U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

31–454PDF WASHINGTON : 2018

REQUESTING THE PRESIDENT, AND DIRECTING THE SECRETARY

OF STATE, TO TRANSMIT TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COPIES OF ALL DOCUMENTS, RECORDS, COMMUNICATIONS, TRANSCRIPTS, SUMMARIES, NOTES, MEMORANDA, AND

READ-AHEADS IN THEIR POSSESSION REFERRING TO CERTAIN

COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP

AND PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

ON

H. Res. 1017

SEPTEMBER 13, 2018

Serial No. 115–157

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,

or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah 

VACANT 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

MARKUP ON 

H. Res. 1017, Requesting the President, and directing the Secretary of State, 

to transmit to the House of Representatives copies of all documents, 

records, communications, transcripts, summaries, notes, memoranda, and 

read-aheads in their possession referring to certain communications between President Donald Trump and President Vladimir Putin ....................... 2

APPENDIX 

Markup notice .......................................................................................................... 20

Markup minutes ...................................................................................................... 21

Markup summary and record vote description ..................................................... 23

The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress from the 

Commonwealth of Virginia: 

Material submitted for the record ...................................................................... 24

Prepared statement .............................................................................................. 28

(1)

REQUESTING THE PRESIDENT, AND DIRECTING THE SECRETARY OF STATE, TO TRANSMIT TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COPIES OF ALL DOCUMENTS, RECORDS, 

COMMUNICATIONS, TRANSCRIPTS, SUMMARIES, NOTES, 

MEMORANDA, AND READ-AHEADS IN THEIR POSSESSION 

REFERRING TO CERTAIN COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN 

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP AND PRESIDENT VLADIMIR 

PUTIN 

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 2018

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 12:30 p.m., in room 

2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Edward Royce (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Chairman ROYCE. The committee will come to order. 

We meet today to consider a single item. Pursuant to notice, for 

purposes of markup, I call up House Resolution 1017, requesting 

the President, and directing the Secretary of State, to transmit to 

the House copies of all documents in their possession relating to 

certain communications between President Trump and Russian 

President Putin and move to report it adversely to the House. 

[The information referred to follows:]

2


31454a-1.eps
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Chairman ROYCE. Without objection, the resolution is considered 

read and open for amendment at any point, and committee members may have 5 calendar days to submit statements for the record. 

Because we are dealing with floor votes, activities of other committees, and hurricane-related uncertainty this afternoon, I am 

going to use my vote postponement authority under committee 

rules to ensure that all members are given fair notice to participate 

in any recorded vote we may have. 

And I now recognize myself for opening remarks. 

This afternoon, we meet to consider House Resolution 1017. As 

members know, we typically want to see extensive bipartisan consultation and at least 25 co-sponsors before marking up resolutions. 

This measure does not fall into that category. It was introduced 

with no committee consultation and no co-sponsors, as we enter the 

final stretch of an election campaign. 

And we are here today only because it enjoys privilege under 

House rules as a ‘‘resolution of inquiry,’’ which we have a duty to 

report. 

Because this resolution clearly intrudes into judicially recognized 

areas of executive privilege and would likely require years of contested and, ultimately, fruitless litigation, we should not endorse it. 

Let me explain. 

This resolution would set a dangerous and harmful precedent 

with respect to Presidential communications. It demands from the 

President every document, communication, transcript, summary, 

note, or memo that relates to matters proposed or discussed or 

agreed to or otherwise covered during, in connection with, or in 

preparation for his meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin 

in Helsinki back in July. 

Let me be clear. I strongly disagreed with the President’s remarks in Helsinki. Vladimir Putin is not our friend, and there is 

simply no comparing the actions of the United States with those 

of Putin’s Russia. 


31454a-2.eps
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Ultimately, Helsinki was a squandered opportunity to challenge 

Vladimir Putin’s false narratives on issues including Ukraine and 

Syria and Russia’s ongoing interference in our democracy. 

So I understand the interest in these issues. I’m sure this resolution is a popular idea in some political circles. 

But, ultimately, it is not a wise approach to oversight. Indeed, it 

would only threaten to distract from the bipartisan legislative and 

investigative efforts of this committee. 

This resolution’s broad demand for documents conflicts with the 

strongest form of executive privilege recognized by the courts—the 

so-called Presidential communications privilege. 

Rooted in the constitutional separation of powers, Presidential 

communications privilege applies to direct decision making by the 

President and also protects communications made or solicited or received by his advisors while preparing advice for him. 

These privileges are at their strongest when they deal with the 

President’s core constitutional powers, such as his authority to conduct diplomatic discussions with foreign leaders, and this is with 

good cause. 

Today we have instant communications, but Presidents still have 

and need the authority to meet and speak and negotiate privately 

with foreign leaders. 

Consider the historic Camp David Accords, a diplomatic triumph 

that strengthened our national security. Members will recall this 

agreement was preceded by 2 weeks of confidential negotiations 

among the American, Israeli, and Egyptian heads of state, sequestered in the woods of Maryland. 

And during that time, some were genuinely concerned that 

Jimmy Carter might undermine the security of our ally, Israel. Yet, 

Congress wasn’t privy to every utterance. 

By constitutional design, we are not in the room for such discussions. We didn’t demand transcripts of every conversation President Obama had with the Russians, even after an open microphone 

caught him asking President Medvedev for some ‘‘space’’ on missile 

defense issues, explaining that we would ‘‘have more flexibility’’ 

after his November 2012 reelection. 

This resolution before us today has implications far beyond our 

current President or our last President. It is about the ability of all 

Presidents to engage with foreign leaders. 

And, sadly, this resolution goes against the grain of this committee’s important bipartisan work to confront Russia’s dangerous 

acts. 

As my colleagues know, this includes powerful sanctions, which 

we authored, on Russian hackers and intelligence agencies, passed 

as part of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions 

Act, which the administration needs to better utilize. 

It includes additional sanctions to punish Russia for propping up 

the murderous Assad regime in Syria, which the Senate needs to 

pass on to the President’s desk without further delay; and successfully pushing for the imposition of new mandatory Russian sanctions under the Chemical and Biological Weapons and Warfare 

Elimination Act, following Russia’s use of military-grade chemical 

weapons to poison British citizen Sergei Skripal and his daughter 

on British soil. 

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It includes creating a strong reformed export controls process 

that will better protect U.S. advances in emerging technology like 

robotics and artificial intelligence, and legislatively authorizing the 

President to provide defensive military systems to Ukraine and to 

strengthen its cyber defenses against Russian attacks; reforming 

the Broadcasting Board of Governors to help revitalize U.S. efforts 

to counter Russian propaganda and disinformation; and enacting 

the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act—named 

after a Russian businessman who was murdered by corrupt Russian authorities—to hold regimes accountable for human rights 

abuses; and it includes passing through the full House just last 

week the Cyber Deterrence and Response Act, to name, shame, and 

sanction foreign actors who carry out cyber attacks against the 

United States. 

We have taken these actions together because most of us have 

been concerned about administration policies toward Russia. I certainly have been. 

So I intend for the committee to continue to pursue its serious, 

bipartisan, and consequential oversight. But for the reasons I have 

laid out, I cannot support this resolution and I urge my colleagues 

to join me in reporting it adversely to the House. 

Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and as I’ve 

said many, many times privately and publicly, I want to thank you 

for the fair way you’ve always run this committee. 

I know this is an unusual situation for both of us. But we have 

reached the point with this administration when I believe it’s time 

for tougher action to be taken. 

For 18 months we have been trying to exercise basic oversight 

of the State Department. Two Secretaries of State have been here 

and have said they’d be responsive to our committee’s requests. It 

hasn’t happened. 

We have been stonewalled over and over again. We have heard 

excuse after excuse after excuse, and on the rare occasion like 

today that the administration sends officials to testify before our 

committee, we rarely get the answers we need. 

This has frustrated me and I’ve heard the same from many of 

our members, and the secret meeting between President Trump 

and President Putin in Helsinki was the last straw, literally. 

Vladimir Putin unleashed an attack on our democracy to try to 

get Donald Trump elected. President Trump cozies up to Putin at 

every turn. He sides with Putin over our own intelligence community. 

So when they went into a room together—no staff, no advisors, 

just the two of them, and interpreters—alarm bells went off all 

over Washington, DC, and around the world. 

It was unprecedented under any circumstances and particularly 

troubling in light of the Trump-Russia scandal swirling around this 

President and his administration. 

As Special Counsel Mueller continues to rack up indictments and 

convictions, my concern is only growing. Now 2 months later, the 

alarm is still going off because the American people still have no 

idea what was discussed in that meeting between Putin and 

Trump. 

6

We need to know. This is a matter of national security, and when 

an administration—and this would go for any administration of either party—shows such bizarre deference to an adversary who, 

clearly, means us harm, it falls to Congress to get the answers. 

That’s our job. 

Mr. Chairman, I know you’ve been working hard to get Secretary 

Pompeo in front of our committee so we can all ask these questions. 

It’s outrageous that he hasn’t come before us, especially since he 

did pay the Senate that courtesy. 

But you have tried to allow us to do our job and I am grateful 

for your effort. This administration just doesn’t seem to respect 

Congress’ role as a co-equal branch of government. 

So we are running out of options. The resolution that Mr. Boyle 

has introduced represents one of the few tools Congress has in its 

rules to get answers from an administration. 

I share the frustration that led Mr. Boyle to offer this measure 

and I fully support his effort to find out what happened in President Trump’s failed summit with the Russian dictator in Helsinki. 

I think it’s a pretty reasonable set of requests. I wish it weren’t 

necessary. I wish the State Department would do what Secretaries 

Tillerson and Pompeo promised, which is to respond to our document requests and heed our efforts to carry out Congress’ constitutional responsibilities by conducting basic oversight. 

But they have not, and we need to face facts. The Trump administration is not going to give us the information we need willingly. 

Congress has requested. They’ve said no. 

What we are left with is for Congress to demand, and because 

that’s the only option left for Congress to demand, we are also left 

with only one question—what will Congress decide to do? 

We are not the first committee to take up a resolution like this 

since the start of the Trump presidency. In other cases, markups 

have descended into partisan rancor. 

Certainly they haven’t resulted in getting any information from 

the executive branch. In my view, the Republican leadership in the 

House has opted to cover for this administration rather than allowing this body to do its job and exercise our checks and balances. 

I am confident, based on this committee’s culture, under your 

leadership, Mr. Chairman, that this markup won’t follow that path. 

In fact, I hope we can have a good debate about Mr. Boyle’s resolution, because if anyone thinks we and the American people 

shouldn’t know what happened in that meeting, I’d like to hear 

why and I’d like to hear that debate continue on the House floor. 

As I said, the only question left is, what will Congress decide to 

do? It should be up to the entire House to weigh in on that decision. We shouldn’t end this debate here. We shouldn’t end it today. 

And so, Mr. Chairman, respectfully, I must oppose your motion 

and if it’s voted down I’ll offer a motion of my own to report this 

resolution favorably, designating Mr. Boyle of Pennsylvania to call 

it up for consideration by the House. 

Again, Mr. Chairman, as I have said many times publicly and 

privately I am grateful to you for your fairness and leadership, and 

I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. The gentleman yields back. 

7

Floor votes are now underway. We have 4 minutes left in the 

vote. We will recess and then resume our markup immediately 

after the final vote in this two-vote series. 

So I urge members to return promptly after casting the second 

vote. We stand in recess. 

[Recess.] 

Chairman ROYCE. Mr. Sires. 

Mr. SIRES. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. 

The reason—where am I? My reason here, Chairman—the reason 

we are here today is simple. President Trump stood next to Vladimir Putin and took his side over the American people and our intelligence community. 

He let Putin lie and say Russia did not have—did not hack our 

elections. In my eyes, he stood on stage with Putin and failed to 

defend someone who is committed to destroying this country. 

He took a private meeting with Putin with no aides present. We 

still don’t know what happened in that meeting. The American people deserve to know what our President said to one of our adversaries. 

It is unacceptable that the administration continues to cozy up 

to the Russians at the expense of our security and safety. 

We were sent here to conduct oversight of the administration’s 

policies and we deserve to know what the President and Putin discussed. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. 

Any other members seek recognition? 

Any other members seek recognition to speak? 

[Pause.] 

Do any members seek recognition? 

Mr. Cicilline. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Yes. Move to strike the last word. 

Mr. Chairman, I support House Resolution 1017, which requests 

that the administration turn over documents related to the July 

16th meeting between Donald Trump and President Vladimir 

Putin. 

Two months after the fact, Congress and the American people 

still know nothing or next to nothing about what was discussed between President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in 

a private 2-hour meeting in which none of the President’s advisors 

were present. 

After that meeting, President Trump stood on a stage with Vladimir Putin, a man who directed his military to launch a cyber attack on our country’s elections and whose regime regularly has 

journalists murdered, LGBT individuals tortured, and political opponents thrown into jail. 

Rather than standing up to President Putin, President Trump 

bent over backwards to appease a dictator and even defended Putin 

while denigrating our FBI, our intelligence officials, and anyone 

who wants to see Putin held accountable for his actions. 

This was an incredibly embarrassing and sad day for America. 

Based on the President’s own words, here’s what we know about 

what took place in the meeting. 

8

The two had, I quote, ‘‘a direct, open, deeply productive dialogue 

and spoke on a wide range of critical issues for both of our countries.’’

The President believed Putin when he told him that it was not 

Russia that interfered in the 2016 elections, regardless of the fact 

that the U.S. intelligence community has without a doubt identified 

Russia as the source of the attack. 

He has since walked back the stance after widespread outrage 

and the mountains of clear evidence to the contrary of his claims. 

The President also apparently considered Putin’s incredible offer, 

as he called it, to allow Russians to question Ambassadors and employees of the United States intelligence community. He walked 

this back too after even his own advisors were incredulous at this 

absolutely nonsensical and dangerous proposal. 

Substantively, most of what we know about the meeting has 

come from the Russian Government. A Russian major general was 

reported to have said that the Russian ministry of defense is ready 

for practical implementation of international security agreements 

reached between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump at the Helsinki Summit. 

Despite this committee’s repeated requests, the administration 

still hasn’t told the American people or this committee anything 

substantive about the meeting in Helsinki and certainly nothing 

about these alleged international security agreements. 

This committee has the constitutional authority and responsibility to conduct oversight and get answers. The administration’s 

lack of transparency about what was said and agreed to is particularly disturbing in light of the ongoing investigation into the 

Trump campaign’s ties to Russia, which has so far produced nearly 

200 criminal charges and active indictments or to which individuals have already pled guilty. 

Vladimir Putin is not a friend of the United States or the American people. He’s a brutal dictator whose repressive values are completely contrary to our own. 

Given how little we know about what transpired in Helsinki, how 

can we trust that the President didn’t offer, purposely or otherwise, 

sensitive information that could put our citizens, soldiers, or allies 

in danger? 

How can we trust that the President didn’t commit the United 

States to actions or agreements that may be against our Nation’s 

interest? 

And given that we still don’t know the details relating to Russia’s 

involvement in the election of the President, how can we trust that 

what was discussed between President Trump and his admitted 

supporter, Vladimir Putin, didn’t compromise the President’s ability to support and defend the Constitution of the United States 

against our enemies? 

These are basic questions that are absolutely critical to our understanding of the administration’s policies toward Russia. 

We have an obligation as the committee of jurisdiction over foreign affairs to conduct proper oversight of the administration’s actions and policies vis-a-vis Russia. 

I can’t imagine what reason my colleagues could possibly use to 

justify their unwillingness to support this resolution. All it does is 

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ask for documents—documents that will shed light into this important meeting between President Trump and President Putin, and 

nothing more. 

This is a basic function of our committee that we should exercise 

without hesitation and because it is our obligation. 

So I ask my colleagues to join me in support of this very wellwritten resolution of inquiry so that we can get to the bottom of 

this and really provide transparency to the American people so we 

can really understand what happened during this very consequential meeting and what are the implications for the United States’ 

national security and our role in the world. 

And with that, I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. Any other members seek recognition? 

Mr. Boyle. 

Mr. BOYLE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I am pleased to have 

the opportunity to debate my resolution. 

It is now 2 months after the Helsinki Summit and we still don’t 

know what was said in the private meeting. 

The President has not told the American people what he discussed nor has any administration official come before the committee in an open or even a closed setting to brief us on the important foreign policy matters that were addressed. 

What we do know is what Donald Trump announced directly following the unprecedented and puzzling one-on-one sit down. 

He sowed seeds of doubt regarding the unwavering conclusion of 

our intelligence community that Russia interfered in our election to 

the benefit of Mr. Trump and that Putin used the meeting as a 

propaganda boost—or propaganda to boost his stature as a check 

on American leadership. 

And we know what else Russia has been up to since. Our national security agencies have confirmed Russia is still working to 

attack the upcoming 2018 elections. 

Russia continues to prop up the murderous Assad regime and occupy eastern Ukraine. All of this context fuels important questions 

regarding the secrecy of this meeting and begs for transparency 

and congressional oversight. 

I introduced this resolution in July following the President’s 

damaging and bizarre remarks at the press conference with Putin 

following the private sit down where the President met with Putin 

without any staff or advisors in the room. 

This meeting could have profound foreign policy implications and 

the President has already built a track record of giving away concessions with nothing in return. 

Did the President promise any concessions on U.S. sanctions on 

Russia? The U.S. commitment to NATO? The U.S. nonrecognition 

policy of the Crimea annexation? 

We simply don’t know. But we do know that at the press conference President Trump said he ‘‘spent a great deal of time’’ talking about the election and that Putin feels strongly about it and 

has ‘‘an interesting idea.’’

What does that mean? The President fueled doubt and speculation by refusing to say whether he believed the United States intelligence community or the Russian dictator on the subject of election 

interference in 2016. 

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Trump said that the special counsel’s Russia investigation has 

been a ‘‘disaster for the U.S. and has kept America and Russia separated.’’

These comments can be added to a very long list of ways the 

President has gone out of his way to cozy up to Putin. Now, I wish 

this resolution weren’t necessary. But here we are, 60 days after 

the Helsinki Summit and we still don’t know what President 

Trump said or committed to. 

We are a co-equal branch of government. Indeed, in the Constitution, we are the first Article. The executive is the second. 

It is time that we take off our red hat or our blue hat and put 

on our red, white, and blue hat. As fellow Americans and as Members of Congress, we have a responsibility to do our jobs. 

Let’s get answers. Let’s pass positively this resolution. 

Thank you, and I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. 

We go to Lois Frankel of Florida. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I urge support of this 

important resolution by my colleague, Representative Boyle, that 

directs the Trump administration to send the House copies of all 

documents and communications between Trump and Putin during 

the Helsinki Summit. 

The American people deserve to know the truth of what was discussed and I want to say with emphasis Congress has the oversight 

and authority, duty, to demand this information and it is critical 

to national security that this Congress not be just a lackey to the 

executive branch. 

And yet, the administration has failed to provide any information 

to come before this committee, as mentioned by my colleagues, and 

Americans are worried. They are in fear. 

Why is that? As a candidate, now President, Donald Trump refuses to say anything negative about Vladimir Putin. He actually 

shows admiration for a man who murders his political opponents, 

meddles in Western democratic elections, suppresses human rights, 

illegally annexes foreign territory, supports the murderous Assad 

regime in Syria, and more. 

And right before the Helsinki Summit, President Trump embarrassed our country at NATO, labeling our European allies as foes. 

Then standing at Putin’s side in Finland he parroted Russian 

propaganda and repeated Putin’s lies. 

When asked directly if he believed Russia interfered in our 2016 

elections, he said he didn’t see any reason why. 

I’ll tell you why or what he’s ignoring. Number one, our own intelligence community unanimously concluded Russia has meddled 

in our elections. Number two, the Department of Justice has indicted 25 Russian nationals responsible for the meddling. And 

number three, Russia has a long proven history of assaulting Western democracies and using cyber attacks, disinformation, and support for nationalist political groups. 

Now, here’s the thing. We don’t have a clue what was discussed 

with the two—in the 2-hour-long private meeting between Trump 

and Putin—what promises were made, whether they talked about 

sanctions, what about our election. 

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We have no answers and the cloud of secrecy is disturbing. We 

are in fear. It’s been reported that they talked about holding a referendum in eastern Ukraine, Iran’s presence in Syria, recognition 

of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, and the future of our nuclear arsenals, and we know Trump himself said it was a wonderful offer when Putin suggested Russia’s interrogators question 

American citizens, including a former U.S. Ambassador to Russia. 

Is it possible that the President jeopardized our national security 

when he was alone in the room with Putin? But without these documents, we may never know. 

And I just want to conclude by repeating that Congress has the 

authority and the oversight duty to demand this information that 

is critical to our national security. 

I urge we use this responsibility and adopt this resolution. 

I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. Do any other members seek recognition? 

Mr. Meeks. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The camera of history is rolling. We do not live in a time where 

Congress can just sit back. In fact, we live in extraordinary times. 

We cannot fool ourselves and say this is ordinary times because 

it’s not, and history is looking to see what is the United States 

House of Representatives—what is the Congress going to do to 

make sure it is utilizing its oversight power of the executive 

branch—an equal branch of government. 

And so we cannot pretend that this is a normal circumstance. In 

fact, a number of my Republican colleagues, especially those that 

ran for President—not Gregory Meeks—warned us about some of 

this back during the campaign during that time. 

I’d just refer individuals to the comments of Mr. Romney, who’s 

running for United States Senate now; Mr. Cruz, who is, you know, 

during that primary period of time; Mr. Rubio, who also had comments about the President at that time, of which I continue to articulate and utilize. 

So they had some clues that this was not going to be an ordinary 

circumstance if Mr. Trump was elected, and that’s why they said 

the things that they said during that campaign. 

And so what has played out is what we have seen to take place 

at the Helsinki Summit, which remains astonishing because for the 

first time a U.S. President sat in front of the world stage to undermine their own Department of Justice, their own intelligence community, and invited a foreign adversary to do the same. 

Without question, this is a troubling moment in our Nation’s history. When given a chance to forcefully denounce Russia’s interference in our elections, President Trump instead parroted Russia’s 

propaganda. 

Even the administration’s latest Executive order sanctioning foreign interference in our elections fails to mention Russia by name. 

This committee’s request for documents, records, communications, and even the U.S. translator’s notes constitutes not only a 

moral obligation but an execution of our constitutionally-enshrined 

right to check and balance the executive branch of government. 

No other vibrant democracy would accept a meeting between its 

head of state and a former KGB agent whose primary currency is 

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half truths and disinformation and is committed to stirring up discord and division. 

We need accountability and we need it today. Unfortunately, we 

do not trust the administration not to give away key concessions 

on issues like Crimea, Ukraine, the nuclear nonproliferation. 

It’s unprecedented for staff, his advisors, and technical experts to 

be excluded from discussions with far-reaching implications for not 

only the United States but the entire global community. 

It is hyperbolic to say Mr. Trump’s secretive meeting undermines 

our national security and aggregates this chamber’s ability to perform effective oversight. 

As public stewards dedicated to transparency and the rule of law, 

we just keep the executive accountable. It is time for all Members 

of Congress to put their affiliation aside and come together as 

Americans to address this blatant breach of trust. 

As the biblical maxim says, a little yeast works through the 

whole batch of dough. The yeast of secrecy and unaccountability, 

if left unchecked, will undermine the very foundations of our democracy. 

The actions of this President is just puzzling. I would have hoped 

that if he did then these transcripts would show that he was talking to the Russians, and should have been, about them being 

complicit with Syria, for example, in utilizing chemical weapons. 

He pulled out of an agreement that all had agreed with with reference to nuclear weapons. But was there any—with Iran—but was 

there any conversation in that regard and what is Russia’s role? 

It seems to me that the American people and all of us here in 

Congress should know. So I would hope that my—our Republican 

colleagues and our public oaths require no demand—I’ll note they 

demand that we examine the Helsinki events closely and if not this 

body, the American people will regret not doing so and history will 

so record it, and I thank Mr. Boyle for his amendment. 

And I yield back the balance of my time. 

Chairman ROYCE. Other members seeking recognition? 

Congresswoman Norma Torres. 

Ms. TORRES. Thank you, Chairman Royce. 

H.R. 1017 is an important measure and I thank my colleague, 

Congressman Boyle, for introducing it, and I also want to thank 

Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for bringing it before 

this committee. 

H.R. 1017 would force the administration to turn over documents 

related to the July 16 meeting that took place between President 

Trump and Vladimir Putin in Helsinki. 

As I recall, Democrats were not the only ones with very serious 

questions about that meeting or concerns. As I recall, many of my 

Republican colleagues were shocked at the fact that President 

Trump would meet with Putin with no staff and shocked by the bizarre spectacle of a joint conference in which President Trump 

treated Putin like a friend, not the adversary that he is. 

He is not our friend, and let us be clear about that. Russia is not 

our ally. As we discussed in this morning’s hearing, Russia is a 

subject to multiple U.S. sanctions for its many malign activities. 

13

The United States has sanctioned Russia for corruption, for 

interfering in our elections, for invading Crimea, for using chemical 

weapons to poison a former spy in the U.K. 

And I won’t go into the long and sordid history of President 

Trump’s relationship with Russia. I won’t go into the many examples of President Trump’s campaign officials’ ties to Russia or the 

administration officials’ ties to Russia in general. 

There is an ongoing investigation and we must allow that investigation to run its course. But I will say that there are some serious questions about the Helsinki meeting and the American people 

deserve to know. 

I hope that today that we can rise above party politics and bring 

some much needed transparency to this disturbing episode. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back. 

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. 

Do any other members seek recognition? 

Seeing no further requests for recognition to speak, the question 

occurs on the pending motion of the Chair to report the resolution 

adversely. 

The Chair orders a recorded vote, as I stated at the outset, to 

give all our members a fair opportunity to participate. 

We are going to take a brief recess and then we reconvene to 

vote at 1:50. 

The committee stands in recess. 

[Recess.] 

Chairman ROYCE. Okay. This committee will come back to order. 

When we recessed, we had concluded debate——

Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, move to strike the last word. 

Chairman ROYCE. The gentleman is recognized. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, the legendary journalist, Bob Woodward, released 

a book with disturbing details about what’s going on in the White 

House. 

White House Chief of Staff General Kelly reportedly said, ‘‘President Trump has gone off the rails. We are in Crazy Town. I don’t 

even know why any of us are here.’’

And General Kelly denied some of the comments attributed to 

him and Woodward is standing by his reporting. Either way, the 

question it raises is a good one. 

Why are any of us here? Why are any of us up here on this dais? 

Are we taking our duty to our constituents seriously? Are we living 

up to Article One of the Constitution? This is the people’s House. 

We are the American people’s check on power, check on the administration, their oversight of the White House. 

Are we going to take that job seriously? In July, I am sure many 

of you were as dumbfounded as I was when we saw the President 

of the United States stand side by side with Russian President 

Vladimir Putin. 

He undermined the conclusions of American intelligence agencies—the agencies made up of hardworking patriotic Americans 

who sacrificed so much and go out into the most dangerous situations to gather information to keep our country safe. 

14

The conclusions in their report have been publicly available since 

January 2017. President Trump pretended they didn’t exist. He ignored the American lives that were on the line to create it. 

In fact, there are rumors that he considered Putin’s request to 

allow questioning of some of those very U.S. officials. But once 

again, we don’t know where the truth lies because the only people 

in the room were Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin. 

I don’t know about you—that’s not what I expect of my President. I expect strength in the face of Russian aggression. 

I don’t expect our President to blame America when Russia invaded its neighbors, when it used nerve gas against agents in Britain, when it attacked the foundation of our democracy. 

If history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly. It 

means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our freedom. 

That’s how President Reagan said it in 1983. That is a statement 

with principles at its foundation and our dearest American values 

at its core. 

You won’t hear anything like that coming out of this President’s 

mouth. We cannot be complicit in Donald Trump’s abandonment of 

the principals that used to guide us and we have a lot of work to 

do to restore American values. 

That’s the answer to the question why are we even here. I urge 

my colleagues who have now returned to this hearing room to oppose the motion to report the resolution adversely so that we can 

move forward with Mr. Boyle’s resolution and advance this committee’s responsibility to protect our democracy by pursuing the truth. 

And I am glad to yield to my friend, Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank my friend and I thank him for his eloquence and for setting the parameters of what ought to be a fruitful discussion. 

I plead with my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. This 

committee has by and large seen and heard no evil when it comes 

to this President, even as he talks down alliances, even as he caters and panders to Vladimir Putin at the summit, even when he 

trashes our allies in the G7, even when he rips up agreements that 

disrupts long-term friendships and relationships, even when he deplores the EU and says that NATO, our longest alliance that 

worked so well and still does, is obsolete. 

Is there any line he can cross that might merit your ire? This 

resolution, allowed to come to the floor without a recommendation, 

would be something then the House of Representatives—the people’s body—could debate, and fruitfully so. 

Or are we today once again simply going to vote along party lines 

to protect and defend the indefensible in foreign policy and once 

again shirk our duty as the committee of jurisdiction and cognizance to protect the foreign interests of the United States of 

America, even when that means we cross the executive? 

I hope we think long and hard about our action today and I 

thank Mr. Boyle for his leadership on this resolution and my friend 

from Florida for yielding. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Thank you, and Mr. Chairman——

Chairman ROYCE. Thank you. 

15

Mr. DEUTCH [continuing]. I appreciate it. I yield back the balance 

of my time. 

Chairman ROYCE. All right. 

The pending question is on the motion to report House Resolution 1017 adversely. In other words, if you share my opposition to 

the resolution, you would vote aye. 

The clerk will call the roll. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Would the chair entertain a parliamentary inquiry first? 

Chairman ROYCE. I will entertain that inquiry. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the chair. 

Just a couple of parliamentary inquiries. Is the motion——

Chairman ROYCE. Will the gentleman state his inquiry? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Yes. I am going to ask if the motion is amendable. 

Chairman ROYCE. It is not at this point. We could consider an 

alternative motion only if this motion was defeated. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Because I have——

Chairman ROYCE. The motion before us——

Mr. CONNOLLY [continuing]. I have an itsy bitsy change in the 

adverb from adversely to favorably. [Laughter.] 

Chairman ROYCE. Well—well, we could—we could consider that 

if this motion fails. But this is the motion before us, Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the chair. 

Chairman ROYCE. All right. Well, thank you. 

So the pending question—we will ask the clerk to call the roll. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ROYCE. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. The chairman votes aye. 

Mr. Smith. 

Mr. SMITH. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Smith votes aye. 

Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen votes aye. 

Mr. Rohrabacher. 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Rohrabacher votes aye. 

Mr. Chabot. 

Mr. CHABOT. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Chabot votes aye. 

Mr. Wilson. 

Mr. WILSON. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Wilson votes aye. 

Mr. McCaul. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. McCaul votes aye. 

Mr. Poe. 

[No response.] 

Mr. Issa. 

[No response.] 

Mr. Marino. 

Mr. MARINO. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Marino votes aye. 

16

Mr. Brooks. 

Mr. BROOKS. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Brooks votes aye. 

Mr. Cook. 

Mr. COOK. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Cook votes aye. 

Mr. Perry. 

Mr. PERRY. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Perry votes aye. 

Mr. Meadows. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Meadows votes aye. 

Mr. Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Yoho votes aye. 

Mr. Kinzinger. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye. 

Mr. Zeldin. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Zeldin votes aye. 

Mr. Donovan. 

Mr. DONOVAN. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Donovan votes aye. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner. 

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Sensenbrenner votes aye. 

Mrs. Wagner. 

Mrs. WAGNER. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mrs. Wagner votes aye. 

Mr. Mast. 

Mr. MAST. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Mast votes aye. 

Mr. Rooney. 

Mr. ROONEY. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Rooney votes aye. 

Mr. Fitzpatrick. 

Mr. FITZPATRICK. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Fitzpatrick votes aye. 

Mr. Garrett. 

Mr. GARRETT. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Garrett votes aye. 

Mr. Curtis. 

Mr. CURTIS. Aye. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Curtis votes aye. 

Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Engel votes no. 

Mr. Sherman. 

Mr. SHERMAN. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Sherman votes no. 

Mr. Meeks. 

[No response.] 

Mr. Sires. 

17

Mr. SIRES. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Sires votes no. 

Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Nay. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Connolly votes no. 

Mr. Deutch. 

Mr. DEUTCH. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Deutch votes no. 

Ms. Bass. 

[No response.] 

Mr. Keating. 

Mr. KEATING. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Keating votes no. 

Mr. Cicilline. 

Mr. CICILLINE. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Cicilline votes no. 

Mr. Bera. 

Mr. BERA. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Bera votes no. 

Ms. Frankel. 

Ms. FRANKEL. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Ms. Frankel votes no. 

Ms. Gabbard. 

[No response.] 

Mr. Castro. 

Mr. CASTRO. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Castro votes no. 

Ms. Kelly. 

Ms. KELLY. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Ms. Kelly votes no. 

Mr. Boyle. 

Mr. BOYLE. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Boyle votes no. 

Ms. Titus. 

Ms. TITUS. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Ms. Titus votes no. 

Ms. Torres. 

Ms. TORRES. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Ms. Torres votes no. 

Mr. Schneider. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Schneider votes no. 

Mr. Suozzi. 

Mr. SUOZZI. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Suozzi votes no. 

Mr. Espaillat. 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Espaillat votes no. 

Mr. Lieu. 

Mr. LIEU. No. 

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Lieu votes no. 

Chairman ROYCE. Have all members been recorded? 

The clerk will report the vote. 

18

Ms. MARTER. Mr. Chairman, on that vote there are 23 ayes and 

18 noes. 

Chairman ROYCE. The motion is adopted and House Resolution 

1017 will be reported adversely. 

The motion to reconsider is laid on the table and without objection staff is directed to make any technical and conforming 

changes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman, I have a——

Chairman ROYCE. That concludes our business. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I just have a UC request to enter something into 

the record. 

Chairman ROYCE. Without—well, let—state the nature of your 

UC request. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I have a series of 20 different quotes from Members of Congress with respect to the Helsinki performance. I was 

simply asking unanimous consent they be entered into the record. 

Chairman ROYCE. Without objection. 

Mr. CICILLINE. May I ask—I am sorry, Mr. Chairman. May I ask 

that those—before I decide whether to object that Mr. Connolly 

read those statements? [Laughter.] 

Chairman ROYCE. I think there will be objection at that point. 

[Laughter.] 

So might I suggest that——

Mr. CONNOLLY. I would ask my friend from Rhode Island to perhaps withdraw his request. [Laughter.] 

I thank the chair. 

Chairman ROYCE. Very good. I am trying to be helpful here. 

That concludes our business. Without objection, the committee is 

adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 2:05 p.m., the committee was adjourned.] 

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