes to return to Tibet, the Chinese government waits for his death outside China, viewing it as a key to 

resolving Sino-Tibetan issues. However, the consequences of his 

death in exile will be unimaginable to Tibetans. Some may resort 

to violence and others to self-immolation. 

(3) The Chinese government enforces intrusive restrictions on 

public and private religious practice. This includes monitoring the 

training, assembly, selection, and education of Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders. The government seeks to strike at Tibetan Buddhism’s heart by targeting Larung Gar, one of the largest Tibetan 

Buddhist institutes. The destruction and micromanagement there 

and in Yachen Gar exemplifies Beijing’s goal of eviscerating the 

teachings and study of Tibetan Buddhism so that it serves the Chinese Communist Party and government goals. 

(4) The government imprisons subjects through sham trials and 

tortures prisoners of conscience to control Tibetan Buddhists. This 

includes the Panchen Lama. The Chinese government disappeared 

him more than two decades ago, then announced its own pick who 

most Tibetans will just reject. The government must provide 

videographic evidence of his whereabouts and well-being. I advocate for him in USCIRF’s Religious Prisoners of Conscience Project. 

The government detained Tashi Wangchuk in 2016, after he 

spoke to the New York Times on Tibetan language, education and 

culture. He was tried in January 2018. No verdict was issued then. 

He could face up to 15 years in prison. The Chinese government 

targeted him because it believes that Tibetan language acquisition 

impedes the sinicization of the education system and Tibetan assimilation into the majority culture. 

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Choekyi is a Tibetan monk imprisoned for his expressed loyalty 

to the Dalai Lama. He was sentenced to four years in prison for 

conducting separatist activities. His health has deteriorated in prison. 

(5) At least 152 Tibetans have self-immolated since February 

2009. Chinese authorities allege that self-immolators threaten stability and security by committing terrorist acts in disguise, and act 

to prevent information being disseminated about them by threatening family members with punishment and detaining and torturing those suspected of involvement. 

(6) The long arm of China—the Chinese government has a long 

arm and a heavy hand in its quest to censor information and criticism about its actions in Tibet. 

The Chinese government in 2017 warned countries like Botswana and India about the Dalai Lama’s planned appearances and 

praises the government of Nepal—where about 20,000 Tibetans 

live, many in formal detention camps. 

The Chinese government’s actions pose serious concerns for 

democratic norms and institutions in the United States. Along with 

pressuring UC San Diego, it works closely with the Chinese Students and Scholars Association to pressure other universities. Some 

characterize the group as a tool of the government’s foreign ministry. Chinese students with the CSSA harassed me in 2008 when 

I was a doctoral student at the University of California, Santa Barbara. About 100 tried to disrupt a Tibet event. I was standing 

along with a Tibetan flag when about 30 surrounded and screamed 

at me, calling me a terrorist and a bastard. I stood my ground nonviolently. 

I also want to touch on Confucius Institutes in U.S. colleges and 

universities, and primary and secondary school classrooms. Its 

mandate is to promote cultural exchange through Chinese language and cultural instruction. A Chinese state organ selects the 

teachers and materials, thereby allowing it to promote Beijing’s 

ideology and policy goals and soften its authoritarian image by 

helping shape public opinion. 

Finally, as an academic, I am very concerned about the Chinese 

government’s attempt to censor and pressure foreign publishers 

like Springer Nature and Cambridge University Press to block content. Thankfully, Cambridge reversed course after a backlash, but 

Springer Nature did not. 

I end with these recommendations. Along with designating China 

a CPC for its violations of religious freedom, with specific sanctions 

associated with the designation, Congress should pass the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017. USCIRF thanks Senator Rubio 

for sponsoring this bill. 

Send delegations to China, request to visit Tibet and advocate for 

prisoners of conscience and their families. 

The United States Government should appoint a qualified individual to serve as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues at the 

State Department as mandated by the 2002 Tibetan Policy Act. 

There should be sanctions against officials and agencies for participating in or being responsible for human rights abuses, including the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and 

the Global Magnitsky Act. 

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Thank you for this opportunity to testify today. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Dorjee appears in the appendix.] 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you so very much. 

[Applause.] 

Chairman RUBIO. Dr. Green. 

STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. GREEN, Ph.D., SENIOR VICE 

PRESIDENT FOR ASIA AND JAPAN CHAIR, CENTER FOR 

STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (CSIS) 

Mr. GREEN. Mr. Chairman, Members of the Commission, thank 

you very much for inviting me and for your focus on this important 

issue. 

It is an honor to appear on this podium with Tenzin Dorjee, and 

particularly with Dhondup Wangchen whose voice is, I think, the 

most important we’ll hear. I hope to add to their comments by 

framing Tibet issues in the context of U.S. policy towards China, 

geopolitics, and our national interests. I would ask that my written 

comments be submitted for the record. 

Those who argue that U.S. policy should somehow be distinguished from our values as a nation, I think, misunderstand both 

our interests and our history. I recently published a history of 

American strategy in Asia and made the argument with plenty of 

evidence that American statecraft has successfully prevented the 

rise of hostile hegemons in the Asia Pacific region, not just by force 

of arms or realpolitik, but by investing over the long term in democratic norms and open societies. 

In Tibet, as in many other parts of Asia today, our consistent 

support for those same universal values will have an important impact on whether China uses its growing power for coercion and 

hegemonic control or finds ways to contribute to regional prosperity 

consistent with the needs and expectations of her people and her 

neighbors. 

We have to recognize that the powerful aspirations of the Tibetan people for dignity, religious freedom, and cultural autonomy 

intersect with rising geopolitical tensions along the Himalayan Plateau. China’s insecurity about this region is deeply rooted. 

In 2008, China’s central military commission ranked Tibet as the 

most critical sovereignty challenge to the country, ahead of 

Xinjiang and Taiwan. The flipside of this insecurity is expansionism. Beijing has made dramatic moves to assert strategic dominance over the Himalayan Plateau at the expense of rival India. 

India and China together have 37 percent of the world’s population, and only about 10 percent of the world’s water supply. And 

they are both growing. China has begun damming rivers in the Himalayan Plateau and is poised to divert huge amounts of water 

away from India by damming rivers like the Brahmaputra into 

China. China has suspended agreements on sharing hydrological 

information and has defied international demands for transparency 

on their plans. 

Beijing has also made moves to establish military dominance in 

areas contested with India, paralleling similar moves to militarize 

artificial islands in the South China Sea, but in this case, at an altitude of over 10,000 feet. Satellite photos have shown that the 

PLA is militarizing the area of Doklam with helipads, roads, and 

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hardened fortifications only dozens of meters from India’s forward 

outpost. 

When India tested a ballistic missile capable of hitting China recently, the official Chinese media—by the way, China already has 

the ability to hit India—called for a counterstrategy of expanding 

into the Indian Ocean. 

So the Tibetans’ struggle is occurring at the epicenter of China’s 

aggressive attempt to consolidate and expand control of its periphery within the Indian and Eurasian continent. 

Finally, the Tibetan people’s aspirations are colliding with the 

greatest vulnerability of the Chinese Communist Party—that party’s inability to accommodate the growing and legitimate spiritual 

and social demands of all of its 1.4 billion citizens. This includes 

the most senior figures in the Communist Party. We know, for example, that Li Peng—the premier who ordered the crackdown in 

Tiananmen—converted to Tibetan Buddhism in his old age. We 

hosted His Holiness the Dalai Lama at CSIS in 2007, and His Holiness put it this way; he said, when you are in your 80s, socialism 

with Chinese characteristics is not so useful. 

The spiritual threat of religious freedom in China is something 

we have to recognize is a regime threat for the Chinese leadership. 

Driven by all of these insecurities, Beijing has chosen to turn away 

from dialogue with His Holiness’s representatives on legitimate 

questions of religious and cultural autonomy; and instead, as you 

have heard, to try to break the will of the Tibetan people through 

a combination of repression, Hanization of the Tibetan Autonomous 

Region, massive economic infrastructure building, and political control of the succession to the 15th Dalai Lama. 

Steady U.S. support for the Tibetan people is, therefore, morally 

and strategically imperative. If we turn a blind eye to coercion by 

China in any one part of Asia in order to win support by China in 

another, we will find we are on a slippery slope. It could be Tibet 

today. It could be Taiwan tomorrow. It could be Japan the next 

day. 

U.S. support is also necessary to demonstrate to the Tibetan people that His Holiness was right to champion the so-called Middle 

Way of dialogue with Beijing within the context of China’s own 

constitution, and that those long-suffering and brave people in 

Tibet and the surrounding regions do not have to choose either surrender or violence. 

In addition, U.S. support is necessary—consistent U.S. support— 

to solidify solidarity around the world for Tibet. That solidarity faltered in 2009 when President Obama chose to hold off meeting 

with His Holiness in Washington. And in Europe and Australia 

and around the world, there was a palpable effect on what governments were willing to do in terms of taking risks vis-a`-vis Beijing 

to support His Holiness. 

The Trump administration has not yet fully stepped up to this 

reality, in my view. The administration’s announcement of a free 

and open Indo-Pacific strategy strikes me as the right framing of 

how we bring our values to policy towards Asia. But as far as we 

know, this President is the first in two decades who has not raised 

Tibet in meetings with his counterparts. We don’t know if the Secretary of State has. 

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The United States still does not have a Tibet Coordinator as required under legislation. I understand that the Secretary of State 

wants to have the Undersecretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, 

and Human Rights fulfill this role, which I think would be okay. 

But there is no nominee for that position. I looked on the website 

for that Undersecretary’s office, and I searched the word ‘‘Tibet’’ 

and found eight references to Tibet being part of China. The ninth 

reference was to the human rights report two years ago. And that 

was about it. 

The administration should support, in my view, the Reciprocal 

Access to Tibet Act of 2017. As a scholar, as a former senior policymaker, I favor dialogue with China on all issues, including this 

one. In 2007 and 2008, I was involved in a dialogue at CSIS sanctioned by the Chinese government with Tibetan authorities about 

the situation in Tibet. That dialogue dried up. The Chinese side cut 

it off. I think we need leverage to pry open access and dialogue on 

Tibet and the legitimate rights of the Tibetan people. 

There is, as I understand it, a Presidential waiver in the legislation. I think the administration can use this when Party officials 

from the Tibet Autonomous Region are ready for serious dialogue. 

But without some kind of pressure, I don’t think we are going to 

get the Chinese side taking us seriously on this issue, in particular, 

as China closes off the region to journalists, scholars, officials, and 

tourists. Reciprocity is a critical part of American or any country’s 

foreign policy strategy. 

I would conclude by emphasizing that what I am describing and 

what I think U.S. policy is aiming at is achieving what Beijing 

itself has claimed to support in its own constitution and in prior 

dialogues with representatives of His Holiness, which is respect for 

the cultural, religious, and social rights of the Tibetan people. And 

to retreat from that support now would be to signal acceptance of 

the logic that Chinese power must be accommodated even when 

that power is used to reverse rules, norms, and understandings 

that are vital to peace, prosperity, and U.S. interests in this vital 

region of the world. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Green appears in the appendix.] 

[Applause.] 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you all. I am going to yield my opening 

questions to Senator Daines. 

Senator DAINES. Thank you, Chairman Rubio and Representative 

Smith. Thanks for your leadership too, on this important commission. I want to thank you for holding this hearing and thanks to 

the witnesses for coming before us and providing your perspective 

and expertise on this very important topic. 

I spent about half a decade, a little more than half a decade living in China as an ex-pat, back in the 1990s working for Proctor 

& Gamble. I have led congressional delegation trips to China while 

I have been serving here in Washington, D.C. I’ve had the opportunity to travel across the country. In fact, in 2016 when I led the 

congressional delegation, Senators and Members of the House, we 

went to U ̈ ru ̈mqi. We got to see the prominent Uyghur Muslim population as well. 

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Last year we were in Tibet. And we got to see firsthand the Buddhist monks and, importantly, how they have been preserving the 

culture and their religious heritage there. It has allowed me to see 

firsthand the human rights abuses and challenges that Chinese 

people face and the positive impact that an American presence can 

have in that country. In fact, our two youngest children—we have 

four children—our two youngest were born in Hong Kong back in 

the 1990s. 

So I really see Asia as really part of my experiences. When I 

think about China and talk about it, it is not in some theoretical 

construct. It is something that we have lived and breathed, whether living there or with subsequent visits. 

These travels have provided me the opportunity to raise critical 

issues impacting Tibet related to human rights, religious freedom, 

having access in Tibet, face-to-face dialogue with Chinese officials 

and leadership. In fact, just yesterday, yesterday afternoon, I had 

the opportunity to raise many of these issues directly with Ambassador Cui. He came to my office and we had a good conversation. 

While much work needs to be done, it is essential that individual 

Members of Congress and the U.S. Government as a whole continue to press China on addressing and reversing course on their 

ongoing human rights and religious freedom abuses. 

A question for Dr. Dorjee—in your testimony, you focus significantly on the detention of prisoners of conscience. How can Members of Congress and the public at large best assist efforts to secure 

the release of prisoners or advocate on their behalf where they are 

detained in Tibet or elsewhere in China? 

Mr. DORJEE. Thank you, Senator Daines, for the opportunity to 

respond to your question. 

As commissioner on the USCIRF, we have our Prisoners of Conscience Project. So that tells you how much importance we give to 

freeing the prisoners of conscience. 

And what Members of Congress could do, given the opportunity, 

if you could raise not only the individual cases of the prisoners of 

conscience, but also the policies and laws that have led to that. So 

that would be very helpful. 

And to my understanding, when you use your bully pulpit to advocate for the prisoners of conscience, that makes a difference. Of 

course, China is not going to let every prisoner of conscience be 

free. But that being said, when we keep putting pressure on them, 

at least that makes a difference in their lives, maybe they might 

get a little breather through such influence. 

And also, Members of Congress could adopt prisoners of conscience and especially in your case when you visit China and you’re 

meeting with high officials, if you could raise the issues, that would 

also make a big difference. 

Senator DAINES. Dr. Green, Dr. Dorjee just mentioned about 

making a difference. I have fond memories of our time when we 

were expats living in Guangzhou. We were able to see how the 

treatment of children in orphanages was improved because of the 

presence and interaction of Americans. 

We would go there and visit on Saturdays. We would hold these 

babies that oftentimes were not receiving the human touch. And we 

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age started getting cleaner and the care of these children improved 

because we were showing up on Saturdays to directly take care of 

these children and literally just to hold them. 

I believe this principle can be applied more broadly as well. I 

have called on Secretary Tillerson and this administration to appoint the Special Coordinator for Tibet. I think that is an important step. 

If there was a more substantial U.S. presence in Tibet, such as 

a U.S. embassy, a consulate, a special coordinator, what potential 

impacts would there be regarding the issues of religious freedom 

and human rights causes in Tibet? 

Mr. GREEN. The question is excellent, Senator. Thank you. 

I lived in Asia about six years, the same timeframe. In my case 

I was in Japan. I have similar fond memories, traveled extensively 

throughout China. 

The crackdown you have heard about is happening as transparency is being closed. It is not just journalists or diplomats, it is 

scholars, American scholars of Tibet who are being denied access. 

If we had a consulate in Lhasa, if we had a presence there, it 

would do a number of things. It would allow academic exchanges 

because that is a part of what our consulates do. It would allow officers from the U.S. State Department to monitor the cases of individual political detainees, to monitor trials. It would allow them to 

provide accurate reporting of what is happening to the Tibetan people. 

And as I was mentioning in my testimony, with respect to a massive infrastructure program and military program in the Himalayan Plateau, that is destabilizing. That is fundamentally raising 

tensions. It is an area where we need presence and access not just 

because of the Tibetan people’s aspirations, but because of the negatively spiraling geopolitics between China and India. 

Senator DAINES. So in light of that, Dr. Green, what role do you 

think human rights would play within U.S. policy towards China 

as it relates to the broader issues of national security as well as 

these economic tensions? 

Mr. GREEN. I come at this as a historian and a scholar, but also 

for five years I was the Special Assistant and Senior Director for 

Asia on President George W. Bush’s NSC staff. And in 2007, President Bush told Hu Jintao—with whom he had a good relationship—he said, I have good news and bad news, which do you want 

first? And Hu Jintao had never been asked a question that way. 

He said I will take the good news. President Bush said, I am going 

to go to the Olympics. And then President Hu tried to end the 

meeting without the bad news. And the President said, wait a 

minute! You have to hear the other part. I am going to meet with 

His Holiness in the Congress and present him with the Congressional Gold Medal. 

It is possible to be clear and consistent on human rights and democracy and have a productive relationship with Chinese counterparts. The key is to be consistent. 

It was in that same timeframe that I was able to meet with Dai 

Bingguo, the state councilor. It was before the Olympics. The Chinese were very worried about their image. They worried about our 

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logue I mentioned on Tibet, mostly scholars, but with some participation from government. It was quite productive. When the Olympics ended, when our election happened, they dropped it. 

So I think it is possible to have a clear voice on human rights. 

I think it is possible to have a dialogue with China on these issues. 

But we are going to have to find ways to leverage our relationship 

with China—to push them, frankly, to come to the table. 

Senator DAINES. So in that regard, you highlight that it is readily apparent that China has moved away from dialogue with the 

Dalai Lama. What are the prospects for reengagement, in your 

opinion, between the PRC and the Dalai Lama? And are there 

ways the U.S. could be productive towards that end? 

Mr. GREEN. It is harder now than it was in 2007 and 2008. I 

think part of that is because of the financial crisis which I think 

gave leaders in Beijing an overinflated sense of their own power 

and leverage. 

Xi Jinping has a different approach to all of these issues. Civil 

society space is closing in China, including for U.S. companies, as 

you know. So it’s a much harder operating environment, and the 

Chinese side has passed legislation, as you know, declaring they’ll 

decide who the successor to the Dalai Lama will be. 

So in diplomacy, when you put that many obstacles it’s hard to 

restart. But I think it is possible. 

Number one, President Trump, Members of Congress as well, but 

President Trump should clearly call on Xi Jinping in his meetings, 

even if it’s done privately, to resume this dialogue. 

Number two, we should be funding and supporting the Coordinator for Tibet. We should be reaching out as part of our diplomacy 

not just with China, but with Europe, with Japan, with Australia, 

Korea, and India to support this as well. 

Senator DAINES. Alright. I am in extra innings right now. Just 

to wrap up, I had one last question for Dr. Dorjee. In your testimony you mentioned that—thank you, by the way, Dr. Green. You 

mentioned in your testimony that the European Parliament passed 

a resolution earlier last month in support of human rights activists 

in China and called for the immediate and unconditional release of 

targeted prisoners of conscience. What has been the reaction from 

the Chinese government on this resolution? 

Mr. DORJEE. I don’t know of any expressed reactions by the Chinese to this yet, but we can all guess that they are not really happy 

at all when we try to put pressure on them. 

If you would allow me to just go back to the previous question 

you asked. One of the things many Members of Congress have tried 

to do—we should have an embassy in Tibet. That would really 

make a big difference, our physical presence in Tibet. That would 

also—because according to the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, an ambassador has to engage with human rights activists. And in my 

case, the Panchen Lama, prisoner of conscience, is very important. 

I do not know anything about him, but if you do have a presence 

there, an ambassador would at least find out reliable information 

about his well-being. 

Senator DAINES. I think that gets back to—closing comment—engagement generally produces better outcomes. 

Mr. DORJEE. Definitely. 

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Senator DAINES. An on-ground presence. We have seen that over 

and over again. That is why I support moving in that direction, certainly an embassy consulate there in Tibet. 

So thank you. 

Mr. DORJEE. Thank you much. 

Chairman RUBIO. And the time is fine because you took Senator 

Gardner’s time and yours, so—— 

[Laughter.] 

Chairman RUBIO. To the Cochairman. 

Cochairman SMITH. Thank you so very much, Mr. Chairman. Let 

me just ask a few questions and I will put them out there, and 

please, whoever would like to take them on. 

Mr. Wangchen, thank you for, again, your being here, your unbelievable courage. China’s pervasive use of physical and psychological torture, including the tiger chair which, sadly, you have experienced, is well documented. It is barbaric and even the Special 

Rapporteur for Torture at the United Nations has chronicled as 

best they can in the past just how terrible China is when it comes 

to torture. 

Yet when you google torture in China—and I have done it in Beijing at a cafe ́—you find everything that the Japanese did, and they 

did horrible things to the Chinese people, the Rape of Nanking and 

the use of rape and other terrible degrading actions, but also the 

use of torture. And you also get Gitmo and allegations of mistreatment there. Nothing about the U.N. Special Rapporteur—Manfred 

Nowak—his statements or any of that because it is all censored. 

I mentioned earlier that in 2006 I had a series of hearings about 

the enabling of the propaganda organs of China. That goes equally, 

if not more so, for what they do to Tibet in painting a Potemkin 

village. And yet they continue to this day to be a part of that. As 

a matter of fact, much of their intellectual property has been 

ripped off since, and now we have other indigenous companies taking that over. 

I would like you to, if you could, in more detail talk about what 

the Chinese dictatorship did to you physically and to your fellow 

prisoners, because very often we will hear about the tiger chair, we 

will hear about the beatings, the electric prods under the arms and 

at the genital areas. Until we really say, what does that mean? 

How does somebody like yourself cope with that while you are undergoing it and then after the fact? 

I have written four laws called the Torture Victims Relief Act, 

the original and then three reauthorizations. From that I have 

learned about how the post-traumatic stress disorder suffered by 

many political and religious prisoners is off the charts—inability to 

sleep, flashbacks of memory. I am wondering how you cope with it 

now as well as during your horrible ordeal. 

Second, the fawning of the world media over Kim Yo-jong, the 

sister of Kim Jong-un—she, as we know, heads up the propaganda 

and agitation department. As a matter of fact, the Wall Street 

Journal, I think, did a very good piece called ‘‘The Twisted Sister,’’ 

called her the ‘‘twisted sister of Kim.’’ In this room, Josh Rogin has 

written incisively about China. Fred Hiatt has done one superlative 

editorial after another that does not join the world press in fawning 

over the Chinese dictatorship. 

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I remember when Hu Jintao was here and infamously President 

Obama had a press conference with him. And when asked a good 

question about human rights, Obama defended Hu and said, Well, 

they have a different culture and over time things will change. No, 

they don’t. 

As Chairman Rubio—because he leads on human rights in so 

many places, including Cuba—dictatorships do not matriculate 

from barbaric behavior to peace and democracy and rule of law 

without a great deal of push and exposing. Yet our media so often 

just covers up what Xi Jinping and all of his predecessors have 

done. Xi Jinping right now—Mr. Green, you spoke to this—Professor Green, about things have changed. They’ve gotten worse, the 

NGO law as well as the law on religion. Xi wants to either control 

religion completely or eviscerate it. Of course when you talk about 

the Tibetan Buddhists and the passing, potentially, of the Dalai 

Lama and then they pick the next successor—which is outrageous. 

They are doing that with the Catholic Church as well—it is with 

bishops. If you could speak to that as well. 

The media, its complicity by not exposing, except for some notable honorable mentions, like I mentioned. On the Olympics—I was 

there in the early 1990s. I met with Wei Jingsheng. He was briefly 

let out of prison to get Olympics 2000. They didn’t get it. They 

called him back in and beat him almost to death because his high 

value political prisoner status did not buy them the Olympics in 

2000. They got it in 2008. 

Scott Flipse, Frank Wolf, and I—Scott works, of course, as part 

of our key staff. We went and we met with Ambassador Randt. We 

met with others. We brought this commission’s database and said, 

Don’t just raise it, become Johnny One Notes about, Release the 

prisoners!, because right now they are keeping dissidents away 

from Beijing, away from journalists, and of course that goes doubly 

so for the Tibetans who are incarcerated usually in place, there. 

The question there is—you’re right. We need that special envoy. 

There are other special envoys, including for combating antisemitism. This administration has a reluctance to name special envoys. That’s got to change. 

But we do have some hope too. Maybe you want to speak to this 

as well. Senator Rubio, Senator Daines, and others worked so very 

hard to get Sam Brownback agreed to by the Senate as Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom—Ambassador Brownback, 

when he was a Senator did H. Res. 483 on Tibet. He gets it. You 

read that resolution, you know without a shadow of a doubt—he 

gets it. Naming prisoners of conscience, Tibetan Buddhists who are 

being incarcerated and, of course, some of whom were killed—executed, and the importance of a robust response from the United 

States. So he’s someone we all need to be—he was just confirmed, 

as you know—he needs to make this a priority, obviously, of the 

International Religious Freedom Office and do it right now. But we 

have a great friend there, and that’s the reason for some hope. 

So just a couple of thoughts, if you could respond to any of it. 

Again, starting with you, Mr. Wangchen. How do you cope with 

what you have been through? 

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Mr. WANGCHEN. Actually, I did not really have a choice not to 

be subject to such tortures. The Chinese authorities left me with 

no other choices. 

In fact, one time they brought a recording to watch to me and 

wanted me to record something. They use a psychological tape saying that if you record a message—at that time my parents, my 

wife, my children were in India. And so they said if you say that 

because the Tibetan Youth Congress in India was posing a threat 

to my parents, my children, and my wife’s life, I have to make this 

documentary. If I say that, they said I would be treated leniently. 

Otherwise, they said I had committed a very major crime and 

would be prosecuted. 

Under such a situation we all are human beings, the same wherever we are. We all have pain. We have the same blood and the 

same flesh. So if under such a situation, if I were given a choice, 

I would have chosen to die rather than to suffer this. But I did not 

even have that choice. 

So I could see that they were trying to use me to serve a broader 

political agenda that they had. They would even say at one time 

that I should say that my cousin, Jamyang Tsultrim, who is in 

Switzerland, that he was the one who instigated me to make that 

documentary. 

Or they would say, whatever happens, they would always blame 

the Tibetans outside or His Holiness the Dalai Lama, etc. So that 

is what they were trying to do. 

So in 2012, there were several self-immolations in Tibet. Then 

the Chinese authorities went to schools forcing the students to denounce His Holiness the Dalai Lama. But obviously, the Tibetan 

students, they could not do anything that was untruthful like that 

at all. 

So these are some of the things that they were trying to do. So 

because of that, in the schools, the students protested saying that 

it was injustice. Therefore, many of the students were detained. 

The TRANSLATOR. But he is saying that overall because of all of 

these factors, he was able to consider these as the Chinese tortured 

him, then to say that I need to overcome all of these. 

Cochairman SMITH. One other thing very briefly to put on the 

table and that is the transfer of population, the Han transfer. I 

know the Dalai Lama has written about that. 

Any insight you can give as to how they are displacing Tibetan 

Buddhists, indigenous people, by bringing others in. Back in 1987, 

I remember reading an op-ed by John Avedon in the Washington 

Post called The Rape of Tibet. And he talked about an issue that 

I had been working on since 1983, and that is forced abortion and 

coercive population control pursuant to the one child per couple 

policy which, obviously, applies to all people, but it is used with 

special telling effect as an act of genocide against the Uyghurs as 

well as against the Tibetan Buddhists. So any insight any of you 

might have on that. 

If you kill the child because they happen to be Tibetan indigenous persons, that is a part of this transfer of population. They just 

don’t exist. It is an insidious crime against humanity, obviously, 

but it very seldom gets any focus. 

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Mr. DORJEE. I would like to respond to something you raised in 

the second part of the question. As Commissioner of the USCIRF, 

I want to tell China that when the international community and 

the U.S. demand human rights in Tibet, we are doing that following international standards, universal human rights. 

I am an intercultural communications scholar and we don’t define human rights in terms of specific cultures. We are looking 

across cultures and we are using international standards to talk 

about that. 

So China, if it wants to be a part of the global community, must 

learn to respect international standards. You cannot have a double 

standard here. 

Another issue that you have raised is the reincarnation of His 

Holiness the Dalai Lama, which really concerns most of us. It has 

unimaginable consequences if His Holiness the Dalai Lama would 

pass away in exile. China thinks they have a perfect solution to 

this, because they only see the Dalai Lama as part of the problem 

although we have told them a thousand times—the Dalai Lama is 

the solution to the problem. Hello. Listen. 

So, of course, they think they can do exactly like they did to the 

Panchen Lama. They will have another pick, fake out the traditional system and have another Dalai Lama. But China must know 

that if Sino-Tibetan issues do not get resolved, His Holiness the 

Dalai Lama will not be reborn in Tibet under their control. He will 

be reborn in freedom. 

Why I say that is because in the 1980s I had the privilege to 

translate for the Dalai Lama. And when we were in Delhi (he was 

speaking at Delhi University), an Indian journalist asked whether 

he would be the last Dalai Lama and about the Tibet issue. His 

Holiness said then if Tibet issues do not get resolved, he would be 

reborn in a free country because it does not make any sense for the 

next Dalai Lama not to be able to continue the work and unfinished tasks of the previous Dalai Lama. 

So China should know that they may be able to pick the next 

Dalai Lama, but not the real one. The real one will be born in a 

free country. So I want to send that message strongly. 

Then the next one—there is already—Tibetans have become the 

minority in our own country. There are more Chinese there and the 

population transfer can really make the demographics shift. 

I am a scholar in this matter where we talk about ethno-linguistic vitality. When the demographic shift changes, it is very 

hard at a certain point in time to be able to bring the balance back. 

So it is a very serious matter, as you already know that they not 

only bring more Chinese civilians to Tibet, but they also started to 

move the Tibetans en masse from the pasturelands into some concrete buildings somewhere, they build them up, and are changing 

the whole Tibetan culture in many different ways. So those are 

very serious matters, and I am sure my colleague Michael Green 

will have more things to say. 

Mr. GREEN. If I may, Congressman, on that last point. Beijing 

appears confident that their law decreeing the next Dalai Lama 

will be determined by the Chinese Communist Party, will allow 

them to continue suppressing dissent in Tibet and ultimately win. 

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All indications from scholars who know this region, who’ve traveled there, are that the opposite will happen, that China will find 

itself with greater instability, greater violence, greater repression 

and human suffering. That’s one of the many reasons why it’s in 

our national interest to push for the PRC to deal with His Holiness 

because this is not going to get better—for China either. 

Second point, on your question or your comment about the 

‘‘twisted sister’’ in North Korea—I also found the U.S. press pretty—present company excluded—pretty fawning, and it was rather 

shocking when you know about what’s happening in North Korea. 

I, in that context, mention when I first started studying Asia in 

the 1980s, my professors and diplomats taught us that Asian values are different and that these kinds of authoritarian repressive 

regimes are culturally accepted. Then around the time I graduated, 

four major Asian countries democratized. 

I think today within the academy, among scholars, and also within the State Department, for a new generation of diplomats, this 

is no longer a debate where the China hands are arguing with the 

human rights hands, really. I think the most qualified people we 

have on the China desk and in our embassy in Beijing want to 

move out on this issue. 

They want to have a consulate in Lhasa. The problem is they do 

not have guidance from the top right now. And that’s why the Tibet 

coordinator and pushing for the President to raise this issue are so 

important because the troops, our diplomats, are ready to take this 

on. They’re not fighting it the way, perhaps, State Department officials might have 20 years ago. 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you. 

Mr. Wangchen, let me begin by asking you, when you were in 

prison, were you aware of the international advocacy on your behalf? And if so, could you give us a sense of the impact that it may 

have had on you and on those who supported you? 

Mr. WANGCHEN. I did not know that there was this widespread 

campaign on my behalf, internationally, when I was in prison. But 

I did know that there were people who were working—trying to 

work on my behalf. 

Oftentimes, it was the Chinese authorities themselves who would 

come and tell me—why is there so much interest in your cause outside? So I want to say that from my own experience, any voice that 

is raised on behalf of political prisoners has a very positive impact 

even on their lives. I can say from my own experience that it is always good to raise voices on behalf of the political prisoners. 

In terms of restrictions, I can say that when there was more interest, they would restrict my movement. They would monitor me 

more thoroughly. They would search my things more thoroughly, 

etc. But at the same time, I can say, from the attitude of the prison 

officials or from other prisoners, that their attitudes change when 

there is international interest in issues like mine. 

Chairman RUBIO. Has your family back at home and those close 

to you, have they experienced any kind of official pressure since 

you departed? 

Mr. WANGCHEN. I have heard that since I left there the Chinese 

authorities had visited my sisters and my friends interrogating 

them as to how I was able to go about escaping, who arranged all 

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of these things. I have 10 family members. None of us read and 

write, so therefore, the Chinese authorities made my sister sign 

some things, some documents, etc. And they have been wanting to 

know, sending Uyghurs to interrogate my family members many 

times. 

Even my wife’s family members have also been interrogated on 

this issue. So it is just not my side of the family, even my wife’s 

family members have also been interrogated. 

Chairman RUBIO. Dr. Dorjee, in your written testimony, you 

talked about your own experience of China’s ‘‘long arm in academia.’’ Could you tell us a little bit more about what you observed, 

specifically as it relates to the Chinese government’s use of the 

Chinese Students and Scholars Association and the Confucius Institutes? 

Mr. DORJEE. Thank you very much. First I would like to express 

my gratitude for your leadership and initiative in these matters. 

I think we all know that in China and Tibet everything is controlled, micromanaged, and strategized. And we know that. That’s 

why we are making these voices to make a difference there. But 

what is less known in the outside world is the Chinese long arm 

that is extending everywhere in the world and also in this country. 

As I reported in my testimony, in 2008, when I was one of the two 

Tibetan students at UC Santa Barbara, there was a Tibet event. 

Somehow I think it got reported to the Chinese consulate in Los 

Angeles—they must have organized this and brought about 100 

Chinese international students. 

Each of us were surrounded by about 30 of them. And they were 

screaming and yelling, and they brought this huge Chinese national flag. They wrapped me up because I had a Tibetan flag. And 

I said to them, Look, learn to respect my flag too. I respect your 

flag, but let’s have a dialogue. But they wouldn’t listen to that. 

What was behind that was the Chinese Scholars and Students 

Association which exists at many universities. Also as I reported, 

Confucius Institutes in the classrooms, this is making a huge difference in our academic freedom as you know very well. 

Another thing I want to add, if I may, is I just finished reading 

one of the most prominent Chinese dissidents—student leaders— 

Tiananmen Square, Chai Ling’s ‘‘A Heart for Freedom.’’ She was 

able to escape here and enjoy the freedom, but then what she realized was, after getting a good education at Harvard, at Princeton, 

when it came time for her to find a job, many companies would say, 

oops, you are very qualified. We are very sorry—because we have 

connections with China we cannot do it. So that is the invisible 

hand in many things happening here, and we really have to voice 

our concerns and make a change there. 

Chairman RUBIO. And, again, what you are describing is the use 

of a student organization to basically oppress and hassle those who 

have views or point to facts that run contrary to the narrative that 

they seek to pursue. And it is one of the things that we are most 

interested in and we started last week by writing to all of the higher academic institutions, including one high school, by the way, in 

the state of Florida. 

One of them has already canceled the contract, the University of 

West Florida. And we hope that the others will re-examine that arvosborn on LAP6TQMWD2 with DISTILLER

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rangement and ensure that at a minimum none of these activities 

are occurring in those institutions. I suspect that a number more 

will follow the lead of the University of West Florida, particularly 

after yesterday’s testimony by the Director of the Federal Bureau 

of Investigation, about how they have been very interested and 

have been keeping a close eye on how the Confucius Institutes and 

the student organizations have been used in this country. 

Dr. Green, I wanted to ask you because you’ve talked about the 

State Department. And you said that the people in the trenches on 

the ground level are all ready to go on this and other issues. But 

you also said they needed direction from the top. From that, we are 

going to have a hearing tomorrow on a nominee, that will oversee 

this portfolio to the State Department, currently acting in that capacity. 

I think it is relevant to ask, What is the perception of the State 

Department, not the China desk in particular, but just the general 

leadership over the broader portfolio in the Asia Pacific region; 

what is the perception and/or the reality of what they prioritize? 

Is this a pro-engagement direction at the expense of human rights 

and all of the sorts of issues we have talked about here today? 

In essence, is it one of those ‘‘we can’t raise these issues up because we want to be able to work with them on these other issues, 

and this irritates them’’ things, or is it neglect? Basically, they just 

haven’t paid attention to it. How would you describe in the most 

honest terms possible what the direction of that area of the State 

Department is today as a general matter? 

Mr. GREEN. As I said earlier, Senator, I think that the generation of Foreign Service Officers who now lead the East Asian Bureau and play some of the most prominent roles in our embassies 

embrace the values component of our diplomacy. And there are 

Foreign Service Officers who stand in the rain for eight hours outside of courtrooms in Guangzhou to let the Chinese authorities 

know that we are watching the trial of a dissident, for example. 

And they are dedicated and they take personal risk. 

The problem they have is governments in the region don’t view 

them as empowered right now. We don’t have a confirmed Assistant Secretary. We don’t have a Tibet Coordinator. Until we have 

those confirmed people in office, then the diplomats in the trenches 

are not going to be seen as empowered by the administration and 

the Congress. 

So getting someone in the State Department confirmed in the Assistant Secretary slot, in the Tibet Coordinator slot, the Undersecretary slot will be critical, key embassies like Korea. The view right 

now in the region is that the State Department is not a major player, and I think they are ready to be, and we need to empower 

them. 

Chairman RUBIO. Just to be clear, not just putting someone in 

those positions, but the right person because the wrong person 

would also de-emphasize. For example, let’s say that someone at 

the State Department was helping a major American corporation 

write an apology for having mentioned the issue of Tibet; that 

would not be the kind of people we want to see involved in this. 

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Mr. GREEN. I am a friend and enthusiastic supporter of the candidate, the nominee to be Assistant Secretary. But I am certainly 

hoping, Senator, that you are going to ask some hard questions. 

For example, the administration has put forward the Free and 

Open Indo-Pacific concept. The words ‘‘free and open’’ to me suggest that our values are going to be a critical part of our diplomacy. 

I hope that in the hearings those dimensions of our foreign policy 

are emphasized. 

I hear rumors—I don’t know if they’re true—that within the 

State Department there is some guidance to not use the words 

‘‘free and open,’’ but simply to call it our Indo-Pacific Strategy. 

Words matter. 

So I think that you and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 

have an important—if I may say so—an important role in using 

these hearings to answer those questions and get nominees to put 

on the record not only their priorities but the actions they are 

going to take. 

The candidate for—the nominee for Assistant Secretary is not responsible for nominating or appointing the Undersecretary who 

would, I assume, be the Tibet Coordinator. But that’s an appropriate forum to push the administration, I think. 

Chairman RUBIO. My final question, and then the Cochairman is 

going to wrap up. He has a couple more questions. 

The term ‘‘community of common destiny’’—are you familiar with 

its use repeatedly in recent times by the Chinese Communist Party 

in international fora? Have you heard that terminology? 

Mr. GREEN. I have heard that and other similar phrases. 

Chairman RUBIO. And basically, that phraseology, by the way, 

has been rejected by a number of countries. Vietnam stands out as 

one, India another, on different occasions, as being part of a 

communique ́, as an effort not just to change the dynamic of international politics, but the rhetoric of it. 

And it is an effort—I use this forum to point that out—it is an 

effort to change the rhetoric and language and the terminology to 

basically argue towards a world in which the values that we are 

talking about here—democracy, freedom, human rights—are deemphasized. Even alliances are de-emphasized. 

And we enter some new order that involves ‘‘partnerships,’’ and 

judging human rights by a different standard and non-interference. 

It’s the same concept that you see when they have an Internet 

Freedom Conference by one of the leading oppressive governments 

in the world against Internet freedom. So I only raise that because 

terminology matters. And you see it used repeatedly as a weapon 

in the case of Tibet, but others also. 

Just rhetorically, is it your experience that on this particular 

issue regarding Tibet, but on the broader issue of China’s government trying to reorder global affairs, that we need to keep a close 

eye on the use of language, of the words being used because they 

are certainly trying to replace what human rights and self-determination means? 

By the way, it is not just limited to Tibet. Many of us were deeply disappointed to see the recent decisions by the Vatican, allowing 

for the first time in human history, certainly in the history of the 

Church, for its leadership to be appointed by—certainly the modern 

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church. I imagine you can go back to the 1500s and we had some 

pretty bad appointments—but certainly the modern world. 

So language matters. And the words that are being used, we 

need to—because they do not mean the same thing. 

Mr. GREEN. I could not agree with you more, Senator. I have 

written about this as an academic and in policy terms. 

Xi Jinping tried to convince the Obama administration to endorse a concept called the New Model of Great Power Relations, 

that to avoid conflict, U.S. and China had to have a condominium 

as major powers. And in this formulation, Japan, India, Korea, 

Australia, democracies were second-tier powers. 

Senior people in the Obama administration embraced this. The 

Chinese then tried to get the Trump White House to support what 

they called a Global Strategic Partnership, same rhetorical device 

to suggest that China and the U.S. would arbitrate issues, no values—Japan, India, these other powers were secondary. 

One of the things I find compelling about the administration’s 

Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept is a complete rebuttal of that, 

by design, well received in India, Japan and Australia. So the 

words matter a lot. We are not always attentive to them, but within Asia when this idea of a new model of U.S.-China relations as 

great powers started to get currency with some senior officials in 

Washington, it had a major effect on how Japan, Korea, Australia, 

Vietnam viewed our staying power and our commitment to our values. 

So I couldn’t agree with you more, and I think it is an important 

area for the Congress to pay attention to. 

Chairman RUBIO. My favorite line in any hearing, ‘‘I couldn’t 

agree with you more.’’ I love that. 

[Laughter.] 

Chairman RUBIO. Thank you. 

Cochairman SMITH. Thank you, Chairman Rubio. 

And thank you for your answers to all of our questions earlier. 

I do have just a couple of final questions. 

One, when is the world, in your opinion, going to get more aggressive with regard to—I mean, two Nobel Peace Prizes, obviously, 

the Dalai Lama and Liu Xiaobo, he dies, does not get the medical 

attention that he needed. And, of course, the Dalai Lama got the 

Nobel Peace Prize in 1989. 

Liu Xiaobo’s wife is doing terribly and we have made requests, 

demands, every other kind of admonishment to the dictatorship to 

let her come here, or at least treat her with respect. And it’s a microcosm of what they do every single day in Lhasa and elsewhere 

in Tibet as well as in other places in China throughout the mainland. 

So my question is, I am worried about this administration not 

being as focused. I mean the last administration dropped the ball 

in a major way. Previous administrations have dropped the ball. 

Bill Clinton, who criticized President Bush, the first one, and 

talked about coddling dictatorship, then coddled like nobody else 

before had coddled dictatorship, including bringing in the operational commander of Tiananmen Square—and gave him a 19-gun 

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rageous. He should have been sent to The Hague for prosecution 

for crimes against humanity, rather than been given those honors. 

So we seem to be ‘‘past is prologue,’’ on the verge of repeating 

many of those same mistakes unless there is a game changer. I 

note with some gratitude, real gratitude, that Secretary Tillerson 

named China as a Tier-3 Country pursuant to the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. I wrote that law, so I’ve watched that very 

carefully. We tried repeatedly to get previous administrations to do 

it, not just as an automatic downgrade which happened once during Obama. 

And it is also a CPC country because of its religious persecution. 

But both of those laws—and it hasn’t happened on trafficking— 

have a consequence action, a penalty phase. We need to see penalties. Our civil rights laws work better because there are real tangible predictable consequences when others, colleges, for example, 

commit to them. So you might want to speak to that. 

Finally, on the Confucius Institutes, I have asked the Government Accountability Office to do a huge study on what their influence is, what the parameters are of their existence—there are 118 

of them at least, three in my state of New Jersey—and what kind 

of baggage they carry in terms of their soft power. They are here 

to influence. It’s a way of getting some additional money for colleges and universities in the United States. And they may even 

think it is prestigious. 

But if you’re part of a propaganda long arm, what good are you 

really doing? And this administration, the Trump administration 

talks about reciprocity. Where is the reciprocity for us to have unfettered access to the Chinese venues or campuses, to be able to 

speak boldly about human rights and religious freedom and all the 

other? They have to pull their punches, obviously, when they are 

in-country. So if you want to speak to that as well. 

Mr. GREEN. Well, I am the—if I may? 

Professor Tenzin Dorjee will also have experiences as a scholar. 

I am a professor at Georgetown University with the Confucius Institutes. We do not have one at Georgetown. We are a pretty wellendowed major university. Some of our sister Jesuit colleges and 

universities do. When I visited and asked about it, the teachers are 

all very different. Some of the teachers sort of laugh off instructions from Beijing to teach certain things about Taiwan or Tibet. 

Others faithfully follow Beijing’s instructions. 

My general view on this one is that there should be much more 

scrutiny. But ultimately, as an academic, I think universities have 

to police themselves. And there are ways to have these institutes, 

but they have to have an agreement with complete academic freedom, and they have to be monitored by faculty. And that has not 

happened in many cases. 

Cochairman SMITH. Can any of them teach about the Dalai 

Lama, for example? 

Mr. GREEN. Well, I think the curriculum should be approved by 

the faculty at these universities. And there should probably be 

committees on the faculty with China scholars or outside advisors 

that take a look at the curriculum. But in principle, the demand 

for learning Mandarin is enormous. And there are not enough dollars in a lot of schools to fulfill that. So I don’t have a problem takvosborn on LAP6TQMWD2 with DISTILLER

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ing the money and the instructors. I think universities have to be 

responsible for ensuring academic freedom, checking the curriculum, the kinds of things that I think many faculty would like 

to do. If you empower the faculty in the process, they will put pressure on their own administrations. 

Cochairman SMITH. But if I am a college university president— 

one of their prime missions is to find spigots of funds. 

Mr. GREEN. Yes. 

Cochairman SMITH. It is counterproductive from that perspective 

to be monitoring closely the exclusion of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan Buddhism and the terrible atrocities committed against Tibetan Buddhists as well as every other human rights abuse. You 

just bypass it, it never comes up, and you talk about a great culture, which China is. It has been for centuries. The people are unbelievable. 

But you still get this very Potemkin village perspective about 

what’s going on in China. And I find that with Members of Congress. They go on a trip, and they are shown the sights in a way 

that—and we say, Raise human rights issues! Get our database 

from the China Commission and bring up names! 

And you’ll appreciate this. When Frank Wolf and I and Scott 

Flipse were in Beijing, Condoleezza Rice was on her way in, and 

all the talk was, What venues will they go to watch? I said, heck— 

I love the Olympics. I love sports. Hopefully we all do, but not at 

the exclusion of—Get prisoners out! Here is a golden opportunity 

to do so. 

Our database, when we compared it to what they had at the embassy and at the State Department, theirs was paltry. One of the 

Foreign Service Officers said, You’ve got a much better one than 

we have. It shouldn’t be that way. They’re the State Department. 

They are there engaging every single day. 

So I am very worried about who is in the classroom monitoring 

curriculum. It could be a barebones curriculum and doesn’t get into 

depth. And yet, the Dalai Lama—and when, God forbid, they pick 

the next Dalai Lama, will there be at the Confucius Institutes— 

what an atrocity that is! They have no right to do that. 

Mr. GREEN. This is a complicated issue, and it is a problem. On 

some campuses, not mine, Chinese Student Associations are using 

the vogue language and accusing Tibetans of micro-aggression and 

things like that. There are Chinese Student Associations that are 

watching students in the classroom and universities. 

We have a problem that, particularly professors who are not 

tenured, who have to publish, if they are doing research on China, 

especially on Tibet or Xinjiang, they can’t publish anything risky 

or they won’t get a visa. And so there is a lot of self-censorship— 

the access to China, generally, not just the Tibet Autonomous Region, is harder. It’s very hard for scholars, including people like me 

who have some background in policy, to get visas because the 

United Front Department is scrutinizing which institutions’ university professors are safe. 

So we have a major problem in terms of reciprocity and in terms 

of influences here. But I do have faith in our higher education institutions. I do think that with the right focus, university presidents, faculties, are going to address this. They’re going to have to. 

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Cochairman SMITH. Well, we are hoping our GAO report will expose what is good and bad and ugly about all of this. 

I would just point out after I worked on Chen Guangcheng’s 

case—we had four hearings about him—he phoned in, you might 

recall. And what a great human rights defender he is, was there, 

and continues to be. I couldn’t get a visa for eight years. And I only 

got one several months back because I was going to NYU Shanghai 

campus to give a speech. It would have been harder for them to 

deny that one in plain light than what they were doing before that. 

So if they can do that to a Member of Congress—we asked the 

administration to step in. They did, thankfully. The Speaker of the 

House, John Boehner, wrote a letter to the Ambassador and said, 

What are you doing? He’s Chairman of our Human Rights Committee on the Foreign Affairs Committee and he’s Cochair and 

Chair—depending on the year—of the China Commission. And yet, 

they denied it. And if they can do that—with the visibility of a 

Member of Congress—how much easier is it to say, to an academic 

or anyone else, you do not get to come. So I think we really have 

to be far more aggressive in holding the Chinese to account. 

I know that the focus has been largely on how we mitigate the 

danger of North Korea and get China to finally play a role that is 

constructive rather than ambivalent or worse, but that cannot preclude a human rights focus because the victims are every day, and 

they are proliferating. They are getting far worse, particularly with 

these new laws on NGOs, as you pointed out, the tightening space 

and the new law on sinicization of religion which is even worse 

than what it has been. 

So thank you all. Unless you have any final comments before we 

conclude. 

Mr. DORJEE. Thank you very much for the opportunity. I was 

meaning to say this before, but somehow I got caught up in responding to the questions like a student. I really very much appreciate the Congressional-Executive Commission on China for all the 

great work you have done, especially the database you have on the 

prisoners of conscience. That is very helpful to us. 

The last thing I want to say is that all of us, the United States, 

private companies, especially China—probably the Dalai Lama 

would say this—we should look at situations from all angles and 

we will all become more open to international standards and do the 

right thing. 

Thank you very much. 

Cochairman SMITH. Thank you. 

You know, I would just conclude with this too, as well. 

Even though I chair this commission, when it came up for a vote 

in the House, I voted no. You know why? For years a group of us 

wanted to say that most-favored-nation status had to have human 

rights linkage. You don’t have an unfettered exchange of goods and 

services without first—no labor rights, for example, in China, all 

the other barbaric human rights abuses they are committing, including torture, which our distinguished witness spoke about earlier and endured. 

If you want to trade, trade with conditionality. Well, this commission was created as part of a reversal of what we thought was 

going to be an executive order with teeth by Bill Clinton, and it 

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was patterned after the Helsinki Commission on Security Cooperation in Europe, of which I also serve as Chair and Cochair. 

So it’s a great idea, but it was done with a piece of legislation 

to give a talking point to those who wanted to trade in an unfettered way with China without any kind of human rights conditionality, which I found to be appalling. 

We lost. We had the votes, frankly, to take away or limit MFN. 

I joined with Nancy Pelosi and David Bonior and others. I was the 

Republican lead. And Bill Clinton jumped in the gap and said, I’ll 

do an executive order. He put all of these human rights 

conditionalties in the executive order, which we applauded, and 

then realized it was a ruse. 

Within one year, he took his executive order and ripped it in 

half. On a Friday afternoon when everyone was leaving and the 

Chinese took—that was May 1994—took the measure of our country and its commitment to human rights and said, they don’t mean 

it. Profits trump human rights. 

We’ve been trying to reclaim that ground ever since. My hope is 

that this President will do it. He has done it on trafficking, and 

that was a good first step. But there is far more that he has to do. 

The special envoy is a no-brainer. He should name him immediately so that individual can start doing their good work. 

It’s been years of catch-up, and we lost it in May of 1994 when 

he delinked it. We had the votes in the House and Senate. It was 

totally bipartisan to either limit or take away conditions for real 

most-favored-nation status. Now it’s permanent. We don’t even do 

an annual review. 

So I say all of this because bad policy coming out of the United 

States Congress, but especially the executive branch, has disadvantaged religious and political prisoners and made life worse. 

I was so glad when you said earlier that the picture of the Dalai 

Lama and President Bush inspired hope and tears among people. 

That’s an encouragement. It means that what happens here might 

have some impact on the ground in places like Lhasa. But we need 

to do far more. 

Again, working with Chairman Rubio, who is a tremendous 

chairman, we are doing our level best. And we are going to continue. Your insights today really help us to know how to proceed. 

So thank you so very much. 

The hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 12:31 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

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A P P E N D I X 

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PREPARED STATEMENTS

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DHONDUP WANGCHEN

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

I am very grateful for this opportunity to testify before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China on my experiences in Tibet under the Chinese authorities. 

My name is Dhondup Wangchen. I was born on October 17, 1974 to a family of 

Tibetan farmers in Bayen which is in the province we call Amdo. In today’s administrative divisions, Bayen is in Tsoshar prefecture, Qinghai province, People’s Republic of China. 

I arrived in the USA on December 25, 2017 and it was the first time in many 

years that I felt safety and freedom. The reunion with my family in San Francisco 

was a wonderful moment that I had looked forward to in the past years, with a mixture of anxious joy and the hesitation a man feels who was hindered from being the 

husband he ought to be for his loving wife; a man who was not given the chance 

to stand by with fatherly advice to his children in a world full of challenges, and 

a man denied being the son needed for his aging parents, tormented by the thought 

that they wouldn’t see each other again in their lifetime. 

I would like to take this opportunity to thank every individual and organization 

who has helped to bring me back to my loved ones and who supported me since I 

was arrested in March 2008. 

Early Activism 

Growing up in the remote village of Khotse in Amdo, 2000 km east of Tibet’s capital, Lhasa, I started the discovery of my people’s history with little knowledge but 

with an insatiable and juvenile curiosity about what life had to offer me. 

Our family lived a simple life right on the edge of the Tibetan plateau, bordering 

the Chinese mainland. I was aware of repression in the past. I had lost members 

on both my mother’s and my father’s sides of the family as a result of China’s atrocities towards Tibetans. However, it wasn’t until I made my journey to Lhasa in the 

early 1990s as a young adult, that I saw first hand resistance to China’s occupation 

and political symbols such as the Tibetan national flag. In 1992 when I was 18, I 

witnessed monks from Ganden Monastery carry out a street protest in Lhasa; some 

nuns also protested. I saw armed police and military forces quell the protest in a 

heavy handed manner and detain the monks and nuns. 

It was also in 1992 that I decided to go to India to see His Holiness the Dalai 

Lama and receive some education. At that time, there were many Tibetans escaping 

to India. However, I only stayed a year and returned to Tibet in 1993 where I was 

involved in activism such as helping former political prisoners. I would like to acknowledge my cousin Jamyang Tsultrim who mentored me in my formative years 

and who is here at today’s hearing. 

In 1996, my good friend, Ganden monk Jigme Gyatso—a true Tibetan hero—was 

arrested on charges related to the 1992 protest. Jamyang Tsultrim was also arrested 

and they both served prison sentences. I was working in Jamyang Tsultrim’s restaurant in Lhasa, which the authorities threatened to close down as it was the centre of many of our activities. 

I spent many years involved in various forms of activism and was detained several times. The longest that I was held in detention for was for about 30 days in 

Lhasa in 2003, but I was never formally charged and was always released. 

Jamyang Tsultrim fled to exile in 2002, but we kept in close touch and continued 

to plan and carry out underground activities. We had started a project in 2001 to 

print and distribute books to Tibetans all over Tibet for free, books related to His 

Holiness the Dalai Lama’s teachings, Tibetan politics, history and the Dalai Lama’s 

Middle Way Policy. The books we printed were both in Tibetan and Chinese. 

By 2004, we were printing books in Xining and Lanzhou, sometimes printing as 

many as 10,000 copies at a time. Among those who joined me printing and distributing the books was a monk from Labrang Monastery, Jigme Gyatso (known as 

Golog Jigme), who I first came to know in 2006 and who would become my helper 

when making the movie ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’. This was our first collaboration, but 

many people were involved whose names I can’t reveal for safety reasons. 

Making ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’ 

As the 2008 Olympic Games were fast approaching and it was always being reported in state media, I told Jamyang Tsultrim that I wanted to do something that 

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would have a big and long-term impact and that would reflect the true feelings and 

wishes of the Tibetan people. This was when we first started thinking about making 

a documentary film from inside Tibet that would later be known as ‘‘Leaving Fear 

Behind.’’ 

I set to work finding collaborators and traveling all over Tibet to interview ordinary Tibetans. Thanks to our activism in the past, we had many contacts and trusted friends we could work with. We would record interviews in isolated places so as 

not to arouse suspicion and we were always careful to ask whether the interviewees 

wanted to have their face shown on camera or not. We carried with us DVDs of the 

ceremony which showed U.S. President George Bush awarding His Holiness the 

Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold Medal in October 2007—we showed this to 

many people who became very emotional upon seeing it. 

My helpers, including Golog Jigme, and I traveled for several months in the cold 

winter of 2007 recording interviews and sent our footage to Zurich in several 

batches via trusted friends. Interview after interview, village after village, we recorded a never-ending stream of untold stories of past atrocities, complaints against 

the current discrimination of Tibetans, their frustration and anger about the hypocrisy of the Olympic Games and finally their fervent wish to see the Dalai Lama back 

in Tibet. More people than we could manage lined up to tell their story and witness 

their unbroken will to fight for truth and the right to express their free will. Looking back, I wonder why we hadn’t foreseen that their longing for freedom would explode a few months later, in the most forceful uprising Tibet had seen since 1959. 

Our final footage was taken in Xi’an on March 10, 2008 and handed over to a 

UK-born Tibetan who helped to ensure that it reached Zurich. We spent that day 

together unaware that protests had broken out in Lhasa the same day and would 

continue over the next days and months all over Tibet. 

Detention 

Even though I was aware that I was being followed and was under surveillance, 

it wasn’t until March 26, 2008 that I was arrested and interrogated by secret police. 

I was not kept in a police station or prison, but in a hotel and my family was not 

informed of my whereabouts. The torture started as soon as I was detained. I was 

forced to sit in the ‘‘tiger chair.’’ For seven days and eight nights I was given no 

food and was not allowed to fall asleep. 

On July 13, 2008, I was able to escape from this detention for 24 hours only. In 

a phone call with Jamyang Tsultrim I learned that they had received all the footage 

and were in the process of finishing editing the film. It wasn’t long before I was 

back in detention. ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’ was released and distributed online just 

before the Olympic Games started in August 2008 by the non-profit Filming for 

Tibet, registered in Zurich. Even though I didn’t know for sure, I was hopeful that 

everything had gone according to plan. I suspected that the authorities were building their case against me. I was often interrogated and told I had to denounce His 

Holiness the Dalai Lama and that if I admitted my wrongdoings I would be released. I always refused to do these things. 

I was shown ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind’’ while I was in detention in December 2008, 

a few months after it had been released. I will remember this moment forever. The 

interrogator wanted to know how I knew the people I had interviewed. And then 

he showed me the edited film and wanted me to confess. For the first time, I 

watched ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind,’’ in a Chinese prison! While the interrogator continued to force me to confess my wrongdoings, I just enjoyed in my inside the train 

scene, the music with the auspicious lyric and felt immensely proud. 

I thought that even if I received a 10-year sentence it would have been worth 

making the film. I felt happy for the interviewees who had taken great risks to appear in the film, and we had promised them that the film would be seen by the outside world and His Holiness would know about the film as well. So I was happy 

that I had been able to keep that promise to the interviewees. 

In July 2009, I received a visit from Li Dunyong, a Chinese human rights lawyer 

from Beijing who had been appointed by my sister to represent me. Another lawyer, 

Chang Boyang, also came to visit me later and I told them about the maltreatment 

of political prisoners and about how I had been placed in solitary confinement for 

85 days. Even though according to law, I should have had access to a translator, 

none was made available and I had to communicate with the lawyers in Chinese 

even though it’s not my first language and my Chinese isn’t very good. A few days 

after I had spoken to the lawyers, outside authorities came to speak to me in prison 

and asked me many questions about the lawyers and why they wanted to represent 

me. The authorities had told the lawyers appointed by my family that they weren’t 

allowed to defend me and they were pressured and threatened to have their licenses 

revoked. The authorities told me that I wasn’t allowed to have my own lawyers and 

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had to accept the lawyers that they had appointed. Even though I told them clearly 

that I didn’t want their lawyers, in reality I had no choice. The authorities then lied 

to my sister and told her that I had refused all legal representation. 

Sentencing and Imprisonment 

I remained in informal detention until I was tried and sentenced on December 28, 

2009 to 6 years in prison for ‘‘subversion of state power.’’ The case against me mentioned the projects I had been involved with: printing and distributing books as well 

making ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ 

During my time in various forms of detention, I had to do manual labor which 

differed depending on where I was. I had been made to do many different tasks such 

as peeling garlic or stitching military uniforms and was given only two meals a day, 

which were barely adequate. The day would start at around 6:30 a.m. and we had 

to work until 11 p.m., we never went outside and I was in constant pain with headaches and hurting arms. I always witnessed a difference in how prisoners and political prisoners were treated. When it came to Tibetan prisoners, we were never allowed to speak Tibetan to each other. 

On April 6, 2010, I was transferred to Xichuan prison, a labor camp which operates as an industrial manufacturer under the name of ‘‘Qinghai Xifa Water and 

Electricity Equipment Manufacture Installment Limited Liability Company.’’ My 

physical condition declined here and I contracted hepatitis B. Even though doctors 

did visit prisoners regularly, apart from draining blood from me many times, I never 

received a diagnosis or any medical treatment. My family members sent me some 

medicines, but it was only after my release from prison in 2014 that I received proper treatment and was able to spend 15 days in the hospital. 

While in prison, I wrote many letters to my sister and family members and the 

prison authorities took them, saying they would be sent on. After release, I discovered that none of the letters had arrived. In March 2012, it was discovered that I 

tried to smuggle a letter to the outside world. This letter was a long appeal to then 

Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, outlining the corrupt prison 

system and the discrimination that Tibetan prisoners suffer. I was punished by 

being placed in solitary confinement for 84 days. 

In August 2012, I was transferred from Xichuan labor camp to Qinghai Provincial 

Women’s Prison, the main prison for women. Conditions there were an improvement 

on Xichuan. 

Release 

I was released from prison on June 5, 2014 very early, at around 4 a.m. Unexpectedly, I was suddenly taken somewhere—to what looked like another prison. I was 

worried as I thought I was being transferred to another prison and not being released. There were lots of police and authorities there from Labrang; they said they 

wanted to take me to Labrang, but I told them I wanted to go to Khotse. It all took 

a long time and I didn’t get to my sister’s home in Khotse until late afternoon that 

day. 

Following the release I was always monitored closely and the police would contact 

me on my phone constantly. I didn’t feel free at all as I was not allowed to contact 

or meet my friends. Even those friends who were in touch with me or visited me 

would be harassed by authorities. I wanted to study and improve my Tibetan and 

I wanted to work, but in those three and a half years I couldn’t do anything. Feeling 

frustrated and increasingly isolated, I decided that it would be better to escape from 

the PRC rather than stay there under those circumstances without any freedom. 

With the help of Jamyang Tsultrim, I made a plan to escape unnoticed from the 

authorities. It was a long and risky journey to safety, but it was worth it when I 

arrived in San Francisco on December 25, 2017 and was reunited with my family. 

While in Tibet, I had some information that the outside world, including the 

United States Government, was concerned about my situation. The Swiss, Dutch 

and the German governments were also concerned about me. The attention from 

outside, from civil societies around the world, as well as from governments, definitely helped me. This was reflected for example in the way my prison inmates and 

the prison administration treated me. Though I suffered from being restricted in my 

communications with my relatives, to the extent that I was isolated from the outside 

world, I was less subject to arbitrary punishments and beatings. 

I feel your support for cases like me and Tibet in general could be of greater effect 

if we regularly recall the ground reality. 

1. There are thousands of Tibetans like me, actively involved in the struggle. Tibetans in Tibet are not victims but agents of change trying to explore and use every 

opportunity to fight for a better future. We need support and partnership from the 

outside world. 

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2. Every attempt for more freedom or democracy is oppressed by China. It is 

against the nature of this regime to tolerate freedom and democracy, be it in China, 

in Tibet and ultimately in the rest of the world. 

I am very aware about the support the United States Congress and Administration has given to the Tibetan cause, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan 

people in the past. I know that there is the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan 

Issues in the State Department, who I would have liked to meet. But I am told no 

one has been appointed to this position as yet. I am also informed about some important legislation on Tibet that was introduced in Congress, including the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act. 

I am not a politician and my knowledge about the specifics of your legislative 

process is limited. My friends from International Campaign for Tibet in Washington 

explained the goal and some important details of their recommendations to Congress to me. I am happy to support these recommendations: 

• Actions taken by the U.S. Congress on Tibet send a strong message to the people in Tibet. However, the systematic suppression of a free press and reporting 

from Tibet can only be fought with a systematic counterapproach. Therefore, 

Congress should pass the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017; 

• Pass the resolution expressing the sense of Congress that the treatment of the 

Tibetan people should be an important factor in the conduct of United States 

relations with the People’s Republic of China. 

• Ask the U.S. Administration to raise Tibet in appropriate international fora, 

including U.N. bodies; 

• Urge China to release Tibetan political prisoners, including the 11th Panchen 

Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima. 

My wish is that whatever measures you take, that you do it with the strongest 

possible conviction and in the most forceful and wise manner. 

As a Tibetan, who tried his best to give a voice to his fellow countrymen, I can 

assure you the Tibetans in Tibet have not given up. 

I would like to take this opportunity to thank you all sincerely. 

Thank you. 

Dhondup Wangchen 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF TENZIN DORJEE

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

Thank you to the Co-Chairs of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China 

(CECC), Senator Marco Rubio (R–FL) and Representative Christopher Smith (R– 

NJ), for holding today’s hearing, Tibet ‘‘From all Angles.’’ I am Tenzin Dorjee, a 

Commissioner on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 

(USCIRF). USCIRF is an independent, bipartisan U.S. Federal government commission created by the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA). The Commission uses international standards to monitor the universal right of religion or belief 

abroad and makes policy recommendations to the Congress, President and Secretary 

of State. 

Today’s hearing comes at a crucial time for the people of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism. The plight of the following individuals helps underscore why: 

• Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the Panchen Lama, is one of the world’s longest-held 

prisoners of conscience. Chinese government authorities kidnapped the then sixyear-old boy and his family on May 18, 1995. They have not been heard from 

since. 

• Tashi Wangchuk, a Tibetan language advocate accused of separatism, faced a 

one-day sham trial in January 2018 and could be sentenced to up to 15 years 

in prison. 

• Choekyi, a Tibetan monk, is in failing health as he serves a four-year sentence, 

imprisoned for celebrating the Dalai Lama’s birthday. 

These three Tibetans are prisoners of conscience whom the Chinese government 

ruthlessly has detained. The appendix to my testimony lists many others. 

I am full of joy that Dhondup Wangchen is with us today. He managed to escape 

China where he was a prisoner of conscience. He had been imprisoned, experiencing 

both hard labor and solitary confinement, and then placed under police surveillance 

after his release more than three years ago. The Chinese government targeted him 

for making a documentary, ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ In this documentary, Tibetans 

told the truth about living under Chinese rule, their love for the Dalai Lama, and 

their view that the 2008 Beijing Olympics would not help improve their lives. 

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However, I am deeply saddened that the only way he and his family can live in 

safety and freedom was for them to have escaped Tibet. This is the case because 

the Chinese government ruthlessly seeks total domination in Tibet. The government 

forces Tibetans to assimilate into the dominant Han culture, seeks to control Buddhism, and restricts the teaching of the Tibetan language. The government views 

any efforts to preserve the Tibetan religion, language, and culture (that would help 

ensure the continuation of the Tibetan people) as antithetical to this effort and the 

government’s goal of advancing its so-called ‘‘sinicization’’ of religion. Through this 

strategy, the government seeks to turn all aspects of faith into a socialist mold infused with ‘‘Chinese characteristics.’’ This strategy reinforces the government’s existing and pervasive policies that, over time, have turned Tibet into a police state. 

My fellow Commissioner, Father Thomas J. Reese, S.J., spoke about the plight of 

Tibetan Buddhists under Chinese government repression during his testimony before the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on February 6, 2018 on ‘‘Preventing Mass Atrocities I.’’ 

I testify today as a proud Tibetan American and a refugee from Tibet, whom my 

parents smuggled out as an infant. Like tens of thousands of other Tibetans, we 

were forced to flee Tibet due to the Chinese Communist People’s Liberation Army’s 

brutal invasion of Tibet beginning in 1950 and the repression that has followed ever 

since. 

In my testimony, I make six points to highlight the violations the Chinese government has committed to repress religious freedom in Tibet and take over my homeland. I also make recommendations on what the U.S. government can do to address 

the Chinese government’s violations of the Tibetan people’s religious freedom and 

other human rights. I also highlight in my testimony cases of prisoners of conscience 

to shine a light on both their situations and the increasingly dire conditions of Tibetan Buddhists in China. 

1. The Chinese government implements countless oppressive restrictions 

in Tibet, which they justify as the means to counter the ‘‘three evil forces 

of separatism, extremism and terrorism.’’ 

In December 2016, Tibet’s Communist Party Chief Wu Yingjie publicly stated that 

he expects the Party’s control over religion in Tibet to increase. He has remained 

true to his word. 

The Chinese government implements restrictions in the Tibetan Autonomous Region, but also has tightened controls in Tibetan areas of other provinces. These restrictions include: reeducation campaigns; extensive surveillance, through for example, security forces and closed-circuit television; Internet and mobile phone monitoring; limiting travel both domestically and internationally; and the intrusive presence of the military and security forces. The government also quickly suppresses 

any perceived religious dissent, including through firing at unarmed people. 

While these policies are set at the highest levels in Beijing, Chen Quanguo perfected the surveillance state as a way to maintain stability when he was Tibet’s 

Party Secretary. He developed a grid management system throughout Tibet that extended security operations to the grassroots level to fight the ‘‘Dalai clique.’’ (In 

early 2017, Chen Quanguo became the new leader in Xinjiang, where he is implementing an intensive securitization program that mirrors his efforts in Tibet.) His 

replacement in Tibet, Wu Yingjie, has been linked to previous crackdowns in Tibet, 

and has called for continued struggle against ‘‘the Dalai Lama clique.’’ 

These high-tech and other efforts followed the Chinese government’s brutal crushing of protests between 1987 and 1989 and the implementation of additional restrictions after demonstrations that took place in 2008. On March 10, 2008, the anniversary of the failed 1959 uprising, monks from Drepung monastery peacefully protested against the government’s ‘‘patriotic education’’ programs and other restrictions on their freedom of religion or belief. Supportive demonstrations in Lhasa led 

to property destruction, arrests, and numerous deaths, with demonstrations spreading to Tibetan areas outside the Tibetan Autonomous Region. To this day, the Chinese government has not provided full details or a credible accounting of those detained, missing, or ‘‘disappeared’’ for their role or participation in the demonstrations. Those accused have not been given adequate legal representation and their 

trials, if held at all, were closed. 

2. The Chinese government views His Holiness the Dalai Lama as a threat 

to its control because officials recognize his central importance to the Tibetan people. Devotion to the Dalai Lama is a core tenet for many Tibetan 

Buddhists. 

The Dalai Lama, who fled Tibet in 1959, seeks to peacefully resolve the issue of 

Tibet and bring about stability and co-existence between the Tibetan and Chinese 

people through the ‘‘Middle Way’’ policy. This policy seeks to peacefully and nonvosborn on LAP6TQMWD2 with DISTILLER

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violently resolve Sino-Tibetan issues via mutual respect and dialogue for mutual 

benefit. Yet Chinese officials regularly and continually vilify him, viewing him as 

a threat to their power, even though political authority has belonged since 2011 to 

the President of the Central Tibetan Administration in exile. They accuse the Dalai 

Lama of blasphemy and splittism and refer to him as a ‘‘wolf in monk’s robes.’’ 

The Chinese government also cracks down on anyone suspected of so-called separatist activities and for participating in the ‘‘Dalai clique.’’ Monks and nuns who 

refuse to denounce the Dalai Lama or do not pledge loyalty to Beijing have been 

expelled from their monasteries, imprisoned, and tortured. Despite these harsh 

measures, Tibetan Buddhists continue to revere the Dalai Lama as their spiritual 

leader and take great risks to find ways to express their devotion. 

Beijing continually seeks to diminish the Dalai Lama’s international influence, 

issuing threats to other countries, including the United States. For instance, after 

the Dalai Lama delivered a commencement speech in June 2017 at the University 

of California, San Diego, the Chinese Communist Party-controlled ‘‘Global Times’’ 

condemned the university and its chancellor for inviting him to speak, saying he 

must ‘‘bear the consequences,’’ and threatened that visas would be withheld from 

the chancellor as would future exchanges with the university. I focus more on the 

long arm of China later in my testimony. 

Officially atheist, the Chinese government absurdly claims the power to select the 

next Dalai Lama, citing a law that grants the government authority over reincarnations. It is alarming to imagine a scenario in which there could be two Dalai Lamas, 

one named by China and the other recognized by Tibetans. 

However, the Chinese government does not have the authority to name the next 

Dalai Lama or other reincarnated religious leaders of Tibet. China cannot control 

the real reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. Such a decision is reserved to the current 

Dalai Lama, Tibetan Buddhist leaders, and the Tibetan people. The Dalai Lama has 

reiterated that it is for the Tibetan people to determine whether the institution of 

the Dalai Lama is still relevant or if he should be the last Dalai Lama. If there is 

another Dalai Lama, he has said that the next one will be born in freedom, not 

under Chinese control, and that each Dalai Lama has reincarnated to fulfill the unfinished works of his predecessor. 

While the Dalai Lama hopes to return to Tibet in his lifetime, the Chinese government is waiting for him to die outside of China, and views his death as key to resolving Sino-Tibetan issues. However, the consequences of the Dalai Lama passing 

away in exile will be unimaginable to Tibetans both inside and outside of Tibet. 

Given such uncertainty, it is conceivable that some Tibetans may resort to violence 

that could further undermine stability and security in the region, and others would 

be driven to self-immolate. 

3. The Chinese government imposes intrusive restrictions on public and 

private religious practice. 

Since the 2008 demonstrations: 

• Provincial authorities monitor the training, assembly, publications, selection, 

education, and speeches of Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders. Monks are directed to attend ‘‘patriotic education’’ sessions consisting of pro-government 

propaganda. 

• Authorities prohibit children from participating in religious holidays, threatening them with expulsion from school if they fail to comply. 

• The state controls the movement and education of monks and nuns, the building or repairing of religious venues, and the conducting of large-scale religious 

gatherings. 

• Authorities have installed a heavy security presence at monasteries and nunneries, monitoring and surveilling in and around the properties. 

Rigorous study and practice are very important to Tibetan Buddhism. The Chinese government seeks to strike at the heart of Tibetan Buddhism by attacking the 

Tibetan religious and educational institute of Larung Gar, which is one of the largest Tibetan Buddhist institutes in the world and is located in Sichuan Province. The 

destruction and micromanagement at Larung Gar, as well as at Yachen Gar, exemplifies Beijing’s two goals: eviscerating the teachings and study of Tibetan Buddhism 

that are integral to the practice and traditions of the faith; and reshaping them to 

adapt Tibetan Buddhism to socialist society and serve the goals of the Chinese Communist Party and Chinese government. 

Larung Gar was home to more than 10,000 monks, nuns, laypeople, and students 

of Buddhism from all over the world. While cadres since October 2011 have been 

stationed in all monasteries in the Tibet Autonomous Region, west of Larung Gar, 

and have taken over the management committee of each monastery, the government’s actions in Larung Gar are unprecedented in scope. 

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In July 2016, the government launched a sweeping operation, demolishing significant parts of this institute, with local officials referring to the project as ‘‘construction’’ or ‘‘renovation.’’ Thousands of monastics, laypeople, and students were evicted. 

Some reportedly were locked out of their homes before they could collect their belongings, or were forced to sign pledges promising never to return. Many others 

were forced to undergo so-called ‘‘patriotic reeducation programs’’ and have been 

prohibited from returning. 

The demolition order also included language governing ideology and future religious activities at Larung Gar and gave government officials—who are largely Han 

Chinese, not Tibetan—greater control and oversight of the institute, including direct 

control over laypeople. The order also mandated the separation of the monastery 

from the institute, running counter to the Tibetan tradition of one blended encampment with both religious and lay education. 

According to reports from Human Rights Watch, in January 2018, 200 Communist 

Party cadres and lay officials reportedly took over the management, finances, security, admissions, and choice of textbooks at Larung Gar. The individuals in charge 

of this pervasive new management system will limit the number allowed to stay 

there; establish a ‘‘grid management’’ system; subject residents and visitors to ‘‘realname registration’’; and require monks to have red tags, nuns yellow tags, and lay 

devotees green tags for identification. According to an official document Human 

Rights Watch reviewed, 40 percent of teaching at Larung Gar reportedly now must 

consist of classes in politics and other non-religious subjects; a criterion for accepting students will be their support for ‘‘Chinese culture, the Chinese Communist 

Party, and socialism with ‘‘Chinese characteristics;’’ the goal of study will include 

to ‘‘honor and support the Chinese Communist Party and the socialist system’’ and 

train monks who ‘‘defend the unification of the Motherland, uphold national unity 

and patriotic religion and abide by their vows.’’ In addition, monks and nuns who 

are from areas other than Sichuan Province will be prohibited from applying to 

Larung Gar. 

Also located in Sichuan Province, Yachen Gar had a population of about 10,000 

people, mostly nuns, before expulsions began in April 2016. By September 2016, 

about 1,000 nuns had been expelled, and 200 dwellings had been demolished. In August 2017, authorities issued instructions to remove 3,500 homes belonging to 

monks and nuns to allow for the construction of a series of roads within Yachen 

Gar. Monks and nuns were ordered to register their identity cards and sign and give 

thumb prints to a document to certify how long they had lived at Yachen Gar. The 

document committed residents to returning to their native regions of Tibet, never 

returning to Yachen Gar after leaving, and advised not to express any disagreement 

with these actions. 

Family members of nuns reportedly were threatened with punishment if the nuns 

did not return to their place of household registration. 2,000 more nuns and monks 

reportedly were ordered expelled, along with the demolition of 2,000 more dwellings, 

by the end of 2017. 

4. Detaining religious prisoners of conscience is a tool the Chinese government uses to control Tibetan Buddhists. 

The Chinese government detains, subjects to sham trials, imprisons and tortures 

religious prisoners of conscience. Please see the appendix for a selected list of Tibetan religious prisoners of conscience extracted from the Congressional-Executive 

Commission on China’s list of prisoners of conscience. 

I here focus on several prisoners, beginning with the Panchen Lama, who holds 

the second highest position in Tibetan Buddhism; and Tashi Wangchuk, an advocate 

for the Tibetan language, which is integral to the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. 

While one is a religious leader and the other is a lay activist, the Chinese government has disappeared one and unjustly detained the other. I also will highlight the 

case of Choekyi, a Tibetan monk imprisoned for his devotion to the Dalai Lama. 

The Chinese government fears Tashi Wangchuk as much as it does the Panchen 

Lama, who holds the second highest position in Tibetan Buddhism. The Chinese 

government seeks to silence Tashi Wangchuk because it believes that Tibetan language acquisition would impede the sinicization of the education system and Tibetan assimilation into the majority Han culture. 

The Chinese government seeks to systematically destroy the Tibetan language to 

help facilitate the assimilation into the dominant ethnic Han culture of Tibetans, 

who already face pressure from economic changes and a Chinese government fearful 

of ethnic and religious separatism. 

The Panchen Lama: Gedhun Choekyi Nyima is now one of the world’s longestheld prisoners of conscience. After the death of the 10th Panchen Lama, His Holiness the Dalai Lama chose Gedhun on May 15, 1995 to be the 11th Panchen Lama, 

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the second highest position in Tibetan Buddhism. Three days after his selection, 

Chinese government authorities kidnapped then six-year-old Gedhun and his family. 

On November 11, 1995, Chinese authorities announced their own pick to serve as 

the Panchen Lama: Gyancain Norbu. Most Tibetan Buddhists reject the government’s selection. 

In the more than 20 years since his abduction, Chinese authorities have provided 

little information about his whereabouts, alleging that they need to protect him 

from being ‘‘kidnapped by separatists.’’ In May 2007, Asma Jahangir, then-Special 

Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief of the UN Human Rights Council, asked 

Chinese authorities what measures they had taken to implement the recommendation of the Committee on the Rights of the Child and suggested that the government 

allow an independent expert to visit and confirm Gedhun’s well-being. On July 17, 

2007, the Chinese authorities said that he is a ‘‘perfectly ordinary Tibetan boy’’ attending school and leading a normal life, and that he ‘‘does not wish to be disturbed.’’ Authorities say that the state employs both parents and that his brothers 

and sisters are either working or at university. They must provide videographic evidence for these claims. 

The Chinese government, while officially atheist, believes it has the authority to 

replace the Panchen Lama with its own selection, as it does the Dalai Lama. In 

2016, the government published online a list of 870 ‘‘authentic living Buddhas.’’ 

However, the Chinese government does not have the authority to name any of the 

reincarnated religious leaders of Tibet. 

As part of USCIRF’s Religious Prisoner of Conscience Project, I have chosen to 

work on behalf of the Panchen Lama, highlighting his case and the laws and policies of the Chinese government that led to his disappearance. 

Tashi Wangchuk: Tashi Wangchuk is a Tibetan entrepreneur and education advocate known for promoting a deeper understanding of the Tibetan language as integral to the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. He was detained on January 27, 2016 

after speaking to the ‘‘New York Times’’ for a documentary video and two articles 

on Tibetan education and culture. His relatives did not know he was detained until 

March 24, despite a Chinese law requiring notification within 24 hours. He was indicted in January 2017 for ‘‘inciting separatism,’’ and went on trial on January 4, 

2018. The trial closed without a verdict being announced. He could face up to 15 

years in prison if found guilty. 

Tashi Wangchuk called on Tibetans to protect their culture and focused on the 

need for bilingual education and Tibetan language instruction across the Tibetan regions of China. According to the Dalai Lama, Tibetan language preservation is crucially important because the complete teachings of Buddha, especially philosophy, 

science of mind and emotions, and metaphysics, are best preserved in the Tibetan 

language. 

Monasteries, the heart of Tibetan society, had served as vital educational institutions, with monks and nuns among the elite few who could read and write before 

Tibet came under Chinese Communist rule. Until recently, many monasteries held 

classes on the written language for ordinary people, and monks often gave lessons 

while traveling. However, Chinese officials in many areas ordered monasteries to 

end these classes, although Tibetan can still be taught to young monks. 

The estimated literacy rate in Tibet among Tibetans in China currently has fallen 

well below 20 percent, and continues to decline, as the Chinese government actively 

discourages its teaching, and does not use the Tibetan language in government offices, thereby violating, according to Tashi Wangchuk, the Chinese constitution. In 

2012, officials largely eliminated Tibetan as a language of instruction in primary 

and secondary schools and ordered the use of Chinese instead. Many Tibetan teachers were laid off, and new Chinese textbooks were introduced that did not include 

detailed information on Tibetan history or culture. 

Choekyi, a Tibetan monk, is another prisoner of conscience, punished because of 

his expressed fidelity to the Dalai Lama; Chinese authorities since 2008 have punished displays of loyalty to the Dalai Lama. Choekyi was arrested in 2015 and sentenced to four years in prison in Sichuan for conducting ‘‘separatist activities’’ and 

wearing a shirt with Tibetan text that called for celebrating the Dalai Lama’s 80th 

birthday. His health has deteriorated in prison where he reportedly is in critical 

condition after he was tortured and forced to perform hard labor, although he was 

in poor health prior to entering prison, suffering from kidney problems, jaundice and 

other conditions. Family members have very limited visitation privileges and are not 

allowed to bring him food or medicine. 

The European Parliament on January 18, 2018 passed a resolution in support of 

human rights activists in China, including Tashi Wangchuk and Choekyi. The resolution calls for their immediate and unconditional release; expresses its deep concern ‘‘at the arrest and continued detention of Tashi Wangchuk, as well as his limvosborn on LAP6TQMWD2 with DISTILLER

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ited right to counsel, the lack of evidence against him and the irregularities in the 

criminal investigation’’; and urges the Chinese government to allow Choekyi’s ‘‘relatives and the lawyers of his choice to visit him and, in particular, to provide him 

with adequate medical care.’’ 

I here highlight two other Tibetan religious prisoners of conscience who did not 

survive their brutal imprisonment: 

• Goshul Lobsang: In 2008, authorities arrested Goshul Lobsang for his role in 

organizing a protest against the government. While in prison, he was subjected 

to extreme malnourishment and brutal torture, including regular injections and 

repeated stabbings. In March 2014, following his release, Lobsang died due to 

his horrendous mistreatment. 

• Tenzin Delek Rinpoche: Chinese authorities arrested Tenzin Delek Rinpoche, a 

prominent Tibetan religious leader, in April 2002, accusing him of being involved in a 2002 bomb attack, and charging him with separatism and terrorism. 

He initially was given a death sentence, contingent on good behavior, with a 

two-year reprieve. His sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, and then 

subsequently to 20 years in prison. However, before his death in prison in 2015, 

he described to family members the torture he had endured, including repeated 

beatings. The government had denied his family’s request that he be granted 

medical parole, instead arresting those who advocated justice for him. 

After his death in prison, Tenzin Delek’s family requested to see his body and 

that it be returned to them for proper Buddhist burial rites. But Chinese authorities cruelly cremated the body and refused to hand over his ashes, leading 

many to be suspicious about the cause of his death. Even in death, the Chinese 

government continued to defame Tenzin Delek, calling him a criminal and a 

fake religious leader, and authorities banned public memorials in honor of his 

passing. Authorities subsequently detained his sister and niece for nearly two 

weeks after they requested that his body be turned over to them. In 2016, 

Tenzin Delek’s niece, Nyima Lhamo, fled China to seek justice. 

5. At least 152 Tibetans have self-immolated since February 2009: 

According to the International Campaign for Tibet, 124 are men and 28 are 

women; 121 are known to have died following their protest; 26 are 18 or under; 13 

were monks at Kirti Monastery in Ngaba; 11 were former monks there; and two 

were nuns from Mame Dechen Chokorling nunnery in Ngaba. Many of these 

protestors supported the Dalai Lama and freedom for Tibet. 

Chinese authorities in Tibet seek to prevent the dissemination, especially outside 

of Tibet, of information about self-immolations. Instead of acknowledging its role in 

prompting self-immolation, the government threatens family members with collective punishment, detains those suspected of sharing information, and harshly sentences and tortures those suspected of being involved. Because of these brutal measures, self-immolations recently have become less frequent. 

The Chinese government would have the world believe that self-immolators commit ‘‘terrorist acts in disguise,’’ and/or were manipulated by external cults for their 

political ends. In fact, the government views self-immolations as threats to stability 

and security. The government’s response, more repression and more controls, has 

led to more antipathy from the people and more self-immolations. Why have these 

people chosen to self-immolate? The Dalai Lama describes them as ‘‘desperate acts 

by people seeking justice and freedom.’’ Others view self-immolation as one of the 

few available forms of protest given the almost complete securitization in Tibetan 

areas and the resulting difficulty of collective acts of resistance. Even small peaceful 

acts of defiance, such as having a picture of the Dalai Lama, can bring detention 

and disappearance. 

According to the International Campaign for Tibet, protestors who self-immolated 

in 2017 include: 

• Konpe, a young Tibetan man of about 30, set fire to himself on December 23, 

2017. He died in Ngaba close to the site of the first self-immolation in Tibet 

eight years ago. The police immediately took him away, and he reportedly died 

the next day. 

• Tenga, a popular Tibetan monk in his sixties, self-immolated on November 26, 

2017 in Kardze, in the eastern Tibetan area of Kham. He had worked as a volunteer teacher. He reportedly called for freedom for Tibet as he was burning. 

Armed police reportedly arrived quickly and took away his body. Some sources 

reported that there was an immediate area lockdown, with internet communications blocked. 

• A young Tibetan monk, Jamyang Losel, set himself on fire on May 19, 2017, 

in Malho Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai. He was immediately 

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taken to a hospital in Xining, the provincial capital, but died there the same 

day. According to social media reports, his body was not returned to his family. 

• A Tibetan teenager, Chagdor Kyab, reportedly self-immolated on May 2, 2017 

in Bora in Gansu, the Tibetan area of Amdo. His whereabouts are unknown, 

as is whether he still is alive. After setting himself on fire near Bora monastery, 

this 16-year-old protester reportedly shouted, ‘‘Tibet wants freedom’’ and ‘‘Let 

His Holiness the Dalai Lama come back to Tibet’’ while he burned. 

6. The Long Arm of China: 

The Chinese government attempts to control the discussion of sensitive topics and 

censor information and criticism about its actions in Tibet. The government also 

seeks to intimidate critics of its repressive policies. These pervasive efforts are not 

confined to the geographic limits of Tibet or China. Rather, the Chinese government 

aggressively seeks to shape public opinion, controlling the narrative worldwide, including in the United States, through intimidation, pressure, harassment, and fear, 

in its quest to create a positive view of China. For example, the Chinese government 

in 2017 issued stern warnings to countries like Botswana and India about the Dalai 

Lama’s planned appearances; in the former case, the Dalai Lama ultimately canceled the trip due to exhaustion, and in the latter, his visit to disputed border areas 

of Arunachal Pradesh state underscored regional tensions. 

China’s long arm and heavy hand are especially evident in Nepal where about 

20,000 Tibetans reside. Leader Nancy Pelosi (D–CA) and a Congressional delegation 

visited Tibetans in Nepal last summer. Under pressure from the Chinese government, the Nepalese government has canceled or limited many Tibetan gatherings, 

including those commemorating the Dalai Lama’s birthday, and forcibly returned 

some Tibetans to China. The Nepalese government has installed heightened security 

measures on the border to limit the historical migration of Tibetans into Nepal. Tibetans living in Nepal also face limitations on getting refugee certificates, drivers 

licenses, employment, and exit visas to leave Nepal. Many of them live in former 

detention camps and without documentation, cannot go to school, and have difficulty 

finding work. Monks reportedly are prohibited from publicly criticizing China, participating in Tibetan independence activities, displaying the Dalai Lama’s picture, 

or celebrating his birthday. Chinese secret police reportedly organize patrols in 

Nepal. The country’s foreign Minister, Mahendra Bahadur Pandey, assured Chinese 

officials on an official visit that Nepal would ‘‘never allow any forces to use Nepali 

territory to engage in anti-China activity.’’ 

China’s long arm and heavy hand pose serious concerns for democratic norms and 

institutions in the United States. I earlier cited the Chinese government’s pressure 

on the University of California, San Diego, for inviting the Dalai Lama to deliver 

the commencement address. 

Other examples of the Chinese government’s aggressive efforts at U.S. educational 

institutions include: 

• International Students: A minority of Chinese students in the United States 

have worked closely with the Chinese government, through the Chinese Students and Scholars Association (CSSA), to further its agenda of control by promoting a pro-China agenda and seeking to limit anti-Chinese speech on Western campuses. Some have characterized the group as a ‘‘tool of the government’s 

foreign ministry.’’ This group helped lead the opposition to the Dalai Lama’s 

speech at the University of California. A May 2017 New York Times article 

noted how the group at Duke University was accused of inciting a harassment 

campaign in 2008 against a Chinese student who tried to mediate between sides 

in a Tibet protest; and that in rare instances members of the group have been 

accused of spying. 

I personally have experienced and witnessed the Chinese government’s use of 

CSSA to promote a pro-China agenda. In 2008, when I was a doctoral student 

at the University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB), over a hundred international Chinese students tried to disrupt a peaceful event about Tibet that the 

Santa Barbara Friends of Tibet had organized. They carried huge Chinese flags 

and posters picturing the feudal system of old Tibet, probably given to them by 

the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, and shouted denunciations of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I was standing alone with a Tibetan flag at one corner 

when about thirty Chinese students encircled me. They screamed at me and 

hurled epithets at me, calling me a ‘‘terrorist’’ and ‘‘bastard.’’ I stood my ground 

nonviolently and tried to engage them in dialogue and challenged their verbal 

attacks and biased views on Tibet and His Holiness. Another Tibetan student, 

Tenzin Sherab, had a similar experience. About thirty Chinese students also encircled and screamed at Dr. Jose ́ Cabezo ́n, the Dalai Lama Chair in the Department of Religion at UCSB. 

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• Confucius Institutes: There are 110 Confucius Institutes (largely in colleges and 

universities) and 501 Confucius Classrooms (in primary and secondary schools) 

in the United States. Their mandate is to promote cultural exchange through 

instruction in the Chinese language and culture. A Chinese state organ 

(Hanban) selects the teachers and materials, thereby allowing them to promote 

the ideology and policy goals of the Chinese government. Critics have raised 

concerns that this arrangement helps Beijing soften its authoritarian image and 

that cooperating universities and classrooms unwittingly help the Chinese government promote censorship abroad, while undermining human rights and academic freedom by helping to shape public opinion on key political and human 

rights issues such as Tibet. The National Association of Scholars issued a report 

in April 2017 noting reasons for concern, with universities making ‘‘improper 

concessions that jeopardize academic freedom and institutional autonomy.’’ 

RECOMMENDATIONS

As I end my testimony with some recommendations, I would like to acknowledge 

the coming Losar Festival in honor of the Tibetan New Year, which begins this Friday, February 16. The start of every new year offers us the opportunity to reflect 

and, with respect to Tibet, consider how U.S. policy can help advance freedom of 

religion and belief and related human rights for the Tibetan people and others 

throughout China. USCIRF repeatedly has recommended that China be designated 

a ‘‘country of particular concern’’ (CPC) for its ‘‘systematic, ongoing, egregious’’ violations of the freedom of religion or belief, with specific sanctions associated with the 

designation. Chief among these violations is the Chinese government’s treatment of 

Tibetan Buddhists. USCIRF also recommends the following: 

Congress should: 

• Cosponsor and approve the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017 (H.R. 1872/ 

S. 821). sponsored in the House by Representatives James McGovern (D–MA) 

and Randy Hultgren (R 09IL) and in the Senate by Senators Marco Rubio (R– 

FL) and Tammy Baldwin (D–WI). 

This bill would deny entry into the United States to Chinese government officials responsible for creating or administering restrictions on U.S. government 

officials, journalists, independent observers, and tourists seeking to travel to Tibetan areas. It is unacceptable that the Chinese enjoy broad access to the 

United States while U.S. citizens’ access to Tibet is highly restricted. Mutual 

access and reciprocity is key to maintaining a viable relationship between the 

United States and China. 

• Send regular Congressional delegations focused on religious freedom and related human rights to China and request to visit Tibet, and advocate on behalf 

of individual prisoners of conscience and persons whom the Chinese government 

has detained or disappeared, as well as their family members. 

• Appropriate funds for programs supporting the Tibetan people, including Tibetan language broadcasts, to preserve their distinctive language, religion and 

culture in accordance with the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002. 

• Adopt and advocate on behalf of Tibetan prisoners of conscience to draw attention to their cases, their ill treatment, and their families and loved ones. 

The U.S. government should: 

• Appoint a qualified and experienced individual to serve as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues at the U.S. Department of State, as mandated by the 

Tibetan Policy Act of 2002. 

• Use targeted tools against specific officials and agencies identified as having 

participated in or being responsible for human rights abuses, including particularly severe violations of religious freedom; these tools include the ‘‘specially 

designated nationals’’ list maintained by the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s 

Office of Foreign Assets Control, visa denials under section 604(a) of IRFA and 

the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, and asset freezes 

under the Global Magnitsky Act. 

• Urge the Chinese government to provide videographic evidence of the well-being 

of the Panchen Lama. 

• Press the Chinese government to restart the dialogue leading to a negotiated 

agreement on Tibet and allow the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet for a visit if 

he so desires. 

• Press for at the highest levels and work to secure the unconditional release of 

prisoners of conscience and religious freedom advocates, and press the Chinese 

government to treat prisoners humanely and allow them access to family, 

human rights monitors, lawyers, and adequate medical care from independent 

health care professionals, and the ability to practice their faith. 

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• Press the Chinese government to abide by its commitments under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or 

Punishment, and also independently investigate reports of torture among individuals detained or imprisoned. 

APPENDIX—TIBETAN BUDDHIST PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE

* This selected list of 475 prisoners of conscience, compiled on February 8, 2018, 

is from the Congressional-Executive Commission on China’s database. 

The list of prisoners detained since March 2008 includes prisoners who currently 

are (1) detained or imprisoned, (2) detained and serving a life sentence, (3) detained 

and presumed to be serving a life sentence, (4) presumed to be imprisoned or detained, (5) presumed detained and serving a life sentence, and (6) presumed detained and presumed serving a life sentence. 

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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention 

I : I .,,~- -~-~-·;-~ current (or last) provmce where 

number status detention pnson, detention sentence {or bm e 1mpnsoned (or 

center, or Site served}· years detamed) 

2008-00114 DET Lodroe 3/10/2008 n 10 Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto Reaion 

2008--00218 DET Tenzm Gyephel 5/19/2008 n? 12 T1bet {Xizang] 

Auto Reaion 

2008-00284 DET Sonam Lhatso nun (Buddhist} 5/14/2008 son? 10 S1chuan ProVInce 

2004-00243 DET/Iife Wangdu M NGO, health 3/14/2008 nson Tibet {X1zangj 

Drapchi) Auto. Ret~ion 

2004-01637 DET Nyima Dragpa M layperson? 4/19/2008 Deyang Prison 12 Sichuan Province 

2008-00678 DET Mlgmar Dondrub M 3/14/2008 Qushui Prison? 14 Tibet {Xizang] 

Chushur Auto. Reoion 

2008-00685 DET ' Sonam Dragpa M monk {Buddhist) 2008/03/dd Qushui Prison 10 Tibet [Xizang] 

Chushur) Auto. Reoion 

2008-00688 DET Yeshe Choedron doctor, retired 2008/03/dd TAR Prison 15 Tibet [Xizang] 

{Drapchi Auto. Reaion 

2008-00689 DET Sanam Tseten M 2008!03/dd Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet [Xizang} 

Chushur Auto. Reaion 

2009·00060 OF.:T Gyaltsen M monk (Buddhist) 3/15/2008 Qushui Prison? 15 Tibet [Xizang) 

Chushur Auto. Reaion 

2009.00061 DET Nyima Tashi M monk {Buddhist) 3/15/2008 Qushui Prison? 13 Tibet [Xizang} 

Chushur Auto. Reaion 

2009~00062 DET Phuntsog M monk (Buddhist) 3/15/2008 ~uhs: ~;~son? 13 Tibet [Xlzangj 

Auto. Reaion 

2009--00065 DET Tenzin Buchung M monk {Buddhist) 3/15/2008 ~u:su~;~son? 15 Tibet [Xizang! 

Auto. Reoion 

2009-00066 DET Tenzin Zoepa M monk (Buddhist) 3/15/2008 ~uhs; u~;~son? 13 Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. RF>flion 

2009--00126 DET Tashi M monk (Buddhist) 2/27/2009 Oeyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2009~00128 DET Konchog Tsephe! M Internet, Web site 2/26/2009 Lanzhou? {genera! 15 Gansu Province 

ooerator location 

200g..{)0340 DET!Jifa Tsuttrim Gyatso M monk (Buddhist} 5/22/2008 Lanzhou (general Gansu Province 

location 

2009-00341 DET Thabkhe Gyatso M monk {Buddhist) 312212008 Lanzhou (general 15 Gansu Province 

location 

2009.00388 DET Ngawang Choenyi M monk (Buddhist) 2008/04/dd Lhasa? {general 15 Tibet [Xizang] 

location Auto. Re ion 

2010-00112 DET/Iife Sonam Gonpo M school, cook 3/11/2009 Deyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2010-00113 DET Tsewang Gyatso M school, cook 3/11/2009 Deyang Prison 16 Sichuan Province 

2010-00114 DET Pema Yeshe M .,,_IE 19 Sichuan Province 

2010·00153 DET DrukarGya! M student, university 3/19/2015 Qinghai Province 

2010-00198 DET Karma Samdrub M art collector, 1/312010 15 Xinjiang Uyghur 

environmentalist Auto. Reoion 

2010-00209 DET Dasher M 3/13/2008 10 Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reaion 

2010-00223 DET Gyunne Trinle M monk (Buddhist) 3/18/2008 n 10 Sichuan Province 

2010-00269 DET? Oungphug M monk (Buddhist) 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Det. Tibet {Xizang) 

Ctr? Auto, Re ion =0 2010-00429 DET teacher, primary 2008/06/dd ~~~~~~rneral 15 Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reoion 

2010-00431 DET M monk (Buddhist} 812/2009 ~~s~s~;~son? 13 Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2010-00443 DET/Iife Jampa! Wangchug M 4/11/2008 ~~~~~~general Tibet [Xizang] 

~n Auto. Renion 

2010·00444 DET Konchog Nyima M . (Buddhist) 4/11/2008 Lhasa? (general 20 Tibet [Xizang] 

location)' Auto. Region 

2010-00445 DET Lobsang Choedar M monk {Buddhist) 8/25/2009 Mianyang Prison 13 Sichuan Province 

A-1 
47 

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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained} 

2010-00518 DET Ngawang M monk (Buddhist) 5/19/2008 Qushui Prison? 12 Tibet {XJZang] 

Chushur). Auto< Reoion 

2010-00612 DET Sonam Bagdro M business (unspec.) 2009/08/dd Qushui Prison? 15 Tibet [Xizang) 

"') Auto. Reaion 

2012-00038 DET? Tharpa M student (unspec.) 1126/2012 ang PSB Sichuan Province 

2012-00039 DET? Namkha Gyaltsen M 1/25/2012 Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? (Gutsa Auto. Rooion 

2012-00060 DET? Tsering Pa!den M 2/5/2012 Tridu PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00061 DET? Tsering Zangpo M 215/2012 Tridu PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012~00063 DET? Dorje M 2/5{2012 Tridu PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00073 DET? Tashi Palden M 2/11/2012 Kardze PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00074 DET? Dawa Dorje M researcher 2012/02/dd Lhasa? (genera! Tibet [Xizang] 

location)·- Auto. Reoion 

2012-00096 DET? Kalsang Tsuttrim M monk (Buddhist) 1/15/2012 Sog PSB Oet. Ctr? Tibet (Xizangj 

Auto. R(:"lgion 

2012~00109 DET? Rigzin Dorje M layperson 2012/03/dd Nyagrong PSB Sichuan Province 

Det. Ctr? 

2012-00110 DET? Tashi M layperson 2012103/dd Nyagrong PSB Sichuan Province 

Det Ctr? 

2012-00111 DET? Tashi Tsering M layperson 2012/03ldd Nyagrong PSB Sichuan Province 

Det.Ctr? 

2012-00127 DET? Sanggyal Gyatso M monk {Buddhist) 3123/2012 Sangchu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00128 OET? Kalsang Lodroe M monk (Buddhist) 3/23/2012 Sangchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00129 DET? Sonam M monk (Buddhist} 3/23/2012 Sangchu PSB Del. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00130 DET? Tashi Gyatso M monk (Buddhist} 3123/2012 Sangchu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00133 DET? Yeshe Choegyal M 4115/2012 Dege PSB Oet Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00135 DET? Wangchen M 4/15/2012 Oege PSB Det. ~~~uan Provincs Ctr? 

2012*00136 DET? Wangdu M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00137 DET? Lobsang Tsewang M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Det Sichuan Province 

? 

2012-00138 DET? Yeshe Jungne M 4/15/2012 PSB Det Sichuan Province 

2012-00139 DET? Tagyal M 4/1512012 Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012*00140 DET? Tenzin Tsondru M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Oet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012~00141 DET? Tengyat M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Det 1uan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00142 DET? Yonten M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Det. uan Province 

Ctr? 

2012*00143 DET? Tenzin Tsering M 4/15/2012 Dege PSB Det uan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00146 DET? Migmar Ka!sang 2012/03/dd Lhasa (general 

Aut~~=~~1 

location 

2012-00147 DET? Alo M 2012/03/dd Lhasa (general Tibet [Xizang] 

location Auto. Reoion 

A-2 
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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2012~00148 DET? lhagpa 2012/03/dd Lhasa (general Tibet {Xizang} 

location Auto. Region 

2012-00149 DET? Jamyang Tashi 2012103/dd Lhasa (general Tibet [Xizang] 

location 

'Allio R:.on 

2012-00150 DET? Choezom 2012/03/dd Lhasa (general 

location 

2012-00151 DET? Phurba Gyal M 2012/03/dd Lhasa (genera! 

location 

2012-00152 DET? Tsering Jigme 2012/03/dd Lhasa (general Tibet [XizangJ 

Auto. Reaion 

2012-00153 DET? Rabten 2012/03/dd I lhasa {general Tibet [XizangJ 

location Auto. ReQion 

2012-00157 DET? Ribo M monk (Buddhist) 2012104/dd Dege PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00158 DET? Tenzin M monk (Buddhist) 2012/04/dd Oege PSB Oat Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00159 DET? Khyithar M monk (Buddhist) 2012/04/dd Oege PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012~00160 DET? M monk (Buddhist) 2012/04/dd Dege PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00161 OET? M monk (Buddhist) 2012/04/dd Dege PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00162 DET? Kalsang ~F-dh;•t) 2012/04/dd Dege PSB Det Sichuan. Province 

err? 2012..00163 DET? Padgyal 2012104/dd Dege PSB Del Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00165 DET? Phurbu Tsering M layperson 2012/04/dd Dege PSB Oat. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00173 DET? lubum 2012/02/dd Tawu PSB De!. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00174 DET? Dragpa 2012102/dd Tawu PSB Oat Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00175 DET? Dawa 2012102/dd Tawu PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

== 2012-00176 DET? Nyandrag school, director 4/2/2012 Kardze PSB Det 

Ctc? 

2012-00177 OET? Yama Tsaring school, director 4/2/2012 Kardze PSB Det 

Ctr? 

2012-00178 DET? Sanggye Dondrub teacher 5/7/2012 Luchu PSB Oet Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00179 DET? Jamyang teacher 5/7/2012 luchu PSB Del Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00183 DET? Urgyen Tenzin M doctor (Tib. med.) 2/28/2012 Lhasa PSB Det Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctc Gutsa Auto. Re ion 

2012-00184 DET? Tenzin Thabkhe M teacher 2/25/2012 Lhasa PSB Det Tibet (Xizang] 

Ctr? Gutsa Auto. Re ion 

2012H00185 DET? Ny!ma Tsering M businessperson 2/23/2012 lhasa PSB Oet. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? (Gutsa) Auto. Region 

2012-00186 OET? Tsamchen villager (unspec.) 4/14/2012 Ngaba PSB De!. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00187 DET? Tsenor M vil!ager(unspec.) 4/14/2012 Ngaba PSB Del. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00188 DET? Tenzin Tserir'lg villager (unspec.) 4/14/2012 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctc? ;:= 2012-00190 DET? Tashi Oezer M monk (Buddhist) 3/23/2012 Nyagrong PSB 

Det. Ctr? 

2012-00191 DET? Tashi Phuntsog M monk (Buddhist) 3/23/2012 Nyagrong PSB 

Det Ctr? 

A-3 
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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current {or last) current (or last) province where 

main name occupation prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or number status detention center, or site served): years detained} 

2012-00192 DET? Saga M 3/24/2012 Nyagrong PSB Sichuan Province 

Del. Ctr? 

2012-00193 DET? Sanggye M 

~'"'" ;§ Sichuan Province 

2012-00197 DET? Khedrub Dorje M monk (Buddhist) 3/7/2012 Sichuan Province 

2012..00198 OET? Karma Thartam M 3/1012012 PSB Oet. Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Region 

2012-00199 DET? Siga M 3/10/2012 PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. R~_gfon 

2012-00200 DET? Dzom!ha Kar M 3/10/2012 OriruPSBDet. Tibet {Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012-00201 DET? Drugdrag M 3/14/2012 OriruPSBOet. Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012-00202 DET? Tsegon M 3/14/2012 

DriruPS;3 Tibet {Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012~00203 DET? Yeshe Dorje M 3/16/2012 Gepasumdo Qinghai Province 

!{general location 

2012~00204 DET? Sherab Palsang M monk (Buddhist) 3/16/2012 Gepasumdo n) Qinghai Province 

l(generallocation 

2012~00205 DET? Pema Rigzin M monk (Buddhist) 3/16/2012 Gepasumdo Qinghai Province 

enerallocation) 

2012~00206 DET? Jang Rin M monk (Buddhist) 3/16/2012 Gepasumdo Qinghai Province 

l(generallocation 

2012~00208 

2012...00209 

DET 

DET 

Khedrub 

Sanggye 

Gyatso M 

"' 

monk, senior 2012102/dd 

2012/02/dd 

Qinghai 

location), 

Qinghai 

(general 

(general 

11 

10 ~ ce 

location}, 

2012·00210 DET Ka\sang Jangsem M 2012/02/dd Qinghai (general 

location), 

Qinghai Province 

2012-00212 DET? Jamyang Oezer M 2012102/dd Oelingha PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00213 DET? Dragpa M 2012/02/dd Delingha PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00216 DET? Konchog Dargye M monk (Buddhist) 2012102/dd Haixi pref. (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2012-00219 DET? Perna M villager (unspec.) 4/14/2012 Ngaba PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr. 

2012-00220 DET? Tashi Dondrub M monk (Buddhist) 7/14/2012 Pa!yu! PSB Oet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012~00221 DET? Kalsang Gyatso M monk, chant 7/14/2012 Palyul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

master Ctr? 

2012~00223 DET? lobsang Tsering M monk (Buddhist) 6/26/2012 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012·00224 DET? Karma Rabten M monk (Buddhist) 6/5/2012 Chamdo PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2012~00226 OET? Orolma Kyab M 2012/05/dd Lhasa PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

C!r? Auto. Re ion 

2012~00227 OET? Nyurgyog 2012105/dd Lhasa PSB Det Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012-00228 DET? Khambe 2012/05/dd Lhasa PSB Oet. Tibet (Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2012~00229 DET? Tadrin Kyab M 2012/05/dd Lhasa PSB Oet. Tibet (Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2012·00230 DET? Sangdrag I M 2012/05/dd lhasa PSB Oet. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. ReQion 

2012-00231 DET? Choephel M monK {1:5uddhist) 8/7/2012 Tsoe PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

A-4 
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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECCrecord detention date of current (or last) current (or last} province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2012·00232 DET? Sherab M monk (Buddhist) 817/2012 Tsoe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012..00233 DET? Kalsang Tenzin M 7/4/2012 Kardze PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

2012·00234 DET? tTh~bten Yeshe M monk (Buddhist) 5/2312012~ Qinghai Province 

n 

2012·00236 DET? su!trlm Rinchen M monk. (Buddhist) 3/16/2012 Qinghai Province 

eneral location 

2012·00237 DET? Lobsang M monk (Buddhist) 3/16/2012 ~~:~::,~::ation Qinghai Province 

2012..00238 DET Tenzin Palsang M monk, official 

_, f'-:"- Sichuan Province 

2012·00243 DET Yarphel M monk (Buddhist) 8/1212012 (general Sichuan Province 

2012~00244 OET Namse M monk (Buddhist) 8/12/2012 general 10 Sichuan Province 

2012~00247 DET? Dawa M villager ( unspec.} 8/15/2012 Markham PSB Tibet [XIzang} 

DetCtr? Auto. Re ion 

2012-00248 DET? Atsong M vlUager ( unspec.) 8/15/2012 Markham PSB Tibet (XizangJ 

Det Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012~00249 DET? Phuntso9 Nyima villager {unspec.) 8/15/2012 Markham PSB Tibet [Xizang} 

Det.Ctr? Auto. Reoion 

2012-00250 DET? Jamyang Wangmo villager (unspec.) 8/15/2012 Markham PSB Tibet [Xizang] 

Oet.Ctr? Auto. Reoion 

2012~00251 DET? Kalsang Yudron villager (unspec.) 8/1512012 Markham PSB Tibet (Xizang} 

Det.Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012..00254 DET Yonten Gyatso M monk, ct"lant 10/18/2011 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

master; DMC 

director 

2012-00256 DET lobsang Tenzin M 

~' 2012/01/dd Sichuan? (genera! Sichuan Province 

location 

2012-00258 DET Trin!e M 2012/01/dd Sichuan? (general 10 Sichuan Province 

location 

2012-00262 DET? Chechog layperson 8/13/2012 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00264 DET? Ngawang M 7/24/2012 Chamdo Pref. PSB Tibet [Xizang] 

Det. Ctr? Auto. Region 

2{)12·00265 DET? lobsang Sanggye M monk (Buddhist} 8/14/2012 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00266 DET!Iife? lobsang Konchog M monk {Buddhist) 8117/2012 Sichuan (general Sichuan Province 

2012-00272 DET? Chogtsal M artist, singer 7/29/2012 (general e= 2012"00273 DET? Konchog Yarph€! M monk (Buddhist) 8/1/2012 Serthar PSB Det. 

Ctr? 

2012-00277 OET? Ngawang Monlam M (Buddhist) 9/1/2012 Tridu PSB Oet e 

Ctr? 

2012-00280 DET? lobsang Palden M (Buddhist) 8/27/2012 Ngaba PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00282 DET? Jamyang Khyenko M layperson 8/28/2012 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00283 DET? Kalsang Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 8/28/2012 Tsoe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00284 DET? Lobsang Rabten M monk, DMC 8/1912012 Barkham PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

member Ctr? 

2012-00285 DET? Sonam Tenzin M monk (Buddhist) 2/16/2012 Tridu PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-0028'1 DET? Soylg businessperson 9/5/2012 Kyegudo PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

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30232.006

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2012·00288 DET? Sonam Gonpo M businessperson 4/10/2012 Kardze PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

12012·00289 DET? Khedrub M 4/10/2012 Kardz:e PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

I"Ul<-UOlW DET? Sanggye Kalsang M 4/10/2012 Kardze PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

12012-00292 DET? Sogtrug Sherab M performer, actor & 9/20/2012 Yulgan PSB Det Qinghai Province 

sinoer Ctr? 

2012-00293 DET? Phurbu Namgyal M service, 2012/04/dd Lhasa PSB Det Tibet {Xizang] 

=Ta.hi 

entertainment club Ctr? Auto. Region 

2012-00296 OET M monk {Buddhist) 2011/11/dd Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2012-00297 OET M layperson 2011/11/dd Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2012-00298 DET Lobsang Tsultrim M monk (Buddhist) 2012/03/dd Sichuan (genera! 11 Sichuan Province 

location)· 

2012-00299 DET Lobsang Jangchub M monk (Buddhist) 2012103/dd Sichuan Province 

cation). 

2012-00300 OET? Jigme Gyatso M monk, treasurer 10/17/2012 soe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00301 DET? Ka!sang Gyatso M monk, accountant 10/17/2012 Tsoo PSB Det. Gansu Province 

cu. 2012-00302 DET? Konchog Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 10/17/2012 Tsoe PSB Del Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00303 DET? =tso M monk {Buddhist) 2012110/dd Tsoe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

CtL 

2012-00306 DET? M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Sershul PSB Oet Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00307 DET? lobsang Tsunpa M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Sershu! PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00308 DET? Lhagyal M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00309 DET? Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 10115/2012 Sershul PSB Det. 5 Ctr? 

2012-00310 DET? Lhabum M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Sershul PSB DeL ce 

2012-00311 OET? Ludrub M monk (Buddhist) 10/1 l PSB Oet. '"' 2012-00312 DET? Lobsang Drubsal M monk (Buddhist) 10/18/201 I PSBDet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00313 DET? Lobsang Tharchin M monk (Buddhist) 10/1812012 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00315 DET? Bode 9/12/2012 Yushu {general Qinghai Province 

location 

2012·00316 DET? Sherab Oolje M student, university 9/12/2012 Yushu (genera! Qinghai Province 

location 

2012-00317 DET? Yangzom student (unspec.) 9/1212012 Yushu (genera! 

locatio~) 

Qinghai Province 

2012-00319 DET? Sozang M monk (Buddhist) 10119/2012 Sershul PSB Oet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00320 DET? Sonyt M monk (Buddhist) 10/19/2012 Sershul PSB Oet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00321 OET? Thagchoe M monk (Buddhist) 10/19/2012 Sershu! PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00322 DET? Wanggyal M monk (Buddhist) 10/19/2012 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00323 DET? Thabme M monk (Buddhist) 10/20/2012 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00324 DET? Phagdrol M monk (Buddhist) 10/20/2012 Sershu! PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

A-6 
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30232.007

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence 

-·-·~~~- (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2012-00325 DET? Sherab M monk (Buddhist) 10/2012012 Sershu! PSB Oet Provmce 

Ctr? 

2012-00326 DET? Dawa M monk (Buddhist) 10/20/2012 Sershul PSB Oet Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00327 DET? Gonpo M monk (Buddhist) 10120/2012 Sershul PSB Det echuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00328 OET? Kyapo M monk (Buddhist) 10/20/2012 IPSB Det. !Sichuan Province 

2012-00329 OET? Lobsang Phuntsog M layperson 10120/201 I PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00330 DET? Lobsang Choephet M monk {Buddhist) 2012/08/dd Tsoe PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00331 OET? Tsondru M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Tsoe PSB Oet Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00332 DET? Tobden M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Tsoe PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00333 DET? Losal M monk (Buddhist) 10/15/2012 Tsoe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00335 DET? Jinpa Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 10/25/2012 Gansu? (general Gansu Province 

location 

2012-00337 DET? Tadrin Gya! M 2012/11/dd Rebgong PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00338 DET? Dondrub 2012/11/dd Rebgong PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

2012-00339 DET? Chagda Gya! M 2012/11/dd ~SBDet Qinghai Province 

2012-00340 DET? Yarkho 2012/11/dd PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00341 OET? Thubten Nyandrag M monk (Buddhist) 10/26/2012 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [XlzangJ 

Auto_ Region 

2012-00342 DET? Tsewang M monk {Buddhist) 10/26/2012 Sog PSB Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

OET? Phurbu M layperson 10/26/2012 Sag PSB Tibet [Xizang) 

Auto. Reaion 

DET Washu! Dortrug M layperson 12/3/2012 Qinghai {general 10 Qinghai Province 

locatioiJ:L 

2012-00346 OET? Konchog Sonam M monk (Buddhist) 11/16/2012 Rebgong PSB Det. Oinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2012-00348 OET? Tashi Norbu M monk (Buddhist) 10/23/2012 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reaion 

2012-00349 DET Lobsang Tsering M herder 2012108fdd Sichuan (genera! 10 Sichuan Province 

location 

2013w00009 DET? Sungrab Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 1211/2012 Chabcha PSB Del. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

201J..00010 OET? Dragsang M monk, temple- '1211/2012 Chabcha PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

keeper Ctr? 

2013-00011 DET? Yeshe Zangpo M monk (Buddhist) 12/1/2012 Chabcha PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00012 DET Gedun Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 12/3/2012 lanzhou? (general Gansu Province 

location) 

2013-00023 DET? Tashi Sonam M 12/6/2012 Luchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00030 DET? Tsondru M monk, official 12/12/2012 Tsekhog PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00031 Chagthab M lay tantrlc 12/12/2012 T sekhog PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

ractitioner Ctr? 

2013--00032 DET? Shawo M religious center 12/12/2012 Tsekhog PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

unspec.), head Ctr? 

A-7 
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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name oceupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned {or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2013-00033 OET? Choedron nun, disciplinarian 12/12/2012 

Ctr? 

Tsekhog PSB Oet. =vioce 2013-00034 DET? Rigs he nun (Buddhist) 12/12/2012 eL rovmce 

201;3..00055 DET? Ka!sang Samdrub M 1212 Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00056 OET? Nyima M layperson 12/24/2012 Luchu PSB Oet Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00057 DET? Lhamo Dondrub M layperson 12/24/2012 Luchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00058 DET? IDorje Dondrub I M layperson 12124/2012 Luchu PSB Oat Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00059 OET? alsang Kyab M layperson 12124/2012 Luchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00060 OET? Kalsang Sonam M layperson 12/24/2012 Luchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00061 OET? Kalsang Namdren M layperson 12124/2012 Luchu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00062 DET? Sonam Kyi layperson 12/24/2012 Luchu PSB DeL Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013--00064 DET Phagpa M monk, former 2012/11/dd Xining (general 

locatio~) 

13 Qinghai Province 

2013-00068 DET Perna Dondrub M 10/2312012 Gansu (general 

locatio~) 

12 Gansu Province 

2013-00069 DET Kalsang Gyatso M 10/2312012 Gansu (general 11 Gansu Province 

location') 

2013-00070 I Uti Perna Tso 10/23/2012 Gansu (general 

location.) 

Gansu Province 

2013-00071 DET lhamo Dondrub M 10/2312012 Gansu (general 

location.) 

Gansu Province 

2013-00075 DET? Gonpo Gyal M monk (Buddhist) 2012/10/dd Tsoe PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr. 

2013-00098 DET lhamo Do~e M villager (unspec.) 2012/12/dd Gansu (general 

location·)-

15 Gansu Province 

2013-00099 DET Kalsang Sonam M villager (unspec.) 2012112/dd Gansu (genera! 11 Gansu Province 

location·)-

2013-00100 DET Tsezung Kyab M villager (unspec.) 2012112/dd Gansu (general 10 Gansu Province 

!ocatiorl·)-

2013-00101 DET? Donnu M villager (unspec.) 2012111/dd Tsoe PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00121 DET Kalsang Dondrub M 2012/12/dd Xining? (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2013-00139 DET Choepa Gya! M 2013/mm/dd Xlning? (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2013-00141 DET Namkha Jam M 2013/mmfdd Oongchuan Prison Qinghai Province 

2013-00162 DET? Tsering Tag monk {Buddhist) 2013/01/dd Kanlhopref. Gansu Province 

!(qenera! location 

2013-00163 :samten monk {Buddhist) 2013/01/dd Kan!ho pref. Gansu Province 

·(general location 

2013~00164 Tashi Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 2013/01/dd Kan!ho pref. Gansu Province 

i(general location 

2013-00165 DET? Tenphel Gyalpo M layperson 2013/01/dd Kanlho pref. Gansu Province 

enerallocation 

2013-00166 DET? Tensang M monk {Buddhist} 2013/01/dd Kanlho pref. Gansu Province 

eneral location 

2013..00179 DET? Yumkyab M artist, sculptor 2012/mm/dd Xining? (general Qinghai Province 

location 

A-8 
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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence {or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2013-00211 DET? Perna Tsewang M layperson 10/20/2012 Sangchu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2013-00220 DET Lobsang Gedun M monk (Buddhist) 7/112013 Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet [Xizang] 

Chushur Auto. Re ion 

2013-00242 DET? Dorje M layperson 2012/03/dd Qinghai (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2013~00244 DET? Tseten Gyal M layperson 2012/03/dd Qinghai (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2013~00266 DET Sanggye Pa!den M monk (Buddhist} 7/23/2013 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2013-00289 DET? Tashi Choewang M student (unspec.) 10/6/2012 Lhasa? (general Tibet [Xizang} 

location)- Auto. Reoion 

2013-00290 DET? Sonam M 10/6/2012 lhasa? (genera! Tibet [Xizang] 

location)- Auto. Reoion 

2013-00292 DET? Sobum M layperson 2012/11/dd Xining PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

~ Ctr? 

2013-00311 DET? M writer, poet 5/1212012 Chengdu (general Sichuan Province 

oca!ion) 

2010-00456 DET M layperson 101312013 hasa? (general 11 Tibet [Xizang] I location) .• Auto. Rf3,gion 

2013-00318 DET Tsuttrim Gyattsen M writer, multiple 10/11/2013 ~~ushui Prison 13 Tibet {Xizang} 

st !es or types Chushur) Auto. Region 

2013-00319 DET Yu!gyal M business owner 10/12/2013 Qushui Prison 10 Tibet {Xizang] 

unspec.) Chushur) Auto. Reoion 

2013-00327 DET Tenzin Rangdro! M self-amp!. 10/18/2013 lhasa? (general Tibet [Xizang] 

business location)- Auto. Reoion 

2014--00016 DET? Phuntsog Namgya! M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Reoion 

2014-00017 DET? Pema Tsultrim M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Oet. Tibet [Xizang) 

Ctr? Auto. Reoion 

2014-00018 DET? Dorje Lodroe M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang} 

C!r? Auto. Reqion 

2014-00019 DET? Yungdrung M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det Tibet {Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Reqion 

2014--00020 DET? atob M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Req!on 

2014-00021 Namgyal M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2014-00022 DET? Dorje Rigzin M 1/3/2014 Chamdo PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2014-00023 DET? Sonam M 1/3!2014 Chamdo PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

2014-00024 DET Kalsang Choglang M monk (Buddhist) 11/23/2013 10 I r;bet [x;;ngJ 

2014-00038 DET? Ge!eg M monk, 1/18/2014 

disciplinarian Ctr? 

2014-00039 DET? Tse!ha Kyab M 1/18/2014 Perna PSB Det. 

Ctr? 

2014-00046 DET Tobden M herder I writer 10/28/2013 Lhasa? (genera! Tibet {Xlzang] 

location Auto. Region 

2014-00047 DET Konchog Choephel M monk (Buddhist) 11/18/2013 lhasa? (general Tibet {Xizang] 

location Auto. Re ion 

2014-00057 DET? Norgye M worker, day laborer 1/14/2014 lhasa {genera! Tibet [Xizang] 

location Auto. Region 

2014-00070 DET Tsu!trim Nyandrag M monk {Buddhist) 2013112/dd~ Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00071 DET Tsultrim Palsang M monk {Buddhist) 212120 14 Ctr? Tibet {Xizang) 

Auto. Re ion 

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APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison. detention sentence {or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2014--00072 DET Lobsang Yeshe M monk (Buddhist) 2/2/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Region 

2014-00073 DET Ka!sang Jampa M monk (Buddhist} 2/212014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? 

2014-00074 

2014-00079 

DET 

DET Asang 

Kalsang Dorje M 

M 

monk 

layperson 

(Buddhist) 2/2/2014 

2/3/2014 

Sog 

Sog 

PSB 

PSB 

Det. 

Det. 

Ctr? 

Ctr. 

eTibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

2014-00080 DET Margong M layperson 2/3/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr. Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Regfon 

2014..00081 DET Jigme M layperson 2/3/2014 Sog PSB Det Ctr. Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00105 DET Lobsang Dargye M monk {Buddhist) 3/13!2014 Sag PSB Det. Ctr. Tibet {Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00106 DET Lungtog Gyaltsen M monk (Buddhist) 3113/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr. Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00108 DET? Budrag M 

~ 3/14/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang) 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00112 DET Rigzin T sering M 2008104/dd Tianshui (genera! 12 Gansu Province 

location) 

2014-00116 DET? Kalsang Tsultrim M monk {Buddhist) 3/6/2014 Sag PSB DeL Ctr? llbet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00117 DET? Thubten Palden M monk (Buddhist) 3/6/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00118 DET? Norbu Dondrub M layperson 3/6/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

2014-00119 DET? Monlam Gyatso M layperson 3/6/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

2014-00120 DET? T sering Tharpa M layperson 3/612014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet (Xizang} 

Auto. Region 

2014-00135 DET Rigsat M head, village 11/24/2013 Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet [Xizang] 

Chushur) Auto. Re ion 

2014-00137 DET Ngangdrag M head, village 11/2412013 Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet [Xizang} 

Chushur) Auto. Region 

2014~00141 DET Thardoe Gyaltsen M monk, chant 2013/12/dd Qushul Prison? 18 Tibet [Xizang] 

master Chushur) Auto. Region 

2014-00142 DET Tsangyang Gyatso M monk, chant 3/17/2014 Qushul Prison 12 Tibet [Xizang} 

master Chushur) Auto. Region 

2014-00143 DET Tsewang M monk, chant 3/17/2014 Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet [Xlzang} 

master Chushur) Auto. Region 

2014-00144 DET Atse M monk, chant 3/17/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang} 

master Auto. Region 

2014-00145 DET Gyaltsen M monk, chant 3/17/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

master Auto. Reqlon 

2014-00146 DET? IKhedrub M monk, abbot 4/13/2014 ChamdoP~~ Tibet [Xizang] 

Det.Ctr. Auto. ReQlon 

2014-00147 DET? i=-Tsenng M layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Tibet {Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2014-00148 OET? M layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2014-00149 DET? Karma layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2014-00150 OET? Gyalhug M layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Oet. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2014-00151 DET? Sichoe layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Oet Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2014-00152 DET? Choedar M layperson 2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Oet. Tibet [XIZang] 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

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30232.011

CECC record 

number 

2014--00154 

detention 

status 

DET. 

main name 

Jampa 

DET? Gyatwa 

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

occupation 

layperson 

M layperson 

date of 

detention 

2013107/dd 

__ , __ -•<·-~--- prison, detention sentence { - imprisoned (or 

center, or site served}: detained) 

Nagchu PSB Det {Xizang) 

Ctr? Auto. Re ion 

2013/07/dd Nagchu PSB Del e L2~01,.~~00~1~5~5--~"D~ET.T?,-+Th~u~~a------~.M.-+h~e~ad .~vil~la~~~~~4"-nH11~20~1•4-f~~:~~~ulcP~SBnDe~t.--r--------- n: re I;; Ctr? 

2014-00156 DET? Gade M head, village 4/21/2014 Pa!yul PSB Oet 

Ctr? 

2014-00157 DET? Kyamo M head, vH!age 4/2112014 Palyu! PSB Det 

2014~00158 DET? Jamyang M head, village 

Ctr? 

4/21/2014 Palyu! PSB DeL 

Ctr? 

Sichuan Province 

L2~01"4~-00~1~5~9--~cD~ET-T?,-+R~in~c=he~n-W_a_n_gd-u~~MM~F--~--~-3~n0<8~12~0~14~ So::g~P~S D~et<.C~tr~?t---------f,T~ib~clH[~Xi~,a~ng~]~ r;:; Auto. Region 

2014-00160 OET? Phurtse 3/2812014 Sag PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

2014-00161 DET Ade M monk (Buddhist) 

2014-00162 DET Gedun Dragpa M monk (Buddhist) 

2014-00163 DET Choeying Kalden M monk (Buddhist) 

2014-00166 DET? Lobsang Choejor M monk, senior 

DET Tendrag M (Buddhist) 

2014-00168 DET Phurbu M 

2014-00169 DET Tridul M layperson 

2014-00170 DET Oadrag M layperson 

2014-00172 DET Lobsang Tenzin M monk, lama 

2014-00183 DET? Jampa Choephe! M layperson 

2014-00227 DET? Sherkyab M monk {Buddhist) 

2014-00231 DET Tenzin Lhundrub M monk (Buddhist) 

2014-00250 DET Tseyang M monk (Buddhist) 

2014-00254 DET Kung a M 

2014-00255 DET Perna M 

2014-00256 DET Choeylng Oezer M 

2014-00257 DET Ngawang Yeshe M 

2014-00258 DET Penpa M 

2014-00259 DET Perna Gyalpo M 

2014-00265 OET? Wangdrag M head, village 

2014-00274 DET? Kunga Sherab M layperson 

3/28/2014 Sag PSB Det. Ctr? 

3/14/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? 

3/16/2014 Sag PSB De!. Ctr? 

3/4/2014 Pashoe PSB Det 

Ctr? 

4/6/2014 Sag PSB Det. Ctr? 

4/6/2014 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? 

2014/04/dd Sag PSB Det. Ctr? 

2014/04/dd Sog PSB Det. Ctr? 

2014/03/dd Pashoe PSB Oet. 

Ctr? 

5/12/2014 Cham do PSB Det 

Ctr? 

7/9/2014 Serthar PSB Det. 

2014105/dd 

2013/03/dd 

2011/04/dd 

2011/04/dd 

2011/04/dd 

2011/04/dd 

2011/04/dd 

2011/04/dd 

Ctr 

Qushui Prison? 

Chushur) 

Sichuan? (general 

locatiO:!:!} 

Qushui Prison? 

Chush~ 

Qushui Prison? 

Chushur 

Qushui Prison? 

Chushur 

Qushui Prison? 

Chushur) 

Qushui Prison? 

Chushur} 

Qushul Prison? 

Chushur 

8/12/2014 Kardze pref? 

!(aenerallocation 

8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det 

Ctr? 

12 

12 

12 

11 

11 

11 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto.R~on 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto.R~on 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. R~on 

Tibet [)(jzang] 

Auto.~on 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. R~on 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. R~g!on 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. R~g_[on 

Tibet [Xizang) 

Auto. R_~_glon 

Tibet {XlzangJ 

Auto. R~__g)_on 

Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Re ion 

Sichuan Province 

Tibet [X1zang) 

Auto. Re ion 

Sichuan Province 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Region 

Tibet {Xizang} 

Auto. Re ion 

Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Re ion 

Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Re ion 

Sichuan Province 

Sichuan Province 

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30232.012

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

main name occupation prison, detention sentence {or time imprisoned (or number status detention center, or site seNed}: years detained} 

2014-00276 DET? Karma Rinchen M monk (Buddhist) 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00277 DET? Taga M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00278 DET? Kunga Tenzin M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00279 awa Tashi M layperson? 8/1212014 ~PSB Oet. Sichuaq Province 

2014-00280 DET? Karma Tashi M layperson? 8/12/2014 PSB Oet Sichuan Province 

? 

2014-00281 DET? Tashi Gonpo M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

5 2014-00282 DET? Jamyang Sonam M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det 

Ctr? 

2014~00283 DET? Tashi M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershu! PSB Det 

Ctr? 

2014~00284 DET? Tsering M layperson? 8112/2014 Sershu! PSB Det. 

Ctr? 

2014~00285 DET? Gya/ug M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Del. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00286 DET? Thubten Choephel M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014~00287 DET? Pema Gyalo M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00288 DET? Yonten Kyab M layperson? 8112/2014 Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

=+= Ctr? 

Lakyab M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2 Wangchen M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014--00291 DET? Tsogyal M layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB De!. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00292 DET? Bugya! M layperson? 8112/2014 Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00293 DET? Yangchen Lhamo layperson? 8/12/2014 Sershul PSB Del. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00294 DET? Tsekyab Wangmo B~~~~'~hul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

2014-00295 DET? Yeshe Dro!ma layperson? 8/1 ~~ershu! PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

12014--00296 DET? Yangchen Palmo layperson? 8/1212014 Sershu! PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

12014-00302 DET? Dawalhamo layperson 8/12/2014 Kardze pref. Sichuan Province 

l(generallocation) 

2014-00303 DET? Dawa Tsomo writer, blogger 8/23/2014 Dzatoe PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00304 DET? Kunsang Lhamo nun {Buddhist) 8/26/2014 Xining? (general Qinghai Province 

location 

2014-00311 DET? Pagyal M layperson? 2014/08/dd Sershul PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00312 DET? Tseko M layperson? 2014/08/dd Sershul PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2014-00340 OET Jamyang Gyatso M monk {Buddhist) 1/2/2014 Qushui Prison? Tibet [Xizang] 

Chushur Auto. Re ion 

2014-00341 DET Namgyal M monk (Buddhist) 1/212014 Qushui Prison? Tibet [Xizangj 

Wangchug Chushur Auto. Re ion 

2014-00372 DET? Dorje Rinchen M business (unspec.) 10/16/2014 Serthar PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

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30232.013

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current {or last) 

$:~~~:~(~~:~:, province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention imprisoned (or 

center, or site served}: years detained) 

2015~00021 DET? ChtmeDorje M herder 12/22/2014 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015~00022 DET? Chenpa !heroer 12/22/2014 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00023 DET? Yime M !herder 12/2212014 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00025 DET? lobsang Trin!e M monk (Buddhist) 12/26/2014 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00026 DET? Lobsang Lungrig M monk (Buddhist) 12/26/2014 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00027 DET? Zoepa M student. university 12/27/2014 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00032 DET? Samdrag M villager (unspec.) 12/15!2014 Gade PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00033 DET? Tenpa Gya! M lager (unspec.) 12/15/2014 Gade PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00034 DET? Nyatri M vi!!ager(unspec.} 12/15/2014 Gade PSB DeL Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00036 OET? Lokar M 12/712014 Oarlag PSB Det Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00037 DET? Tashi M 12/7/2014 Darlag PSB DeL Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00038 DET? Tsephel M 12/7/2014 Oar!ag PSB DeL Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00039 DET? Tsekyab M 1217!2014 Dar1ag PSB DeL Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00080 DET Gedun Gyatso M monk (Buddhist} 1/10/2015 ~~~~~r? (general Sichuan Province 

2015-00083 DET Lobsang T enzin M tour guide 2014/06/dd Qushui Prison? 10 Tibet (Xizang) 

Chushur} Auto. Reaion 

2013-00223 DET? Namgyal Tsultrim M monk (Buddhist) 3/14/2015 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reolon 

2015-00137 DET? lodroe Tenzin M monk (Buddhist) 3/14/2015 Sog PSB Oet Ctr? Tibet [Xizangj 

Auto. Reoion 

2015-00138 DET? Tsu!trim Goje M monk (Buddhist) 3/14/2015 Sog PSB DeL Ctr? Tibet [Xizangj 

Auto. Reaion 

2015-00139 DET? Tsultrim Namgyal M monk {Buddhist) 3114/2015 Sog PSB DeL Ctr? Tibet [Xizang) 

Auto. Reaion 

2015-00140 DET? Thabkhe Lhundrub M monk (Buddhist) 3/1412015 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? 

~ 2015-00141 DET? Jlgme Tsultrim M monk (Buddhist) 3/14/2015 Sog PSB Det Ctr? I 

2015-00142 DET? Jigme Dragpa M monk (Buddhist) 3/14/2015 Sog PSB Oet. Ctr? 

0 

2012~00098 DET Choephel Dawa M I monk {Buddhist} 3/28/2015 Sog PSB Oat Ctr? I Auto. Reoion 

2015-00148 DET? Jigme Wanggyat M 'monk {Buddhist) 3/28/2015 Sog PSB Oet. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reaion 

2015-00149 DET? Choeying Choega M monk (Buddhist) 3/28/2015 Sag PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang) 

Auto. Reoion 

2015-00150 OET? Do~e Oragpa M layperson 3/28/2015 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reoion 

2015-00151 DET? Lobsang Dawa M monk (Buddhist) 3120/2015 Sog PSB Det. Ctr? Tibet [Xizang] 

Auto. Reoion 

2015-00153 DET Gedun Phuntsog M monk {Buddhist) 3/812015 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2015-00157 DET Lobsang Jamyang M monk (Buddhist) 4/1712015 Sichuan (general Sichuan Province 

location 

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30232.014

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last} current (or last) provirn::e where 

main name occupation prison. detention isentenc~ (or time imprisoned {or number status detention center, or site served): years detained) 

2015~00158 DET Ngawang Gyaltsen M monk, expelled 2/24/2015 Nagchu PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. ReQion 

2015~00159 OET Lobsang Kalsang M monk (Buddhist) 3/17/2015 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2015.00160 OET? Sanggye Khar M herder 4/26/2015 Sangchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2015~00161 DET? Sonam Gyatso M herder 4/26/2015 Sangchu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

201&-00181 DET? Tsewang M monk (Buddhist) 5/15/2015 Tawu PSB Oat Sichuan Province 

Choeohe! Ctr? 

2015--00201 DET? Lhundrub M monk {Buddhist) 5/2212015 Dingri PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang} 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2015~00202 OET? Rithar M 5122/2015 Lhasa PSB Det. Tibet [Xizang] 

Ctr? Auto. Region 

2015--00204 DET Ten:dn Zoepa M monk {Buddhist) 5128/2015 Chane PSB Det Gansu Province 

2015-00214 DET Samten Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 6/4/2015 O.t. Gansu Province 

2015-00215 DET Lobsang T enzin M monk (Buddhist) 6/4/2015 Oet. Gansu Province 

~ Ctr? 

2015-00232 M layperson 6/10/2015 Chona PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00233 M monk (Buddhist) 6/10/2015 Chane PSB Oet. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

< 

2015-00236 M service, restaurant 2015/0S!dd Qushui Prison? Tibet {Xizang] 

Chushur) Auto. Region 

2015-00239 DET? Tsewang Dondrub M 12126/2014 Dingri (general Tibet [Xizangj 

locatio~) Auto. Region 

2015-00241 DET? Tsertng Dondrub M 6120/2015 Rebgong PSB De! Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00243 DET Yonten Rabgya! M layperson 3/1312015 Chigdril PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00244 DET? Jam yang M layperson 6/5/2015 Machu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00259 DET? Tashi Kyi herder 71212015 Ngaba PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2012..00314 OET Tashi M businessperson 2015/07/dd Kyegudo PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00261 DET Tashi Dargye M monk (Buddhist) 1123/2012 Kardze Pref. 13 Sichuan Province 

Prison (Xindu iao 

2015--00262 OET Namgyal M r.~~k (Buddhist) 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref. 13 Sichuan Province 

Prison (Xindu iao 

2015-00263 DET Paid or M 

~ 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref 13 Sichuan Province 

Prison Xindu iao 

2015-00264 OET Sonam Dargye M 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref 13 I Sichuan Province 

Prison Xinduq!ao 

2015-00265 OET Choephel M 1/2312012 Kardze Pret 12 l:::>ichuan Province 

Prison Xinduqiao 

2015~00266 DET Nyima M layperson 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref 12 Sichuan Province 

Prison Xlnduqiao 

2015-00267 OET Kuntho M layperson 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref. 11 Sichuan Province 

Prison (Xinduqiao 

2015-00268 DET Orgyen Tsering M layperson 1/23/2012 Kardze Pref. 11 Sichuan Province 

Prison (Xinduqiao 

2015-00269 DET Sherab Zangpo M layperson 1/2312012 Kardze Pref. 10 Sichuan Province 

Prison Xindu iao 

2015-00270 DET Trin!e Dargye M layperson 1/2312012 Kardze Pref 10 Sichuan Province 

Prison Xindu lao 

201$-00279 DET Choekyi M monk (Buddhist) 6/19/2015 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

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30232.015

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last} current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2009-00441 DET? Jamyang Jinpa M monk (Buddhist) 3/13/2015 Gansu Provlhce 

Ctr? 

2015-00299 DET? Oekar Kyi herder 8/15/2015 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00309 DET lobsang Thubten M layperson 8/18/2015 Uthang PSB DeL 

Ctr, s;~uao~3 2015-00313 OET? Oorje Drofma layperson 8/20/2015 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Pr 

Ctr? 

2015-00327 DET Lobsang Kalsang M monk (Buddhist) 9/7/2015 Deyang Prison Sichuan ProVInce 

2015-00328 OET Lobsang Oragpa M monk (Buddhist) 9/10/2015 Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2015-00329 DET Lobsang M monk (Buddhist) 9/10/2015 Ngaba Prison? Sichuan Province 

Maowun 

2015-00330 DET? Dekyi Orolma layperson 9/13/2015 Ngaba PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00332 DET Jam pal Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 9/9/2015 Ngaba Prison 

Maowun)-

Sichuan Province 

2015-00373 DET Lobsang Jamyang M monk, novice 9!23/2015 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00374 DET lobsang M layperson 9!10/2015 Ngaba PSB Det Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00375 DET Trinle M layperson 9/10/2015 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2015-00376 DET Tashi M layperson 10/26/2015 Ngaba PSB Det. =Prov;ooe Ctr. 

2010-00156 DET Samdrub Gyatso M 2015/09/dd Dashi PSB Oat Province 

Ctr. 

201&.00411 DET Jampa Sengge M layperson 11/2812015 Kardze PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

tr? 

2015-00480 DET Tashi Dondrub M layperson 12/19/2015 ~zoege PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

tr? 

12016-00016 DET Tenzin lhamo 

er~ 10 Tibet [Xizang} 

Auto. Region 

12016-00039 DET Orgyen M monk, geshe Sichuan Province 

12016-00040 DET Paga M monk, abbot SBOet. Sichuan Province 

12016-00065 DET Jamyang Dorje M layperson SBOet. Sichuan Province 

2016..00080 DET Mangga layperson SB Oet. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2016-00085 DET Samdrub M deputy head, 3/3{)/2016 Matoe PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

villaqe Ctc 

2016~00086 DET Lhadon layperson 3/30/2016 Matoe PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

Ctr. 

2016-00087 DET Rongsher M layperson 3/30/2016 Matoe PSB Oat. Qinghai Province 

Ctr. 

2016-00110 DET Lobsang Thubten M monk (Buddhist) 5/2/2016 Ngaba PSB Det. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2016-00147 DET Jampa Geleg M monk (Buddhist) 5/16/2016 Kardze Pref. PSB Sichuan Province 

Oet.Ctr. 

2016-00167 DET Lobsang Tsering M monk (Buddhist) 6/7/2016 Ngaba PSB Del Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2016-00176 DET Choesang Gyatso M monk (Buddhist) 5/29/2016 Mangra PSB Oet. a;ogha~ Ctr? 

2016~00179 DET Lhachen Kyab M 6/24/2016 Chabcha PSB Det Qinghai 

Ctr? 

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30232.016

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECCrecord detention date of current (or last) current (or last} province where 

main name occupation prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or number status detention center, or site served): years detained) 

2016--00180 DET Jigje De!eg Gyatso M 6/24/2016 Chabcha PSB Det Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2016~00181 DET Rinchen Bum M 6/24/2016 Chabcha PSB Oet. Qinghai Province 

Ctr? 

2016-00182 DET Tashi Drolma 6/24/2016 Chabcha PSB Det. Qinghai Province 

err? 

2016-00205 DET Kunsang M villager (unspec.} 10/10/2015 Kardze prof? Sichuan Province 

enera! location 

2016-00206 DET Palden Rigzin M vil!ager ( unspec.) 10/10/2015 Kardze pref? Sichuan Province 

enerallocation 

2016-00207 DET Dragsang M villager (unspec.) 10/10/2015 Kardze pref? Sichuan Province 

enara! location) 

2016--00208 DET Rabten M villager (unspec.) 10/10/2015 Kardze pref? Sichuan Province 

eneral location 

2016-00209 DET Wanggon M villager (unspec.) 10/10/2015 Kardze pref? Sichuan Province 

eneral location 

2016--00210 DET Konchog Dro!ma homemaker 7/14/2016 Ngaba PSB DeL Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2011·00401 DET Lobsang Dargye M monk (Buddhist) 5/23/2016 Ngaba PSB De!. Sichuan Province 

Ctr? 

2016--00211 DET Jamyang lodroe M monk (Buddhist) 5/14/2016 Ngaba pref Sichuan Province 

l(generallocation) 

2012...()0222 DET Lodroe M monk (Buddhist) 11/18/2015 Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2016·00212 DET ArgyaGya M former monk 2015/mm/dd Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

201(}..00281 DET Gedun Dragpa M monk, treasurer 8/24/2016 Ngaba pref. Sichuan Province 

l!aenerallocation 

201&-00282 DET Lobsang Sherab M monk, shopkeeper 8/24/2016 Ngaba pref Sichuan Province 

l(aenera! location) 

2016·00308 DET Lodroe M monk {Buddhist) 6/14/2016 Ngaba pref. Sichuan Province 1

(genera! location 

2016·00334 DET Sangdrag Kyab M layperson 9/29/2016 Sangchu PSB Det. Gansu Province 

1;:! Ctr. 

= 2016·00354 DET Lobsang Tsu!trim M 10/17/2016 Ngaba PSB Oet. 

Ctr? 

2017·00008 DET Tenpa M 12/16/2016 Ngaba PSB Oet. ce 

Ctr? 

2017~00009 DET lobsang Sonam M monk (Buddhist) 9!11/2015 Mianyang Prison Sichuan Province 

2011-00422 DET Lobsang Khedrub M monk {Buddhist} 2015/12/dd Lunggu county 13 Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2017·00026 DET Orugdra M monk (Buddhist) 2015/11/dd Lunggu county 14 Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2017-00027 DET lobsang Gephel M monk (Buddhist) 11/30/2015 Lunggu county 12 Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2012·00261 DET Bonkho Kyi layperson 11/20/2015 Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2008-00632 DET Tsultrim M former monk 2015/10/dd Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison {Wenchuan 

A-16 
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30232.017

APPENDIX 

Tibetan Buddhist Prisoners of Conscience 

CECC record detention date of current (or last) current (or last) province where 

number status main name occupation detention prison, detention sentence (or time imprisoned (or 

center, or site served): years detained) 

2017-00028 DET Tsultrim M 11/25/2015 Lunggu county Sichuan Province 

prison (Wenchuan) 

2004-01163 DET Tsegon Gya! M :n::e~olitical 12/9/2016 Kangtsa PSB Oet Qinghai Province 

r Ctr 

2017-00034 DET Jam yang M monk (Buddhist) 12/11/2016 Machu PSB Det Gansu Province 

Choephe! Ctr. 

2017-00232 DET Gonpo M monk (Buddhist) 5/4/2017 Kardze pref. Sichuan Province 

!(generallocation). 

2017-00233 DET Lobsang T sultrim M monk (Buddhist) 2125!2017 Ngaba pref. =Province !(generallocation) 

2018-00029 DET Gyakyab M 12124/2017 Barkham (general Province 

location) 

201&.00077 DET Tashi Wangchug M business op., shop 1/27/2016 Yushu Pref. PSB Qinghai Province 

Del. Ctr. 

2012w00276 DET Tsultrim Kalsang M monk (Buddhist) 9/1/2012 Xining? (general 10 Qinghai Province 

location). 

2014w00009 DET Trinle Tsekar M artist, singer 11/20/2013 lhasa? (genera! Tibet [Xizang) 

location). Auto. Ret~ion 

2014w00010 DET Choekyab M 2013/11/dd lhasa? (general 13 Tibet [Xizang] 

locatior~). Auto. Reoion 

A-17 
63 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. GREEN

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

TIBET, GEOPOLITICS, AND U.S. NATIONAL INTERESTS

I welcome the opportunity to appear before the Commission to address the geopolitical context of U.S. policy on Tibet. Those who argue that U.S. ‘‘policy’’ should 

somehow be distinguished from our ‘‘values’’ as a nation display a fundamental misunderstanding of our national interests and our own history. As I argued in a recent 

book on U.S. strategy since the birth of our Republic, American statecraft has successfully prevented the rise of hostile hegemonic powers in Asia not by force of arms 

or realpolitik alone, but also by investing in democratic norms and open societies. 

In Tibet, as in many other parts of Asia today, our consistent support for those same 

universal norms will have an important impact on whether China uses its growing 

power for coercion and hegemonic control, or finds ways to contribute to regional 

prosperity consistent with the needs and expectations of her people and her neighbors. 

The powerful aspirations of the Tibetan people for dignity, religious freedom, and 

cultural autonomy intersect with rising geopolitical tensions along the Himalayan 

plateau. China’s insecurity about this region is deeply rooted. Britain intrigued 

against Russia in Tibet as part of the ‘‘Great Game’’ at the turn of the 20th century. 

Some historians argue that the iconic Tibetan flag was inspired by Japanese spies 

fomenting anti-Chinese nationalism and offering Japan’s own ‘‘rising sun’’ flag as a 

model. The first CIA agent killed in the line of duty died smuggling guns and money 

to Tibet. In 2008 China’s Central Military Commission ranked Tibet as the most 

critical sovereignty challenge, ahead of Xinjiang and Taiwan. 

The flipside of insecurity is expansionism and Beijing has made dramatic moves 

to assert strategic dominance over the Himalayan plateau at the expense of rival 

India. India and China have 37% of the world’s population but only 10% of the 

world’s water supply, with India and much of the rest of South and Southeast Asia 

relying on the Brahmaputra and other rivers flowing from the Himalayas. Beijing 

has already completed two of three water transfer programs diverting billions of 

cubic meters of river waters yearly into China. The highly controversial third leg 

of that plan is designed to divert waters from the Tibetan plateau into China. Beijing suspended agreements on hydrological information sharing with India in 2017 

and has refused international demands for transparency on plans for damming rivers in and around the Tibet Autonomous Region. 

Beijing has also made moves to establish military dominance in areas contested 

with India—paralleling similar moves to militarize artificial islands in the South 

China Sea, but in this case at an altitude of over 10,000 feet. Satellite photos have 

revealed PLA militarization of Doklam, with new helipads, roads, and hardened fortifications only dozens of meters from the Indian Army’s forward outpost. When 

India tested a ballistic missile capable of hitting China’s coastal cities in January 

(a capability China already has against India), the official Chinese media called for 

the PLA navy to expand into the Indian Ocean to outflank Indian forces. The Tibetans’ struggle is thus occurring at the epicenter of China’s aggressive attempt to consolidate and expand control of its periphery within the Eurasian continent. 

Finally, the Tibetan people’s aspirations are colliding with the greatest vulnerability of the Chinese Communist Party—that party’s inability to accommodate the 

growing and legitimate spiritual and social demands of all its 1.4 billion citizens. 

This includes the most senior figures in the Communist Party. We know, for example, that Li Peng, the premier who ordered the crackdown in Tiananmen Square, 

converted to Tibetan Buddhism in his old age. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama put 

it in an address at CSIS in 2007, ‘‘when you’re 80 years old, socialism with Chinese 

characteristics is not so useful!’’ 

Driven by these insecurities, Beijing has chosen to turn away from dialogue with 

His Holiness on legitimate questions of religious and cultural autonomy and instead 

to try to break the will of the Tibetan people through a combination of repression, 

Hanization of the Tibet Autonomous Region, massive economic infrastructure investment, and political control of the succession to the 15th Dalai Lama. 

Steady U.S. support for the Tibetan people is therefore both morally and strategically imperative. U.S. support is necessary to demonstrate that we will not turn a 

blind eye to coercion by China in any one part of Asia in order to win China’s support in another. Because if it is Tibet today, it could be Taiwan tomorrow, or even 

Japan. U.S. support is also necessary to demonstrate to the Tibetan people that His 

Holiness was right to champion the ‘‘Middle Way’’ of dialogue with Beijing within 

the context of China’s own constitution and that those brave and long-suffering people do not have to choose either surrender or violent revolution. In addition, U.S. 

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support is necessary to reinforce solidarity behind Tibet in the broader democratic 

world, which faltered in 2009—particularly in Europe—when President Obama 

chose not to meet His Holiness in Washington. And, finally, U.S. support is necessary because China’s closing of Tibet to the outside world is exacerbating geopolitical tensions with India that will have ramifications for Asian stability writ 

large. 

The Trump administration has not fully stepped up to this reality. The administration’s announcement of a ‘‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’’ strategy certainly points 

to the right framing of how to incorporate our values in regional policies. However, 

this is the first President in two decades who has chosen not to raise Tibet in meetings with his Chinese counterparts, at least as far as we know. Finally, the United 

States still does not have a Tibet Coordinator as required under legislation. I understand that Secretary Tillerson responded to Senator Corker’s letter on this subject 

by explaining that the Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and 

Human Rights would be double-hatted to fulfill the role as coordinator, but no one 

has been nominated for that post and a search on the Under Secretary’s home page 

for ‘‘Tibet’’ produces multiple hits noting that Tibet is part of China and a few references to the last human rights report, but little else. 

The administration should also support the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017. 

CSIS hosted some of the party officials from the TAR to discuss the situation in 

Tibet in 2008 and I found it useful. If necessary, a Presidential waiver can be used 

to accommodate officials interested in genuine dialogue on Tibet in the future, but 

the legislation is necessary to help blunt Beijing’s effort to close off Lhasa and the 

surrounding region to outside journalists, scholars, officials and tourists. Reciprocity 

of access is a fundamental principle of stable international relations. 

I would conclude by emphasizing that U.S. policy has been aimed at achieving 

what Beijing itself has claimed to support in its own constitution and in prior dialogues with representatives of His Holiness—respect for the cultural, religious, and 

social rights of the Tibetan people. To retreat from that now would be to signal acceptance of the logic that Chinese power must be accommodated, even when that 

power is used to reverse rules, norms, and understandings that have contributed to 

peace, prosperity and U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific for many decades. 

Thank you. 

Michael J. Green 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO, A U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA; 

CHAIRMAN, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

Good morning. 

This is a hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China. The title 

of this hearing is ‘‘Tibet ‘From All Angles’: Protecting Human Rights, Defending 

Strategic Access, and Challenging China’s Export of Censorship Globally.’’ 

We will have one panel testifying today. The panel will feature: 

Dhondup Wangchen: Tibetan filmmaker and recently escaped political prisoner; 

Dr. Tenzin Dorjee: Commissioner, U.S. Commission on International Religious 

Freedom (USCIRF) and Associate Professor, California State University, Fullerton; 

Dr. Michael J. Green, Senior Vice President for Asia and Japan Chair, Center for 

Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). 

Thank you all for being here. 

Without question, Tibet remains one of the most sensitive issues in U.S.-China 

relations. Conflict between Tibetan aspirations and Chinese policy is found within 

cultural, religious, and educational spheres. As the Chinese government seeks to diminish or altogether eliminate aspects of Tibetan culture that it regards as threatening, the peaceful exercise of internationally recognized human rights is systematically suppressed. 

Inside the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and Tibetan autonomous areas, Chinese officials have increased restrictions on the religious and cultural life of Tibetans over the past decade by implementing pervasive controls and restriction on religious practice, a trend which was highlighted in the Commission’s most recent Annual Report. 

Beginning in 2016, Chinese authorities targeted renowned centers of Buddhist 

learning for demolition and reportedly expelled more than 4,800 Tibetan Buddhist 

monks and nuns and subjected them to periods of ‘‘patriotic education’’ lasting from 

several weeks to six months. 

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There are more than 500 cases of Tibetan political or religious prisoners currently 

in detention who are in the CECC’s Political Prisoner Database—a staggering figure 

that is far from exhaustive. 

Access to Tibet for foreign journalists, NGOs and diplomats remains severely restricted. 

At the same time, the Chinese government exports its authoritarianism abroad, 

pressuring foreign academic institutions who invite the Dalai Lama to speak on 

campus as well as businesses who mention his name or the Tibet Autonomous Region as a distinct region. 

It is this dimension of global Chinese censorship which has thrust Tibet into the 

news in recent days. Every week it seems another major international company is 

publicly, and in some cases shamelessly, apologizing to the PRC for some sort of 

misstep related to Tibet, the Dalai Lama or some otherwise ‘‘sensitive’’ issue. Driven 

by their bottom line and China’s vast market, many companies are increasingly prepared to toe Beijing’s line. 

There is a certain grim irony to the Chinese government demanding that businesses apologize for social media posts on social media platforms that are blocked 

inside China. 

It is clear that the cost of doing business in China keeps getting steeper. At the 

same time, there is little price to be paid in the West when companies engage in 

self-censorship to further their bottom line despite the fact that it is antithetical to 

the values that underpin our own society. 

We will explore all of these topics during today’s hearing in addition to the future 

of the Dalai Lama’s succession, China’s efforts to control water resources and expand its military presence on the Tibetan plateau, and the impact on broader U.S. 

strategic interests and human rights. 

Before turning to our witness testimony, I would be remiss if I did not underscore 

how pleased we are to welcome Tibetan filmmaker Dhondup Wangchen to today’s 

hearing. It’s not often that we’re able to welcome to the witness stand political prisoners whose cases the Commission has highlighted in our prisoner database, in letters to the administration, and on social media. 

Set against the backdrop of a different Olympic Games in Asia, it is fitting to recall that Mr. Wangchen’s ‘‘crime’’ was making the short documentary film ‘‘Leaving 

Fear Behind’’ in 2008 which was based on 108 interviews he conducted with Tibetans who expressed views on a range of issues, from the Dalai Lama to the 2008 

Beijing Olympics. 

Golog Jigme, Mr. Wangchen’s assistant in producing the film was among the witnesses at an April 2016 Commission hearing titled, ‘‘China’s Pervasive Use of Torture.’’ He, too, was subsequently detained in 2008 for his work on the documentary 

and during his detention, severely tortured. 

Mr. Wangchen: We welcome you to America, to safety and freedom, and we stand 

with you in working toward the day when the Tibetan people are afforded these 

same protections. 

Please join me in welcoming our witnesses Mr. Dhondup Wangchen, Tibetan 

filmmaker and recently escaped political prisoner, Dr. Tenzin Dorjee, Commissioner, 

U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) and Associate Professor, California State University, Fullerton, and Dr. Michael J. Green, Senior Vice 

President for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center for Strategic and International 

Studies (CSIS). 

SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD

STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES P. MCGOVERN, A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM

MASSACHUSETTS

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

I thank the Congressional-Executive Committee on China for convening this critically important hearing on the eve of the anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising, 

in which 87,000 Tibetans were killed, arrested or deported to labor camps, and 

which led His Holiness the Dalai Lama to flee to India along with tens of thousands 

of other Tibetans. I appreciate the opportunity to provide a statement for the record. 

I admire the courage and perseverance of the Tibetan people. I have stood in solidarity with them for years in their struggle to exercise their basic human rights— 

to speak and teach their language, protect their culture, control their land and 

water, travel within and outside their country, and worship as they choose. 

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Dhondup Wangchen embodies that struggle. I join my colleagues in welcoming 

him to Washington and to the halls of Congress. 

But as the Dalai Lama ages, and as China doubles down on its deeply authoritarian practices, I worry that time is running out to make sure that Tibetans will 

be able to live their lives as they wish. 

China has a terrible human rights record. Whatever hope once existed that China 

would become more open, more ruled by law and more democratic as it became 

wealthier, has faded over the years—especially under the rule of President Xi 

Jinping. 

As Xi Jinping consolidated his power during last October’s Communist Party Congress, he laid out a vision of China in which every aspect of life—economic, political, 

cultural and religious—will be under the control of the Communist Party, an authoritarian vision that does not bode well for minority populations like the Tibetans, 

who see the world through a different lens. 

One of my great frustrations as a Member of Congress has been the unwillingness 

of the United States Government, under both Democratic and Republican administrations, to impose any real consequences for China’s bad human rights behavior. 

I understand there are trade-offs in foreign policy. But I see nothing to suggest 

that going easy on China’s human rights record has worked. Instead, the overall 

human rights situation is getting worse: human rights lawyers detained, held in secret and incommunicado; the enforced disappearance of critics from Hong Kong; a 

cyber security law that strangles online freedom; the highest number of executions 

in the world. The barbaric denial of adequate health care and the death in custody 

of Liu Xiaobo. 

At the same time, the repression of the Tibetan people has deepened. Tibetans 

are confronted with an intrusive official presence in monasteries, pervasive surveillance, limits on travel and communications and ideological re-education campaigns. 

Last year demolitions were carried out at Larung Gar, the famous Tibetan Buddhist center of learning, and thousands of monks and nuns were expelled. We now 

know that draconian new controls have been imposed there—party cadres are taking over management, finances, security, admissions, and even the choice of textbooks. 

As of last August, 69 monks, nuns or Tibetan reincarnate teachers were known 

to be serving sentences in Chinese prisons. I fear the real number is much higher. 

And the Chinese government continues to claim the prerogative to decide who will 

succeed the Dalai Lama—a mind-boggling conceit for a government that is officially 

atheist. 

This is not the first time the Chinese government has interfered in the identification and installation of reincarnated leaders of Tibetan Buddhism. In 1995, the government arbitrarily detained the 11th Panchen Lama, then a six-year-old boy, and 

installed its own candidate for the job. 

I see no evidence that things are getting better for the Tibetan people, and so it 

is critically important that Congress speak out in support of Tibetan rights. Hearings like this one, and those held last year by the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, which I co-chair, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee, say to China 

that we are paying attention. 

But it is not enough. The many meetings we have all had with courageous Tibetans, our solidarity with their plight, our appreciation for His Holiness, are not 

enough. 

China needs to face real consequences for its actions in Tibet. And that means 

we in Congress need to step up the pressure. 

To start, Congress must pass the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, the bill I introduced in the House last session, along with a bipartisan group of Members, and that 

Senators Rubio and Baldwin are leading in the Senate. This bill imposes consequences for restrictions on travel to areas in China where ethnic Tibetans live. 

The rationale is simple. The basis of diplomatic law is mutual access and reciprocity. But while the Chinese enjoy broad access to the United States, the same 

is not true for U.S. diplomats, journalists or tourists going to Tibet—including Tibetan-Americans trying to visit their country of origin. 

This is simply unacceptable. If China wants its citizens and officials to travel freely in the U.S., Americans must be able to travel freely in China, including Tibet. 

Under the Reciprocal Access Act, no senior leader responsible for designing or implementing travel restrictions to Tibetan areas would be eligible to enter the United 

States. Allowing travel to Tibet is only one step China needs to take; there are others. 

China should permit His Holiness the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet for a visit 

if he so desires. He has that right, and he must have that opportunity before it is 

too late. 

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As Members of Congress we must insist that the administration name a Special 

Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, a statutory position. 

We must support the robust use of the Global Magnitsky Act to hold accountable 

Chinese officials responsible for human rights abuses. The December decision to 

sanction Gao Yan for his involvement in the arbitrary detention, torture, and death 

of human rights activist Cao Shunli was a good first step. It should be the first of 

many. 

We must redouble our efforts to secure the release of Tibetan prisoners of conscience. It is time to insist that American businesses do their part to protect the 

human rights of Tibetans and all the people of China. To not speak out in the face 

of abuse is to be complicit. 

Changing Chinese behavior will not be easy. But it is time to walk the walk. The 

alternative risks the lives and well-being of millions of Tibetans. 

Thank you. 

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Witness Biographies 

FEBRUARY 14, 2018

Dhondup Wangchen, Tibetan filmmaker and recently escaped political 

prisoner 

Dhondup Wangchen is a Tibetan filmmaker and former political prisoner, who arrived to freedom and safety in the United States on December 25, 2017 to be reunited with his wife and four children. Mr. Wangchen was detained by Chinese authorities in March 2008 on charges related to a 25-minute documentary titled ‘‘Leaving Fear Behind.’’ The film was based on 108 interviews that Wangchen conducted 

over five months, and included candid conversations with Tibetans who expressed 

views on a range of issues, from the Dalai Lama and the 2008 Beijing Olympics to 

the human rights situation in Tibetan areas. In July 2009, Dhondup Wangchen was 

charged with ‘‘inciting separatism’’ and subsequently sentenced to six years imprisonment where he endured harsh treatment including solitary confinement and manual labor. Wangchen was released in July 2014 after completing his sentence but 

remained under strict surveillance. Dhondup Wangchen has been honored by Amnesty International and the Committee to Protect Journalists awarded him the 

International Press Freedom Award in 2012. Mr. Wangchen’s case was a priority 

for the United States government. The U.S. State Department raised his case at the 

U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue in 2016. 

Tenzin Dorjee, Ph.D., Commissioner, U.S. Commission on International 

Religious Freedom (USCIRF) and Associate Professor, California State University, Fullerton 

Tenzin Dorjee is a Commissioner on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, appointed by House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi. Dr. Dorjee also 

is an Associate Professor at California State University, Fullerton (CSUF). Dr. 

Dorjee was selected as the 2017 Distinguished Faculty Marshal for the College of 

Communications, CSUF. He has authored and co-authored articles on Tibetan culture, identity, nonviolence, and middle-way approaches to conflict resolution, including the Sino-Tibetan conflict, intercultural and intergroup communication competence, and intergenerational communication context. He has presented at many 

international and national communications conventions. He also has translated 

works of Tibetan Buddhism and culture into English. He has had the honor of 

translating for the Dalai Lama in India and North America, as well as for many 

preeminent Tibetan Buddhist professors. 

Michael J. Green, Ph.D., Senior Vice President for Asia and Japan Chair, 

Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) 

Michael J. Green is senior vice president for Asia and Japan Chair at the Center 

for Strategic and International Studies and director of Asian Studies at the Edmund 

A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He served on the staff 

of the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 through 2005, first as director for 

Asian Affairs with responsibility for Japan, Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, and 

then as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asia, with responsibility for East Asia and South Asia. Before joining the 

NSC staff, he was a senior fellow for East Asian Security at the Council on Foreign 

Relations, director of the Edwin O. Reischauer Center and the Foreign Policy Institute and assistant professor at the School of Advanced International Studies at 

Johns Hopkins University, research staff member at the Institute for Defense Analyses, and senior adviser on Asia in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. 

He also worked in Japan on the staff of a member of the National Diet. Dr. Green 

has authored numerous books and articles on East Asian security, 

including most recently, ‘‘By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American 

Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783’’ (Columbia University Press, 2017) 

https://www.bymorethanprovidence.com/. 

Æ 

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