FRONTISPIECE.—Above: Festively colored silk bridal outer coat and bridal accessories including bridal coronet, 

hairpin and ribbons, belt, stocking boots, rubber shoes, and bride costume storage chest. All items, with the 

exception of the rubber shoes, are "traditional." Below: Village farmer's family seated on a concrete foundation 

of an otherwise traditional house. 
SMITHSONIA N CONTRIBUTION S TO ANTHROPOLOG Y • NUMBE R 3 9 

The Modernization of Three Korean 

Villages, 1951-1981: 

An Illustrated Study of a People 

and Their Material Culture 

Eugene I. Knez 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 

Washington, D.C. 

1997 
ABSTRACT 

Knez, Eugene I. The Modernization of Three Korean Villages, 1951-1981: An Illustrated 

Study of a People and Their Material Culture. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, 

number 39,216 pages, 191 figures, 35 tables, 1997.—The "totality" of artifacts in three distinct 

villages, now consolidated into a city ward, represent an ethnohistorical perspective of material 

culture within a specific time-level of cultural evolution. Detailed descriptions of 413 selected 

artifacts are provided. These artifacts are assigned to four categories, namely Traditional, 

Traditional/Modified, New, and New/Modified, to reveal the number and distribution of 

artifacts in households and cultivated fields. Although the field study emphasizes the more 

durable objects, the perishables are also examined. The "totality" of artifacts will provide the 

reader "an archeology of the living" for Korean folk life. 

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is 

recorded in the Institution's annual report, Annals of the Smithsonian Institution. COVER DESIGN: 

A willow rice winnowing basket (see Material Culture No. 114) showing reverse (left) and 

obverse (right) views. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Knez, Eugene I. 

The modernization of three Korean villages, 1951-1981 : an illustrated study of a people and their material culture / 

Eugene I. Knez. 

p. cm. — (Smithsonian contributions to anthropology ; no. 39) 

Includes bibliographic references and index. 

1. Material culture—Korea—Kimhae-gun. 2. Villages—Korea—Kimhae-gun. 3. Kimhae-gun (Korea)—Social 

life and customs. I. Title. II. Series. 

GN635.K6K54 1997 951.95—dc20 96-4058 

® The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American 

National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48—1984. 
Contents 

Page 

Preface viii 

Introduction and Acknowledgments x 

Part 1. Koreans in Kimhae 1 

Kimhae in Space and Time 1 

The Social Milieu 7 

Village Economics 29 

Selective Modernization 43 

Conclusions 54 

Notes 54 

Part 2. Material Culture 56 

Introduction 56 

Household Utensils 56 

Toys and Games 76 

Musical Instruments 82 

Weights and Measures 85 

Hunting and Fishing 86 

Clothing 87 

Adornment 98 

Agriculture 101 

Personal Accessories 121 

Value and Ritual 123 

Tobacco Smoking 125 

Animal Husbandry 126 

Confections 130 

Household Furniture and Accessories 131 

Carpentry and Blacksmithing 140 

General Utility 147 

Vehicles 149 

Toilet 152 

Communications 152 

Notes 154 

Part 3. The Village House: Its Recent Development in the Three Ministers 

Community, 1951-1981 155 

Notes 160 

Part 4. Summary and Interpretation 162 

Usage Trends in Village Artifacts in the Three Ministers Community, 

1951-1981 166 

Notes 168 

Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Inventories 170 

Appendix 2. Food Preparations, 1951-1981 180 

Appendix 3. Domesticated and Useful Wild Plants and Domesticated Animals, 

1970 182 

Appendix 4. Factories within the Three Ministers Community and the Nearby 

Kimhae Industrial Park in 1980 185 

Appendix 5. Restaurants, Shops, and Other Commercial Outlets Present in or 

nearby the Three Ministers Community during 1980 187 
Vi SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTION TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Appendix 6. English-Korean Character List 188 

Bibliography 206 

Index * 208 

Romanized Korean Index 214 

Tables 

1. Educational achievement of residents in the Three Ministers community, 

1951-1981 16 

2. Household participation in methods of modern communications in the 

Three Ministers community for 1971 and 1981 17 

3. Land use for greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community 

for 1975 41 

4. Proportion of income from greenhouse farming in the Three 

Ministers community for 1975 41 

5. Households containing livestock in the Three Ministers community 

in 1981 42 

6. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1952 .. . 43 

7. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1970 .. . 43 

8. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1981 . . . 44 

9. Small factories and cottage industries located in the Three 

Ministers community in 1981 46 

10. Village shops established within the Three Ministers community 

in 1970 47 

11. Peddlers and itinerant repairmen frequenting the Three Ministers 

community in 1970 49 

12. Funeral expenditures for a deceased parent in the Three Ministers 

community in 1970 52 

13. Average cost of ancestor worship in the Three Ministers community 

in 1970 52 

14. Expenses of a wedding for a bride's family in the Three Ministers 

community in 1970 52 

15. Average size of a traditional house, with a living/bedroom and 

kitchen in the Three Ministers community in 1951 .155 

16. Changes in house styles in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 . . . . 160 

17. Origins of the material culture examined in one of the villages of the 

Three Ministers community in 1958 * 162 

18. Persisting features in Koreanized Japanese homes in the Three Ministers 

community in 1958 162 

19. Traditional, Traditional/Modified, and New artifacts recorded in the Three 

Ministers community in 1971 162 

20. Comparison of the usage of selected objects in the villages of the Three Ministers 

community in 1971 163 

21. Classification of the material culture studied from the Three Ministers 

community in 1971 164 

22. Loss of selected Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers community in 

1981 164 

23. Combined loss of selected Traditional and Traditional/Modified 

artifacts from the Three Ministers community in 1981 164 

24. Persistence of selected artifacts in the Three Ministers community, 

1951-1981 165 
NUMBER 39 vii 

25. Types of household fuel consumed in the Three Ministers community in 

1971 165 

26. Traditional artifact usage 166 

27. Traditional/Modified artifact usage 167 

28. New artifact usage 167 

29. New/Modified artifact usage 167 

30. Invented artifact usage 167 

31. Traditional household artifact usage (utensils and appliances) 168 

32. Traditional/Modified household artifact usage (utensils and appliances) ... . 168 

33. Traditional agricultural artifact usage 168 

34. Traditional/Modified agricultural artifact usage 168 

35. New agricultural artifact usage 168 
Preface 

This study, which initially sought to determine the influence of the Japanese 

colonization (1910-1945) upon Korean village life with an emphasis upon material 

culture, soon became an inquiry into modernization. In the history of anthropology 

relatively little has been contributed to the study of modernization. This is difficult to 

understand because 

all the processes of modernization [may be considered] as broadly representing a single "stage" of cultural 

evolution. Despite the central concern of anthropology with evolution... the discipline has largely ignored 

modernization (this is certainly so in comparison to economics, political science, and sociology) (Rogers, 

1975:346). 

My field experiences corroborated the current view of anthropologists and other social 

scientists that "modernization is not the same as the introduction of the horse among the 

Plains Indians or the steel ax among aboriginal Australians" (Dalton, 1971:13). Two or 

more generations of a society may have to undergo a psychological conditioning prior to 

an acceptance of new ideas and skills of modernization (Dalton, 1971:13). An integration 

of socio-cultural activities on the local, regional, and national levels, with the accumulation 

of required resources, must be achieved for the time-consuming development of 

modernization. Modernization has been defined as 

a widely participatory process of basic social structural change in a society, intended to bring about both social 

and material advancement of the majority of the people through means that foster equality, freedom, and other 

valued qualities (Rogers, 1975:359). 

Although this definition would be appropriate in a government directive or a report by a 

development specialist, with its emphasis on design, it lacks a sense of reality. Probably 

many field investigators instead regard modernization as 

the . . . unintended consequences of technological change-[with subsequent] change .. . in occupations and work 

habits, in perceptions and values, in interpersonal relations, in standards of living, in expectations and 

relationships to institutions and environment, [and] for the most part.. ., except for improved living standards, 

[they are] unplanned and usually unwanted (Brandt, 1992, personal correspondence). 

From various points of view, scholars, artists, collectors, and, in recent times, economic 

development specialists have all found Korean material culture of interest. Whether 

considered as a practical assemblage of man-made objects to exploit the natural 

environment or as a tangible expression of a unique heritage, Korean artifacts provide the 

end-product to a student of human behavior. Historical, ethnographic, or esthetic studies 

of Korean material culture often have been restricted to one or a few aspects: for example, 

house types, ceramics, agricultural tools, musical instruments, costumes, or paintings. On 

the other hand, archeologists in Korea, grateful for whatever an excavation revealed, have 

included all available evidence of material culture in their analyses. Ethnographers in 

Korea, studying village life, might acquire this broad perspective of material culture for 

another diagnostic dimension, the archeology of the living. Comprehensive consideration 

of material culture may provide further insight into Korean survival strategies as well as 

ethnic values. Material culture may disclose where Korean creativity is more in evidence; 

in what sectors foreign influences have been accepted; and, if accepted, have they been 

incorporated unchanged or modified in some manner. Contemporary studies of material 

culture will fill some of the gaps in the recent past and reveal behavior patterns that may 

persist in the future. Archeologists, who have not found complementary data in the 

ethnological literature for their excavations, have temporarily put aside their trowels, on 

occasion, to do material culture studies among the living inhabitants in the same 

geographic area. This, however, has been deplored because archeologists, it is said, should 

give their undivided attention to the recovery and protection of archeological remains, 

vm 
NUMBER 39 i x 

which often are threatened by destruction either by man or by other environmental 

circumstances. 

My personal interest in material culture arose from undergraduate ethnological and 

archeological experiences in the field and in the Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, 

University of New Mexico. Museum work with collections at the Yale Peabody Museum 

and Washington State Museum reinforced an appreciation of the artifact and its 

significance in cultural history. Korean museums, their collections, exhibitions, and 

related activities, were among my responsibilities as the officer in charge of the Bureau of 

Culture, Department of Education, in the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea 

(USAMGIK), 1945-1946. To make a positive statement of Korean cultural identity after 

the long Japanese occupation (1910-1945), I established a National Museum of 

Anthropology1 (NMA) with the folklorist Prof. Sohng Suk Ha as director. In order to 

mount an exhibition for the formal opening of the NMA, I led an expedition2 in 1946 to 

Cheju Island to collect ethnographic artifacts, data, and to record music. I obtained 

permission from USAMGIK (Seoul) and General Headquarters (GHQ), Tokyo, for an 

excavation of two royal Silla tombs by the new Korean staff in the National Museum of 

Korea.3 The technical advisor was Prof. Arimitsu Kyoichi, a specialist in Korean 

archeology. A GHQ (Tokyo) inspection of the excavation was conducted by Prof. Langdon 

Warner (Fogg Art Museum-Harvard University) and Dr. Gordon T. Bowles (Harvard 

University). I provided the required USAMGIK supervision. During the Korean War, 

while a staff member of the American Embassy, I obtained for the National Museum of 

Korea the motor and rail transportation for a covert transfer of national art treasures from 

Seoul to Pusan (Kim W, 1956; Kim C, 1991:105-107). Subsequently, as a Smithsonian 

curator, I again dealt, for almost twenty years, with material culture, primarily Asian 

ethnological collections and exhibitions.4 

This ethnographic study has involved observations of the village environment, 

interviews with residents, and the use of questionnaires and local government records. The 

questionnaires were administered by members of the research team and employed villagers 

who had experience collecting information for the Korean national census. Both social 

behavior and material culture data were recorded. Rapport was soon established with 

village leaders and elders, local government officials, and villagers because of the Korean 

traditional respect for scholarly endeavors. 

1

 The NMA was located in Seoul in the former residence of the Japanese diplomat, Minister M. Kato. 

2

 Members of the NMA expedition included Prof. Sohng Suk Ha and Prof. Kim Kyung Soo (linguistics), and 

1 st Lt. Russell G. Mason (director of Seoul JODK radio station, musician/composer); Nim Tong Hyuk with three 

recording engineers, and two photographers, Yi Yong Min and Kim Pyong Ho. Rev. William G. Kerr, from GHQ 

(Tokyo), was an interpreter and translator (Korean and Japanese). For a winter ascent of Mt. Halla and 

meteorological recordings, nine Korean Alpine Club members were permitted to come along. 

3

 The archeological report (Kim, C, 1948) of this excavation was the first publication of the National Museum 

of Korea under Korean management. 

4

 These included two permanent Korean exhibits, Buddhism in Korea and A Korean Room [scholar's study] 

and for the Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition Service (SITES), A Korean Village In Transition: An 

Anthropological Field Trip (1977-1979). 
Introduction and Acknowledgments 

This ethnographic study of Korean village life began in 1951. I had planned for 

fieldwork to commence in 1949 and several villages were briefly visited at that time. 

Because of administrative duties at the American Embassy in Korea, it was impossible to 

begin the study until the fall of 1951, when I was scheduled for home leave. The years of 

1950-1953, the reader may recall, were the time of the Korean War. During the fall of 

1950, the news of enemy advances was so discouraging to my Embassy superiors that I 

received a temporary assignment to go to Cheju Island to lease several buildings for use by 

the Embassy information and culture program, if the UN forces, the South Korean 

government, and the American Embassy had to evacuate the peninsula. My planned 

ethnographic project seemed unrealistic because of these wartime circumstances. 

However, as the possibility of returning to Korea to do research appeared to be 

increasingly remote, I decided to start my fieldwork. Although my Embassy colleagues 

regarded my request to do fieldwork in the perimeter defense area as unusual, permission 

was granted with the specific proviso that no Embassy logistical support would be 

forthcoming. My home leave, with two extensions of time, permitted me to spend more 

than two months in the field. After I had been assigned to the American Embassy in Japan, 

I received a reprimand from the Department of State personnel office stating that, 

thereafter, I must spend accrued home leave for that purpose only. 

A consolidated community in the Kimhae township, Three Ministers, consisting of three 

older villages, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, was selected for the field 

project. It was near the dusty Kimhae-Pusan highway. The one-way movement of 

refugees and the two-way traffic of military trucks and jeeps, not to mention the occasional 

sound of artillery, emphasized the urgency of the field study. I was assisted by three 

Korean graduate students, two of whom had been recommended by their senior professors 

and the other by the director of the National Museum of Korea. They served both as 

interpreters and translators. I followed this staffing procedure for all of my subsequent field 

trips to the community. Over the years the student field assistants mostly came from Seoul 

National University, Korea University, and Pusan National University. Several of these 

student assistants later obtained advanced degrees in the United States in anthropology, 

archeology, and geology. Among the student assistants were Chon Myong-Che; Cheung 

Chang-Hi; Chyun Kwan-Woo; Choi Hyup; Kim Joon Ho; and Kim Hong-Joon. A 

number of village informants were interviewed during the fieldwork. One of the most 

knowledgeable was Suh Sul-Bong who had lived in the community all of his life. He was 

a respected elder, who participated in village affairs and also held local government 

positions in Kimhae town (now city). Suh Ho-Tuk, son of Suh Sul-Bong, was also an 

interested and useful informant. Dr. Lee Dong Hoon, a physician and surgeon; Kim 

I-Uk, a Korean employee specialist and later a public relations officer for a U.S. Army 

base; and Kim Song-sik, a businessman, are friends living in Pusan who facilitated my 

fieldwork. Several well-known scholars and cultural leaders were encouraging and 

provided assistance, but bear no responsibility for this publication. They include Kim 

Won-Yong, Kim Che-won, Yi Pyong-do, Minn Pyong-do, Lee Duhyun, and Lee Kwangkyu. 

I am most grateful for the comments and suggestions of several scholars who reviewed 

my manuscript. These reviewers were Vincent S.R. Brandt, Forrest R. Pitts, Roger Rose, 

Robert Sayers, Edward J. Schultz, and Clark W. Sorensen. 

Stanley Schab gave me early editorial advice, and Hye Ran Chung provided 

transliteration assistance. 
NUMBER 39 x i 

Although funding for the first field study (1951-1952) was personal, the American 

advisors of the Republic of Korea Army Engineer School in Kimhae and the American 

personnel at the U.S. Marine Air Station at the K-l airfield (now the Kimhae International 

Airport) provided the fuel and maintenance for my jeep along with an occasional meal. The 

Smithsonian Institution sponsored a field trip in 1962, including the collecting of 

ethnological artifacts for the National Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C. 

The Asia Foundation gave financial assistance in 1971 to three graduate student assistants 

whom I had selected for fieldwork. A Fulbright research award partially funded a field trip 

in 1981. Between 1951 and 1981 I took several trips to the Three Ministers community to 

obtain some specific data, renew old friendships, and see at firsthand the changes in 

Kimhae's suburban life. 

Members of the field teams, including the author and employed local professionals, did 

the photography. Additional photographs were donated by Lee Duhyun, Choi Min Shik, 

and Kim I-Uk. At the Smithsonian Institution, Victor Krantz took photographs of artifacts 

in the Knez collection and in a Smithsonian traveling exhibition (Korean Village in 

Transition), which was developed by me. 

My wife, formerly Choi Jiae, was always an encouraging source of information and 

suggestions, with a Korean perspective. In Honolulu, research and editing assistance was 

provided by Paul D. Clur, a mathematical formulation was by Guoxiang Huang, and a 

computerized text was by Mariebel P. Sevilla. 
The Modernization of Three Korean 

Villages, 1951-1981: 

An Illustrated Study of a People 

and Their Material Culture 

Eugene I. Knez 

Part 1. Koreans in Kimhae 

Kimhae in Space and Time 

REGIONAL ENVIRONMENT 

The Kimhae region is situated on a delta composed of 

alluvial soil deposited by the Naktong River. The delta, 15 km 

long and up to 17 km wide, is the largest area of "bottom land" 

in the Republic of Korea (Bartz, 1972:174). The Naktong River 

is 525 km in length and is the longest river in South Korea. 

The delta provides a contrast to the rugged and repetitive terrain 

that is generally characteristic of the Naktong Basin and the 

rest of the Korean peninsula. The Kimhae delta is located in 

South Kyongsang Province. Prior to 1896, North and South 

Kyongsang provinces were a single province named Kyongsangdo, which was well known for its relative fertility 

(Lautensach, 1988:12). The two Kyongsang provinces exactly 

fill the Naktong [river] basin and are thus a perfect example of 

a political unit with boundaries dictatated by physical 

geography (Lautensach, 1988:15). This Kyongsangdo area 

comprises the entire southeastern end of the Korean peninsula. 

Pusan, the second largest city in the Republic of Korea, has the 

largest port, and is located just east of the mouth of the Naktong 

on the Korea Straits (Figure 1). Pusan was designated a special 

city in 1963 by the national government when it had reached a 

population of 50,000, and it is now administered apart from the 

South Kyongsang province. It is an industrial complex, a 

commercial center, and a terminus for water, rail, and air 

transportation. An important and influential neighbor, Japan, 

Eugene I. Knez, 469 Ena Road, #3403, Honolulu, Hawaii 96815. 

lies across the Eastern Sea (Sea of Japan) and the Taehan and 

Tsushima Straits. Pusan by air travel to Fukuoka on Japan's 

large southern island of Kyushu, is 214 km away. 

The Kimhae city hall is 34 km from the city hall of Pusan to 

the south, but the distance from the Kimhae city hall to the 

nearest boundary of the expanding Pusan metropolitan area is 

only 2 km. Near to Kimhae city is the Kimhae International 

Airport, which is the largest air facility in southeastern Korea. 

It was expanded in 1977 to handle 1,350,000 passengers 

annually and 140,000 tons of cargo. It is the principal airport 

for Pusan. A four-lane highway, the Seoul-Pusan expressway, 

just across the Naktong, is accessible to the communities of the 

Kimhae delta. A four-lane highway from Pusan to the west 

passes near Kimhae city. An older two-lane highway, later 

paved with asphalt, connects Kimhae with Pusan. The enlarged 

network of roads includes three bridges across the broad 

channel of the lower Naktong. The Kup'o bridge, the oldest and 

best known of the three, is just 15 km south of Kimhae. The 

Kup'o bridge was the only bridge across the lower Naktong 

when this ethnographic study commenced in 1951.1 Across the 

Kup'o bridge, on the east bank of the Naktong, is the town from 

which the bridge derives its name. Kup'o is now (1981) within 

the Pusan metropolitan area. It is located along the main 

railroad that links Pusan with Seoul. As the urban sprawl of 

Pusan has extended out over adjacent rural areas in recent 

years, so has that of Kimhae. Within the administrative 

boundaries of Kimhae town were a number of rural settlements, 

including the three villages represented in this ethnographic 

study, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill. These 

villages were consolidated into an administrative unit, a ward, 
MAP OF SOUTH KOREA 

(PRINCIPAL SOUTHEASTERN CITIES) 

SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

CHINA 

/v 

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. ^ KOREA-/ 

^"T^ i •SEOUk 

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SHANGHAI 5 

0 A 

CHEJU , i 

ISLAND 

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SEA OF 2 

^JA * 

s / 

? 

V 

. 

EASTERN SEA 

(SEA OF JAPAN) 

c*» NORTH KOREA 

(DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S 

REPUBLIC OF KOREA) 

38TH PARALLEL 

SEOUL 

YELLOW SEA SOUTH KOREA 

(REPUBLIC OF KOREA) 

DEMILITARIZE ZONE 

SCALE 

0 25 50 75 km. 

%\ 

25 50 mi. • o 

Via 

MT.CHIRI 

#TAEGU 

IULSAN 

CHINJU MASAN KIMHAE 

FIGURE 1.—An outline map of South Korea, with the location of Kimhae indicated. 
NUMBER 39 

and given the name of one of the villages, Three Ministers. As 

of 1971, Kimhae town was designated a city.2 

The East Asian monsoon weather cycle of Korea has 

extraordinary temperature variations (Lautensach, 1988:85) 

with four distinct seasons: a long, cold winter (December to 

February), a warm spring (March to May), a hot summer (June 

to August), and a cool autumn (September to November). 

Monsoon rainfall occurs during the months of July and August. 

The average annual rainfall for Kimhae is 1,242 mm. The 

average temperature range for the Kimhae area is from below 

4.9° C in January to above 25° C in August. There is often a 

light snowfall during the winter season. Occasional typhoons in 

the early fall may bring both heavy rainfall and destructive 

winds. The milder winters of southeastern Korea, when 

compared with the weather to the north, are partly due to the 

warmer Kuroshio Current of the western Pacific, which flows 

from the south along the Asian mainland through the Korea 

Straits into the Eastern (Japan) Sea (Bartz, 1972:29). 

The native flora and fauna of Korea are surprisingly diverse. 

Along with the native flora, many exotic plants have been 

introduced in cultivated fields and reforested areas. The 

Kimhae area has deciduous broadleaf trees indicative of the 

temperate zone, and evergreen vegetation as well. The fauna of 

Korea includes numerous visiting and permanent species of 

birds.3 On the peninsula there were many indigenous mammals. Korea was home to the Manchurian tiger and the Korean 

tiger, the black bear and river deer, among others, but because 

of excessive hunting and the disturbance of their habitats, 

numerous mammals are now extinct or endangered (Lautensach, 1988:143). To protect endangered species, the South 

Korean government has imposed regulations to limit hunting to 

designated seasons and areas. Other land animals and freshwater fish still exist. The waters off the eastern coast in the Eastern 

(Japan) Sea are internationally known for their marine 

resources (see Appendix 3 for domesticated and useful wild 

plants and animals). 

The physiography of southeastern Korea includes huge 

deposits of sedimentary rock with "young" granite, also in the 

Naktong geological series: sandstone, conglomerate, and shale, 

which is bituminous in places, appears (Lautensach, 1988:494). 

The Cretaceous sediments and disruptive rocks represent a 

transition to the Pacific Rim (Lautensach, 1988:484). The 

Naktong valley has distinctive "steep hillsides" adjacent to "flat 

valley floors" (Bartz, 1972:13). The older geological formations found elsewhere in Korea are reported to have their 

stratigraphic sequence correlate with those in southern Manchuria and north China. In the southeastern part of the Korean 

peninsula, however, the younger rocks relate to those in the 

Japanese archipelago (Lautensach, 1988:484). In the Kimhae 

area, the rich alluvium of the Naktong River flood plain is 

extensive and often thick (Bartz, 1972:164). 

Early accounts of the Kimhae area refer to iron sources being 

mined. Residents today (1981) say that several village names in 

the Kimhae area can be linguistically related to iron mining. 

Elsewhere in the South Kyongsang province iron is still actively 

mined, along with gold. The province is also a source for purple 

amethyst and ceramic clay (Bartz, 1972:175). The soils of 

Korea, including those of Kimhae are diversified and frequently poor for agricultural purposes. The application of 

prepared manures and chemical fertilizers has greatly increased 

soil productivity (Lee H., 1936:25). 

FOLKLORE AND LOCAL HISTORY 

According to contemporary (1971) folklore, the first king of 

Kaya (Kuya, later modern Kimhae) was selected by tribal 

chiefs. His name was Suro of Pon Kaya. His legendary origin 

refers to a strange voice and a purple rope from the sky that 

attracted the attention of the Kaya people. At the end of the rope 

was a box with six golden eggs. One of the eggs produced a 

child who became King Suro. A more detailed historical 

account of the foundation myth of Kaya is as follows: 

On the bathing day in the third month of A.D. 42, a strange sound was heard on 

the northern part of Mount Kuji (turtle-mandate) and a crowd of several 

hundred gathered. The sound, like a human voice, concealed its form but 

projected its voice saying: "Are there people here or not?" The nine chiefs 

replied: "Our people are here." Then the voice said, "Where am I? " They 

answered: "This is Kuji [Turtle's Back, the summit of North Mountain]." Again 

the voice said, "I am to rule here, to renew your state and to be your ruler 

according to a heavenly command. Dig off the mountain top and while working 

sing and dance to this song [magic spell] which will show your numbers and 

enthusiasm in welcome for the great King." "Turtle, Turtle [a divinity], poke 

your head out. If you do not, we will roast you and eat you. Then you will meet 

a great king." The nine chiefs did so; all were happy, and they sang and danced. 

Then they looked up and saw a purple rope descending from heaven with a 

golden box wrapped in a red cloth at the end. Inside the box were six golden 

eggs. The eggs were taken to the house of the nine chiefs. The following day the 

eggs were transformed into six boys and one of them became the first king of 

Karak, one of the six Kaya states. This was Suro.4 His surname was Kim (gold) 

because he came from a golden egg. The other boys became the rulers of the 

other Kaya states (Henthorn, 1971:231-232; Ilyon, 1972:158-159, 172). 

In the southern part of the Korean peninsula, there were three 

tribal leagues, the Samhan. Although their specific locations 

remain uncertain, these three groups of tribes included the 

Mahan in the west, the Pyonhan along the lower Naktong River, 

and the Chinhan to the north of the Pyonhan. We are particularly 

interested in this study with the Pyonhan, consisting of twelve 

tribes or village states, one of which, the Kuya, evolved into the 

Pon [original] Kaya kingdom (Lee K., 1984:29). These village 

states, including the Pon Kaya and the Tae [great] Kaya, 

became the Kaya federation (42-532 A.D.), which is said to 

have possessed its own distinctive culture. 

The Samhan (Lee K., 1984:24, 36), in contrast with some of 

the more nomadic tribes further to the north, are described as 

sedentary and agricultural. According to early Chinese accounts, the Samhan had 78 "countries" (Lee K., 1984:28), 

including scattered communities with pit dwellings that were 

entered through a door in the roof, ground-level houses, and 

wall-towns with wooden stockades. They grew hemp, millet, 

rice, and pulses, and had festivals at the time of the spring 

planting and during the harvest season (Hatada, 1969:11). 

Slavery was practiced. Horses, cattle, and pigs were raised, and 

they also practiced sericulture. Some mined and smelted iron, 

which was used as currency and for barter. Sun worship was 
SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

practiced. In their burial ceremony, wings of large birds were 

placed with the deceased to enable the soul to depart from the 

body (Lee K., 1984:34). In their burials, the orientation of the 

corpse was with the head toward the sunrise. It was believed 

that the deceased had an influence upon living descendants, and 

so they were honored with ancestor worship. Their shamanistic 

ceremonies were performed with chants and dancing to ward 

off evil spirits and invoke gods (Joe, 1972:41-45). 

King Suro of Kaya is credited with establishing a governmental system with rank designations and work assignments. 

His administration is reported to have incorporated both 

Korean and foreign ideas (Ilyon, 1972:163). According to 

tradition, King Suro's reign extended from 42 and 199 A.D., 

with no explanation given for the impossible time span (Ilyon, 

1972:164). Over the centuries, King Suro has been idealized by 

Koreans as a model ruler. Special attention is accorded to the 

grave sites of King Suro and his queen, and to the ancestor 

worship by their descendants. These ancestor-worship ceremonies, unlike those of most Korean lineages, include among the 

participants the governor of the province or the mayor of 

Kimhae. What would normally be a lineage affair is instead a 

government memorial service. In 1981, the mayor of Kimhae 

represented the local government, although lineage members 

participated and remained responsible for the details of the 

service. King Suro's queen is believed to have died in 189 

A.D., ten years before her husband's death. On March 15th and 

September 15th, according to the lunar calendar, ancestorworship rituals are conducted for them by lineage members. 

The lineage members are actually members of three lineages 

who are related and therefore not permitted to intermarry. They 

are the Kimhae Kim, that is, the Kim Suro family that 

originated in Kimhae; the Kimhae Ho, representing the queen's 

family; and the Inch'on Yi, who previously had the Ho 

surname. When a former mayor of Inch'on was honored for his 

service his surname was changed from Ho to Yi. 

According to lineage members interviewed in 1981, King 

Suro had ten sons. This view and the information below 

pertaining to the lineages differ somewhat from the recorded 

account in the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk 

Yusa). The first son became the second king of the Kaya 

dynasty. His offspring were members of the Kim clan. Two 

other sons of King Suro were given the surname of Ho and their 

descendants belong to the Ho lineage. The remaining sons of 

King Suro became celibate Buddhist monks. This current 

folklore also refers to Princess Ho as a Buddhist. Yet historical 

accounts would have Buddhism arriving in southern Korea 

sometime later, in the fifth century (Lee K., 1984:59). 

Kaya society, because of its location at the end of the 

peninsula, had a profitable maritime trade. Commercial 

contacts extended to the Chinese colonies northward along the 

west coast of the peninsula, with the Ye people along the east 

coast, and to the southeast with the Wa in Japan. 

A prehistoric chronology has been established by archeologists working in Korea with evidence for Paleolithic, Neolithic, 

Bronze, Iron, and Proto-Three Kingdoms (Wonsamguk sidae) 

periods up to the historic era. A Kimhae shell mound (200 

B.C.), with archeological remains among the marine refuse and 

beneath it, has become Korea's type Iron Age site. More 

recently the Kimhae shell mound was also assigned to the 

Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Wonsamguk sidae), 0-300 

A.D., as it contains two cultural levels. Elsewhere, archeological excavations of Kaya tombs located within large tumuli have 

revealed a high degree of sophistication of architecture and 

artifacts. The tombs possessed main chambers and small 

stone-lined burial pits for what probably were immolated serfs 

and slaves. Bones of fish were among the food remains found 

in ceramic vessels. Archeologists are reassessing the Kaya 

period because of these newly excavated sites (Kim W, 

1986:187-193). 

There has been an international controversy about the views 

of some Japanese historians who refer to a Yamato-controlled 

area in the old territories of Pyonhan during the fourth century 

A.D., which they called Mimana (Suematsu, 1961; Inoue, 

1973). It seems likely that there were close ties between Kaya 

and Yamato due to an important trade relationship as well as 

from political and military alliances and emigration to Yamato 

(Joe, 1972:29,30; Kim W, 1986:188). As the available data are 

reevaluated by Korean and Japanese scholars, a more definitive 

and mutually acceptable opinion is emerging. The Ministry of 

Culture and Information, Republic of Korea, announced in 

1981 a ten-year project to restore the ancient Kaya archeological sites, to determine the influence of Kaya upon the three 

neighboring Korean kingdoms of Silla, Paekche, and Koguryo 

and to disprove any claim that a Yamato colony, Mimana, 

existed in Korea during the Kaya period.5 

After years of strife with the neighboring kingdoms, in the 

sixth century, both Pon Kaya and Tae Kaya were annexed by 

Silla (Lee, K., 1984:39, 41). The Kaya nobility received 

commensurate rank and governmental positions within Silla 

society. A number intermarried with the Silla aristocracy. One 

of the best-known heroes of Korean history, Kim Yu-sin 

(595-673 A.D.), was a direct descendant of the last king of Pon 

Kaya (Kimhae) (Lee, K., 1984:4). He played a leading role for 

Silla in the eventual military and political unification of the 

Korean peninsula. This period of the Three Kingdoms, which 

included Koguryo and Paekche with Silla (ca. 100 B.C. to 668 

A.D.), ended when Silla, with the assistance of China, became 

dominant as United Silla (668 to 936 A.D.). 

Following the collapse of United Silla, the Koryo dynasty 

(918 to 1392 A.D.) came to power, followed by the Choson 

(Yi) dynasty (1392 to 1910). Each dynasty made its own 

unique contributions to Korean history, despite the devastation 

caused by Mongol, Manchu, and Japanese invasions and 

occupations. Korean culture did not merely persist during these 

occupations, but rather it was enriched with a blending of 

native and foreign elements. 

In a regional history and geography for Kimhae published in 

1631 and revised several times (Kimhae Upchi, 1974), various 

facts are mentioned that are of pertinent interest to this study A 
NUMBER 39 

knoll, now surrounded by paddy fields, was Front Hill 

(Chonsan) Island. This same knoll is the site of one of the three 

villages included in the field investigation and referred to in 

this text as the third village (Figure 2). The early account, 

however, makes no mention of any settlement on Front Hill 

Island. The name of the village there today is Front Hill. The 

early island designation of this knoll, and of several other 

localities in the vicinity, seem to substantiate what older 

residents said—that several hundred years ago, much of the 

Kimhae delta was under water. 

The name of one of the two remaining villages in our study, 

Three Ministers (Samjong), does not appear in the early regional 

history, which may indicate that it also did not exist at that time 

(Figure 3). The name, Three Ministers, in the village folklore, 

was said to be derived from Kaya times when a "prime 

minister" and two "vice-ministers" resided in that village. No 

historical evidence to support this explanation has been found. 

The village of South Post (Namyok) was recorded in the 

local history, and as its name indicates, it was a post station 

used by official travelers and messengers. After 1945, the more 

prestigious name, Three Ministers, replaced the name of South 

Post for the consolidated community (ward). Neighboring 

villages over the centuries had regarded the South Post 

villagers as their social inferiors.6 The personnel of the post 

station raised horses and also, to support themselves, cultivated 

land. At times the men may have served as a local militia. 

Because of their low status, any intermarriage with others in the 

Kimhae area was resisted. In recent times, however, this 

discrimination has been minimal. The descendants of old-time 

residents, as well as the newcomers who are moving into 

Kimhae villages, have little or no interest in this traditional 

view. 

The early regional history of Kimhae also makes mention of 

a Buddhist temple7 that still exists on the slope of the high hill 

behind the villages of Three Ministers and South Post (see 

Figure 70). A Confucian shrine in Kimhae city that was 

constructed during the Choson (Yi) dynasty and rebuilt at least 

twice was deemed sufficiently important to be recorded. The 

shrine or hall today preserves the name tablets of seven Chinese 

personages and of eighteen Korean sages, two of whom lived 

during the Silla dynasty, two in Koryo times, and fourteen 

during Yi. Reference in the historical text was also made to a 

"palace" built during the Kaya period. Only the stone 

foundations of the "palace" remained in a small park in the 

middle of Kimhae city. Kimhae was described as a fortified 

town or "castle." Tangible evidence was seen in stone walls on 

the nearby hillsides and mountain slopes. 

AGRICULTURAL HISTORY 

Despite the significance of agriculture in the ideal Confucian 

state and its primary role in the Korean economy over the 

centuries, the life of the farmer was difficult and sometimes 

grim, often due to circumstances imposed by his own society. 

Uprisings by farmers and slaves have occurred to protest their 

exploitation. The farmer was usually taxed, forced to contribute 

corvee labor, and was subject to military service. The farmer 

often paid half of his harvest to the landowner. For the 

government, both the farmer and the landowner were taxed 

approximately a tenth of their harvest income. A tribute levied 

on villages and often paid with regional handicraft specialties 

was a particularly heavy obligation. As one historian observed 

of the Koryo dynasty, which could be said of other dynasties as 

well, "The free born peasantry and others directly involved in 

the production of wealth generally led lives of poverty" (Lee 

K., 1984:124). At times the farmers to escape such burdens 

would attach themselves to the estates of the nobility as 

outcasts or slaves. 

In the 1590s, the Japanese invaders of Korea spent much 

time in what is now North and South Kyongsang provinces, 

including the Kimhae area, as a point of entry into the 

peninsula. The civilian population, as a result, was drastically 

reduced by war, famine, and disease. Cultivated land, which 

had been among the most productive in the country, was 

reduced to one-sixth of its yield before the invasion. This 

Japanese invasion was eventually repelled by Korea and its 

Chinese ally. Several centuries later, Japanese aggression was 

more successful and through a Resident-General in 1906, and 

then a Governor-General in 1910, Korea was formally annexed 

and administered as a Japanese colony. Exploitive programs in 

Korea soon evolved, one of which was a cadastral survey that 

commenced in 1910 to assure the revenue of the colonial 

government. Although hidden land ownership was revealed, 

other agricultural problems that had existed during the late 

Choson dynasty persisted (Shin, 1991:89). Approximately 75 

percent of Korean farmers lost their lands and were reduced to 

tenant status (Nahm, 1988:227).8 Despite the ambitious 

immigration policies of the Japanese authorities, the total 

number of Japanese immigrants was always small (about 3 

percent) when compared with the existing Korean population. 

Most of the Japanese immigrants in the rural areas had little or 

no formal education. Some farmed, and others owned small 

shops selling miscellaneous merchandise. Most of those who 

lived in the villages of the Three Ministers community were 

farmers. 

Impoverished Korean farmers, including a number from the 

Kimhae area, left their homes, especially in the 1930s, for 

Korean cities or foreign countries. During World War II, a 

system of quota production was enforced, making the Korean 

rural population responsible for specific quantities of rice, 

barley, and livestock to be shipped to Japan. Other items for 

Japan included potatoes, silkworm cocoons, cotton, and hemp. 

One Japanese official noted that "the forced development of 

Korean agriculture by Japanese capital resulted in further 

impoverishing Korean farmers and increasing the rate of 

desertion from the farms" (Hisama, 1943). Aside from the 

Japanese economic exploitation, the attempt to Japanize 

Koreans was particularly resented. This process involved the 

forced use of the Japanese language, taking of Japanese 
SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

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NUMBER 39 

FIGURE 3.—A view of Three Ministers village, one of the three villages in the consolidated community (ward) 

that is now known as Three Ministers. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

personal names, state Shintoism, and related indoctrinating 

measures by Japanese authorities. In retrospect, it can now be 

seen that a heritage of land management, governmental 

organization, and industrialization was accrued both through 

the modernization that had actually commenced in Korea prior 

to the Japanese occupation and also through the bitter 

experience of the occupation itself. As one historian expressed 

it: "the lasting cultural change that the Japanese policies 

induced was not 'Japanization.' It was modernization. Through 

Japanese intermediaries, Koreans came into contact with the 

civilization of the West" (Kim H. in Nahm, 1973:50). 

At the end of World War II, during an interim American 

military government in South Korea, Japanese officials and 

other Japanese residents in Korea were repatriated to Japan and 

their property in Korea was confiscated for Korean citizens and 

the incoming (1948) Korean government. The new Korean 

government, however, did little for the rural areas and 

agricultural productivity during the late 1940s and 1950s, but it 

did promulgate a land reform in 1949. Despite the devastating 

Korean War (1950-1953), the Republic of Korea, after a ten 

year dormant period, had a dramatic socio-economic transformation. 

The Social Milieu 

The Three Ministers community or ward (Tong) within 

Kimhae city (Si) was, as previously mentioned, an administrative consolidation of three older villages: South Post, Three 

Ministers, and Front Hill. These villages are often referred to in 

this text as the first, second, and third villages (Burak) or 

suburbs (Ku), respectively. During a 1951 survey, all of the 

households (164) of the Three Ministers village were visited 

and recorded. Each household most commonly contained 5 or 

6 persons, for a total population of 454 individuals. A number 

of homes had more than one family living in it. In addition, 

there were 567 individuals in the first village and 135 in the 

third, for a total population of 1,156. Until 1945 there were also 

Japanese households in the first and second villages. In the 

1970s the total population of the community had increased to 

2,350, primarily because of the number of outsiders coming in 

as temporary residents to work in nearby factories and shops or 

to attend schools in Kimhae city. These outsiders, often young 

men, did not come with families, rather they came alone or 

were accompanied by one other member of his family, usually 

his grandmother or mother who did the cooking and laundry. 
SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

By 1981 less than half of the residents of Three Ministers ward 

were born in the community. The total population in 1981 was 

3,396 individuals. 

GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION 

The three older villages of the community were once what 

Korean social scientists referred to as "natural villages."9 They 

continued to maintain their traditional identity in the minds and 

behavior of the permanent residents. They were recognized by 

local government offices in Kimhae, whose representatives 

dealt directly with their village chiefs. The position of village 

chief (kujang) provided the crucial interface between central 

government officials from above and village activities below. 

Each village had a development committee. In addition to 

developmental projects, the committee was concerned with 

immediate problems, such as the sale of agricultural products, 

either to a government agency or elsewhere, and replenishing 

the supply of chemical fertilizers and insecticides. The village 

chief and the developmental committee worked closely 

together. The committee was also involved whenever a petition 

was submitted to the government on behalf of the village. 

Candidates for village chief were selected by a local 

committee. This committee also made the election arrangements. Each household was permitted one vote. The name of 

the elected candidate was submitted to the Kimhae government, which almost invariably accepted the recommendation 

(Figure 4). Similarly, if the village chief proved to be 

unsatisfactory or corrupt, a village recommendation for his 

removal from office was usually immediately accepted. 

Government civil servants residing in the three villages seldom 

became a village chief or a member of a village committee, as 

it was said, they were too busy with their official duties. These 

civil servants included school teachers, police officers, and 

bank and post office employees. In the opinion of villagers, a 

village chief should be older than twenty-five, have more than 

a middle-school education, own property, and possess an 

attractive personality. The position of village chief was 

generally not regarded as a full-time occupation, but as an 

opportunity to render service and as an honor bestowed by 

one's neighbors. Nevertheless, chiefs have complained that the 

demands of the office were such that they didn't have time to 

take care of their personal affairs. After the military revolution 

in 1961, the village chiefs were nominated by the mayor of 

Kimhae (Pak and Gamble, 1975:24). 

Prior to 1981, a village chief received a monthly salary from 

the Kimhae government. In addition, the chief received from 

the village 80 kg of barley in the spring and 80 kg office in the 

fall, or the equivalent in money. However, after July of 1971 

when Kimhae was elevated to city status, the title of the village 

chief was changed as city services became directly available to 

villagers and the workload of a chief presumably was reduced. 

The amount in the grain allotment given him by the villagers 

was a subject now (1981) under discussion. It was said by 

FIGURE 4.—A "village master," selected by residents and approved by the 

Kimhae city government. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

villagers that he probably should also receive from the city 

government an annual holiday trip as a fringe benefit. 

One of the primary duties of a chief was to conduct an annual 

village meeting. The village meetings were well attended. In 

1977, the second village constructed its own village building 

for meetings and social gatherings. The first and third villages 

have since followed suit. During a village meeting the village 

chief would read the annual financial report, which was jointly 

prepared by him, the development committee, and other 

influential villagers. Villagers were especially interested in the 

expenditure of funds and, particularly, funding for chemical 

fertilizers. In later years (1981) this changed as each villager 

purchased most of his own chemical fertilizer. After presentation of the village report and a lively discussion, the 

participants enjoyed a party with food and beverages for all.10 

Within each village, the village chief appointed the 

representatives for the village subdivisions, blocks (Pan), after 

consulting the heads of the households in each block. The 

number of households in a block varied from fifteen to thirty. 

Prior to and including the 1970s, the role of the block chief was 

of some importance, as he assisted the village chief and 

purchased and distributed chemical fertilizer, insecticide, and 

herbicide for his block. When the villagers later bought their 
NUMBER 39 9 

own supplies, the block chief had little to do. The block chiefs 

did not receive a salary or grain, but their positions were still 

assigned and respected. 

When Kimhae town was designated a city in 1971, the 

consolidated community of Three Ministers was merged into a 

larger administrative unit along with the neighboring Fishing 

Bank community. Administratively, this new consolidation of 

Three Ministers village with villages one and three (Samjonggu) formed a portion of the Hwalchun ward (Hwalchundong), within Kimhae city (Kimhae si), which in turn was part 

of South Kyongsang province (Kyongsang-namdo). Despite 

these administrative changes and others brought about by 

Kimhae's new city status, and even prior to that, within the 

bureaucracy of Kimhae town, the identities of the three villages 

were retained in the minds of the villagers and local officials. 

In 1971, the residents of the first village said that they had 

selected for the mayor's nomination a new village chief 

because of the prevailing opinion that his predecessor had been 

in office for nine years and a change should occur. In 1981, a 

villager who had once been village chief was again elected to 

the office, primarily because of the support he received from his 

own kin who lived in the village. In the second village, the 

village chief, who had been chief two years previously, 

replaced the incumbent because of his popularity and proven 

capability. The village chief of the third village held the 

position for the last seven years, not merely because of his own 

political efforts, but also due to the support of his relatives, who 

constituted a majority of the population. 

In 1970 a nationwide rural development program, the New 

Community Movement (Saemaul Undong), was initiated.11 

This was a countrywide program of modernization and 

involved government promotion, with technical and financial 

assistance, and educational support. Community leaders were 

identified and trained. Approximately 70 percent of the total 

resources for projects were contributed by the rural population 

(Whang, 1981:15). The Saemaul Undong proved to be a 

positive influence in the modernization of Korea. 

from which the nature and operation of the development 

committees evolved. This earlier village organization was 

known as the Farmer's Meeting-House Society (Nongch'-

ongho). All farmers in each village were members. The staff of 

each society consisted of men who were respected village 

elders. Their leadership was based upon their personal prestige. 

Most decisions pertaining to village life were made during the 

society meetings.12 

OTHER VILLAGE ORGANIZATIONS 

There were few "free-wheeling groups" in village life, 

organizations were usually subject to direct or indirect 

governmental control. Several national agencies influenced 

village life. These were the National Agricultural Cooperative 

Federation (NACF); Rural Guidance, the extension services of 

the Office of Rural Development; and Land Improvement 

Association, with local offices in Kimhae city. Because all 

farmers, by paying a fee, became members of the NACF, it had 

the largest number of members among the villagers. A Kimhae 

government office for irrigation maintained pumping stations 

for the nearby counties and Kimhae city. 

Villagers were participants in other organizations; e.g., the 

parent teacher association, military reserves,13 political parties, 

mutual aid societies, and religious sects, principally two 

Buddhist sects and two Christian congregations. A youth club 

provided village security with a night watch and surveillance 

for fire control. Political parties played a minor role in the lives 

of the villagers but were more active during election time. More 

will be said later of mutual aid societies. In one of the two 

Buddhist sects, only one hundred villagers were active, and in 

the other only three villagers. The two Christian congregations 

were small, but recently had grown. In 1981, the number of 

members in the Holiness Church was 200, in the Presbyterian 

Church 60.14 With financial assistance from Koreans elsewhere 

in South Korea and from foreign sources, the congregations 

have built two church buildings (Figures 5, 6). 

VILLAGE COMMITTEES 

The members of the development committees in their 

respective villages were recognized community leaders. In the 

first village, there were at least six men with this social status; 

in the second village, nine; and in the third village, five. They 

generally owned more property and were at least high school 

graduates. They had entrepeneurial skills and were more 

knowledgeable about governmental agencies, increasing agricultural productivity, and exploiting current market opportunities. These village dignitaries were also frequently members of 

ad hoc committees to improve village life. They received no 

salary for their participation in village committees. 

Prior to the existence of these village development committees, which were established at the direction of the national 

government, a traditional organization existed in each village 

NUCLEAR FAMILY AND THE LINEAGE 

Although Korean family traditions in the three villages 

persisted in 1981, modifications were in evidence. The 

relationship between the father and the eldest son remained the 

fundamental link between the generations. Although patrilineage was observed, there was less patrilocal residence, even for 

the eldest son. Contrary to the traditional ideal, the household 

of the married eldest son did not always include his aged 

parents. He was aware of his special responsibility to his 

parents, whether he honored it or not, even if that responsibility 

was assumed by a younger brother who remained in the village. 

A number of households consisted only of elderly parents 

whose grown male children, married or not, had moved away, 

usually seeking employment or educational opportunities. 
10 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 5.—A fundamentalist Christian church, Holiness, located on a former 

site of a Japanese home in Three Ministers village. From a color photograph, 

1981. 

Married daughters usually lived apart from their parents and the 

village. A number of the lineages, represented by village 

households, had their geographic origin elsewhere in Korea. 

The majority came from the same South Kyongsang province in 

which the three villages were located. Two lineages were said 

to possess genealogical records that go back to the first king of 

Kimhae and his queen, Kim Suro and Ho Hwang-ok. This 

remarkable statement was not confirmed. Villagers referred to 

paternal and maternal relatives with special kinship terms for 

addressing them. Generation, sex, and degree of relationship 

remained of concern. 

The kinship system with its precisely defined vertical and 

horizontal relationships was still of importance in 1981, 

especially to older villagers. Relatives of an eighth degree or 

less were considered to be close relatives. Genealogies 

indicated the degree (Ch'on). The genealogical relationship 

between the parent and the child was one ch'on, but between 

siblings was two ch'on, as the ch'on for the parent must be 

counted as well. Although patrilineal descent was stressed, the 

lineages of wives were not ignored. The names and deeds of 

illustrious ancestors were recalled with pride, but only when 

genealogies were being discussed. It otherwise was regarded as 

in poor taste to speak of one's lineage. The younger villagers 

displayed little interest in such kinship accounts or complexities. However, the graves of ancestors, which were the 

properties of the lineages, were usually well-maintained and 

were the sites for formal worship. 

The lineages, as through the centuries, were exogamous and 

provided support for ancestor worship. The lineage was 

reinforced with Confucian values stressing respect and reciprocity between kin members, households, and generations. Two 

villages within the consolidated community of the Three 

FIGURE 6.—A Presbyterian church in Three Ministers village. From a color photograph, 1981. 
NUMBER 39 11 

Ministers were not one-lineage villages.15 In the first and 

second villages, no lineage dominance was discernible. The 

third village, however, could be regarded as a lineage village 

because of the number and dominance of Kim households, 

which would allow for greater political and economic 

cooperation. Within the Three Ministers consolidated community (ward), thirty-one different lineages were represented as of 

1961. Although a widespread folk belief in South Korea that in 

the Kimhae area there were four major lineages, Kim, Ho (Huh), 

Cho, and No, there were actually five: Kim, Ho (Huh), Yi (Lee), 

Pae, and Yang. An examination of all lineages represented in 

the Three Ministers community revealed that eight lineages had 

large numbers of households. The largest of the eight was Kim 

with one hundred and forty-seven families. These lineages had 

long resided in the three villages. The households of the other 

and smaller lineages probably came more recently from 

elsewhere in Korea. The twenty-three remaining lineages had 

less than five households each. Despite the existence of the 

lineages mentioned above, it must be stated that most activities 

in the village were not lineage-oriented but instead were either 

household centered or were within the context of non-kin 

organizations. 

PERSONAL NAMES 

At birth a child acquired his or her surname, which was the 

name of the lineage. This surname was often written with a 

Chinese character and followed by the given name, usually 

written with two Chinese characters. These final two Chinese 

characters for the personal name had a meaningful and close 

relationship. The entire personal name revealed not only the 

lineage but also the gender and generation of the individual. 

First 

generation 

Kim Kyong-baek r 

Kim Kyong-su 

Kim Kyong-u 

Second 

generation 

- Kim Pok-tong vP KimSu-tong 

' Kim U-tong 

Third 

generation 

— Kim Ik-ch'an 

V Kimlk-ho 

* KimIk-W-6n 

The two characters for the given name were selected 

according to a sequence. Each Chinese character often referred 

to an element, one of the five classical components of the 

universe: wood, fire, earth, metal, or water. According to 

ancient cosmology everything in the universe moves or 

changes according to this sequence. The two characters for the 

given name should, it was said, harmonize with each other and 

be auspicious. Often some knowledgeable person, in or out of 

the village, was consulted, and a traditional text was carefully 

examined for guidance. Eventually the entire name was entered 

in the genealogical record of the lineage. Parents often gave 

their child another name other than the one that had been 

recorded. This name was also retained throughout his or her 

life. These "nicknames" occurred especially for girls. The name 

of a child is used to refer to a parent, such as the mother of a 

particular child (a practice known as teknonymy) to avoid 

speaking the name of the parent. 

SOCIAL CLASSES 

Most villagers in 1981 said that the centuries-old traditional 

Korean social classes no longer existed. Yet when marriage 

partners were selected, the social status of the lineage was one 

factor usually taken into account before a final decision was 

made. Thirty years earlier, when this ethnographic study 

commenced, the differential behavior to a visiting sophisticated 

Korean gentleman from a villager was quickly apparent when 

they met. This had mostly disappeared and, as one villager put 

it, today the rich are the "yangban"16 and the poor, the 

commoners. Yet traditions of social classes, including bondage, do in dire circumstances reemerge. In 1951, when a 

research assistant attempted to employ a girl in a neighboring 

village as a maid for his parents' urban home, the destitute rural 

family expressed a willingness for their daughter to stay 

permanently in his parents' home. 

Elderly villagers when discussing the human life cycle may 

have referred to four classical stages, which emphasized the age 

of the individual, but also had social implications, e.g., the 

expected degree of maturity. 

Childhood (Spring): one through approximately eighteen 

years of age. 

Youth (Summer): approximately nineteen through thirtyfive years. 

Manhood (Autumn): approximately thirty-six through fiftyfive years. 

Old Age (Winter): approximately fifty-six years or older. 

Most villagers, however, used a different set of descriptive 

categories that involved age or educational levels or both. 

CHILD CARE AND TRAINING 

During the study period of 1951-1981 babies were fed when 

they cried from hunger, not necessarily on schedule. Toilet 

training was seldom rigidly enforced, but commenced when the 

child was about six months old. Mothers perhaps changed the 

baby's diapers as often as once an hour during the day and once 

every two hours during the night, but usually did so less 

frequently. At the approximate age of five months, the child 

was permitted to crawl about, play with toys, and to sit up. 

Infants were usually soon capable of recognizing their mothers, 

and at about six months, their fathers and other family 

members. They would try to repeat the words for mother and 

father upon hearing them. After the first year of age, children 

learned simple words and were encouraged to touch and to 

name objects. Often, just before a year old, children would be 

assisted and sometimes forced to stand up. When they were 
12 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

about fourteen months old, they would try to walk without 

assistance. Until the age of about two, they wore thin rubber or 

plastic diapers (1971), and were encouraged to use a chamber 

pot in a corner of the room. When they did not observe toilet 

rules they were punished with a quick but gentle slap to the 

body or an immediate scolding while being picked up and 

momentarily shaken. Although mothers traditionally permitted 

breast-feeding until the child was three or even four years old, 

breast-feeding when it did occur was often reduced to only 

sixteen months. The reasons advanced for the difference were 

to develop independence in the child, to diversify the diet, to 

permit the mother more freedom, and to improve the health of 

the mother. When breast-feeding was reduced, most young 

mothers fed their children a powdered milk solution or a rice 

gruel with sugar. When an older baby insisted upon breastfeeding, the mother at times placed on her breasts a sour 

solution, which quickly caused the child to prefer the bottle of 

powdered milk. 

Many new ideas pertaining to infant care and birth control 

(1971) came from a governmental health center located in 

Kimhae. A doctor or a nurse previously came from the health 

center to the village three or four times a year. By 1981, such 

visits were limited to one annually, as the villagers, with the 

improved roads and transportation facilities, were able to go 

directly to the health center themselves. Better-informed 

villagers often persuaded their neighbors to visit the health 

center. Young mothers in the Three Ministers community, 

when compared with those in more remote villages, often had 

at least primary or middle school education and were more 

willing to modify or discard traditional ideas pertaining to child 

care or health practices. 

Emergency medical care was available from a licensed 

doctor, an unlicensed practitioner (Figure 7), or a herbalist in 

either the Three Ministers community (1951) or at one of 

several Kimhae hospitals (1961-1981). Treatments, therefore, 

varied from traditional to modern. A badly frightened baby 

might be treated with blood-letting, herbs, or an injected 

sedative. 

When a younger brother or sister was born, the children often 

had sleeping places on either side of the grandmother or mother 

to prevent the older child from striking or otherwise abusing the 

younger child because of sibling jealousy. The father and other 

adult male relatives, with the exception of the grandfather, were 

often away from home, working in the fields, employed in 

nearby Kimhae factories, or perhaps employed somewhere in 

Pusan. It was the mother, usually with the assistance of paternal 

grandparents, who provided the child with its initial care and 

educational experience. At home, infants, regardless of sex, 

were dressed similarly. However, when they were taken out, 

boys were clothed in gray, black, or white garments, whereas 

girls were dressed in bright colors, with red and pink as 

favorites. 

On the twenty-first, forty-ninth, and one hundredth day, and 

on the first-year birthday, the baby traditionally received visits 

FIGURE 7.—An unlicensed doctor, who was a student of Japanese medical 

literature, examines a villager. In 1952, this unlicensed physician, a licensed 

physician, and a shaman provided medical assistance to the community. Black 

and white photograph, 1953. 

and presents from relatives and friends of the family. The 

ceremonies for the twenty-first and forty-ninth day were 

usually brief and perhaps involved only clear water and 

uncooked rice offerings placed on a small table for three deities 

representing heaven, earth, and humanity. Invited visitors often 

partook of seaweed soup and rice and soon departed. Although 

the first two ceremonies might be omitted entirely, the one 

hundred days and the first-year birthday almost always 

received attention from the family. The child was dressed in 

new but traditional attire, with sleeves of alternating stripes of 

brilliant colors. The guests were served seaweed soup, rice 

mixed with red beans, and rice cakes. A table was placed before 

the child with an array of items representing several occupations, such as a writing brush, a book, thread, money, and 

others. The first item of interest that the child grasped was taken 

half-seriously to indicate his or her future career. 

EDUCATION 

Preschool children were permitted to develop at their own 

learning rate and to acquire self-confidence as they played at 

home, in the yard, and along village lanes. If the grandfather 

had received some formal education, he taught the child to 

write a few Chinese or Korean (Han 'gut) characters. Children 

also learned by imitating the singing and dancing of their older 
NUMBER 39 13 

FIGURE 8.—Five primary-school girls are dressed in cotton-padded winter 

clothing. They are standing beside the primary school building. Black and 

white photograph, 1952. 

FIGURE 9.—Four of these primary-school boys are dressed in western-style 

winter uniforms, and one is in padded traditional winter clothing. Black and 

white photograph, 1952. 

brothers and sisters who were attending school. Their toys, 

most of which were mass-produced in Korean factories 

(1971-1981), were plastic miniatures of automobiles and 

airplanes, replicas of swords and American cowboy handguns 

with holsters and ammunition belts, miniature plastic dishware, 

and an assortment of Caucasian-looking dolls. Traditional toys 

for boys were kites with large spindles for the control string and 

tops for spinning with whips. For girls, a rope (often an elastic 

version) for skipping and the seesaw (a girl stands on either end 

of a plank, which rests on a fulcrum a few inches of above the 

ground) were also popular. Preschool children were seldom 

taught occupational skills, but they often closely watched older 

persons so involved. 

Primary school children wore uniforms, or, more often, parts 

of uniforms, with western-style sports shoes (Figures 8-12). A 

completely new school uniform was prohibitively expensive 

for many village families.17 The curriculum for the primary 

school included Korean language, Korean history, mathematics, art, music, and physical education (Figure 13). Textbooks 

were printed in the Korean phonetic script (Han'gul). Primary 

school was coeducational and attendance was compulsory. 

Ninety to ninety-five percent of the village primary school 

graduates entered one of the Kimhae middle schools (Figure 

14). In 1971 in Kimhae, there was one public middle school for 

boys and another for girls, and one private coeducational 

school; in 1981, there were two public middle schools for boys 

and one public and one private middle school for girls. The 

curriculums of the middle schools were similar to one another, 

but the middle schools for girls also included domestic science 

and rhythmic calisthenics. Efforts to combine the boys and girls 

middle schools to assure the same quality of instructions for 

FIGURE 10.—A primary-school teacher wears military attire in his impoverished classroom; the effect of the recent Korean War (1950-1953) is evident. 

Black and white photograph, 1953. 

girls failed. Most parents continued to believe that boys and 

girls should be taught separately. Among the courses taught 

were Korean language, English, mathematics, geography, 

morality, art, physics, music, chemistry, biology, history, and 

civics. Prior to 1971, it was necessary for a student to take an 

examination to demonstrate his or her eligibility for middle and 

high school. Later, middle schools and high schools did not 

have an entrance examination. 
14 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 11.—Boys and girls, in western attire with Korean rubber shoes, are 

before the main entrance of the primary school. The school is located within 

Three Ministers village. Black and white photograph, 1969. 

Many middle school graduates found employment in 

agriculture or one of the nearby factories. Some sixty percent of 

middle school graduates continued their education in one of the 

four Kimhae high schools; two of which were college 

preparatory. There were two vocational schools, one of which 

(for boys) had a curriculum emphasizing agriculture. A new 

school, Kimhae High School (for boys), was built between the 

first village and the nearby highway on paddies belonging to 

FIGURE 12.—Two primary-school girls with their school bags. From a color 

photograph, 1970. 

the first village. The number of high school graduates who went 

on to a college or university was said to be very small because 

most parents could not afford the cost.18 The curriculums of the 

FIGURE 13.—Primary-school students doing their homework out-of-doors. From a color photograph, 1970. 
NUMBER 39 15 

FIGURE 14.—Five middle-school boys in various summer western-style clothes with closely-cut hair. In 1983, 

uniforms were required by school authorities. From a color photograph, 1969. 

college preparatory high schools for boys and girls were very 

similar and contained no vocational courses. The agricultural 

high school for boys stressed agriculture and related industrial 

subjects. Within its agricultural program, attention was given to 

gardening, forestry, and livestock raising. The industrial 

program was concerned primarily with food processing, 

especially of fruit (peaches, tomatoes, and strawberries) and 

meat (chicken, pork, and beef). 

The two schools built in the Three Ministers consolidated 

community on what were once paddy fields, were the Sam 

Sung Primary School (its maxim, "self-examination three times 

a day") and the new Kimhae High School for boys (Figures 15, 

16). The primary school, which was in the second village, in 

1981, had 17 teachers, over half of them women, and as 

students, 405 boys and 340 girls. The new high school located 

near the first village, in 1981, had a faculty of 45 men and a 

student body of 1,449 boys. The students attending the primary 

school or the high school could have come from anywhere in 

the entire Kimhae area. However, most children attending the 

primary school came from families residing in the immediate 

vicinity. Most teachers in 1981 and during the previous five 

years were paid by the government. In 1981, teachers of a 

private middle school for girls and a private vocational high 

school for girls were paid by school foundations maintained by 

interested parents. 

In the 1950s, many adult villagers were illiterate. They had 

not received any schooling during the Japanese occupation of 

Korea (1910-1945). In 1981, nearly all of the villagers were 

able to read and write the Korean han'gul phonetic script. There 

were a few villagers who had received some formal instruction 

during the Japanese occupation. They read and wrote Korean 

script and were familiar with a number of Japanese and Chinese 

characters. Almost all villagers were convinced that education 

was desirable, and worth the effort and sacrifice to attain it, if 

not for themselves, then for another member of the family. A 

widely held opinion was that graduation from middle school 

FIGURE 15.—The Sam Sung primary school in Three Ministers village. Suh 

Sul-Bong, an elder in Three Ministers village, working with a U.S. Army 

engineer (Lt. Col. ? Ellis), built this primary school along with others 

throughout the Kimhae area. U.S. Army advisors were stationed in Kimhae 

with the Korean Army Engineer School, 1945-1948. Black and white 

photograph, 1953. 
16 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 16.—Entrance to the Kimhae high school for boys. The school was built, in 1978, on what were paddies 

owned by farmers in South Post village. Over the gate is written a maxim, "A proper education is the basis for a 

moral life." From a color photograph, 1981. 

TABLE 1.—Educational achievement of residents in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981. Figures for 

1951 were obtained from the Kimhae County (Kun) Office; those for 1971 and 1981 were from surveys. 

Transients in 1971 and 1981 living in rental accommodations, usually not as families, were excluded. 1951 entries 

account for 100 percent of the community population whereas 1971 entries account for 81 percent of the 

community population and 1981 entries account for 69 percent of the community population. 

Level of 

schooling 

None 

Elementary school 

Middle school 

High school 

College 

South Post 

(First village) 

1951 

140 

210 

160 

108 

5 

1971 

256 

416 

216 

118 

20 

1981 

210 

440 

280 

220 

29 

Three Ministers 

(Second village) 

1951 1971 1981 

130 

165 

80 

38 

5 

134 

297 

104 

56 

10 

110 

292 

280 

180 

20 

Front Hill 

(TI 

1951 

90 

81 

10 

9 

0 

lird village) 

1971 1981 

92 71 

133 141 

29 40 

32 35 

0 2 

was the minimal educational level for an individual to achieve. 

During the thirty years of this study, 1951 -1981, the number of 

village graduates of primary, middle, and high schools 

increased greatly, but the number of college students and 

college graduates remained small (Table 1). 

Mention must be made of the educational differences and 

divergent views that have developed between the older and the 

younger generations of villagers, a "communications gap." The 

younger generation was known as the "han'gul generation." 

Han'gul makes reference to the Korean phonetic script that was 

emphasized in their schooling. The "han'gul generation" was 

not usually a derogatory reference, in fact, often the contrary. It 

was said to be progressive and responsible for many sociocultural developments in South Korea. 

The percentage of households that relied upon some 

technical means to obtain domestic and foreign information 

whether by newspapers and magazines, telephone, radio, or 

television increased significantly from 1951 to 1981 (Table 2). 

The popularity of television seemed to have a restraining effect 

upon radio ownership. Nevertheless, many radios were in use, 

both stationary and portable sets. 

ADULTHOOD 

Legal adulthood was attained at twenty years of age. Voting 

in national elections was then permitted, and young men 

became eligible for military service (Figure 17). They could 

now smoke and drink alcoholic beverages, although a number 

had previously done so. Full adult status, however, remained 

linked with marriage, which was the persisting traditional view. 

Young women, although they no longer had many of the 

traditional restrictions on their behavior, were still regarded 
NUMBER 39 17 

FIGURE 17.—Young men who are army reservists. From a color photograph, 1969. 

TABLE 2.—Household participation in methods of modern communication in 

the Three Ministers community for 1971 and 1981. 

Item 

Radio (Ownership) 

Magazine (Subscription) 

Newspaper (Subscription) 

Television (Ownership) 

Telephone (Ownership) 

1971(%) 

76.5 

13.2 

17.6 

2.0 

0.0 

1981 (%) 

75.0 

* 

* 

71.2 

41.8 

*Percentage of household ownership not determined, but a definite increase 

was noted. 

with much concern by their families until they were married 

(Figure 18). Virginity continued to be a prized virtue for 

marriageable women. Most young adults did strive to acquire 

occupational skills and experiences, etiquette, and other 

behavioral patterns of adulthood. Young women learned to 

cook, sew, and care for infants and older children. Although 

traditional family life had been modified, the desire for a son to 

maintain lineage continuity was widespread. The eldest son's 

roles as the ritualist for ancestor worship and the one who 

supported his parents in their old age were still held as ideal. 

However, in 1981, traditional responsibilities often received 

less or no attention. 

Many village men from thirty to thirty-nine years of age 

received more recognition than prior to 1945 because of their 

travels and work experiences elsewhere (Figure 19). Previously 

the age span of this socio-biological group was said to be thirty 

to thirty-five. Adult men with the age span of forty to sixty 

years were thought to be at the zenith or prime of life and were 

deemed the most capable of independent, responsible behavior 

FIGURE 18.—Two young unmarried women standing before a lotus pond. 

Black and white photograph, 1969. 
18 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 19.—Married middle-aged men dressed in western-style winter 

clothing. Black and white photograph, 1969. 

FIGURE 20.—Village elders in traditional clothing, with horsehair hats and 

traditionally-patterned rubber shoes. They carry long-stemmed pipes and three 

have canes. Their estimated average age is sixty-five. Black and white 

photograph, 1952. 

and decision making. Apart from being the primary family 

provider, they were involved with arrangements for their 

children's education and the negotiations for their marriages. 

Older villagers were usually treated as respected elders, and 

their advice was still solicited in many family affairs (Figure 

20). In 1981, younger family members did not consult their 

elders as readily as they did in 1951, due to the above 

mentioned "generation gap," unless the particular elder 

revealed a tolerance for change. Elderly men, with friends in 

their age group, remained concerned with ethical and other 

community problems. Elderly women, on the other hand, were 

more involved with family matters, their women friends, and 

religious activities, e.g., shamanism, Buddhism, or Christianity. 

MARRIAGE 

Over the years certain ceremonial "rites of passage" in the 

life of a villager were observed. Traditionally there were four 

essential rites: the initiation into adulthood, marriage, the 

funeral, and ancestor worship. Those that continued in 

importance were marriage, the funeral, and ancestor worship. It 

was estimated, in 1981, in the opinion of informants, that about 

40 percent of the marriages occurring in the three villages 

involved the parents making the arrangements and selecting a 

spouse, with the assistance of a "go-between." Many villagers 

continued to believe that an arranged marriage was the ideal 

and would be more stable. Such active parental participation 

also revealed that villagers still regarded marriage as a family 

affair as well as an event of importance to the marrying couple. 

Marriage established a link between two nuclear families and 

their lineages. The age of the bridegroom was usually between 

twenty-five and thirty, and that of the bride between twenty and 

twenty-six. Around 1900, the age of the bridegroom was said to 

be often between twelve and eighteen and the bride fourteen to 

eighteen. Parents have traditionally wanted their children to 

marry early rather than late to assure the continuity of the 

family and to assure themselves of mature members of the 

family who would care for them in their old age. The 

importance of an early marriage and bearing offspring was 

underscored by the fact that frequently the bride was older than 

the bridegroom, hence more mature to cope with child-rearing 

and other family responsibilities. 

To avoid incest, an initial inquiry and the exchange of 

information pertaining to the two potential wedding partners, 

e.g., family lineage and its place of origin, was obtained 

through the services of the go-between. This go-between was 

usually an elderly woman possessing numerous social contacts. 

When she learned of a marriageable son or daughter, she would 

attempt to locate a possible spouse and then initiate negotiations between the two families of the potential marriage 

partners. At other times, families would find likely marriage 

partners themselves and negotiate the marriage contracts with 

the service of a go-between. As in previous years the marriage 

possibility was thoroughly discussed in both families. If all the 

parents were willing to consider the matter seriously, usually 

the young man and his mother would visit the girl's home so 

that the two young people and other family members could 

meet. When both families tentatively agreed to the marriage, 

family representatives visited a fortune-teller who, by consulting traditional texts, e.g., the Anthology of Cosmogony 

(Ch'on'gidaeyo) and an almanac, determined whether the 

marriage would be successful. Both families provided the 

fortune-teller with specific information about the young man 
NUMBER 39 19 

and woman, known as the Four Pillars (the hour, day, month, 

and year of birth). If the prediction for marital compatibility, 

known as Palace Harmony, was not favorable then the 

negotiations between the two families were usually discontinued. However, if the fortune-teller was optimistic, then the 

family of the prospective bridegroom would prepare a marriage 

proposal, written in Chinese characters, and, on a separate sheet 

of paper, restate the Four Pillars information. A free translation 

of one proposal is as follows: 

I acknowledge with pleasure that you have decided 

to consider my son seriously as the future husband for 

your daughter and regard his shortcomings and 

immaturity with tolerance and understanding. Your 

lovely daughter whom you offer as his future wife is 

appreciated with heartfelt gratitude. In recognition of 

this mutual agreement, I forward this letter with 

wedding gifts. 

Signature of the Bridegroom's father 

Date 

Upon receiving the marriage proposal, the bride's family 

would reply with a letter of agreement indicating the selected 

day for the wedding. The bridegroom's family would then 

forward wedding gifts, which often were cloth for the bride's 

trousseau, jewelry, including double gold wedding rings or 

diamond rings, a watch, and shoes, with an accompanying 

letter stating formally both the birth dates of the bride and the 

bridegroom. The letter was tied with a red and blue silk thread 

representing the cosmic principle of universal duality (um and 

yang). The bride's family traditionally reciprocated with gifts 

for the bridegroom, his parents, and his relatives on the 

wedding day. In 1981, this gift exchange was often completed 

before the wedding day. To reduce the cost of the wedding, the 

parents at times agreed to a token exchange. 

On the wedding day the bride and her parents, escorted by 

relatives and friends, traveled, often in taxis, to the home of the 

bridegroom where the ceremony took place. After the bride 

arrived, she and the bridegroom were dressed in their 

traditional wedding attire. Families of the couple might have 

borrowed the set of used traditional wedding clothing owned by 

the village for the bride and bridegroom. A strong preference, 

however, was for newly made costumes. The bride remained in 

a room provided for her until asked to come forth into the yard 

at a time thought to be the most auspicious. Prior to the time 

when the bride appeared in her wedding costume, the 

bridegroom held a wooden replica of a duck, a symbol of a 

mate for a lifetime. After a bow to the north, an acknowledgment of the authority in Seoul (in former times, the king), he 

gave the duck to a member of the brides family. The 

bridegroom stood to the west of an improvised altar in the yard, 

and the bride took her place to the east of the altar, both 

maintaining a serious countenance (Figure 21). The altar, a 

table covered with a cloth on which were set a vase of camellias 

and another of bamboo, food offerings of rice, chestnuts, jujube 

(dried dates), and a bound live rooster and a hen. The chestnuts 

and the rooster were placed near the bridegroom and the jujube 

and the hen near the bride. The rice was said to be for the 

rooster and the hen. A knowledgeable village elder directed the 

ceremony. He stood behind the altar whereas the guests were 

before it. When an attendant brought a basin of clear water to 

the couple to wash ritually, each merely flicked the surface with 

their fingers. The bride did two and one-half bows and the 

bridegroom three and one-half bows to each other. The number 

of bows was frequently reduced to shorten the ceremony. Two 

cups of wine were exchanged, one with red thread attached for 

the bride, and the other with blue thread for the bridegroom. 

The bridegroom usually drank some of the wine in each cup but 

the bride simply touched the cups as they were presented to her. 

The couple did not eat any of the food on the altar but each, 

with chopsticks, did turn over a chestnut. The duration of the 

ceremony was between thirty and forty minutes. A wedding 

photograph of the couple, with family members and friends, 

was taken before a decorative folding screen. The bridegroom 

was then led away to a room where food and drink were served 

to him. The bride was escorted to another room for similar 

refreshments and relaxation. The evening of the same day, the 

couple was reunited for the nuptial night. 

Traditionally the bridegroom had stayed for an extended 

period living in the home of his parents-in-law before returning 

to his home. More recently, he left after spending two nights 

there. In taxis or rented cars, the couple, with the bride's father, 

an uncle, and a few other relatives of the bride, went to the 

FIGURE 21.—Bridegroom and bride in traditional wedding dress facing an altar 

containing traditional symbols of the universal duality (um and yang). These 

include a vase of bamboo and a vase camellias, rice and chestnuts, a bound live 

rooster and hen, and blue and red thread. Also on the altar is rice wine in a brass 

cup on a pedestal tray. Black and white photograph, 1955. 
20 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 22.—A family elder expressing homage and gratitude to his ancestors 

for a recent wedding in his family. Black and white photograph, 1953. 

bridegroom's home. The taxis also carried gifts for the 

bridegroom's family, rice cakes, and bedding for the couple. 

The bride, no longer in her wedding attire, still wore traditional 

clothing, usually a red skirt and a green blouse, both of which 

were made of cloth previously received from the bridegroom's 

family. The bridegroom wore a western-style suit made or 

bought for him by the bride's family. Meanwhile, preparations 

were made at the home of the bridegroom for the arrival of the 

couple. After the wedding party's arrival, and after members of 

the bridegroom's family had received their gifts, a brief 

ceremony was performed for the bridegroom's ancestors 

(Figure 22). Next the bridegroom made full bows to his 

grandparents, parents, and uncles. Subsequently the bride 

bowed to all of the assembled relatives of the bridegroom. The 

bows made by the bride indicated both respect and the fact that 

she had become a member of their family. All of the guests, 

most of whom had made financial contributions prior to the 

wedding ceremony, were then served food and drink. After this 

festive occasion, the couple continued to reside in the home of 

the groom's parents. All weddings, according to government 

regulation, were to be recorded in the city office within one 

month, a requirement that was not always promptly met. The 

bride kept her family name. 

Contrasting with the traditional marriage described above, 

was what was known as the "free marriage" preferred by 

approximately 60 percent of young marriageable couples. Yet 

even with these free marriages, a young couple, who had fallen 

in love and wished to marry, were still anxious to receive 

parental approval of their engagement and marriage. Prior to 

1981, parents were reluctant to give their approval unless they 

had been involved with the selection of the marriage partner 

and the negotiation of a formal agreement between their two 

families. In a neighboring village, a talented young man, who 

was a college graduate, committed suicide because his parents 

forced him to accept their choice of a girl in marriage rather 

than approve of the one that he loved. Many parents in the 

vicinity were shocked by the news and have become less 

insistent upon tradition. 

Undoubtedly of significance was the fact that many villagers 

had been students in a school system with a decided Western 

orientation since 1945. Many regarded a free marriage not 

merely as new but more prestigious. These free marriages 

occurred at times in private homes, as had been the case with 

the traditional ceremony. However, often one of Kimhae's five 

private wedding halls was rented, or special arrangements were 

made to use a Buddhist temple (Figure 23), a Christian church, 

or the city auditorium. Kimhae wedding halls were so popular 

and sufficiently busy that they were seldom used for any other 

purpose. Each was equipped with an altar and had a seating 

FIGURE 23.—A wedding ceremony at the Circle (Won) Buddhist Hall in 

downtown Kimhae during which a guest sings a solo. An elder from Three 

Ministers village is a member of the congregation. From a color photograph, 

1970. 
NUMBER 39 21 

capacity of one to two hundred persons. Similar but larger 

marriage halls in Pusan had seating capacities for up to five 

hundred people. Because of his personal status in the 

community and his friendship with the couple and their 

families, a private citizen, a man, was selected to officiate at the 

ceremony. He might have been the principal in the school that 

the bridegroom had previously attended or a local celebrity. 

When a marriage partner came from one of the Christian 

families living in the Three Ministers community, it was likely 

that the ceremony took place in one of the two village churches. 

The prevailing concept of incest prohibited marriages 

between individuals of the same lineage and the same place of 

origin. Adopted individuals also observed this incest restriction. It should be pointed out that adopted children were mostly 

the children of kinsmen. Approximately 20 percent of 

marriages occurred between persons of two lineages that were 

represented in the Three Ministers community for many years. 

Some 70 percent of marriages were between villagers and 

persons from elsewhere in the Kimhae area, and about 10 

percent were between villagers and those from a more distant 

locality, such as central Korea and the cities of Pusan and 

Taegu. (The above comments refer to longtime residents, not to 

recent arrivals in the community. At least 50 percent of village 

residents in recent years have come from outside because of 

work and educational opportunities in the Kimhae area. They 

often did not come as families but as a single or two 

individuals. The marriage behavior of these newer residents 

was not ascertained, but probably it was similar to that of the 

permanent residents in terms of their own villages of origin.) 

Although contrary to the traditional view, a divorce was now 

regarded mostly as a personal problem. Traditionally, divorce 

only occurred when initiated by the husband's family due to a 

childless marriage or adultery. Upon the death of a spouse, the 

widow, as well as the widower, could remarry without social 

criticism. However, it was still thought proper for a widow not 

to marry if her sons or daughters could support her. 

FUNERAL SERVICE 

The funeral service of a deceased member of the family, 

especially for parents, continued to reveal the belief in a bond 

between the living and the dead that not only should be 

acknowledged but honored with prescribed, though often 

modified, ritual. Upon the death of a father, a son traditionally 

would toss a coat of the deceased on the roof of the house and 

cried out the tragic news. Many families eventually relied upon 

modern methods of communication, e.g., an obituary distributed by the postal service or placed in a local newspaper. The 

garment of the deceased usually remained on the roof until the 

corpse was placed into a wooden coffin. A mutual aid group, 

the burial society, to which the family belonged, was notified of 

the death. The membership of such societies could include as 

many as forty representatives of village households. The 

society often prepared a formal announcement of the death, and 

at times they arranged to have the announcement printed and 

either mailed or personally delivered the cards themselves. 

Although the society provided assistance and contributed 

money toward expenses, the family remained in control of the 

arrangements and the subsequent funeral. 

Food prepared for the funeral service included the butchering 

and roasting of a pig, rice soup, and other traditional dishes, 

along with a supply of liquor. Additional needed dishware was 

often borrowed from neighbors to serve the food to the guests. 

In 1981, most bereaved families prepared only what was 

deemed to be a minimal number of food dishes; not as lavish an 

effort as was seen in funerals in previous years. The family 

purchased the coffin, the bier, and the paper flowers, whereas 

the canopy for the bier might be bought or rented from an 

undertaker in Kimhae. Each family in the village of the 

deceased sent a member, usually the head of the household, to 

visit and express condolence. When the visitor entered the yard 

of the deceased's home, he was greeted with a distinctive cry by 

family mourners. He responded with a wail and two full bows 

to convey his sympathy and respect. 

To determine the appropriate time of the funeral and the 

place of burial, an "earth officer" (Chigwan) who possessed 

classic texts of geography and cosmogony, was consulted. The 

burial often took place on the third day after death, but 

circumstances might alter this schedule. Prior to its placement 

in the coffin, the corpse was washed, the nails of the hands and 

feet were trimmed, and then the body was dressed with clean 

clothes. The coffin was positioned with the head of the 

deceased to the east. During the time the corpse remained at 

home, it was kept in one of the better-maintained rooms and 

placed behind a decorative screen. Just outside this room, a 

table served as an altar for burning incense and for fruit 

offerings. The room containing the corpse was entered by 

family members only, visitors remained in an adjoining room 

or building or in the yard. A portable altar or "soul box" was 

prepared for the funeral procession, containing a slip of paper 

on which the name of the deceased was written in Chinese 

characters. In the soul box also were personal effects of the 

deceased, often a traditional or Western style hat, a pipe, and a 

pair of shoes (Figure 24). 

As the funeral procession moved toward the selected burial 

site, periodically it stopped enroute so that a ceremony could be 

performed before the soul box in order to placate the soul and 

to assure it a successful journey. A banner with the name of the 

deceased painted upon it in Chinese characters was carried at 

the head of the procession. The hired men carrying the bier with 

the coffin frequently stopped at bridges or curves in the road or 

path to demand money. After family members or relatives 

placed money on the bier, the bier would be transported further. 

The mourners who accompanied the bier of a deceased father, 

were male lineage members and male friends. A few of these, 

including the eldest son or an adopted son, as chief ritualist, 

wore a mourning costume made of hemp cloth (Figure 25); 
22 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 24.—This "soul box," on a litter decorated with paper flowers, is 

brought to the burial site of the deceased. In addition to the written name of the 

deceased in Chinese characters, it contains a few personal effects, e.g., hat, 

shoes, glasses, and pipe. After the funeral, the "soul box" is returned home and 

is placed into a small temporary chapel. From a color photograph, 1970. 

sometimes only the hat and parts of the traditional costume 

were worn over a western-style suit. The use of biers and 

funeral processions was decreasing. After 1971, a funeral bus 

often carried the coffin and members of the family and relatives 

to or near the burial place. 

At the burial site, ceremonies were conducted both for the 

spirit of the mountain or the locality and for the deceased. 

Devout Buddhist families invited a priest to conduct a Buddhist 

ritual prior to the interment. Before the coffin was lowered into 

the grave, it was covered with the banner on which the name of 

the deceased appeared. The eldest son, as the chief mourner, 

placed three handfuls of earth upon the coffin, one over the 

head, another over the torso, and the last over the feet. A long 

slender pole, often bamboo, was temporarily placed above the 

center of the coffin as the grave was filled with earth. This pole 

was used to facilitate the construction of a small burial mound 

FIGURE 25.—An elderly couple dressed in hemp mourning clothes with 

bamboo canes and rice straw sandals. From a color photograph, 1970. 

directly over the coffin and the grave site (Figures 26, 27). 

When the burial was completed, a farewell service was 

conducted for the family of the deceased. This was then 

followed by another ritual to assure the soul of the deceased 

that all of the requirements of the funeral had been completed 

and to give a formal conclusion to the entire funeral service 

(Figure 28). Food and drink were then served to all present at 

the grave site, and the social atmosphere became noticeably 

more relaxed. A final and brief ritual occurred, before the burial 

party departed, during which the deceased became, in effect, an 

honored participant and not just the recipient of the offerings. 

The soul box was returned to the home and placed in a 

temporary chapel in the yard. Rice-straw rope was used to wrap 

around the supporting posts and beams of the temporary 

chapel, and rice-straw mats became the walls, the door, and the 

floor. The chapel contained an altar with a photograph of the 

deceased and other items from the soul box, including the slip 

of paper on which was written the name of the deceased. Before 

this altar memorial services were conducted periodically for 

one year (Figure 29). At times, instead of constructing a 

temporary chapel, the family of the deceased placed the soul 

box within the home and conducted services there. 

After a year, during an anniversary service, the personal 

effects in the soul box and the soul box itself were burnt at 
NUMBER 39 23 

FIGURE 26.—Mourners at a grave site. The coffin has been placed in the grave and earth is being shoveled in and 

pressed down. The upright bamboo pole indicates the midpoint of the grave so that the grave mound will be 

centrally located. The mourners' costumes are made from rough hemp cloth. From a color photograph, 1970. 

home. During this service the burning of the slip of paper upon 

which the name of the deceased was written was referred to as 

a "farewell to the soul." The traditional mourning period for a 

deceased father was three years, for a mother, one and one-half 

FIGURE 27.—A graveyard on the slope of the hill behind the villages of South 

Post and Three Ministers. The graves were later moved to another cemetery to 

make way for the construction of modern buildings. The new Kimhae city hall 

was built nearby. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

years. According to idealized Confucian behavior, the eldest 

son should live beside his father's grave for three years, during 

which time his hair and nails are not cut and he practices sexual 

abstinence. 

Recent behavior was a modification of this traditional ideal. 

The length of the mourning period and the expense of the ritual 

were reduced. The villagers, with the encouragement of the 

national government, limited the mourning period either to 

forty-nine or one hundred days. Although a family in mourning 

was expected to wear white cotton, or coarsely woven hemp 

clothing, this requirement was frequently observed only 

symbolically by a hemp ribbon pinned to a man's coat or 

fastened to a woman's hairdo. The number of memorial 

services during the mourning period was also often reduced. 

There was a growing sentiment that filial piety, stressed in 

Korean ethics, should be bestowed upon living parents and 

should be expressed by the generosity and attention of the 

eldest son and, in fact, by all the adult offspring. Frequently 

parents were given birthday parties, gifts, and short vacation 

trips. A Buddhist priest or a shaman might be asked to offer 

prayers for their good fortune and for the passage of the 

parents' souls into paradise while the parents are still alive and 

attending the ceremony. Most villagers in 1981 buried their 

dead in a public cemetery or made use of the Kimhae 

crematorium.19 If the deceased was cremated, his ashes were 

scattered by the family upon a river, a hillside, or buried in a 

grave site marked with a tombstone. 
24 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 28.—After the burial of the deceased, often the funeral includes a ritual in front of the burial mound with 

a photograph of the deceased, his name displayed, a small altar, a folding screen, and paper flowers. From a color 

photograph, 1981. 

ANCESTOR WORSHIP 

Although ancestor worship could be thought of as an 

extension of the funeral service, it had its own rites with 

supporting concepts and social practices. Both ancestor 

worship and the funeral service revealed the cultural emphasis 

placed upon filial piety and reciprocity. The Korean conception 

of social relationships was defined as those attributes of human 

existence that, it was believed, set man apart from other forms 

of life. Whether an adult or a child, the villager ideally was 

concerned about the welfare of his parents and regarded them 

and himself as links between the past and future generations. 

The villager, again ideally, remained faithful and respectful to 

the memory of deceased kin and was proud of his ancestors. 

These standards for behavior, however, were observed, 

modified, or even ignored among individual villagers. Whether 

adhered to or paid little attention to, the villager was aware of 

such idealized behavior and its ethical significance. These 

traditional values, in other words, still influenced many 

members of the Three Ministers community, although the 

degree of adherence to prescribed behavior was varied. 

Ancestor worship traditionally occurred in the villages five 

times a year. 

1. The anniversary of the death of the deceased (lunar 

calendar). 

2. New Year's Day (lunar calendar). 

3. April 4 or 5 (solar calendar). 

4. August 15 (harvest full moon, lunar calendar). 

5. A selected day during October (lunar calendar). 

The rites that were performed on the anniversary of the death 

of the deceased, New Year's Day, and August 15 took place in 

the home after midnight. A household frequently will observe 

more than one ancestor's death anniversary each year. 

FIGURE 29.—Temporary chapel for ancestor worship in the yard of a home. It 

is used for one year after the death of a parent and then is demolished. Black and 

white photograph, 1970. 
NUMBER 39 25 

I r . 

'-t 

3 If 0 r'i Js 

'*•-::'::-" 

Wm '' 

( 

... 

l fi :j -

-/-'•r^k_ 

Y 

B*#»* 

t 

FIGURE 30.—Altar for ancestor worship in the home of a village elder. From a color photograph, 1981. 

Grave-site rituals were conducted on April 4 or 5 and on 

different days in October. The food offerings were prepared by 

the wives and other women of the household. If the deceased 

was the husband and the sons were away, the widow or the 

husband's mother acted in the male role as chief ritualist. 

Although she did not do the full bows normally required, she 

ceremonially served the food and the wine. Ancestor worship 

beyond the fourth generation was conducted with services held 

at the grave sites in April and October by the eldest son and 

other lineage representatives. A ceremony for ancestor worship 

usually required about forty minutes to complete. 

The altar for ancestor worship was usually a low rectangular 

table, which at the grave site might be a permanent stone 

version. Behind the altar at the home was often a free-standing 

decorative paneled screen (Figure 30); at the grave site it was 

the grass-covered earth mound over the grave. The altar usually 

had wood, brass, or stainless steel dishware, but white ceramic 

items, such as a wine vessel, also were used. The food was 

placed on the altar in dishes and bowls, with each type of food 

in a separate vessel. The food included beef, fish, and vegetable 

soup. Fruit and rice cakes were impressively stacked on 

pedestaled trays. When the ritual at home was for a deceased 

couple, the altar was arranged with two sets of dishware and 

metal chopsticks and spoons. The chief ritualist, normally the 

eldest son, wearing traditional clothing or a dark western suit, 

placed a spoon into a filled rice bowl for each parent as an 

invitation to partake of the feast, and he filled their wine cups. 

Stepping back from the altar, he made, with other male relatives 

(often dressed in dark western suits) who were standing abreast, 

two full bows with the knees and forehead touching the floor. 

He then removed the spoons from the rice bowls and placed 

them in the soup bowls, and again, with his kinsmen, 

performed two full bows. Each soup bowl was replaced with a 

bowl of fresh water into which a small amount of rice was 

deposited, and again two full bows followed. The chopsticks 

were relocated at least twice on the altar from the beef to the 

fish dishes, after tapping them on the surface of the altar. A cup 

of wine was emptied and prior to refilling the cup, a drop or two 

of the remaining wine was poured as a libation upon a few 

stems of rice in a pedestaled bowl. Invited guests were 

permitted to watch the ceremony from a respectful distance or 

through an open doorway. 

Although similar to the funeral service the ancestor worship 

ritual had some differences. Ancestor worship was usually 

attended by only the eldest son with his family and relatives, 

whereas the funeral included nonkin mourners as well. Only 

beef was offered for ancestor worship, whereas pork often was 

used for the funeral service. Affluent families may also serve 

beef at the funeral service. The altar for the funeral service was 

relatively simple, but for ancestor worship an extravagant 

setting was often seen. Because of the number of mourners and 

other requirements, such as the purchase of the burial site, 

funerals tended to be more expensive, whereas ancestor 

worship was often less expensive, despite extravagant altar 

settings, because preparations could be conviently made in the 

home by the family. 
26 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

ROUTINE BEHAVIOR 

During the study period (1951-1981) much of village life 

adhered to established patterns of behavior. Each villager often 

knew or could accurately guess where his neighbor was and 

what he was doing. Although the demands of agriculture gave 

a well-understood sequence to the behavior of the farmer, other 

villagers, who were not farmers, also had occupations that 

produced predictable behavior. 

One of the recurring village rhythms was traditional 

marketing that occurred every fifth day in Kimhae city, in 

which many villagers participated. There were also shops 

within the village and downtown Kimhae that were available 

every day. There was the daily routine of the housewife as she 

prepared meals, cared for her infant and older children, did the 

laundry, fed the chickens, cleaned the house and yard, and 

worked in her garden or assisted her husband in the fields. 

Throughout the lunar year, many events of interest to 

villagers occurred, which involved festivals, rituals, and 

specially prepared food. Official holidays, according to the 

solar calendar, were observed only by government officials, 

employees of banks and large firms, and school children. Some 

annual observances were both traditional and official, such as 

the harvest (Thanksgiving) full moon and Buddha's birthday. 

The four most important holidays in the village calendar were 

New Year's, Sol; the Day of Cold Food, Hansik (third month); 

Tano (fifth month); and "Thanksgiving," Chusok (eighth 

month). Descriptions of the annual holidays follow and are 

listed according to the lunar calendar. 

1. The New Year's observance (Sol), was celebrated for at 

least three days and often longer. Traditionally the New Year's 

holiday season had extended for two weeks. The shorter New 

Year's holiday was said to be due to more demanding work 

schedules and an urbanized life style (1981). Ancestor worship 

was usually held after midnight on New Year's Eve. Ancestor 

worship, when observed, was mostly traditional in nature; other 

holiday activities were often modified. The food prepared for 

the holiday was less varied, and customary visits by young 

children to village elders to pay their respects often did not 

occur (1981). All villagers, young and old, still wore their best 

and often new clothing. A game (Yut) using a set of four sticks 

that are thrown on a mat was often played with two teams. 

Occasionally charms or shamanistic prayers invoking spiritual 

assistance and protection for a good year were obtained from 

temples and local shops. Children participated in outdoor 

sports according to sex. Boys usually flew kites, had footraces 

and mock battles, or played soccer. Girls often jumped over an 

elastic rubber cord, skipped rope, jumped for distance on one 

foot, or played a game of jacks. 

2. Often early in the first month, a band of dancing village 

musicians, usually twenty men, visited homes to perform 

briefly in each yard, assuring a good harvest and good fortune 

throughout the year. As many as fifteen of the musicians played 

small, round drums with peg handles whereas the other 

musicians had different percussion instruments, a large 

hourglass-shaped drum, several other drums, and large and 

small cymbals (Figure 31). A flutist also frequently appeared. 

The formations and maneuvers of the village band resembled 

those of a military unit. The leader of the band was often the 

first musician among those who provided the tempo with small 

cymbals. He was in charge of both the musical performance 

and the dance choreography. The dance steps consisted of 

raising one foot after the other off the ground with the knee bent 

about forty-five degrees. The body of the musician was often 

slightly bent forward and while dancing might turn to one side 

or the other, or revolve completely. The costumes included 

baggy trousers tied at the ankles, three-pointed hats with 

attached pompons, and jackets with wide sashes worn 

diagonally across the chest. The bright colors employed were 

red, green, yellow, blue, and white. An officer of the band, but 

not a musician, was responsible for arranging the schedule for 

the performances and managing the business affairs. He was 

often the village chief or some other influential male villager. 

There was another band participant who didn't play an 

instrument or dance but who was seen with the dancing 

musicians during a performance. He was dressed to depict a 

nobleman, as he wore a black high-crowned, wide-brimmed hat 

and a long white or green coat, and carried a long-stemmed 

pipe. His role, it was said, was to dignify the dance 

performance. Other common participants included a "clown" 

and a hunter with his gun and game bag. These two band 

members, who danced but were not musicians, exchanged 

repartee that amused the spectators. 

The village band, after several days of rehearsal, was ready 

to perform. It received donations of money and rice. Some of 

the money was used to buy or repair instruments when needed. 

In the past, the band would collect money or rice for various 

village projects by visiting every household, but this practice, 

embarrassing to impoverished home owners, was discontinued. 

In more recent times, the band only went to households upon 

invitation. They spent about twenty minutes performing about 

the yard near the house, including the kitchen, annex buildings, 

and the outdoor cluster of sauce jars. During the New Year's 

holiday season, it was believed that the band should also visit 

the outdoor village shrine, the public well, the public laundry 

area, and the village office so that the year for the entire village 

would commence auspiciously. Whenever the band was not 

performing, the instruments were kept together in a home 

selected by the village chief. 

3. Also in the first month, ceremonies were conducted in 

each of the three villages of the community before the village 

shrine dedicated to the spirit of the locality (Figure 32). Before 

each shrine was placed a small altar with food and beverages on 

it. It was usually the village chief who acted as the ritualist for 

his village. After the ceremony the village band gave forth with 

its drums and cymbals and lively dancing. In 1981, two of the 

shrines had disappeared. 
NUMBER 39 27 

FIGURE 31.—Village band dancing and simultaneously playing percussion instruments in the yard of a home. The 

flute, often seen in village bands, is conspicuously absent here. Black and white photograph, 1971. 

FIGURE 32.—Shrine in the village of Three Ministers dedicated to the village deity. A short ceremony is 

conducted here annually. In 1985, this shrine had disappeared amidst the construction of new urban buildings. 

From a color photograph, 1969. 
28 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

4. Often during the first month the well-attended annual 

village meeting took place, during which the village chief gave 

his report. 

5. On the fifteenth day of the first month, prayers were 

occasionally offered to the first full moon, a requirement to 

assure abundant harvest and good fortune. As the moon rose, 

the once widespread practice of building small "moon houses" 

office straw in the fields and children burning them to remove 

the misfortunes of the past year seldom occurred. 

6. The third month was usually the month when the village 

chief, the chairman of the village development committee, a 

few women representatives, and the "block" leaders arranged 

for a spring picnic. Money or rice was collected from each 

household and food was prepared by the women as a 

cooperative endeavor. Prior to the preparation of the food, 

marketing was frequently necessary to augment the existing 

supply of foodstuffs. Some food was cooked in the homes and 

carried to the selected picnic site on the slope of the high hill 

behind the first and second villages. Other food items were 

prepared at the site itself. Participants were limited to the 

members of households permanently residing in the community, not the numerous newcomers who had recently moved 

into the village (1970). The picknickers ate, drank soft drinks or 

alcoholic beverages, sang, and did impromptu dances individually or in groups. However, since about 1970, the annual picnic 

has received less attention from the villagers and sometimes 

didn't occur at all. The explanation given was that the lack of 

interest was traceable to competing economic and urban 

activities. 

7. The Day of the Cold Feast, Hansik, in the third month, 

was the time of the year when lineage members conducted rites 

at grave sites of their ancestors. These ancestors were not only 

those who were well remembered, but also, those whose day of 

death had been forgotten and others who lived so long ago that 

practically nothing was known about them. The government 

had designated this holiday to be the same day as Arbor Day, to 

emphasize national reforestation programs, but this official 

observance had no relationship with the traditional holiday. 

8. The birthday of Buddha, the Feast of the Lanterns, was 

widely celebrated in the fourth month.20 Many housewives 

carried offerings up the hillside to the Buddhist temple (Figure 

33). The amount of rice or money offerings varied according to 

the wealth and social status of the household. The name of the 

temple (Songjoam) refers to a famous Buddhist monk who lived 

during the Koryo dynasty (935-1392 A.D.) and was the founder 

of Korea's largest Buddhist order (Chogye, Jokyejong). Upon 

their arrival at the temple compound (1952-1981), the 

villagers, frequently while holding their rosaries, bowed and 

prayed before the Buddhist images, particularly the representations of Sakyamuni Buddha and the saviors or bodhisattvas 

Kwanseumbosal (in Sanskrit, Avalokitesvara), andChijangbosal 

(in Sanskrit, Ksitigarbha). A separate shrine in the temple 

compound dedicated to the mountain spirit, who is depicted in 

one painting as a sage with a tiger, also received offerings 

(Figures 34, 35). Two or three middle-aged village women, 

employed by the priest, served food and tea to visitors at the 

temple site. Visitors were usually from the first and second 

villages of the Three Ministers community. Occasionally 

groups from elsewhere, consisting of a hundred or more 

persons, came to visit the temple. An afternoon service was 

conducted for visitors and their families. During the service the 

priest referred to each visitor and all members of his or her 

family by name as he invoked a blessing for them. Many of the 

villagers went home in the late afternoon for supper and then 

returned in the evening with lanterns for another temple 

ceremony. The paper covers of the lanterns bore the names of 

family members. These were later burnt as prayers. 

9. The summer festival, Tano, in the fifth month, continued 

to be observed. It was said to have originated in rites performed 

after the spring planting. Ancestor memorial services and 

picnics occurred. Young women often competed, while 

standing, in daring outdoor swinging and in seesawing 

contests. Men were involved with competitive athletic events 

that required both skill and strength, including a Korean style of 

wrestling done within a circle made in the sand, and simulated 

cock fighting on one leg. Boys tried to keep shuttle cocks aloft 

by using only their feet. 

10. Some village households observed a holiday during the 

eighth month, during which food was prepared from fall crops 

for the benefit of the ancestors. The advent of cold weather was 

also celebrated at this time with picnics and excursions to 

scenic areas, often to temples, in mountainous localities. This 

holiday, was often extended beyond the one-day observance. 

11. Ch'usok, the Thanksgiving holiday in the eighth month, 

was always observed. It was a time for family reunions. Many 

adults who once lived in the Three Ministers community and 

now lived in nearby cities or elsewhere came with their families 

to visit their aged parents, brothers and sisters, and other 

relatives. Although this traditional holiday was the celebration 

for the harvest, because of the geographical latitude and 

climate, the reaping of the rice at Three Ministers was only 

partially completed. However, some of the new rice and other 

crops from the dry fields, such as millet, beans, and corn, were 

harvested. The grave sites of ancestors were visited and rituals 

were performed in which foods, including newly harvested 

grain and fresh fruits were served, with full bows from the 

participants. Prior to the holiday, the graves had been tidied up 

by weeding and, when necessary, with repairs. If the grave site 

had been neglected or poorly maintained, conservative members of the lineage were critical of the person responsible.21 

Important family affairs were also discussed, and decisions 

were made prior to the departure of the visiting relatives. This 

holiday period could be extended to provide sufficient time for 

all of the activities families had scheduled for themselves. 

12. Christmas, a Christian holiday and based on the solar 

calendar, had an increasing impact upon village life. Children 

were especially attracted to the Bible stories, gaiety, and 

exchange of gifts. The two Christian churches in the 
NUMBER 39 29 

FIGURE 33.—A Buddhist temple, with adjoining building, is located on the steep hillside behind the villages of 

South Post and Three Ministers. The temple was rebuilt in 1985. From a color photograph, 1969. 

community were decorated with Christmas trees, figures of 

Santa Claus, and numerous glittering ornaments. 

Apart from the above described holidays other festive events 

have occurred in the Kimhae area, sometimes on an annual 

basis. These included bull fighting, with two bulls pitted 

against each other. Traveling stage plays, which were regarded 

by villagers as "modern theater," appeared until about 1953. 

Also disappearing at this time was a traveling group of 

entertainers that came almost annually and presented a farmers' 

band, acrobatics, songs, dramatic skits, and puppet shows. As 

of 1981, the traveling shows that villagers saw once every two 

or three years was a version of the Western-style circus 

featuring animal acts and acrobatic performances. 

Village Economics 

For an understanding of the economy of the Three Ministers 

community, it must be seen in the context of the national 

economy of South Korea. The national economy had largely 

overcome the shattering impact of the Korean War (1950-

1953) and the movement of many refugees mainly from the 

Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) to South 

Korea, the Republic of Korea (ROK). The South Korean 

government in the late 1950s, and especially in the 1960s, 

began to create an effective rural infrastructure. In 1962, an 

Office of Rural Development (ORD) was attached to the 

Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, later (1973) renamed the 

Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. The ORD, through its 

Rural Guidance Office, provided extension services in each 

county (Brandt, 1980:270-272). Beginning in 1962, four 

national five-year plans for economic and social improvement 

were implemented, of which, the last three were the most 

successful. The legislation for land improvement and reclamation in 1962 became the basis for Korea's Green Revolution. In 

1971, the South Korean government initiated the New 

Community Movement (NCM) to encourage cooperative rural 

and urban projects with technical and financial assistance. 

Many communities, including the Kimhae villages of South 

Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, were involved with NCM 

activities. Mention must be made of the successful efforts of the 

South Korean government to obtain foreign technical and 

financial aid, particularly from the United States. Excluding 

military assistance, the U.S. spent $1.8 billion between 1953 

and 1960 for ROK programs. By 1976, U.S. grants were mostly 

terminated, but sizeable loans were still available (Nahm, 

1988:482). 

The ROK has been transformed from an underdeveloped 

country into a properous industrial state. The gross national 

product (GNP) increased by 452 percent between 1962 and 

1980 (Nahm, 1988:486). The average annual income of a rural 

(farm) household in 1962 was $142 and in 1979 had become 

$4,830. The booming ROK economy has attracted investments 

from foreign firms, including many American companies. 

Technical expertise was often provided by foreign governments and private agencies that also stimulated the ROK 

economy. Many foreign economists and development specialists learned, from experiences in South Korea, that an industrial 

development could precede and become the basis for an 

agricultural revolution. The ROK, with a mostly literate 
30 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 34.—A mountain spirit shrine, which is within the Buddhist temple compound, has exterior murals. From 

a color photograph, 1969. 

FIGURE 35.—The interior of the mountain spirit shrine with two paintings of the elderly sage, one with a tiger. On 

the altar there are brass candlestick holders and incense braziers. From a color photograph, 1969. 
NUMBER 39 31 

population, possessing a common language and culture, and 

determined leadership, made the possibility a reality. 

In addition to the agricultural resources of the Kimhae 

region, the lower Naktong River area was once also known for 

a specific natural resource, riverine reeds. Prior to the extensive 

development of the Kimhae irrigation system, the extent of reed 

fields along the Naktong River was far greater. Over two 

million p yong

22 of reeds (Phragmites communis trinius) were 

estimated to grow in the area, and some still do today, along the 

streams, islands, and marshy areas associated with the lower 

Naktong and its tributaries. Until about 1890, government 

inspectors from the Kimhae county office annually examined 

the reed fields, which subsequently were harvested in the 

autumn on contract by the highest bidder. Although many 

Kimhae homes once had reed roofs, in 1951 only a few homes 

had them. Reed roofs were very durable; it was said that they 

often lasted fifty years, which was longer than roofs covered 

with ceramic tile. The walls of these earlier homes were also 

constructed of reeds, and of bamboo, to which clay was applied 

using the wattle and daub technique. Fences made of reeds 

were once common. They also provided a source of fuel. Reeds 

were used to make mats to cover the surfaces of heated floors, 

as well as in the manufacture of paper, the construction of tray 

bottoms for raising silk worms, and for the frames supporting 

soy bean sprouts. 

During the Japanese occupation, the village of Three 

Ministers was the residence of the Japanese official who was in 

charge of the reed fields. The economy of this village during the 

occupation, however, was based mostly on agriculture and 

sericulture. Later the Korean government took steps to convert 

many reed fields into paddies. The farmers of the three villages, 

South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, were among those 

who acquired these new paddies. The increased emphasis upon 

rice production involved more labor and investment for seeds, 

fertilizers, insecticides, and equipment. The use of water in the 

new paddies created a special problem because of the ground 

salt brought to the surface of the soil. The development and the 

maintenance of the irrigation system required more participation by the national government in local affairs. 

LAND OWNERSHIP 

Unlike most rural communities in the Kimhae area, a number 

of Japanese households existed in the consolidated Three 

Ministers community until the end of World War II. After the 

liberation of Korea in 1945 and the interim American military 

occupation, the new Korean government initiated a land reform 

in 1949 that allocated former Japanese and absentee Koreanowned property to the cultivators. However, because of the 

policy requiring payment within fifteen years, many villagers 

lost their property once again to absentee landowners (Figures 

36-38). The average size farm was only two acres, which was 

too small to bring about a significant improvement in rural life. 

Absentee landlords could not legally acquire agricultural land 

ten or more kilometers from their homes. This law was said to 

be circumvented by changing their home address to one in the 

village or by declaring relatives who lived in the village to be 

the new owners. By 1981, much land in the entire Three 

Ministers community was owned directly or indirectly by 

absentee landlords who were urban dwellers. It was said that 

only a few of these new landlords moved from the city into one 

of the villages. Land was usually sold each year after the 

harvest, when debts were customarily paid. The value of land 

increased dramatically during the time from 1968 to 1981. As 

the price of agricultural land continued to increase, villagers 

realized that if they sold their land they would not be able to 

buy desirable land in the future. They were therefore 

increasingly reluctant to sell regardless of their financial 

problems. Nevertheless, as the village's economy became 

increasingly suburbanized, agricultural land was sold; however, village homes and yards were retained. 

The total arable land of the Three Ministers community in 

1970, with its population of 1,910, was 583,748 p'yong, of 

which, 526,637 p'yong were paddies and 57,111 p'yong were 

dry fields. The average farmer in the first village had 1,000 

p'yong, in the second village 1,600, and in the third 2,400. The 

richest farmers owned as much as 5,000 p'yong and the poorest 

about 900. In 1981, the richest farmer still owned 5,000 p'yong 

but the poorest only 400. There were five farmers prosperous 

enough to possess between 4,000 and 5,000 p'yong of wet and 

dry fields. Two of these had doubled their holdings in ten years. 

The other three retained what they had. However, most farmers 

in the community did not own the land that they cultivated. As 

tenancy status usually involved an illegal sale of land, 

references to tenant farmers were often avoided by villagers. 

All interviewed villagers agreed that the number of tenant 

farmers who had sold their property was increasing. These 

tenants supposedly received 50 percent of the harvest from the 

lands that they cultivated. However, as they had to purchase 

fertilizers, insecticides, and herbicides, as well as seed and gas 

and oil for the machinery, their income was often reduced to the 

subsistence level. 

In 1970, hired farm laborers were paid according to the size 

of the field, but by 1977 they were paid according to the time 

spent at work, and usually on a daily basis. This change 

occurred because nearby factories employing villagers paid 

according to time spent on the job. In 1981, the daily wage for 

farm labor per day for a man was 5,000 won (approximately 

$7); for a woman, it was 4,000 won. Men and women laborers 

received lunch, a mid-afternoon snack, beverages, and other 

refreshments, which added 1,500 to 2,000 won to the income of 

each individual. The shortage of farm labor remained a serious 

problem in 1981 (Figure 39). Three years earlier the labor 

shortage was so acute that the government urged students and 

local government workers to join in an emergency program to 

assist farmers during the planting and the harvesting seasons. 
32 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

CONSOLIDATED COMMUNITY OF 

THREE MINISTERS, 1958 

KEY 

1 

2 

3 

• 

• 

• 

p 

PS 

s 

w 

M 

B 

TO PUSAN

 R 

— ch 

Village, South Post 

Village, Three Ministers 

Village, Front Hill 

House 

House, Korean - Japanese features 

House owned by Japanese 

until 1945 

Public meeting place 

Public school 

Shaman home 

Tavern 

Memorial shrine 

Barber shop 

Rice mill 

Formerly chicken house, modified 

for residence 

o Dry field (other fields - paddies) 

A Grave 

f Tree 

m Temple 

F Shed for fire equipment and bell tower 

® Fire fighting pump 

# Public well 

f Church 

<?- Road 

<j$P Irrigation canal 

J Land formerly owned by Japanese 

No. 101-199 Land owned by 1st village farmers 

No. 201-299 Land owned by 2nd village farmers 

No. 301-399 Land owned by 3rd village farmers 

Unnumbered land not owned by farmers in 

Three Ministers community 

Each contour line equals 10 meters 

METERS 

J l_ 

M.N. 

T.N J 
NUMBER 39 33 

FIGURE 36 (left).—A map of the consolidated community (ward) of Three 

Ministers, showing the three villages and their agricultural fields. Kimhae town 

office, 1958. 

IRRIGATION 

Running along the western bank of the lower Naktong River 

was the Kimhae dike, which was twenty kilometers long and 

seven meters high. At the upstream end of the dike were water 

gates to control the flow of water into the small reservoirs and 

the paddies. At the downstream end of the dike were water 

gates to release excess water into the sea. Much of the irrigation 

in the Kimhae area was dependent upon this irrigation system. 

The dike, water gates, and the primary irrigation canals were 

built by Korean labor during the Japanese occupation of Korea. 

Additional development of the irrigation system has occurred 

since 1945. The paddies in the Kimhae area involved 10,821 

hectares of land and constituted the second largest irrigated 

region in South Korea. 

Beneath one of the downstream gates a large hole was 

discovered through which sea water was entering the irrigation 

system. This problem became worse in times of drought, when 

the level of the Naktong dropped and sea water came further up 

the river channel. The national government decided to repair 

the damaged gate in 1981. 

Although most of the rice paddies of Three Ministers had 

been converted into a grid pattern, in 1972 some of the 

remaining older paddies of the first and second villages, along 

with those of an adjoining village, were modified into the grid 

system as well. All the farmers in the community who owned 

paddies irrigated with water from the river were automatically 

members of a local organization23 affiliated with the Office of 

Rural Development. If other farmers outside of the irrigated 

area wished to receive irrigation water and join the organization, their requests required approval by all of the membership 

CONSOLIDATED COMMUNITY OF 

THREE MINISTERS, 1958 

KEY 

B House 

HU House combined with Japanese style 

|—| Japanese house owned by Japanese 

until the end of World War II, 1945 

P Public meeting place 

PS Public school 

S Shaman home 

W Tavern 

B Barber shop 

R Rice mill 

ch Former chicken house, now 

reconstructed for human use 

after Japanese left 

D Dry field 

• Grave 

>& Public well 

J Land formerly owned by 

the Japanese 

100 

_L_ 

M.N. 

T.N. 

Village (KU), 

Front Hill 

-i i i_ 

FIGURE 37.—A detailed map of the consolidated community of Three Ministers. Kimhae town office, 1958. 
34 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

^8^^ ^ 

i. \iiy.y[ 

FIGURE 38.—View of the surveyed grid system of paddies on the Kimhae plain with irrigation canals. Many of 

the paddies are cultivated by Three Ministers villagers either as owners or as tenant farmers. Front Hill village is 

located on the knoll at center. Black and white photograph, 1955, Kimhae town office. 

FIGURE 39.—Because of the labor shortage during harvest time, an elderly villager works tying cut rice plants into 

bundles to be laid out in the drained paddy to dry. The bundles are then collected and carried to the thresher. From 

a color photograph, 1965. 
NUMBER 39 35 

before acceptance. Nominees to serve as local officials of the 

organization were recommended to the national level for 

review and approval. Once a year after harvest time, the 

full-time staff of the local office collected an irrigation fee from 

the membership. The village chiefs assisted with the collection 

of this fee. The annual fee was paid by the landowner and not 

by the tenant farmers. When the fees collected were not 

sufficient to cover the annual expenses of the irrigation system, 

national government funds were made available. The local 

office was responsible for the irrigation system, which included 

the reservoirs, the pumping stations, the waterways, and the 

drainage, but not the irrigated fields themselves. Farmers were 

provided with information on irrigation methods and procedures, and other farming practices. In the Three Ministers 

community, the paddies of the third village received water from 

the river, but not the paddies of the first and second villages. 

The farmers in the first and second villages preferred not to join 

the irrigation organization as they had small streams and 

irrigation wells to provide water for their paddies. It was only 

during a severe drought that water from the river was required. 

Deep irrigation wells were dug and installed by governmentsponsored well specialists who toured the countryside. Three of 

these deep wells were installed on Three Ministers land in 

1971. Many villagers were displeased because, without 

sufficient consultation with them or the local officials, these 

wells were placed in locations that would not provide the 

emergency water desired. In fact, two of the wells were on sites 

accessible only to a few individuals and were limited to their 

private use. Most irrigation wells were equipped with pumps 

for use when a water shortage occurred. 

In 1955, one village elder living in Three Ministers village 

obtained approval from the Ministry of Agriculture and 

Forestry to enlarge an existing small reservoir to irrigate a 

sizeable area that would have benefited both the communities 

of Three Ministers and neighboring Fishing Bank. A government team of engineers and technicians came to do the 

surveying and planning. Opposition soon arose from landowners who would lose some land in the construction of the 

waterways. A petition signed by them was submitted to the 

government and the project was discontinued. Any modifications or extension of the existing irrigation system required a 

consensus of the landowners; as a result, development in the 

Kimhae area was slow, often involving years of debate and 

frustration. Landowners with a sufficient amount of irrigation 

water, including those absentee owners living in Kimhae or 

Pusan who desired to profit from their investment without 

further expenditures, were often not interested in developing 

the irrigation system or, for that matter, most land improvement 

projects. Another obstacle for land development was the 

funding required to prepare the initial plans to obtain official 

approval. After the proposed project to enlarge the reservoir 

had failed, another resourceful farmer in a nearby village 

proceeded on his own. The village elder, who had tried to 

initiate the 1955 project, encouraged him to plan a smaller 

irrigation reservoir, which would not be resisted by other 

villagers and would be more likely to receive government 

financial assistance. Such small reservoirs were made by 

constructing a small dam across an existing stream. Excess 

water simply flows over such a dam. 

The three village chiefs of the Three Ministers community 

were much involved with irrigation problems. When a drought 

occurred, each village chief organized and supervised a water 

supply team to distribute available irrigation water. The time of 

year when irrigation was the most needed was frequently 

between 25 June and 10 July; however this was when the most 

danger existed of salt water moving from the sea up the 

Naktong into the irrigated fields. 

FARMING STRATEGIES 

Each village chief had a liaison role to play between his 

village and the local branches of the national Office of Rural 

Development, especially its Rural Guidance Office, and the 

National Agricultural Cooperative Federation. The NACF 

provided village farmers with financial loans, chemical 

fertilizers, insecticides, herbicides, and fanning machinery, as 

well as assistance for collective selling of their agricultural 

produce. Before 1976, collective purchasing of chemical 

compounds by each village was compulsory, as the local 

cooperative would not sell to individual farmers. The village 

chief was responsible for collecting the money and distributing 

the compounds. In 1981, the cooperative often dealt directly 

with the individual farmer, although the village chief continued 

to purchase insecticides for other villagers. 

In addition to its Kimhae office, the ORD had local branches 

in the countryside that provided agricultural information and 

guidance directly to the villagers.24 

Seed for the next year's rice crop was tenatively selected 

during the winnowing of harvested grain. This rice was placed 

into saline water and that which settled was used as seed. The 

selected seed was thoroughly washed to remove the salt and 

then placed in a solution with a worm killer compound for 

twenty-four hours, after which it was washed again. After it 

began to sprout in water, it was planted in a small plot of rich 

soil during the first part of May. The widely used25 

"Unification" variety of rice (tongil), which had a greater yield 

but required a longer growing period, was often planted in a 

greenhouse to develop rice sprouts earlier. Transplanting to the 

paddies could then commence on 10 May and be completed by 

10 June. 

Rice seedlings, prior to transplanting, were grown tightly 

together in beds because it was believed that this technique 

would discourage weeds.26 Chemical fertilizer was applied to 

the paddies prior to transplanting the rice seedlings. The 

seedlings were transplanted in evenly spaced rows to obtain 

maximum growth and rice production.27 After about five or six 

days, when the sprouts had developed a root system, a weed 

killer was applied. Insecticides were used a week after 
36 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

transplantion. Herbicides were widely used, so it was only 

necessary for weeding to be done twice during the rice growing 

season, once with the application of herbicides and once by 

hand. Villagers said that with chemicals they were able to kill 

"six kinds of insects and five types of weeds. " However, local 

government representatives have become concerned and 

increasingly emphasized to farmers that they should not 

overuse chemical fertilizers. They were also cautioned against 

excessive use of insecticides and herbicides. Chemical fertilizers were obtained from the local NACF office, whereas 

insecticides and herbicides were purchased in Kimhae and 

Pusan stores. 

The use of "natural" fertilizers was well understood by 

farmers. The preparation of natural fertilizers involved a 

mixture of rice straw, ashes, manure, and grass. The fertilizer 

was kept in mounds or pits from six to twelve months prior to 

its use. Often the mounds or pits of natural fertilizer were 

covered with straw bags or vinyl sheets to protect them from 

the rain and to hasten the process of decay. Three natural 

fertilizers were made with human, pig, or cattle manure. 

Natural fertilizers were expensive because of the labor costs 

needed to collect, transport, prepare, and apply them to the 

fields (Figure 40). Fish or marine shell powders were 

occasionally used, and chicken manure was placed on 

vegetable fields (not paddies). Farmers also transferred soil 

from hills or dry fields as a fertilizer to their paddies to enrich 

the soil. This however was done infrequently because of the 

expense. 

In 1970, on the fields of the second village, twelve or thirteen 

ox-drawn plows could frequently be seen in use at the same 

time, whereas in 1981, five or six motorized cultivators 

(rototillers) were in operation during the plowing season. 

Although the use of oxen for plowing was rapidly disappearing, 

they could still be seen. Two types of ox owners existed, those 

who possessed their own fields to be cultivated and the other, 

tenant farmers, who did contractual plowing for additional 

income. Oxen were expensive to maintain. They were often fed 

a mixture of wheat, barley hulls, and beans, and firewood was 

needed to cook their food. Paddies were usually plowed 

between 5 June and 5 July; dry fields were plowed from 15 

June to 5 July. This was true of the first and second villages, 

whereas the third village, having its paddies irrigated from the 

river, with water always available, completed its plowing and 

harrowing sooner. 

Once a year, usually in April, meetings were held in the 

villages of Three Ministers, the importance of which was 

indicated by the numerous villagers in attendance, the presence 

of the development committee, the village and block chiefs, the 

more prosperous farmers, and the owners of the motorized 

cultivators, or oxen and plows. The purpose of the meetings 

was to negotiate an acceptable price for contractual plowing, 

taking into account inflation and the shortage of labor, oxen, 

and motorized cultivators. The difficult matter of establishing 

an equitable and realistic price, in terms of current economic 

conditions, was eventually resolved. 

There were two types of traditional plows in use: one was for 

FIGURE 40.—A farmer preparing to fertilize his fields is carrying on his A-frame back-pack a barrel with human 

manure. (The use of human excreta has since been discontinued, and the application of chemical fertilizers has 

been encouraged.) He has a ladle and a cane-like stick with a forked head against which the back-pack is leaned 

when it is placed on the ground. He wears as his work clothes a western shirt and trousers. The Kimhae industrial 

park can be seen in the background. From a color photograph, 1969. 
NUMBER 39 37 

the deep-cutting required of paddies and the other for the 

shallow penetration needed on dry fields. The deep-cutting 

plow threw the soil in one fixed direction but the plow for dry 

fields, according to the angle it was held, enabled the farmer to 

turn the soil in either direction. Parallel furrows often were 

made on wet or dry fields but circular plowing also occurred. A 

field may be plowed twice, the second pass would cross-cut the 

first to even the surface of the field. Although motorized 

cultivators were eventually used to do most of the plowing, 

several farmers in 1971 retained traditional plows at their 

homes for emergency use. If and when traditional plowing was 

done, any shortage of oxen was quickly overcome by 

borrowing animals from relatives or renting them in nearby 

villages. With a motorized cultivator, the second plowing of a 

field was also done so that the furrows would cross the 

previously made ones at right angles. The motorized cultivator 

was also adaptable to do harrowing. 

When barley was grown it was usually planted in drained 

paddies after the rice harvest. Because of the moisture still 

remaining in the drained paddies, each row of barley was 

grown between two small drainage ditches. Barley was planted 

between 1 and 25 November and was harvested between 15 and 

25 June. Barley was often eaten mixed with rice by the 

villagers. The poorer the household, it was said, the higher the 

percentage of barley seen in the rice bowl. During the 1950s 

and 1960s, many Three Ministers farmers raised barley. In 

1970 the barley production in Three Ministers dropped 

significantly primarily because vinyl greenhouses, erected over 

the paddies during fall and winter, permitted the growth of 

other crops that were more profitable. 

About 50 percent of the paddies in the first and second 

villages were covered with greenhouses soon after the rice 

harvest. The remaining 50 percent of the land remained fallow 

as barley production would not be profitable and because of 

labor shortages due to competitive employment in the nearby 

factories. In the third village, as fewer villagers were employed 

elsewhere, some 70 percent to 80 percent of the paddies were 

covered with greenhouses to raise vegetables during the fall 

and winter seasons. With the use of the greenhouses, and 

because of the favorable weather, fewer destructive insects, and 

less plant disease, the year of 1981 was exceptionally 

productive. 

This use of the greenhouse was encouraged by the Rural 

Guidance Office, with the assistance of county and township 

officials in 1974. As the initial step, the local officials arranged 

for village chiefs and influential farmers in the Kimhae area to 

attend a lecture on the use of greenhouses. About ten farmers 

from the Three Ministers community appeared. These villagers 

returned to their communities and disseminated the information 

derived from the lecture. There was no resistance after the 

farmers became convinced that their crop productivity would 

increase. Each farmer was individually responsible for obtaining, with the assistance of the NACF, the necessary materials 

for the construction of a greenhouse, including vinyl sheeting 

and wooden or metal frames. Farmers who could not afford the 

building materials obtained loans that were payable, with a 

small interest, after the harvest. 

HARVESTING METHODS 

Although a new rice harvesting machine was seen in the 

Kimhae area, it seldom appeared on the fields of the Three 

Ministers community. A farmer in the second village acquired 

one that was said to be difficult to operate. Most villagers still 

harvested rice by cutting it manually (Figure 41). The rice 

plants, after cutting, were left in bundles on the drained paddies 

for fourteen to twenty days to dry.28 The labor needed for 

harvesting was obtained either on an exchange basis with 

neighbors or with cash payment. There were three and 

sometimes four teams of farmers for hire in the first village, 

four in the second, and two or three in the third village, which 

did most of the harvesting. The leader of each team was a 

villager and the owner of a power-driven thresher. The other 

team members whom he hired were also villagers. The leader 

usually selected the same teammates year after year. 

Within the last thirty years, 1951-1981, several threshing 

devices and assemblages have been used in the Three Ministers 

community. Most are still to be found. Some had a restricted 

use or were kept to replace more modern equipment if there was 

a breakdown. 

1. Traditional flail for threshing barley or beans, usually 

performed on a rice-straw mat or vinyl sheet (see Figure 125). 

2. Mounted, upturned iron comb, upon which a dried bundle 

of rice was manually placed and drawn through to dislodge the 

grain. This method was also used to obtain undamaged rice 

seeds (see Figure 126). 

3. Foot-operated rotary thresher; several dried bundles of 

rice at a time were held against its whirling wire-loop studded 

cylinder to dislodge the grain. 

4. Belt-operated rotary thresher with a detached diesel or 

gasoline-driven motor. 

5. Rotary thresher used as in number 4 but with the belt 

attached to a motorized cultivator (rototiller) (Figure 42). 

After being harvested, sun-dried on mats, and placed in 

rice-straw or nylon sacks, the unhulled (unpolished) rice was 

often stored in the local village mill. Some farmers owned 

small galvanized-iron silos for storage, which were first 

introduced to Three Ministers about 1971. Unhulled rice was 

also kept in sacks at home. 

Rice polishing was accomplished in 1951 manually by use of 

a mortar and pestle, a foot-operated mortar and pestle, or in a 

water-operated mill (Figure 43). Barley polishing was often 

done with an ox-operated mill. Grain polishing has since been 

done in a diesel or electric motor-driven mill, but this had not 

entirely replaced the older methods. In 1981, there were two 

electric mills for grain polishing and flour production, one in 

the first village and one in the third. 
38 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

- " ^ lft*. 

"v?SK "'*•*" '-'-. _" --•;. . . - '^.'f'-ftf . '• -?''""•'• '"'•'-—c^^s^.^-. ~'i~f' 

FIGURE 41.—Cutting rice with sickles and placing it in rows to dry on the drained paddy. From a color 

photograph, 1971. 

fn/r 

;•- ••',>A-*$x?.' X '•''•;- --^-- ^ 

WV*x,x:.?xmxx 

;" : -. . .:^:SM:&M^m^ 

2^R 

FIGURE 42.—A rotary thresher is powered by a belt attachment to a nearby motorized cultivator. From a color 

photograph, 1971. 
NUMBER 39 39 

FIGURE 43.—A rice polishing mill in South Post village. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

Approximately 30 percent of unhulled rice from a harvest 

was sold by farmers to the government, about 20 percent was 

eventually eaten by the farm household and the remaining 50 

percent was stored by the farmer, and as market opportunities 

occurred, was polished and sold. When rice was polished, the 

hull of the grain or kernel was removed, as well as the "eye" 

and a membrane covering the grain, so as to produce the 

characteristic white color.29 Rice that was to be sold to the 

government was examined by government inspectors and 

assigned to one of four quality categories. The criteria were size 

of grain, degree of dryness, cleanliness (no foreign matter), and 

weight. The nearest open area or yard for the government 

examination was in the neighboring village of Fishing Bank. 

After the classification and sale of the rice, it was stored there 

in government-owned warehouses or in one of two newer 

warehouses in the village of Three Ministers. One of these new 

warehouses was built in 1976 and the other in 1980. These two 

warehouses were privately owned but were built with governmental financial assistance. In addition to grain, agricultural 

chemical compounds and other items were stored there either 

by the government or private individuals. Each farmer received 

receipts for the grain sold to the government, which he 

exchanged for cash when he visited a government office in 

downtown Kimhae. Although the villager could sell his grain to 

private middlemen or directly to consumers, he usually 

preferred to sell to the government, as it paid a higher price. 

It was estimated in 1971 that about 45 percent of the Three 

Ministers community households raised sufficient rice for their 

own needs and more. Other families obtained additional 

amounts of rice either by cash purchases or by working in the 

fields of more affluent farmers. Rice prices were controlled by 

the government, but irregularities occurred in the market. In the 

1970s, a few village middlemen would buy rice directly from 

the farmer, have it polished at the mill, then transport it for sale 

in Pusan. In 1981, there were no such middlemen, though five 

or six village women sold vegetables, often traveling by bus to 

Pusan. In 1980, rice farmers grossed approximately 120,000 

won (~$200) per 150 p'yong. Many farmers, however, in the 

first and second villages raised mostly tomatoes, strawberries, 

and chrysanthemums. Farmers in the third village also grew 

tomatoes and celery. With truck farming and the use of 

greenhouses, their incomes were estimated to increase five to 

ten times. Traditionally farmers had raised two crops annually, 

rice and barley. The use of greenhouses permitted a longer 

growing season with at times four crops a year being grown. 

The combined use of greenhouses and open fields facilitated 

the growing of a greater variety of crops simultaneously. (See 

Appendix 3 for useful plants and animals in the Three Ministers 

community in 1952 and 1970.) 

MULTIPLE USES OF THE RICE PLANT 

Even though rice was grown primarily for the sustenance 

value of its grain, the rice plant had many other uses. 
40 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

1. Rice grain with hulls: Rice seed. 

2. Polished rice grain: Staple food, cakes, popped rice, 

candies, and beverages. 

3. Hulls of rice grain: Fertilizer (after burning and mixed 

with manure), packing fruit, stuffing pillows, livestock 

feed, and fuel to heat floors (Ondol). 

4. Grain membrane: Livestock feed (for pigs and chickens), 

soap, seasoning for radishes, fertilizer for paddies, 

candy, syrup, and lubricant for machinery. 

5. Stem and/or leaves: Roofing for buildings, additive for 

mud-wall construction, woven bags, mats, boxes, rope, 

sandals, roughage in livestock food, buried layer beneath 

greenhouses for radiant heat, wallpaper manufacture (in 

Pusan), fertilizer (mixed with manure), belts for funeral 

costumes, pillows for the head and each foot of the 

deceased, protective weather cover for strawberries, 

shoulder straps for packboard, head pad to support 

ceramic or metal pots and other containers, components 

of ox pack saddle, and ox traction shoes. 

GREENHOUSE OPERATIONS 

It was estimated by villagers that around 1950 a farmer 

worked about 200 days annually. In later years, primarily due 

to the time spent operating greenhouses, farmers were working 

an estimated 330 days annually. It was only during a few 

traditional holidays that they permitted themselves time for 

recreation. 

The greenhouses of Three Ministers farmers were of four 

types, according to the material used for the frame: bamboo, 

Philippine mahogany, plastic, or steel. The frame was covered 

with a translucent vinyl sheeting (Figures 44, 45). The more 

sturdy, often permanently installed frames were of plastic or 

steel. Two shapes of greenhouses were seen, tunnel and 

rectangular with a gable roof. Although villagers usually 

constructed their own greenhouses, steel frames with concrete 

bases were built by outside firms on contract. A greenhouse 

constructed in November and used during the winter was paid 

for in April after the produce was sold. The average cost of a 

greenhouse (1981) was estimated to be 250,000 won ($500)30. 

Although some greenhouses were small, many were of sizeable 

dimensions and the area within was tilled either with an 

ox-drawn plow or a motorized cultivator. Larger sizes were 

preferred as there was less temperature variation and the space 

contained was easier to work. 

Once a villager decided to augment open field farming with 

one or more greenhouses, requirements for knowledge, funds, 

labor, and materials had to be met. A skilled greenhouse worker 

was paid daily (1981) 6,000 won (about $12), the ordinary 

laborer 4,000 won. Both also received three meals each work 

day. Skilled personnel knew the proper use of chemical 

compounds and temperature controls, and they often served as 

the supervisors of the greenhouse labor teams. Several of these 

supervisors, after acquiring experience and sufficient financial 

resources, became independent greenhouse farmers themselves. 

The operation of most greenhouses usually involved the use 

of an installed water spray. The water sources were often wells, 

not river water. The desired temperature in greenhouses was 

maintained with artificial heat. Until approximately 1975, the 

heat was derived only from coal, later oil or electricity were 

used as heat sources. In many greenhouses, the farmer covered 

FIGURE 44.—One type of supporting structure for vinyl greenhouses in the fields of Three Minister village. From 

a color photograph, 1981. 
NUMBER 39 41 

^^^M03^^^^ 

FIGURE 45.—The vinyl greenhouses of an adjacent village and its agricultural fields are nearer than those of Three 

Ministers to the encroaching Kimhae industrial park. From a color photograph, 1981. 

the exterior vinyl walls with rice straw mats to maintain interior 

temperatures. Greenhouses were most extensively used in the 

fields of the third village (Table 3), but greenhouse farming 

first appeared in the fields of the first and second villages. The 

village that introduced this innovative farming to the entire 

Kimhae area was said to be neighboring Fishing Bank. 

More versatile uses of the greenhouse were seen in other 

Kimhae villages. One village had insulated its greenhouses 

with two vinyl layers and was raising bananas. Three Ministers 

villagers did not do likewise, it was said, because of the limited 

market and the expense involved. 

In 1981, the number of households with greenhouses in the 

first village was reduced to three because the new Kimhae High 

School for boys, with its large playground, was built near the 

highway on their agricultural fields. In the second village, the 

number was nine; ten years before it had been four. In the third 

village, an increase from sixteen to thirty occurred over the 

same period. Although the community of Fishing Bank had 

organized an independent cooperative for its greenhouse 

farmers, in the Three Ministers community such an organization was not established. The reasons advanced were that Three 

Ministers had fewer greenhouse farmers and those that did exist 

operated on a modest scale. This rationale seemed more valid 

for villages one and two, and less so for village three where 

more farmers were using greenhouses (Table 4). 

LIVESTOCK 

Chicken raising among Three Ministers fanners had been 

popular and profitable in the 1960s (Figure 46). Due to the low 

selling price of eggs and the high cost of feed, only a few 

TABLE 3.—Land use for greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community 

for 1975 (in p'yong per household). 

Land used 

301-400 p'yong 

201-300 p'yong 

101-200 p'yong 

Less than 100 

First Second Third 

village village village 

3 4 12 

6 4 4 

2 

4 2 

TABLE 4.—Proportion of income from greenhouse farming in the Three 

Ministers community for 1975 (per household). 

Proportion 

of income 

Almost all 

More than half 

Less than half 

Little 

First Second Third 

village village village 

2 4 11 

7 1 5 

7 2 -

villagers still kept chickens. Although some villagers had 

exotic breeds of chickens as pets, the birds used for commercial 

purposes were often the improved American breeds, Babcock 

(a variety of the Leghorn breed) and the New Hampshire. When 

the market prices were still attractive, one villager had as many 

as 600 chickens, producing 400 eggs daily. Eggs were sold 

through the Kimhae office of the NACF either to Pusan public 

markets or to U.S. Army units in Pusan. 

Domesticated animals in the community included cattle, 

pigs, chickens, rabbits, goats, and ducks (Table 5; Appendix 3). 
42 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 46.—A chicken farm in Three Ministers village. About 20 percent of 

the households raised chickens during the 1960s, mainly for eggs. Leghorn and 

New Hampshire were two popular American breeds. Black and white 

photograph, 1969. 

TABLE 5.—Households maintaining livestock in the Three Ministers community in 1981 (household/livestock). 

Village 

1 

2 

3 

Oxen 

12/24 

3/17 

3/3 

Pigs 

34/82 

8/16 

4/5 

Chickens 

13/419 

24/26 

13/19 

Dogs 

36/38 

pumpkins, yellow melons, and watermelons. He was the first to 

grow melons in greenhouses and was able to harvest his crop 

two or three months before other farmers. To reduce the 

number of seeds and to increase the size of watermelons, he 

grafted them to the stems of gourd plants. As of 1970, he 

continued to grow vegetables, including cabbages, lettuce, 

radishes, carrots, cauliflower, and celery, and had added 

flowers, especially carnations, chrysanthemums, and roses. He 

dared to raise approximately twenty thousand chickens in open, 

elevated pens as he believed they could endure winter 

temperatures and would be healthier. His reasoning was that 

with direct sunlight and fresh air, his chickens would lay more 

eggs. In turn, he used the resulting chicken manure to increase 

the productivity of his greenhouses. Most of his chickens, 

unfortunately, died from disease. The debt that he incured from 

this problem forced him to sell some of his land. His 

greenhouse operation proved to be much more successful. He 

once attempted to build a local hydroelectrical power system, 

but failed. Frequently he was asked to present the views of 

Kimhae farmers to government authorities. He participated in 

and contributed funds to civic affairs, e.g., an athletic program 

of the Three Minister primary school. 

Another entrepreneur, Choi Kyung-Ho from Fishing Bank 

village, was very successful with livestock, especially chickens, pigs, and a dairy with a herd of Holstein cattle (Figure 47). 

He encouraged other farmers to raise livestock. For many years 

he was president of the Pusan Dairy Association, through 

A slaughterhouse existed in the Fishing Bank community. A 

Three Ministers villager bought cattle in the Kimhae livestock 

market and sold them to the slaughterhouse. Dogs were usually 

kept to provide home security, but they also were eaten as a folk 

remedy against the effects of hot weather.31 Chickens, eggs, 

and pigs had the greatest market value. 

VILLAGE ENTREPRENEURS 

Two entrepreneurs, who were prosperous farmers living in 

adjacent villages, influenced farmers in the Three Ministers 

communities and other rural communities throughout the 

Kimhae area. One, Park Hye-Soo, received national recognition 

in 1970 with a government award. He was born in a Kimhae 

village and returned after World War II because land formerly 

owned by Japanese had become available. He was an educated 

and resourceful farmer32 who had lived several years in Japan 

and he willingly shared his views and agricultural experiences. 

His farm was distinctive because of the many buildings, the 

number of greenhouses, the pens for chickens, and the modern 

machinery. He was probably the first to use greenhouses in the 

Kimhae area, and perhaps in South Korea. For his initial 

greenhouses he used oil paper for the walls and bamboo for the 

frames; later he upgraded to vinyl sheeting on steel or plastic 

frames. For several years he raised tomatoes, cucumbers, 

3!-' <8** 

FIGURE 47.—Holstein cows were probably derived from introduced American 

livestock. They were in a dairy in the neighboring village of Fishing Bank. Only 

one family in the Three Ministers community, in the village of South Post, had 

Holstein cows. From a color photograph, 1971. 
NUMBER 39 43 

which he sold his milk. Although he is now deceased, an 

enlarged dairy, with ninety milk cows, has continued to operate 

with his sons as owners. 

Although these two persons were perhaps the most outstanding examples of villagers who were prime movers of 

modernization in the Kimhae area, they were not alone. Suh 

Sool Bong, an innovative elder in the second village with 

political and administrative experience, repeatedly encouraged 

or directly facilitated modernization. He was once the mayor of 

Kimhae town (1946-1950), and later head of the Kimhae 

offices for the administration and development of land formerly 

owned by Japanese, and for the reclamation of marshland along 

the Naktong River. He and his son were village leaders for the 

New Community Movement. He established a consumers' 

association in his village to purchase village necessities at the 

Kimhae market. He attempted to revitalize and transform a 

traditional mutual aid society into a village bank. He also tried 

to arrange for a cannery firm to relocate to Three Ministers 

village. Landowners, however, refused to sell land needed for 

the site of the cannery, and his plan failed. As a Kimhae 

government official, he played a significant role in land reform 

and agricultural guidance. As a private citizen he facilitated the 

establishment of new schools including the new Kimhae High 

School. He and an American advisor (Lt. Col. ? Ellis) for the 

ROK Army Engineer School in Kimhae were responsible for 

the construction of 134 new classrooms throughout the Kimhae 

area. 

Selective Modernization 

Although there was extensive use by Three Ministers 

villagers of the power-driven threshing machine and the 

motorized cultivator, usually operated by village teams, other 

new agricultural equipment received little attention, e.g., a rice 

reaper, mentioned previously, and a rice polishing machine for 

single households. This was in contrast with other villagers in 

the Kimhae area who did acquire such machinery. Unlike Three 

Ministers villages, particularly villages one and two, with their 

increasingly mixed rural-urban economy (see below), these 

other Kimhae area villagers were more dependent upon 

agriculture. 

OCCUPATIONAL DIVERSIFICATION 

The various occupations of Three Ministers residents 

indicated an ever-broadening economic base as shown in 

Tables 6-8. The occupations shown in the tables refer mostly 

to men. There was one woman peddler who exchanged cloth 

for cash or grain in Pusan; women were also fortune tellers and 

shamans (Figure 48). The majority of the peddlers either 

purchased vegetables and rice to sell directly to consumers in 

Pusan or obtained fish wholesale in downtown Kimhae that 

they then sold in the villages. Most of the laborers listed were 

part-time farmers possessing less than 450 p'yong of land who 

TABLE 6.—Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community 

in 1952. 

Occupation 

Farmers 

Laborers 

Government clerks 

Shopkeepers/employees 

Peddlers 

Christian minister 

Buddhist priest 

Fortune tellers/shamans 

Physicians 

None 

Totals: 

First 

village 

86 

22 

12 

0 

2 

0 

1 

1 

2 

7 

133 

Second 

village 

123 

28 

12 

3 

4 

1 

0 

1 

1 

1 

174 

Third 

village 

43 

2 

2 

10 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

58 

Total 

252 

52 

26 

13 

6 

1 

1 

3 

3 

8 

365 

were supplementing their incomes. Housewives who tended to 

their vegetable gardens near their homes and often assisted 

their husbands in the fields as part-time laborers have not been 

included. Included in the commercial dealers were those 

persons working in two general merchandise shops, two rice 

TABLE 7.—Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community 

in 1970. (Omitted were housewives, unless they had other occupational skills.) 

Occupation 

Farmers' 

Laborers 

Shopowners/employees2 

Home industry artisans3 

Government employees4 

Teachers 

Physicians5 

Clergymen: Buddhist5 and 

Christian 

Tradesmen7 and factory 

technicians 

Students 

Soldiers8 

Miscellaneous9 

Totals: 

First 

village 

301 

32 

48 

17 

27 

8 

2 

2 

23 

187 

22 

10 

679 

Second 

village 

142 

19 

35 

9 

22 

6 

1 

1 

5 

84 

10 

9 

343 

Third 

village 

101 

12 

10 

2 

1 

0 

0 

3 

59 

7 

4 

199 

Total 

544 

63 

93 

26 

51 

15 

3 

3 

31 

330 

39 

23 

1221 

'Farmers were involved primarily with three types of agriculture: open-field 

cultivation, greenhouses, and chicken raising. 

2

See also the data on village shops in Table 10 and Appendix 4. 

3Among these were basket weavers. Other villagers made concrete blocks 

and rice straw bags and mats. 

4Employees who worked in Kimhae government offices. 

'Three villagers, one a western-trained doctor of medicine, one who 

practiced western medicine without a license, and another who administered 

herbs. 

6About 1960 the married Buddhist priest was replaced by a celibate one. 

7This refers to persons with specialized skills in various trades, such as 

carpenters, barbers, and tailors. 

8

Soldiers were young villagers who had been drafted into the Army Reserve. 

They visited their homes frequently. Many eventually moved from the villages 

to seek employment. 

'Part-time employed and the unemployed. 
44 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

TABLE 8.—Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community 

in 1981. 

Occupation 

Farmers' 

Laborers 

Shop owners/employees 

Cottage industry artisans 

Government employees 

Teachers 

Physicians2 

Tradesmen3 and factory 

technicians 

Students 

Soldiers 

Clerks (in Kimhae firms) 

Drivers (motor vehicles) 

Seamen (civilian) 

Clergymen 

Miscellaneous4 

Totals: 

First 

village 

130 

78 

52 

41 

9 

2 

2 

320 

438 

21 

6 

8 

2 

2 

36 

1,147 

Second 

village 

98 

86 

37 

33 

14 

6 

1 

285 

360 

26 

25 

13 

11 

1 

41 

1,037 

Third 

village 

45 

20 

2 

2 

3 

0 

0 

53 

70 

7 

3 

6 

2 

0 

11 

224 

Total 

273 

184 

91 

91 

26 

8 

3 

658 

868 

54 

34 

27 

15 

3 

88 

2,408 

'Farmers were involved with open-field cultivation and greenhouses. 

Chicken raising had almost disappeared as it had become unprofitable. 

2Three villagers, one a licensed physician, one who practiced without a 

license, and another who administered herbs. (A modern hospital for the city of 

Kimhae, with a medical staff, had been constructed on what was previously 

land of the first village). 

3This refers to persons with specialized skills in various trades, such as 

carpenters, barbers, and tailors. One was an overseas (Near East) construction 

worker. 

"•Miscellaneous (including a realtor for rentals, a second-hand merchandise 

dealer, and a bathhouse operator). 

FIGURE 48.—A female shaman performs a ritual before a Buddhist-like altar 

with paper flowers in her home. In 1981, it was said, there were no shaman in 

the Three Ministers community. Shamans were reported to live in neighboring 

villages. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

mills, one tavern (Figure 49), and the blacksmith shop. There 

were three people listed as physicians; however, one was not 

licensed and the third was an herbalist. 

Near villages one and two of the Three Ministers community, numerous factories were being established in an industrial 

park. One firm was a synthetic fiber manufacturer that 

employed approximately four thousand workers. Another was 

a seaweed processing (laver) company with two hundred 

workers. Both of these factories employed a number of young 

adults from the Three Ministers community. Other factories 

involving employees from the community were a bakery that 

exported to Japan, a synthetic sugar firm, a factory producing 

stationery, and a diversified industrial company. (See Appendix 4). Several village women were working in a rubber shoe 

company in Pusan. 

The villagers who were employed by the government 

worked in the Kimhae city hall, Kimhae county office, post 

office, police station, electric power company, and the local 

offices of the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation. 

After World War II, when a village elder became mayor of 

Kimhae town, several long-term residents of the second village 

obtained administrative positions in local and national government offices. A number of young apprentices from Three 

Ministers community worked with skilled craftsmen in 

Kimhae's urban center. Several of these craftsmen were also 

from one of the Three Ministers villages. Other villagers were 

employed in Kimhae, these were recent arrivals who had 

moved into the Three Ministers community. 

AGRICULTURE IN TRANSITION 

Little interest in horticulture was expressed over the years in 

Three Ministers, though the well-known "Kup'o pear" and 

other fruits were grown in the Kimhae area. In the past, during 

the winter seasons and prior to the use of greenhouses, the 

residents of the first and second villages made rice-straw 

sandals and rope for the market. In the third village, mostly 

straw bags were produced. Many changes in the economy have 

since occurred. In 1970, strawberries began to provide the 

Three Ministers community with a large cash crop, especially 

in the first and second villages, where at least one hundred 

farming households became so involved that they no longer 

raised rice. Strawberries gave farmers an estimated three times 

the income that might be derived from other crops. Every 

fourth year the old strawberry plants were removed and 

replaced with new plants grown from cuttings. Usually 

strawberries were planted on dry fields,33 but occasionally on 

drained paddy fields. Before transplanting the cuttings, 

chemical fertilizer mixed with vegetation was applied to the 

fields. After transplanting, chemical fertilizers were applied in 

approximately the following percentages: phosphate (40), 

potassium (40), and nitrogen (18). Although rice, wheat, 

barley, and bean fields were seldom weeded more than three or 

four times annually, strawberries required twelve weedings. 
NUMBER 39 45 

FIGURE 49.—A village tavern where the men are playing cards and chess under a willow tree during a summer 

afternoon. Black and white photograph, 1960. 

For more control over their strawberries environment, an 

increasing number of farmers began to use greenhouses rather 

than open fields. 

Other crops raised by Three Ministers villagers in 1981, 

some of which were sold in Kimhae city and Pusan, included 

sweet potatoes, carrots, lettuce, pumpkins, turnips, cucumbers, 

tomatoes, watermelon, yellow melon, cabbage (Figure 50), 

celery, eggplant, green peppers, spinach, garlic, parsley, 

onions, and scallions (see Appendix 3). In the Kimhae area 

persimmons, peaches, and chestnuts were produced, but only a 

few of these were grown on Three Ministers land. 

Other aspects of the economy of the Three Ministers villages 

also revealed an ever-increasing diversification as shown in 

Tables 9 and 10. 

MARKETS AND PEDDLERS 

Kimhae city had two marketing systems. One, mentioned 

previously, consisted mostly of temporarily installed booths 

(Figures 51, 52); the other, the permanent downtown shops. 

The traditional market held every fifth day continued to be 

useful for villagers who wished to barter or to become vendors 

and obtain immediate cash for an emergency. Three Ministers 

villagers often sold rice, vegetables, chickens, and eggs at the 

Kimhae marketplace. Once barley, beans, and firewood were 

also sold, but later these items seldom appeared. Perhaps the 

most important feature of periodic markets, in the opinion of 

some participants, was the buying and selling of livestock 

(Figure 53). 

The activities of peddlers and itinerant repairmen facilitated 

the exchange of goods and services between the three villages 

of the Three Ministers community and the cities of Kimhae, 

Pusan, and Masan as well as other rural communities. As they 

came into the villages, often directly to each home, they 

indicated their presence with a distinctive call or sound from 

the village lanes (Table 11). There were at least twenty-six 

peddlers, mostly men, providing specific goods or services, but 

there were also women who sold other items. With the 

exception of six instances for goods and services, vendors, 

according to gender, had a specific product or service and mode 

of transportation. Men peddlers used vehicles, e.g., a bicycle, a 

push cart (Figure 54), or a three-34 or four-wheeled motor truck. 

Women peddlers often came on foot, sometimes nursing a 

child, carrying their items for sale in a tray or a bucket balanced 

on their heads (Figure 55). Beef and pork peddlers and the 

candy vendors (Figure 56) might come many times a month, 

whereas the sieve seller would appear only once a year. 

GOVERNMENT LOANS AND MUTUAL AID 

After a disappointing harvest, as in 1970, farmers could 

request financial aid from one of two banks or from the post 

office in Kimhae. Few farmers, however, attempted to obtain 

loans from either of these sources as their homes or lands were 

required as collateral, usually at one-third of their actual value. 

The expense just to prepare the request for a loan was also 

prohibitive for most villagers. Loans from the post office were 

only available to those individuals who had established 
46 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 50.—A cabbage field in Three Ministers. Also seen are a motorized cultivator, a rear cart, and several 

vinyl greenhouses that are the property of a truck farmer. From a color photograph, 1981. 

TABLE 9.—Small factories and cottage industries located in the Three Ministers community in 1981. 

Item 

Rice-straw bags' 

Rice-straw rope' 

Rice-straw mats2 

Baskets (previously willow, 

now often other tree bark) 

Artificial silk cloth 

Playing cards {Hwat '«)3 

Processed grain (mostly 

rice polishing) 

Soybean sprouts 

Concrete blocks5 

Brewery6 

Aluminum window 

frames 

Iron valves7 

Tools8 

First 

village 

5 households 

~60 households 

1 factory 

1 craftsman, later a 

factory 

1 factory, 

2 households 

-

1 electric mill 

1 factory 

2 factories 

-

1 brewery 

1 factory 

1 factory 

-

Second 

village 

4 households 

~50 households 

-

2 households 

1 factory 

1 factory 

1 blacksmith 

Third 

village 

~30 households, 

1 factory 

-10 households 

-

1 diesel mill4 

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Year 

(first seen/ceased) 

1970/1974 

1970/1974 

1978/ 

1974/ 

1978/1980 

1970/ 

1970/ 

7/1970 

1970/ 

1981 

1976/1981 

1971/1974 

1970/ 

1981/ 

1978/ 

1951/1980 

Remarks 

For grain storage 

Used to insulate vinyl 

greenhouses 

To package fruits and 

vegetables 

Alcoholic beverage 

(Makkolli) 

Died, no successor 

'The manufacture of most rice-straw bags and rope ceased during 1973-1974 because expanding greenhouse farming during the fall and winter required more 

labor and provided more income. One factory in the first village was not owned or operated by resident villagers. This factory moved out to another community when 

its profits dropped. Bags from households were made by hand; those from the factory were made with electrically powered machinery. 

2This factory was owned and operated by nonresidents. 

3The playing card factory (Hwat'u) closed about 1971. 

4When the diesel-powered mill was established the third village did not receive electricity. 

5These factories were developed during New Community Movement projects. 

6Makkolli, an alcoholic beverage, was traditionally made of rice but recently was also made from maize or wheat flour. 

7The owner of the factory was a resident villager; his employees were not. 

8The village blacksmith made only small hand-tools, such as sickles, hoes, and knives. Sometimes he also made wooden parts, like handles of tools. However 

he spent most of his time doing tool repairs. Many tools in the villages were no longer handmade but factory produced and purchased in Kimhae or Pusan 
NUMBER 39 47 

TABLE 10.—Village shops established within the Three Ministers community 

in 1970. 

FIGURE 51.—Booths, seen here with displays of grain, beans, and hardware, are 

on the periphery of the downtown Kimhae market. Black and white photograph, 

1969. 

Category 

General merchandise' (with bar for 

alcholic beverages) 

Pharmacy 

Hardware 

Clothing (especially for children) 

Fuel2 (briquettes) 

Fuel3 (kerosene) and other petroleum 

products 

Seamstress (at home) 

Barber 

Tailor 

Real estate (rentals) 

"Second-hand" merchandise 

Laundry4 

Bath house 

Library5 (rental) 

Bakery6 (rice cakes) 

Totals: 

First 

village 

10 

-

1 

-

17 

Second 

village 

5 

1 

-

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

14 

Third 

village 

3 

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

3 

'In 1981 many of these general merchandise shops had become larger. The 

incomes of the owners were reported to have become more dependent upon 

their shops. 

2

In 1970 briquettes came from a downtown Kimhae dealer to a village 

distributor. Since 1981 they were also obtained from Pusan and Masan and sold 

in a village shop. 

3

Fuel oil and other petroleum products were sold in the second village in a 

shop built and owned by a retired carpenter in 1980. 

4The laundry was moved into downtown Kimhae in 1977. 

5The rental library was closed in 1980. 

6The bakery was closed in 1974. 

FIGURE 52.—Summer time in the Kimhae downtown market. A woman and man are seen in traditional summer 

clothes, and a school girl and other men wear western-type garments in a booth-lined lane. From a color 

photograph, 1969. 
48 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 53.—The open-air area for livestock sales in Kimhae town. According to villagers, livestock sales is one 

reason why the traditional fifth-day market has persisted. Note the ground pegs for tying down livestock. Black 

and white photograph, 1969. 

FIGURE 54.—A fish peddler with a Japanese-style hand cart that has an iron 

frame and two wheels with pneumatic tires. From a color photograph, 1969. 

FIGURE 55.—A woman peddler. From a color photograph, 1969. 
NUMBER 39 49 

TABLE 11.—Peddlers and itinerant repairmen frequenting the Three Ministers community in 1970. 

(Transportation: T = on foot, sometimes pushing a cart or walking beside a loaded bicycle; MT = transported with 

motor trucks.) 

Item sold or repaired 

Fish/shellfish' 

Radio transistors 

Beef or pork 

Clocks 

Kerosene2 

Irons (for clothing) 

Cooking vessels 

Rice candy3 

Clothing 

Cosmetics4 

Mosquito nets 

Blankets5 

Hair collectors6 

Oil (food) 

Honey 

Door paper7 

Sieves8 

Ginseng 

Western bread9 

Goldfish 

Heated floor repairs10 

Sieve repairs 

Umbrella repairs" 

Books'2 

Manure-basket repairs'3 

Sex 

F 

M 

M/F 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M/F 

M/F 

M/F 

M 

F 

F 

F 

M 

F 

F 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

Transportation 

T 

MT 

T 

MT 

MT 

MT 

T 

T 

T 

MT 

T 

MT 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

MT 

MT 

T 

T 

T 

MT 

T 

Method 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

Distinctive call 

Distinctive sound 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

House visit 

Form of 

exchange 

Cash/credit 

Cash/credit 

Cash/credit 

Cash/credit 

Credit 

Credit 

Cash/credit 

Barter 

Cash/credit 

Credit 

Credit 

Credit 

Barter 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash/barter 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Cash 

Credit 

Cash 

Monthly 

visits 

23 

3 

20 

_ 

10 

6 

1 

30 

4 

10 

4 

10 

1 

-

-

-

2 

Annual 

visits 

_ 

_ 

_ 

1 

-

-

lor 2 

3 

-

-

3 

1 

2 

1 

2 

3 

10 

3 

2 

'Approximately four times a year male peddlers also came with a truckload of sardines, which were used by villagers as an ingredient for one particular type of 

pickled relish (Kimch'i). 

2Kerosene peddlers disappeared in the early 1970s. Petroleum products have been sold since 1980 in a shop located in the second village. 

3

Peddlers exchange candy for second-hand or recycleable waste materials, such as glass bottles, iron, steel, and paper items. 

4Cosmetics were not sold by peddlers but by sales representatives of a cosmetic company. 

5Blanket peddlers disappeared soon after villagers began to work in the nearby synthetic fiber products factory, a convenient source of blankets. 

6Hair collectors for wigs disappeared about 1973. 

7Door paper was in little demand, as many paper covered doors and windows have been replaced with those containing glass panels. 

8

Sieves were often obtained in exchange for rice. 

'Peddlers with western-style bread no longer appeared. 

'"Heated floor repairs were less frequent due to the use of briquettes and a boiler installation with hot water plumbing. When a possible gas leak occurred in the 

floor, it was quickly repaired by a village carpenter or plasterer. 

1

 'This repairman has disappeared, as villagers now prefer to replace a damaged umbrella with a new one. 

12A small rental library existed in the first village. It was used by both young and older villagers. Farmers found it a convenient source of agricultural information, 

including instructions on how to construct and operate a greenhouse. 

l3This repairman also was no longer seen as the bamboo and wire basket that was attached to a long handle was replaced by an aluminum or steel bowl within 

a new manure ladle. 

long-term savings accounts there. Villagers who desired 

funding for a project, some emergency, or an item that they 

wished to purchase, usually had to go elsewhere. By 1981, 

there were three banks in Kimhae city that presumably could 

provide useful services to the needy villager: 

1. Citizen's Bank, a local office for a national banking 

system. 

2. Kyung-nam Bank, a local office for a regional bank. 

3. National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, a local 

office. 

The first two organizations offered services mainly to 

merchants and others in the Kimhae business sector. Farmers 

desiring loans went to the local NACF office where funds were 

available with modest interest charges and no collateral 

requirement. 

Financial assistance was also available to villagers through 

mutual aid societies (Kye), which were based upon pooling the 

available resources of the membership. These societies were 

established by the villagers themselves, with each member 

usually representing a village household. In several such 
50 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 56.—A candy peddler, although usually seen with a two-wheel cart, 

here has an "A-frame" backpack to carry empty glass bottles, pieces of metal, 

worn-out rubber shoes, and other discarded items received in exchange for hard 

candy. Black and white photograph, 1965. 

societies small sums of money were collected periodically from 

the membership to maintain a fund, which was advanced to 

individual members in a prescribed sequence. To assure 

periodic monetary contributions, a member not prepared to 

participate would be asked to sign an I.O.U., permitting legal 

recourse in case of default. Among the purposes of mutual aid 

societies were funeral and wedding expenses, jewelry and 

stainless steel dishware purchases, and social and recreational 

activities for persons of the same lineage, age, or occupation. 

The funeral organization was also known as the "friendship" 

society. It had a selective membership of older villagers who 

maintained a fund for the funeral expenses of themselves and 

family members. The male heads of households usually were 

the participants. In 1970, when an applicant was admitted to 

one such organization he paid a sum, as an example, 2,000 won, 

and thereafter perhaps 1,000 won a month to establish and 

maintain its cash reserve. This money was used in a funeral for 

the purchase of the coffin, bier decorations, mourning clothing, 

and alcoholic drinks for the funeral participants. Items such as 

the bier itself were usually rented. Other services provided by 

the members of a society were assistance in carrying the funeral 

bier to a grave site and digging the grave. Business meetings 

and parties were arranged at other times by the officers of the 

society. 

The mutual aid society for a lineage was often linked with 

others nationwide of the same lineage that possessed the same 

surname with the same geographic place of origin. The officers 

of such societies alerted members in the province or the entire 

country with a notice in one or more newspapers to assemble on 

the memorial day either at their ancestor's grave site or at a 

main ancestral hall maintained by the lineage. Wealthy 

members often contributed funds to maintain or beautify the 

grave site. A lineage society obtained the services of a kinsman 

living near the grave site of the ancestor to supervise its 

maintenance. In the three villages of Three Ministers, the most 

prominent lineages represented by such societies were Kim, 

Ho, Suh, Hwang, Cho, and Pae. 

In 1970, the membership of the "same age" societies was 

most often established on a city or a county basis to include a 

number of middle-aged persons. The members would contribute from 1,000 to 2,000 won periodically for birthday parties 

and trips to scenic localities. 

Wedding societies were established to financially prepare for 

the weddings of the members' children. The members, which 

usually numbered from twenty or twenty-four, would contribute a given monthly sum for a period of twenty to twenty-four 

months. A member received all funds collected at a designated 

meeting, or the funds were allowed to accumulate and 

eventually a fixed sum was paid to all members simultaneously. 

The "jewelry or stainless steel ware" societies in 1970 

consisted of housewives, usually ten to twelve persons in each 

group, who eventually accumulated through monthly payments 

a sum of perhaps 10,000 won, to be given to each member in a 

prescribed sequence. 

The membership of the "same occupation" groups was 

extended to persons throughout Kimhae city. This type of 

mutual aid society occurred less frequently. 

Another society, primarily concerned with social and 

recreational activities and tours, became popular. The membership included persons living elsewhere but usually was limited 

to those from within the Kimhae city limits. There were no 

restrictions pertaining to gender or age, although most 

members were over thirty years old. Members contributed to 

create a central fund, which was available to members and 

nonmembers as a loan with a monthly interest of 3 percent 

payable to the society. With the accrued interest from such 

loans, the membership was often able to afford two tours a year, 

usually in the spring and fall, but scheduled not to interfere with 

planting and harvesting. Often the organization for such 

societies included a chief or chairman, an assistant, a manager, 

and an accountant. The locality to be visited, the scheduling, 

and budget management required decisions that were made by 

these officers. For each tour, two or three buses were usually 

chartered. New members were accepted provided each contributed a sum of money equivalent to the current amount in the 

central fund when divided by the number of members in the 

society. Nonmembers were permitted to join a particular tour if 

they paid their full share of the expenses. 

A popular financial aid society made loans to its individual 

members; the amount of the loan usually was 30,000, 50,000, 
NUMBER 39 51 

or 100,000 won. The monthly interest rate chargeable to the 

member, upon receipt of the loan, was from four to six percent. 

Usually the financial aid society was established with the 

understanding that it would terminate in 20 months. It often 

involved 20, 15, or 16 members. The time sequence for 

receiving a loan determined the size of monthly payments a 

member contributed. The members were either men or women, 

but women frequently outnumbered the men. The organizer of 

such a society was almost invariably a woman, who was 

entitled to receive the first loan at the first monthly meeting. 

She had recruited the membership and was responsible for their 

subsequent monthly payments. Often the first five members to 

receive loans were expected to have more than one account and 

to make larger monthly contributions. These first five members 

who received loans were thereby given preferred treatment as 

they usually had a more pressing need for funds. The money 

received by a member on a particular month was used by that 

member alone or pooled with the loans of several members to 

purchase land, construct a greenhouse, or pay for harvest 

expenses. When a member received a loan as scheduled, he or 

she did not make a contribution to the society for that particular 

month, but was expected to provide a luncheon for the 

membership after the monthly business meeting was concluded 

(Figure 57). These loan organizations involved risks; e.g., a 

member might receive a monthly loan but not continue to 

contribute each month as initially agreed, or the organizer of 

the society might abscond with all the funds. Such loan 

societies were not as numerous as they once were as the NACF 

has liberalized its banking policies. However, for villagers 

desiring sizeable sums of money quickly, despite the high 

interest rates, the loan society offered a solution. 

Villagers cooperated with one another in ways other than the 

mutual aid societies. One of these was a traditional exchange of 

personal labor, such as assisting a neighbor to repair his roof 

and receiving similar help later. Another, which has now 

disappeared from the Three Ministers community, was villagewide cooperative weeding, which occurred for the last weeding 

done in the paddies during the month of August. This weeding 

was facilitated with the music of the farmers' band. The 

weeding team would later participate in a noisy party with food 

and alcoholic-beverages, and the farmers' band. 

ECONOMICS OF CEREMONIES 

The economics of ritual obligations, whether reckoned in 

time expended or financial expense, was significant in village 

life. A 1970 examination of the costs of rites for a deceased 

parent disclosed substantial sums being spent. Because of the 

Confucian tradition, with its supreme virtue of filial piety, and 

the social prestige obtained by the family from the ceremonies, 

the rites accorded parents, especially their funeral arrangements, received considerable emphasis. The expenses of a 

father's funeral, in particular, were frequently excessive 

(Tables 12, 13). The Korean government advocated less 

expensive ceremonies, which at first was met with little public 

response, but by 1981 there was some success at heeding this 

advice in the Three Ministers community. 

FIGURE 57.—A mutual aid society, with a membership of village matrons, are socializing with traditional dancing 

after a business meeting. Black and white photograph, 1970. 
52 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

TABLE 12.—Funeral expenditures for a deceased parent in the Three Ministers 

community in 1970. 

Household 

status 

"Rich" 

"Poor" 

Estimated 

annual income 

Estimated 

costs 

600,000 won ($2,000) 

200,000 won ($670) 

100,000 won ($330) 

30,000 won ($100) 

TABLE 13.—Average cost of ancestor worship in the Three Ministers 

community in 1970. (Travel expenses of the lineage participants were not 

included.) 

Ancestors 

(the last four generations) 

Parents 

Grandparents 

Great grandparents 

Great, great grandparents 

Estimated 

costs 

10,000 won 

10,000 won 

3,000 won 

3,000 won 

The economic aspect of their children's marriages was a 

concern of parents years before the events occurred and was 

apparent in the selection of marriage partners, particularly the 

prospective husband. The parents of the bride had to be 

convinced of his ability to earn a living, among other desirable 

qualifications. Although wedding ceremonies were more 

simple to perform than funeral rites, they generally were more 

of a financial drain (Table 14). A family with several 

marriageable young men and women was often impoverished 

after their weddings. 

RAISING CHILDREN 

Among the major expenses of a village household were those 

incurred in raising children. The parental responsibilities of 

providing food, clothing, medical care, and higher education 

for children at times constituted such a financial burden for a 

head of a household that he, if a farmer, sold some of his 

agricultural land to cope with the expenses. Nonfarming 

parents had to find a different solution to the problem; 

sometimes both parents sought employment in the area and the 

grandparents cared for the children. 

TABLE 14.—Expenses of a wedding (including clothing, gifts, and prepared 

foods) for a bride's family in the Three Ministers community in 1970. 

Household 

status 

"Rich" 

"Average" 

"Poor" 

Estimated 

annual income 

Estimated 

marriage costs 

600,000 won 

300,000 won 

200,000 won 

300,000 won 

150,000 won 

70,000 won 

MEAL VARIETIES AND COSTS 

Normally breakfast and supper were the important family 

meals. However, during the transplanting of rice, chemical 

spraying, and harvesting, lunch became the big meal. The usual 

diet was mostly traditional and included steamed rice with 

barley, and various side dishes of vegetables and fish. Beef and 

pork, being expensive, seldom appeared on the table. The 

prepared food of the Three Ministers community tended to be 

more highly spiced and salty when compared with similar 

dishes in central Korea, north of the Kimhae area. Water and 

barley tea were consumed during the meal. Men preferred to 

drink alcoholic beverages, usually makkolli. 

An idealized schedule for a farmer's meals is as follows: 

0700 hours - breakfast 

1000 hours - beverages 

1200 hours - lunch 

1500 hours - beverages 

1900 hours - supper 

(During more hectic work periods, farmers who started work 

at 0500 hours had a light meal before breakfast). 

In the spring, a meal might have included a mixture of 90 

percent boiled rice and 10 percent barley; pickled vegetables 

(kimch 7); beef, pork, or vegetable soup; fish stew, boiled wild 

vegetables; and fresh lettuce. Summer food often included 

boiled rice and barley; one of several kimch'i varieties, 

possibly spiced cucumbers; boiled salty fish; fish stew; boiled 

squash with white potatoes; fried eggplant; and soybean sauce 

(Figure 58, 59). For autumn, boiled rice and barley; stew of 

hair-tail fish with white radish; stew of soybean curd; chopped 

white radish, and an oyster or a leek kimch'i; soup of beef, 

pork, or vegetables; loach fish; and raw fish. On the table in the 

winter season often appeared boiled rice and barley with 

kimch'i or a soybean sauce stew; vegetable, beef, pork, or only 

white radish soup; salty vegetables; and dried seaweed. Both 

wild and domesticated plants were used for food as well as for 

medicinal purposes (see Appendices 2, 3). 

It was estimated that 25 percent of annual income was spent 

for food in 1970. During the following decade the proportional 

cost of food became considerably less because of a higher level 

of income. 

The most commonly used beverages, other than water and 

barley tea, were a liquor, soju, of at least 25 percent alcoholic 

content; a wine, makkolli, with approximately 5 percent 

alcohol; and chongjong, which resembled the more familiar 

Japanese sake. Although it was illegal to make alcoholic 

beverages unless licensed, homemade grape and strawberry 

wine were regarded as somehow different by authorities and 

consumers alike and were available in many homes. 

Within the economic means of each village household, food 

and beverages in daily life as well as for rituals and holidays 

received much attention. Hospitality invariably translated into 

being served food and drink. 
NUMBER 39 53 

FIGURE 58.—For a summer lunch, food is often served on a small table that is carried from the kitchen. In this 

instance, the plastic and aluminum table has collapsible metal legs. From a color photograph, 1970. 

i«3* 

FIGURE 59.—A summer evening meal for children. Black and white 

photograph, 1969. 

HUNTING AND FISHING 

Traditionally the village men fished along the tributary 

streams of the Naktong River, using fishing poles, nets, or 

traps. Because of the labor shortages throughout the rural areas, 

fishing activities have been greatly curtailed. Recreational 

fishing was still done on weekends by visitors, mostly from 

Pusan, sometimes with expensive tackle. Villagers usually 

purchased ocean fish for food rather than river fish. Very few of 

the villagers did any hunting because of the expense and the 

required license. The area along the lower Naktong River, as 

previously mentioned, is internationally known for migrating 

birds. Hunting, however, was prohibited there. In Kimhae city 

there were hunting and fishing clubs, but villagers were seldom 

members whatever interest they may have had in outdoor 

sports. 

THE SMOKING HABIT 

Smoking was widespread among village men. Traditionally 

smoking was forbidden in front of ones' elders; however, this 

attitude has been modified in recent years (1981). Many 

teenagers commenced smoking when they were about seventeen years old. Most young men become smokers after 

graduating from high school. An elder occasionally switched 

from the traditional long-stemmed pipe to cigarettes when they 

were available. Women usually did not smoke but some, after 

attaining old age, did so. Cigarettes were preferred by most 

villagers throughout the 1951-1981 study period. Korean 

brands were available on the market, with a wide range of 

prices. Tobacco was strictly controlled as a government 

monopoly, as was salt and ginseng. To have foreign cigarettes 

in one's possession made one liable to a severe fine.35 
54 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

TAXES 

The taxes paid by village farmers (1981) were based 

primarily upon agricultural productivity, especially rice, barley, 

vegetables, and fruit, and considerably less upon property, such 

as housing and land. Agricultural grain taxes were usually paid 

once a year in currency or in rice or barley. In the case of 

vegetables and fruit, the taxes were paid in currency. The 

agricultural grain tax for rice and barley was a small percentage 

of the harvest, whereas the tax for vegetables and fruit was 

derived from profit accrued on a sliding scale. Villagers paid 

only the agricultural grain tax.36 The few farmers who on a 

large scale raised vegetables, flowers, and other special crops 

paid considerably more taxes. In the Three Ministers community only 10 villagers were in this category. Generally 

well-to-do farmers paid approximately 4 to 5 percent of their 

income as taxes; the middle-class farmers 2 to 4 percent; and 

those of low income often none. When agricultural land was 

sold, the buyer paid a tax if he did not continue to farm the land. 

Although a livestock tax existed for those villagers having 30 

or more pigs or one or more oxen, most owned little or no 

livestock and were not taxed. 

A defense tax was in effect from 1975 through 1980. This tax 

was adjusted according to the level of income. Since 1970, 

when Kimhae received its city status, the tax structure has been 

simplified, but the tax load has increased. Three Ministers 

villagers, being within the city limits of Kimhae, now pay a 

local municipal tax. There was an "internal" tax, and a tax for 

inherited property over a given value. There was also a small 

resident tax. 

Conclusions 

Despite the increasing loss of land to absentee landowners, 

and taxes, the diversified economies of the three villages within 

the Three Ministers community were regarded by the residents 

and their neighbors as not just satisfactory but as relatively 

successful. The additional income derived from younger 

household members who were employed in nearby factories or 

Kimhae business firms, and from lucrative greenhouse farming, was the primary reason for this local opinion. 

Although the economic activities in Three Ministers still 

retained some conservative features, there was an increasing 

number of new ideas, practices, and related artifacts appearing 

in village life. The villagers and local Kimhae offices of 

governmental agencies were not only receptive to innovation 

but often actively sought it. Representatives of the Rural 

Guidance Office frequently visited the three villages of the 

community to examine each aspect of the annual farming cycle. 

They continued to relay information on improved methods of 

using chemical compounds, other agricultural techniques, and 

the new agricultural equipment. They talked to individual 

farmers or, at times, came to the village and gave lectures to the 

assembled farmers and others on the proper use of the land. 

Interestingly, these same specialists, when they compared 

the Three Ministers community with other rural settlements in 

the Kimhae area, called it "underdeveloped" because the rate of 

agricultural innovation was slower. The underdeveloped nature 

of the economy was mainly due to circumstances cited earlier: 

the growing number of absentee landowners who, as well as 

their tenant farmers, were less interested in assuming the cost 

and the risk of innovation; the gradual shift in the nature of the 

economy from agriculture to industrial and commercial 

activities; and the fact that Three Ministers was becoming an 

integrated suburb of Kimhae and increasingly economically 

dependent and responsive to urban opportunities (Park J., 

1971:125, 151). 

Notes 

'During the initial phase of the field research (due to the fluid nature of the 

Korean War, especially the guerrilla raids) the Kup'o bridge was fortified with 

a machine gun installation that, on occasion, restricted civilian traffic. 

2When the population of a township exceeds 50,000, it may be promoted to 

city status by the national government. 

3Korea is on the busiest migration route for birds in the world (Lautensach, 

1988:147). The Naktong estuary was designated in 1966 a natural monument 

and has since been regarded as one of the most important wildlife sanctuaries 

in Asia. It has provided a habitat for thousands of migratory birds, including 

many rare species. There were government plans (1981) to construct a 2-km 

long dam in the mouth of the river to protect the fresh water resources of Pusan 

and the Kimhae irrigation system from the sea. This proposed project was 

resisted by environmentalists who were convinced that the ecological balance 

of the habitat for migratory birds would be destroyed (The Korea Times, 6 

November 1981). A dam in the mouth of the Naktong River was built in 1985. 

Since the construction of the dam, the visits of migratory birds have been 

noticeably reduced. Some birds have found an adjacent area, the Chunam 

reservoir, for their stopover. If the prevailing conditions of birdlife are linked to 

the extensive use of chemicals by farmers, which eventually go into the ground 

water, and to pollutants from the growing industrial sector, which also affect 

water sources and the atmosphere, it seems likely that in the future economic 

"progress" will receive a more critical appraisal by the people of Kimhae. A 

unified and determined resistance to pollution probably will be necessary to 

safeguard the environment. 

4King Suro is reported to have married a sixteen-year-old princess, 

Ho Hwang-ok, from an Indian nation, Ayuta (Ilyon, 1972:162). 

5After a study of the early literature, a Korean historian (Hong, 1994:719) 

concludes that many Japanese historians have become propagandists for 

nineteenth century imperialism. A Japanese anthropologist (Befu, 1971:133) 

reasons that due to extensive cultural indebtedness from abroad, the Japanese 

have feelings of inferiority, which are concealed in certain historical 

interpretations of early Japanese history. 

6Ch 'onmin, "low-born" or "inferior people," government slaves. 

7The Buddhist temple is one of the oldest Buddhist temples in the Kimhae 

area. Fifteen Buddhist temples of various sizes exist in Kimhae city. 

8Although this view is widely held, much of the tenancy is now believed to 

have occurred for other economic reasons (Sorensen, 1992, personal 

correspondence). 

9A "natural village" is defined by Lee (1982:187) as "a cluster of rural homes 

some distance from others." 

'"During one such meeting, the author presented a slide show of villagers, 

which was received with enthusiasm. The mayor of Kimhae came to see the 

slides and kindly provided the projector and operated the machine. 
NUMBER 39 55 

"During the regime of Park Chung Hee, the national government 

inaugurated in 1971 the New Community Movement (Saemaul Undong) to 

improve the quality of life and to increase the productivity in rural areas. It was 

later also extended to towns and cities. Although villagers initially had mixed 

feelings about the NCM and its requirements, NCM did set in motion numerous 

self-help cooperatives and other endeavors that accelerated modernization. 

Funding for NCM up to 1981 was $6.9 billion, including $3.5 billion from the 

government (Nahm, 1988:489). The organization of cooperatives included all 

agricultural households as members by 1976. Visible changes that occurred in 

the countryside included new roofs replacing thatch ones, new housing, new 

wells, an increase in the number of roads and bridges, irrigation development, 

mechanization, and rural electrification. Flood control and scientific farming 

were also promoted. More local banks were established to advance credit. The 

wide socio-economic gap between the industrial sector and villages was finally 

addressed. The bridging of this gap was more evident in rural communities than 

in urban centers. 

12In the early 1930s, during the Japanese occupation of Korea, a program for 

rural development included model villages, village development committees, 

training for local leaders, and local government involvement—a program that 

was aborted in 1937 when more Korean manpower was required for Japanese 

factories and mines (Aqua, 1974:6). 

13The Republic of Korea maintained the fifth largest standing army in the 

world (Mason et al., 1980:54). 

14In 1990, membership in the two churches had increased to 500 and 150. 

15A lineage or clan village has been defined as a village where more than 

one-half of the families have the same name [and place of origin] (Pak and 

Gamble, 1975:18). 

l6Yangban refers to the scholar gentry class of traditional Korea, especially 

the Choson (Yi) dynasty, 1392-1910. 

17After 1983, school uniforms for primary, middle, and high school students 

were no longer worn. The government permitted the school authorities to 

decide whether or not uniforms were to be worn. Most students and their 

parents preferred civilian attire. About 1988, school authorities and parents 

decided that uniforms should be worn because they revealed the identity of each 

school and encouraged responsible behavior. 

18In a 1989 survey, it was found that about 90 percent of boy and 60 percent 

of girl high school graduates, with the exception of vocational high school 

graduates, attempted to attend college. However, many students failed to pass 

the entrance examination even when they tried for a second time. 

l9The Kimhae crematorium was demolished in 1982 because it was too near 

the city. City authorities attempted to locate a new site that was beyond the city 

limits. 

20In the Three Ministers community, the villagers who were Buddhists were 

members of the Jokyejong Buddhist sect, and a few belonged to the Won 

Buddhist Church, one of Korea's "new religions." 

2

'The author had been invited as a guest to one such occasion in 1971. When 

the ceremony was completed, the participants seated themselves on the grass 

and began to enjoy some refreshments. Suddenly, a traditionally dressed 

kinsman jumped to his feet and in an explosion of pent-up rage expressed his 

displeasure over the untidy condition of the grave. An elder speaking quietly to 

him at some length finally managed to calm him. It seemed likely that the 

presence of a foreigner taking photographs triggered the emotional outburst. 

22A p 'yong is 3.30 square meters. 

23In 1961, six local irrigation organizations were merged into the Kimhae 

Irrigation Association; in 1962, the name was changed to the Kimhae Land 

Improvement Association; and in 1970, the name was modified again to 

Kimhae Agricultural Land Development Association. 

24It is of historical interest to note that some of the government services given 

to the Kimhae villages were available out of the Kimhae county office during 

the Japanese occupation. The particular county organization then responsible 

for such services was called the Agricultural Society, with the county chief 

officer as its administrator. 

25"Unification" rice was widely used because of government (Office of Rural 

Development) pressure for rice self-sufficiency. It was not a favorite variety for 

eating. 

26Farmers explained further that seedlings were grown closely only to a 

certain height prior to transplantion and that the constant care required for 

seedlings made it impractical to grow them separately over a wider area. 

Seedling beds, however, were divided with furrows for drainage. 

27Although much transplanting from the seed bed to the paddies was still 

done by hand, a transplanting machine was introduced to the Three Ministers 

farmers about 1976. Four or five farmers rented the machine during the 

transplanting season from farmers in a nearby village. It operated efficiently 

and reduced labor costs. 

28In many Korean mountainous areas, the harvested rice plants were tied to 

poles for drying (Pitts, 1992, personal correspondence). In the Kimhae district 

this was often not done as the drainage of the wider paddies in the Kimhae delta 

was more thoroughly accomplished. 

29Commencing in 1980, mill operators, using improved equipment and 

responding to competition, often retained the "eye" in rice. 

30The exchange rate of won to one U.S. dollar varied greatly during the time 

of this field study, e.g., in December 1972, it was 399.70; in December 1980, 

662.30; and in December 1981, 702.70 (Bank of Korea). 

3

'Government authorities, since about 1982, have discouraged dog eating, 

primarily, it would seem, because of adverse foreign reaction. 

32He sought and applied the recommendations of the prominent Korean 

agricultural scientist, Prof. Woo Jang-chun, and other researchers. 

33In 1989, many of these dry fields were converted into building sites for 

homes, shops, apartment houses, and also new roads. 

34As of about 1975, most three-wheeled motor trucks were no longer 

manufactured. They were replaced with four-wheeled vehicles. 

35Beginning in September 1986, American-made cigarettes were available at 

designated shops in Pusan and other large cities. 

36This tax had not been imposed upon most farmers since 1985. It was still 

paid by wealthy farmers owning more than 3,000 p'yong of agricultural land. 
Part 2. Material Culture 

Introduction 

A rationale for the study of material culture is that artifacts as 

well as concepts and language are "all symbols taken from the 

mind and impressed onto material, behavior, or sound waves" 

(Richardson, 1974:4). Artifacts therefore may be regarded as 

"the fullest expression of man's efforts to objectify his 

concepts, to find out about himself. . . about the mystery of 

being human" (Richardson, 1974:4, 5). Although most cultural 

anthropologists would probably accept this point of view, only 

a few have displayed interest in the research potential of 

material culture. A number of anthropologists, with a cognitive 

concept of culture, point out that artifacts should not be 

confused with culture, the ideational backdrop of human 

activity. It seems likely, however, that even the researcher with 

the cognitive approach would not deny attention being given to 

the artifact as well as the concept or value behind it. Other 

anthropologists, the archaeologists, with the excavation and 

analysis of artifacts, have contributed much to our understanding of material culture and its socio-cultural implications. They 

have shown, among other findings, how a study of material 

culture delineates geographical distributions and the developmental sequences for an evolutionary evaluation. Furthermore, 

there cannot be a serious doubt that to each generation of 

researchers, the artifact, previously studied or not, will often 

provide new information due to the existence of greater 

theoretical sophistication and new or improved analytical 

techniques. Whenever modernization is being discussed by 

social scientists, reference is frequently made to its material or 

technological basis. In economic recovery programs, development specialists, in their planning and implementation, also 

have been concerned with the material aspects and have often 

differentiated between two phases of change: macro-technical 

programs (e.g., airports, power installations, dam construction, 

and regional road systems) and the micro-technological level 

(emphasized in this study) with the artifact inventories of 

households. 

After pilot surveys in two households, in which artifacts 

were selected at random, village-wide household inventories 

were compiled for the three Kimhae villages, South Post, Three 

Ministers, and Front Hill. All village homes were visited. Only 

those items previously selected in the pilot surveys were 

recorded. A description and additional information on many of 

these items follows. All artifacts, an essential data base for the 

study, are cited in Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household 

Inventories. 

The field project1 was concerned with several basic 

questions: what artifacts existed there; what changes, as 

revealed by the material culture, took place; and how and when 

did the changes occurr. Artifacts that existed, including those 

that were modified or being discarded, would hopefully reveal 

the level of conservatism that existed in the three villages and 

the receptivity to innovation. The results of such an investigation should enhance a definition of village life in the Kimhae 

area of Korea. 

The local and standard Korean terms of artifacts were noted, 

with the Korean characters and the romanizations. The local 

term is the colloquial term for the Kimhae area and was the 

term often used by the villagers. The standard term is the term 

used in the Seoul area or is the preferred term in the dictionary. 

The standard term, although well understood, was used 

infrequently by the villagers. Additional historical and ethnographic information is in the Bibliography and found in the 

Appendices. 

For similar or identical artifacts, and possible prototypes 

existing elsewhere, consult the references listed with the 

Comparative Literature under each material culture number. 

Farm tools, particularly traditional implements, have received 

the attention of several Korean and foreign scholars. Most 

useful of these publications are those by Han Sung Kum, M. 

Heydrich, Kim Kwang-6n, and Toru Ogawa. Other useful 

comparative works are those prepared by Rudolf Hommel, 

Hong Il-sik, Jeon Sang-woon, and Joseph Needham. For 

publications prepared by the authors mentioned above, see the 

Bibliography for details. 

Household Utensils 

Material Culture No. 1 

FIGURE 60 

NAME.—(English) Kitchen knife 

(Korean) Chongjik'al 

Puokk'al 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This kitchen knife had a blade made of 

forged iron with a wooden handle over the tang. The length of 

the blade was 19.5 cm and of the handle 12 cm. The width of 

the knife was 4.5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This Korean knife was mostly 

used by butchers instead of a similar but more refined 

Japanese-introduced knife that had a stainless steel blade. Both 

were now made in Korea. Although the Korean knife was 

seldom seen, the Japanese kitchen knife was in almost every 

home of the community. The Korean and the Japanese knives 

were often used with cutting boards. 

An older type of Korean knife with a semi-lunar shape was 

described but not seen. Among the other knives that appeared 

56 
NUMBER 39 57 

in a few households was a cleaver (Ppong k'al) with an iron 

blade 30 cm in length. Villagers say that it was introduced by 

the Japanese for cutting mulberry leaves to feed silkworms; it 

was also used to prepare vegetables and grass for chicken feed. 

Another knife also seen was a heavy cleaver with a steel blade. 

The length of the blade was 17 cm. Villagers said it was used by 

cooks in Chinese restaurants to chop bones. Though it was 

referred to as a knife (K'al), it was often used by the villager as 

a hatchet for cutting kindling. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598-

599. 

Material Culture No. 2 

FIGURE 60 

NAME.—(English) Chopping board 

(Korean) Tomae 

Toma 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine or chestnut) chopping 

board varied in size but often was 23 x 40 cm in width and 

length, with a thickness of 1.5 cm. A chopping board was often 

supported with two wooden runners that were partially inset 

(dovetailed) into the board (no nails or glue were used). The 

runners were often 3.5 cm in height and 4 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Every household in the community owned more than one chopping board for preparing food. 

When foodstuffs were cut into smaller pieces, they cooked 

more quickly, requiring less fuel. Plastic chopping boards were 

also used (1971-1981). Chopping boards were usually 

purchased in Kimhae shops. The use of a chopping board often 

gave forth a distinctive rhythmic sound from a village kitchen. 

Villagers believed that the chopping boards had a Korean 

prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598-

599. 

FIGURE 60.—A steel kitchen knife with a wood (pine) chopping (cutting) 

board. In 1981, such items were still in use but plastic versions of the chopping 

board were common, although frequently smaller in size. From a color 

photograph, 1969. 

FIGURE 61.—Rice scoops made of wood (pine), stainless steel, and lacquered 

wood (smallest scoop). The primary purpose of these ladles is to serve steamed 

rice. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 3 

FIGURE 61 

NAME.—(English) Rice scoop 

(a) Rice scoop, brass 

(b) Rice scoop, wood 

(Korean) Chugu Local term 

Chugok Standard term 

(a) Notchugu Local term 

(b) Papchugu Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—The rice scoop was often made of wood 

(pine). Scoops were also made of brass, stainless steel, and 

plastic. The scoop appeared in several sizes. The length of 

perhaps the largest was between 30 and 40 cm. A common size 

was 15.5 cm in length, and the circular, concave end was often 

8 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The scoop was mostly used to 

remove steamed rice and other grains from the cooking pot. 

Rice scoops were frequently bought in Kimhae during the 

traditional market day, which occurs every fifth day. Many of 

the wooden scoops were said to be made in Yangsan town (40 

km away). Brass rice scoops were used by richer families, as 

brass items were more expensive. Stainless steel utensils 

became popular around 1960 and replaced brasswares, mainly 

because stainless steel did not become discolored. Stainless 
58 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 62.—The two scoops on the right are made from gourds and are seldom seen. The plastic version on the 

left occurs widely. From a color photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. 

steel scoops were stronger than wooden ones. In a 1971 survey, 

wood and stainless steel scoops were widely used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. 

Material Culture No. 4 

FIGURE 62 

NAME.—(English) Gourd scoop (ladle) 

(Korean) Pagaji Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This scoop was made from a dried round 

half-section of a ripe bottle gourd. Such scoops varied in size. 

One size often seen was 25 x 20 cm. A smaller popular size, a 

plastic replica, had a hemisphere 17 x 10 cm, with a handle 18 

cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This traditional gourd ladle was 

perhaps the most distinctive household utensil. The dried rind 

of a ripe gourd was light and durable. When a gourd was 

examined to determine if it was sufficiently ripe to convert into 

two ladles, a needle was inserted. If the needle moved easily 

into the gourd, it was thought to be ready. The gourd was then 

sawed into two halves, steamed, the pulp removed, and 

sundried. In many idyllic farm scenes seen on wall calendars 

and painting reproductions, the gourd was seen either as 

growing on the thatched roof of a village home, or as a ladle 

near a well. To drink water, a necessity for life, it was thought 

the use of a gourd was most appropriate. A cracked gourd ladle 

was often stitched together and continued to be used. In a 1971 

survey, 22 percent of the homes still used a gourd ladle, 

whereas 77 percent had plastic ladles. In a 1981 survey, the 

gourd had almost disappeared and was replaced with plastic 

versions. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. 

Material Culture No. 5 

FIGURE 63 

NAME.—(English) Scoop, wood (ladle) 

(Korean) Namubagaji 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine) scoop had a hewn oval 

shape with a horn-shaped handle. The scoop was often 30 cm in 

length, 22 cm in width, and 14 cm in depth. 

FIGURE 63.—Wooden scoop (pine) for transferring grain from one container to 

the other. Black and white photograph, 1952. 
NUMBER 39 59 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This scoop was often used to 

transfer grain from one container to another. It was either made 

by the villager who needed it or bought in a Kimhae shop. The 

horn-shaped handle was similar to the handle found with 

certain neolithic ceramic pottery2. The wooden scoop was 

rapidly being displaced by plastic versions. In a 1968 survey, 

only 12 percent of the village households had this wooden 

utensil. 

Material Culture No. 6 

NAME.—(English) Spoon 

(Korean) Sutkkal 

Sukkarak 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Spoons were generally made of brass, silver, 

nickel, or stainless steel. The handle of the spoon was often 

straight and had at one end a small shallow bowl that was round 

or oval.3 Metal spoons, particularly those of silver, occasionally 

had an incised or inlaid Chinese character denoting longevity or 

happiness within its bowl. The length was often 22 cm with the 

diameter of the bowl 4.5 cm. There were spoons of smaller 

sizes for children. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Spoons were often bought in 

downtown Kimhae shops. Various shapes of spoons were seen 

in 1981, traditional, modified, and new. Villagers believed that 

spoons had a Korean prototype. The brass spoon had almost 

disappeared by 1971. Often the silver spoons decorated with 

Chinese characters were reserved for the use of men, 

occasionally boys. The stainless steel spoons were most widely 

used in the community in 1971 and 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:390-

391, 603. 

Material Culture No. 7 

NAME.—(English) Chopsticks 

(Korean) Cho 

Chokkarak 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Among the materials used to make chopsticks were wood, brass, aluminum, silver, and bamboo. Plastic 

chopsticks were also seen in some households. In 1981, 

stainless steel chopsticks were used widely in the community. 

Three sizes existed: large, medium, and small. The most 

popular size was 18 cm in length. In cross section, chopsticks 

either approximated a square, or a round shape, but other 

chopsticks had one flat side with the remaining surface in the 

round. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A pair of chopsticks and a 

spoon were the essential table utensils. Chopsticks were seen in 

all households of the community. Although chopsticks were 

used throughout a meal to eat most food that had been served, 

they were particularly associated with the various "side dishes" 

that appeared on the table. Brass and silver chopsticks required 

frequent polishing before use and were often replaced by 

stainless steel chopsticks for this reason. In a 1981 survey, 

disposable wooden chopsticks were widely used, especially for 

parties. Chopsticks were believed to be derived from Korean 

prototypes, or Chinese ones. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:390-

391, 603. 

Material Culture No. 8 

NAME.—(English) Dipper (ladle) 

(Korean) Chokcha 

Kukcha 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Dippers were usually made of aluminum 

and consisted of a straight handle with a hemisphere at one end. 

Sizes varied, but it frequently was 23 cm in total length. The 

hemisphere was 10 cm in diameter. Dippers were also made of 

a dried half of a gourd, and, after 1971, stainless steel. In the 

handle there was a hole for hanging the dipper on a peg or nail. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Metal ladles were mostly used 

for serving soup. Metal ladles were factory-made, often in 

Pusan, and were bought in a Kimhae shop or from a peddler. 

Villagers believed that the aluminum dipper was first introduced by the Japanese. The Japanese dipper had a curved 

handle, whereas the traditional Korean brass dipper had a 

straight handle. The aluminum dipper was widely used in the 

community in 1971 and 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. 

Material Culture No. 9 

NAME.—(English) Rice bowl 

Bowl 

(Korean) Papsabal 

Sabal 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The rice bowl, which usually appeared on 

the table with the soup or water bowl, had a vertical oval shape 

when seen with its lid. Rice bowls were porcelain, brass, 

stainless steel, or aluminum. The frequently used white 

porcelain ware, in 1971, were factory-made in molds, as were 

the brass, stainless steel, and aluminum versions. Porcelain 

bowls, under the rim, on the outside surface, occasionally 

displayed auspicious Chinese characters for happiness, wealth, 

and longevity. At least three sizes of rice bowls existed. Two 

examples were 13.2 cm wide and 10 cm high for adults; and 9.8 

cm wide and 7.5 cm high for children. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In these bowls, often a mixture 

of rice and barley was served. More prosperous families ate just 

rice. Plain porcelain bowls, without lids, were often seen in 

poor households. Porcelain bowls appeared in 71 percent of 

village homes in a 1971 survey; stainless steel in 71 percent; 

and aluminum in 67 percent. It was once believed that it was 

more desirable to serve guests with brass vessels, but the use of 

stainless steel had completely eclipsed brass. Brassware, which 

required a maid to keep it polished, was thought to be a luxury 

that was beyond the means of most households. Traditionally, 

porcelain was used during the summer and metal ware in the 
60 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 64.—White porcelain cup and bowls on a lacquered portable table with a pedestal base. Black and white 

photograph, 1971. 

winter; however, by 1981 stainless steel had become the most 

popular dishware regardless of the season. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:393. 

Material Culture No. 10 

FIGURE 64 

NAME.—(English) Soup or water bowl 

(Korean) Taejop Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This bowl, used for serving soup or water, 

was made of white porcelain, stainless steel, aluminum, or 

brass. Auspicious Chinese characters often appeared in a 

decorative band just below the rim on the outside surface of 

porcelain bowls. Sizes of bowls for an adult were 15 cm in 

diameter and 5.5 cm high or 13.5 cm in diameter and 5 cm high; 

those for a child were 13 cm in diameter and 5 cm high. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Contemporary porcelain bowls 

were factory-made by the use of molds, as was true for the 

stainless steel, aluminum, and brass versions. Previously, 

porcelain bowls were wheel-made by hand. The decorative, 

"good" omen characters were also once hand-painted, instead 

of being stamped on the surface. A soup or water bowl usually 

appeared on the table for each person, with an accompanying 

rice bowl. Much of the dishware was manufactured in Pusan. 

The white porcelain and the stainless steel bowls were widely 

used, with the stainless steel ware having a higher prestige 

value. In traditional times brassware was once used for formal 

occasions, including ancestor worship. Brassware required 

considerable effort to polish prior to its use. This was the 

primary reason that village women were pleased to replace it, 

whenever possible, with stainless steel ware. In 1981, all of 

types of bowls mentioned above, except brass, continued to be 

used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:393, 

602-603. 

Material Culture No. 11 

FIGURE 64 

NAME.—(English) Bowl (small) 

(Korean) Chongji Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This small cup-shaped vessel was usually 

made of white glazed porcelain or stainless steel. Early brass 

and earthenware versions had almost disappeared. The white 

porcelain bowl was 3.9 cm high and 6.5 cm wide. The stainless 

steel version was 3.8 cm high and 7.7 cm wide. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This cup was used to serve soy 

sauce, hot pepper ketchup, or salt on the dining table. It was 

purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. Villagers believed that 

it was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, it continued 

to be used. The stainless steel version was becoming more 

popular. Stainless steel ware generally had more prestige than 
NUMBER 39 61 

brassware, which it has replaced, as it was regarded as 

"modern." 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. 

Material Culture No. 12 

FIGURE 64 

NAME.—(English) Bowl, condiment (small) 

(Korean) Chongbari Local term 

Chongbal Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This small bowl was often made of glazed 

white porcelain. Occasionally it had an auspicious Chinese 

character with a linear band just below the rim. One frequently 

encountered size had a height of 5 cm, mouth width of 12 cm, 

and base width of 5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This bowl was used to serve 

side dishes, and not rice. An older version of this bowl was 

made of brass but was seldom seen. A stainless steel one was 

widely used. The dimensions of the stainless steel bowl, which 

had a more round shape, usually were 4 cm in height and 11.5 

cm in diameter. This type of bowl, porcelain or stainless steel, 

was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers believed 

it to be derived from a Korean prototype. In 1980, it continued 

to be used. 

Material Culture No. 13 

NAME.—(English) Bowl, aluminum 

(Korean) Yangjaegi 

DESCRIPTION.—The aluminum bowl was made of sheet 

metal. Sizes varied, one had a diameter of 11.5 cm and a height 

of 3.5 cm, another was 16 cm in diameter and 5 cm in height. 

The bowl had a rounded rim and a plain surface. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This bowl was used to serve 

several kinds of food, including rice and soup. It was 

manufactured in several Korean cities, e.g., Pusan and Taegu, 

and purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. This aluminum 

vessel originated as the rice bowl of the Japanese soldier during 

World War II and has since become popular in Korea. During 

a 1971 survey, it was found in 67 percent of village homes. 

Material Culture No. 14 

NAME.—(English) Plate 

(Korean) Chopsi 

DESCRIPTION.—This porcelain plate was often white but 

occasionally other colors, e.g., a light green, and often had a 

blue and white design on the upper surface. Plates usually had 

a round and shallow shape. Brass, aluminum, and stainless steel 

plates were also used with similar shapes and sizes. Plate sizes 

varied considerably but often were 12 cm in diameter and 3 cm 

in height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Porcelain plates of various sizes 

were widely used to serve side dishes and could contain many 

types of food. Fish and fried eggs frequently appeared on 

plates, but rice was only infrequently seen served on a plate. 

Most plates that appeared in the community were manufactured 

in Pusan or Taegu and were purchased in downtown Kimhae 

shops. The plates, mentioned above, continued to be used in 

1981, except for brassware, which was no longer seen. Many 

plastic versions also appeared. The porcelain plate was thought 

to be introduced by the Japanese. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. 

Material Culture No. 15 

FIGURE 65 

NAME.—(English) Serving dish 

(Korean) Chopsi Local term 

Chaengban Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This was a round, shallow, white porcelain 

or rarely glass plate. The height was usually about 2 cm, with 

a diameter of 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Although this dish was not 

widely used, when it did appear on the table it usually 

contained fish or salad. Probably it was a version of the western 

plate, which villagers said was introduced by the Japanese. This 

dishware was made in Pusan and Taegu and was purchased by 

villagers in downtown Kimhae shops. In the community the 

term chopsi was most frequently used for this dish, but 

sometimes the term was restricted to a smaller dish, and the 

term chaengban referred to this larger dish. Chaengban was 

also used to designate a tray. In 1981, this dish continued to be 

used, but a smaller version was more frequently seen. Colorful 

plastic versions had become popular, sometimes with pictorial 

scenes on the upper surface. 

Material Culture No. 16 

FIGURE 66 

NAME.—(English) Soup pan 

(Korean) Naembi Local term 

Nambi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The round cooking pan, with two loop 

handles and a lid, was made of brass-colored aluminum. The lid 

had a black plastic knob in the center. This pan was seen in 

several sizes. Those most frequently used had diameters of 

15-30 cm and heights of 10-15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The pan, though usually used 

for preparing soup, was also used to cook rice. Every home had 

at least one. One informant said that after he examined the 

number and the size of such pans in a kitchen, he could estimate 

the number of persons in the household. Such pans, when still 

in good condition, after being used in the kitchen, often 

appeared on the dining table as a serving vessel. These pans 

were factory-made, usually in Pusan or Taegu. The prototype of 

this pan was reportedly Japanese. It was introduced to the 

villagers before 1945, the end of the Japanese occupation. 
62 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 65.—White plastic tray with western landscape, often used for fruit, cookies, or candy. Black and white 

photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

FIGURE 66.—Aluminum soup pan with a yellow finish. Sketch. 

Material Culture No. 17 

NAME.—(English) Frying pan 

(Korean) Huraip'an 

DESCRIPTION.—This frying pan, with a long handle, was 

made of iron, steel, or aluminum. The size varied but often had 

a diameter of 23 cm and a handle with a length of 20-30 cm. A 

hole at the end of the handle was for hanging the utensil on a 

peg or nail. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The frying pan was used to 

prepare eggs, vegetables, and meat. Most of the frying pans 

were manufactured in Pusan or Taegu and bought in downtown 

Kimhae shops. However, when a large amount of food was to 

be fried, a traditional method was preferred, which was 

inverting the lid taken from an iron cauldron and placing it over 

a kitchen fireplace. In the 1971 and 1981 surveys, frying pans 

were found in almost all of the homes. The frying pan was said 

to have been introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. 
NUMBER 39 63 

Material Culture No. 18 

FIGURE 67 

NAME.—(English) Teakettle 

(Korean) Chujonja 

DESCRIPTION.—This teakettle was made of aluminum that 

was often brass colored. The lid had a centered knob and was 

beneath a curved movable bail. Several sizes were seen. The 

spout was often 9 cm in length. The body of the kettle was 

frequently 14 cm in height and its width 15 cm. The maximum 

height of the kettle, including the bail, was 24 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This kettle was factory-made in 

Korea. It was mostly used to heat water or wine (makkolli) and 

to serve wine. Every village home had one or more aluminum 

teakettles. Prior to the introduction of the aluminum kettle by 

the Japanese, the villagers had ceramic, brass, or iron versions. 

In 1971, a number of families had stainless steel teakettles. 

Material Culture No. 19 

FIGURE 68 

NAME.—(English) Kettle, iron (cauldron) 

(Korean) Sot 

DESCRIPTION.—This round heavy kettle, with its lid, was 

made of iron, but in 1951 and 1981 a smaller aluminum version 

was also seen. The size of the iron kettles varied; a larger one 

had a height of 31 cm and a diameter of 50 cm. The aluminum 

one was 26 cm in height and 42 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The kettles were snugly fit into 

round holes in the clay surface of kitchen fireplaces. The newer 

FIGURE 67.—Teakettle of yellow-colored aluminum, seen in 1971, continued in use in 1981. Black and white 

photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 
64 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 68.—Cauldrons, inserted into a clay and stone counter over kitchen fireplaces. Seen here are the 

traditional iron (center) and the newer aluminum versions. Black and white photograph, 1969. 

type of aluminum kettle was lighter in weight and more easily 

removed and cleaned. Kettles were often used for preparing rice 

or other grains, as well as for the cooking of other food and also 

for heating water. Most village households had two iron kettles 

on their kitchen stoves. One kettle usually was larger than the 

other. The larger kettles were especially useful when other 

villagers, who had assisted the household with the harvest, 

were fed. An earlier version of the iron kettle was said to have 

been made of stone; however, such a stone kettle was not seen. 

The villagers' belief was that food prepared either in the stone 

or the iron kettle was more tasty. Stone and iron kettles, with 

their heavy stone or iron lids, reportedly permitted a greater 

buildup of steam pressure during the cooking of rice. In a 1968 

survey, only 60 percent of the households in the community 

continued to own iron kettles. The iron kettle was believed to 

have a Korean prototype, the aluminum kettle was considered 

to be a Japanese import. In 1981, the iron kettle had almost 

disappeared, but the aluminum one, with its thick wooden lid, 

retained its popularity. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:399, 

595-596. 

FIGURE 69.—Aluminum rice kettle with wood (pine) lid that usually has 

wooden blocks attached on the upper surface for weight and to serve 

handle. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. 

two 

as a 
NUMBER 39 65 

Material Culture No. 20 

FIGURE 69 

NAME.—(English) Kettle, aluminum (cauldron) 

(Korean) Sot 

DESCRIPTION.—This aluminum kettle was patterned to some 

extent after earlier stone and iron kettles, and it often had a 

heavy wooden (pine) or occasionally an iron lid. The wooden 

lid had on its top surface two heavy parallel pieces of wood. 

The size of the kettle varied, often the height was 26 cm and the 

diameter 30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This size of kettle was said to be 

large enough to cook rice for five or six adults. The kettle was 

more easily removed from the fireplace than the iron kettle and 

was more convenient to clean. Such kettles were made in Pusan 

and elsewhere in Korea and were purchased in downtown 

Kimhae stores. This kettle, said to be a Japanese import, was 

well integrated with Korean life. In 1960, it appeared in all 

homes of the community, often with a traditional iron kettle 

nearby. In 1981, the iron kettle was rarely seen as the aluminum 

one had replaced it. 

Material Culture No. 21 

FIGURE 70 

NAME.—(English) Water bucket (water can) 

(Korean) Mult'ong 

FIGURE 70.—Water bucket made of galvanized iron to be carried on the head 

of a woman. Two low handles are located to facilitate holding the bucket on the 

head with both hands. From a color photograph, 1970. 

DESCRIPTION.—This galvanized iron, cylindrical water 

vessel usually had a diameter of 28 cm and a height of 36 cm. 

It had two loop handles, one on each side. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This water can was used by 

women to carry water on their heads from a community well or 

faucet to their homes. The two handles were held to steady the 

vessel in transit. Such water cans were made either in Kimhae 

or in Pusan. Although the shape of the vessel was said to be 

derived from an earlier Korean ceramic pot, the galvanized iron 

version was reportedly introduced by the Japanese. Younger 

villagers did not know of the ceramic prototype. The iron 

bucket usually was not present in those households that had 

coveted private wells. Thus, the presence of this water bucket 

seemed to reveal a lower socio-economic status. In 1981, the 

galvanized iron water bucket was disappearing as many homes 

were now supplied with running water. 

Material Culture No. 22 

NAME.—(English) Bucket 

(Korean) Ppakkessu Local term, derived from 

English via Japanese for bucket 

Pagech'u Local term 

Pakkessu Local term 

Mult'ong Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This bucket was made of galvanized iron 

sheet-metal, with a wire and wood bail. The height was often 25 

cm and the maximum diameter 32 cm, another common size 

was 27 x 30 cm. A plastic version also existed. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This bucket was used primarily 

to carry or temporarily store water, but it also served other 

purposes. The metal bucket in a 1971 survey was found in 82 

percent of the homes and a plastic bucket in 45 percent. Many 

families possessed both types. Such buckets were purchased in 

Kimhae shops. Villagers believed that these buckets were 

introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, aluminum and plastic 

versions had replaced galvanized iron buckets. Buckets of 

galvanized iron were hand-made, whereas the aluminum or 

plastic versions were mass produced. 

Material Culture No. 23 

FIGURE 71 

NAME.—(English) Washbasin 

(Korean) Sesuttae Local term 

Sesudaeya Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round, open vessel, with a wide lip, 

was seen in 1981 and was usually made either of aluminum or 

plastic. The diameter varied from 30 to 40 cm and the depth 

from 10 to 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The traditional brass washbasin 

existed only in a few well-to-do households. Also rarely seen 

were older basins of wood and enameled sheet iron. The brass 

basin had a broader flat bottom with more vertical sides and a 

pronounced lip.4 This same traditional shape also existed in 

some of the stainless steel basins. Both the enameled iron and 
66 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 71.—Washbasins made of aluminum, stainless steel, and plastic. The 

aluminum one appeared first in the community and was later followed by the 

others. From a color photograph, 1971. 

the aluminum basins were said to have been introduced by the 

Japanese. In a 1971 survey, 55 percent of the homes had 

aluminum basins and 52 percent had a plastic version. Many 

households had both. In 1981, plastic versions greatly 

outnumbered the aluminum ones. 

Material Culture No. 24 

NAME.—(English) Washbasin 

(Korean) Pqjigi 

DESCRIPTION.—This earthenware basin had a dark brown 

color and a clear glaze. The diameter of the body often was 43 

cm and the height 22 cm. There were two handles located on 

the body, one on each side. When cracked near the top of the 

body, the pot was retained but repaired with firmly attached 

wire. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This vessel was often used to 

contain water for washing rice and barley or dirty dishes. In 

1971, it was almost completely replaced by a galvanized iron 

version, tarangi. This type of ceramic jar was once made and 

fired in a kiln near this community. A smaller but similar vessel 

was called sagu. The washbasin was believed to have a Korean 

prototype. 

Material Culture No. 25 

FIGURE 72 

NAME.—(English) Waste water tub 

(Korean) Kkujongmult'ong Local term 

Kujunmult'ong Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This tub was made of wooden (pine) staves 

and bamboo hoops, with two side lugs. Usually the diameter 

was 30 cm and the height 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The tub was often used to 

collect dirty water and food remains in the kitchen. This 

wooden vessel was reportedly once widely used but was being 

replaced by galvanized iron or plastic containers. By 1968 it 

FIGURE 72.—Wooden tub for kitchen waste. From a color photograph, 1969. 

had disappeared from the community. It was made elsewhere in 

the province and purchased in Kimhae shops. Villagers 

believed that it had a Korean origin. 

Material Culture No. 26 

NAME.—(English) Washtub 

(Korean) Tarangi Local term, derived 

from Japanese tarai 

DESCRIPTION.—This shallow, round, metal (galvanized iron) 

tub varied in size but often had a diameter of 25-30 cm and a 

height of 12-15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951 and for sometime later, 

the material used for such wash tubs was often sheet metal 

scrap from U.S. military bases. Tubs manufactured completely 

with galvanized iron were also seen. This washtub was used to 

wash rice, other foodstuffs, dishes, and clothes. A similar tub 

was for bathing the baby. In 1960, at least 44 percent of the 

households had at least one, and often two, of these tubs. In 

1971, it was found in 68 percent of the homes. Although the 

metal tub was made and used in the Kimhae area ever since the 

end of World War II (1945), it became especially popular 

during the Korean War (1950-1953) and often was made from 

salvaged American beer cans. This tub was replaced by a 

plastic version, often colored brown to resemble a ceramic 

prototype. Later, a synthetic rubber version also was used. By 

1981, aluminum, stainless steel, and plastic washtubs completely replaced those made of galvanized iron. 
NUMBER 39 67 

FIGURE 73.—Galvanized iron washtub. Sketch. 

Material Culture No. 27 

FIGURE 73 

NAME.—(English) Laundry tub 

(Korean) Tallangi 

Ppallaet'ong 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This washtub, in various sizes, was made 

from several materials, e.g., wooden staves and bamboo hoops 

or from galvanized iron, aluminum, stainless steel, rubber, or 

plastic. The size often was 14 cm in height with a diameter of 

30 cm. The sheet metal tub often had two loop handles, one on 

each side. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The tub was often used for 

washing clothing or for taking sponge baths. In 1960, all village 

households had at least one. It was made in Pusan and usually 

was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers said that 

it was introduced by the Japanese. In 1970, this tub, except the 

plastic version, had almost disappeared from the community. 

Material Culture No. 28 

FIGURE 74 

NAME.—(English) Medicine pot (boiler) 

(Korean) Yakt'ang 

Yakt'anggwan 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This brown, dark glazed earthenware pot 

with lid had a constricted mouth and a solid, spout-like handle. 

Approximate dimensions were a height of 15.5 cm, body 

diameter of 19 cm, and a handle length of 10 cm. The wall of 

the pot often had a thickness of 1 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This pot was used to boil herbs 

in water over a low flame for an extended period of time. Most 

of these unique pots were made in the Yangsan or Ch'angnyong areas and were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. 

Such a pot sometimes had its own portable stove, chirisot, with 

charcoal or a briquette for fuel. The stove itself was of stone 

(often black in color) or of gray earthenware. The pot was used 

widely in a 1971 survey; it was seen in 49 percent of the homes. 

In 1981, the pot continued to be frequently used, but an electric 

pot, for the same purpose, was also seen. Villagers said that an 

electric pot was more convenient to use, but many, especially 

older villagers, preferred the traditional vessel. 

Material Culture No. 29 

NAME.—(English) Steamer 

(Korean) Siri 

Siru 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This brittle, brown earthenware pot with 

circular holes in its base was often reinforced over its outer 

surface with wire. The wall of the pot was usually impregnated 

with soot. Various sizes existed, often 28 cm in height and a 

maximum width of 42 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This vessel was used to steam 

rice powder to make rice cake, siruttok. Although such 

steamers were widely used in 1960, few were owned. Often a 

family would borrow a steamer, when needed, from a neighbor. 

In 1971, it was frequently used, but in 1981 the steamer was 

seldom seen.5 Such vessels were made elsewhere in southeastern Korea and purchased in downtown Kimhae. It was believed 

by villagers that the prototype originated in Korea. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:388-

389, 606. 

Material Culture No. 30 

FIGURE 75 

NAME.—(English) Sauce jar 

(Korean) Tanji6 Local term 

FIGURE 74.—Earthenware herb boiler for preparing folk medicine. These were 

found to still be in use in 1981. Black and white photograph, 1971. 

DESCRIPTION.—This utility ware had a dark brown earthenware body covered with a clear glaze. It appeared in the 

community in many sizes and shapes. One frequently seen jar 

was 40 cm in height and 34 cm in width. Frequently, it had 

round handles, one on each side. The deep dish-like lid was 11 
68 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 75.—Earthenware storage jars are typically clustered together in the yard of a home. They are often used 

for soy sauce, bean paste, hot pepper sauce, and fish sauce. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

cm in height and about 30 cm in width; it occasionally had side 

handles. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This storage ware often was 

used for soy sauce, a hot pepper paste (kkoch'ijang), or pickled 

vegetables (kimch'i), most often during the summer season. 

This ware was seen, usually outdoors, in the yard of almost 

every home. Villagers believed that it was derived from a 

Korean prototype. In 1981, it continued to be used. Although 

plastic versions were widespread, a growing belief was that 

food from ceramic vessels "tasted better." 

Material Culture No. 31 

FIGURE 76 

NAME.—(English) (a) Jar (pot) 

(b) Lid 

(Korean) (a) Sut'ingi Local term 

Tok Standard term 

(b) Ttakkari Local term 

Tokttukkong Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—(a) This dark brown earthenware jar, covered with a glaze, appeared in at least three sizes, one of which 

had a diameter at its mouth of 40 cm, a maximum body 

diameter of 60 cm, and a height of 80 cm. The shape of these 

jars, when compared with similar jars elsewhere in Korea, it 

was said, were more squat, and they had a smoother surface. 

(b) Lids, deep dish-like, varied in size according to the size 

of the mouth on the jar, which they covered. A large lid could 

be as much as 40 to 50 cm in diameter. However, a frequently 

used lid had a maximum diameter of 39 cm, and the depth from 

its rim to the base was 11.5 cm. Lids often had two loop 

handles. Cracked lids were repaired with a wire net over its 

outer surface. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—(a) These jars were used to hold 

fresh water, soybean sauce, or grain. During the winter season, 

they were also employed to hold pickled vegetables (kimch'i). 

Rough estimates by other villagers could be made of the size 

and wealth of a household simply by counting the number of 

such jars that were usually placed together in the yard. 

(b) Ttakkari was a term used for most lids. The lid for ajar, 

sut'ingi, however was called a norigi. The jar and lid together 

were referred to as tok. The lid of a jar also served on occasion 

as a shallow pot for water and washing foodstuffs. These jars 

and lids were still in use in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:260-261, 272. 

Material Culture No. 32 

NAME.—(English) Liquor jar 

(Korean) Sulturimi 

Sojudok 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round, dark brown earthenware jar was 

covered with clear glaze. It had a mouth with a diameter of 10 
NUMBER 39 69 

FIGURE 76.—Earthenware jar for outdoor food storage, embellished with motifs of concentric rings, rosettes, and 

foliage. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

cm, a lip with a diameter of 17 cm, and a short neck 2.5 cm in 

length. The total height of the jar was 31 cm, and the diameter 

of the base was 24 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This jar was the traditional 

liquor vessel and was said to have originated in Korea. It was 

widely used in the community in 1960. It was primarily for 

storing rice wine, which was often homemade. The jar was 

occasionally used for soy sauce. Such jars were usually 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. This jar was still seen 

in 1971 and 1981 but was seldom used for rice wine. 
70 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

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FIGURE 77.—Earthenware jar with two handles and traditionally used for water transportation. The bottom of this 

jar, however, is perforated for growing soy bean sprouts. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 33 

FIGURE 77 

NAME.—(English) Storage jar 

(Korean) Oktongu 

Tongu 

Oktongi 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This earthenware jar and cover, had a dark 

brown color and a clear glaze, with thick walls. It had a mouth 

diameter of 30 to 40 cm, and a body height of 50 to 60 cm. The 

shape consisted of almost straight walls and a wide mouth. 

Other examples had a more constricted mouth and more body 

curvature. In the latter case, at least three sizes were noted. All 

jars had two loop handles, one on each side of the vessel. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The uses of this jar included the 

transporting of water from a well to a home. Often a backpack 

with a carrying pole extending to each side was used to 

transport two jars suspended with rope. The jar also was used 

for storing and shipping salted small fish or shrimp. This type 

of jar was widely distributed in the community in 1961, 

appearing in almost all homes. When this jar was used for 

raising soybean sprouts, a hole was made in the base. It was 

made elsewhere in Korea. It was believed to have originated 

with a Korean prototype. In 1971, it was not used any longer for 

carrying water. Examples were still seen in 1981. 

Material Culture No. 34 

NAME.—(English) Storage pot 

(Korean) Sagu Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This earthenware pot was covered with a 

glaze and appeared mostly in two sizes, each with two loop 

handles. The inner surface of the pot was uneven with ridges. 

One size was 38 cm in diameter at the top, 29 cm at the bottom, 

and 45 cm in height. A smaller version was 30 cm in diameter 

at the top, 22 cm at the bottom, and 38 cm in height. 
NUMBER 39 71 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The larger vessel was often 

used to wash leafy vegetables. The smaller version was 

preferred for washing rice or barley. Aluminum and plastic 

versions also existed. At times the sagu was used as a cover for 

a larger ceramic vessel. It was believed to have a Korean 

prototype. In 1981, it was still seen in the community. 

Material Culture No. 35 

FIGURE 78 

NAME.—(English) Tray 

(Korean) Pant'ingi 

Pant'i 

Pat'ingi 

Hamt'ingi 

P'almobant'ingi 

Local term (widely used) 

Local term (widely used) 

Standard term 

Standard term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This usually four-sided wooden tray often 

had bottom dimensions of 30 x 40 cm with a height of 15 cm. 

The surface of the tray was plain or covered with red lacquer. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This tray was used to carry fish, 

fruit, and other items. Women peddlers often appeared with 

such a tray balanced upon their heads. Housewives at times 

carried lunch on such trays to their husbands working in the 

fields. This tray also was seen in roadside commercial booths as 

a container of grain, beans, or other foodstuffs. Frequently 

when a carpenter wished to test the skill of another, he asked 

that the other carpenter make one of these trays. The joinery 

was then carefully examined. The tray was often purchased 

locally. It was thought to have a Korean prototype. In 1981, this 

tray was rarely seen, it was often replaced by plastic versions. 

Octagonal wooden trays were seen in sets of graduated sizes. 

When not in use, smaller trays were superimposed upon larger 

ones. The size of trays in one set were 38, 31,27,23, and 19 cm 

in diameter with a height of 9 cm. Such trays frequently had 

round iron handles. The corners of the trays were reinforced 

with iron decor. These trays were often used to display food on 

festive or ritual occasions. 

FIGURE 78.—This wooden tray (pine) had many uses, including for women to 

carry lunch on their heads to men working in the fields. From a color 

photograph, 1952. 

Material Culture No. 36 

NAME.—(English) Tray 

(Korean) Namubat'ingi 

Hamjibak 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round tray was carved from one piece 

of wood (pine) and painted with a light red lacquer. The size 

varied, but often the diameter was 40 cm and the height 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This tray was once widely used 

especially for pulverized grain, cooked rice, and rice cakes. It 

was made in Hamyang county and purchased in Kimhae shops. 

The tray was seldom seen in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:600. 

Material Culture No. 37 

NAME.—(English) Sprinkler (watering can) 

(Korean) Mulppurige Local term 

Salsugi Standard term 

Chooro Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A portable water sprinkler, with a forward 

spout, and top and rear circular handles, was made of 

galvanized iron or plastic. A single rear-handle version also 

existed. The end of the spout had a perforated spray cover. At 

least two sizes of the sprinklers were used. Dimensions of the 

body were frequently 18 cm in height and 19 cm in diameter, 

with a 55 cm spout. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This sprinkler was used to 

water plants, especially potted plants or flower gardens. One 

villager, who made concrete blocks at his home for a 

construction firm, also used a sprinkler for his blocks as they 

were being sun-dried. According to villagers, it was introduced 

by the Japanese. It was not widely used. In 1981, only plastic 

versions were seen. 

Material Culture No. 38 

NAME.—(English) Water jar 

(Korean) Multomu 

Mult'omu 

Multomu 

Multongi 

Local term 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This glazed, dark brown earthenware jar 

usually had a wooden lid. Size varied, but often the maximum 

diameter of the round shape was 61 cm and the height 38 cm. 

The wooden lid was constructed of pine boards held together 

with two cross pieces. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This jar was used to store 

drinking water. Once made in a nearby Kimhae kiln, it was later 

made in Miryang, then at Hanam. It was usually purchased by 

villagers within Kimhae. If the upper part of the body was 

cracked, repairs were often done by a traveling artisan who 

fashioned a wire net on the outer surface to hold the fragments 

tightly together. He also repaired other types of ceramic vessels 

in a similar manner, including jars for pickled vegetables. This 
72 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

water jar was seen only in a few households. Many villagers 

preferred a larger jar, a tok, for water storage. Villagers 

believed the jar had a Korean prototype, but the wooden lid was 

a Japanese derivation. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598. 

Material Culture No. 39 

NAME.—(English) Flower pot 

(Korean) Hwabun 

DESCRIPTION.—This unglazed red ceramic pot was seen in 

various sizes. It had an inverted truncated cone-shape. The pot 

had a rim that protruded from the body of the pot approximately 1 cm. It usually had a top diameter of 20 cm and a height 

of 17 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Primarily this pot was used to 

grow flowers or shrubs. As of 1971, only a few villagers had 

such pots. These pots were usually seen in the yard of a home. 

They were purchased in Kimhae and reportedly were made in 

Tongnae and Yangsan (Pusan). Villagers said that such flower 

pots were introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, plastic versions 

in various sizes were seen in use with their ceramic prototypes. 

Material Culture No. 40 

NAME.—(English) Wine bottle 

(Korean) Handoebyong 

Toeppyong 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This glass bottle was usually dark brown or 

blue-green in color. The body, with a tapered neck, was 40 cm 

in height and 10 cm in maximum diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Usually used as a liquid storage 

vessel but on occasion, bottles were used to serve. A white 

porcelain wine bottle, however, was the preferred serving 

vessel for rituals, e.g., ancestor worship. It was often 26 cm tall 

and 15 cm in its maximum width. Although the glass bottle was 

considered to be a wine vessel, it was also widely used for soy 

sauce or sesame oil. It was manufactured elsewhere in Korea 

and purchased in Kimhae. Villagers attributed its origin to a 

Japanese prototype. In 1981, this bottle was still seen in homes 

and village shops. 

Material Culture No. 41 

NAME.—(English) Head pad 

(Korean) Ttabaengi 

Ttobari 

Ttwari 

Local term 

Standard term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Often this head pad consisted of bound rice 

straw within a sewn cloth cover that approximated the size and 

shape of a large doughnut. The outer diameter of the pad was 

approximately 15 cm. It had a thickness of 3 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Sometimes a head pad was 

simply a folded towel placed upon the head on which a pot, a 

parcel, or sometimes a sack was carried. Head pads were 

believed by villagers to have come from a Korean prototype 

and were usually made at home. Head pads were used only by 

women and girls. Well-made head pads had almost disappeared 

in 1960. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598. 

Material Culture No. 42 

NAME.—(English) Scrub brush 

(Korean) Sossinnun sol 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine or lauan [Philippine 

mahogany]) scrub brush was made with hemp bristles. It was 

rectangular in shape, with rounded corners, and was about 13 

cm in length and 6 cm in width. A similar brush was made later 

with nylon bristles. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The brush was used to clean 

cooking vessels, especially the iron cauldron. Scrub brushes 

were also made with pig hair or pine roots. It was purchased in 

Kimhae shops. The scrub brush closely resembled a western 

version. Villagers said (1960) that a nylon brush had appeared 

and believed it to be a Korean innovation. By 1981, the hemp 

brush had disappeared. Later scrub brushes, made with nylon or 

steel-thread bristles, were still used for cleaning iron or 

aluminum cooking vessels. 

Material Culture No. 43 

NAME.—(English) Broom, bamboo 

(Korean) Pi 

Taepssaribi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This broom was made solely of bamboo, 

tied together at one end to provide the handle but untied at the 

other end for the brush. This bamboo broom was usually about 

97 cm in total length, and its brush was about 12 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This bamboo broom was one of 

the three most commonly seen brooms in the village. The other 

two are discussed elsewhere, one being made of millet for the 

kitchen, and the other of river reed for room floors. The 

bamboo broom was used during harvest time to sweep the 

chaff, but more often it was used for cleaning the yard. A broom 

for the same purpose was also made of another plant, ssari. 

Villagers believed the bamboo broom was derived from a 

Korean prototype. It was frequently seen in 1971, but smaller 

plastic versions replaced the bamboo broom by 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Umehara and Hamada, 

1923:29, sketches; Hommel, 1969, figs. 472-473; K. Kim, 

1969:331, 345, photos 413-415; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. 

Material Culture No. 44 

FIGURE 79 

NAME.—(English) Broom, reed 

(Korean) Pangbitchari 

Pangbi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The core of the broom handle was made of 

rice straw lashed together. The brush consisted of the tasseled 

tops of river reeds. The maximum length of this soft broom was 
NUMBER 39 73 

FIGURE 79. Brooms for home floors: the larger, traditional one is made from river reeds; the smaller is a plastic 

version that first appeared in the late 1960s, and in 1981, coexisted with the traditional type. Black and white 

photograph, 1977, Victor Krantz. 

often 40 to 55 cm and the thickness of the handle from 4 to 5.5 

cm. At times the brush extended evenly from the tightly-bound 

vertical handle. In other instances, the brush was approximately 

at a 45 degree angle to the handle to facilitate the use of the 

broom by a stooped villager. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This broom was found in 

practically every village home and was used to sweep heated 

and wooden floors. By 1971, plastic versions had appeared. 

The plastic broom was found in 23 percent of the homes, often 

with the traditional one. Both the traditional and the plastic 

broom were purchased in Kimhae. Reed brooms were often 

made with colorful plastic lashing. Villagers attributed the 

origin of the broom to a Korean prototype. In 1981, plastic 

versions were mostly seen, occasionally with bamboo handles, 

in a wide range of sizes, shapes, and colors. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, illus.; Hommel, 

1969, figs. 422-423; K Kim, 1969:331, 345, photos 413-415. 

Material Culture No. 45 

NAME.—(English) Broom, millet 

(Korean) Susibitcharu 

Susubi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This was usually a short-handled broom, 

which was made by tying together with cord and/or wire the 

stalks of millet plants with the top of the plants inverted to 

provide the brush. The total length was often between 50 and 

60 cm, but at times it was as much as 74 cm. A loop of cord was 

occasionally fastened to the handle for hanging the broom 

when not in use. 
74 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This broom was used mainly 

for the kitchen clay floor but also for outdoor walkways and the 

yard. It was usually purchased in Kimhae, especially on market 

day. This broom continued to be widely used in 1971. Villagers 

believed that such brooms originated from a Korean prototype. 

In 1981, it was seldom seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, illus.; K. Kim, 

1969:331, 345, photos 413-415. 

Material Culture No. 46 

FIGURE 80 

NAME.—(English) Ladle 

(Korean) Chorae 

Chori 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This bamboo ladle had a long handle of 

bamboo strips, which were bound together, then spread and 

upturned at the distal end to form a palm-sized scoop. The ladle 

was often 20 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This ladle was not made in the 

community. It was usually purchased in downtown Kimhae on 

market days. The ladle was used to scoop up rice that was being 

washed, permitting the sand and pebbles to drop to the bottom 

of the vessel. As rice grains are lighter in weight than most 

foreign matter, when the water was stirred with the ladle, the 

grains rose to the surface and were quickly transferred to 

another container. The ladle was normally used for cleaning 

large quantities of rice. Small amounts were washed in a gourd 

ladle, pagaji, from which the rice was removed by hand. The 

bamboo ladle was an indispensable item in all village kitchens. 

It was believed to be derived from a Korean prototype centuries 

ago. A plastic version had become popular, and in 1971, it was 

found in 44 percent of the village homes. The bamboo type was 

still found in 63 percent of the households. Some homes 

possessed both the bamboo and the plastic types of ladle. On 

FIGURE 80.—Iron, plastic, and bamboo strainers used primarily for washing 

rice. Housewives prefered the bamboo version, which is also a traditional 

symbol for wealth. From a color photograph, 1981. 

FIGURE 81.—Bamboo basket, with its wicker-weave, serves many needs of the 

villagers but often is used for red peppers and fruit. Color photograph, 1970. 

the morning of New Year's Day (lunar calendar), it was 

customary to buy a new bamboo ladle. This ladle was referred 

to as the good luck ladle, pokchori. In 1981, bamboo ladles 

were still being sold in the Kimhae market and were used at 

home along with the plastic version. 

Material Culture No. 47 

FIGURE 81 

NAME.—(English) Food basket 

(Korean) Pagimi Local term 

Taebagimi Local term 

Paguni Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round bamboo basket, with a wicker 

weave, occurred in at least three sizes with diameters of 40, 50, 

or 60 cm, and a height of about 7 or 8 cm, sometimes as much 

as 12 cm. A scoop-shaped version, with an open-end, also 

existed. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This basket was made in the 

village community and could be purchased from the craftsman 

or bought at a Kimhae shop. It was often used to wash 

foodstuffs, such as rice and other vegetables. Washed vegetables were often left in the basket to dry. Such baskets were also 

for parching food, including food that had previously been 

cooked. The best basket maker in the village was a fifty-yearold man who was planning to teach his craft to several 

handicapped young men. The three terms cited above were 

used interchangeably and included the scoop-shaped basket as 

well as the one with the circular rim. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, illus.; Hommel, 

1969, fig. 229; K. Kim, 1969:236-237, photos 297, 300; Hong, 

1982, Vol. 5:482-483. 

Material Culture No. 48 

NAME.—(English) Cooked-rice basket 

(Korean) Kolbagimi Local term 

Pappaguni Standard term 
NUMBER 39 75 

DESCRIPTION.—This round bamboo wicker basket, with a 

bail and an exterior base of two parallel pieces of bamboo, was 

usually 30 cm in diameter and 15 cm in depth. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Both terms cited above were 

often used. This basket was used to preserve cooked rice in the 

summer and was hung on a nail in a well ventilated area so that 

the rice did not spoil. The basket was made by a village 

craftsman and could be bought directly from him. Such baskets 

were also purchased from peddlers. In 1981, such baskets were 

still used for the same purpose; they could be purchased in the 

market. However, when differentiating between it and a 

scoop-shaped bamboo basket, villagers referred to the scoopshaped type as sok'uri. Otherwise the same term was often 

applied to both types of baskets. Villagers believed that both 

baskets had Korean prototypes. In 1981, these baskets were still 

in use by the villagers and could be purchased at the Kimhae 

market. 

Material Culture No. 49 

FIGURE 82 

NAME.—(English) Rice cake stamp 

(Korean) Sip'yonson 

Ttokson 

Ttoksal 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This stamp, or mold, was made of either 

wood (pine) or glazed ceramic, with various curvilinear 

abstract designs or occasionally natural motifs. Several sizes 

existed, usually with straight handles for a total length of 

16-19 cm. Another style of mold, with a mushroom shape, had 

a diameter of 4-5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1971, examples of this 

traditional stamp were seen only rarely in the community. It 

was used to impress a design upon rice cake dough. By 1981, 

it had become a collector's item. 

FIGURE 83.—A fireplace with an aluminum rice kettle and ash shovel. From a 

color photograph, 1969. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE407. 

Material Culture No. 50 

FIGURE 83 

NAME.—(English) Ash shovel 

(Korean) Pulbusap 

Pusap 

Hwasap 

-Hong, 1982 Vol. 2:406-

Local term 

Standard term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 82.—Wooden mold for rice cakes. Black and white photograph, 1970, 

Victor Krantz. 

DESCRIPTION.—This small shovel consisted of a handle 

attached to a flat rectangular scoop, open-ended in front, with 

raised edges on the two sides and the back. The shovel was 

made of sheet iron, which had its tang inserted into the straight, 

wooden (pine) handle. The total length of the shovel, including 

the handle, was 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, this shovel was widely 

used for charcoal and ashes in the community. It was often used 

with a brush or broom. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae 

stores. The shovel was said to be introduced by the Japanese. It 

was no longer seen in the community in 1968. A Korean-style 

shovel also existed with the same approximate length. Its 

wooden handle, unlike the Japanese version, fits into a socket. 

In 1981, it was still used in the community. Modifications of 

the Korean-style shovel included a plastic grip over a straight 

hardwood (Philippine mahogany) handle. 
76 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Material Culture No. 51 

NAME.—(English) Fire forceps (tongs) 

(Korean) Puje Local term 

Pultchige Local term 

Pulchipke Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—These forceps were made of sheet metal 

(galvanized iron). At the top there was a tensile loop to keep the 

two extended arms apart until they were manually pressed 

together. The forceps had a plain surface and a length of 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1970, forceps, still in use, 

were purchased by housewives of the community in downtown 

Kimhae shops. Such forceps were Korean-made, but the 

prototype was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. In 

1981, forceps continued to be used. There also were tongs made 

of two iron rods with plastic handles. A pivot point was held by 

a screw or nail. The length of the tongs was often 50 cm. Tongs 

were used in all households to place or to remove briquettes 

from fixed or portable stoves. Traditional fire tongs were also 

described by villagers that were 40 cm in length and made of 

iron that was loosely linked together at the top by an iron ring. 

These were seen in the community in 1951 but not in 1971. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954, Vol. 

4(2):58. 

Material Culture No. 52 

NAME.—(English) Bellows 

(Korean) P'ungno 

P'ulmu 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This cast-iron bellows had a round air 

chamber with an air exit tube and an exterior wheel for manual 

operation. The diameter of the bellows was approximately 20 

cm. The length of the bellows with the wheel was 34 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Instead of using a fan to start a 

kitchen fire, the bellows was occasionally used. It was more 

effective when used with sawdust rather than straw or twigs for 

fuel. It was also used with a fireplace near the stable to cook 

food for the ox. Villagers believed that it had been introduced 

by the Japanese. It was made in 1950 in Korea and was usually 

purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. Some of these bellows 

were still in use in the community in 1971 but were rarely seen 

since then. 

Toys and Games 

Material Culture No. 53 

FIGURE 84 

NAME.—(English) (a) Checkerboard 

(b) Stone pieces 

(Korean) (a) Padukp'an 

(b) Padugal 

Paduktol 

Standard term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This thick wooden (chestnut or oak) game 

board was supported by four squat legs, and its top surface was 

subdivided into squares, with 19 lines intersecting at right 

angles 19 other lines. The dimensions of the board itself were 

45 x 45 cm. The height, including the legs, was 19.5 cm. The 

game pieces were in two sets, with 170 in each set. One set was 

black and the other white. The small round pieces were usually 

of plastic made to resemble stone, or of shell. The diameter of 

each piece was approximately 2 cm. Each set of pieces had its 

own round bowl with a lid, which may be wood or plastic; one 

example was 9.3 cm in height and 12 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—If one villager suggested playing the game with another, he politely offered the white pieces 

to his opponent. White, "elder," pieces were thought to be 

superior to black, "younger," ones. During a survey (1968), 

only 11 percent of the homes had the game board and pieces, 

which were often borrowed from neighbors when desired. 

Although the game was enjoyed by men and boys, the game 

was reported to be more popular in Japan. When a game was in 

session, it was often silently observed by other men or boys. It 

was the villagers' opinion that the game originated in China. 

The items were usually purchased in Pusan. In 1981, the game 

was still being played in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:337-

338, 652-655. 

Material Culture No. 54 

FIGURE 85 

NAME.—(English) (a) Chessboard 

(b) Chess pieces 

(Korean) (a) Changgip'an Local term 

(b) Changgial Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This chess set consisted of a wooden (pine, 

oak, or Philippine mahogany) chess board, subdivided with 

incised lines, 7 by 8 into squares, with two groups of oak or 

plastic chess pieces. The board was often supported by two 

wooden runners across the bottom surface. The chessboard was 

48 x 46 cm, with a thickness of 6 cm. Each flat chess piece was 

octagonal. The pieces had Chinese characters incised on the top 

surface indicating the nature of the individual piece. The 

characters were colored either red or blue. The total number of 

chess pieces was 32, with each player having 16. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The villagers believed that this 

chess game had a Chinese origin. The names of kings incised 

upon chess pieces were the names of Chinese Han and Ch'o 

royalty who fought one another for the control of China. This 

historic struggle occurred during the Chinese Period of the 

Three Kingdoms (220 to 589 A.D.). The Japanese shogi chess 

was quite different from this Korean game, according to 

villagers, both in its appearance and in the rules of the game. In 

a 1968 survey, 13 percent of the homes owned such a chess set. 

However, those who did not have a set frequently borrowed one 

from a friend or a neighbor. Chess sets were bought in 

downtown Kimhae shops. The chess boards were also made by 
NUMBER 39 77 

FIGURE 84.—Game board and black and white circular pieces for Paduk, a popular game for two players. Black 

and white photograph, 1981. 

the village carpenter. The incised Chinese characters on each 

chess piece were often made by the same Kimhae craftsman 

whose specialty was carving seals with personal names in 

Chinese characters to authenticate signatures. In 1981, the 

game was played frequently, especially by the elderly men. 

JEEI2L • 

FIGURE 85.—A game board and pieces on which are incised Chinese characters 

for chess, Changgi; a popular game for two players. From a color photograph, 

1971. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Culin, 1958:67; Hong, 1982, 

Vol. 4:399, 646-652. 

Material Culture No. 55 

FIGURE 86 

NAME.—(English) Yut game 

(Korean) Yutchak Local term 

Yutp'an Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This game required the use of four short 

wooden sticks, 15 cm in length. Each stick was rounded along 

one surface and flat on the opposing surface. A scoring paper or 

board had positions, often dots or coins, to indicate a player's 

progress. The positions were recorded on a circular pattern and 

two intersecting lines of dots in the center. The sizes of the 

sticks, the scoring design, and the number of players varied. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The game was played by each 

player while seated on the floor. Each player in turn tossed the 

four sticks in the air and noted the number of round surfaces 

that were turned upward when the sticks came to rest. This 

game was particularly popular during the New Year season. 

Often the players wore newly made traditional clothing to greet 

the new year. A set of sticks and a scoring design were either 
78 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 86.—Yut game, with four throw sticks. Sketch. 

purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop or made at home. The 

game was believed by villagers to be derived from a Korean 

prototype. In 1981, this game continued to be played, mostly on 

holidays, but less frequently than in the past. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:291, 308, 

476-492. 

Material Culture No. 56 

FIGURE 87 

NAME.—(English) (a) Kite 

(b) Kite spool 

(Korean) (a) Yon Standard term 

(b) Yonjase Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A kite was often made of mulberry paper 

and a split bamboo frame. It was usually square in shape, with 

a round window in the middle, or occasionally semi-circular, 

with two tails (cotton cord). Often the size of the kite was 30 x 

40 cm or 20 x 30 cm. The wooden (pine) spool for the control 

string consisted of an open four or six-sided reel with a handle 

protruding from its center at one end. The reel often was 21.5 

x 13 cm, and the length of the handle was 18.5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Kite flying was a popular sport, 

especially in the fall and winter, for boys and occasionally men. 

Kite fighting was also popular. This competition envolved 

cutting the control string of an opposing kite with one's own 

control string that had been coated with sand, granulated 

porcelain, or glass, and fastened with fish glue. Kites were 

either made at home or purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. 

In 1981, boys continued to fly kites that were bought in the 

village shops. Only on rare occasions were kites made at home. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Jeon, 1974; Hong, 1982, Vol. 

2:603-605; Vol. 4:293-294, 355-365, 493-507. 

Material Culture No. 57 

NAME.—(English) Roller 

(Korean) Tongt'ae Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Four or five round ends of tin cans were 

loosely placed together on a nail or slender metal bar, which 

was attached laterally to the end of a straight bamboo stick. The 

diameter of the metal discs was approximately 16 cm, and the 

length of the stick usually was about 78 cm. Later a somewhat 

similar toy appeared involving a small iron wheel attached to a 

guide-rod. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This homemade toy for a boy 

from three to five years of age was seen after World War II 

(1945). Villagers believed that this toy was a local invention. In 

1960, it had disappeared from the community. 
NUMBER 39 

79 

FIGURE 87-Handmade rectangular kite constructed of a bamboo frame covered by paper, which has a round 

w X Ready-made kites that have a diamond (lozenge) shape are available in Kimhae shops. Black and white 

photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 58 

NAME.—(English) Ball 

(Korean) Ppol 

Kong 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This rubber ball, often black in color, was 

seen in two sizes, one 6 cm in diameter and the other 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This widely used ball was 

owned and used by children, especially boys. In 1960 and 

1971, a larger-sized ball, though not the regulation size for 

soccer games, was nevertheless used for that purpose on the 

primary school playground and elsewhere in the community. 
80 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

The ball was purchased at a village store. Soccer was believed 

to have been introduced to Korea by an American missionary. 

In 1981, rubber balls of various sizes and colors, e.g., white, 

blue, and red, were in use by boys and occasionally by girls. 

The black colored ball was no longer seen. 

(Korean) Moich'ong 

Mokch'ong 

Local term 

Standard term 

Material Culture No. 59 

NAME.—(English) Play cart 

(Korean) Kuruma 

Tongch'a 

Local term, 

derived from Japanese 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine) wagon was large enough for one seated child. The bed of the wagon, with a low 

siding around it, was often 75 cm long and 40 cm wide. The 

four wheels were wooden or metal (iron). The wagon was 

pulled by an attached rope. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This wagon, which was seen in 

1951, has since disappeared. It was made by fathers for their 

children. By 1970, the tricycle had mostly replaced the wagon 

as a toy vehicle for transportation. Numerous plastic tricycles, 

wagons, and other toys appeared in bright colors, most often in 

red or yellow. The tricycle was used almost exclusively by 

small boys, but wagons occasionally transported young girls as 

well. Villagers regarded the handmade wooden wagon as a 

Korean invention, though Kuruma is a Japanese word for cart. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 1:49. 

Material Culture No. 60 

FIGURE 88 

NAME.—(English) Mock gun 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (usually pine, sometimes 

chestnut) mock gun closely resembled the stock of a carbine or 

rifle. The length was often 88 cm and the width of the butt was 

10 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This mock gun was reported by 

villagers as identical with the type used by the Japanese 

military trainees during World War II and in Korean middle 

and high schools for male student drills after 1945. A few 

remaining ones were used by children in the community for 

war games. None were seen in 1968. Toy guns, in 1971 and 

1981, evolved from make-shift wooden versions to purchased 

plastic replicas of rifles and handguns. Some make-believe 

handguns were made from imported Philippine mahogany. 

Material Culture No. 61 

FIGURE 89 

NAME.—(English) Card game 

(Korean) Hwat'u 

DESCRIPTION.—This set of forty-eight small illustrated cards 

often depicted birds, flowers, and deer in natural settings. The 

cards were made of mulberry paper, papier-mache, or plastic. 

Their size was 5.2 x 3.3 cm. A set of cards was carried in a 

plastic box, 5.2 x 3.2 x 3 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Sets of these cards were found 

in 30 percent of the homes during a survey in 1971. In 1981, the 

card game was popular. Although the cards in use retained the 

same colorful papier-mache appearance, they were usually 

plastic versions. Students on a camping trip often carried a set 

FIGURE 88.—The gun on top was made as a toy, whereas the one below was used as a mock gun for military 

trainees and was later used as a toy. Sketches. 
NUMBER 39 81 

FIGURE 89.—Card game, Hwat'u. Sketch. 

to occupy themselves during their rest periods. These cards 

were also used to predict half-seriously the future. Sets of these 

cards were available in village shops. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Culin, 1958; Hong, 1982, 

Vol. 4:660-661. 

Material Culture No. 62 

FIGURE 90 

NAME.—(English) Hoop and stick (toy) 

(Korean) Tongt'ae 

Kullongsoe 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The hoop consisted of a circular band of 

sheet metal (iron) or thick wire, sometimes an old bicycle 

wheel. The straight guide stick had a wooden handle with a 

short wire hook. The hoop and stick existed in several sizes. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This child's toy was most often 

used by a 5- to 10-year-old boy who rolled the hoop vertically 

on the ground. It was often homemade and was said to have 

commenced with the use of a bicycle wheel. The villagers 

believed it had a western origin. In 1981, this toy was not as 

popular as previously and, in fact, probably was disappearing. 

Material Culture No. 63 

NAME.—(English) Seesaw (teetertotter, jump board) 

(Korean) Nulttwigi Local term 

Nolttwigi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A wooden (pine) plank approximately 240 FIGURE 90.—Child's hoop and stick toy. Sketch. 
82 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

cm in length, 40 cm in width, and 4 cm in thickness, had as its 

fulcrum a rolled-up rice-straw bag or a mound of earth covered 

with sacking, about 15 cm in height. Where each end of the 

plank touched the ground, a slight depression was made in the 

earth. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Two girls or young women 

would play with this seesaw. Each player stood erect on an end 

of the plank and alternately would jump in place so that the 

other player, on the other end, was thrown upward. This sport 

was especially popular among school-age girls and premarital 

women during the New Year holidays until 1960. Experienced 

players can throw their partners at least three feet into the air. 

Young village women in traditional dress have participated in 

regional contests where they were tossed much higher. They 

also were seen in daring swinging contests, vying for the 

greatest distance above the ground while standing on the 

wooden swing seat. Villagers believed that such sports have 

Korean origins. In 1981, these athletic activities were rarely 

seen in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:304, 

460-466. 

Musical Instruments 

Material Culture No. 64 

FIGURE 91 

NAME.—(English) (a) Gong (small) 

(b) Gong (large) 

(a) Gong beater 

(b) Gong beater 

(Korean) (a) Kwaengsa Local term 

Kwaenggwari Standard term 

(b) Ching Standard term 

(a) Kwaengsach'ae Local term 

(b) Chingch'ae Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—There were two sizes of round flat brass 

gongs, each having a rim around the rear surface. The smaller 

gong had a 21 cm diameter and a rim width of 4 cm. The larger 

gong was 40 cm in diameter with a 10 cm rim width. Each gong 

had a cord attached to hold it suspended when struck with a 

beater. 

Gong beaters are made in several ways, one with a wooden 

handle and disc-shaped head, one with a similar handle but a 

cloth-wrapped head, and another beater made of rice straw. The 

wooden beater, sometimes made of imported Philippine 

mahogany, was often 25 cm in length and its head was 4.5 cm 

in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The smaller gong, kwaengsa, 

with its beater, kwaengsach 'ae, was the instrument used by the 

leader of the farmers' band and at least one other musician. 

Only a few village households owned a gong. 

FIGURE 91.—Brass gong with two types of beaters, one cloth wrapped with a 

wooden handle, and the other wrapped with cotton cordage. This gong was used 

by the dancing farmers' band. Black and white photograph, 1970. 

The larger gong was also used to sound a village alarm. A 

gong of this size was carried and struck by visiting chimney 

sweeps to advertise their service. Gongs of various sizes were 

often used by shamans' assistants. Gongs and beaters were 

usually purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. They were 

stored with one of the families in the community until needed 

for practice or for a performance during an agricultural event or 

holiday. Villagers believed that all of the gongs had Korean 

prototypes. In 1981, gongs were still in use, mostly by the 

musicians in the farmers' band. 

Material Culture No. 65 

FIGURE 92 

NAME.—(English) Long drum 

(Korean) Changgu Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This shoulder-slung long drum with its 

hourglass shape had two opposing drumheads. The body was 

often red or yellow lacquered wood and the heads were covered 

with cowhide and doghide. A newer version was made with a 

body of galvanized iron that had slightly different proportions 

and a higher tone. The length of a long drum was often 55 cm 

and the diameter of one drum head was 30 cm and the other 42 

cm. A bamboo sliver was a beater for the right hand to strike the 

thinner cowhead drumhead. It was 40 cm in length. The thicker 

drumhead of doghide was struck with the left palm for a lower 

sound. Each of the two drumheads was held firmly in place by 

means of exterior cord lacing and sliding leather gauntlets. 

Tonal adjustments were made possible by moving the 

gauntlets, which tightened or relaxed the cord tension. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The two long drums were 

perhaps the most distinctive of the instruments in the local 

farmers' band. The other instruments that were played included 

a large gong, two small gongs, one shoulder-slung bass drum, 

and six or seven hand drums. The long drums were made in the 

Kimhae area and were available in downtown shops. The long 

drum, in addition to being used in the farmers' band, was 

closely associated with traditional dancing. Villagers say that 
NUMBER 39 83 

••^•HMP 

FIGURE 92.—Hourglass-shaped long drum composed of a lacquered wood body with two cowhide drumheads, 

with a cloth shoulder sling and one bamboo beater. This drum was used by the farmers' band and also to generally 

provide accompaniment to singing and dancing. From a color photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. 

the long drum was derived from a Korean prototype. This drum 

was seen in 1951 and continued in use in 1981. 

Material Culture No. 66 

FIGURE 93 

NAME.—(English) Bass drum 

Bass drum beater 

(Korean) Puk 

Pukch'ae 

Local term 

Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—The cylindrical body of the bass drum was 

constructed from a tree trunk (pine) and its two drumheads 

from cowhide. The drumheads were tied to each other over the 

body with a cowhide thong. A cloth, with each end tied to the 
84 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 93.—Bass drum made of cowhide and wood, with a cloth shoulder 

sling. It was used by the farmers' band. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

drum, was the shoulder sling. The bass drum was 40 cm in 

diameter and 23 cm in depth. 

The bass drum beater was made of bamboo and oak. It was 

often 29 cm in length. 

Another similar bass drum existed, but the drum heads were 

held in place with nails placed around the circumference as 

studs. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The size of the bass drum 

varied. The drum was also played by being struck with the 

hand. This drum was made by Kimhae artisans who worked 

with cowhide. When such a drum was needed, it was often 

borrowed. Villagers believed that the drum and its beater had a 

Korean origin. In 1981, this drum and beater continued to be 

used as in the past. 

Material Culture No. 67 

FIGURE 94 

NAME.—(English) (a) Hand drum 

(b) Drum beater 

(Korean) (a) Sobuk 

Sogu 

(b) Pukch'ae 

Local term, 

most widely used 

Standard term 

FIGURE 94.—Hand drum made of cowhide and wood (pine), with a wooden 

beater. It was used by the farmers' band. The um and yang symbol (concept of 

universal duality) is depicted on the drumhead. From a color photograph, 1971. 

DESCRIPTION.—This small hand drum was often made from 

jujube wood and the laced-on drumheads from cowhide. There 

was an attached handle. The circular design in blue and red on 

the drumheads was the um and yang design for the principle of 

universal duality. The diameter of the drumhead was 15 cm and 

the length of the handle was 13 cm. 

The length of the beater for the hand drum approximated that 

used for the bass drum. It was a slender stick of jujube wood, 

with a length of 28 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers described the tone as 

not particularly pleasant, with no resonance, but good for 

maintaining tempo and was sprightly. Seven of these hand 

drums were played in the farmers' band. A musician beat the 

two drum heads of each instrument alternately. This drum was 

made by artisans in the Kimhae area who worked with 

cowhide. It was bought in a Kimhae shop. In 1981, this hand 

drum continued to be used. A colorful plastic version has 

appeared including simulated nails in a studded pattern around 

the circumference of each drumhead. 

Material Culture No. 68 

NAME.—(English) Musician's hats (two types) 

(Korean) (a) Kkokkal Local term 

Kokkal Standard term 

(b) Sadaebu Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—(a) This white paper hat was worn by the 

members of the farmers' band. It had red, blue, green, and 

yellow paper pompons attached. The hat had a triangular shape, 

often with a chin ribbon. The measurements were 30 x 30 x 30 

cm. 

(b) A circular hat with wing attachments and chin strap was 

worn by the member of the band who portrayed a nobleman, a 

yangban, in the farmers' band. The circular part was black with 

gold trim, and the wings were white. It had a height of 35 cm 

and a diameter of 25 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—(a) This hat was worn by all 

the dancing musicians of the farmers' band. All members of the 

band were men. 

(b) This hat was worn by a dignitary who did not play an 

instrument. He wore a long robe, sometimes green in color. His 

presence indicated that the performance of the band was an 

important event. In 1981, the farmers' band continued to appear 

on traditional and special occasions deemed appropriate by the 

village chief and elders. 
NUMBER 39 85 

Weights and Measures 

Material Culture No. 69 

FIGURE 95 

NAME.—(English) Abacus 

(Korean) Chup'an Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This calculator (abacus) was made from 

hardwood, often imported mahogany, with bamboo partitions. 

In two compartments, sliding wooden beads were vertically 

aligned on rods. The upper, narrow compartment contained 18 

vertical rows of two beads. In the lower, wider compartment 

there were 18 vertical rows of four beads. Sizes of the abacus 

varied but often it was 6 x 30 cm or 7 x 25 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—An abacus was found in almost 

every home of the community. This particular type was said by 

villagers to have been introduced by the Japanese. No 

traditional Korean/Chinese abacus was seen. The Korean and 

Chinese version had vertical rows in the smaller compartment, 

each with two beads, and four beads in vertical rows in the 

larger compartment. The use of the abacus was now (1971) 

taught in a special class in middle school. In the commercial 

high school the use of the abacus was mandatory. In 1981, the 

usage of the abacus was limited to special school classes as in 

1971. Some primary school children were taught in private 

institutes the use of the abacus. Many parents believed that 

learning the abacus would improve the mathematical proficiency of their children. Small electronic computers were seen 

in 1981 in several homes. 

Material Culture No. 70 

NAME.—(English) Platform scale 

(Korean) (a) Choul 

(b) Anjunbaengi choul 

DESCRIPTION.—This platform scale was manufactured in 

Korea from iron and wood. The height of the scale was often 77 

cm; the length and the width of its platform was 52 x 32 cm. 

From the top of a vertical iron support was a horizontal 

graduated bar upon which a weight was suspended with an 

upright hook. Circular weights were placed on the hook as 

needed. Each weight varied in diameter, but were 2 cm in width 

(thickness). This type of scale varied in size but often was the 

size indicated above, capable of weighing objects of 100 kg or 

more. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This scale was used primarily to 

weigh sacks of grain. Only prosperous farmers owned one in 

1960. It was usually purchased at a downtown Kimhae store. 

Villagers said that it was introduced by the Japanese. Two other 

scales existed in the community. One was a steelyard, which 

was a handheld, graduated, slender horizontal bar with a 

suspended weight and a round tray, sonjoul. It was said to be of 

Chinese derivation. This scale was seldom seen in a 1970 

survey. Another scale that was seen was squat in shape and 

FIGURE 95.—Traditional abacus with a modern calculator. Black and white 

photograph, 1981. 

made of sheet metal (steel). It had a round clock-like face with 

a pointer to indicate the weight, with a small square tray above 

to hold the item being weighed. It had three small peg-like legs 

and was set on a counter or table. This modern western scale, 

said to have been introduced by the Japanese, was seen in 

approximately 24 percent of village homes and was becoming 

more popular. The platform scale and the table scale continued 

in use in 1981. 

Material Culture No. 71 

FIGURE 96 

NAME.—(English) Volume measure 

(Korean) Toe 

DESCRIPTION.—This square wooden (pine or chestnut) open 

box was a standard measuring unit, especially for grain. It was 

15 x 15 cm with a depth of 8 cm. Another measuring box, a 

hop, existed, which was 5.5 cm squared with a depth of 4.5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These two boxes were used 

with a wooden rod. The top of each box would be evenly 

scraped with the rod when the box was filled with grain to 

assure that a full measure existed. The measuring boxes were 

bought in downtown Kimhae stores. Such boxes were said to 

have been introduced by the Japanese. Similar traditional 

Korean measuring vessels existed but their capacities differed 

slightly. In 1960, the older Korean measures were not used in 

the community. In a 1965 village survey, Japanese measures 

were found in 33 percent of the households. In 1981, they were 

rarely seen. 

Material Culture No. 72 

FIGURE 97 

NAME.—(English) Volume measure 

(Korean) Mai 
86 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 96.—Wooden measuring box for whole or powdered grain. Black and white photograph, 1960. 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden cylindrical vessel reinforced 

with iron trimming provided a basic grain measurement. It had 

a height of 32 cm and a diameter of 28.4 cm. There were two 

side lugs to facilitate handling. A wooden rod was used to level 

the surface of the grain assuring a full measure. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This measuring box was widely 

used, particularly by farmers in 1960. It was purchased in 

downtown Kimhae shops. It was said to be Japanese-derived. It 

was described as larger than a traditional Korean one. Villagers 

referred to the traditional Korean measuring unit as "old mal" 

(ku mal), and the Japanese version as "new mal" (sin mal). In 

1981, this mal was seldom seen. 

Hunting and Fishing 

FIGURE 97.—Wooden measuring vessels, mostly used for grain. Black and 

white photograph, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 73 

FIGURE 98 

NAME.—(English) Fish trap 

(Korean) Karae 

Kari 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This fish trap had a conical shape and was 

made with bamboo strips. It was often about 90 cm in height 

and 60 cm in maximum diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The trap was used by wading in 

a flooded paddy, stream, or river, and thrusting the larger open 

end of the trap to the bottom and ensnaring the fish. The fish 

was seized by reaching into the trap's small hole at the top. The 

fish most often caught in this manner was carp. Perhaps 5 

percent of the villagers owned such a trap in 1961, but in 1971 

it was no longer seen. It was made by a local craftsman for sale 

and also by villagers for their own use. It was believed to have 

originated from a Korean prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969:131; Hong, 

1982, Vol. 5:271. 

Material Culture No. 74 

FIGURE 99 

NAME.—(English) Fish trap 

(Korean) T'ongbal 

T'ongbari 

Local and standard 

terms (both are used) 
NUMBER 39 87 

FIGURE 98.—Bamboo fish trap for thrusting downward into a paddy or stream. 

Black and white photograph, 1952. 

DESCRIPTION.—This tunnel-shaped fish trap was constructed with strips of bamboo. The sides of the trap were 

reinforced with a riverside weed (Tchaburak). Three sizes 

existed, but most often it had a 100 cm length and, at the 

entrance, a 60 cm diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This fish trap was used to catch 

small fish, mainly mudfish (loach), that entered the paddies 

from the irrigation canals. The trap may be placed where water 

flowed into a lower paddy, or, after the harvest, when water was 

drained from the paddies. This trap was not widely used. It was 

usually made by a village craftsman. In 1960, it was seen more 

in the third village of the community where there was more rice 

cultivation. The trap disappeared from the community in 1971. 

A pyramidal-shaped fish trap also existed that was made with 

a wire frame and wire mesh. The measurements were 93 x 90 

x 100 cm (base). Villagers said that the trap was once fashioned 

from bamboo, without wire, and that the existing one was a 

modification of the older version. When placed in a stream or 

shallow river, the pyramidal trap was placed so that its open 

base was accessible to fish. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:353. 

Clothing 

Material Culture No. 75 

NAME.—(English) Sandal 

(Korean) Mesin 

Met'uri 

Chipsin 

Local term, said to be 

derived from the term, mit'uri 

Standard term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This woven sandal was made primarily of 

rice straw and could be made in various sizes. The uppers were 

braided and the soles were twined. In better quality sandals, the 

rice straw was reinforced with hemp and river reed. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This sandal was seldom seen in 

the community in 1971, where most persons wore leather or 

rubber shoes. Older villagers said that about 1920, nine out of 

ten persons wore such sandals. A coarsely woven sandal still 

appeared as part of the mourning costume used by relatives of 

the deceased. Hemp was often mixed with the rice straw to bind 

the foot more securely to the sole. Once craftsmen living in the 

community made such straw sandals. Two pairs of sandals 

could be made in one day by a skilled worker. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969:201; Hong, 

1982, Vol. 2:198. 

Material Culture No. 76 

FIGURE 100 

NAME.—(English) Raincoat 

(Korean) Ujang 

Torongi 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 99.—Bamboo fish trap, often placed in running water. Black and white 

photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

DESCRIPTION.—This rain cloak was made with a hemp-like 

grass (Tti) and a rice-straw lining to which was attached a rope 

or cord to tie around the neck and two shoulder loops to support 

the weight and hold the cloak to the body. The length of the 

cloak was often 90 cm and the width 60 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This rain cloak was often worn 

with a wide conical bamboo and sedge hat. Villagers believe 

that the cloak originated in Korea. The rain cloak was used 

when working in the fields, whereas folding umbrellas were for 

visiting and shopping. Since 1960, the hat had almost 
SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

X'- - ' 

FIGURE 100.—Rain cloak and cap. From a color photograph. 

disappeared. Umbrellas were made from oil-soaked paper, 

vinyl, or cloth. Modern raincoats were occasionally seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925; K. Kim, 

1969:324-326, 340-342, photos 400-403. 

Material Culture No. 77 

FIGURE 101 

NAME.—(English) Suitcase 

(Korean) Yanagigori Local term, 

derived from Japanese 

Local Term 

Standard term 

Koritchak 

Podulsangja 

DESCRIPTION.—This wicker-woven willow case with cover 

often had its edges and corners reinforced with cloth. The 

measurements were approximately 70 cm in length, 40 cm in 

width, and 15 cm in height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This Japanese type of traveling 

case, which was made in Korea, resembled a traditional Korean 

version, which was somewhat smaller and had a pine or willow 

frame. The dimensions were 47 x 34 cm with a height of 11 cm. 

The Korean case, which had been often used to hold wedding 

gifts, including food, was almost forgotten, and the Japanese 

case also was seldom seen in 1971. The Japanese case was 

purchased in Pusan. Although once (1951) this case was used 

for traveling, now (1960) it provided storage mainly for 

clothing. 

Material Culture No. 78 

NAME.—(English) Winter inner cap 

(Korean) Huiyang 

Hwiyang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This black or brown silk cap, often with a 

bearskin trimming, was worn by older men during the winter 

season under the traditional horsehair hat. Frequently the 

dimensions of the inner cap were 35 cm from the open crown 

to the nape, 20 cm for the maximum width of the crown, and 12 

cm for the height of the crown. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This cap was homemade or 

purchased in a Kimhae shop. One Korean visitor from Seoul 

was surprised to see that it was worn during a village wedding, 

as he said that this would never occur in Seoul. He speculated 

that such a cap might have been introduced centuries ago into 

Korea from Manchuria or Mongolia. Most villagers attributed 

a Korean origin to the cap. This cap was no longer seen in the 

community in 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Yi, 1970:60, photo; Hong, 

1982, Vol. 2:212. 

Material Culture No. 79 

FIGURE 102 

NAME.—(English) Underhat 

(Korean) T'anggun 

T'anggon 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This was a black, lacquered, open-weave, 

brimless hat woven of horsehair. The hat was made to fit snugly 

over the traditional topknot hairdo of men. The diameter of the 

hat varied, but the height was approximately 12 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This hat was usually worn in 

formal attire beneath the traditional horsehair high-crowned 

hat. It had been many years since any adult male in the Three 

Ministers villages had a topknot hairdo, but this underhat was 

worn nevertheless by a number of older men at home. Such hats 

were made by craftsmen, one of whom lived in the Three 

Ministers village. He had retired and no longer made or 

repaired such hats. This underhat was stored or transported in a 

similarly shaped box. Villagers believed that the hat originated 

with a Korean prototype. In 1960, this underhat was seldom 

seen in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Choi, 1948:111; Hong, 1982, 

Vol. 2:165. 

Material Culture No. 80 

FIGURE 102 

NAME.—(English) Hat 

(Korean) Kat 

DESCRIPTION.—This black-lacquered, open weave, horse-
NUMBER 39 

89 

§<? ^—A -

FIGURE 101.—Willow suitcase. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

hair and often bamboo "stove pipe" hat for men was, until 

about 1945, still worn as part of formal attire by many men over 

fifty years old. It was usually placed over an inner horsehair hat 

that snugly covered a man's topknot of hair. The "stove pipe" 

hat was tied securely beneath the chin with two black silk gauze 

ribbons. Instead of the chin ribbons, at times a string of large 

beads was preferred in summer. The size of the hat varied, but 

one frequently seen had a height of 15 cm and a brim diameter 

of 12 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The hat was made from 

horsehair. The hair was usually taken from the horse's tail, 

which was then steamed and dyed with black ink. imported 

longer horsehair was preferred. After the horsehair was dried, it 

was woven (open checker work) with a needle. The upright 

crown of the hat was usually made of the horsehair alone, but 

the brim had a finely woven bamboo frame (open checker 

work) supporting the woven horsehair. The horsehair, once 

woven was stiffend with pine resin or later, colloid/gelatin. 

Most villagers believed that this unique hat originated in Korea. 

It was seldom seen in 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Yi, 1970:60, 78-83,292. 

FIGURE 102.—Horsehair hat with silk gauze ribbons (left), and a horsehair 

inner hat. Black and white photograph, 1960. 
90 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Material Culture No. 81 

NAME.—(English) Rain and sun hat 

(Korean) Sakkat 

DESCRIPTION.—This cone-shaped hat was made of bamboo 

(woven checker work) and sedge, with an approximate 

maximum diameter of 60 cm and height of 28 cm. It had an 

inner head ring, with an attached chin strap. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Not widely seen, this hat was 

used primarily by men who were working in the fields. It was 

purchased in Kimhae shops. Villagers believe that it had a 

Korean origin. In 1959 it was frequently seen, but by 1971 it 

had almost disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K Kim, 1969:326-327, 342. 

Material Culture No. 82 

NAME.—(English) Bridegroom's hat 

(Korean) Samo 

DESCRIPTION.—This black-lacquered hat was made with 

woven horsehair. The rounded rigid hat had a top elevated in 

the rear to fit over what was once the traditional adult male 

topknot hairdo. There were two short wings attached in the rear, 

which protruded to the left and to the right. The height of the 

hat was approximately 16 cm. The width was adjusted to the 

head size of the bridegroom. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bridegroom in his traditional wedding costume often wore this hat over a western 

haircut. The costume, with the hat, was purchased or rented in 

nearby cities, such as Pusan or Taegu. A village-owned one 

could be borrowed, but it was somewhat worse from wear. 

Villagers referred it to a Yi dynasty royal court prototype. By 

1971, the costume, including the hat, was seldom used as the 

modern wedding with western clothing became popular. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:164, 229. 

Material Culture No. 83 

NAME.—(English) Woman's head cover 

(Korean) Ch'onui 

DESCRIPTION.—The shape of the head cover was that of an 

elongated, truncated pyramid. The outer surface was usually 

red silk and the lining was blue silk. The length was 

approximately 100 cm and the maximum width was 60 cm. 

Four tie-cords were attached. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This head cover was used 

mostly by older women during cold weather. It was occasionally seen in 1959, but not in 1971. Villagers believed it had a 

Korean prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:212. 

Material Culture No. 84 

NAME.—(English) Bridegroom's belt 

(Korean) Tti 

DESCRIPTION.—This belt was made of colorful silk cloth 

over a core of strong Korean paper. More expensive versions 

consisted of leather decorated with tortoise shell. A new belt 

was bought in Kimhae or in Taegu, where many wedding 

garments were manufactured. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A Korean prototype was said by 

villagers to have existed since the Yi dynasty, when a similar 

belt was worn by court officials. By 1971, it was seldom seen 

as the modem marriage in western clothing was preferred. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Yi, 1970:73-77; Hong, 

1982:239-240. 

Material Culture No. 85 

NAME.—(English) Bride's belt 

(Korean) Tti 

Wdnsamtti 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This belt (sash) was made of lightweight 

silk and was usually red in color. It was usually 180 cm in 

length and 7 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This belt was worn over the 

outer gown of the bride. It was often bought in a Pusan, Taegu, 

or Seoul shop (1961) but occasionally was made at the home of 

the bride. Most villagers regarded the belt as they do the entire 

bride costume as ceremonial attire originating from a Korean 

prototype. It was rarely seen in 1971 because modern wedding 

clothing was preferred. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:234-235. 

Material Culture No. 86 

FIGURE 103 

NAME.—(English) Bridegroom's boots 

(Korean) Suiji 

DESCRIPTION.—The traditional bridegroom's boots were an 

essential part of the wedding costume. They were made of 

black silk cloth, red cotton cloth trimming, and cowhide soles. 

The height was often 22 cm; the length of the sole was 26 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Such boots were bought in 

nearby cities, Pusan, Taegu, or Seoul. Poorer families borrowed 

a pair from the set of village-owned wedding costumes, which 

were available as a loan. The boots, as the entire bridegroom's 

costume, was said to be derived from the civil official's attire of 

the Yi dynasty royal court. In 1971, such boots were seldom 

seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:196,230. 

Material Culture No. 87 

FIGURE 104 

NAME.—(English) Bridegroom's costume case 

(Korean) Kwanbokham 

DESCRIPTION.—This distinctive case was made of pine with 

the lid shaped to closely fit the rigid top of the bridegroom's hat 

so as not to crush it. The case was covered with several layers 

of paper that had been soaked in lacquer seed-oil. The color of 
NUMBER 39 91 

to be derived from a Korean prototype. Traditional wedding 

ceremonies seldom occurred in 1971. 

FIGURE 103.—Bridegroom's wedding boots. Sketch. 

the box was usually orange-red. The size frequently was 60 cm 

long, 30 cm wide, and 15 cm high. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The capacity of the case was 

sufficient for one complete bridegroom's costume. One such 

case with a bridegroom's costume was available as a loan in 

each of the three villages in 1960. However, a family who had 

decided upon a traditional wedding ceremony, if financially 

capable, preferred a new case with a new costume. The case 

was made elsewhere by a Korean craftsman and was believed 

Material Culture No. 88 

NAME.—(English) Bridal chest 

(Korean) Pongch'aeham 

Yejangham 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This chest contained the bride's wedding 

dress, or gifts for the bride from the bridegroom's parents, 

which were often cloth for the wedding dress and jewelry, such 

as a long, ornamented hairpin. The size of the chest was often 

75 cm long, 35 cm wide, and 30 cm high. It was made of wood 

and lacquered with metal fixtures. The colors employed were 

red, yellow, and black. Chinese good luck characters for 

happiness, longevity, and wealth were displayed on the sides 

and top of the chest. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, this chest was usually 

purchased in Pusan, Taegu, or in Seoul. The prototype was 

believed by villagers to be Korean. The bridal chest by 1971 

was seldom used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Choe, 1958-1960, Vol. 

1:494. 

Material Culture No. 89 

FIGURE 105 

NAME.—(English) Bride's pendant 

(Korean) Taenggi 

DESCRIPTION.—This red silk pendant, decorated with auspicious gold symbols and Chinese characters for happiness, 

longevity, and many sons, was attached to the coronet so as to 

hang down the back of the bride. It was usually about 89 cm in 

length and 21 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This pendant might be borrowed or rented with the bridal costume, or it could be 

purchased in Pusan or Taegu. Because of the popularity of 

•<? ' 

FIGURE 104.—Bridegroom's costume case. Black and white photograph, 1971, 

Victor Krantz. 

FIGURE 105.—Bridal coronet, with attached pendants and accessories. Also 

shown are hairpin and sash. From a color photograph, 1971. 
92 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

modern weddings with western clothes, the brides pendant was 

disappearing in 1971, as were other parts of the bridal costume. 

Villagers believed that the bridal pendant had a Korean 

prototype. A similar but smaller version was reported to have 

once been worn attached to the end of a long braid of hair by 

unmarried women, but it was not seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Korean Encycl., Vol. 5:566; 

Vol. 6:834; Kim, 1963; Hong, 1982, Vol. 1:500; Vol. 

2:230-231. 

Material Culture No. 90 

FIGURE 105 

NAME.—(English) Bride's coronet 

(Korean) Tchokturi Local term 

Hwagwan Local term 

Chokturi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—One of several varieties of bridal coronets 

appeared with the traditional bridal costume. One was made 

with a wire base covered with silk cloth. It had a hexagonal top 

and a round opening on the base to fit upon the top of the 

bride's head. Various decorations including beads, sequins, and 

embroidery were added. The dimensions were often 10 cm in 

height and 10 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—New coronets in 1960 were 

purchased in nearby cities. Villagers used the first two terms 

cited above as synonyms. By 1971 the term hwagwan was no 

longer used. Only one of the three villages had a used coronet 

that could be borrowed by a poor family for a traditional 

wedding. Villagers believed that it originated with a Korean 

prototype. It was seldom used in 1971 because of the 

preference for a modern (western) ceremony. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Korean Encycl., Vol. 5:566. 

Material Culture No. 91 

NAME.—(English) Bridegroom's gown 

(Korean) Kwanbo 

Kwandae 

DESCRIPTION.—This gown was made of multicolored silk, 

with a belt of cloth and leather that was inlaid with tortoise shell 

or semiprecious stones. A distinctive feature of the costume 

was an embroidered plaque, once indicative of official rank, 

appearing on the front of the gown. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bridegroom's gown was 

said to be patterned after a civil official's attire of the Yi 

dynasty (1392-1910). This historical origin of traditional 

wedding clothing was known to many villagers. Newly made 

bridegroom gowns were purchased in the nearby cities of 

Pusan, Taegu, or Seoul. Each of the three villages in the 

community had a somewhat dilapidated bridegroom's gown 

that was borrowed by poorer families. The traditional gown 

was seldom seen in 1971. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Korean Encycl., 1982, Vol. 

2:168. 

FIGURE 106.—Traditional woman's bridal dress of silk with stamped gold 

designs. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 92 

FIGURES 106,107 

NAME.—(English) Bride's dress 

(Korean) Changot Local term 

Hwarot Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This traditional wedding dress was made of 

silk cloth. Over the red gown was a long silk green coat. The 

FIGURE 107.—Traditional bridal costume of silk. From a color photograph, 

1969. 
NUMBER 39 93 

total length of the gown was approximately 113 cm, and its 

width, excluding the sleeves, was 50 cm. The sleeves extended 

to 60 cm or longer. The sleeves often have colorful lateral 

stripes of red, green, yellow, and white. A wide silk sash worn 

on the gown was often stamped with auspicious gold symbols. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bride's costume, if not 

borrowed or rented, was usually purchased in Pusan, Taegu, or 

Seoul. The prototype of the bride's dress, according to 

villagers, was the costume worn by a princess during the Yi 

dynasty (1392-1910). In 1960, it continued to be used in 

weddings. In 1971, as modern marriages became popular, the 

traditional costume seldom appeared in wedding ceremonies. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Kim, 1963:146-147; Korean 

Encycl., Vol. 6:877; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:178, 231-233. 

Material Culture No. 93 

NAME.—(English) Needle 

(Korean) Panul 

DESCRIPTION.—All Korean needles were made of steel in 

various sizes, frequently 4 to 6 cm, and occasionally 9 cm, in 

length. The length and diameter of a needle varied according to 

its use. 

(1) Kanun panul for thin thread to do embroidery. 

(2) Chung panul for ordinary needle work. 

(3) K'un panul for sheets and coverlets. 

(4) Kilgoganun panul for thick fabrics. 

(5) Kulgoganun panul for leather work. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Needles were bought in a 

downtown Kimhae shop or from a visiting peddler. A Kimhae 

shop specialized in sewing equipment and was frequently 

patronized by village women. Steel needles were said to have 

been introduced during the Japanese occupation of Korea, prior 

to 1945. Village informants had never seen a traditional iron 

Korean needle. Steel needles of various sizes continued to be 

widely used in 1981. 

Material Culture No. 94 

NAME.—(English) Thread holder (spool) 

(Korean) Silp'ae 

DESCRIPTION.—This rectangular wooden, occasionally plastic, thread holder varied in size, usually 12 cm in length and 4 

cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Other types of thread holders 

included a wooden Maltese cross and a spool that could be used 

on a sewing machine. Another more makeshift type of thread 

holder was simply a small roll of paper. Wooden thread holders 

were either homemade or factory-made; plastic versions were 

factory-made. Spools were said to have been introduced by the 

Japanese prior to 1945 and later were made in Korea. A survey 

of village homes in 1971 revealed that 75 percent had wooden 

holders and 23 percent had plastic ones. Some families 

FIGURE 108.—Foot-operated sewing machine made of steel, with a red 

lacquered wooden cabinet. From a color photograph, 1971. 

possessed both types. Both wooden and plastic thread holders 

were still in use in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:202. 

Material Culture No. 95 

FIGURE 108 

NAME.—(English) Sewing machine 

(Korean) T'ul Local term 

Chaebongt'ul Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—These imported foot-operated or handoperated sewing machines were made of steel. Approximately 

one-half of those in the community were manufactured by 

Singer (U.S.A.) and the remaining were various Japanese 

models, e.g., Sumire. Most sewing machines were approximately 20 cm in height, 36 cm in length, and had a metal base 

of 8.5 cm in width. The wooden platform for sewing machines 

was about 78 cm in length and 42 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Village housewives highly 

prized sewing machines. In 1951, only about 20 percent owned 

such machines. In 1968, 43 percent were able to afford to own 

one. In 1981, sewing machines were not frequently used as 

ready made garments were available in Kimhae shops. 

Clothing was also made by a local dressmaker. 

Material Culture No. 96 

FIGURE 109 

NAME.—(English) Sewing kit 

(Korean) Panujil tangsigi Local term 

Panujiltogu sangja Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A sewing kit was often an open, square, 

wooden (pine) box with its sides, exterior and interior, covered 
94 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 109.—Sewing kit basket. Sketch. 

with colorful decorative paper. Chinese characters referred to 

riches, honor, and sons. Sewing boxes usually contained 

needles, thimbles, scissors, thread, and pieces of cloth. 

Thimbles were made of cloth. The dimensions of the sewing 

box often were 31 cm wide, 31 cm long, and 7 cm high. Other 

types of sewing boxes were made of bamboo or plastic. Round 

and octagonal shapes occurred. When bamboo was used, there 

was a "double weave" (an outer twined and inner twilled plait). 

Square bamboo sewing baskets often had a width and length of 

30 cm each and a height of 10 cm. Round bamboo sewing 

baskets had a diameter of 37 cm and a height of 12 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Plastic sewing cases were 

becoming more popular and often resembled traditional ones in 

shape and size. In 1978, 75 percent of village homes visited had 

paper covered wooden sewing boxes, and 25 percent had 

plastic ones. Several of the households that were using plastic 

sewing boxes continued to keep an older wooden version. 

Sewing boxes were said to symbolize the "happy life." They 

were often purchased in downtown Kimhae. In 1981, both 

wooden and plastic versions coexisted in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:201. 

Material Culture No. 97 

NAME.—(English) Scissors 

(Korean) Kasige 

Kawi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Although one type of steel scissors in the 

community varied in size, it often had a length of 22 cm or 25 

cm. The two loop handles were of different sizes, the smaller 

one was for the thumb. The larger loop handle was often 8 x 3.5 

cm. The two blades of the scissors had cutting edges and 

pointed ends. The blades pivoted around a screw. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The type of scissors, described 

above, was believed to have been introduced by the Japanese. 

Smaller traditional scissors, made of iron, with semi-circular 

blades, straight cutting edges, and a pair of loop handles were 

still in use. A larger, iron scissors (see Material Culture No. 

200) with loosely attached blades continued to be used by 

candy peddlers in 1960. Steel scissors were made in Pusan or in 

Taegu and were usually available in downtown Kimhae shops. 

In 1981, each home had at least one pair of scissors. There were 

also smaller scissors with plastic handles that were used mainly 

by primary school children. Western-style scissors, in various 

sizes, with two-looped handles, with one handle larger than the 

other, mostly for cutting cloth, were widely used. Villagers 

believed that the western scissors were introduced by the 

Japanese. Shears for cutting sheet metal and gardening were 

also seen in 1971 and 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954, Vol. 

4(2):58. 

Material Culture No. 98 

FIGURE 110 

NAME.—(English) Sandal rack and tool assemblage 

(Korean) Sinful 

DESCRIPTION.—Sandal-making tools included a wooden 

rack attached to a wooden board on which the craftsman sits to 

stabilize the rack, a slender hammer, a wooden mallet, a 

wooden sandal mold, an iron gimlet, an iron knife, an iron 

scraper, and a wooden wedge. The rack, with its upright pegs, 

and the inserted baseboard, was T-shaped and had a total length 

of 70 cm. Height of the rack was 22 cm; its maximum width 

was 16 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These tools, mentioned above, 

were owned by a village craftsman. By means of a control bar 

and an attached rope, he used his waist to maintain the desired 

tension when weaving. Better quality sandals were made of rice 

straw with reed and hemp. In 1960, the craftsman, having 

retired, sold his tool assemblage.7 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:307-308, 320. 

Material Culture No. 99 

FIGURE 111 

NAME.—(English) Washboard 

(Korean) Ppallaeida Local term 

Ppallaetomae Local term 

Ppallaep'an Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This rectangular washboard, often with 

thirty horizontal ridges, was made of pine wood. The 

dimensions were 58 cm in length, 22 cm in width, with a 

thickness of 1.5 cm. A plastic version had also appeared, which 

closely resembled the wooden washboard. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The washboard was frequently 

used with a washtub for lightweight fabrics. Heavier cloth and 

garments were washed on a rock with a heavy wooden paddle 

at a stream or well. In 1969, when a washboard was worn, it 

was replaced with a plastic version. In a survey of 275 village 

homes, 79 percent had wooden washboards and 8 percent had 

plastic ones. Villagers stated that the washboard was introduced by the Japanese. Wooden and plastic washboards were 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, village 

housewives continue to use both wooden and plastic versions. 
NUMBER 39 95 

FIGURE 110.—Tools of a straw-sandal maker. Black and white photograph, 1962. 

FIGURE 111.—Wooden washboard (pine). Black and white photograph, 1952. 

Material Culture No. 100 

FIGURE 112 

NAME.—(English) (a) Iron (collars and seams) 

(b) Iron (open, charcoal) 

(c) Iron (closed, charcoal) 

(d) Flatiron 

(e) Iron (electric) 

(Korean) (a) Indu 

(b) Taribi 

Tarimi 

(c) Yangboktarimi 

(d) Set'aksoyong tarimi 

(e) Taribi 

Chon'gidarimi 

Local term 

Standard term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Five types of irons for making clothing and 

sheets smooth were seen in the community. 

(a) This iron had a small triangular metal (iron) head, with a 

straight metal (iron) tang and wooden handle. The head of the 

iron was placed into a burning charcoal brazier to be heated. It 

was used for seams and collars. Total length was 30 cm; the 

length of the head was 6 cm, and the width was 4 cm. 

(b) This iron consisted of a small metal (iron) open 

bowl-shaped container with a flat base to hold hot charcoal. 

The implement had a straight iron tang with wooden handle. 

The length was 23 cm, with the diameter of the bowl 19 cm and 

the depth of the bowl 5.3 cm. 

(c) The shape of this iron resembled an electric iron but it 

had a hollow interior to hold burning charcoal. In front of the 

horizontal wooden handle, above the triangular iron body, was 

a spout by which hot charcoal was placed into the interior 

chamber. A small aperture, with a sliding cover, was at the rear 

of the chamber to permit the removal of ashes and to provide a 

draft. Total length of the iron was 22 cm, and the height 15 cm. 

(d) This flatiron, with a horizontal wooden handle, was 

triangular in shape and had a length of 22 cm, with a height of 

15 cm. 

(e) An electric iron, with a horizontal plastic handle and a 
96 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 112.—Irons (to smooth clothing), charcoal-heated and electric, with a cloth covered ironing pad. Black 

and white photograph, 1969. 

heat control gauge above the steel triangular body, was 20 cm 

in length and 15 cm in height. An electric cord was attached. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—(a) This charcoal-heated iron 

was seen in many village homes. In a 1967 survey, it was in 41 

percent of the households. It was purchased in a downtown 

Kimhae shop. Villagers regarded it as a traditional Korean 

implement. An electrified version was also seen. 

(b) This iron, with an open bowl to hold hot charcoal, was 

used in many households as it was a cheap and effective 

method of doing the ironing. It was thought to be derived from 

a Korean prototype, and was purchased in downtown Kimhae. 

(c) This iron, with its enclosed chamber for burning 

charcoal, appeared rarely in the community. Villagers said that 

its prototype was introduced by the Japanese. It was purchased 

in a downtown Kimhae shop. 

(d) The flatiron was only used in a laundry shop within the 

community. It was a recently introduced type of iron and was 

purchased in Pusan. 

(e) The electric iron was the most popular iron in the first 

and second villages of the ward. In these two villages, a 1969 

survey disclosed that electric irons were present in 68 percent 

of the households. The third village, having received electricity 

more recently, had fewer. Often housewives who did not own 

an electric iron would borrow one from a neighbor. Electric 

irons were usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. In 

1981, only electric irons were used throughout the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:206-207, 383-

384. 

Material Culture No. 101 

FIGURE 113 

NAME.—(English) (a) Ironing block 

(b) Bat 

(c) Ironing bar 

(Korean) (a) Tadimidol Local term 

Tadumittol Standard term 

(b) Pangmaengi Local term 

Pangmangi Standard term 

(c) Hongdukkae 

DESCRIPTION.—This was a rectangular block of stone 

(granite or slate), sometimes hardwood, with four squat legs. 
NUMBER 39 97 

The smooth rectangular top was slightly rounded at the corners. 

The length was usually 54 cm, the width 20 cm, and the height 

10 cm. The pair of wooden (birch) ironing bats were each 38 

cm in length, round, and tapered to the distal end. Each had a 

maximum diameter of 3.7 cm. A wooden (birch) ironing bar 

also existed for flatwork, which was 87 or 91 cm in length; each 

end had a diameter of 6 cm. The wooden ironing bar was held 

horizontally on a stand with two upright supports. One end of 

this ironing bar had an iron ring attachment. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Clothing of silk, cotton, and 

hemp, which was dampened and starched, was ironed upon the 

block by being beaten with a pair of bats. Often two women, 

seated and facing each other, with the ironing block between 

them, would beat a garment with their bats on the block with a 

distinctive rhythm. One or two women would also iron a long 

cloth or sheet wrapped around the wooden ironing bar, by 

rhythmically beating the fabric to a smooth finish with the bats. 

Cloth, after an ironing on the block or bar, acquired a glossy 

appearance. During a survey in 1967, ironing blocks and bats 

were seen in 51 percent of village households. The ironing bar 

was present only in 8 percent of the homes. The villagers 

believed that the prototypes of the ironing block, the ironing 

bar, and the bats were all Korean. In 1981, only the electric iron 

was used for ironing cloth. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:383-385. 

Material Culture No. 102 

NAME.—(English) Spinning wheel 

(Korean) Mulle 

DESCRIPTION.—A wooden spinning wheel, with an iron and 

bamboo spindle, to convert fibers into yarn, was hand-operated. 

Both the wheel and the spindle were attached to a baseboard. 

The diameter of the wheel was 40 cm. The length of the spindle 

was 24 cm, and the length of the baseboard was 60 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—As the wheel was turned by its 

handle, the spindle, with cotton or hemp fibers, also revolved to 

produce a ball of yam. In 1951, only a few villagers owned 

such a spinning wheel and they seldom used it. They preferred 

to buy yam in a Kimhae shop. Villagers stated that by 1968 

spinning wheels were no longer in use. In 1971, only one 

spinning wheel could be found. One retired village carpenter in 

FIGURE 113.—Wooden ironing bats (birch) with ironing stone block (granite). Black and white photograph, 1952. 
98 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

the second village said in 1981 that he had occasionally made 

spinning wheels for clients in the past. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954:102-103; 

Conventional-Tools:99-100; Hong, 1982:209. 

Material Culture No. 103 

NAME.—(English) Clothing chest (three stories) 

(Korean) Chang Local term 

Samch'ung (ot)chang Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden chest consisted of three separate sections placed upon one another. The bottom section had 

three drawers; the central section had two sliding doors; the top 

section also had two sliding doors. The light weight wood of 

the chest was pawlonia. The surface of such a chest often was 

plain, sometimes enhanced with brass metal work. The chest 

had a height of 170 cm, a width of 90 cm, and a depth of 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The two lower sections of this 

chest were used mostly to store clothing. The top section often 

contained miscellaneous items. The chest was usually bought 

in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1971, this chest was in 

approximately 15 percent of the homes. This chest was rarely 

seen in 1981. It was believed to be derived from a Japanese 

prototype. 

Material Culture No. 104 

NAME.—(English) Wardrobe chest 

(Korean) Chang 

Ilch'ung yangbokchang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wardrobe had two upright compartments, one with shelves and the other for hanging western-style 

suits, and below was a separate section with two drawers. One 

of the upright compartments had two doors and the other had 

one. All three doors were of translucent glass. The shelves were 

often used for storing bedding, and the two drawers below were 

mostly for traditional clothing. The wardrobe was made of 

persimmon wood. The handles of the drawers were of brass. 

The wardrobe was 160 cm in height, 100 cm in length, and 50 

cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This type of wardrobe was 

referred to as "new style" and had a combination of western and 

Japanese features. The two upright compartments were thought 

to be western and the lower section with its two drawers 

Japanese. This wardrobe was priced less than traditional 

Korean chests. It was most often bought in downtown Kimhae 

stores. In 1981, this wardrobe appeared but was modified. The 

glass doors were replaced with plywood panels and painted 

with brown varnish. 

Material Culture No. 105 

NAME.—(English) Clothing chest 

(Korean) Chang 

Ich'ungjang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This chest had two separate sections, an 

upper and lower, and a base with four stubby legs. The wood 

was often elm with white or yellow brass fixtures. The upper 

and the lower sections were identical. Each had one large 

compartment with two hinged doors and five small drawers. 

The outer surfaces of the two doors were often decorated with 

a landscape or a floral setting. A more expensive version of this 

chest had mother-of-pearl designs. A modernized chest had 

mica surfaces and additional metal decor. Total height was 

often 170 cm, width 130 cm, and depth 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This traditional chest, especially those with mother-of-pearl and more elaborate metal 

ornamentation, were owned by a few prosperous families. This 

chest was used mostly for clothing. The chest was purchased at 

a downtown Kimhae shop. The prototype was believed by 

villagers to be Korean. In 1981, a few were still in the 

community. Most of the traditional chests had been replaced 

with plain western-style furniture. Another wardrobe was seen 

in the homes of more affluent villagers. The upper compartment had two doors, each of which had a round mirror. The 

lower section had two large drawers. The chest was made of 

pawlonia wood with a clear lacquer revealing the grain of the 

wood. The white brass decor, namely the handles, keyholes, 

and hinges, had floral designs. The chest was made in Milyang 

(a town in the same province). The size was 91 x 49 x 175 cm. 

Adornment 

Material Culture No. 106 

FIGURES 114,115 

NAME.—(English) (a) Finger ring 

(b) Finger rings (double) 

(Korean) (a) Panji 

(b) Karakchi 

DESCRIPTION.—Single or double finger rings made of silver 

or gold were popular among village women. Double gold rings 

were used for weddings. Both single and double rings of jade or 

amber were occasionally seen. Often floral surface designs on 

metal rings, especially on gold, were incised or raised. Gold 

rings varied in gold content from 18 to 22 carats. Both gold and 

silver rings usually included alloys, though reference was made 

by villagers to pure gold rings in earlier times. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Most men did not wear rings, 

but in 1971 a few were seen. Their rings were usually gold, 

often with an upper single engraved facet. Rings were 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, older women 

still preferred to wear gold or silver rings. Marriage arrangements still involved a gift of rings in 1981. Many brides 

preferred to receive diamond rings and did receive them from 

well-to-do parents. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:161,285. 
NUMBER 39 99 

FIGURE 114.—Double silver wedding rings. Black and white photograph, 1970. 

Material Culture No. 107 

FIGURE 115 

NAME.—(English) Hairpin 

(Korean) Pinyo 

DESCRIPTION.—This straight hairpin, with an ornate head, 

usually had a smooth surface with a rounded point. It was often 

made of silver, but some were of wood, porcelain, copper, 

aluminum, platinum, gold, or jade. The length was often 11.8 

cm and the diameter was 0.5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This type of hairpin was widely 

used in 1960 by women who were forty years of age and older. 

It was thrust from the right side through the bun at the nape of 

the neck. Both the head and the end of the hairpin were 

exposed. During the summer, wood or porcelain hairpins were 

often preferred as, it was said, they were lighter in weight. 

Wooden hairpins were also used by women in association with 

hemp or white clothing as part of mourning attire. In 1981, only 

old women wore hairpins that are described above. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:183. 

Material Culture No. 108 

FIGURE 115 

NAME.—(English) Comb, bamboo 

(Korean) Ch'aembit 

Ch'ambit 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The rectangular bamboo comb had two sets 

of teeth, one on either side of the comb. One set of teeth was 

fine and the other coarse so that the comb could be used to clean 

as well as to arrange hair as desired. The size of the comb was 

5 x 9 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This comb was used primarily 

by women. It was used only on dry hair as moisture would 

loosen the glue in the comb. It was found in most homes in the 

community during a 1971 survey. It was usually purchased in 

a Kimhae store. Villagers believed that it had a Korean 

prototype. In a 1981 survey, the bamboo comb was rarely seen. 

Plastic versions of this comb were in common use, often with 

some modification. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:189. 

Material Culture No. 109 

FIGURE 115 

NAME.—(English) Comb, wood 

(Korean) Namubit 

Ollebit 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This comb was made of willow and had one 

coarse set of teeth. Usually the surface of the comb has been 

seared to remove any frayed wooden fibers and to enhance its 

appearance. The size was 6x 9 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This comb was purchased in a 

downtown Kimhae shop or from a vendor during market day in 

Kimhae. The comb, with its more coarse teeth, was frequently 

used before the bamboo comb. The wood comb was believed 

by villagers to be derived from a Korean prototype. During a 

survey in 1971, this comb was found only in 22 percent of 

community homes. Combs made of steel were seen in nearly 9 

percent of the households. Although both the wood and the 

steel combs had a limited distribution, western-style plastic 

combs, large and small, were found in 82 percent of the homes 

by 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:189. 

Material Culture No. 110 

FIGURE 116 

NAME.—(English) Cosmetic chest 

(Korean) Kyongdae 

Hwajangdae 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 115.—Willow and bamboo combs; aluminum hairpin; silver finger 

ring. Black and white photograph, 1960. 

DESCRIPTION.—This cosmetic chest had a rectangular, 

upright mirror, usually three or four small drawers and an 

adjacent compartment, but no supporting legs. It was made of 

wood (often pine or pawlonia) and painted with lacquer. The 

colors often were red and black, or brown. The size of the 
100 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 116.—A cosmetic make-up stand with a mirror. Black and white 

photograph, 1952. 

cosmetic chest varied, but it often had a length of 52 cm and a 

width of 21 cm, with a mirror about 61 cm in height and 40 cm 

in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, this chest or "makeup 

table" was seen only in a few households. In 1978, the "makeup 

table" was in 58 percent of the households of the community. 

Villagers believed that it was introduced by the Japanese. It was 

now made in Korea and purchased most often in a downtown 

Kimhae shop. This Japanese-style chest was usually less 

expensive than a Korean version, and the mirror was larger. 

Many women used any available mirror with their cosmetics 

upon a small table. In 1981, most households had the 

Japanese-style chest with some modification expressing the 

"modern mode." 

Material Culture No. Ill 

FIGURE 117 

NAME.—(English) Cosmetic "make-up" box 

(Korean) Kyongdae 

a mirror attached to the underside of the hinged top, was often 

made of chestnut wood or zelkovia. The surface of the box was 

frequently decorated with floral and bird motifs in mother-ofpearl on black lacquer. Etched white brass or nickel fittings, 

often with clouds and other motifs, were used for the hinges, 

the latch, and structural braces. Movable bails were attached on 

two sides. Locks were ornate and were often brass or white 

brass. There were two drawers behind two hinged doors in the 

front. The dimensions were 30 cm in height, 40 cm in length, 

and 30 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This "makeup" box was regarded as a curio in 1981 and was rarely seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:194. 

Material Culture No. 112 

NAME.—(English) Wristwatch 

(Korean) Sonmoksigye 

DESCRIPTION.—The western-style wristwatches worn by the 

men and women of the village community were usually made 

of stainless steel. The shapes varied, women's watches usually 

were smaller, but often the face of the watches were round and 

displayed Arabic numerals. 

DESCRIPTION.—This traditional portable cosmetic box, with FIGURE 117.—A cosmetic makeup box with a mirror. Sketch. 
NUMBER 39 101 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Western wristwatches were 

introduced after World War II and were popular, especially 

with men. However, a survey taken in 1968 revealed as many 

as 47 percent of the women owned a wristwatch. Silver or gold 

watch cases were admired but were too costly for most 

villagers. Watches were purchased in downtown Kimhae or in 

Pusan. In 1981, almost all adults had wrist watches; younger 

adults preferred digital watches because of the novelty and 

cheaper price. 

Agriculture 

Material Culture No. 113 

FIGURE 118 

NAME.—(English) Tray 

(Korean) Kwangjiri Local term 

Kwangjuri Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round, wicker-woven tray with a raised 

rim was made of willow shoots or bamboo. The size varied but 

usually the diameter was between 45 and 60 cm, and the height 

was either 7 or 8 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Both the willow and the 

bamboo trays were widely used to dry red pepper, other 

vegetables, and fish in the sun, and they also were often used to 

carry fruit, cakes, and other items. These trays were made by 

artisans who live in the Kimhae area but not in the studied 

community. The trays were sold in Kimhae shops and by booth 

vendors during market day in Kimhae. Villagers believed that 

the tray was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, these 

trays continued to be widely used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:237-238, 256, 

photo 297; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:483. 

Material Culture No. 114 

FIGURE 119 

NAME.—(English) Winnowing basket 

(Korean) Ch'aei Local term 

K'i Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This rectangular wickerwork basket, with a 

slight but distinctive hood shape at one end, was made of 

willow or bamboo with the sides of pine strips. Wings existed 

along the two sides near the open end. The pine wood sides 

were tied to the wickerwork body with arrowroot. The 

dimensions were often 50 cm in width and 70 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In the 1950s this shallow basket 

was most frequently, but not exclusively, used by women. 

When the grain was tossed into the air, preferably when there 

was a breeze, the chaff was blown away as the grain fell off the 

open end of the basket to a straw mat on the ground. The basket 

was not made in the village but elsewhere by Kimhae artisans. 

It was bought at a downtown Kimhae shop. The winnowing 

FIGURE 118.—A twilled-work tray (basket) of willow and wicker was often 

used for drying fish and peppers. From a color photograph, 1971. 

basket resembled one of Japanese origin but was somewhat 

narrower, with the wing attachments. Villagers believed that 

the winnowing basket had a Korean origin. In 1981, it was used 

infrequently because of available power-driven threshers. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:159-160, 168; 

Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:605. 

Material Culture No. 115 

FIGURE 120 

NAME.—(English) Grain basket 

(Korean) Tungt'aegi Local term 

Tungjimi Standard Term 

Tunggumi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round, plain twined basket was made 

of rice straw, or bamboo. Different sizes existed. A smaller one 

had the diameters for its base of 40 cm and its top of 45 cm. The 

height was 50 cm. It was used for sowing seed in the fields. It 

was suspended from one shoulder with a rope sling. The larger 

sizes were for storing grain temporarily during harvest time. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The basket, when made from 

rice straw, was created by the farmer who had need of it. If 

constructed of bamboo, it was purchased in Kimhae. Villagers 

believed that such baskets had Korean prototypes. In 1971, they 

were widely used in the community. In 1981, they had almost 

disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, photos 82-85; 

K. Kim, 1969:267, 275. 

Material Culture No. 116 

NAME.—(English) Lid, reed 

(Korean) Ch'aep'an 

Ch'aesang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This twilled reed lid was made in various 

sizes to fit on the top of ceramic vessels containing water, 

soybean sauce, or other foodstuffs. 
102 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 119.—Willow winnowing basket. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This lid was widely used in the 

community in the 1950s. It was made by a village artisan and 

often bought directly from him; however, it could also be 

purchased from Kimhae shops. Villagers said that it originated 

from a Korean prototype. In 1971, it was rarely seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1985, Vol. 5:518. 

Material Culture No. 117 

FIGURE 121 

NAME.—(English) Bag, rice straw 

(Korean) Kamanittaegi 

Kamani 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This rice-straw bag was tightly woven 

wickerwork. Its dimensions were 80 cm in width and 90 cm in 

length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This bag was used primarily to 

store and to ship rice and other grain. It was frequently made on 

a foot-operated machine. One small factory for such bags 

existed in the community. This widely used bag could be 

bought either at the village factory or from a Kimhae shop. 

Villagers stated that this straw bag was introduced into Korea 

during the Japanese occupation. Factory-made synthetic fiber 

bags, introduced in 1970, often replaced the straw bags. 

However, the straw bag continued in use for long-term storage. 

In 1981, straw bags were rarely used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, illus.; K. Kim, 

1969:258-259, 271, photos 305-307. 
NUMBER 39 103 

FIGURE 122.—Handmade storage bag of stitched rice straw. Black and white 

photograph, 1952. 

FIGURE 120.—Grain basket made of rice straw in a plain twisted weave. Black 

and white photograph, 1952. 

Material Culture No. 118 

FIGURE 122 

NAME.—(English) Bag, rice straw 

(Korean) Som 

DESCRIPTION.—This was a homemade twined (two strands) 

bag of rice straw with a capacity of 10 liters. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bag was used for temporary 

storage in mills and warehouses and for home storage of rice 

and other grain. It had been mostly replaced by the Japaneseintroduced machine-made straw bags for shipping, storing, and 

selling grain. By 1971 this bag had almost disappeared. In 

1981, a synthetic fiber version of the bag was widely used. The 

homemade woven bag was still seen in homes. Villagers said 

that it had a Korean prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925; K. Kim, 

1969:256-257, 271, photos 305-307. 

Material Culture No. 119 

NAME.—(English) Drying mat 

(Korean) Toksok 

Mongsok 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 121.—Machine-made storage bag of rice straw. Black and white 

photograph, 1969. 

DESCRIPTION.—This mat was plain-twined woven from 

rice-straw rope. It was either rectangular or circular in shape. 

The size of the rectangular mat was often 300 x 200 cm and the 

round version was 170 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Both the rectangular and the 

round mats were used to dry grain in the sun. The mats were 

also used for playing the game yut or simply for sitting in the 

yard. Such mats were widely used. These mats could be made 

at home or bought in Kimhae during market day. A skilled 

weaver could make such a mat in approximately three days. 

Villagers believed that this mat had a Korean prototype. It was 

used until about 1971 and then disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925; K. Kim, 

1969:147-148, 153, photos 155-162. 

Material Culture No. 120 

FIGURE 123 

NAME.—(English) Straw-bag loom 

(Korean) Kamanit'ul 

DESCRIPTION.—This foot-operated mechanical loom for 

manufacturing rice-straw bags with a wicker weave was 

factory-made of wood and iron. It had a height of 150 cm and 

a width of 80 cm. 
104 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 123.—Straw-bag loom. From a color photograph, 1969. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—As of 1971 there were twenty 

looms of this type in the third village (Front Hill) of the 

consolidated community. Such looms were first brought into 

the community in 1963. A rice-straw bag was woven by this 

machine in about forty minutes. Some of the bags were sold 

within the community for rice storage. Straw bags were also cut 

open along one side and bottom to serve as insulating mats over 

vinyl greenhouses in cold weather. Such looms were said to 

have been introduced by the Japanese. They were manufactured 

and purchased in Pusan and, after 1945, in nearby Kup'o town 

on the Naktong River. In 1971, a small factory with electrified 

looms was in the first village (South Post) of the community. 

By 1981, the straw bag had been mostly replaced by the 

synthetic fiber bag. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:306-307, 319. 

Material Culture No. 121 

NAME.—(English) Straw-bag rack 

(Korean) Somt'ul 

Charit'ul 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wood (pine) rack upon which ricestraw bags (som) were made by hand had a maximum width of 

102 cm and a length of 190 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This supporting rack was 

constructed by the farmer who needed it. It had disappeared 

from the community by the 1960s as had the straw bag that was 

made upon it. Villagers believed that the rack had a Korean 

prototype. 

The traditional rice-straw bag (som) was replaced after 1945 

by another (kamani), which only held one-half as much rice or 

barley. Within the Three Ministers community the traditional 

rice-straw bag (som) rack was used up to the 1960s; the smaller 

bag (kamani) rack from the 1940s to the early 1970s; and 

electrical machinery to make the smaller bag (kamani) was 

used from about 1976 to 1981. 

Material Culture No. 122 

FIGURE 124 

NAME.—(English) Straw-rope machine 

(Korean) Saekkit'ul 

DESCRIPTION.—This foot-operated straw-rope machine consisted of a wooden frame with iron moving parts. Rice straw 

was fed into the machine through two small iron funnels and 

converted into rope. The base of the machine was 153 cm, and 

the height was 135 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Within the community of the 

three villages during a survey in 1970, fifty-five rope machines 

were noted, or 15.8 percent of the households owned such 

equipment. Often the owner of a straw-rope machine also had 

a separate reel or roller upon which the finished rope was kept. 

It had a diameter of 52 cm and, with its stand, a height of 95 cm. 

These machines were made in Korea but were first introduced, 

it was said, by the Japanese. In 1981, they were no longer seen 

in the community. 
NUMBER 39 105 

FIGURE 124.—Straw-rope machine. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 123 

FIGURE 125 

NAME.—(English) Flail (beater) 

(Korean) Torikkae 

DESCRIPTION.—The flail consisted of three or four twigs or 

branches (ash or juniper) lashed together, often with leather 

thongs, to be used as a rotating arm, which was inserted in the 

root end of a bamboo handle. The length of the rotating arm 

was about 110 cm, and the length of the bamboo handle was 

170 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This traditional implement was 

often used to thresh beans, barley, or sometimes rice, which 

were placed upon a mat, or upon the ground. It was seen by the 

author in use by solitary villagers. It was said, however, that 

flails were used also by small groups of beaters under the 

direction of a "conductor" who sang or chanted to maintain a 

tempo. Villagers believed that this flail had a Korean origin. In 

a 1971 survey, 32 percent of households owned such a tool. It 

was rarely seen after 1975 in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931; Needham, 

1954:131; K. Kim, 1969:137-140, 145-146. 

Material Culture No. 124 

FIGURE 126 

NAME.—(English) Comb thresher 

(Korean) Holk'ae Local term 

Holch'i Standard term 

Kune Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This thresher consisted of an upturned iron 

comb surmounted upon a wooden panel attached to rear props 

and a footrest. The panel, with the comb, was 60 cm in width 

and 56 cm in height. The comb itself was 30 cm in width and 

27 cm in length. The length of the footrest was 50 cm. By 
106 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 125.—Bamboo flail. Black and white photograph, 1977, Victor Krantz. 

means of a straw rope fastened to the top of the panel and 

placed under the footrest, the thresher was held firmly against 

the ground and the two rear props. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This iron comb, into which a 

handful of rice stalks was placed and pulled across to dislodge 

the grain, was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. In 

1975, the iron comb was still widely used for smaller threshing 

tasks, but it was completely replaced for large-scale harvesting 

by a rotary thresher, which was at first foot-powered but was 

seen motorized in 1981. The iron comb was still preferred by 

many farmers rather than the rotary thresher to obtain 

undamaged seed-grain for the next year's planting. The comb 

thresher was made by the local blacksmith or by factories in 

Chinju and Pusan. It was often purchased in Kimhae shops. 

According to villagers, a developmental sequence for 

threshing implements could be traced from before the Japanese 

occupation (1910-1945). The first thresher consisted of 

horizontally arranged bamboo slats in a panel, with intervals of 

20 (to 40) cm, and each panel was perhaps 200 cm in width. 

Men used such panels as a beating surface to dislodge the grain. 

Women mostly used two bamboo strips between which they 

would pull the rice stalks. The iron comb came next. This was 

followed by the foot-operated rotary thresher, then the rotary 

thresher connected with a belt to a portable diesel or gas engine 

or a motorized cultivator, and finally to the mobile, motorized 

harvester seen on the Kimhae delta in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Choe, 1958-1960, ref. 413; 

K. Kim, 1969:136-137, 144. 

Material Culture No. 125 

NAME.—(English) Threshing machine 

(Korean) T'algokki 

DESCRIPTION.—This thresher was a foot-operated rotary 

machine that was studded with wire. The frame was constructed of iron and wood. Gears and wire were iron, and a rear 

panel was galvanized iron. The width of the thresher was 100 

cm and the height was 55 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In a 1970 survey, there were 

fourteen threshers of this type in the community or 4 percent of 

the households visited. Neighbors frequently borrowed such 

threshers if they did not own one. Villagers said that this 

thresher was introduced by the Japanese. It was often 

manufactured in the nearby cities of Chinju, Pusan, or Taegu. 

In 1981, the foot-operated rotary thresher had been replaced 

with a motorized version. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Tisdale, 1919:7, 2; Needham, 

1954:151; Hommel, 1969:151. 

Material Culture No. 126 

FIGURE 127 

NAME.—(English) Winnowing fan 

(Korean) P'allanggaebi Local term 

Paramgaebi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This iron fan had four blades and a handle 

behind the fan for manual operation on a supporting wooden or 

iron frame. A protective rod was around the circumference of 

the fan. The height of the frame was 130 cm. The length of each 

fan blade was 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This fan was seen in only five 

households of the community. A similar, but foot-operated, fan 
NUMBER 39 

107 

-

' ' X ~S7-

• ^ ^'^.K^X 

>

v

 - -^<^r * • - ^CS -• V . ~ 

FIGURE 126.—Hand-operated comb thresher, which is often preferred to obtain rice seed as it is believed to cause 

the least amount of damage to the rice grain. From a color photograph, 1971. 

also had a limited distribution. The fan was used to winnow 

small quantities of rice and was only one of several methods 

employed by villagers to winnow rice. With the wind or a fan 

to blow away the chaff, a pan or basket with threshed grain was 

manually shaken to permit the grain to drop from the edge of 

the container. Such mechanical fans were usually purchased in 

Kimhae or Pusan in the 1950s. Villagers stated that such fans 

were introduced by the Japanese. These fans had disappeared 

by 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:158-159, 168. 

Material Culture No. 127 

FIGURE 128 

NAME.—(English) Winnower 

(Korean) P'unggu Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This manually operated wooden winnowing 

machine consisted of a wind chamber with four interior fans, a 

hopper, and three exits, one for the superior rice, another for 

inferior rice (which was lighter in weight), and the last for 

chaff. These winnowers appeared in two sizes; one was 131 cm 

in height and 153 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A few prosperous families (3 

percent of the households in 1951) had these winnowers. They 

were manufactured in Pusan and could be purchased in 

downtown Kimhae or in Kup'o town, just across the Naktong 

River. Villagers said that this type of winnower was introduced 

by the Japanese prior to 1945. In a 1968 survey, it was not seen 

in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:157-158, 167. 

FIGURE 127.—Mechanical winnowing fan made of iron. Black and white 

photograph, 1955. 
108 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 128.—Hand-operated wooden winnower (pine). Black and white 

photograph, 1955. 

Material Culture No. 128 

FIGURE 129 

NAME.—(English) Waterwheel 

(Korean) Such'a Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This portable waterwheel was constructed 

of wood. Each paddle had on its outer edge a footrest for the 

farmer, who walked upon the wheel to rotate it into the stream 

or irrigation channel to bring water up to the level of the field 

to be irrigated. The diameter of the wheel was 140 cm. One 

upright pole, next to the wheel, was held by the farmer for 

support. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This waterwheel was lighter in 

weight than a more sturdy Korean type of a waterwheel. It was 

introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. Only three families 

owned such a waterwheel. By 1970, no Japanese waterwheel 

existed in the community. From about 1960, a portable diesel 

water pump was used. After 1970, a motorized cultivator often 

provided the power to operate a water pump. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:120-121; and 

195. 

Material Culture No. 129 

FIGURE 130 

NAME.—(English) Chemical sprayer (hand-operated) 

(Korean) Punmugi 

DESCRIPTION.—This chemical sprayer consisted of a backcarried tank and two shoulder straps, with an attached pump, an 

extended handle, and a hose with a spraying wand. The tank 

was made of galvanized iron, stainless steel, or plastic. The 

hose was rubber or plastic, and the spray wand was often 

stainless steel. The tank was 44 cm high, 38 cm in length, and 

15 cm in width. 

FIGURE 129.—Irrigation waterwheel. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This spraying equipment was 

for the application of chemical fertilizer, insecticide, or 

herbicide and was usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae 

shop. It was found in 1970 in 75 farming households or 21 

percent of the community. Villagers believed that it had a 

western origin. In 1981, motorized sprayers had replaced 

manually operated sprayers. 

Material Culture No. 130 

FIGURE 131 

NAME.—(English) Farmer's watchtower 

(Korean) Wondumak 

DESCRIPTION.—This watchtower consisted of four upright 

wooden poles, resting on rocks, that supported a rice-straw 

thatch roof over an elevated wooden platform. The tower was 

288 cm in height and 185 cm in width. Variations occurred both 

in structure and size. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Although this watchtower was 

well known to villagers, only one remained in their cultivated 

fields (1970). The watchtower was used to guard the fields and 

orchards against pilferers and birds. Usually only one person 
NUMBER 39 109 

FIGURE 130.—Sprayers for fertilizer and insecticide, with pump handles and 

shoulder straps. From a color photograph, 1970. 

would sit on the elevated platform. At times such towers were 

used by one or two persons to take a nap and enjoy a summer 

breeze. 

Material Culture No. 131 

FIGURE 132 

NAME.—(English) Paddy plow 

(Korean) Ttaba 

Chaenggi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This plow had a steel (previously cast iron) 

moldboard and blade (share) attached to a heavy wooden (pine 

or chestnut) beam, with an inserted handle, braces, a wooden 

forward extension for a whiffletree (swingtree), and the harness 

attachment for an ox. The beam was about 130 cm in length and 

its thickness was 9x12 cm. The braced, hitching extension was 

130 cm in length. The triangular steel blade (share) was 

approximately 19 cm in length. The steel moldboard was 32 cm 

in length and 20 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This plow, which villagers 

believed was introduced by the Japanese, was used to mm the 

wet soil of paddies prior to transplanting the rice seedlings. 

Although this type of plow was widely used with oxen, by 1971 

it was seen in only 13 percent of village homes. It disappeared 

around 1975. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925; Heydrich, 1931, 

fig. 4; Hommel, 1969, figs. 60-64; K. Kim, 1969:25-29, 

45-49, pis. 2-26. 

Material Culture No. 132 

FIGURE 133 

NAME.—(English) Dry-field plow 

(Korean) Hulch'aengi 

Hulttabu 

Kukchengi 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 131.—Farmer's watchtower. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

DESCRIPTION.—This plow consisted of a wooden (pine or 

chestnut) beam with side handles to hold the iron share upright. 

The beam, with the share, was 120 cm in length, and a forward 

extension for the whiffletree (swingtree) attachment was 150 

cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This plow was primarily for dry 

fields. It had a shallow soil penetration and was pulled usually 

by one ox. By moving the position of the handles from one side 

to the other the plowman could deposit the upturned soil either 

on the right or left side of the moving plow. With this plow, 

relatively easy U-turns were made when the boundaries of the 

field were approached. This plow was lighter in weight than the 

paddy plow. It was regarded as a traditional plow with a Korean 

prototype. This plow was seen in 11 percent of the village 

homes in 1970, but by 1975 it had disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, figs.; Heydrich, 

1931, fig. 4; Hommel, 1969, figs. 60-64; K. Kim, 1969:30-32, 

50-52, pis. 2-26. 

Material Culture No. 133 

FIGURE 134 

NAME.—(English) Paddy harrow 

(Korean) Mussori 

Ssore 

Local term 

Standard term 
110 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 132.—Paddy plow made of wood and steel. Black and white photograph, 1960. 

FIGURE 133.—Dry field plow made of wood and iron. Black and white 

photograph, 1952. 

were introduced by the Japanese. They believed that the harrow 

had a Korean prototype. A village carpenter and blacksmith 

made this paddy harrow upon request. The harrow was seen 

during a survey in 1971 in eight percent of village homes, but 

by 1981 it had disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969:55; K. Kim, 

1969:61-65, 75-76. 

Material Culture No. 134 

FIGURE 135 

NAME.—(English) Dry-field harrow 

(Korean) Kwaengissori Local term 

Marun ssore Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This harrow was often made of hardwood 

(chestnut or oak), with rows of iron spikes, usually 25, 

extending down from the heavy frame into the earth. The rear 

DESCRIPTION.—This soil preparation implement consisted 

of a wooden (oak or chestnut) horizontal beam, sometimes with 

as many as thirteen iron spikes that protruded downward into 

the water and the previously plowed soil of the paddy. 

Extending up (60 cm) from the beam were two upright supports 

for a horizontal bar by which the farmer held the harrow at the 

desired angle to give the submerged plowed field an even 

surface for transplanting rice seedlings. Extending forward 

from the horizontal beam were two wooden poles or iron rods 

to which the harness was attached. The width of the harrow was 

usually about 108 cm. The length of the exposed iron spikes 

was 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers stated that an older 

type of harrow had only wooden pegs, and that the iron spikes 

FIGURE 134.—Harrow made of wood and iron for use in a paddy. Black and 

white photograph, 1971. 
NUMBER 39 111 

FIGURE 135.—Harrow made of wood and iron for use in a dry field. Black and white photograph, 1971. 

row, nearest the farmer who walked behind the harrow, were 

wooden pegs. The wooden pegs were said to be a safety 

precaution. A more traditional harrow was reported to have all 

wooden pegs, but it was not seen. The harrow was 120 cm in 

length, with a front width of 70 cm and a rear width of 100 cm. 

The harrow was usually pulled by one ox. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This harrow broke up clods to 

level the surface of plowed dry fields. Villagers believed that 

the harrow was derived from a Korean prototype but that the 

use of iron spikes instead of wooden pegs was due to Japanese 

influence. The harrow was seen in eight percent of village 

homes in 1971. It was made by the local blacksmith and a local 

carpenter. It disappeared around 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925; Heydrich, 1931, 

fig. 11; Hommel, 1969, figs. 87, 88; K. Kim, 1969, pis. 55-61; 

Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:256. 

Material Culture No. 135 

FIGURE 136 

NAME.—(English) Water-lift (water "gourd," water scoop) 

(Korean) Mulbagaji Local term 

Panggye Local term 

Yongdure Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The water-lift (lever) was a wood (usually 

pine) pole with an attached container. Half of a dried gourd, a 

wooden scoop, a metal bucket, or a discarded petroleum can 

(one of the four sides removed) were examples of containers 

used. The lever was supported by a crossbeam, which served as 

a fulcrum that was placed over the irrigation ditch. The length 

of the water-lift was about 300 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Most villagers could not recall 

the use of the traditional, sturdy Korean water wheel or a long 

wooden scoop suspended from a tripod. The water-lift was 

made by the farmer who needed one. It was believed by 

villagers that such water-lifts were derived from a Korean 

prototype. In 1971, the water-lift had almost disappeared from 

village life. A portable motorized pump was used instead of the 

water-lift since 1971. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, figs.; K. Kim, 

1969:119-120, photo 123; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:260. 

Material Culture No. 136 

NAME.—(English) Pick 

(Korean) Kokkwaengi 

DESCRIPTION.—Picks and mattocks, with wooden (oak) 

handles and metal (iron) heads, existed in the community. One 

was said to be Korean, with a small and compact iron head 

having two pointed ends. It had a handle approximately 83 cm 

in length, and the head extended 40 cm across from point to 

point. A second was said to be a Japanese mattock, which had 

an elongated iron head with one end pointed and the other end 

with a flat cutting surface. The third was a compact American 

mattock, which had an iron head with one end pointed and the 

other a flat end with a wider surface than that of the Japanese 

type. 
112 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 136.—Water-lift, operated as a lever with a scoop at one end to transfer irrigation water. Black and white 

photograph, 1960. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These three tools were made by 

blacksmiths either in the Kimhae area or in Pusan. Villagers 

thought the Japanese mattock was introduced prior to 1945. 

The American mattock perhaps appeared after 1945. The pick 

and the two mattocks continued to be used in 1981. In 1971, at 

least one pick or mattock was seen in 51 percent of the 

households. Picks were often borrowed when needed. It was 

said that picks were not used in the Three Ministers area as 

frequently as elsewhere in Korea as many of the agricultural 

fields were on a flood plain. The available motorized cultivator 

also limited the use of the pick or mattock. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 137 

NAME.—(English) Shovel 

(Korean) Sugump'o 

Sap 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The shovel had a steel blade and a straight 

wooden (oak) handle ending with a horizontal grip. The total 

length of the shovel was 96 cm. The length of the blade was 26 

cm and its width was 22 cm. Often the blade had a modified 

point. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The shovel was widely used, 

especially for digging into and working with earth, and for 

mixing and distributing natural fertilizer. This shovel almost 

completely replaced an older wooden Korean shovel, sokkarae, 

which was reinforced with iron bands. According to villagers 

the newer shovel was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. 

In 1951, it was manufactured in Pusan and purchased in 

downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, the shovel was still used 

extensively. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931. 

Material Culture No. 138 

NAME.—(English) Sickles 

(Korean) (a) Homangnat 

(b) Kollat 

(c) Yangch'ollat 

Standard term 

Standard term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The sickles, with the handles at a right angle 

to the blades, had a crescent-shape ending with a point. Of the 

above mentioned types, (a) and (b) were said to have a Korean 

origin and were made of forged iron with wooden handles. 

Type (c) was a Japanese sickle with a blade made of sheet iron. 

The measurements of the three types were as follows: (a) blade 

length 20 cm, blade width 2.5 cm, and length of handle 

including blade tang 37 cm; (b) blade length 27 cm, blade width 

2.4 cm, and handle length 44 cm; (c) blade length 23 cm and 

handle length 39 cm. Although these were perhaps the basic 

types of sickles used in the community, others existed, 

including sickles with Korean and Japanese features combined. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Sickle (a) was for cutting grass 

and twigs for firewood, (b) for reaping rice, and (c) for cutting 

grass. These sickles were made in Kimhae or Pusan. Generally 
NUMBER 39 113 

Korean sickles were stronger and more durable with narrow 

blades, whereas the Japanese type had a wider blade and were 

lighter and easier to use. In 1981, these sickles continued to be 

used. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931; K. Kim, 

1969:127-129, 131-133. 

Material Culture No. 139 

NAME.—(English) (a) Three-pronged forked rake 

(b) Two-pronged forked rake 

(Korean) (a) Sebal sosirangi Local term 

Sebal soesurang Standard term 

(b) Tubal sosirangi Local term 

Tubal soesurang Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This three- or two-pronged forked rake was 

made of forged iron with a pole handle made of wood (pine or 

oak) inserted into a socket. The fork was at a right angle to the 

handle. The fork was 12 cm to 15 cm in width. The length of the 

prongs was 15 cm. The handle was approximately 105 cm in 

length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The fork was primarily used to 

dig up small dry fields instead of plowing them, to prepare and 

scatter compost, and to remove stones and rice stubble from the 

fields. It was made by the local blacksmith. Villagers stated that 

it was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. In a 1971 

survey, it was found in 54 percent of the village homes. In 

1981, this fork was still seen in use. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931; Hommel, 

1969; K. Kim, 1969:41-43, 60. 

Material Culture No. 140 

NAME.—(English) Pitchfork 

(Korean) Hok'u 

Hokku 

Hok'u 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term, from 

English via Japanese hoku 

DESCRIPTION.—This fork had a four-pronged iron head 

attached to a straight handle. The handle was at a right angle to 

the iron head. The total length of the fork was 120 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The fork was used mostly to 

pile up, mix, or spread compost. Villagers said that this tool 

was introduced by the Japanese. It was often made in Pusan. It 

continued to be in use in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:60. 

Material Culture No. 141 

NAME.—(English) Mud leveler 

(Korean) Mojarik'al 

Mojariyong milk'al 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine) tool was used to level 

the muddy surface of a rice nursery plot or a paddy. The 

baseboard was often 66 cm in length and 10 cm in width. The 

baseboard was pointed at one end and often resembled a large 

trowel. The handle (pole), set at about a 45 degree angle with a 

small wooden support, was approximately 90 cm in length. A 

similar tool had a small horizontal bar just above the baseboard 

and resembled a plasterer's trowel. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This tool was made by the 

farmer who required one. It was also used to repair paddy walls 

with mud and to kill weeds growing there. In 1960 it was 

widely used. Villagers believed that it had a Korean prototype. 

It disappeared about 1970. 

Material Culture No. 142 

FIGURE 137 

NAME.—(English) Weeder (mechanical) 

(Korean) Chech'ogi 

DESCRIPTION.—This weeding tool consisted of an upright 

wooden frame of two parallel boards with a horizontal handle 

and, at the distal end, two rotating sets of iron blades (hooks). 

The rotating blades destroyed the roots of weeds between the 

rows of domesticated plants. The iron blades were 46 cm in 

length and 10 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This factory-made weeder, 

according to villagers, was introduced by the Japanese. It 

replaced the weeding trowel and the use of traditional pointed 

bamboo finger-covers used to work the soil. After 1971, this 

weeding tool was rarely used as spraying with chemical weed 

killers was preferred. 

Material Culture No. 143 

NAME.—(English) Weeding trowel 

(Korean) Homaeng'i 

Homi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The weeding trowel had a triangular blade 

that was made of forged iron with its tang inserted into a short 

wooden (pine) handle. Two types were seen, one of which 

terminated with a point and the other with a horizontal leading 

edge. The wooden handle was often reinforced with an iron 

ring. The total length of the pointed trowel was 32 cm. The 

length of the blade was 10 cm and its width was 6 cm. The 

above pertains to the "long trowel"; the "short trowel" was very 

similar but had a shorter tang. The use of the shorter version, 

which was newer, had become more popular as it was easier to 

use. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This tool was widely used for 

weeding, transplanting, and the seeding of com, beans, and 

millet, as well as for the cultivation of other vegetables and 

flowers. It was useful for digging up potatoes, bulbs, and 

onions. It was made by Kimhae blacksmiths, including the one 

who lived in the community. Villagers believed that this tool 

had a Korean origin. In 1981, it continued to be the most widely 

used agricultural tool. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:109-115. 
114 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 137.—Mechanical weeder made of wood and iron. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 144 

NAME.—(English) Hoe (Korean and Japanese) 

(Korean) (a) Choson'gwaengi Standard term 

(b) Ilbon'gwaengi Standard term 

Turumgwaengi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—(a) The blade of the Korean hoe was at a 

right angle to the wooden (oak) handle. The blade was usually 

iron. The blade was 22 cm in width and 13 cm in length. The 

handle was 100 cm in length, (b) The Japanese hoe had its blade 

at 45 degrees to the handle and had a length of 160 cm. Hoe 

blades were occasionally made of wood. Hoe blades may have 

a horizontal or pointed edge. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These and similar hoes were for 

cultivating fields, removing roots and stones, and also for 

building and repairing the dikes of paddies. The Korean hoe 

was preferred for field cultivation or "heavy-duty" work, 

whereas the Japanese hoe was preferred for dike maintenance. 

When the hoe and the existing shovel8 were compared, it was 

said that the hoe was traditional and the shovel was introduced 

during the Japanese occupation. Hoes were made by local 

blacksmiths, and some were believed by villagers to have a 

Korean origin whereas others were considered to have a 

Japanese prototype. In 1981, these hoes were still in use. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931; Hommel, 

1969. 
NUMBER 39 115 

Material Culture No. 145 

NAME.—(English) Axe 

(Korean) Toch'i 

Tokki 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Two types of iron axes were seen in the 

community. The blade of the Korean axe had a cutting edge of 

5 cm and a pointed head. The length of the handle (oak) was 60 

cm and the blade was 20 cm. A Japanese axe had a smaller 

blade with a flat head but a handle of the same length. The 

length of its blade was 17 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The cutting edge of the Korean 

axe was primarily used for firewood, and its pointed head was 

used for digging roots. Every household had at least one axe. 

The Korean axe was more popular than the Japanese type. Most 

axes seen in 1951 were made by the village blacksmith. In 

1960, axes were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, 

axes were seldom seen probably because obtaining firewood 

from forest lands was prohibited by law. The villagers instead 

used briquettes and other fuel. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 146 

NAME.—(English) Mallet 

(Korean) Mae 

Me 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (birch or oak) mallet had a 

straight handle about 70 cm in length and a head, which was a 

cross section of a sapling, 30 cm in length and 10 cm in 

diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The mallet was used to soften 

rice straw that was woven into mats. The mallet was made by 

the farmer who needed it. Villagers believed that such mallets 

had a Korean prototype. In 1970, it was rarely seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:327-328, 343. 

Material Culture No. 147 

NAME.—(English) Clod breaker (earth hammer) 

(Korean) Kombe Local term 

Tongorime Local term 

Kombangme Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Both the head of the hammer and the handle 

were usually made of pine. The handle (a pole or a trimmed 

branch) was inserted into the midpoint of the head. The head 

was a cross section of a sapling. The total length of this tool was 

100 cm, and the head was 30 cm long with a diameter of 7 or 

8 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This clod breaker was often 

used after plowing a dry field or before barley was planted on 

a drained paddy. It was also employed to cover planted seed 

with earth. The villager who needed one made it himself. It was 

believed to have a Korean prototype. In a 1971 survey, such 

clod breakers were seen in 40 percent of village homes. In 

1981, they had disappeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931, fig. 12; K. 

Kim, 1969:68, 80, pis. 69-70. 

Material Culture No. 148 

NAME.—(English) Straw pounder (mallet) 

(Korean) Chipmdurinun pangmaengi Local term 

Chippangmangi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This straw pounder was made of wood (oak 

or pine) and consisted of an elongated, round head and an 

inserted short, straight handle. The head was 20 cm in length 

and the handle was 20 cm in length. It was often used upon a 

wooden surface, e.g., a tree trunk. Another tool for the same 

purpose was made from a single piece of wood (pine or other 

wood). It had a billy club shape with a knob handle. It was 

about 45 cm in length with a maximum width at the end of 10 

cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This pounder was made by a 

village carpenter. When making rice-straw rope, bags, or 

sandals by hand, the rice straw first needed to be beaten to make 

it more pliable. This tool was not seen in 1970 and was reported 

by villagers to have disappeared between 1955 and 1960. It was 

believed to have a Korean prototype. 

Material Culture No. 149 

NAME.—(English) Hatchet 

(Korean) Nat'a 

Sondokki 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This iron hatchet, with a socket for a 

wooden handle, had the shape of a halberd, with a beak and a 

lateral cutting edge. The hatchet was about 20 cm in length and 

6 cm in width. The short wooden handle was for use with one 

hand. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The hatchet was used primarily 

to cut firewood. It was seen in 1951, but by 1968 it had 

disappeared. It was believed to have been introduced by the 

Japanese. 

Material Culture No. 150 

NAME.—(English) Sledgehammer 

(Korean) Ulme Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This sledgehammer consisted of a head and 

a straight handle; both were made of oak or pine. The head was 

a cross section of a sapling or a small tree trunk, and the handle 

was made from a branch of a tree. The head had a diameter of 

15 cm and a length of 30 cm. The length of the handle was 120 

cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The sledgehammer was often 

used to drive wooden stakes into the ground and also for 

general utility purposes. It was made by the villager who 

needed one, or it could be purchased in a Kimhae store. It was 

believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. It was seldom 

seen in 1970 and 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:327-328, 343. 
116 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 138.—Slate whetstone. Sketch. 

Material Culture No. 151 

FIGURE 138 

NAME.—(English) Whetstone and stand 

(Korean) Suttol 

DESCRIPTION.—This whetstone was made from slate and 

was often partially inserted into a wooden (pine) base or tied 

with wire to a sawed-off section of sapling. The whetstone was 

often 30 cm in length and 7 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The whetstone was frequently 

used for sharpening iron knives, sickles, and occasionally axes. 

It was usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was 

quarried in Hamyang county in the same province. Villagers 

believed that this type of whetstone had a Korean prototype. 

The whetstone was seen in 1971 in 52 percent of the 

households. Villagers who did not possess one would borrow 

one when needed from a neighbor. Many villagers were using 

stainless steel knives in 1981, so the use of the whetstone was 

significantly reduced. 

Material Culture No. 152 

NAME.—(English) Spade, wood 

(Korean) Namugarae 

Nokkarae 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden spade was fashioned either 

from a single piece of wood or was made with a pine blade and 

an oak handle. The length of the spade varied but often was 160 

cm. The blade was about 35 cm in width and had a 60 cm 

maximum length. This wooden spade was similar in shape to 

the modern (western) spade with its wooden handle and steel 

blade. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—During a 1971 survey, the 

wooden spade was found in 24 percent of the village homes. It 

was made primarily to move grain drying in the sun after 

harvesting or for use in winnowing. Villagers believed that the 

wooden spade had a Korean prototype. The wooden spade had 

completely disappeared by 1981, but a metal (steel) version had 

appeared. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, figs.; Heydrich, 

1931:412, fig. 7; K. Kim, 1969:323-324,340, photos 392,393. 

Material Culture No. 153 

NAME.—(English) Stone mill 

(Korean) Tolbanga Local term 

Yonjamae Standard term 

Yonjabanga Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This mill consisted of a large vertical stone 

(granite) wheel with wooden fittings and a central metal (iron) 

pole for support. The wheel rolled on a stone and cement 

platform. The stone wheel moved on its rim around the iron 

pole when attached to an ox that walked around the platform. 

The wheel had a diameter of 110 cm; it was 40 cm thick. The 

platform's diameter was approximately 270 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Stone mills such as this were 

used mostly to hull or to pulverize rice or barley. As a villager 

led the ox, another villager turned over the grain so that all of 

it was properly ground. One stone mill was still in use in the 

community in 1951, but it had disappeared by 1968 and was 

replaced by an electric mill. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931, photo Id; 

Needham, 1954, figs. 449, 450; Hommel, 1969, fig. 149; K. 

Kim, 1969:176-179, 204-205, sketch 205. 

Material Culture No. 154 

NAME.—(English) Tilt hammer (trip hammer, mill) 

(Korean) Tidilbanga 

DESCRIPTION.—This foot-operated, horizontal tilt hammer, 

or pounder, was made from a tree trunk, usually oak, 

sometimes pine or chestnut, which operated as a lever upon a 

fulcrum. An inserted, replaceable vertical pole at the end of the 

pounder had a rounded surface covered with iron. It was 

designed to strike into a stone mortar. The hammer and mortar 

were supported by a large round concrete base. The length of 

the pounder was 270 cm and the striking pole of the pounder 

was 60 cm. The stone mortar had a diameter of 40 cm and a 

depth of 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The tilt hammer mill was used 

to polish or to pulverize grain. Two or four villagers, usually 

women, operated it by stepping down together on a forked end 

of the hammer, each with one foot, holding to an upright stick 

to maintain their balance. One such mill existed in each of the 

three villages. They were made and installed by village 

carpenters. Their use continued until about 1953 because power 

outages occurred at the newer electric mill. Polishing large 

amounts of grain was done at such mills, not by hand with 

pestles. Villagers believed that the tilt hammer mill had a 
NUMBER 39 

117 

FIGURE 139.—Stone quern (granite). Black and white photograph, 1971. 

Korean prototype9. There was no recollection that a stationary 

water mill ever existed in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, fig.; Needham, 

1954, Vol. 4, fig. 415; Hommel, 1969, fig. 155; K. Kim, 

1969:179-182, 206-207, photos 206-214. 

Material Culture No. 155 

FIGURE 139 

NAME.—(English) Stone quern 

(Korean) Maettol 

DESCRIPTION.—This portable quern was made of granite 

(porphyry) rock with a short vertical wooden handle in a top 

revolving stone. The size of the quern varied but often the 

diameter of the revolving stone was 30 to 40 cm and the 

thickness was 10 cm. The top stone had a hole into which was 

placed the material to be ground. Both the interfacing surfaces 

of the moving top and the fixed lower stones were coarse. The 

quem was often used in a wooden or galvanized iron mb so as 

not to lose any of the pulverized material. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Among the foodstuffs that were 

most frequently ground in the stone quern were green beans, 

com, and soybeans. Such quems were usually owned by more 

prosperous families. They were found in 30 percent of the 

households in 1951 but in only 11 percent in 1971. These 

quems were widely used by women and, if not owned, were 

borrowed. They were made elsewhere in the Kimhae area by 

stone masons and were believed by villagers to have a Korean 

origin. In 1981, they were rarely seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954, fig. 447; 

Hommel, 1969, figs. 156-158; K. Kim, 1969:188-191, 

212-215, photos 235-242; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:412-413, 

604-605. 

Material Culture No. 156 

NAME.—(English) Pestle-mallet (pounder) 

(Korean) Ttokme 

DESCRIPTION.—This two-handed pestle-mallet was made of 

wood (often oak, Quercus mongolica). Although the dimensions varied, often the mallet head approximated 60 cm in 

length and 9 cm in diameter. The handle (pole), inserted at a 

right angle into the head of the pestle, was 80 cm in length. A 

wooden mortar or, at times, simply a flat hard platform 

provided the striking (working) surface. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—One of the uses of the pestlemallet was to pound rice dough into the desired consistency for 

rice cake. Kneading the dough manually was not sufficient to 

produce the desired texture. Such a pestle was made by a 

villager at home or purchased in a Kimhae shop. It was believed 

that this pestle had a Korean prototype. It was widely used in 

1960 but had disappeared around 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel 1969, fig. 154; K. 

Kim 1969, photo 218; Hong, 1982:414. 

Material Culture No. 157 

FIGURE 140 

NAME.—(English) Pestles (straight) 

(Korean) Toguttae Local term 

Cholgugongi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Wooden pestles were made of hardwood 

FIGURE 140.—Hardwood (oak or chestnut) straight pestle and stone (usually 

granite) mortar used mostly to pulverize grain, hot peppers, and other 

foodstuffs. They are disappearing from the community, primarily due to the 

existence of the village mill. From a color photograph, 1955. 
118 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

(often chestnut, Castanea crenata). The straight pestle occurred more frequently than the mallet type and was approximately 90 cm in length and 10 cm in maximum diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The straight pestle was used 

with a mortar to pulverize grain and to prepare rice dough. It 

was also used to crush other foodstuffs, such as beans and red 

peppers. Villagers believed that the straight pestle was older 

than the mallet type. Villagers believed that both pestles, 

widely used, were derived from Korean prototypes. In 1970, 

these pestles were seldom seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketches; Heydrich 1931, figs. 19, 20; Needham, 1954, Vol. 4(2), figs. 

357-359; Hommel 1969, fig. 154; K. Kim, 1969:210, photos 

218-229. 

Material Culture No. 158 

FIGURE 140 

NAME.—(English) Mortar, wood 

(Korean) Togut'ong 

Namudogu 

Namujolgu 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The mortar was often made from a hardwood tree trunk (often chestnut). It often had a height of 60 cm, 

a diameter of 40 cm, and a depth of 30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Wooden mortars were perhaps 

prized more than those of stone or iron. They were occasionally 

constructed by a villager but were usually bought at a Kimhae 

shop. At times they were repaired with pieces of galvanized 

iron sheeting and nails. They are used by one or two persons, 

usually women, each with a wooden pestle, to remove the hulls 

of rice, to pulverize grain and hot peppers, and to prepare 

glutinous rice for cakes. Iron mortars were often used to obtain 

oil from sesame seeds. In a 1971 survey, mortars were found in 

30 percent of the village homes, and were believed by villagers 

to have a Korean prototype. In 1981, several were seen, but 

they were used infrequently. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketch; K. Kim, 

1969:185-187, 209-211, sketchs with text, photos 224-229; 

Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:416, 604. 

Material Culture No. 159 

FIGURE 141 

NAME.—(English) Sieve 

(Korean) Ch'ae 

DESCRIPTION.—The rim of this sieve was made with a flat 

willow or pine strip; its two ends were sewn together with 

arrowroot to form a round frame. Traditionally the rim held a 

mesh of horsehair or wisteria vine. Iron or copper screen or 

nylon or cloth netting were seen used as sieve screen material 

in 1971. The diameter of the sieve was about 28 cm and had a 

depth of 10 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This sieve enabled a villager to 

sift pulverized grains for fine powder, e.g., wheat powder. The 

FIGURE 141.—Horsehair sieve, sometimes made from wisteria vine, more 

recently made with a screen of metal or plastic and having a stitched willow 

rim. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

sieve was usually purchased from a peddler or in a downtown 

Kimhae shop. In 1960, it was widely used in the community. It 

was thought by villagers to have originated in Korea. In 1981, 

it was seldom used, although a number were seen in homes. 

Other similar sieves of different sizes also existed. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketches; K. 

Kim, 1969:162-164, 169, photos 174-175; Hong, 1982:605. 

Material Culture No. 160 

NAME.—(English) Rice sieve 

(Korean) Pyoolgimi Local term 

Pyoch'e Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This sieve was made from a willow strip, 

with the two ends of the strip sewn together to form a round 

frame. The coarse mesh was made from a climbing vine 

(Ch 'ilgaengi). The size varied, but often the diameter of the 

sieve was about 40 cm with a height of 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The purpose of this sieve was to 

separate the chaff from the unhulled rice grain. The mesh 

retained the straw and permitted the unhulled rice to fall 

through. The person using the sieve either shook it or beat the 

rim so that the rice fell free. In 1960, this sieve was widely used. 

At times, the sieve, when damaged, was seen repaired rather 

than replaced. It was made by Korean craftsmen elsewhere and 

sold to villagers on market day in Kimhae. Villagers believed 

that the sieve originated from a Korean prototype. In 1971, it 

was widely used but was seldom seen in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketches; Hommel 1969, figs. 119, 121-122; K. Kim, 1969, photos 174-175. 
NUMBER 39 119 

Material Culture No. 161 

NAME.—(English) Compost basket (compost scoop) 

(Korean) Korumbaji Local term 

Taesok'uri Local term 

Korumsok'uri Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The local term was used for several types of 

compost carriers, including a lashed twig basket with an 

opening just below the rim on each side to serve as a handle. 

The usual shape was an elongated scoop with an open end. The 

dimensions varied, but the maximum width was often 50 cm 

and the length 60 cm. Other compost baskets were made of rice 

straw, bamboo, and wooden (pine) boards. Only the shape and 

dimensions of the wooden container differed significantly from 

the other compost carriers. The box-like scoop had the top and 

one side open. Its width was between 30 and 40 cm, and the 

length from the rear to the open end was 60 cm, but often less. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bamboo, twig, and ricestraw baskets as well as the box scoop were mostly used to 

transport "natural" fertilizers (compost, grass, soil) a short 

distance. The box carrier also was used to move grain. These 

compost containers, especially those made of bamboo, twigs, 

and rice straw, were frequently used in pairs suspended from a 

pole, which extended to each side of a backpack (A-frame). 

Although these containers may be bought in a downtown 

Kimhae shop or from a booth or peddler during a Kimhae 

market day, most of them were made by the villager who 

needed them. Villagers believed that they were all derived from 

Korean prototypes. They disappeared around 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1925, sketches and 

photos; K. Kim, 1969:95-96, 106-107, photos 105-109. 

Material Culture No. 162 

NAME.—(English) Manure dipper 

(Korean) Ttongbagaji 

DESCRIPTION.—The manure dipper was often made with a 

dried gourd and a wooden (pine) handle. The handle, 

sometimes a trimmed bough with a hook-shaped end, was 

attached around one half of a dried gourd with pine-tree roots. 

The straight overall length of the handle was approximately 

110 cm. After the Korean War, farmers often used the inner 

plastic liner of a U.S. Army helmet as it was lightweight and 

durable. More recently, Korean factory-made plastic or rubber 

versions were used, sometimes with detail seen on the army 

helmet liner. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The manure dipper was usually 

seen in use with the manure barrel in the agricultural fields or 

when it was transported with the barrel on a packboard. The 

manure dipper was used by 39 percent of the village 

households in 1960. A plastic dipper, with vertical sides and a 

socketed handle, was also used later to facilitate removal of 

excrement from cesspools. The handle was at a 45 degree angle 

to facilitate its use. Manure dippers mostly disappeared in the 

1970s because human fertilizer was seldom applied to the 

fields. In 1981, households had outhouses or western-style 

interior toilets with cesspools that periodically were drained by 

tank trucks for waste removal. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel 1931, fig. 85; K. 

Kim, 1969:92-93, 104, pis. 86, 101. 

Material Culture No. 163 

FIGURE 142 

NAME.—(English) Manure bucket ("honey bucket") 

(Korean) Ttongt'ong 

DESCRIPTION.—This bucket was often made of Cryptomeria 

wood, with bamboo hoops to hold the staves tightly together, 

and with two longer staves and a rope attachment for a handle. 

Different sizes existed; one was approximately 50 cm in height 

and 46 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bucket was used to carry 

manure or water to the fields. It also was employed as a urinal 

and to collect urine. This wooden bucket was said to have been 

introduced by the Japanese. The bucket was made by artisans in 

the Kimhae area and was purchased in a downtown shop. In the 

1970s the manure bucket was disappearing from the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1931, fig. 84; K. 

Kim, 1969, pi. 96. 

FIGURE 142.—Wooden manure bucket (pine). Sketch. 
120 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 143.—Wooden manure barrel (Cryptomeria or pine), with bamboo staves. Black and white photograph, 

1970, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 164 

FIGURE 143 

NAME.—(English) Manure barrel 

(Korean) Changgun 

DESCRIPTION.—This round, tapered, wooden barrel or cask 

was made of pine, or often of Cryptomeria as it was less 

permeable, with bamboo hoops. A faceted protrusion on one 

side of the barrel provided an oval opening for a stopper (bung). 

The barrel was frequently about 91 cm in length and 61 cm in 

maximum diameter (including the protrusion). The bung was 

usually made of rice straw. A smaller plastic version of the 

barrel had appeared, which was about one-half the size of the 

wooden one. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The barrel was used primarily 

to transport human manure or water to dry fields. Such barrels 

were often carried on a packboard (A-frame) or a push cart. It 

was believed by the villagers to have a Korean prototype, a 

ceramic version. It was made by a craftsman in downtown 

Kimhae who visited the community periodically to determine 

the number of barrels that were needed. During a household 

inventory in 1960, this type of barrel was found in 39 percent 

of village homes. In the 1970s this barrel had mostly 

disappeared because human fertilizer was seldom used. In 

1981, most households in the community had either interior 

toilets or outhouses with cesspools that were pumped out 

periodically by tank trucks. 

Material Culture No. 165 

NAME.—(English) Noise-making "whip' 

(Korean) T'aegi 

T'ae 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This was a strap made of softened rice straw 

and/or bark of a river rush (kai). Although the length varied, it 

was usually about 100 cm. It had an elongated tapered shape; 

the width in the middle was about 7.1 cm, and the width at the 

ends was about 1.9 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The device was swung and 

snapped to make a sudden noise to frighten birds away from the 

paddies. Such noises were made in the paddies usually early in 

the morning, at noon time, and in the evening just before 

nightfall. The device was made by the villager who needed one. 

It was regarded as a Korean invention. It was not seen in 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:335-336, 338. 
NUMBER 39 

121 

Material Culture No. 166 

NAME.—(English) Rope spinner ("stone" spinner) 

(Korean) Soikkaridurinun chase Local term 

Saekkidurinun chase Local term 

Mulle Local term 

Tolmulle LoCal ter m 

DESCRIPTION.—The rope spinner consisted of a wooden 

(pine) revolving frame mounted on a stand. The stand was 

placed on the ground and held firmly with a large stone on its 

base. The approximate height of the stand was 40 cm, the 

length of the spinner was 31 cm, and its width was 21 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The spinner was used to make 

strong straw or hemp rope, e.g., a bridle and a rein for an ox, by 

twisting two weaker ropes separately and then twisting them 

together. The term "stone" spinner referred to the stone placed 

on the base. Although a number of spinners were seen in 1951, 

they had almost disappeared by 1968 due to the use of nylon 

rope. Villagers believed that it originated with a Korean 

prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:302-303, 316, 

photos 371-372. 

Material Culture No. 167 

NAME.—(English) Straw-rope roller 

(Korean) Saekkijase 

Saekkidongt'ae 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A storage roller or reel for rope, usually 

made of pine, was mounted on a stand with two upright 

supports. Attached to the axis of the roller was a handle to 

rotate it. The diameter of the roller was approximately 52 cm, 

and the height of the roller and its stand was 95 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This device was used primarily 

to store rice-straw rope, particularly after the rope had just been 

made. In 1951 and 1971 the roller was widely used. The roller 

was usually made by the villager who needed one. Villagers 

said that this roller originated with a Japanese prototype. It had 

disappeared by 1981. 

Material Culture No. 168 

NAME.—(English) Grain spreader 

(Korean) Tanggurae 

Komurae 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This hoe-like grain spreader was about 110 

cm in length with a blade of 30 or 54 cm in length and 7 cm in 

width. The handle was inserted into the blade. Grain spreaders 

were usually made of pine, but sometimes other types of wood 

were used. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Grain, most often rice, was 

spread evenly upon mats out-of-doors to be sun-dried. The 

grain periodically was raked with the wooden grain spreader so 

that all of the grain was well exposed. A grain spreader may 

also be used to even the soil in a seed bed. A grain spreader may 

be fashioned by the villager who needed it, but often it was 

made by a local carpenter. During a 1971 inventory, it was 

determined that grain spreaders existed in 43 percent of the 

homes. Villagers believed that such spreaders originated in 

Korea. In 1981, it was frequently seen in use. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketch, photos 

pp. 71-73, and fig. 123; K. Kim, 1969:69-70, 81. 

Material Culture No. 169 

NAME.—(English) Rake 

(Korean) Kkakkuri 

Kalk'wi 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This rake was made of ten or twelve 

bamboo strips ("fingers") in a fan shape, with a wood (pine) or 

bamboo handle. The bamboo "fingers" were curved and lashed 

to the handle. Occasionally wires were used instead of bamboo. 

The wire version also had the ends bent and were attached by 

means of holes in the handle. The strips or wires were about 40 

cm and the handle was 100 cm or less in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This rake, said to be derived 

from a type of Japanese origin, was frequently used to bring 

together fallen leaves and twigs in the garden, to gather fuel in 

the mountains, or to gather chaff, especially straw, after the rice 

was harvested. A 1971 survey found at least one rake in 70 

percent of the homes. Villagers said that a Korean rake (which 

was sturdier than the Japanese one, with fewer bamboo strips or 

wires and a shorter handle to facilitate working on mountainous 

slopes) had a Korean prototype. It was seldom seen by 1970. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Heydrich, 1931; K. Kim, 

1969:321-323, 339. 

Personal Accessories 

Material Culture No. 170 

FIGURE 144 

NAME.—(English) Spectacles (eyeglasses) 

(Korean) An'gyong 

DESCRIPTION.—Styles of spectacles encountered in the 

survey consisted of a pair of lenses mounted in a plastic frame, 

occasionally in a metal frame, or more rarely in the traditional 

tortoise shell frame. Sunglasses were also used. The size and 

color of the frame varied considerably, but it was almost always 

round in shape, especially for elderly villagers. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The spectacles worn in the 

community were usually those seen on elderly men troubled 

with farsightedness and a few young men with nearsightedness. 

When women possessed eyeglasses, they were used in a 

circumspect manner. Several of the older men used hand-held 

magnifying glasses instead of reading spectacles. Traditionally 

eyeglasses were not worn by younger men in the presence of 

older men; therefore, they were removed in many social 

situations. Spectacles were once regarded as a screen to conceal 
122 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 144.—Plastic framed eyeglasses and case. From a color photograph, 

1971. 

one's eyes and intent from others and therefore should not be 

worn among friends. This act of courtesy was often not 

observed, but it was still considered ideal behavior. Traditionally, the lenses of Korean spectacles were made of rock 

crystal. Eyeglasses of various types continued to be worn in 

1981. Villagers believed that modem spectacles were introduced by the Japanese. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1951, Vol. 

4(1): 116; Hommel, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 171 

NAME.—(English) Cane (walking stick) 

(Korean) Chip'aengi Local term 

Tchaktaegi Local term 

Chip'angi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Straight walking canes or sticks were usually lacquered hardwood. Canes of bamboo were also popular. 

Canes with a curved handle or short crossbar were seen. By 

1981, plastic canes were often used; they were stronger, lighter, 

and cheaper. Wooden, antique-appearing canes were favored. 

The length of canes varied but commonly were 100 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Canes were used mostly by 

elderly Korean men of over 50 years who possessed wealth or 

a prominent social standing in the community. In 1951, older 

men preferred straight canes. Canes with curved handles or the 

short crossbar were said to be derived from western types and 

were introduced by the Japanese. Although some canes were 

homemade, most were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 

1981, a few elderly men continued to use canes. 

Material Culture No. 172 

NAME.—(English) Knife and scabbard 

(a) Knife 

(b) Scabbard 

(Korean) Changdo 

(a) K'al 

(b) Changdo 

DESCRIPTION.—The hilt and the scabbard of the knife were 

often made of zelkova or oak. Occasionally the hilt was made 

of silver, gold, or jade with metal designs. The straight blade, 

with the cutting edge rounded at the end, was usually iron. The 

overall length was 15 cm. The width of the blade was 2 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This decorative Korean knife 

was usually worn by elderly men in traditional attire, 

suspended from the waist. In the 1950s, such knives were 

purchased in Taegu or Pusan shops. These knives disappeared 

from the community about 1960. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:192. 

Material Culture No. 173 

NAME.—(English) Umbrellas (for rain and parasol) 

(Korean) (a) Usan 

(b) Yangsan 

DESCRIPTION.—Korean folding umbrellas varied in size but 

often were 120 cm in length and 100 cm in width when opened. 

Women had umbrellas with bright colors, whereas men 

preferred more somber colors, usually black. Among the 

folding umbrellas were traditional ones made of oiled paper 

and bamboo and western versions made often of vinyl and 

bamboo or metal. Both types were used for protection against 

the rain and the sun. A parasol for women was made of cloth in 

various colors. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers often bought their 

umbrellas in downtown Kimhae shops. The folding umbrella 

existed in Korea for centuries, according to the villagers. In 

1981, all of the umbrellas mentioned above except the one of 

oiled paper continued to be used. About 1970, the modem 

folding and collapsible umbrella was introduced and by 1981 

was widely used especially by women. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954, Vol. 

4(2):70-71. 

Material Culture No. 174 

NAME.—(English) Fan 

(Korean) Puch'ae 

DESCRIPTION.—Both the rigid and round, and the folding 

triangular fans were used. The fans were usually made of paper 

or textile with bamboo frames. About 1968 plastic fans 

appeared in the community. The rigid fans with wooden or 

bamboo handles were often decorated with a bold circular 

red-yellow-blue design said to represent the universe, whereas 

folding fans were frequently enhanced with rural landscapes or 

birds and flowers. Fan sizes varied considerably. Rigid fans 

were often about 35 cm in length and 24 cm in width, and 

folding fans were approximately the same size. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Folding fans were generally 

more expensive to buy and were not as popular as rigid fans. 

Paper fans were more common. In 1970, both the rigid and the 

folding fans were usually purchased in downtown Kimhae 

shops. Electric fans, in 1981, were seen in many homes. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1954; Hong, 1982, 

Vol. 2:605-607. 
NUMBER 39 123 

FIGURE 145.—Household deity jar of earthenware or porcelain with rice 

offering. Black and white photograph, 1960. 

Value and Ritual 

Material Culture No. 175 

FIGURE 145 

NAME.—(English) Household deity jar 

(Korean) Sejondanji 

DESCRIPTION.—This brown, glazed earthenware jar was 

often placed on a high shelf near the ceiling of a room with a 

heated floor. The jar contained newly harvested rice. The 

mouth of the jar was covered with mulberry paper and tied with 

rice-straw cord. The jar was often 18 cm in height, and the 

diameter of its mouth was 11cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This ritual offering of dry rice 

to the deity of procreation and infants was believed to be 

essential to receive its assistance and protection. Villagers 

consulted a woman shaman to determine where the jar should 

be placed. In a 1970 survey of all three villages within the ward, 

this jar was seen only in 20 percent of the homes. In 1981, it 

was rarely seen in the community. 

Material Culture No. 176 

NAME.—(English) Incense storage jar 

(Korean) Hyanghap 

DESCRIPTION.—This brass or stainless steel storage jar, with 

a lid, was used for keeping incense. It appeared in several sizes 

and shapes, one of which was 3 cm in height and 7.8 cm in 

diameter. The brass storage jar sometimes had a separate brass 

pedestal base. The pedestal stand for the storage jar was also 

used to burn incense. The diameter of the stand was 11.5 cm, 

and its height was 6 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—When an incense burner existed 

in a home, the incense storage jar was not always present. 

Frequently incense was simply kept in the package in which it 

was purchased. Incense storage jars were purchased in 

downtown Kimhae stores or in Pusan. Villagers believed that 

such jars had a Korean origin. In 1981, they were used 

infrequently. 

Material Culture No. 177 

FIGURE 146 

NAME.—(English) Incense burner (brazier) 

(Korean) Hyangno 

DESCRIPTION.—This round brass or stainless steel incense 

burner was supported by three legs or a pedestal base. Two 

upright handles were near a slotted lid. The slots in the lid to 

emit the incense smoke were often cut to represent a 

cosmological design, with short and long bar combinations. 

The lid had a vertical, faceted knob. The height of the burner 

often was 21 cm, and the diameter of the top flange was 14 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Incense burners were used for 

ancestor worship, Buddhist ceremonies, and shaman rituals. 

Sand within the vessel provided a bed upon which incense was 

burned. During a 1971 survey in the three villages, incense 

burners were seen in 31 percent of the households. They 

usually appeared in the home of the first son of an extended 

family, who officiated at family ceremonies. Many of the older 

incense burners were hidden during World War II from 

Japanese authorities, who confiscated brass objects for the 

manufacture of munitions. Villagers believed that the incense 

burner originated from a Korean prototype with perhaps 

FIGURE 146.—Brass incense burner. Black and white photograph, 1977, Victor 

Krantz. 
124 

Chinese influence. In 1981, incense burners continued to be 

used for ceremonial purposes. Stainless steel versions of this 

vessel were mostly seen in rituals. 

Material Culture No. 178 

FIGURE 147 

NAME.—(English) Wine cup 

Wine stand 

(Korean) T'akchan Local term 

Chandae Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—The round brass wine cup and brass pedestaled stand appeared in rituals. The total height of the cup and 

pedestal varied but often was 10 to 13 cm. The diameter of the 

cup was usually between 5 to 6 cm, and the height of the cup 

was 3 to 4 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—During ancestor worship such a 

cup and stand were for a formal presentation of wine to 

ancestors. Brassware was expensive and was owned only by the 

more prosperous households. It usually appeared in the home 

of the first married son, who officiated at family ceremonies. 

The cup and stand were purchased in Kimhae or Pusan shops. 

Villagers believed that the prototype of the cup with the stand 

appeared in Korea. In 1981, the wine cup and stand were still in 

use. A cup and stand made of stainless steel were also 

frequently seen. 

Material Culture No. 179 

NAME.—(English) Ritual food stand 

(Korean) Chegi 

DESCRIPTION.—The ritual food stand was a round wooden 

tray supported with a pedestal. Similar food containers also 

existed in brass, but wooden ones were more widely used. The 

SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 147.—Brass wine cup and pedestal stand. From a color photograph, 

1977. 

FIGURE 148.—Brass candlestick holders. Black and white photograph, 1971. 

wooden stands were painted with a thin coat of dark reddish 

brown lacquer. Among the more common sizes were three with 

heights of 8 cm, 6.5 cm, and 6 cm; top diameters of 15 cm, 12 

cm, or 14 cm; and bottom diameters of the pedestals of 8 cm, 

7.8 cm, and 8.8 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The food stand was used for a 

ceremonial presentation of food. Cake, fish, beef, and other 

food items were served in this manner at an altar. Most homes 

of the first sons possessed several of these food stands, as he 

was the head of the extended family and the chief ritualist for 

family ceremonies. Wooden food stands were usually bought in 

downtown Kimhae stores where they were often sold in sets of 

ten. Brass versions were also available in Kimhae stores or 

Pusan. In 1981, the food stand was still used. A stainless steel 

food stand was also seen. The Korean prototype was said to be 

ceramic "stone" ware. 

Material Culture No. 180 

FIGURE 148 

NAME.—(English) Candlestick holder 

(Korean) Ch'ottae Local term 

Ch'oktae Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This upright, sometimes hexagonal, brass 

candlestick holder was often 25 cm in height, 10 cm in width at 

the base, and 6 cm in width at the top (cup with a spike). It was 

usually seen in pairs. Wooden versions also were present in the 

community, but for ceremonies brass candlestick holders were 

preferred. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A pair of such candlestick 

holders was seen in homes for family rituals, in a shamans' 

home, and in the local Buddhist temple. In 1970, stainless steel 

candlestick holders were also being used by the residents of the 

community instead of brass holders, which required polishing. 

Candlestick holders were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. 

Villagers believed that the candlestick holder had a Korean 

origin. It continued to be used in 1981. 
NUMBER 39 

125 

FIGURE 149.—Wedding duck of carved wood (pine). From a color photograph, 1971. 

Material Culture No. 181 

FIGURE 149 

NAME.—(English) Duck 

(Korean) Ori 

Wonang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The carved wooden duck used in the 

wedding ceremony was often painted with various colors and 

designs. Different woods were used, including pine, willow, 

and chestnut. The duck was constructed in a single piece or 

may have included three or more separate parts. The height 

often was 20 cm and the length 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The wooden duck represented 

life-time marital fidelity. It was carried by the bridegroom in 

the traditional wedding. In 1960, it was either made at home or 

purchased in a Kimhae, Seoul, or Pusan store. It was believed 

by villagers to have a Korean origin. It was seldom used in 

1970 as traditional weddings were less popular than in the past. 

In 1981, almost all weddings were westernized and took place 

in rented wedding halls located in Kimhae or Pusan. The 

wooden duck had become a rarely seen curio. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 1:496. 

Material Culture No. 182 

FIGURE 150 

NAME.—(English) Rosary 

(Korean) Yomjul 

DESCRIPTION.—This circular string of 108 seeds or beads 

with a tassel was used for Buddhist rituals. The diameter of 

each seed usually was 1 or 1.3 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Buddhist rosaries of this type 

were carried in 1971 by the Buddhist priest and several older 

village women almost daily, whether in or out of the local 

temple compound. The 108 seeds or beads represents various 

human impurities. Although the use of the rosary was not 

widespread among villagers, the rosary was assignable to those 

objects long associated with Korean Buddhism. In 1971, and 

1981, plastic replicas of the traditional rosary were also in use. 

Tobacco Smoking 

Material Culture No. 183 

NAME.—(English) Tobacco pipe 

(Korean) Tambaettae 

DESCRIPTION.—The traditional tobacco pipe had three 

components, the bowl and the mouthpiece, both often of white 

brass, and the bamboo stem. The overall length varied 

considerably but was often between 30 and 40 cm. The bamboo 

stem often had a burnt curvilinear design on its surface. The 

size of the bowl also differed, but it was always small, often 

holding only enough tobacco for 4 or 5 puffs. A frequently 

encountered bowl had a diameter and height of 2 cm. Most 

village pipes did not have inlaid designs in the metal 

components, as was seen sometimes in urban areas. The cloth 

tobacco pouch, which was worn suspended from the waist of 

traditional male attire, was rarely seen. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—During a 1968 survey conducted in the community, only 25 percent of the homes 

possessed one of these traditional tobacco pipes. The pipe was 

bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, this traditional 

pipe was not in use, not even by the elderly men who once 

favored it. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:629. 
126 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 150.—Rosaries, prayer beads, and a temple "block" (fish design) of wood with a wooden beater. From 

a color photograph, 1970. 

Material Culture No. 184 

NAME.—(English) Ashtray 

(Korean) Chaet'ori 

DESCRIPTION.—Tobacco ashtrays were made of brass, 

wood, ceramics, glass, or plastic. They were usually round, 

sometimes square, in shape. The size varied, most often they 

were about 10 cm in diameter and had a height of 1.5 cm. 

Usually the ashtrays had a narrow flat rim around the 

circumference and a raised central area for tapping ashes from 

the metal bowl of the pipe. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The raised center of the 

traditional ashtray was often rapped by the host with his 

tobacco pipe to alert his wife or daughter that his guest should 

have more refreshment. Whereas the traditional pipe was 

disappearing from village life, the ashtray was widely used as 

determined in a 1971 survey by cigarette smokers, and it was 

found in almost every home. Villagers believed that the 

ashtray, as well as the pipe, originated in Korea. Ashtrays were 

often purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Ashtrays of 

various types continued to be widely used in 1981. Ashtrays 

made of plastic, glass, or ceramic with printed names of shops, 

companies, or brand names of commodities were frequently 

seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:629. 

Animal Husbandry 

Material Culture No. 185 

NAME.—(English) Chicken coop 

(Korean) Ikkari 

Talgadugi 

Taguri 

Local term 

Local term 

Local term 

having no bottom (base). A supporting stick sometimes was 

placed across the diameter of the bottom at ground level. It was 

about 60 cm in height and 70 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The coop was placed over the 

chickens and directly upon the earth. It was especially used for 

younger chickens. Only a few coops of this type were still seen 

in 1971. The use of chicken wire for chicken enclosures, 

instead of bamboo or other fencing materials, commenced 

during the 1960s. In the opinion of villagers, the coop was 

disappearing from village life. They believed that it had 

originated in Korea. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969, photos 339-

346. 

Material Culture No. 186 

NAME.—(English) Chicken nest 

(Korean) Pudong 

Tunguri 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round chicken coop was constructed 

with a bamboo wickerwork, enclosing the sides and top but 

DESCRIPTION.—Two types of chicken nests were seen in the 

community. One was round and woven with rice straw in loose, 

large coils. The other nest was two sided and open-ended. Rice 

straw was lashed together to form the walls of the nest. The 

dimensions of the circular nest was 40 cm in diameter and 27 

cm in height; the two-sided one was 50 cm in length and 30 cm 

in height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Both types of nests were used to 

induce hens to lay their eggs there and were hung just under the 

eaves of the village home, near ground level. Both had almost 

disappeared from the community in 1951, and in 1970 they 

were found only in the third village. They were made in each 

household as needed. Villagers believed that they originated 

from Korean prototypes. Such nests were mostly used when the 

chickens were not in an enclosure. Both the local and the 

standard terms were used in the community. In 1975, these 

nests were no longer seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:285-286, 292. 
NUMBER 39 127 

FIGURE 151.—Wooden feeding trough for chickens (pine). From a color photograph, 1971. 

Material Culture No. 187 

FIGURE 151 

NAME.—(English) Chicken feeder (trough) 

(Korean) Talmosit'ong 

Tangmoit'ong 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A traditional hewn feeder for feeding chickens was made from a pine log. There were many sizes, one was 

90 cm in length and 30 cm width. A popular feeder, said to have 

been introduced during the Japanese occupation, was made 

from wooden (pine) planks and often had the same measurements as above. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The feeder was widely used by 

chicken owners. It was constructed by the villager who wanted 

it. When the number of chickens owned by a villager was few, 

he would follow the older method of scattering the feed upon 

the ground. The feeder was not seen in 1975. 

Material Culture No. 188 

NAME.—(English) Ox-meal cooking pot and lid 

(Korean) Tangbu Local term 

Tanggu Local term 

Kamasot Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round iron cauldron, with its lid, was 

often 64 cm in width and 40 cm in depth. A wide rim below the 

mouth of the cauldron permited the vessel to fit securely in a 

round hole in the clay hearth. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The cauldron was seen in the 

preparation of food for an ox at a separate fireplace near the 

stable. The cooking vessel and lid were identical to those seen 

in the kitchen. The preparation of cooked food revealed much 

concern for the welfare of the ox. This concern seemed mostly 

attributed to the ox's economic value. These cauldrons were 

made in Pusan and were purchased in downtown Kimhae 

shops. Around 1971, the cauldron for cooking ox meals was 

seldom seen. Oxen were mostly replaced by the motorized 

cultivator. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:595. 

Material Culture No. 189 

FIGURE 152 

NAME.—(English) Ox-meal mb 

(Korean) Sojukt'ong 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine) tub, its staves held in 

place with bamboo hoops, was approximately 28 cm in 

diameter and 27 cm in height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The mb was used to transport or 

to serve prepared food for the ox, sometimes consisting of 

soybeans, barley, rice chaff powder, and cut rice straw that had 

been boiled together. At least one tub was owned by each 

household that owned an ox. A similar but more shallow mb 

appears in village kitchens for washing dishes and general 

utility. These tubs were not made in the Kimhae area. Ox-meal 

containers were also made from a log or cement. Villagers 

believed that the wooden tubs had Korean prototypes. The 

FIGURE 152.—Wooden ox-meal tub (pine). Sketch. 
128 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 153.—Wooden feeding trough for oxen (pine). Sketch. 

ox-meal tub was not seen by 1971 probably because oxen were 

seldom owned. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969:356-357. 

Material Culture No. 190 

FIGURE 153 

NAME.—(English) Manger (trough) 

(Korean) Kusi Local term 

Kuyu Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This manger for feeding or watering livestock was hewn from a pine log. The manger rarely was 

supported with wooden legs. There were several sizes, one was 

100 cm in length with a width of 40 cm, another was 55 cm in 

length with a width of 25 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This manger was usually placed 

inside the enclosed livestock pen or within the shed or stable. It 

was often used for feeding oxen, pigs, or chickens. In some 

instances, within a rice-straw enclosure for privacy, it served as 

a urinal. It was made either by the villager who desired one or 

by a local carpenter. Believed by villagers to have a Korean 

prototype, it was disappearing in 1971. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong 1982, Vol. 5:279. 

Material Culture No. 191 

NAME.—(English) Ox-meal hook 

(Korean) Sojuk kkakkuri Local term 

Sojuk kalk'uri Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This implement, used to stir the boiling 

thick mixture of food and roughage prepared for the ox, was 

made from a limb of a pine tree. It was often as much as 47 cm 

in length, 5 cm in diameter, and had at one end a natural hook 

extending out about 18 cm, which permitted raking the food 

from the iron cauldron into a wooden dipper. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1971, this implement practically disappeared as the number of oxen owned by villagers 

had decreased. The ox-meal hook was believed by villagers to 

be derived from a Korean prototype. 

Material Culture No. 192 

NAME.—(English) Fodder cutter 

(Korean) Chakto 

Chaktu 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This manually operated fodder cutter consisted of a movable steel blade with a handle attached to a 

wooden (pine) baseboard with an upturned fixed blade. The 

length of the movable blade, with the handle, often was 60 to 70 

cm in length; the baseboard frequently had a width of 11 cm 

and a length of 82 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This implement was mostly 

used to cut rice straw for roughage, but it also was used to cut 

hay and grass for ox food. This type of cutter was said to be a 

Japanese version. A traditional Korean cutter, often mounted 

on a log or thick plank, was operated by two men. One placed 

the straw to be cut beneath the blade and the other, who was 

standing and holding a pole for support, alternately pulled the 

blade up with an attached straw rope and pushed the blade 

down with his foot. The Korean implement cut a larger amount 

of fodder more quickly. During a village study in 1971, the 

Japanese cutter was found in 20 percent of the homes. It 

previously was made by the village blacksmith. In 1971, it was 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, it was seldom 

seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, fig.; Hommel, 

1969:110-112; K. Kim, 1969:278-282, 287-288, pis. 332-

337. 

Material Culture No. 193 

NAME.—(English) Yoke 

(Korean) Somonge 

DESCRIPTION.—This ox-yoke was made of a bent U-shaped 

piece of wood (often pine) with the inner surface of the 

midsection covered by a cotton pad. The length of the yoke was 

about 70 cm. To each end of the yoke was fastened a trace 

(hemp, wire, or nylon) that was attached to the cart. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The yoke for the ox or cow was 

made by the farmer when it was needed. Villagers believed that 
NUMBER 39 129 

this type of yoke originated in Korea. In 1971, it was seldom 

seen as the ox-cart was replaced by motorized vehicles. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:49. 

Material Culture No. 194 

NAME.—(English) Traction saddle (for ox) 

(Korean) Sojilmae 

Chilma 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This saddle for attaching the shafts of a cart 

to an ox was made of wood (pine) and was often reinforced 

with two iron bolts. The saddle consisted of two parallel 

inverted V-shaped components placed upon a rice-straw mat 

and a hemp mat. The end ring on each of the two shafts of the 

cart was fastened to the sides of the saddle. The height of the 

saddle was 50 cm and the width was 23 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The saddle was placed upon the 

back of the draft animal just to the rear of the shoulders. It was 

made in the Kimhae area by the same craftsmen who also 

constructed carts. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea 

and was modified with Japanese influence. In 1971, it was no 

longer seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:253 

Material Culture No. 195 

NAME.—(English) Packsaddle 

(Korean) Chilmae 

Kilma 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The packsaddle consisted of a wooden 

frame with two inverted U-shaped components held together 

with two iron bolts. The saddle was placed upon the back of an 

ox. A straw mat and a hemp mat were beneath the packsaddle. 

The height of the wood frame was 55 cm and its width was 23 

cm. It was essentially the same as the traction saddle, with 

additional iron attachments for securing a net or rack to carry a 

load on the back of the ox. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The packsaddle was placed 

upon the back of the ox and slightly to the rear of the shoulders. 

It was owned by all ox owners. The packsaddle was made by a 

craftsman in Kimhae. Villagers said that this packsaddle had a 

Korean origin. Oxen were seldom seen in use around 1971; 

instead tractors and small trucks were used for the transportation of material. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:217-219, 

241-242. 

Material Culture No. 196 

NAME.—(English) Packrack 

(Korean) Kolch'ae 

DESCRIPTION.—The packrack consisted of a horizontal 

wooden rack with two suspended straw rope nets. The rack was 

placed upon the packsaddle of an ox with a suspended rope net 

on each side of the animal. The length of the rack was 120 cm, 

and the width was 120 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This packrack was used together with the packsaddle to transport rice, straw, leaves, and 

other light but bulky loads. One was used by a family who 

came from the North Kyongsang Province. In 1970, no such 

packrack could be found in the community. Villagers believed 

that the packrack originated in Korea. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:219-220, 243. 

Material Culture No. 197 

NAME.—(English) Ox-bridle and nose ring 

(Korean) Soikkari 

DESCRIPTION.—The bridle for the head of the ox was made 

of two slender hemp cords twisted tightly together for strength. 

It was fastened to the ox's nose ring. The bridle was attached in 

turn to a single hemp rein, which was approximately 200 cm 

long. Nylon rope was used instead of the hemp from about 

1965. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The ox-bridle was seldom seen 

in 1971 as the use of oxen was limited. The village specialists, 

who previously did the plowing with oxen for village farmers 

on a contract basis, now mostly use motorized cultivators. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969, pis. 250-263, 

327-338. 

Material Culture No. 198 

NAME.—(English) Ox nose ring 

(Korean) Sogunduri Local term 

Koppi Local term, also standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The nose ring was made of willow, bamboo, 

pine root, or plastic. The ends were tied together with a vine. 

The ring was round or U-shaped. The ring was about 4 to 5 cm 

in diameter. Larger nose rings were also seen. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The ox nose ring was seldom 

seen in 1971 as oxen were owned only by a few villagers. The 

nose ring was made by the owner of the ox. It was inserted into 

the septum with a pointed piece of bamboo when the ox was a 

year old. Villagers believed that the nose ring had a Korean 

prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969, pis. 250-263, 

327-338. 

Material Culture No. 199 

NAME.—(English) Ox sandal 

(Korean) Sosin 

DESCRIPTION.—The sandal was made of rice straw providing a sole or pad beneath the hoof, with two rear loops and two 

frontal cords to fasten the sandal securely in place. The size 

varied, but often the mostly circular sole was 10 to 13 cm in 

diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Sandals were used to protect the 

hooves of an ox on a stony road or for more traction on a 

slippery surface of ice, snow, or mud. Such sandals were made 
130 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

when needed by the villager who owned the ox. Many farmers 

since 1971 had their plowing done with motorized cultivators 

and no longer owned oxen. Villagers believed that the sandal 

was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1968, the ox sandal 

was seldom seen. 

Confections 

Material Culture No. 200 

FIGURE 154 

NAME.—(English) Candy scissors (shears) 

(Korean) Yotchangsa kasige Local term 

Yotchangsa kawi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—These iron scissors were 29 cm in length 

and 17 cm in width across the handles. The scissors had large 

oval handles and were loosely connected with a bolt, and often 

they had no discernible cutting edges. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These scissors were used 

primarily as a noise maker by the candy peddler, who made his 

rounds with a two-wheeled, rubber-tired cart. They make a 

distinctive sound, a rattle, that villagers, especially children, 

immediately recognized. The scissors were also used by the 

peddler as an improvised hammer on hard taffy candy. The 

candy peddler, with his cart and scissors, was seldom seen in 

1971. 

FIGURE 154.—Peddler's noisemaker that doubles as taffy scissors. From a 

color photograph. 

FIGURE 155.—Ice-shaving machine for a flavored ice confection. Black and 

white photograph, 1970. 

Material Culture No. 201 

FIGURE 155 

NAME.—(English) Ice shaving machine 

(Korean) Pingsut'iil 

DESCRIPTION.—This ice shaving machine (iron) had a screw 

clamp to hold a block of ice that turned on a metal cutting plate 

with a vertical wheel. It had a height of 68 cm and a base width 

of 33 cm. A glass or ceramic basin was placed between four 

supporting legs into which the ice shavings fell. Flavored water 

was poured over the ice shavings that were sold in paper cones. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1968, only one ice shaving 

machine was found in the community, but by 1981 four were 

seen in village shops. This appliance was purchased in Pusan. 

Villagers said that the Japanese introduced the ice shaving 

machine to Korea. 
NUMBER 39 131 

Household Furniture and Accessories 

Material Culture No. 202 

FIGURE 156 

NAME.—(English) Screen (folding) 

(Korean) Pyongp'ung 

DESCRIPTION.—The pictorial folding screen had a wooden 

frame covered with paper and cloth or silk. Screens usually had 

six or eight panels. Pictorial themes often included representations of the "four seasons" in sequence from right to left sides 

of the screen: plum blossoms, orchids, bamboo, and chrysanthemum. Among other themes were those depicting calligraphy, and the scholar's cupboard (bookpile screen). The size of 

a single panel of a screen was often 130 cm in height by 35 cm 

in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Village screens were mainly 

used for ceremonies, such as weddings, birthdays, ancestor 

worship, and funerals. The screen was deemed so essential that 

if the household didn't have one for a formal occasion, it was 

borrowed or rented. In a 1971 survey, only 26 percent of the 

homes owned a screen. A screen also provided privacy and a 

barrier to uncomfortable drafts in a room. Screens were made 

elsewhere by artists and craftsmen and were usually purchased 

in Kimhae shops. Many villagers believed that the screen had a 

Korean prototype, but others said that it probably had a Chinese 

origin. In 1981, the screen was still used in ceremonies and 

other formal activities. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—McCune, 1983. 

Material Culture No. 203 

NAME.—(English) (a) Cushion (floor) 

(b) Cushion, silk and cotton (floor) 

(c) Mat, rice straw (floor) 

(d) Mat, vinyl (floor) 

(Korean) (a) Pangsok 

(b) Poryobangsok 

(c) Chippangsok 

(d) Pinilbangsok 

DESCRIPTION.—(a) This cushion was square, embroidered, 

and made of cotton, with a ruffle around its edge, (b) This 

square embroidered cushion had a silk cover with a cotton 

interior. The embroidery usually included auspicious Chinese 

characters for good health and prosperity, (c) This woven (plain 

twined) rice-straw mat had a circular shape, (d) This mat was of 

woven vinyl and could be circular or square. The size of the 

cotton cushion was often 50 x 50 cm, the silk cushion 55 x 55 

cm, the rice-straw circular mat 33 cm in diameter, a square 

vinyl mat 44 x 44 cm, and its circular version 33 cm in 

diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The cotton and silk cushions 

were usually used during colder seasons, whereas the rice-straw 

and vinyl mats were preferred for warmer weather. The straw 

mats were also placed on the kitchen's clay floor for sitting 

while preparing a fire. The cotton and the silk cushions and the 

straw mat were made at home or were purchased in a downtown 

Kimhae shop. The vinyl mat was usually bought in a Kimhae 

store. In 1971 and 1981, these cushions and mats were widely 

•mini 

FIGURE 156.—Village elder with one of his folding screens often panels, depicting flowering trees and bamboo. 

From a color photograph, 1969. 
132 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

used in the community. Villagers were uncertain about the 

origin of these cushions and mats. The woven mats, in the 

author's opinion, perhaps were more closely associated with 

traditional life, and the cloth and vinyl cushions with urban life 

and foreign influences. 

Material Culture No. 204 

NAME.—(English) Mat 

(Korean) Satchari 

DESCRIPTION.—This plain, rectangular reed/rush mat, with a 

twilled weave, was usually light brown in color and varied in 

size, but was often 120 x 150 cm or 112 x 199 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, this mat was seen in 

the homes of poor villagers who could not buy the traditional 

oil paper to cover the clay surface of their heated floors. By 

1970, most homes in the village did not have such mats on their 

floors but had other floor coverings. Several homes made use of 

vinyl floor covers. These mats were, however, seen on the 

floors of rooms provided by prosperous villagers for their 

laborers. Mats, over the years, have also been used to cover 

walls, to wrap objects for shipping, and to serve as temporary 

rain shelters. For centuries the Kimhae delta with its extensive 

growth of reeds was known for the manufacture of these reed 

mats. Before the reeds were woven into a mat, they were split 

and boiled to make them more pliable. This mat was still seen 

in 1970 but was disappearing from village life. When not in 

use, such mats were rolled up and stood in the corner of a room 

or hung under the eaves of the house. Villagers believed that it 

had a Korean prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923; K. Kim, 

1969:155-157, 160-162, 171-173. 

Material Culture No. 205 

NAME.—(English) Mat, reed 

(Korean) Ch'osigi 

Ch'osok 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This fine quality, rectangular mat was 

woven (wicker weave) from reeds (Cyperus exaltatus, Retzius) 

or vinyl cordage. It often had a dyed surface design of bold 

Chinese characters. The size frequently was 120 x 160 cm or 

123 x 190 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, this mat was used 

mostly in the summer for a seated guest and also for 

ceremonies. It was placed upon an unheated floor in summer, a 

wooden floor, or in the yard for temporary use. In a 1970 

survey, 34 percent of the village households had at least one 

such reed mat, whereas 14 percent owned mats made of vinyl. 

Such reed mats were made in the Kimhae area for many years 

but not in this village. Most of these mats were said to be made 

in Hamyang County to the west of Kimhae city. These mats 

were believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. This mat 

continued to be used in 1981, primarily for ceremonial 

occasions. 

FIGURE 157.—Bedding consisting of a quilt and mattress made of cotton and 

silk with a western-style pillow. Black and white photograph, 1955. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—CSN, 1923, sketches and 

photos; K. Kim, 1969:155-157, 160-162, 171-173; Hong, 

1982:722. 

Material Culture No. 206 

FIGURE 157 

NAME.—(English) Quilt 

Mattress 

(Korean) Ibul Standard term 

Yo Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Quilts and mattresses were traditionally 

made of hemp, cotton, and/or silk. However, in 1971, many 

were also made from synthetic materials. Quilts for spring or 

fall weather were thin, incorporating within only a few layers of 

cotton sheets. Winter quilts were thicker and padded with 

cotton. Both the quilt and the mattress usually had a cotton or 

hemp sheet to cover the surface that was in contact with the 

sleeper. The quilt often had blue and red panels with 

embroidered flowers on its top surface. The covering sheet was 

larger than the size of the quilt or mattress, over which it was 

extended. It was wrapped over the edges of the quilt or mattress 

and stitched to form a border along the top surface, which 

contrasted with the colorful central panel of the quilt or 

mattress. 

One popular size of quilt had a length of 180 cm and a width 

of 150 cm. A popular size of mattress had a length 160 cm and 

a width 90 cm. Larger quilts with a length of 230 cm and a 

width of 180 cm were also made of synthetic material. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The sheets that covered the 

quilt and the mattress were periodically removed and washed. 

In the summers, a double cotton or hemp sheet was preferred as 

a cover rather than a quilt. Beneath the sleeper a smooth straw 

mat was often placed over the mattress. In 1981, such quilts and 

mattresses were still widely used. 
NUMBER 39 133 

FIGURE 158.—Cotton cloth pillow filled with rice hulls. Black and white 

photograph, 1971. 

Material Culture No. 207 

FIGURE 158 

NAME.—(English) Pillow 

(Korean) Pyogae Local term 

Pegae Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round or square, elongated pillow was 

made of cotton cloth. It was filled with rice hulls or broom com 

and millet hulls. On either end of the pillow a colorful 

embroidery panel was sometimes attached. Frequently embroidered were the auspicious Chinese characters for longevity or 

happiness. The pillow for the individual sleeper was often 24 

cm in length and 15 cm in diameter. A single pillow for 

newlyweds was approximately 44 x 21 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960 and 1971, these pillows 

were in almost every home. They were frequently made by the 

housewife, often two of which were made by her prior to her 

marriage. Villagers considered this pillow as traditional, 

derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, the pillow continued 

to be used, but most pillows were ready-made and bought in the 

Kimhae market place. For summer use, a flexible bamboo 

pillow was preferred. Rattan pillows were also seen in 1975. 

Material Culture No. 208 

FIGURE 159 

NAME.—(English) Writing desk 

(Korean) Ch'aeksang 

DESCRIPTION.—This rectangular desk was made of pine or 

plywood. It had a height of 35 cm, width of 45 cm, and a length 

of 70 cm. It was made with two drawers, each of which has a 

frontal slot for a finger hold. The desk was supported by four 

short legs. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This type of desk was said to 

have been introduced by the Japanese. At least two sizes of this 

desk existed. A few Korean writing tables were seen that were 

supported by two side panels that rested on the floor. This 

traditional table had a top surface rising slightly on either end 

and had no drawers. The Japanese-derived desk, on the other 

hand, had a flat top surface. This introduced desk was widely 

used in 1970 for study and writing while seated on the floor. It 

FIGURE 159.—Wooden (pawlonia) writing desk. Black and white photograph, 1952. 
134 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

was made by a local carpenter or bought in a downtown 

Kimhae shop. In 1981, these pine or plywood desks were still 

in use. 

Material Culture No. 209 

NAME.—(English) Desk (table) 

(Korean) K'un ch'aeksang 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden desk, made of pine or plywood, was a larger version of a smaller desk that was more 

widely used. This larger desk had a flat top, two drawers, and 

four legs. Each drawer had a frontal slot as a finger hold. The 

desk size varied, one had a height of 70 cm, a width of 74 cm, 

and a length of 105 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This larger and higher desk was 

seen in only 15 households of the community in 1951, but by 

1981 it was in many homes. The desk was primarily used by 

school children for writing and reading while seated on chairs. 

Most of these desks were purchased in a downtown Kimhae 

store. All were made in Korea, but the prototype was believed 

to have been introduced by the Japanese. 

Material Culture No. 210 

FIGURE 160 

NAME.—{English) Dining table 

(Korean) Tullesang Local term 

Tullep'an Local term 

Chagaebapsang Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This is a portable dining table to usually 

serve one person. Often the table was made of pine, sometimes 

lacquered, or hardwood. One example was rectangular and 

FIGURE 160.—Portable table of black lacquered wood with mother-of-pearl inlay, for use by one person. Black 

and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 
NUMBER 39 135 

decorated with mother-of-pearl and black lacquer. Each pair of 

legs was placed upon a common runner to stabilize the legs. 

The legs were squared behind and rounded in front. The edge of 

the table top was raised. This table was often 22 cm in height, 

36 cm in width, and 48 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, lacquer with motherof-pearl decor was mostly seen on tables owned by well-to-do 

households. The designs were frequently flowers and birds, 

e.g., plum blossoms and warblers. Mountains and a river with 

boatmen was also a common theme. Lacquer not merely 

enhanced the appearance of tables, but it also waterproofed and 

preserved them. Such tables were frequently made in Tongyong County, about 130 km away on the seacoast. This type 

of table was usually bought in a downtown Kimhae shop. The 

prototype of this table was believed to be Korean. In 1981, this 

table was still in use. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:601-602. 

Material Culture No. 211 

FIGURE 161 

NAME.—(English) Round table 

(Korean) Tullesang 

Tullep'an 

Hojokpan 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This traditional round table was made of 

wood, often pine or gingko, and was painted with a light red 

lacquer. The edge of the table top was raised and often 

twelve-sided. The S-curved legs were described as "tigerlegged." A supporting rod was inserted vertically in each leg, 

which was visible in the rear and toward the bottom of the leg's 

S-curvature. The diameter of the table was 35 cm and the 

height was 28 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Small round tables of this type 

are used to serve refreshments for one or occasionally two 

persons. Often they were used to provide wine or other 

alcoholic beverages for men. Such tables were widely used in 

1970 and in 1981. They were purchased in a downtown Kimhae 

shop. The prototype was said to be Korean. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:396. 

Material Culture No. 212 

NAME.—(English) Folding table 

(Korean) Tullep'an 

Kyojasang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This round folding table was made of pine 

or oak and covered with a light red varnish. The top surface at 

times had an incised margin. It had four wooden legs, which 

were collapsible when the table was not in use. The diameter of 

the table was 70 cm, and its height was about 30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This table was used by women 

and children who often ate their meals together. Villagers said 

that it was derived from a Japanese prototype. In 1981, the table 

remained in use. 

Material Culture No. 213 

FIGURE 162 

NAME.—(English) Round table 

(Korean) Tullesang 

Soban 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 161.—Round wooden table for serving beverages. Black and white 

photograph, 1971. 

DESCRIPTION.—Several sheet metal and plastic versions of a 

small traditional wooden table were in use. They had a round 

table top, whereas the type of base varied; a round pedestal 

shape was popular. Often the diameter of the top surface was 45 

cm. The height of the table was 30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Such tables were widely used in 

the community in 1970. They were more durable and less 

expensive than the traditional prototypes. The tables were seen 

in different colors. Aluminum tables often had a brass or gold 

color; plastic tables were pink or white in color with silver 

flecks. A larger table with a formica top had a diameter of 70 

cm and a height of 30 cm. It had an aluminum rim and four 

metal (steel) collapsible legs. It was a dining table for children 

who were seated on the floor. In 1971 and 1981, these tables 

were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. The more 

expensive traditional tables, however, were regaining their 

popularity. Increased income as well as preference were said to 

be the change in consumers' demand. 

Material Culture No. 214 

FIGURE 163 

NAME.—(English) Rice chest 

(Korean) Ssaltuji 

Ssaltwiju 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This sturdy rice chest was made of zelkova 
136 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 162.—Portable table of translucent plastic used especially for serving beverages. Black and white 

photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 

or oak, or sometimes pine. It was varnished brown and had an 

ornate brass lock, often with a fish motif, just below the 

overhanging hinged lid of the chest. The chest had four squared 

legs. The dimensions varied but were often 80 cm in height, 70 

cm in length, and 60 cm in width. When new plastic chests 

were available in 1981, a sheet metal grain release was inserted 

near the bottom of the chest. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, this rice chest was 

most often found in the homes of the "middle class" and "rich" 

villagers. "Poor" households usually stored rice in ceramic jars. 

The rice chest was also regarded as a decorative piece of 

furniture. Plastic versions of the traditional chest appeared in 

the early 1970s. By 1981, the modified factory-made plastic 

versions had replaced most of the traditional rice chests. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:411, 599. 

Material Culture No. 215 

FIGURE 164 

NAME.—(English) Storage chest (for blankets) 

(Korean) Pandaji Local term 

Aptaji Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This storage chest was often made of 

zelkovia or pine and was decorated with iron or brass motifs. 

The chest was divided into two horizontal parts, each of which 

had metal decor. The top and bottom parts have doors with 

ornamental locks and drawers. On either end of the chest was a 

round, metal handle. The dimensions of the storage chest were 

100 cm in height, 83 cm in length, and 52 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Although the chest was referred 

to as a blanket storage chest, it also was often used for clothing, 

scrolls, and other small items. Only a few were found in the 

community in 1975. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:638. 

Material Culture No. 216 

FIGURE 165 

NAME.—(English) Bench-bed 

(Korean) P'yongsang 

DESCRIPTION.—This bench-bed was constructed of bamboo 

or pine. Rarely, the supporting frame was pine with the surface 

of the platform bamboo. When the bench-bed was made 

completely of bamboo, each joint consisted of one section of 
NUMBER 39 

137 

FIGURE 163.—Rice chest of oak or zelkova. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. 

bamboo wrapped around another. When pine planks were used, 

the joints were often tongue-in-groove. The top surface of the 

bench bed was 120 x 180 cm, with a height of 71 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The bench-bed was for sitting 

or sleeping, or more precisely, napping during the day. This 

outdoor furniture was constructed by a local carpenter or a 

bamboo craftsman. It was most often used in a shady portion of 

the yard of a home, particularly in the summer. Villagers 

believed that it was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, 

some were seen in use during the summer. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 217 

NAME.—(English) Lantern 

(Korean) Tungjan 

Sagihorong 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This lantern consisted of a four-sided glass 

case with a wooden frame, and within the case was a white 

porcelain lamp that contained fuel oil and held a cotton wick. 

The lantern was carried by means of two cords attached to the 

top of the wooden frame. The case was 30 cm in height, and the 

base was 13x15 cm. The porcelain lamp was 5 or 7 cm in 

height and the diameter of its base was 6 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This lantern was used out-ofdoors as well as in the home. It was rarely seen in the first and 

second villages of the consolidated community, where electricity was first available. In the third village, it was widely used in 

1955. Prior to the introduction of glass by the Japanese, 

according to villagers, paper was used to encase the lamp. The 

lantern was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. It was 

believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. It was no 

longer seen in the community in 1965. 

Material Culture No. 218 

NAME.—(English) Lamp 

(Korean) Tungjan 

Horongbul 

Standard term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This lamp was in use for several years after 

the Korean War (1950-1953). It was made from the aluminum 

sheet of salvaged oil cans. Similar galvanized iron lamps were 
138 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 164.—Wooden (zelkova) storage chests. Black and white photograph, 

1960. 

also made but often not from salvaged material. The body of 

the lamp was supported by a round base with a slender 

cylindrical pedestal. The tapered body for fuel was 12 cm in 

length, and the width varied from 5 to 7 cm. The total height of 

the lamp was 48 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This lamp was said to have 

replaced a traditional lamp, which had not been used in the 

community since 1945. The traditional lamp (horongbul) had a 

wood base and a vertical piece of wood with an adjustable 

lateral component for holding an oil cup with a wick. It 

disappeared about 1960. In 1971, the metal version described 

above was rarely used in two of the villages of the community, 

but it was widely used in the third village where electricity had 

only recently been introduced. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:625. 

Material Culture No. 219 

NAME.—(English) Kerosene lamp 

(Korean) Hoya 

DESCRIPTION.—This metal (galvanized iron) lamp, with a 

bulbous glass tube around the wick, had a chimney, and a fuel 

tank as the base. The glass tube could be raised, making the 

wick accessible for maintenance. A bail was attached to the 

lamp. The maximum height was 43 cm, and the width of the 

base was 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers regarded it as a 

western-style lamp. It was purchased in Kimhae shops. In 1955, 

it was used more often in the third village, which had not as yet 

received electrical service. In 1968, this kerosene lamp was 

seldom seen as all of the Three Ministers community had now 

been electrified. 

Material Culture No. 220 

NAME.—(English) Portable stove 

(Korean) Kollot'ong Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—This portable tin stove was made from a 

salvaged oil storage can with the top removed and most of one 

of the four sides cut away. It was 30 cm in height and had a 

width of 25 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In the stove, wood, charcoal, or 

FIGURE 165.—Bamboo bed for napping or sitting, usually used during the summer. Black and white photograph, 

1971. 
NUMBER 39 139 

straw was burnt as fuel. Rice and other foods were prepared on 

this stove. Although the oil can was thought to have a Japanese 

origin, the stove was regarded as a Korean innovation. One 

visiting Korean scholar said that the oil storage can probably 

originated in the U.S.A. and not Japan. The stove was 

manufactured in Korea and bought in Kimhae shops. By 1968, 

this stove had almost disappeared. 

Material Culture No. 221 

NAME.—(English) Charcoal stove (brazier) 

(Korean) Kollo 

P'ungno 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This portable cylindrical charcoal stove was 

made of baked clay. It was open on top, with a thick rim, and 

near the tapered base it had an air vent with a sliding metal 

door. Often the height was 25 cm, and the diameter at the top 

was 28 cm and at the base 25 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A number of households in 

1951 had one of these portable charcoal stoves, in addition to 

the fixed fireplaces of the kitchen. It was convenient to prepare 

food outdoors in the summers away from the uncomfortable 

heat of the kitchen. Such stoves were made in Korea and 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1970, this stove was 

mostly replaced by a portable metal and clay stove that used a 

briquette for fuel. Villagers believed that the charcoal stove was 

introduced by the Japanese. 

Material Culture No. 222 

NAME.—(English) Portable stove 

(Korean) Yangch'olbuok 

Yangch'olnallo 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This cylindrical sheet-metal stove was open 

at the top, and just above the base it had an air vent, which was 

an inserted metal tube. On either side of the stove there was a 

loop handle. The air tube had a removable cap. Within the outer 

metal surface of the stove was a layer of baked clay. The stove 

was 38 cm in height and 27 cm in diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The fuel used in this stove was 

the cylindrical briquette. This stove had mostly replaced other 

portable ones. In 1971, a community survey disclosed that it 

was in 70 percent of the homes. In 1981, almost all households 

used this stove, especially for outdoor cooking during hot 

weather. This stove was often factory made from pieces of 

scrap tin. 

Material Culture No. 223 

FIGURE 166 

NAME.—(English) Stove 

(Korean) Sut'obu 

Nallo 

Nallo 

Local term, from Japanese 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This western-style stove was made of cast 

FIGURE 166.—Iron stove of western design. Sketch. 

iron with a stovepipe leading to a chimney. It had a 

barrel-shaped fire chamber with a side door to insert fuel and 

regulate the draft. The diameter of a circular narrow compartment, which was just above the fire chamber was 32 cm. Below 

the fire chamber was another compartment with a side door to 

remove ashes. The stove was supported by four legs. The 

height of the stove was 70 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers said that this stove 

was introduced by the Japanese. The western-style stove was 

made in Japan and bought in Pusan. In 1965, the stove was the 

source of heat in the local primary school and in village offices. 

In Korean homes, with traditional heated floors, it did not 

appear. This stove was modified after 1970 to bum a briquette 

instead of firewood. Commencing about 1970 and continuing 

in 1981, the briquette was the primary fuel for heating and 

cooking in village homes. 
140 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Material Culture No. 224 

NAME.—(English) Brazier 

(Korean) Hwaru 

DESCRIPTION.—This iron or brass brazier for burning 

charcoal was shaped as a deep dish or pan, with a flat rim, and 

three legs for support. The maximum diameter, including the 

rim, was often 39 cm, and the height was 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The iron brazier not only 

provided a source of heat, but it was also used to roast 

chestnuts, to heat an iron for smoothing clothing, or to ignite 

tobacco in the metal bowl of a pipe. In 1960, the iron brazier 

had almost disappeared. A similar but older brazier mentioned, 

but not seen, was made of bronze. Another brazier said to have 

existed resembled a flower pot. It had a flat rim and no legs. It 

was said to be Japanese-introduced, and it had a maximum 

diameter of 29 cm and a height of 15 cm. This Japanese brazier 

has not been seen in the community since 1945. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:632. 

Material Culture No. 225 

NAME.—(English) Tripod 

(Korean) Sambal 

Sambari 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This iron tripod had an iron ring to provide 

support for a cooking vessel. The diameter of the ring varied 

from 17 to 19 cm, and the length of the legs varied from 15 to 

20 cm; a shorter version had a ring diameter of 13 to 15 cm with 

leg lengths from 7 to 8 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The tripod was placed in a 

brazier or a portable stove above the burning charcoal or 

briquette. The shorter tripod was most often seen over a 

briquette. Tripods were made by Kimhae blacksmiths and were 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1965, these tripods 

were disappearing from the community. Such tripods were 

believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. 

Material Culture No. 226 

FIGURE 167 

NAME.—(English) Door lattices 

(a) Tortoise pattern 

(b) Open field pattern 

(Korean) (a) Chukch'angmun 

(b) Salch'angmun 

DESCRIPTION.—A simple bamboo lattice, known as the 

tortoise pattern, seen in many doors and windows, was 

constructed with an open checker-work of bamboo strips. A 

wooden lattice, with the open-field pattern, had its slender 

elements crisscross each other at right angles; the crisscrossing 

was tightly concentrated in some areas so as to represent at least 

three horizontal bands. The open-field pattern was made with 

pine or oak. Doors with lattice had a "rice paper" layer 

FIGURE 167.—Temple lattice-work showing an open field partem. Black and 

white photograph, 1971. 

stretched over the inside surface and often had an outside iron 

ring latch. One frequent size of door was 60 x 127 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Both types of lattice, the 

bamboo tortoise and the wooden open-field patterns, were seen 

in 1951 and 1961 in the community. Bamboo lattice usually 

appeared in the homes of the poorer villagers. Often it was 

made unevenly or carelessly. The wooden lattice, seen in other 

homes, was constructed skillfully. These two lattices were 

believed by villagers to be traditionally Korean. In a 1981 

survey, most homes in the community had either wooden or 

aluminum framed doors with glass panes and no lattice work. 

Different and complex latticed doors, however, were seen at the 

hillside temple behind villages one and two. 

Carpentry and Blacksmithing 

Material Culture No. 227 

NAME.—(English) Push broom 

(Korean) Sol 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine) push broom consisted 

of a rectangular brush with short hemp bristles and an inserted 

bamboo pole for a handle. The length of the handle was about 

90 cm, and the brush had a length of 21 cm and a width of 9 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, this push broom was 

not widely used and did not usually appear in most Korean 

homes. It was used to wash concrete floors, logs, and boards. It 
NUMBER 39 141 

was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers said that 

it was introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, a similar but plastic 

push broom with plastic bristles, with an inserted bamboo or 

wood (pine) pole as a handle, appeared. It was used for the 

same purposes. 

Material Culture No. 228 

NAME.—(English) Paste brush 

(Korean) P'ulbi 

DESCRIPTION.—This small brush made of wood (pine) with 

hemp bristles was 20 cm in length and had a width of 9 cm. It 

had a straight perforated handle with a thong. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The purpose of this bmsh was 

to spread the paste for wall-papering or for oil papering on clay 

floors. In 1960, it was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. 

It was made in Korea but was perhaps derived from a western 

prototype. In 1981, a similar brush was used for house painting. 

Similar newer brushes were made with an imported wood, 

Philippine mahogany. 

Material Culture No. 229 

NAME.—(English) Blacksmith's hammer 

(Korean) Mangch'i 

DESCRIPTION.—This "engineer" hammer, with a wooden 

(oak) handle, had a total length of 30 cm. The maximum length 

of the iron head was 16 cm. The head had a wedge-shaped top 

with a flat, round striking surface. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This hammer was a tempering 

tool. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea. Another 

existing hammer (also with a flat, round striking surface on one 

end of the head and a claw for pulling nails on the other) was 

believed to be a combined Korean and western tool. A hammer, 

with a ball top (peen) was said to be Japanese. Most homes 

contained at least one hammer, as well as a saw, a file, and a 

pair of pliers to do routine repair and maintenance work when 

needed. In 1971, a kit or assemblage of a few tools was found 

in 85 percent of the homes. Such tools were purchased in 

Kimhae stores. In 1981, less than 50 percent of homes 

possessed a tool assemblage that probably would be adequate 

to cope with household problems. Tools were often borrowed 

from neighbors to do maintenance, or the task was done by 

employing professional Kimhae personnel. 

Material Culture No. 230 

FIGURE 168 

NAME.—(English) Piston bellows 

(Korean) P'ulmae Local term 

Pulmi Local term 

P'ulmu Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This machine consisted of a rectangular 

wooden (pine) box with two compartments. One compartment 

FIGURE 168.—Blacksmith's wooden (pine) piston bellows. Black and white 

photograph, 1952, Knez. 

contained the plunger and an air chamber that was connected 

with another air chamber that had a valve to release the 

compressed air. The length was 120 cm and its height was 50 

cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, the only piston bellows 

in the community was in the blacksmith shop located in the 

second village. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. 

The smithy was closed in 1963. The piston bellows was sold 

about 1965 to someone not residing in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969:18; Needham, 1982, Vol. 4(2): 136. 

Material Culture No. 231 

NAME.—(English) Anvil 

(Korean) Momding 

Moru 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The rectangular top of the iron anvil was the 

working surface. The wedge-shaped bottom of the anvil was 

inserted into a wooden base (section of a tree trunk). The anvil 

had an approximate height of 20 cm; the wooden base was 40 

cm. The top surface of the anvil often was 21x12 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The village blacksmith did his 

repairs of village tools upon this anvil. It was purchased in 

downtown Kimhae. The smithy was closed in 1963, and the 

anvil with other tools were sold about 1965. It was said that this 

type of anvil was introduced by the Japanese. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969. 
142 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Material Culture No. 232 

NAME.—(English) Water cooling vat 

(Korean) Kusi 

Kuyu 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This water cooling vat was made from a 

single wooden log. Often the overall dimensions were 40 x 70 

cm with a depth of 20 cm or 62 x 100 x 30 cm. It was supported 

by a four-legged iron stand with a height of 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This water vat was used by the 

blacksmith to temper hot iron. In 1960, similar wooden vessels, 

but without metal stands, were also seen as mangers for oxen or 

as urinals in several village toilets. This vat was homemade 

using an adze and was believed to be derived from a Korean 

prototype. It was no longer seen in 1968. 

Material Culture No. 233 

NAME.—(English) Pliers 

(Korean) Tchikkae 

Ppuraya 

Chipke 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Several iron pliers in different sizes and 

shapes were in use, but usually with lengths between 20 cm and 

30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, although most pliers 

seen were in the blacksmith's shop, other villagers had pliers 

for various purposes in their homes. Pliers were usually 

purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Several pliers were 

thought to have been introduced, possibly by the Japanese. 

Other pliers were said to be derived from Korean prototypes. In 

1981, factory-made zinc-coated pliers for automobile repairs 

were widely seen in the community. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hommel, 1969. 

Material Culture No. 234 

NAME.—(English) Files 

(a) Medium-size file (general use) 

(b) Large-size file (to sharpen axe blades) 

(c) Two-surface file (to sharpen saws) 

(Korean) Chul 

(a) Chungjul 

(b) K'unjul 

(c) Yangnalchul 

DESCRIPTION.—These iron files usually had a herringbone 

pattern of grooves on their face. Each had a wooden handle 

over its tang and a point at the distal end of its blade. Some files 

were four-sided in cross section with a prominent ridge running 

along its entire length. The size of files varied, one often seen 

had the length of 25 cm and a maximum width of 1.5 cm. Three 

types of these iron, later steel, files were differentiated 

according to function. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers believed that several 

of these files were western-style tools introduced by the 

Japanese. Such files were mostly used by repairmen. In 1960, 

they could be purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. They 

were manufactured in Korea. 

Material Culture No. 235 

NAME.—(English) Drawknife ("bark stripper") 

(Korean) Namukkangnun k'al 

DESCRIPTION.—This drawknife consisted of an iron blade in 

a roughly hewn wooden (pine) elongated mount with two 

handles, one at each end. The maximum length of the 

drawknife was 30 cm, and the length of the blade was 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, such drawknives could 

be seen in many homes. The more recently made drawknives 

had steel blades. Such drawknives were used primarily to strip 

bark from timber by pulling it with both hands. It was made by 

the village blacksmith and believed to have originated in 

Korea. In 1968, this tool had almost disappeared. Another knife 

with a single wood (pawlonia) handle, said to have a Japanese 

origin, was also used occasionally to strip bark, but primarily it 

was used for sculpturing wood as in temple construction. The 

blade was 15 cm in length, and the handle was 10 cm in length. 

The knife was described as sharp enough to shave a man. One 

example was used by a retired carpenter who had served an 

apprenticeship with a Japanese carpenter. It was seldom seen in 

the community. 

Material Culture No. 236 

NAME.—(English) Adzes (small and large) 

(Korean) Sotchagu Local term 

Taetchagu Local term 

Chagwi Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This tool consisted of an iron, later steel, 

head with a lateral cutting edge and a socket for an inserted 

wooden (oak) handle. The other end of the head was a squared 

hammer. A small adze had a length of 20 cm, the head had a 

width of 11 cm, and the cutting edge was 5.5 cm. A larger adze 

existed; its length was 30 cm, the head was 14.5 cm in width, 

and the cutting edge was 4.5 cm. Another adze was seen with 

a curved handle inserted into a socket on top of an iron head. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The adze was used by carpenters and other villagers to plane or to split a board, or to strip 

bark from timber. It was bought in a downtown Kimhae shop. 

The smaller adze, said to have been introduced by the Japanese, 

was often seen in 1951, but very few existed in 1968. The larger 

adze, thought to have a Korean prototype, was still used. In 

1981, all adzes were disappearing due to the use of powered 

tools. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:493. 

Material Culture No. 237 

NAME.—(English) Angle rule (metric) 

(Korean) Cha 

DESCRIPTION.—This right-angle metric rule was made of 

stainless steel and measured 24 x 48 x 1.5 cm. Another 
NUMBER 39 143 

right-angle rule existed and was graduated according to two 

traditional Korean scales. Both Korean scales appeared on the 

same rule. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A folding wooden rule, graduated according to the metric scale, was widely used by 

carpenters. Students often relied upon a straight metric rule 

made of bamboo 30 cm in length. A traditional straight rule 

with a Korean scale for measuring cloth, with the total length 

converting into 54 cm, was rarely seen in 1968. 

Rules, graduated with the metric system, were purchased in 

downtown Kimhae or in Pusan shops. In 1971, the right-angle 

steel mle and the straight bamboo rule were widely used. 

Metric mles were believed by villagers to have been introduced 

by the Japanese. In 1981, plastic versions were popular. 

Bamboo rules were seldom seen. 

Material Culture No. 238 

NAME.—(English) Square (marker) 

(Korean) Suk'weo Local term, from Japanese 

version of English "square" 

Chikkakcha Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden marking tool consisted of two 

straight-edge components that were attached at a right angle; 

one was 15 cm and the other was 21 cm in length. This tool was 

not graduated into metric or the traditional Korean units. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This tool was used by carpenters to mark a line at a right angle. It was often made by the 

carpenter who wanted one but also could be purchased in a 

Kimhae or Pusan store. Villagers said that it was a western tool 

that was introduced by the Japanese. In 1971, it was rarely seen. 

Material Culture No. 239 

NAME.—(English) Oblique marker 

(Korean) Yon'gija 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden marker consisted of two 

straight edge components attached to each other at an oblique 

angle of 45 degrees. The length of the two components were 18 

cm and 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Carpenters used this tool to 

mark and cut an oblique line. Most villagers did not own one of 

these markers. It was bought in a Kimhae shop. This marker 

was seen in the community in 1951. Later the wooden marker 

was often replaced in carpenters' kits with a plastic version. In 

1968, there were none seen. 

Material Culture No. 240 

FIGURE 169 

NAME.—(English) Ink marker (stylus) 

(Korean) Mokk'al 

DESCRIPTION.—This bamboo sliver was pointed at one end 

and finely cut into a brush at the other. The length was often 20 

cm or as much as 30 cm, and the width of the brush was usually 

1 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The pointed end was used to 

FIGURE 169.—Japanese carpenter's snap-line marker (pine) and a bamboo 

stylus. Black and white photograph, 1969. 

make a fine ink line, and the brush was for a wider line. In 1960, 

this tool was used widely by carpenters and occasionally by 

other, often older, villagers. It was made by the person who 

needed one. It was used with an ink pad. The modem pencil 

probably replaced this traditional marker. Villagers believed 

that this bamboo marker originated from a Korean prototype. It 

was not seen in 1971. 

Material Culture No. 241 

FIGURE 169 

NAME.—(English) Ink box, snap-line marker 

(Korean) Mokt'ong 

DESCRIPTION.—This round wooden (birch) ink box had an 

attached wheel around which was a wrapped silk cord. By 

means of a small hole in two sides of the box, the cord passed 

through the box containing a cloth or mass of cotton fibers 

soaked with black ink. The end of the cord was fastened to a 

small wooden peg with a pin to facilitate pulling forth the 

ink-stained cord and fastening it in place. The sizes of ink 

boxes with attached wheels varied but often had a length of 24 

cm and a maximum width of 10 cm. The diameter of the wheel 

was 8 cm. The maximum length of the silk cord was usually 9 

meters. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1960, this snap-line marker 

was seen in use by a carpenter who came to work in the Three 

Ministers community from downtown Kimhae. His three 

semi-skilled assistants lived in the community. This roundshaped ink marker, with an attached wheel, was said to be 

fashioned after an introduced Japanese prototype. A traditional 

Korean ink box marker was described that had a square shape, 

with an attached wheel, but was not seen. Ink boxes were 

usually bought in Pusan. Plastic versions have existed since 

1971 and continued to be used in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:492. 

Material Culture No. 242 

NAME.—(English) Line marker 

(Korean) Kebik'i 

Chikson'gi 

Local term, from Japanese 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This carpenter's single-blade line marker 
144 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

consisted of a wooden (oak or birch) rectangular mount, 

rounded on top, with a small rectangular hole in the middle for 

an adjustable shaft of wood and a small steel blade. One marker 

had a maximum width of 9 cm, the height was 5 cm, and the 

length of the shaft was 17 cm. Three sizes of line markers were 

seen. Markers with two blades were also in use. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These line markers were also 

used for splitting boards. The markers were purchased in 

Pusan. Villagers believed that they were derived from Japanese 

prototypes. In 1981, these markers were still seen among 

carpentry tools. 

Material Culture No. 243 

NAME.—(English) Lattice plane 

(Korean) Salmiri 

Pyont'ang 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This specialized carpenter's plane was made 

of wood (birch) with an inserted steel blade. The rectangular 

body of the plane was 26 cm in length and 6 cm in width. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This lattice plane was used by 

carpenters to make lattice for papered windows and as decor for 

a sliding door. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. 

Villagers believed that this tool originated in Korea. In 1981, 

carpenter's planes were most often made of birch. The lattice 

plane was among the carpenter's tools in 1981, despite the 

increasing use of power equipment. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. 

Material Culture No. 244 

FIGURE 170 

NAME.—(English) Plane 

(Korean) Taep'ae 

Mengganna 

Taipae 

Local term 

Local term adopted 

from Japanese 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This carpenter's plane consisted of a rectangular wooden (often oak) block with an adjustable steel blade. 

The plane was 27 cm in length, 12 cm in width, and 3 cm in 

height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—There were three sizes of this 

plane. This plane was useful to level wooden surfaces and to 

shape wooden comers. It was purchased in Pusan. Villagers 

said that such planes were introduced by the Japanese. This 

plane was still used in 1981, although power tools were also 

available. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Needham, 1982:53. 

Material Culture No. 245 

NAME.—(English) Smoothing plane (two-handle) 

(Korean) Taep'ae Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This plane had a steel blade inserted 

downward into and below an aperture of its wooden (oak or 

FIGURE 170.—Japanese carpenter's plane of steel and elm. Black and white 

photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 

birch) rectangular body. Straight handlebars were attached 

crosswise on the front and rear upper surface of the plane so 

that the plane could be held by two persons, one pushing and 

the other pulling the plane simultaneously. The width of the 

plane was 8 cm and its length was 20 cm. Each cross handlebar 

was 17 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This two-person plane was 

often used on wood with a tough grain, especially Korean pine, 

which was more difficult to work than Cryptomeria or cypress. 

Villagers believed that this tool had a Korean prototype. In 

1971, this plane was no longer seen among carpenter's tools. 

Material Culture No. 246 

NAME.—(English) Rabbet plane 

(Korean) Saguri 

Sagure 

Local term adopted 

from Japanese 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—The rectangular body of this grooving plane, 

used for the construction of sliding doors, was made of wood 

(oak or birch) with a steel blade. Blade widths varied from 0.2 

to 2.2 cm. There were ten different grooving planes of this type 

seen in a carpenter's tool kit, one of which was 20 cm in length 

and 5 cm in height. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Villagers believed that this 

plane had a Japanese prototype. In 1960, local carpenters 
NUMBER 39 145 

bought ready-made lattice for doors from shops in downtown 

Kimhae or in Pusan, but they still made the door frames 

themselves and prepared the grooving for the doors. In 1981, 

grooving planes were in continued use, but there was an 

increasing dependence upon power tools. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. 

Material Culture No. 247 

NAME.—(English) Rounding plane 

(Korean) Tungmiri 

DESCRIPTION.—This plane had a rectangular body of wood 

(chestnut, often birch) and a steel blade. The plane was 19 cm 

in length. The width of the steel blade was 3.5 cm. An older 

form of this plane had an iron blade and a handle that extended 

22 cm across the body. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This hand tool was seen in the 

community in 1951 and in 1971. It was used almost exclusively 

by carpenters to round beams and frames above double 

windows in traditional homes. It was disappearing in 1971, as 

traditional homes were seldom built and only occasionally 

repaired. Villagers attributed this tool to a Korean prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. 

Material Culture No. 248 

FIGURE 171 

NAME.—(English) Saw, frame or bow saw (with toggle stick) 

(Korean) T'op 

DESCRIPTION.—This saw consisted of an iron or steel blade 

with teeth, a rectangular wood and rope frame, and a wooden 

toggle to adjust the tension upon the blade. The length of the 

frame was usually between 60 and 70 cm and the width (height) 

was 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The frame saw was used either 

by one person or by two persons facing each other, one pushing 

and the other pulling the tool. Most often it was used by wood 

cutters and carpenters. Villagers regarded it as a traditional 

Korean tool. In 1981, it was seldom seen in the community. 

The increased use of briquettes, instead of illegal firewood, 

undoubtedly was a causal factor for its disappearance. 

Material Culture No. 249 

NAME.—(English) Saw 

(Korean) T'op 

DESCRIPTION.—This saw had crosscut teeth along one edge 

of the steel blade and ripping teeth on the other edge for cutting 

across or with the grain of the wood. The straight wooden 

(pawlonia) handle extended behind the blade. There were five 

varieties of this one- or two-hand saw, which had blade lengths 

from 24 to 36 cm. The lengths of the handles ranged from 30 to 

40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These saws were purchased in a 

downtown Kimhae store. Villagers regarded such saws as 

Japanese tools. In 1960 through 1981, they were extensively 

used in carpentry. Carpenters were also using power saws in 

1981. 

Material Culture No. 250 

NAME.—(English) Handsaw 

(Korean) T'op 

DESCRIPTION.—This handsaw had a steel blade with one 

cutting edge for crosscutting. The wooden (pawlonia) handle 

for one-hand use was approximately at a 40 degree downward 

angle. The handle was often 11.5 cm in length, and the blade 

was 30 cm in length. Several sizes of this handsaw were seen. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This handsaw was mostly used 

to cut firewood. In 1960, one was owned by every household in 

the community. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. 

Villagers said it had a Japanese origin. It was manufactured in 

Korea. In 1981, it was rarely seen as firewood was no longer 

used for cooking and heating. The briquette was introduced 

around 1970, and it had replaced firewood almost completely. 

Material Culture No. 251 

NAME.—(English) Earth sieve 

(Korean) Hugolgimi 

Ch'e 

Local term 

Standard term 

FIGURE 171.—Bow saw with a steel blade and toggle stick. Black and white 

photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 

DESCRIPTION.—This sieve was made of wire screen within a 

rectangular wooden (pine) frame. Two parallel handles 

protruded from one side of the frame. The sieve was often 50 

cm in width and 80 cm in length. The sieve was suspended 

horizontally by rope from a tripod of poles. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1970, this sieve was most 

often used by carpenters, plasterers, and concrete block (and 

brick) makers to remove pebbles and other foreign matter from 

sand. It was usually made by the person who needed it. In 1981, 
146 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

it was seen most often at construction sites involving cement 

work. One retired carpenter said that traditional sieves had 

bamboo strips instead of wire screening. 

Material Culture No. 252 

NAME.—(English) Ladder 

(Korean) Saedari 

Sadaktari 

Sadari 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—Ladders were constructed with finished or 

unfinished wood. A ladder was often made by the villager who 

needed one. The length varied but it was usually long enough 

to reach the roof of the one-story home, about 280 cm in length, 

with a maximum width of 48 cm. In 1960, such ladders were 

owned by many households. In 1981, similar ladders were in 

use. 

Material Culture No. 253 

NAME.—(English) Crowbar 

(Korean) Motppaenun kot Local term 

Pparu Local term 

Norubal changdori Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This carpenter's tool was made of iron and 

was used as a lever in construction work and also to remove 

nails. The shaft sometimes had a faceted surface. It was often 

42 cm in length, with a curved claw end that was 7 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1968, it was in a few homes. 

It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was said to 

have been introduced by the Japanese. It was a western tool, 

according to one villager, who once worked with U.S. Army 

engineers. Another villager, a retired carpenter, thought the 

crowbar was a traditional Korean tool. 

Material Culture No. 254 

NAME.—(English) Carpenter's hammer 

(Korean) Mangch'i 

DESCRIPTION.—The Korean term was applicable to three 

types of hammers, each with an iron head and a wooden (oak) 

handle. One had two identical striking surfaces 9 cm apart on 

its iron head. Another hammer had a head with two striking 

surfaces, one wider than the other. The striking surfaces were 

14 cm apart. The third hammer had a striking surface and a 

claw on the ends of its iron head. All hammers had handles that 

were about 30 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These hammers were used by 

carpenters and other villagers to drive or extract nails. The first 

two hammers mentioned above were thought to have Japanese 

prototypes. The third hammer, with a striking surface and a 

claw, was said to combine an early Korean hammer with a 

western-derived claw. They were purchased in downtown 

Kimhae shops. In 1981, the first two hammers mentioned 

above were still in use. 

III Jisi 

JJlM' 

J^M 

i 

I'/W 

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'jjXjl 

FIGURE 172.—Japanese chisel with a steel blade and wooden handle. Black and 

white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 

Material Culture No. 255 

FIGURE 172 

NAME.—(English) Chisel 

(Korean) Kkul 

DESCRIPTION.—Two types of chisels were seen that had 

steel blades and wooden (birch) handles. The handle of the 

mortise chisel, which was used for heavier work, was 

reinforced with two iron bands, one adjacent to the striking 

platform and the other below, near the blade. The length of 

chisels and the width of the cutting edges varied. One chisel 

was 23 cm in length and the blade width was 1.5 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—These chisels, said to be 

Japanese, were the butt and the mortise types. The butt chisel 

was often pushed by hand, and the mortise chisel was strucked 

with a hammer. In 1971, these chisels were seen almost 

exclusively in carpentry tool kits. A retired carpenter estimated 

that there were about fourteen different Japanese-derived 

chisels used by Korean carpenters. They were purchased either 

in Kimhae or Pusan shops. A Korean iron chisel also was used 

for woodwork, but it did not have a wooden handle. In 1981, 

chisels with wooden handles were still in use by the carpenters. 
NUMBER 39 147 

Material Culture No. 256 

NAME.—(English) Plasterer's trowel 

(Korean) Hulk'al 

Wangdaek'al 

Hukpaji 

Local term 

Local term 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This trowel consisted of a rectangular steel 

plate tapered at one end, with a horizontal wooden handle over 

the plate. Several shapes and sizes of trowels existed. The 

length of one trowel was 28 cm, and the width was 9.5 cm. 

Another metal trowel had a triangular shape. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Trowels were used to apply 

cement or mud to surfaces. Metal trowels were purchased in 

local shops. Wooden trowels were made by the villager who 

needed them. Several trowels were thought to have been 

introduced by the Japanese, but villagers believed that the 

Koreans had similar trowels before the Japanese ones appeared. 

Trowels continued to be widely used in 1981. 

Material Culture No. 257 

NAME.—(English) (a) Wood drill 

(b) Awl 

(c) Clamp 

(Korean) (a) Halbibi 

(b) Songgot 

(c) Kkoksoe 

DESCRIPTION.—Among the tools of a carpenter were drills, 

awls, and clamps. Both the longer and the shorter drills, and the 

awls, were made of steel. The awls had wooden handles. The 

iron clamps were rigid (nonadjustable). Each consisted of a bar 

with two lateral extensions (hooks) that were driven into wood. 

One such clamp was 20 cm in length. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The steel drills were bought in 

Pusan. The awls, crowbars, and clamps were purchased in a 

downtown Kimhae store. All were Korean made. These 

carpenter's tools continued to be used in 1981. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Hong, 1982:493. 

Material Culture No. 258 

NAME.—(English) Bamboo handicraft tools 

(a) Knife 

(b) Chisel 

(c) Gimlet 

(d) Shears 

(e) Saw 

(f) Pliers 

(Korean) Taenamu kongjaktogu 

(a) Taek'al 

(b) Kkul 

(c) Sasikkomi From Japanese term, 

sashikomi 

(d) Senttei 

(e) Sait'op 

(f) Tchikke 

DESCRIPTION.—The principal steel tools for working bamboo were a knife, chisel, gimlet, shears, saw, and pliers. The 

knife, chisel, saw, and gimlet all had straight wooden (pine) 

handles into which their tangs were inserted. The U-shaped 

metal frame of the saw had a detachable blade. Although tool 

sizes varied, the length of the knife often was 30 cm, the chisel 

23 cm, the gimlet 23 cm, the shears 18 cm, the pliers 19 cm, and 

the saw 45 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Bamboo working was a traditional craft in the community. However, the tools that were 

being used closely resembled either contemporary Japanese or 

western versions. Such tools were considered to be modem. All 

were being made in Korea. The only craftsman who made 

bamboo items did so until 1975. He continued to live in the 

community in 1981. 

General Utility 

Material Culture No. 259 

FIGURE 173 

NAME.—(English) (a) Packboard, A-frame backpack 

(b) Packboard basket 

(Korean) (a) Chige Local term 

Chigae Standard term 

(b) Pagige 

DESCRIPTION.—This packboard, or A-frame, to carry a load 

upon a villager's back was usually made of two saplings (oak), 

each with a branch extending backward, and a midsection of 

woven rice straw. Occasionally the extended backward support 

was provided by two pieces of wood inserted into the saplings. 

Two woven (braided) rice-straw shoulder straps were attached. 

At times, a salvaged machine belt was used for the shoulder 

straps of the backpack. There were at least three sizes of 

packboards. One was 120 cm in length and 80 cm in maximum 

width. A cane, with a forked head, was used to prop up the pack 

board on the ground when it was loaded and unloaded. The 

cane was usually about 100 cm in length. Often a flexible 

basket made with twigs (bush clover, Lespedeza) was placed 

upon the packboard. A straw mat occasionally provided a 

lining within the basket. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The packboard was used to 

transport a wide variety of objects, from firewood to a pig, a 

manure barrel, or a plow. Frequently it was also utilized to 

carry grain, soil, compost, and other loose material. During the 

Korean War, the packboard was employed to carry ammunition 

to the front lines. It was made by craftsmen elsewhere in the 

Kimhae area. Villagers believed that the packboard had a 

Korean prototype. In 1971, the packboard was found in 59 

percent of the homes. During a survey in 1981, it was rarely 

seen. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:224-228, 

245-249. 
148 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 173.—Packboard (A-frame) of wood (pine) and rice straw, with a pine 

prop cane and a collapsible basket made of bush clover twigs. From a color 

photograph, 1971. 

Material Culture No. 260 

NAME.—(English) Water carrier 

(Korean) Mulchige 

DESCRIPTION.—This water carrier was a modification of the 

packboard. A carrying pole was lashed across a packboard. 

Suspended from the ends of the pole were hemp or nylon ropes 

with hooks to attach water buckets, manure buckets, or 

fertilizer baskets. The length of the carrying pole was 135 to 

140 cm, the buckets were often 35 cm high and 27 cm in 

diameter. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This water carrier was usually 

made by the homeowner who needed it. It was used almost 

exclusively by men. Women usually carried water in a 

galvanized iron vessel on their heads. The water carrier had 

almost disappeared by 1961. About 1973, a piped water supply 

was provided for many homes. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Yi, 1970:35. 

Material Culture No. 261 

FIGURE 174 

NAME.—(English) Well bucket 

(Korean) Turebak 

DESCRIPTION.—This round galvanized iron bucket often was 

reinforced with a steel hoop around the base. The measurements of the bucket often were 18 cm high, with a top diameter 

of 21 cm and bottom diameter of 16 cm. The bail of the bucket 

was attached to the end of a bamboo pole with two wire links. 

At other times, the bucket was simply tied to a hemp, rubber, or 

nylon rope. 

Other well buckets included a plastic version of the above, a 

rubber one, a yellow-colored aluminum one, another made 

from an American Army helmet liner, and a rectangular bucket 

with a wedge-shaped bottom made of galvanized iron sheet 

over a wooden frame. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Water levels in a well were 

occasionally high enough to permit one to scoop up water with 

a dried gourd dipper. Other newer wells, however, were often 

concrete tubes with lower water levels. Most of these new wells 

were installed during the nationally sponsored New Community Movement to improve village life. The bamboo pole with 

an attached bucket was frequently used, but when the water 

level was low, a bucket tied to a rope was preferred. The round 

and rectangular galvanized iron buckets were widely used, but 

the U.S. Army helmet liner or a plastic version of it were rarely 

seen. In 1981, galvanized iron buckets were seldom seen, the 

yellow aluminum bucket was occasionally in use, and the 

plastic bucket appeared almost everywhere. Buckets and rope 

were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. The round 

galvanized iron bucket was thought to have been introduced by 

FIGURE 174.—Well buckets of plastic, galvanized iron, and aluminum. From a 

color photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 
NUMBER 39 149 

the Japanese. Square wells were about 100 cm in width, and 

circular ones were about 80 cm in diameter. Both wells often 

had flat wooden covers. In 1981, electrical pumps in many 

homes were in use to draw water from existing wells. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:122-123. 

Vehicles 

Material Culture No. 262 

NAME.—(English) Cart-wheel cover 

(Korean) Kuruma palt'ongdai Kuruma is 

Japanese term for cart 

DESCRIPTION.—The slatted wheel cover for an ox-cart was 

constructed with wood (pine) planks. The cover extended 

laterally from the top of one wheel to the other wheel, over the 

forward end of the bed of the cart. The size of wheel cover 

varied, but it often had a width of 122 cm and a height of 40 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A wheel cover provided a wider 

bed for loads. Such a wheel cover, which villagers said was 

introduced by the Japanese, could be seen after the liberation of 

Korea (1945) but has since disappeared. Subsequently, the 

ox-cart had iron rods over the wheels and railing along the sides 

of the cart, so that both an extended bed and the sides of the cart 

were available for loading. The iron rod used was the same as 

that seen in modem ferroconcrete construction, e.g., Kimhae 

International Airport. 

Material Culture No. 263 

NAME.—(English) Cargo enclosure (box) 

(Korean) Hakko Local term, from Japanese 

term Hako 

Kwetchak Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—A four-sided wooden (pine) enclosure, open 

at the top, was occasionally placed upon the bed of an ox-cart. 

The dimensions of the box varied but were often 100 x 200 cm 

with a height of 150 cm. There were two movable rear panels 

to facilitate unloading. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This cargo enclosure for the 

ox-cart was useful to transport light but bulky loads, such as 

chaff. A similarly shaped enclosure with less height facilitated 

carrying dirt, fertilizer, and compost. In 1960, both the high and 

the low enclosures were often made by a village carpenter. 

Some villagers believed that such adaptations for a cart were 

introduced by Japanese, but others disagreed and spoke of a 

probable Korean origin. The higher enclosure disappeared from 

community life about 1971. 

Material Culture No. 264 

NAME.—(English) Cart support (stand) 

(Korean) Konggum Local term 

Uch' a pach' imdae Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This cart support was made from the base of 

a small (pine) tree trunk usually with three or four of its 

attached roots. The height of the cart support was approximately 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The trunk of a small tree was 

sawed-off approximately 23 cm above the ground. The base of 

the trunk, with the attached roots, was then excavated from the 

soil and trimmed so that it stood evenly and firmly. The 

purpose of the cart support was to hold the loaded ox-cart level 

when it was stationary and not hitched to an ox. At other times 

the cart support served as a stool. It was bought at a downtown 

Kimhae shop. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea. 

Although often seen prior to 1960, it had disappeared after 

1970. 

Material Culture No. 265 

NAME.—(English) Hand cart 

(Korean) Son'guruma 

Sonsure 

Local term, from Japanese 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This two wheel cart was made of wood 

(pine), with iron rims on the spoked wheels. Later the wooden 

wheels were replaced with salvaged steel wheels and rubber 

tires from an old automobile. The bed of the cart consisted of 

two parallel beams with cross pieces between them. The width 

of the bed was 122 cm. The cart was 270 cm in length. The 

diameter of each wheel was 92 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This hand cart, with ironrimmed wheels, was said to have been introduced by the 

Japanese. Although it existed prior to and during 1951, it had 

disappeared by 1968. Once owned by twenty households, such 

carts were used to transport various kinds of goods. The cart 

was pulled, usually by one man, at times assisted by someone 

pushing behind the cart. Such carts were made in the Kimhae 

area. 

Material Culture No. 266 

NAME.—(English) Hand truck 

(Korean) Son'gumma 

Sonsure 

Local term, derived from 

Korean and Japanese words 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden hand tmck consisted of a 

wooden (oak) frame with a bed of crosspieces. The two 

proximal ends of the frame were curved handles and the distal 

ends were extended upward at a 45 degree angle to retain the 

load, e.g., firewood, rice sacks, or wine kegs, on the bed of the 

truck. Below the distal ends were two small iron wheels and, at 

the proximal ends, under the handles, were a pair of iron 

supports for the tmck when it was placed upon the ground for 

loading and unloading. The length of the truck was 180 cm, and 

the width was 40 cm. The diameter of the wheels was 28 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—During a 1951 village survey, 

only one hand tmck was seen in the community. It had been 

obtained from a brewing company in downtown Kimhae. 

During the 1960s it disappeared. A somewhat larger, also 

two-wheeled, hand cart was seen in 1968. It was completely 
150 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

made of iron. The wheels were on the distal end of the bed. A 

pair of pistol grip handles extended beyond the proximal end. 

This cart, which was thought to be Japanese, also has since 

disappeared. A vehicle for similar work, the western wheelbarrow, was not seen in the community. 

Material Culture No. 267 

NAME.—(English) Liberation cart 

(Korean) Haebangguruma 

Haebangch'a 

Local terms, derived 

from Korean and 

Japanese words 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden cart had a low bed of boards or 

slats, an iron axle, and a pair of small iron wheels. Attached to 

the bed were two upright parallel shafts with a cross handlebar. 

The length of the cart was 160 cm, the width was 50 cm, and the 

diameter of the wheels was 30 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—Such carts were owned by 

numerous households just after 1945. Often the pairs of small 

wheels were salvaged during the Korean War (1950-1953) 

from a nearby American military airfield (in 1981, Kimhae 

International Airport). This small cart became known as the 

liberation cart. The cart was sometimes associated with illegal 

timber and underbrush cutting. The cart was mainly used by 

women and children for transporting loads, e.g., firewood and 

rice, for short distances. It has since disappeared from the 

community (1960). 

Material Culture No. 268 

FIGURE 175 

NAME.—(English) Ox-cart 

(Korean) Soguruma 

Uch'a 

Local term, derived from 

Korean and Japanese words 

Standard term 

DESCRIPTION.—This two-wheeled wooden (pine) cart was 

pulled by a single ox. Sturdy wooden wheels with metal rims 

that were in use in the 1950s had disappeared by 1971 and were 

replaced with salvaged metal wheels and pneumatic tires taken 

from a truck or jeep. The bed of the cart had two side rails. In 

1951, the ox-cart was often 450 cm in length and 80 cm in 

width. The wheel diameter was 99 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The cart was used to transport 

various materials, e.g., sacks of grain (rice or barley) and 

lumber. In 1965, it was disappearing from community life, and 

was being replaced by the multifunctional motorized cultivator 

with its rear cart (Figure 176). Carts were owned by farmers 

who had oxen. The cart was made by craftsmen in downtown 

Kimhae. Villagers believed that it had a Korean origin. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—K. Kim, 1969:232-233, 253. 

Material Culture No. 269 

NAME.—(English) Horse carriage (bus) 

(Korean) Mach'a 

DESCRIPTION.—The one horse carriage seen in the community was constructed of wood with a galvanized iron sheet roof. 

The steel wheels, with pneumatic tires, were salvaged from 

American military vehicles. The two front wheels were 

approximately half the size of the rear tires. The seating 

capacity was eight persons, with the driver. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—This horse-drawn carriage 

appeared after the Korean liberation (1945) when no public 

transportation existed. This bus provided transportation between the community and downtown Kimhae. It was built by 

Koreans in Pusan who had lived in Japan. The bus was 

purchased in Pusan. It disappeared from the Kimhae area about 

1955-1956. 

FIGURE 175.—Ox with cart, note nose ring, traction saddle, traction sandals, and the use of salvaged truck wheels 

and tires. Black and white photograph, 1971. 
NUMBER 39 151 

FIGURE 176.—Motorized cultivator with a rear cart. This motorized cultivator 

was used in the 1970s and continued to play an important role in village life in 

1981. From a color photograph, 1981. 

Material Culture No. 270 

FIGURE 177 

NAME.—(English) Bicycle 

(Korean) Chajon'go 

DESCRIPTION.—This sturdy iron bicycle was equipped with 

pneumatic rubber tires, an adjustable stand attached to the rear 

wheel to support the vehicle at rest, and a rack for loads above 

the rear wheel. Both the iron stand and the rack occasionally 

were reinforced with an iron rod for greater strength. The rack 

also could be enlarged to accommodate larger loads. The two 

wheels of the bicycle had diameters of 65 cm. The width of the 

cross handlebar was 65 cm. The length of the bicycle was 

approximately 195 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1971, some 40 percent of the 

households in the community owned one of these bicycles, 

which enabled villagers to transport heavy loads, e.g., a fully 

grown pig, briquettes for heating and cooking, or sacks of rice. 

This bicycle was said to be introduced by the Japanese. This 

and two other types of bicycles were seen. One of these two 

FIGURE 177.—Steel bicycle with an iron rack and stand for heavy-duty use. Black and white photograph, 1971. 
152 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

was lighter and was built to carry one person, although it was 

often seen carrying a passenger as well. The third type was used 

by children. Motor bikes also were owned by several villagers 

in 1975. They were purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. In 

1981, pedaled bicycles were still in use but not as frequently as 

in previous years probably because of available motor 

transport. A lighter bicycle was frequently seen. Motor 

scooters, mopeds, and motorcycles were also popular (1981) in 

the community. 

Material Culture No. 271 

FIGURE 178 

NAME.—(English) Rear cart 

(Korean) Riyak'a Standard term, adopted 

from Japanese 

DESCRIPTION.—This wooden (pine or plywood) rear cart 

with a hollow iron pipe frame and two wheels with pneumatic 

rubber tires had a rectangular wooden bed with a low iron 

railing on its sides and front. An extended U-shaped handlebar 

facilitated pulling or, after turning the cart around, pushing the 

cart. The bed of the cart was about 120 cm in length, and the 

width was 90 cm. The diameter of the wheels was 50 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The iron railing of the Korean 

version of the cart (1968) was higher and extended over the top 

of each wheel. The railing (a type of iron rod often seen in 

ferroconcrete construction) was bent and soldered into place. 

This cart was frequently pulled behind a bicycle and 

accommodated many types of loads. During a 1971 survey, 32 

percent of the households owned one. It was usually purchased 

in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was said to be introduced by 

the Japanese. In 1981, it was still seen but was being replaced 

by tractor-trailers10 and small trucks. 

Toilet 

Material Culture No. 272 

FIGURE 179 

NAME.—(English) Chamber pot 

(Korean) Yogang 

DESCRIPTION.—The round chamber pot was a glazed white 

porcelain vessel with a blue and green floral design, usually a 

peony. Other chamber pots, with a similar shape and in several 

sizes, were made of aluminum, stainless steel, brass, and 

plastic. The pot often had a rim diameter of 12.5 cm and a 

height of 17 cm. The lid had a central knob on the upper 

surface. The lid had a diameter of 15 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—The porcelain chamber pot was 

widely used. Poorer villagers used an aluminum version, which 

was cheaper yet durable. The stainless steel type was the most 

expensive in 1970. Although the chamber pots were made with 

lids, a lid was seldom seen in the community, perhaps because 

of breakage. In most homes, after the use of a chamber pot, the 

FIGURE 178.—Cart with an iron pipe frame, two steel wheels with spokes, and 

pneumatic tires. Made before 1945. Black and white photograph, 1952. 

top of the pot was temporarily covered with a piece of wood or 

cardboard. In 1981, the chamber pot was still in use in some 

homes, mostly by the elderly and children of preschool age. 

Villagers said that these chamber pots had a Korean origin. 

Communications 

Material Culture No. 273 

FIGURE 180 

NAME.—(English) Radio 

(Korean) Rajio 

Najio 

Local term, Japanese rendition 

of English word 

Local term 

DESCRIPTION.—The cabinet of the radio was either wood or 

plastic, and the size varied greatly. Table models predominated. 

One rectangular model was 39 x 20 x 17 cm. Antennas on the 

roofs of village homes were often seen. In 1981, the portable 

transistor radio had also become popular. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—In 1951, only 15 homes owned 

radios, but by 1971, 265 homes, or 76 percent, had radios. 

FIGURE 179.—Chamber pots of plastic and white porcelain with peony designs. 

Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 
NUMBER 39 

153 

FIGURE 180.—Radio with a plastic case. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. 

About 1971, villagers began to acquire television sets with 

black and white screens. By 1981, 71 percent of the homes had 

television sets. Radios and television sets were bought in 

downtown Kimhae or in Pusan. The radio is said to have been 

introduced during the Japanese occupation (1910-1945). In 

1981, the radios and television sets seen in many homes were 

mostly made by Korean electronic's companies (Gold Star, 

Daewoo, Samsung). Electronic communication also was 

facilitated with the telephone. In 1951 and 1971, there were 

none, but in 1981, 41 percent of the homes had telephones. 

Material Culture No. 274 

FIGURE 181 

NAME.—(English) Book (stitched) 

(Korean) Ch'aek 

DESCRIPTION.—This traditional paper-back book was made 

of mulberry paper. The stitched binding was hand-sewn with 

cotton thread usually inserted into four holes. The size of these 

books varied but often they were 30 x 20 cm. 

ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.—A few of these publications 

were seen in 1960 and 1970 in the community as genealogical 

records as well as texts for Confucian rituals and other classics. 

In contrast with these hand-stitched books, many contemporary 

publications were also present in 1970 and 1981, e.g., books, 

magazines, and pamphlets. Novels and textbooks frequently 

appeared. Comic books were sold in several village shops and 

were very popular among children and were often exchanged or 

resold. For several years, a small lending library had existed in 

the community. Village elders attributed the origin of the 

traditional book to a Chinese prototype. 

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.—Carter, 1955:53, 61, 63; 

Schaefer, 1983. 

FIGURE 181.—Korean stitched books have cotton thread through four holes. 

Black and white photograph, 1971. 
154 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Notes 

'The circumstances of the Korean War (1950-1953) necessitated that the 

initial plan be abandoned to do the field study in a remote community where 

presumably "traditional life and material culture" were more in evidence. The 

author became concerned that a field investigation in the Perimeter Defense 

area would produce skewed results. Fortunately, the three villages in the study 

had not been overrun by military units or subjected to guerrilla raids as were 

many others. The "traditional material culture" there was soon determined to be 

noteworthy and continued to be present, to some degree, throughout the 

duration of the study. "Traditional artifacts" are those that were in evidence in 

1951. In the evolutional sequence, a "traditional baseline" is useful for 

comparative purposes. 

2Opinion expressed by Dr. Kim W6n-Y6ng, a visiting archaeologist. 

3Dr. Kim Won-Yong said that this type of spoon, with a straight handle, had 

been used in Korea since the early Yi dynasty (14-15th century A.D.), prior to 

that, the handle was S-shaped. 

4

 Dr. Kim Won-Yong told the author that during the Korean Silla Period (57 

B.C-935 A.D.) similar-shaped basins were in use. 

5Dr. Kim Won-Yong told the author that such steamers had been used in Korea 

for over 2000 years. 

6

For a more detailed description and manufacture of Korean utility ware, see 

Sayers, with Rinzler, 1987. 

7These sandal making tools are available for study in the Department of 

Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, 

Washington, D.C. 

8The reference here is to the standard shovel and not to the traditional shovel 

that was used by a team of men, one person to guide the shovel and two or more 

persons, with rope attachments, to pull it. This traditional shovel was not seen 

in the community. 

9Dr. Kim Won-Yong thought the tilt hammer mill was introduced from Han 

China (206 B.C-220 A.D.). 

"Tractor-trailers were motorized multifunctional cultivators or tractors that 

often pulled a heavier metal (iron) trailer. 
Part 3. The Village House: Its Recent Development 

in the Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 

In 1951, nearly all houses in the consolidated community of 

Three Ministers were representative of the traditional southern 

Korean dwelling: one story, rectangular in shape, of post and 

lintel construction with heated floors, and a roof of thatch or tile 

(Figure 182). In each home there were at least one, often two, 

living/bedrooms with heated floors, and a kitchen with a lower 

clay floor. Room sizes varied, but they were often 3 or 4 square 

meters (Table 15). The kitchen had a rectangular shape. Their 

sizes differed, but most were approximately 4.5 by 2.5 m. A 

house was usually within a walled yard with several complementary buildings, including one with a heated floor, which 

could be used as a guest room, and an open storage room, 

which was used for agricultural equipment and tools or as an ox 

stable; an outhouse (toilet); a chicken roost, with an attached 

pen; and occasionally a pigsty. Each yard had an open work 

area and frequently a small vegetable garden (Figures 183, 

184). 

Pine logs and poles, stones, mud, river reeds, paper, cement, 

lime powder, and rice straw for thatch or tile for roofing were 

essential materials used in traditional home construction. Prior 

to construction, the house site was leveled, pounded, and 

covered with pebbles. The bottom layer of the wall for the yard 

was often made of stone. Usually twelve upright pine posts 

were required for the frame of the house. Each post was 

mounted on a roughly worked square-shaped stone. Outer walls 

were built with mud and stone, in superimposed alternating 

layers. Inner walls of homes were constructed with a wattle and 

daub technique using mud mixed with straw over river reeds 

tied to bamboo or pine twigs. The inner surface of walls and 

doors were covered with paper. At the two ends of the house a 

TABLE 15.—Average size of a traditional house, with a living/bedroom and 

kitchen in the Three Ministers community in 1951 (meters, average sizes). The 

living/bedroom walls and ceilings were papered. The living/bedrooms had flat 

ceilings, but the kitchen was open to the rafters. 

House 

Living/bedroom 

Kitchen 

Length Width Height 

8.0 

3.5 

4.5 

6.5 

2.5 

2.5 

4.5 

2.1 

3.2 

FIGURE 182.—Traditional village house with thatch roof, post and lintel construction, and heated floor. In the 

yard of the old house can be seen a moveable wooden platform that, especially during the summers, was used in 

the shade for naps or sitting. This house was demolished in 1971 and was replaced with a concrete block and 

flat-roofed home. Black and white photograph, 1951. 

155 
156 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Date of construction unknown -Thatch roof. 

KEY 

1 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 

2 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 

3 - Kitchen 

4 - Open room (wooden floor) 

5 - Dishware cabinet 

6 - Chimney 

7 - Chicken roost 

8 - Storage room 

9 - Stable 

10-Toilet 

11 - Guest room 

12 - Storage jars 

TRADITIONAL KOREAN HOUSE 

FIRST VILLAGE, THREE MINISTERS, KIMHAE 

meters 

FIGURE 183.—Groundplan for a traditional Korean house. 

post was superimposed upon the frame of the house to hold the 

horizontal ridge pole, on which was written in black ink the 

date it was put in place. 

Approximately seventy pine poles, each about five centimeters in diameter, were used in construction of the roof. Slender 

sticks were tied over these poles with rice-straw rope upon 

which was applied a layer of mud. On this layer was placed a 

layer of reeds before the mud had dried. Rice-straw thatch was 

then placed on top and lashed down with rice-straw rope to 

weather winds of typhoon strength. When ceramic elongated 

semi-circular tile was used, it was placed on the roof in two 

layers. The tiles were set so the bottom layer had its concave 

surface turned up and the upper layer with its concave surface 

turned down to cover the junction of the lower tiles. The visual 

effect was of parallel tubes extending from the ridgeline to the 

eaves. 

The clay floor of the kitchen was at ground level. In the 

kitchen there were at least two fireplaces built into a clay and 

stone bank (counter) running along the side of the kitchen that 

was adjacent to the next room. Flues for heating the floor of this 

adjacent room extended from the kitchen's fireplaces. Heated 

rooms often had both main and secondary flues in their floors. 

Fireplaces existed in the kitchen and under the outer wall of the 

house. A detached chimney was on the other side of the 

building. When the fireplaces were in use, food was cooked and 

the adjacent room heated simultaneously. The flues in a heated 

floor were constructed upon an earthen slope from the fireplace 

downward to the base of the chimney. Round stones from the 

hillside (not from a stream bed) were aligned in rows, with the 

larger near the fireplace. Above these supporting stones were 

placed roughly worked flat stones. Over the flat stones a layer 

of mud mixed with straw was spread and this was covered with 

a fine, smooth mud layer. White mulberry paper was laid on the 

dried floor and rubbed with vegetable oil. Sometimes a cheaper 

paper cover for the floor was used. Chimneys were made of 

curved roof tiles placed together, round concrete pipe, or 

wooden boards. An itinerant chimney sweep occasionally was 

employed to clean the chimneys. Housewives would remove 
NUMBER 39 157 

HOUSE COMBINING KOREAN AND 

JAPANESE TRAITS 

SECOND VILLAGE, THREE MINISTERS, KIMHAE 

J ^ Al 1/ \>>±K I SUV \*1^ I \vj s^< ; \W 

32 •32*32 * Bg W- J m^iHsi H-U^I M E g 

27 

£«U^ML'^WM^S^WML . ^^JL-fcnWM L ^W-l^WVLS 1^ >^Mk S^ ^^ k t l .^V k s a .iwvk ^4 j.w ^K ra ->^' g-. ~-> 

Built in 1946 for his family of five by the best carpenter in the village. The wall surrounding the house 

was constructed of alternating layers of stone and mud. Roof is thatch. Underlined words 

indicates Japanese influences. 

KEY: 

1 - Kitchen (concrete floor) 18 

2,4 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 19 

3 - Summertime guest room (wooden floor) 20 

5 - Dining room (heated floor) 21 

6 - Room (wooden floor) 22 

7 - Study room (mat floor) 23,24 

8,10 - Room with bay windows 

9 - Stoop (concrete step) 25 

11 - Room, glass panel doors (wooden floor) 26 

12 - Fireplace (for room 4) 

13 - Back corridor (wooden floor, glass panel doors) 27 

14- Bathroom 28 

15- Well 29 

16 - Storage platform, sauce jars 30 

17- Storage room (wooden floor) 31 

32 

Storage room (concrete floor), cereals 

Family toilet (thatch roof) 

Guest toilet (thatch roof) 

Storage room (formerly ox stable) 

Fireplace with kettle to cook meal for oxen 

Guest rooms (heated floor, clay 

and oilpaper surface) M-**-

Open room (wooden floor) 

Gateway (galvanized iron roof), 

door with lattice panal 

Chicken roost 

Rabbit hutch 

Shed for farm implements 

Pig pen 01 2 3 A S 

Storage room 

Chimneys 

I l I I l l 

meters 

FIGURE 184.—Groundplan for a house combining Korean and Japanese traits. The house is shown in Figure 185. 
158 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

the accumulated ash and soot from the flues beneath the floors. 

In kitchen fireplaces, firewood and chaff were burnt in 1951; 

starting about 1972, briquettes were widely used as fuel1. 

The front of the traditional house had a narrow stoop made of 

wooden planks about 55 centimeters above ground level. 

Before the stoop on the ground were at least two stones that 

served as a step to enter the home, after footwear was removed. 

In the Three Ministers community there were four types of 

doors: (1) outside hinged wooden doors with paper-covered 

lattice, (2) sliding outer wooden doors with paper-covered 

lattice, (3) sliding inside wooden doors with paper-covered 

frames, and (4) Japanese-type sliding doors with glass panels 

(Figure 185). In former Japanese homes, outside sliding 

wooden shutters were also used for severe inclement weather. 

The three basic lattice designs that were most popular were a 

recurrent wooden square pattern, a wooden interlocking "A" 

(Korean character), and a diamond pattern made with bamboo 

strips. 

Thatch roofs were seen on most homes (85 percent) in 1971 

and on auxiliary buildings in the household yards, e.g., a 

building with a guest room and an adjoining storage room, 

outhouses, and occasionally on top of mud fences to reduce 

erosion. Most thatch roofs of homes were replaced after 1972 

during local projects of the New Community Movement 

(Figure 186). Traditional ceramic tile roofs, however, were 

retained. Other types of newly available roofing materials that 

were installed included composition material, galvanized iron 

sheet, and "slate" (cement and asbestos). It was about 1978 

when thatch roofs on homes completely disappeared from the 

Three Ministers community. 

One carpenter2, a plasterer, and two laborers could build a 

traditional home in approximately three weeks. In 1970, an 

electrician, plumber, bricklayer, and a cement finisher were 

also employed to build a modern home, and more time was 

required to complete the construction. 

Existing traditional homes continued to be used during the 

period of 1961-1981, often with repairs and modifications, 

e.g., new roofing, but few were built. New homes were 

constructed, but these incorporated Korean, Japanese, and 

western features (Figure 187). Instead of a ceramic tile roof, 

sometimes a concrete "tile" was used, often painted dark red, 

green, or blue. The post and lintel frame for the house was 

retained, but the walls were made of perforated concrete blocks 

and smaller solid concrete bricks. The surface of the exterior 

walls was covered with plaster. Sliding wooden frame windows 

held glass panels covered with a wooden lattice. Sliding wood 

and glass panel doors, with overhead sliding glass and latticed 

transoms, were installed in the main entrance way. To enter a 

home, the sliding doors were pushed aside to step inside a small 

foyer with a concrete or terrazzo floor and footwear was 

removed while seated on the wooden stoop. The living/ 

bedrooms had heated floors. The kitchen had a concrete floor 

with the traditional but modified fireplaces for burning 

briquettes. 

Between 1972 and 1981, a westernized home began to 

appear in the Three Ministers community (Figure 188). It was 

FIGURE 185.—Village house with combined Korean and Japanese traits. It was built by the best carpenter in the 

community for his family of five about 1950. When he and his family moved away, it was replaced by a concrete 

block house in 1968. Note the suspended nests for hens under the windows. Black and white photograph, 1952. 
NUMBER 39 

159 

FIGURE 186.—Traditional village house with a tile roof. From a color photograph, 1952. 

FIGURE 187.—A modern house combining old and new features, made with concrete blocks. It was owned by a 

well-to-do family in the South Post village. From a color photograph, 1971. 

built with concrete blocks and bricks, and wooden beams and 

doors. The windows were made of glass, wood, and aluminum. 

The house had two stories with an outside stairway and a flat 

roof. The second story was set back providing a walkway with 

a parapet. This new type of home contained three or four 

living/bedrooms with heated floors, a western-style kitchen3

 and a western-style bathroom with a flush toilet, tub, and 

wash basin. About 1980, the heated floors were integrated 

within a boiler system of vinyl hot water pipes and a briquette, 

oil, or kerosene burning furnace. The boiler equipment was 

often manufactured in Pusan. The concrete blocks and bricks 

were made in the first or neighboring villages as a cottage 

industry. The walls and the floors of the bathrooms were often 

covered with glazed tile. 

To summarize, from 1951 to 1981, housing in the Three 

Ministers community underwent a significant change: 

1. In 1951, only traditional houses were built. 

2. The number of traditional/modified houses increased 

greatly between the years 1951 and 1971: in village 1 from 

6 to 69 percent, in village 2 from 6 to 69 percent, and in 

village 3 from 5 to 82 percent (Table 16). 
160 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

FIGURE 188.—Modern village house. From a color photograph, 1991. 

TABLE 16.—Changes in house styles in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981. 

1951 

Village 1 

Village 2 

Village 3 

Totals: 

1971 

Village 1 

Village 2 

Village 3 

Totals: 

1981 

Village 1 

Village 2 

Village 3 

Totals: 

Traditional 

number 

75 

61 

18 

154 

60 

39 

17 

116 

0 

0 

0 

0 

percent 

(93.7) 

(93.8) 

(94.7) 

(93.9) 

(54.5) 

(45.9) 

(85.0) 

(54.0) 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

Traditional/ 

Modified 

number 

5 

4 

1 

10 

45 

43 

3 

91 

102 

94 

23 

219 

percent 

(6.2) 

(6.1) 

(5.3) 

(6.1) 

(40.9) 

(50.6) 

(15.0) 

(42.3) 

(69.4) 

(69.1) 

(82.1) 

(70.4) 

New 

(western) 

number 

0 

0 

0 

0 

5 

3 

0 

8 

45 

42 

5 

92 

percent 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

(0.0) 

(4.5) 

(3.5) 

(0.0) 

(3.7) 

(30.6) 

(30.9) 

(17.9) 

(29.6) 

Totals 

80 

65 

19 

164 

110 

85 

20 

215 

147 

136 

28 

311 

3. A small percentage (3 percent) of the houses were of 

the new westernized two-story, concrete block, flat roof 

style in 1971, but by 1981, the number had risen to 29 

percent. 

4. By 1981, no traditional houses were under construction, and the traditional house was no longer a part of the 

village landscape. 

Notes 

•Almost two-thirds of so-called "forest land" in South Korea was practically 

denuded of trees during the years 1950 to 1960 due to the demand for fuel 

(Handbook of Korea, 5th ed., Korea Overseas Information Service, September 

1983). Wood fuel was used extensively in villages and in the cities. The 

solution to the serious ecological problem was the use of domestically produced 

substitutes for firewood. Forest reforestation and management in the 
NUMBER 39 161 

meanwhile brought about a dramatic change. The hills and mountains of Korea Such an honorific title, or any similar designation, was not given to other 

were green again. village craftsmen. One such village carpenter constructed shrines and temples 

A briquette, composed of compressed coal, charcoal, and oil, was introduced as well as houses. He and his family have since moved to Pusan. See the 

to South Korea about 1960 and was widely used in urban households for photograph and ground plan of his village home, combining Korean and 

cooking as well as heating. Rural families began using the briquette after the Japanese features, Figures 184 and 185. 

New Community Movement was initiated in 1970.

 3About 1984, liquidified petroleum gas (LPG) in a portable cylindrical 

2A skillful Korean carpenter might be called "great carpenter" (Taemok). container replaced briquettes as the cooking fuel in the kitchen. 
Part 4. Summary and Interpretation 

The purpose of this study is to provide an ethnohistorical 

perspective based upon the material culture of three South 

Korean villages. Field surveys revealed existing artifacts, their 

physical features, their number, and their use. Most artifacts 

recorded were seen either within villager's homes or in their 

yards. 

After field work in 1951, the data obtained by the author 

provided an integrated time-level of material culture that 

became a convenient baseline for a study of change. During a 

1958 field trip, a household inventory was conducted in one of 

the three villages of the Three Ministers community. Some 268 

artifacts were subsequently selected as "representative" for 

study. Each object was assigned by villagers to one of eleven 

categories according to its use, and to what was believed to be 

its place of origin (Table 17). Villagers, usually without 

hesitation, expressed an opinion of prototypes, with the 

exception of those artifacts with a possible Chinese origin. 

Items believed to be derived from Korean prototypes numbered 

178; those from Japan, 82; and those from China, 8. This initial 

survey indicated that the villagers, although receptive to 

innovation, continued to rely upon a dominance of artifacts said 

to be of Korean origin. This situation was to change 

significantly by 1981. 

Prior to the end of World War II (1945), several Japanese 

immigrant families also lived in the three villages. After they 

left for Japan their homes were soon occupied by Koreans. A 

number of the Japanese homes gradually underwent Koreanization, usually as repairs were needed, with the exception of the 

TABLE 17.—Origins of the material culture examined in one of the villages of 

the Three Ministers community in 1958. 

heated floors, which were installed as soon as the new 

occupants could afford to do so (Table 18). 

In 1971, after selecting artifacts in the home and yard of a 

prosperous village elder, a check-list of 95 objects was 

compiled. This pilot checklist was attached to a questionnaire 

to obtain a material culture inventory of the three villages 

(Table 19). The "total" number of households in the three 

villages was 346. A sizeable gap was soon disclosed between 

the number of artifacts previously found in the home of the 

elder, and the number found in the average village household. 

However, only a modest difference existed among most homes 

in the three villages; the averages were 35.71, 33.22, and 37.73 

for artifacts seen respectively. 

An estimate of conservatism in the three villages was 

determined by combining the numbers of Traditional and 

Traditional/Modified artifacts and comparing the total with 

the number of New artifacts. The ratios for villages 1 and 3 

were 5.16 : 1 and 5.08 : 1; village 2, was slightly less 

TABLE 18.—Number of houses with persisting Japanese features in Koreanized 

Japanese homes in each of the villages in the Three Ministers community in 

1958. 

Japanese feature 

Roof tile, Japanese style 

Interior bathroom/toilet 

Interior sliding paper doors 

Mat (tatami) floor 

Exterior sliding glass doors 

Lattice (Japanese style) 

Totals 

Village 1 

15 

8 

3 

3 

1 

1 

31 

Village 2 

15 

10 

6 

3 

8 

6 

48 

Village 3 

22 

-

-

3 

-

25 

Artifacts 

Agriculture 

Livestock 

Household 

Tools 

Vehicles 

Religion 

Music 

Clothing 

Men's accessories 

Women's accessories 

Toys 

Totals: 

Korean 

25 

10 

79 

15 

3 

4 

7 

27 

1 

2 

5 

178 

Japanese* 

18 

3 

31 

18 

9 

0 

0 

2 

0 

1 

0 

82 

Chinese 

1 

0 

5 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

8 

*A number of the objects said to have a Japanese origin appeared to the 

ethnographer to have come from the West. They perhaps were acquired 

indirectly through Japan, possibly during the Japanese occupation from 1910 to 

1945. 

TABLE 19.—Traditional, Traditional/Modified, and New artifacts recorded in 

the Three Ministers community in 1971 (95 items). Included is a breakdown of 

average artifacts seen per household, and the ratio of Traditional and 

Traditional/Modified artifacts to New artifacts. The number of households 

in each village was 202 in village 1, 95 in village 2, and 49 in village 3. 

Type of artifact 

Traditional 

Traditional/Modified 

New 

Totals 

Artifacts seen per household 

T + T/M = 

T + T/M:N 

Village 

3969 

2405 

1170 

7544 

37.35 

6374 

5.45:1 

1 Village 2 

1527 

1059 

570 

3156 

Village 3 

967 

578 

304 

1849 

Breakdown of artifacts 

33.22 

2586 

4.54:1 

37.73 

1545 

5.08:1 

162 
NUMBER 39 163 

conservative as its ratio was 4.53 : 1. Conservatism and 

innovation were also revealed in the socio-economic aspects of 

village life, e.g., grain versus cash crops, open-field cultivation 

versus vinyl greenhouses, and home (agriculture) versus 

factory employment. Village 3, because of the influence of a 

Kim extended family, came closer to the "classic one-clan 

village" of Korea's past; nevertheless, it had kept abreast of 

available technology and truck fanning opportunities. 

Another estimate with eight selected artifacts was made in 

1971 to disclose existing differences between the three villages 

(Table 20). These "representative" artifacts revealed that 

although the villages were now within the city limits of 

Kimhae, they retained in varying degrees aspects of a rural 

character. Village 1 had assigned the paddy harrow to the 

less-used level and the dry-field plow to least used. This was 

partially due to the fact that several farmers depended upon 

contracts with plowing teams to till their land. Village 1 had 

four most-used items: the folding screen, bicycle, gourd dipper, 

and paduk game. The decorative folding screen continued to be 

used as a backdrop for rituals and for guests, as well as to avoid 

drafts of air. Bicycles, despite the growing number of 

motorized vehicles, were seen in most households. Preference 

for the gourd dipper seemed to be mostly a sentimental symbol 

of an idealized past and pure water. The use of the paduk game 

was related to the unemployment of many younger men as well 

as to the leisure time of retired elders. Village 3 had the most 

use of four objects: the rear cart, paddy harrow, dry-field plow, 

and sewing machine. Village 1 clearly lost some of its earlier 

economic self-sufficiency, because the dry-field plow and the 

rear cart were least used. Village 3 had the plow and harrow on 

the most-used level along with the rear cart, which was often 

needed for farm transport. The sewing machine in village 3 was 

also among the most-used artifacts. Yet, interestingly, it was 

least used in village 1 and less used in village 2, both of which 

had more diversified economies and were closer to the 

highway. 

In 1971, a study of "representative" artifacts disclosed an 

ongoing change or trend toward urbanization and modernization. This is shown in Table 21, which was derived from 

Appendix 1. The artifacts were classified into 19 categories, 

with the majority falling into 3 categories: household utensils 

(112), agriculture (87), and clothing (41). The compilation of 

the "representative" artifacts contained 413 items that were 

seen in village homes and yards. Each object was assigned by 

villagers to an estimated age: Traditional, Traditional/ 

Modified, New, or New/Modified. Villagers were also asked if 

an artifact was locally invented. 

The loss (not used) of items among "representative" 

Traditional artifacts by 1981 was significant (Table 22). Items 

for animal husbandry and vehicles both dropped by 100 

percent. Agriculture, clothing, carpentry/blacksmithing, and 

adornment fell over 50 percent, with household furniture 

falling less than 50 percent, and household utensils and religion 

falling to 30.2 percent and 36.3 percent, respectively. There 

was no loss among toys and games and musical instruments. 

(See "Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Surveys," 

for a listing of the specific artifacts that were selected). 

When selected traditional and traditional/modified artifacts 

were considered together, the loss (not used) of items during 

the time period of 1951-1981 was substantial (Table 23). All 

artifact categories had a reduction in number, except for toys 

and games and musical instruments. This reduction was often 

greater than 30 percent, and in six of the categories it was more 

than 50 percent. 

In Table 24, the percentage of selected Traditional items still 

in use from the village inventory dropped from 99.2 percent in 

1951 to 80.7 percent in 1971 and then to 48.3 percent in 1981. 

In contrast with Traditional objects, Traditional/Modified 

artifacts began at 100 percent in 1951, dropped to 96.8 percent 

in 1971, and then to only 71.6 percent in 1981. New items, with 

usage at 100 percent in 1951, dropping to 86.9 percent in 1971, 

and to 72.5 percent in 1981, revealed a willingness to adopt a 

new or newer artifact. The use of a New artifact was 

occasionally of only a short duration. 

In village kitchens, it was immediately apparent that a 

change had occurred in the materials used to produce utensils. 

Manufacturing firms of utensils in South Korea were employing steel, aluminum, and plastics. With the use of new 

materials, often traditional forms and colors were retained. 

Although in 1951, there was little evidence of an extensive 

TABLE 20.—Comparison of the number of households using selected objects in the villages of the Three Ministers 

community in 1971 (8 artifacts). Total number of households given in parentheses after village number. 

Selected artifact 

Rear Cart 

Bicycle 

Folding screen 

Paddy harrow 

Dry-field plow 

Sewing machine 

Gourd scoop (dipper) 

Paduk game 

Village 

houses 

57 

174 

67 

19 

20 

83 

47 

26 

1 (202) 

(%) 

(28.2) 

(86.1) 

(33.2) 

(9.4) 

(9.9) 

(41.0) 

(23.3) 

(12.9) 

Village 2 (95) 

houses 

31 

39 

18 

3 

10 

44 

22 

12 

(%) 

(32.6) 

(41.1) 

(18.9) 

(3.2) 

(10.5) 

(46.3) 

(23.2) 

(12.6) 

Village 3 (49) 

houses 

25 

28 

7 

8 

11 

24 

8 

3 

(%) 

(51.0) 

(57.1) 

(14.3) 

(16.3) 

(22.4) 

(49.0) 

(16.3) 

(6.1) 
164 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

TABLE 21.—Classification of the material culture studied from the Three Ministers community in 1971. 

Category 

Household utensiles 

Toys and games 

Musical instruments 

Weights and measures 

Hunting and fishing 

Clothing1 

Adornment 

Agriculture 

Personal accessories 

Religion 

Smoking2 

Animal husbandry 

Confections 

Household furniture and accessories 

Carpentry and blacksmithing 

General utility3 

Vehicles 

Toilet4 

Communications5 

Totals 

Traditional 

54 

4 

9 

2 

5 

30 

9 

49 

3 

11 

1 

15 

1 

18 

14 

3 

6 

2 

1 

235 

Traditional/ 

Modified 

40 

1 

1 

2 

2 

5 

3 

17 

2 

5 

0 

8 

0 

0 

5 

0 

1 

3 

0 

95 

New 

14 

5 

0 

1 

0 

6 

2 

18 

0 

1 

0 

0 

1 

4 

11 

1 

4 

0 

1 

69 

New/ 

Modified 

4 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

2 

0 

0 

0 

9 

Invented 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

5 

Total 

112 

12 

10 

5 

5 

41 

14 

87 

5 

17 

1 

23 

2 

23 

31 

6 

11 

6 

2 

413 

'Traditional clothes and items to make clothing were included in the artifacts selected. Daily attire generally 

underwent a change toward increased use of western garments, especially ready-made wear. Traditional clothes, 

which became more expensive to make, were seen mostly on holidays and ceremonial occasions. 

2A traditional pipe (long bamboo stem with metal mouthpiece and bowl) existed but was seldom used. 

Cigarettes were preferred. 

included under this category were traditional backpacks ("A-frame"), with twig baskets, and well buckets. 

Backpacks remained unchanged. The shape and the material used for well buckets varied. 

4Tiolet items included traditional chamber pots and outdoor urinals. Indoor toilets appeared in new homes; 

outhouses were seen with most homes. 

traditional books with hand-stitched binding were scarce. The number of radios continued to increase. A 

growing number of newspapers, television sets, telephones, and modem publications were seen but were not 

included in the selection of artifacts. 

TABLE 23.—Combined loss of selected Traditional and Traditional/Modified 

artifacts from the Three Ministers community in 1981. 

TABLE 22.—Loss of selected Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers 

community in 1981. 

Category 

Household utensils 

Toys and games 

Musical instruments 

Clothing 

Adornment 

Agriculture 

Religion 

Animal husbandry 

Household furniture 

Carpentry and blacksmithing 

Vehicles 

Number 

54 

4 

10 

31 

9 

49 

11 

15 

18 

14 

6 

Not used 

16 

0 

0 

18 

7 

31 

4 

15 

8 

8 

6 

% not used 

29.6 

0.0 

0.0 

60.0 

77.8 

63.3 

36.3 

100.0 

44.4 

57.1 

100.0 

Category 

Household utensils 

Toys and games 

Musical instruments 

Clothing 

Adornment 

Agriculture 

Religion 

Animal husbandry 

Household furniture 

Carpentry and blacksmithing 

Vehicles 

Traditional 

and Traditional/ 

Modified items 

94 

5 

10 

35 

12 

66 

16 

23 

18 

19 

7 

Not used 

20 

0 

0 

19 

10 

41 

4 

22 

8 

10 

7 

% not used 

21.3 

0.0 

0.0 

54.3 

83.3 

60.3 

25.0 

95.6 

44.4 

52.6 

100.0 
NUMBER 39 165 

TABLE 24.—Persistence of selected artifacts in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 (number/sample 

size). 

Artifact 

Traditional 

Traditional/Modified 

New 

1951 

233/235 

54/54 

67/67 

(%) 

(99.1) 

(100) 

(100) 

1971 

194/235 

90/95 

63/69 

(%) 

(82.5) 

(94.7) 

(91.3) 

1981 

114/235 

68/95 

52/69 

(%) 

(48.5) 

(71.6) 

(75.3) 

change, by 1971 and 1981, the shift to new materials was 

substantial. Traditional brassware became increasingly rare 

between 1971 and 1981. The number of wooden items was 

reduced. The use of bamboo dropped significantly. The use of 

stainless steel, aluminum items, and plastics continued to 

expand. Plastics made inroads where ceramic utility had 

previously been dominant.1 Plastic versions of both traditional 

and traditional/modified artifacts, as well as new items, 

occurred in ever increasing numbers. These plastic items were 

durable, lightweight, colorful, and inexpensive. 

Although the field study emphasized the more durable 

objects, the perishables were also examined. Food and clothing 

have previously been mentioned. Among the types of fuel, 

briquettes were most frequently used in villages 1 and 2 in 

1971, whereas in village 3, rice and barley straw was burned. 

This difference between the villages was undoubtedly due to 

the greater grain cultivation in village 3 (Table 25). 

This study of the material culture in three Kimhae villages 

has disclosed alterations of the material culture that existed 

there during the study period. Although the three villages were 

being suburbanized, evidence of their earlier rural character 

could still be seen in their material culture. The particular 

aspects that supported survival strategies, e.g., agriculture, 

revealed a receptivity to innovation with the acceptance of the 

new and a modification of the old. Foreign influences in their 

material culture were also identified by the villagers with the 

Koreanization of Japanese homes in the villages as an example 

of the assimilation and modification of a foreign artifact. 

Villagers assigned 413 artifacts to four categories: Traditional, Traditional/Modified, New, and New/Modified. An 

evolutionary trend was revealed with the number and distribution of artifacts. Change was also seen with perishables, 

including the fuel for cooking and heating. A different fuel, the 

briquette, instead of wood, was used when ecological and 

economic conditions required it. During the same thirty-year 

(1951-1981) period, traditional food continued to be preferred, 

differing among households only in quality and variety (see 

Appendix 2). 

The attendance by villagers, mostly married women or 

widows dressed in traditional clothes, at the Buddhist temple 

on the hillside behind villages 1 and 2, the periodic offerings, 

often rice, the maintenance of the temple, and the observance of 

Buddha's birthday still attest to a retention of traditional 

Buddhist values throughout the period. Confucian traditions 

also were sustained with rites at home and at burial mounds that 

featured the use of food offerings, rice wine, and incense. Ritual 

funerals and methods of transportation for the deceased 

combined the old and new, e.g., instead of a palanquin 

bedecked with paper flowers, a converted bus with attached 

paper flowers carried both the coffin and the mourners to the 

burial site. Prescribed spacial arrangements were accorded 

ceremonial objects on an altar, whether in a room or before an 

outdoor shrine. Although a relatively recent import, Christianity, with its distinctive church buildings, rites, holidays, the 

Christmas tree and gift exchange, and outreach evangelist and 

charitable endeavors, had firmly established itself. The female 

shaman, who had resided in the community in 1951, was not 

there in 1981 (Lee K., 1984:89-109). Shamans were available 

in other nearby villages however, and it seemed likely to the 

author that one would be invited on needed occasions by 

village families to serve as a medium. 

This study has dealt specifically with the three villages 

comprising the Three Minsiters community, but similar 

changes in the material culture within other villages, particularly those in the vicinity of towns and cities, undoubtedly 

existed. Although this presentation of the material culture 

emphasized detailed descriptions of the artifacts, it is ultimately 

concerned with the broader subject of cultural evolution, and, 

in particular, the modernization taking place in rural South 

Korea. It should be of interest to social scientists generally, and 

particularly to archeologists who do future work on recent 

historical sites in South Korea. Whereas most of the artifacts 

were well known to village informants, a few generations from 

now this undoubtedly will not be true. With few exceptions, 

traditional and traditional/modified artifacts will disappear and 

will be replaced with the new, as modernization continues to 

transform the village life in South Korea. 

TABLE 25.—Number of households using various fuels in the Three Ministers 

community in 1971. (About 1985, Three Ministers villagers began using LPG 

(Liquefied Petroleum Gas) in portable steel containers for cooking.) 

Fuel type 

Briquette1 

Firewood2 

Rice and barley straw 

Kerosene3 

Other 

Village 1 

160 

51 

3 

8 

8 

Village 2 

64 

26 

1 

3 

-

Village 3 

18 

-

29 

1 

'Briquettes were used in most homes for cooking and heating. They were 

introduced about 1965. 

2

Firewood had become expensive and may have involved illegal use of forest 

resources. 

3Use of kerosene was encouraged by the government as it was being refined 

in South Korea. 
166 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Usage Trends in Village Artifacts in the 

Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 

To summarize, each artifact is examined on its rate of usage 

and assigned to one of five classes: everyone used, widely used, 

moderately used, rarely used, and not used. Assume a standard 

usage of artifacts of 95 percent for everyone used; 70 percent 

for widely used; 30 percent for moderately used; 5 percent for 

rarely used; and 0 percent for not used. Then for a type of 

artifact, if the number of everyone used is E, of widely used is 

W, of moderately used is M, of rarely used is R, and of not used 

is X, then the weighted average usage for this type of artifact 

can be computed by 

0.95 x E + 0.70 x W + 0.30 x M + 0.05 xR + 0.00 xN 

E + W + M + R + N 

x 100 percent. 

Below this formula is used to compute the average usage 

percent for the artifacts. 

Table 26 presents the usage change of Traditional artifacts 

from 1951 to 1981. Applying the above formula to this data the 

usage change for Traditional artifacts was 53.5 percent for 

1951; 23.8 percent for 1971; and 13.1 percent for 1981. 

The exponential decay function* = a + be0' is used to predict 

the usage change in the future. Here the variable t represents the 

year starting from 1900, variable JC represents the usage 

percentage in year t, e = 2.71828... is a constant indicating the 

TABLE 26.—Traditional artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

28 

112 

64 

29 

2 

1971 

9 

32 

69 

84 

41 

Total number = 235 

1981 

7 

16 

34 

57 

121 

base of the logarithmic function, and parameters a, b, and c are 

determined by the test data. With the IMSL optimization 

library procedure and the test data from Table 26 the result is 

a = -0.0196, b = 11.4633, and c = -0.05357. The graph of this 

function is presented in Figure 189. 

In order to predict the year t for a certain percentage x, x is 

solved in terms of t from the decay function x = a + be01. First, 

subtract a and then divide b from both sides to obtain 

Next, take the natural logarithm to both sides to obtain 

ln(x - a) - \nb = ct. 

Finally, divide both sides by c results in the inverse function of 

the decay function: 

In(x-a)- Inb 

t -

So, with the usage of x = 1 percent, the result is 

ln(jc - a) - \nb 

t = 

ln(0.01 - (-0.0196)) - In 11.4633 

-0.05357 

= 112.24. 

This means that less than 1 percent of the Traditional artifacts 

will be in use after the year 2012. If JC = 0 percent, f = 119; 

Traditional artifacts will be absent by the year 2019. 

Using the same method, the usage change of Traditional/ 

Modified artifacts can be evaluated. From Table 27 the usage 

change for 1951 was 29.3 percent; 1971, 35.2 percent; and for 

1981, 32.3 percent. Traditional/Modified artifacts have a 

slightly increased usage and will persist in use for some time. 

From Table 28 the usage change of New artifacts for 1951 

was 51.1 percent; 1971, 46.0 percent; 1981, 30.1 percent. The 

6 0% -

CT 

c/< > 

II ) 

O 

UJ 

a 

< H 

U^ J 

o 

50% 

40% 

30% 

20% 

O- 10% -

1951 1961 

I I — 

2001 2011 2021 

FIGURE 189.—Plot of the usage change for Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers community for 

1951-1981. 
NUMBER 39 167 

TABLE 27.—Traditional/Modified artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

3 

28 

17 

6 

41 

1971 

2 

27 

38 

24 

4 

Total number = 95 

1981 

3 

32 

15 

18 

27 

TABLE 28.—New artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

5 

36 

16 

10 

2 

1971 

0 

37 

18 

9 

5 

Total number = 69 

1981 

0 

21 

18 

13 

17 

graphic representation of this change is presented in Figure 

190. 

The usage change decrease for New artifacts from 1951-

1971 was 5 percent; from 1971-1981, 16 percent. Perhaps this 

is indicative that New artifacts were being replaced at a faster 

rate of speed. 

As the sample of New/Modified and Invented artifacts was 

small, statements on their usage must be tentative. The extent 

of their usage tends to decrease in more recent times. 

From Table 29 the usage change of New/Modified artifacts 

for 1951 was 6.7 percent; 1971, 43.3 percent; 1981, 32.8 

percent. 

From Table 30 the usage change of Invented artifacts for 

1951 was 40.0 percent; 1971, 15.0 percent; 1981, 14.0 percent. 

From Table 31 the usage change of Traditional household 

artifacts (utensils and appliances) for 1951 was 60.0 percent; 

1971, 39.7 percent; 1981, 22.3 percent. The more recent the 

usage, the more more rapid was the loss of usage. The graphic 

representation of changes in Traditional household artifacts is 

presented in Figure 191. 

From Table 32 the usage change of Traditional/Modified 

household artifacts (utensils and appliances) for 1951 was 20.4 

percent; 1971, 46.5 percent; 1981, 46.3 percent. The usage of 

Traditional/Modified household artifacts was increased. 

TABLE 29.—New/Modified artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

0 

0 

2 

0 

7 

1971 

0 

3 

6 

0 

0 

Total number = 9 

1981 

0 

4 

0 

3 

2 

TABLE 30.—Invented artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

0 

2 

2 

0 

1 

1971 

0 

1 

0 

1 

3 

Total number = 5 

1981 

0 

1 

0 

0 

4 

60% -

HI 

O 50% -

< 

CO 

^ 40% -

O 

UJ 

O 30% -

< 

H 

Z 

g 20% -

rr 

UJ 

o- 10%-

n% 

i —r

 T 

1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 

FIGURE 190.—Plot of the usage change for New artifacts in the Three Ministers community for 1951-1981. 
168 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

TABLE 31.—Traditional household artifact usage (utensils and appliances). TABLE 33.—Traditional agricultural artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

17 

21 

3 

13 

0 

1971 

6 

15 

15 

15 

3 

Total number = 54 

1981 

5 

6 

7 

20 

16 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

6 

29 

14 

0 

0 

1971 

0 

5 

23 

11 

10 

Total number = 49 

1981 

0 

1 

5 

12 

31 

TABLE 32.—Traditional/Modified household artifact usage (utensils and 

appliances). 

TABLE 34.—Traditional/Modified agricultural artifact usage. 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

2 

7 

4 

3 

24 

1971 

2 

17 

15 

6 

0 

Total number = 40 

1981 

2 

21 

5 

8 

4 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

0 

6 

8 

1 

2 

1971 

0 

1 

6 

7 

3 

Total number = 17 

1981 

0 

1 

2 

4 

10 

TABLE 35.—New agricultural artifact usage. 

From Table 33 the usage change of Traditional agricultural 

artifacts for 1951 was 61.6 percent; 1971, 22.3 percent; 1981, 

5.7 percent. The usage change here has been remarkable. In 

1951, the six selected Traditional agricultural artifacts were 

used by all households, and after 1971, none of these items 

were used. In 1951, none of these artifacts were classified as 

rarely used or not used. But in 1981, most agricultural artifacts 

were considered to be rarely used or not used. 

Using the decay function x = a + be0' to study the usage 

change of Traditional agriculturial artifacts with the data from 

Table 33, the result is a = -0.2192, b = 12.9640, c = -0.04752. 

If x = 0 percent, the result is t = 86. The prediction therefore is 

made that Traditional agricultural artifacts will not be in use in 

or about 1986. 

From Table 34 the usage change of Traditional/Modified 

agricultural artifacts for 1951 was 39.1 percent; 1971, 16.8 

percent; 1981, 8.8 percent. 

From Table 35 the usage change of New agricultural artifacts 

for 1951 was 52.2 percent; 1971, 38.1 percent; 1981, 14.7 

percent. 

Both Traditional/Modified and New agricultural artifacts 

rapidly decreased in use. This would indicate that the 

community was no longer relying upon their traditional 

agricultural methods. When the five classes (E, W, M, R, X) 

Extent of usage 

Everyone used 

Widely used 

Moderately used 

Rarely used 

X, Not used 

1951 

1 

9 

7 

1 

0 

1971 

0 

7 

6 

3 

2 

Total number = 18 

1981 

0 

1 

6 

3 

8 

were combined, the combined usage change was as follows: 

1951,44.4 percent; 1971,25.6 percent; 1981, 7.9 percent. With 

the same function as used above to estimate the change, the 

following results were obtained: a = -0.2208, b = 12.8497, 

c = -0.0464. If x = 0 percent, the result was t = 87.6, indicating 

that the Three Ministers community would cease to be 

traditional in its material culture on or about 1988 and would 

become essentially a modem suburb of Kimhae city. 

Notes 

'In 1989, many housewives modified their preference for plastic items and 

believed that ceramic food containers were superior to plastic ones. The reason 

given was that the food tasted better when ceramic containers were used. 
NUMBER 39 169 

60% -

UJ 

O 50% • 

< 

CO 

2 40% 

O 

UJ 

O 30% • 

s 

UJ 20 % • 

cr 

UJ 

0- 10%-

0% 

1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 

FIGURE 191.—Plot of the usage change in Traditional household artifacts (utensiles and appliances) in the Three 

Ministers community for 1951-1981. 
Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Inventories 

AGE 

T = Traditional 

TM = Traditional/Modified 

N = New 

NM = New/Modified 

I = Invented 

EXTENT OF USAGE 

E = Everyone used (~90%-100%) 

W = Widely used (~51%-89%) 

M = Moderately used (~10%-50%) 

R = Rarely used (~ less than 10%) 

X = Not used 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number Artifact Age 

Extent of usage 

1951 1971 1981 

HOUSEHOLD UTENSILES 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

2 

3 

3 

3 

4 

4 

5 

5 

6 

6 

6 

7 

7 

7 

7 

8 

8 

8 

8 

9 

9 

9 

9 

9 

10 

10 

10 

11 

11 

12 

12 

Cleaver, Japanese, iron 

Knife, kitchen, semi-lunar, iron 

Knife, kitchen, stainless steel 

Cleaver, Chinese, iron 

Knife, kitchen, iron 

Chopping board, wood 

Scoop, rice, brass 

Scoop, rice, stainless steel 

Scoop, rice, wood 

Scoop, gourd 

Scoop, plastic 

Scoop, with hom handle, wood 

Scoop, with hom handle, plastic 

Spoon, brass 

Spoon, silver 

Spoon, stainless steel 

Chopstick, brass 

Chopstick, aluminum 

Chopstick, wood 

Chopstick, stainless steel 

Dipper, gourd 

Dipper, brass 

Dipper, stainless steel 

Dipper, aluminum 

Bowl, rice, stainless steel 

Bowl, rice, aluminum 

Bowl, rice, with cover, brass 

Bowl, rice, with cover, ceramic 

Bowl, rice, white-porcelain 

Bowl, soup, white-porcelain 

Bowl, soup, stainless steel 

Bowl, soup, brass 

Bowl, condiment, brass 

Bowl, condiment, earthenware 

Bowl, condiment, white-porcelain 

Bowl, condiment, stainless steel 

TM 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

M 

R 

X 

R 

E 

E 

R 

X 

W 

w 

X 

w 

X 

w 

R 

X 

M 

M 

W 

X 

w 

R 

X 

R 

X 

M 

R 

R 

E 

E 

X 

R 

R 

W 

E 

X 

R 

R 

M 

R 

E 

E 

R 

W 

W 

M 

W 

M 

W 

R 

R 

W 

R 

W 

w 

R 

R 

R 

M 

W 

M 

M 

R 

M 

M 

W 

W 

R 

R 

M 

W 

W 

X 

R 

W 

R 

R 

E 

X 

w 

w 

R 

W 

X 

W 

X 

R 

W 

X 

W 

w 

w 

X 

X 

w 

w 

w 

R 

X 

M 

M 

M 

W 

X 

R 

R 

W 

M 

170 
NUMBER 39 171 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number Artifact Age 

N 

N 

N 

TM 

T 

T 

N 

N 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

N 

NM 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

TM 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

N 

NM 

Extent of usage 

1951 

M 

R 

M 

W 

W 

E 

W 

W 

E 

R 

X 

R 

R 

E 

W 

X 

w 

E 

X 

R 

X 

R 

E 

W 

X 

X 

E 

X 

w 

w 

X 

w 

X 

X 

X 

w 

w 

w 

E 

E 

E 

E 

w 

W 

w 

w 

X 

M 

M 

1971 

W 

M 

W 

W 

W 

E 

M 

W 

E 

X 

R 

X 

X 

w 

E 

M 

W 

W 

M 

W 

W 

R 

W 

M 

W 

M 

M 

W 

M 

M 

M 

R 

R 

R 

M 

M 

M 

M 

E 

E 

W 

E 

M 

W 

W 

M 

W 

M 

M 

1981 

W 

M 

M 

M 

M 

E 

X 

W 

E 

X 

M 

X 

X 

R 

E 

W 

R 

R 

W 

M 

W 

X 

R 

X 

W 

w 

X 

w 

X 

R 

w 

X 

R 

R 

W 

R 

M 

R 

E 

E 

W 

E 

R 

R 

W 

R 

W 

R 

R 

37 13 Bowl, aluminum 

38 14 Plate, porcelain 

39 14 Plate, aluminum 

40 14 Plate, white-porcelain 

41 15 Dish, white-porcelain 

42 16 Pan, soup, aluminum 

43 17 Pan, frying, iron 

44 17 Pan, frying, aluminum 

45 18 Teakettle, aluminum 

46 18 Teakettle, ceramic 

47 18 Teakettle, stainless steel 

48 18 Teakettle, brass 

49 18 Teakettle, iron 

50 19 Kettle, rice, iron, heavy 

51 20 Kettle, rice, with wood lid, aluminum 

52 - Kettle, rice, iron, light 

53 21 Bucket, water, galvanized iron 

54 22 Bucket, galvanized iron 

55 22 Bucket, plastic 

56 23 Basin, wash, aluminum 

57 23 Basin, wash, plastic 

58 23 Basin, wash, brass 

59 24 Basin, wash, ceramic 

60 25 Tub, kitchen, wood and bamboo 

61 25 Tub, kitchen, plastic 

62 25 Tub, kitchen, rubber (synthetic) 

63 26 Tub, wash, tin 

64 26 Tub, wash, plastic 

65 26 Tub, wash, galvanized iron 

66 26 Tub, wash, ceramic 

67 26 Tub, wash, rubber (synthetic) 

68 27 Tub, laundry, wood and bamboo 

69 27 Tub, laundry, stainless steel 

70 27 Tub, laundry, aluminum 

71 27 Tub, laundry, rubber (synthetic) 

72 27 Tub, laundry, galvanized iron 

73 28 Medicine boiler, ceramic 

74 29 Steamer, ceramic 

75 30 Jar, sauce, ceramic 

76 31 Jar, storage, ceramic 

77 31 Lid, storage, ceramic 

78 - Jar, storage, ceramic, small 

79 32 Jar, liquor, ceramic 

80 35 Tray, food, rectangular, wood 

81 35 Tray, food, octagonal, wood 

82 36 Tray, wood, large 

83 36 Tray, plastic, large 

84 37 Watering can, with one handle, galvanized iron 

85 37 Watering can, with two handles, galvanized iron 
172 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number 

Extent of usage 

Artifact Age 

T 

TM 

N 

N 

T 

T 

TM 

N 

NM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

N 

NM 

T 

N 

N 

1951 

E 

W 

W 

E 

R 

W 

M 

R 

M 

M 

W 

w 

E 

X 

E 

E 

X 

X 

w 

E 

W 

M 

W 

X 

W 

E 

M 

1971 

M 

M 

W 

W 

R 

M 

W 

w 

M 

M 

W 

M 

W 

M 

M 

W 

W 

M 

W 

W 

M 

R 

W 

M 

R 

W 

R 

1981 

R 

R 

M 

W 

R 

X 

X 

w 

R 

R 

M 

R 

R 

W 

R 

W 

W 

M 

M 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

M 

X 

86 

87 

88 

89 

90 

91 

92 

93 

94 

95 

96 

97 

98 

99 

100 

101 

102 

103 

104 

105 

106 

107 

108 

109 

110 

111 

112 

38 

38 

39 

40 

40 

41 

41 

42 

42 

42 

43 

43 

44 

44 

45 

46 

46 

46 

47 

48 

49 

49 

50 

50 

51 

51 

52 

Vessel, water, with wood cover, ceramic 

Vessel, water, tin 

Pot, flower, ceramic 

Bottle, wine, glass 

Bottle, wine, ceramic 

Pad, head, straw 

Pad, head, nylon 

Brush, with hemp, bamboo 

Brush, with pig hair, wood 

Brush, with pine root, wood 

Broom, bamboo 

Broom, wood and wire 

Broom, reed 

Broom, plastic and nylon 

Broom, millet 

Ladle, bamboo 

Ladle, plastic 

Ladle, iron with wire 

Basket, bamboo, large 

Basket for cooked rice, bamboo 

Press, "cake design," wood 

Press, "cake design," ceramic 

Shovel, ash, with wood handle, iron 

Shovel, ash, with plastic handle, iron 

Tong, fire, with holding rings, iron 

Tong, fire, steel 

Fireplace blower, iron 

TOYS AND GAMES 

113 53 Chessboard, wood with chess pieces 

114 54 Chessboard, wood with chess pieces, incised 

115 55 Yut (game), wood 

116 56 Kite, paper, with spool 

117 57 Roller, toy 

118 58 Ball, rubber 

119 59 Wagon, toy, wood with iron 

120 59 Wagon, plastic 

121 60 Gun, toy, wood 

122 60 Gun, mock, wood 

123 61 Playing cards, nylon 

124 62 Wheel-toy, thick wire 

T 

T 

T 

T 

I 

TM 

I 

N 

N 

N 

N 

N 

M 

M 

W 

w 

w 

w 

M 

X 

W 

w 

w 

w 

M 

W 

w 

M 

X 

w 

X 

M 

X 

X 

w 

R 

M 

W 

W 

M 

X 

W 

X 

M 

X 

X 

W 

X 

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

125 

126 

127 

128 

129 

64 

64 

64 

64 

65 

Gong, brass, small 

Gong beater, disk, wood 

Gong, brass, large 

Gong beater, straw 

Drum, hourglass 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 
NUMBER 39 173 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number 

Extent of usage 

Artifact Age 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

N 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

N 

T 

TM 

N 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

1951 

M 

M 

X 

M 

M 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

M 

X 

M 

X 

w 

R 

M 

M 

M 

R 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

X 

W 

E 

E 

X 

M 

M 

M 

X 

E 

E 

1971 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

W 

W 

R 

M 

M 

X 

M 

R 

M 

M 

R 

X 

R 

R 

X 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

R 

R 

X 

X 

X 

R 

X 

W 

W 

E 

M 

R 

M 

M 

M 

W 

W 

1981 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

R 

W 

X 

M 

M 

X 

R 

X 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

R 

X 

R 

X 

R 

R 

X 

X 

X 

R 

X 

W 

w 

E 

E 

R 

M 

M 

M 

W 

W 

130 

131 

132 

133 

134 

135 

136 

137 

138 

139 

140 

141 

142 

143 

144 

145 

146 

147 

148 

149 

150 

151 

152 

153 

154 

155 

156 

157 

158 

159 

160 

161 

162 

163 

164 

165 

166 

167 

168 

169 

170 

171 

66 

67 

67 

68 

-

69 

70 

70 

71 

72 

-

73 

73 

74 

75 

76 

77 

77 

78 

79 

80 

81 

82 

83 

85 

86 

87 

88 

89 

92 

93 

93 

94 

94 

94 

95 

96 

96 

96 

97 

97 

Drum, wood, with ox-hide 

Drum, hand, wood with ox-hide 

Drum, hand, iron and nylon 

Hat, flower, paper 

Musician's double sash, nylon 

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 

Abacus, wood and bamboo 

Platform scale, iron and wood 

Platform scale, medicine, brass 

Measure, square, wood 

Measure, cylinder, wood and iron 

HUNTING AND FISHING 

Hunting-bag, vine and straw 

Hunting-bag, nylon rope with wire 

Fish-trap, bamboo 

Fish-trap, wire 

Trap, mudfish, bamboo 

CLOTHING 

Sandal, woven straw1 

Raincoat, zebra-grass 

Case, traveling, willow 

Bag, traveling, willow 

Cap, winter, man's 

Under-hat, horse-tail 

Hat, horsetail, man's 

Hat, bamboo 

Hat, with horsetail net, bamboo, bridegroom's 

Head cover, silk, woman's 

Belt, bridal, silk 

Boots, wedding, silk cloth with ox-hide 

Case, clothing, bridegroom's 

Case, clothing, bride's 

Bridal pendant, silk 

Dress, bridal, silk 

Needle, iron 

Needle, stainless steel 

Spool, wood 

Spool, flat, rectangular, wood 

Spool, plastic 

Sewing machine2 

Sewing-box, colored-paper, wood 

Sewing-box, bamboo 

Sewing-box, plastic 

Scissors, steel 

Scissors, Korean 
174 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Item 

number 

172 

173 

174 

175 

176 

177 

178 

179 

180 

181 

182 

183 

184 

185 

186 

187 

188 

189 

190 

191 

192 

193 

194 

195 

196 

197 

198 

199 

200 

201 

202 

203 

204 

205 

206 

207 

208 

209 

210 

211 

212 

213 

214 

215 

Material 

culture 

number 

98 

99 

99 

100 

100 

100 

100 

101 

101 

-

102 

-

104 

105 

106 

106 

107 

107 

107 

107 

107 

107 

108 

109 

109 

109 

110 

111 

113 

113 

113 

114 

115 

116 

117 

117 

118 

119 

119 

120 

120 

121 

122 

123 

Artifact 

Sandal-rack, wood, and straw rope 

Washboard, wood 

Washboard, plastic 

Smoothing iron 

Cloth-smoother, wood 

Iron, charcoal-heated 

Iron, electric 

Ironing-stick, wood 

Ironing-block, stone 

Paddle, laundry, wood 

Spinning wheel, wood and iron 

Hat-mold, straw 

Clothes-chest, with mirror, wood 

Clothes-chest, wood 

ADORNMENTS 

Ring, gold 

Ring, silver 

Hairpin, glass 

Hairpin, silver 

Hairpin, porcelain 

Hairpin, wood 

Hairpin, platinum 

Hairpin, aluminum 

Comb, bamboo 

Comb, plastic 

Comb, wood 

Comb, steel 

Mirror-stand 

Box, makeup, with mirror 

AGRICULTURE 

Tray, drying, bamboo 

Tray, drying, willow 

Tray, drying, bush-clover 

Basket, winnowing, willow and bamboo 

Basket, grain, straw 

Lid, reed 

Bag, machine-made, straw 

Bag, machine-made, synthetic fiber 

Bag, hand-made, straw 

Mat, drying, straw-rope 

Mat, drying, nylon 

Loom, straw-bag, electrical 

Loom, straw-bag, foot-powered 

Weaving-rack, straw-bag, wood 

Machine, straw-rope, foot-powered 

Flail, bamboo and twig 

Age 

T 

N 

N 

T 

T 

TM 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

N 

T 

TM 

N 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

NM 

T 

T 

N 

T 

Extent of usage 

1951 

R 

W 

X 

w 

M 

W 

R 

W 

W 

W 

R 

R 

R 

M 

W 

W 

M 

R 

M 

W 

X 

R 

W 

R 

W 

M 

R 

R 

W 

W 

M 

W 

W 

E 

W 

X 

w 

w 

X 

X 

w 

w 

M 

w 

1971 

X 

w 

M 

M 

X 

M 

W 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

M 

M 

W 

W 

R 

R 

R 

M 

R 

R 

R 

W 

R 

R 

W 

R 

R 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

R 

M 

M 

W 

R 

M 

W 

M 

1981 

X 

M 

W 

X 

X 

X 

w 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

w 

w 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

w 

X 

X 

w 

X 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

R 

R 

W 

X 

R 

M 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 
NUMBER 39 175 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number Artifact Age 

T 

TM 

N 

TM TM NM TM 

T 

N 

N 

T 

N 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

N 

N 

N 

T 

T 

N 

N 

T 

N 

T 

N 

N 

T 

TM 

T 

N 

N 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

Extent of usage 

1951 

M 

W 

M 

M 

M 

X 

M 

M 

M 

W 

M 

W 

W 

W 

w 

M 

M 

M 

M 

W 

M 

W 

M 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

w 

M 

W 

E 

E 

W 

W 

W 

w 

w 

M 

W 

E 

M 

R 

W 

W 

M 

M 

M 

M 

1971 

X 

R 

M 

R 

R 

M 

R 

X 

X 

M 

R 

M 

M 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

M 

M 

M 

W 

w 

w 

w 

w 

M 

W 

R 

R 

R 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

M 

M 

M 

R 

X 

X 

M 

M 

X 

R 

X 

X 

1981 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

M 

M 

M 

W 

w 

M 

M 

M 

R 

R 

X 

X 

X 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

216 124 Hackle-tool, bamboo 

217 124 Thresher, comb, wood and iron 

218 125 Threshing-machine, mechanical3 

219 126 Fan, hand-powered, mechanical 

220 126 Fan, foot-powered, mechanical 

221 126 Fan, motor-powered, mechanical 

222 127 Winnower, wood 

223 128 Waterwheel, wood, heavy 

224 128 Waterwheel, wood, light 

225 129 Sprayer, chemical 

226 130 Watchtower, farm 

227 131 Plow, paddy 

228 132 Plow, dry field 

229 133 Harrow, paddy, wood-spiked 

230 133 Harrow, paddy, iron-spiked 

231 134 Harrow, dry-field, wood-knived 

232 134 Harrow, dry-field, iron and wood 

233 135 Water-lift, gourd 

234 135 Water-lift, petroleum can 

235 136 Pick, iron, Korean 

236 136 Pick, iron, American 

237 136 Pick, iron, Japanese 

238 137 Shovel, iron 

239 137 Shovel, wood with iron reinforcement 

240 138 Sickle, curved, iron 

241 138 Sickle, iron 

242 138 Sickle, long-necked, iron 

243 139 Fork, farm, two-pronged, iron 

244 140 Fork, compost, iron 

245 141 Leveler, mud, rectangular, wood 

246 141 Leveler, mud, triangular, wood 

247 142 Weeder, mechanical, iron and wood 

248 143 Trowel, weeder, triangular, iron 

249 143 Trowel, weeder, short tang, iron 

250 144 Hoe, 90-degree-angled, iron 

251 144 Hoe, 45-degree-angled, iron 

252 144 Hoe, broad-headed, iron 

253 145 Axe, with pointed head, iron 

254 145 Axe, with flat head, iron 

255 146 Mallet, wood 

256 147 Clod, breaker, wood 

257 148 Straw pounder, wood 

258 149 Hatchet, iron 

259 150 Sledge hammer, wood 

260 151 Whetstone, with wood base 

261 152 Spade, wood 

262 152 Spade, steel 

263 153 Mill, stone 

264 154 Mill, hammer, tilt, foot-powered 
176 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Item 

number 

265 

266 

267 

268 

269 

270 

271 

272 

273 

274 

275 

276 

277 

278 

279 

280 

281 

282 

283 

284 

285 

286 

287 

288 

289 

290 

291 

292 

293 

294 

295 

296 

297 

298 

299 

300 

301 

302 

303 

304 

305 

306 

307 

308 

Material 

culmre 

number 

155 

156 

157 

158 

158 

159 

159 

159 

161 

161 

161 

162 

162 

163 

164 

164 

165 

166 

167 

168 

169 

169 

170 

170 

171 

171 

171 

176 

176 

176 

177 

177 

177 

178 

178 

178 

179 

179 

179 

180 

180 

180 

181 

182 

Artifact 

Quern, hand, stone 

Pestle-mallet, wood 

Pestle-mallet, straight 

Mortar, wood 

Mortar, stone 

Sieve, horsehair 

Sieve, vine-net 

Sieve, wire-net 

Scoop, compost, wood 

Scoop, compost, bamboo 

Scoop, compost, twig 

Dipper, manure, gourd 

Dipper, manure, plastic 

Bucket, manure, wood with bamboo hoops 

Barrel, manure, wood and bamboo 

Barrel, manure, plastic 

Whip, noise-maker 

Rope spinner, wood and stone 

Roller, straw rope, wood 

Grain spreader, wood 

Rake, bamboo 

Rake, wire 

PERSONAL ACCESSORIES 

Eyeglasses, rimmed, tortoise-shell 

Eyeglasses, rimmed, plastic/steel 

Cane, wood 

Cane, bamboo 

Cane, hooked 

RELIGION 

Container, incense, brass 

Container, incense, stainless steel 

Container, incense, bronze 

Burner, incense, bronze 

Burner, incense, stainless steel 

Burner, incense, brass 

Cup and stand, wine, brass 

Cup and stand, wine, stainless steel 

Cup and stand, wine, bronze 

Stand food, ritual, wood 

Stand food, ritual, ceramic 

Stand food, ritual, stainless steel 

Holder, candlestick, brass 

Holder, candlestick, stainless steel 

Holder, candlestick, bronze 

Duck, wedding, wood 

Rosary, Buddhist 

Age 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

I 

T 

N 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

N 

Extent of usage 

1951 

E 

W 

W 

W 

M 

M 

W 

M 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

M 

E 

R 

W 

M 

M 

W 

E 

W 

R 

M 

W 

M 

M 

M 

X 

R 

R 

X 

W 

w 

X 

R 

W 

R 

X 

w 

X 

R 

M 

R 

1971 

R 

M 

M 

M 

M 

R 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

R 

X 

R 

M 

W 

M 

X 

w 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

W 

W 

W 

W 

X 

M 

R 

M 

W 

W 

X 

R 

R 

1981 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

M 

R 

R 

X 

W 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

W 

W 

W 

W 

X 

M 

R 

W 

w 

w 

X 

R 

R 
NUMBER 39 177 

Item 

number 

Material 

culture 

number Artifact Age 

Extent of usage 

1951 1971 1981 

309 183 

310 

311 

312 

313 

314 

315 

316 

317 

318 

319 

320 

321 

322 

323 

324 

325 

326 

327 

328 

329 

330 

331 

332 

333 

334 

335 

336 

337 

338 

339 

340 

341 

342 

343 

344 

345 

346 

347 

348 

185 

185 

185 

186 

187 

188 

189 

189 

190 

191 

192 

192 

193 

193 

193 

193 

194 

195 

197 

197 

198 

198 

199 

200 

201 

202 

203 

203 

204 

205 

206 

207 

208 

208 

210 

211 

214 

216 

217 

SMOKING 

Pipe, tobacco, long-stemmed, bamboo 

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY 

Coop, chicken, bamboo 

Coop, chicken, wire 

Coop, chicken, wood 

Nest, hen, straw 

Feeder, chicken, wood 

Pot, ox, iron 

Tub, ox-meal, wood and bamboo 

Tub, ox-meal, cement 

Manger, wood 

Hook, ox-meal, wood 

Fodder cutter, foot-powered 

Fodder cutter, hand-powered 

Yoke, with wire, wood 

Yoke, with nylon cordage, wood 

Yoke, with straw cordage, wood 

Yoke, with hemp cordage, wood 

Saddle, traction 

Saddle, pack 

Bridle, ox, hemp-rope 

Bridle, ox, nylon 

Nose ring, willow twig with vine 

Nose ring, plastic 

Sandal, ox, straw 

CONFECTIONS 

Noise-maker, "candy shears' 

Machine, shaved ice 

HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE AND ACCESSORIES 

Screen, wood with paper and cloth 

Cushion, seat, straw 

Cushion, seat, cotton 

Mat, reed 

Mat, reed (fine quality) 

Quilt and mattress 

Pillow, with rice hull, cotton 

Desk, writing, with drawers, wood 

Desk, writing, without drawers, wood 

Table, dining, shell-inlaid 

Table, round, wood 

Chest, rice, wood 

Bench-bed, bamboo 

Lamp, with glass case, white-porcelain 

W R X 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

N 

T 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

W 

W 

W 

W 

M 

W 

W 

X 

W 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

X 

w 

X 

R 

w 

M 

M 

M 

w 

w 

W 

E 

E 

M 

M 

R 

W 

W 

M 

M 

R 

M 

R 

X 

M 

R 

M 

M 

R 

R 

R 

M 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

M 

M 

M 

W 

X 

M 

E 

E 

M 

M 

R 

M 

M 

M 

X 

X 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

R 

M 

R 

M 

X 

R 

E 

W 

M 

M 

R 

M 

R 

R 

X 
178 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Item 

number 

349 

350 

351 

352 

353 

354 

355 

356 

357 

358 

359 

360 

361 

362 

363 

364 

365 

366 

367 

368 

369 

370 

371 

372 

373 

374 

375 

376 

377 

378 

379 

380 

381 

382 

383 

384 

385 

386 

387 

388 

389 

390 

391 

392 

Material 

culmre 

number 

217 

220 

221 

223 

224 

224 

224 

225 

225 

229 

230 

231 

232 

233 

234 

235 

236 

237 

238 

239 

240 

241 

241 

242 

243 

244 

245 

246 

247 

-

248 

249 

250 

251 

252 

253 

254 

255 

255 

256 

259 

259 

261 

261 

Artifact Age 

T 

I 

N 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

T 

TM 

TM 

T 

TM 

N 

T 

T 

N 

N 

T 

T 

N 

NM 

T 

T 

TM 

T 

N 

T 

N 

T 

N 

N 

T 

T 

N 

N 

N 

T 

TM 

T 

T 

T 

N 

Extent of usage 

1951 

M 

X 

R 

W 

X 

M 

W 

M 

M 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

w 

E 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

w 

X 

w 

w 

w 

M 

W 

W 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

w 

1971 

X 

w 

R 

W 

X 

X 

R 

R 

R 

W 

X 

R 

R 

M 

W 

R 

R 

W 

W 

X 

X 

M 

W 

M 

M 

W 

R 

W 

R 

W 

R 

W 

M 

M 

W 

W 

W 

W 

M 

W 

R 

R 

X 

M 

1981 

X 

w 

X 

R 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

M 

X 

R 

X 

M 

W 

X 

X 

w 

w 

X 

X 

R 

W 

M 

R 

W 

X 

M 

X 

W 

X 

W 

M 

R 

M 

M 

W 

W 

R 

W 

R 

R 

X 

R 

Lamp, with glass case, wood 

Stove, tin-can 

Stove, charcoal, ceramic 

Stove, iron 

Brazier, three-legged, bronze 

Brazier, three-legged, brass 

Brazier, "flower-pot," clay 

Tripod, short 

Tripod, long 

CARPENTRY AND BLACKSMITHING 

Hammer, blacksmith's (engineer) 

Piston-bellow, wood 

Anvil, with wood base, iron 

Vat, "cooling water," wood 

Pliers, iron 

File, iron 

Bark-stripper, wood and iron 

Adze, iron and wood 

Ruler, carpenter's, steel 

Square, carpenter's, wood 

Marker, oblique, wood 

Marker, ink, bamboo 

Marker, ink-box, wood 

Marker, ink-box, plastic 

Marker, line, wood 

Plane, lattice, steel, wood 

Plane, comer, steel, wood 

Plane, steel, wood/double handles 

Plane, groove, steel, wood 

Plane, groove, steel with handle 

Plane, smoothing, steel, wood 

Frame saw, one or two manned 

Handsaw, double-edged, one or two handed 

Handsaw, single-edged 

Earth-sieve, wire 

Ladder, wood 

Crow bar, iron 

Hammer 

Chisel, iron and wood 

Chisel, iron 

Trowel, plasterers 

GENERAL UTILITY 

Packboard, A-frame, wood 

Basket, for A-frame, twig 

Water-carrier, buckets with packboard 

Bucket, well, with bamboo pole, galvanized iron 
NUMBER 39 179 

Material 

Item culture 

number number 

Extent of usage 

Artifact Age 

NM 

NM 

T 

N 

T 

T 

T 

T 

N 

T 

TM 

N 

N 

I 

T 

TM 

TM 

TM 

T 

N 

T 

1951 

X 

X 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

W 

M 

M 

M 

W 

R 

M 

X 

M 

R 

R 

1971 

W 

M 

R 

R 

R 

R 

R 

X 

X 

R 

R 

W 

W 

X 

w 

M 

M 

M 

M 

w 

X 

1981 

W 

W 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

X 

W 

M 

X 

M 

M 

M 

M 

M 

W 

X 

393 

394 

395 

396 

397 

398 

399 

400 

401 

402 

403 

404 

405 

406 

407 

408 

409 

410 

411 

412 

413 

261 

261 

262 

262 

263 

264 

265 

265 

268 

268 

270 

271 

272 

272 

272 

272 

272 

273 

274 

Bucket, well, plastic 

Bucket, well, rubber (synthetic) 

VEHICLES 

Bell, ox 

Wheel-cover, cart, wood/slats 

Bed siding, cart, wood/pole 

Cargo box, wagon, wood 

Cart support, wood 

Hand cart, wood, with iron rimmed wheels 

Hand cart, wood, with iron wheels 

Ox cart, wood, with iron rimmed wheels 

Ox cart, wood, with rubber wheels 

Bicycle 

Rear cart 

TOILET 

Urinal, wood 

Chamber pot, white-porcelain 

Chamber pot, aluminum 

Chamber pot, blue-glass 

Chamber pot, plastic 

Chamber pot, brass 

COMMUNICATIONS 

Radio 

Book, wood-block print, mulberry paper 

'In 1951, only a few old men wore the woven straw sandals in daily life. Sandals were worn by family mourners for funeral ceremonies in 1981. 

2

In 197o' the sewing machine was no longer as useful because ready-made clothing was available. 

3Threshing machines were foot operated until 1971; since then the motor-driven machine has been used. 
Appendix 2. Food Preparations, 1951-1981 

Many of the food preparations noted for a rural community in central Korea in 1947 

(Osgood, 1951:80-82) were also known to housewives in the Three Ministers community 

in 1971. Other items have been added to complete the list for the Kimhae area. 

A. Rice dishes 

1. Plain boiled rice 

2. Boiled rice with barley 

3. Boiled rice with beans 

4. Boiled rice with white potatoes 

5. Boiled rice with sorghum 

6. Boiled rice with millet 

7. Boiled rice with barley and white potatoes 

8. Boiled rice with red beans 

9. Boiled glutinous rice with sorghum 

B. Kimch'i (spiced vegetable mixtures) 

1. White radish kimch'i 

a. "Large cut" 

b. "Small cut" 

c. "Salty" 

d. "Very salty" 

e. "Pickled" 

f. "Summer" 

2. Cabbage kimch'i 

3. Cucumber kimch'i 

a. Cucumber 

b. "Salty" 

C. Sung Yung (boiled water with burnt rice; burnt barley, 

millet, or red beans may also be used). 

D. Soups 

1. With soy sauce 

a. Chicken 

b. Fish (especially loach, yellow corvina, pollock, cod, 

and "horsetail"). 

c. Fish eggs 

d. White potato 

e. Soybean sprouts 

f. Mugwort 

g. Shellfish (clams) 

h. Vegetables 

i. Squash leaf 

j . Squash 

k. Sea cucumber 

1. Taro 

m. Radish leaf 

n. Leeks 

2. With soybean mash 

a. Squash with vegetable tops 

b. "Very salty" white radish kimch'i 

c. "Salty" cucumber kimch'i 

3. With hot bean mash 

a. Soy bean curd 

b. Fish 

c. "Very salty" white radish kimch'i 

d. "Salty" cucumber kimch'i 

4. With kimch'i 

a. "Large cut" white radish kimch'i 

b. Cabbage kimch'i 

E. Rice Gruel 

1. Red bean 

2. Squash 

3. Green bean 

4. Soybean 

5. Soybean sprouts 

6. Egg 

F. Stews 

1. Fish 

2. Eel 

3. Shark 

4. Oyster 

5. Pork 

6. Bean and pork 

7. Soybean 

8. Chicken 

G. Boiled 

1. Burdock 

2. Dried sardine 

3. Crab 

4. Fish 

5. Korean cabbage 

6. White radish 

7. Leaves of red pepper plant 

H. Fried (with vegetable oil) 

1. Fish 

2. Vegetables 

3. Lettuce 

4. Onions 

5. Leeks 

6. Eggplant 

180 
NUMBER 39 181 

7. Red pepper 

8. Squid 

9. Sweet potato 

10. Beef liver 

11. Grasshopper 

12. Cricket 

Special and Ceremonial Dishes 

1. White rice 

2. Beef soup 

3. Pork soup 

4. Seaweed soup 

5. Hot pepper mash 

6. Hot pepper powder with spices 

7. Grilled pork 

8. Grilled beef 

9. Fried bean curd 

10. Fried eggs with squash or dried fish 

11. Boiled soy or small green bean sprouts 

12. Cabbage kimch'i or squash dipped in flour, water, and 

fried 

13. Grilled fish 

14. Rice cake soup with beef and noodles 

15. Glutinous rice cake 

16. Steamed rice cake with bean powder 

17. Rice candy 

. Miscellaneous dishes 

1. Hot pepper mash 

2. Soy sauce 

3. Grilled fish 

4. Grilled dried fish 

5. Scrambled eggs 

6. Mountain vegetables 

7. Lotus root 

8. Carrot 

9. Dried seaweed 

10. Wheat vermicelli 

11. Knife-cut noodles 

12. Soybean noodles 

13. Steamed squash leaves 

14. Honey and ginseng 

15. Maize 

16. Boiled silk worm 

17. Dog (special breed) 

K. Beverages 

1. Water 

2. Mineral water 

3. T'akju (makkolli): thick rice wine 

4. Yakju: clear rice wine 

5. Chong-chong: comparable to Japanese rice wine, sake 

6. Soju: yam liquor 

7. Grape wine 

8. Strawberry wine 

9. Apple/Ginger wine 

10. Beer 
Appendix 3. Domesticated and Useful Wild Plants 

and Domesticated Animals, 1970 

"Domesticated plants and animals are artifacts in the sense that they are natural materials 

modified by man for his own purposes They have the additional value that they avoid 

confusion concerning independent invention: plants and animals cannot be [rejinvented" 

(Carter, 1974:201). 

Evidence of change in domesticated plants and animals appeared in Kimhae villages, as 

well as elsewhere in Korea. Plants and animals were selectively introduced, and many were 

improved with applied research. Governmental agencies gave close attention and 

assistance to increase agricultural productivity. In Kyongsang Namdo Province, in which 

Kimhae is located, these agencies included research stations, e.g., fruit and livestock, as 

well as agricultural guidance specialists. There was also the Chinju Agricultural College, 

with its educational programs, which sponsored varied research projects. Perhaps the most 

famous of the Korean agricultural scientists was Prof. Woo Jang-chun* who worked at the 

Tongnae Horticultural Experiment Station near Kimhae. American economic aid 

programs, especially the activities of the Agency for International Development (AID), 

contributed to Korean agriculture. 

Domesticated Plants 

COMMON NAME 

Angelica (Ch 'amdanggwi) 

Angelica (Ch 'on 'gung) 

Apricot (Salgu) 

Bamboo (Taenamu) 

Barley (Pori) 

Barley, naked (Ssalbori) 

Bean, Azuki (P 'at) 

Bean, mung (Noktu) 

Bean, soy (Taeduk'ong) 

Bean, white (Tongbu) 

Black rush (Wanggol) 

Buckwheat (Momil) 

Cabbage, Korean (Chosonbaech 'u) 

Cabbage, western (Yangbaech 'u) 

Carrot (Tanggun) 

Castor bean (Ajukkari) 

Celery 

Cherry (Aengdu) 

Chestnut (Pam) 

Chive (Puch 'u) 

Chrysanthemum (Kukhwa) 

Com (Oksusu) 

BOTANICAL NAME 

Angelica gigas Nakai 

Angelica polymorpha Maximowicz 

Prunus ansu Komarov 

Phyllostachys reticulata C. Koch 

Hordeum vulgare L. emend. Lamarck 

Hordeum sativum Jess. var. vulgare Makino 

Phaseolus angularis WF. Wight 

Phaseolus radiatus L. var. typicus Prain. 

Glycine max (L.) Merrill 

Vigna sinensis Hasskarl 

Cyperus exaltatus Retzius 

Fagopyrum esculentum Moench. 

Brassica campestris subsp. napus var. pekinensis Makino 

Brassica oleracea L. 

Daucus carota L. 

Ricinus communis L. 

Apium graveolens L. var. dulce DC. 

Prunus tomentosa Thunberg var. insularis Koehne 

Castena crenata Sieb. et Zucc. var. dulcis Nakai 

Allium odorum L. 

Chrysanthemum sinensi Sabin var. hortense Makino 

Zea mays L. 

*In April 1992, to honor his memory, he was proclaimed a "Hero of Culture" 

by the Ministry of Culture, ROK (Seo Seungwon, 1992, pers. comm.). 

182 
NUMBER 39 183 

COMMON NAME 

Cotton (Mokwha) 

Cucumber (Oi) 

Dandelion (Mindulle) 

Eggplant (Kaji) 

False acacia (Ak'asia) 

Foxglove (Chihwang) 

Garden pea (Wandu) 

Garlic (Manul) 

Gourd (Pak) 

Gourd, sponge (dishcloth) (Susemi) 

Grape (P'odo) 

Green onion, Japanese (Waep'a) 

Green onion, Korean (Silp 'a) 

Hemp (Sam) 

Jujube (Taech 'u) 

Lettuce (Sangch 7) 

Lotus (Yonkkot) 

Mallow (Auk) 

Melon (Ch 'amoe) 

Milk vetch (Chaunyong) 

Millet, glutinous German (Ch 'ajo) 

Millet, Italian (Cho) 

Onion (Yangp 'a) 

Peach (Poksunga) 

Pear (Pae) 

Pepper, hot (Koch 'u) 

Perilla (Ch 'ija) 

Persimmon (Kam) 

Pine, black (Haesong) 

Pine, red (Yuksong) 

Pomegranate (Songnyu) 

Potato, sweet (Koguma) 

Potato, white (Kamja) 

Pumpkin, Japanese (Waehobak) 

White radish, Japanese (Waemuu) 

White radish, Korean (Chosonmuu) 

Ramie (Mosi) 

Reed (Kai) 

Rice (Ssal) 

Rice, glutinous (Ch 'apssal) 

Sesame (Ch 'amkkae) 

Sorghum (Susu) 

Spinach (Sigumch 7) 

Squash (Hobak) 

Strawberry (Ttalgi) 

Tomato (Tornado) 

Watermelon (Subak) 

Water cress (Minari) 

Wheat (Mil) 

Willow (Podul) 

Yam 

BOTANICAL NAME 

Gossypium nanking Meyer 

Cucumis sativus L. 

Taraxacum platycarpum H. Dahlstaedt 

Solanum melongena L. 

Robinia pseudoacacia L. 

Rehmannia glutinosa (Gaertn.) Liboschitz et Fischer & Meyer 

Pisum sativum L. 

Allium scorodoperasum L. var. viviparum Regel 

Lagenaria vulgaris Seringe 

Luffa cylindrica Roemer 

Vitis vinifera L. 

Allium fistulosum L. 

Alliumfistulosum L. 

Cannabis sativa L. 

Zizypus sativa Gaert. var. inermis Schneider 

Lactuca sativa L. 

Nelumbo nucifera Gaertner 

Malva olitoria Nakai 

Cucumis melo L. 

Astragalus sinicus L. 

Setaria italica Beauver var. longiseta Doell 

Allium cepa L. 

Prunus persica Stokes 

Pyras serotina Rehder 

Capsicum annuum L. 

Perilla frutescens var.japonica Hara 

Diospyros kaki L.f. 

Pz'/iws thunbergii Parlatore 

PMHS densiflora Sieb. et Zucc. 

Punica granatum L. 

Ipomoea batatas Lamarck var. edulis Makino 

Solanum tuberosum L. 

Cucurbita pepo L. 

Raphanus sativas L. 

Raphanus sativas L. 

Boehmeria nivea Hooker et Arnott 

Phragmites communis Trinius 

Oryza sativa L. 

CVyza sarz'va L. var. glutinosa L. 

Sesamum indicum L. 

Sorghum nervosum Bess, et Schult. 

Spinacia oleracea L. 

Cucurbita moschata Duch. var. toonas Makino 

Fragria vesca L. 

Lycopersicon esculentum Mill. 

Citrullus vulgaris Schrader 

Oenanthe stolonifera De Candolle 

Triticum aestivum L. 

Sa/ix koreensis Andersen 

Discorea batatas Decaisne 
184 

COMMON NAME 

SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

BOTANICAL NAME 

HERBS: 

Ailanthus (Kajuknamu) 

Arrowroot (Ch 'ik) 

Aster, Tartarian (Kaemich 'wi) 

Balsam (Pongsonhwa) 

Bellflower (Toraji) 

Bellflower, gland (Todok) 

Brake, fem (Kosari) 

Bush clover (Ssari) 

Ginseng (Insam) 

Honeysuckle, Japanese (Indong) 

Juniper, Chinese (Hyangnamu) 

Lily (Malchari) 

Motherwort (Ingmoch 'o) 

Pasque flower (Nogoch 'o or Halmikkot) 

Plantain lily (Pibich 'u) 

?(Sapchu) 

? (Myongbakch 'o) 

? (Ongdukku) 

? (Onggenamu) 

OTHERS: 

Fungi, clustered coral (Ssaribosot) 

Mushroom (Songibosot) 

Ailanthus altissima Swingle 

Pueraria hirsuta Matsumura 

Aster tataricus L. 

Impatiens balsamina L. 

Platycodon glaucus Nakai 

Codonopsis lanceolata Benth. et Hook. 

Pteridium aquilinum var. latiusculum (Desv.) Underw. 

Lespedeza bicolor Turcz. 

Aralia chinensis L. 

Lonicera japonica Thunb. 

Juniperus chinensis L. 

Lilium disotichum Nakai 

Leonurus sibiricus L. 

Pursatilla koreana Nakai 

Hosta longpes Nakai 

Atractylis japonica Koidz 

Clavaria botrytis 

Agaricus bisporus 

Domesticated Animals 

COMMON NAME 

Cat (Koyangi) 

Cow (So) 

Dog (Kae) 

Chicken (Tak) 

Goat (Ydmso) 

Pig (Twaeji) 

Rabbit (T'okki) 

Sheep (Yang) 

OTHERS: 

Carp (Ingo) 

Eel (Paemjango) 

Loach (Mikkuraji) 

Trout (Songo) 

Clam (Chogae) 

Mud snail (Non 'godong) 

Grasshopper (Mettugi) 

Locust (Yoch 7) 

ZOOLOGICAL NAME 

Felis catus 

Bos indicus: Korean native variety and variety Holstein 

Canis familiaris 

Gallus gallus 

Capus sp. 

Sus scrofa: Korean native variety 

variety Berkshire \ These two breeds were introduced during 

variety Yorkshire / the Japanese occupation. 

Orictolagus cuniculus 

Ovis aries: This domesticated breed was introduced during the 

Japanese occupation 

Carassius carassius 

Anquilla japonica 

Misgurnus mizolepis 

Salmo gairdneri 

Locust locusta 
Appendix 4. Factories within the Three Ministers Community 

and the Nearby Kimhae Industrial Park in 1980 

Factories within Three Ministers 

Name Product 

Kimhae Hap Dong Brewery 

Window Frame Company 

Kimhae Foundry 

Mr. Bae's Mill 

To Wang Industrial Company 

Makkolli* (alcoholic beverage) 

(closed October 1980) 

Cast-iron valves 

Mostly polished rice 

Concrete bricks 

Factories in the Kimhae Industral Park 

Name 

Han II Synthetic Fiber Co. 

Dong Yang Industrial Co. 

Han Kuk Spindle Co. 

Han Young Ceramics Co. 

Han Kuk Food Co. 

Sin Dong Paper Co. 

Sin Jin Rope Co. 

Ban Do Food Co. 

Sung Sang Textile Co. 

Dong Hwa Oil & Fat Co. 

Dae Won Co. 

Kum Sung Co. 

Chun Jin Co. 

Dong Seo Co. 

Sam Jung Co. 

Dong Kyung Textile Co. 

Hung A Tire Co. 

Kimhae Food Co. 

Han Kuk Transportation Machine Co. 

Kum Sung Ice Candy Co. 

Chang Sung Textile Co. 

Sin Hang Industrial Co. 

Dong Sung Veneer Board Co. 

Han II Agricultural Co. 

Mi Kwang Industrial Co. 

Dong Sang Valve Co. 

Tae Kwang Industrial Co. 

Ka Kok Veneer Board Co. 

Ho Hoi Commercial Co. 

Se Rim Veneer Board Co. 

Product 

Acrylic fibers 

Motorized cultivators 

Spindles 

Ceramic tiles 

Gluten fluid 

Paper 

"Manila" rope 

Processed dried fish 

Synthetic textiles 

Candy 

Boxes 

Electric motors 

? 

Concrete tile 

Synthetic textiles 

Synthetic textiles 

Rubber tires (under construction) 

Bean curd 

Conveyor belts 

Ice candy 

Synthetic textiles 

Water pumps 

Veneer board 

Onion storage 

Vinyl sheet for agricultural use 

Steel valves 

Sports shoes 

Veneer board 

Frozen fish 

Veneer board (closed September 1980) 

•Traditionally made from rice, it is now also made from maize. 

185 
186 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Name Product 

Pusan Electric Co. 

Dong Chan Lumber Mill 

Munkyo Sae Maul Factory 

Pusan Food Co. 

Cho II Industrial Co. 

Duk Sung Industrial Co. 

Uh Bang Brick Co. 

Heaters 

Lumber mill 

Blackboard chalk 

Fried fish 

Processed dried fish 

Pheasant feather bags 

Concrete bricks 
Appendix 5. Restaurants, Shops, and Other Commercial Outlets 

Present in or nearby* the Three Ministers Community during 1980 

Type of store 

Korean restaurant 

Chinese restaurant 

Grocery stores (including temporary booths) 

"So Ju" (alcohol beverage) bar 

"Tak Ju" [makkolli] (alcohol beverage) bar 

Butcher shop 

Hot red pepper shop 

Rice and grain shop 

Briquette fuel shop 

Oil fuel shop 

Kitchen utensils shop 

Dress shop 

Tailor shop 

Knit wear and T-shirt shop 

Motor bike repair shop 

Drug store 

Number 

1 

5 

45 

1 

5 

3 

2 

4 

3 

3 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

2 

Type of store 

Hardware store 

Stationery shop 

Agricultural machine repair shop 

Galvanized iron products shop 

Laundry 

Cigarette shop 

TV repair shop 

Photographer 

Barber shop 

Piano teacher 

Carpenter 

Real estate agent 

Second-hand dealer 

Car wash 

Bath house 

Beauty parlor 

Number 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

1 

9 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

*"Nearby'' refers to two other villages in the immediate vicinity of the Three 

Ministers community. 

187 
Appendix 6. English-Korean Character List 

The following list is derived from Part 2: The Material Culture. The most commonly 

used Korean term is listed first (often this is the local term) followed by the standard 

Korean term for the same object. There are some entries with multiple Korean terms: 

please refer to the specific material culture number (MC#) in Part 2 for that item, where the 

various words are distinguished. Korean alphabet (han'gul) characters are displayed to the 

right of the romanized Korean terms. 

English Korean MC# 

Kitchen knife Chongjik'al 

Puokk'al 

Chopping board Tomae 

Toma 

Rice scoops 

(a) Brass 

(b) Wood 

(c) Rice 

(a) Notchugu 

(b) Papchugu 

(c) Chugu 

(d) Chugok 

^HrS2-

^ 

Gourd scoop 

(ladle) 

Pagaji *r7}*l 

Scoop, wood 

(ladle) 

Namubagaji i+¥*m*i 

Spoon Sutkkal 

Sukkarak 

Chopsticks Cho 

Chokkarak 

*1 

Dipper 

(ladle) 

Chokcha 

Kukcha 

Rice bowl 

Bowl 

Papsabal 

Sabal 

Soup or water 

bowl 

Taejop « 10 

Bowl (small) Chongj i **1 11 

188 
NUMBER 39 

English 

Bowl, condiment 

(small) 

Bowl, aluminum 

Plate 

Serving dish 

Soup pan 

Frying pan 

Teakettle 

Kettle, iron 

(cauldron) 

Kettle, aluminum 

(cauldron) 

Water bucket 

(water can) 

Bucket 

Washbasin 

Wash basin 

Waste water tub 

Korean 

Chongbari 

Chongbal 

Yangjaegi 

Chopsi 

Chopsi 

Chaengban 

Naembi 

Nambi 

Huraip'an 

Chujonja 

Sot 

Sot 

Mult'ong 

Ppakkessu 

Pagech'u 

Pakkessu 

Mult'ong 

Sesuttae 

Sesudaeya 

Pojigi 

KkujoVigmul t' ong 

Kujunmult'ong 

W W 

3*1 

£«1 

^ W ^ 

^Z*} 

^ 

<k 

W 

4^°r 

^)7) 

189 

Washtub 

Laundry tub, 

wood or 

galvanized iron 

Medicine pot 

(boiler) 

Tarangi 

Tallangi 

Ppallaet'ong 

Yakt *ang 

Yakt'anggwan 

MC# 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 
190 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English 

Steamer 

Korean 

Siri A 2 

Sauce jar 

Jar (pot) 

Lid 

Liquor jar 

Storage jar 

Storage pot 

Tray (red lacquer 

or plain) 

Tray 

Sprinkler 

(watering can) 

Water jar 

Flower pot 

Wine bottle 

Head pad 

Scrub brush 

Sim 

Tanji 

Sut'ingi 

Tok 

Ttakkari 

Tokttukko'ng 

Sulturimi 

Sojudok 

Oktongu 

Tongu 

Oktongi 

Sagu 

Pant'ingi 

Pant'i 

Pat'ingi 

Hamt'ingi 

P'almobant'ingi 

Namubat'ingi 

Hamjibak 

Mulppurige 

Salsugi 

Chooro 

Multomu 

Mult'o'mu 

Multomu 

Multongi 

Hwabun 

Handoebyong 

Toeppyong 

Ttabaengi 

Ttobari 

Ttwari 

Sossinnun sol 

*l+ 

tf*l 

*Wsl 

4^ 

HIE] 

^ ° 1 

*Hfr 

3*3 

rxftijo] 

2fel 

&£& # 

MC# 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 

40 

41 

42 
NUMBER 39 

English 

Broom, bamboo 

Broom, reed 

Broom, millet 

Ladle 

Food Basket 

Cooked-rice 

basket 

Rice cake stamp 

Ash shovel 

Fire forceps 

(tongs) 

Bellows 

Checkerboard 

Stone pieces 

Chessboard 

Chess pieces 

Yut game 

Kite 

Kite spool 

Korean 

Pi 

Taepssaribi 

Pangbitchari 

Pangbi 

Susibitcharu 

Susubi 

Chorae 

Chori 

Pagimi 

Taebagimi 

Paguni 

Ko'lbagimi 

Pappaguni 

Sip'ySnson 

Ttokson 

Ttoksal 

Pulbusap 

Pusap 

Hwasap 

Puje 

Pultchige 

Pulchipke 

P'ungno 

P'ulmu 

Padukp' an 

Paduktol 

Padugal 

Changgip'an 

Changgial 

Yutchak 

Yutp'an 

Yon 

Yonjase 

*1 

»JaF?-M 

^7)*V 

191 

MC# 

43 

44 

45 

46 

47 

48 

49 

50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

56 

Roller Tongt'ae *E« 57 
192 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English Korean MC# 

Ball 

Play cart 

Mock gun 

Card game 

Hoop and stick 

(toy) 

Seesaw 

(teetertotter, 

jump board) 

Gongs 

(a) small 

(b) large 

Gong beaters 

Ppol 

Kong 

Kuruma 

Tongch'a 

Moich'ong 

Mokch'ong 

Hwat'u 

Tongt'ae 

Kullongsoe 

Nulttwigi 

Nolttwigi 

(a) Kwaengsa 

Kwaenggwari 

(b) Ching 

(a) Kwaengsach'ae 

(b) Chingch'ae 

# 

* 

T^M-

-£4 

5L°)%-

*& 

SFF 

M 

*$* * 

fc^l 

^^71 

* 4 

^ ^ i 

v 

^4*fl 

3*11 

Long drum 

Bass drum 

Bass drum beater 

Hand drum 

Drum beater 

Musician's 

hat (two 

types) 

Abacus 

Platform scale 

Volume measure 

Volume measure 

Fish trap 

Changgu 

Puk 

Pukch'ae 

Sobuk 

Sogu 

Pukch'ae 

(a) Kkokkal 

Kokkal 

(b) Sadaebu 

Chup'an 

(a) Choul 

(b) Anjunbaengi cho'ul 

Toe 

Mal 

Karae 

Kari 

W 

*w 

^ 

^9-

4*11 

HL*t 

JL^ 

4W 

W 

4* 

&&Hgo| x] 

3 

n

i 

7fefl 

7f£l 

58 

59 

60 

61 

62 

63 

64 

65 

66 

67 

68 

69 

70 

71 

72 

73 
NUMBER 39 193 

Engli sh Korean MC# 

Fish trap 

Sandal 

Raincoat 

Sui tease 

Winter inner 

cap 

Underhat 

Hat 

Rain and sun 

hat 

Bridegroom's 

hat 

Woman's head 

cover 

Bridegroom's 

belt 

Bride's belt 

Bridegroom's 

boots 

Bridegroom 

case 

Bridal chest 

Bride's pendant 

T'ongbal 

T'ongbari 

Mes in 

Met'uri 

Chipsin 

Ujang 

Torongi 

Yanagigori 

Koritchak 

Podulsangja 

Huiyang 

Hwiyang 

T'anggun 

T'anggon 

Kat 

Sakkat 

Samo 

Ch onui 

Tti 

Tti 

Wonsamtti 

Suiji 

Kwanbokham 

Pongch'aeham 

Yejangham 

Taenggi 

*H*tt4 

fl 

V5 

* 

## 

4J 

^ 

B| 

rx] 

+•1*1 

#4^ 

74 

75 

76 

77 

78 

79 

80 

81 

82 

83 

84 

85 

86 

87 

89 
194 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English Korean 

Bride's 

coronet 

Bridegroom's 

gown 

Bride's dress 

Needle 

Thread holder 

(spool) 

Sewing machine 

Sewing kit 

Scissors 

Tchokturi 

Hwagwan 

Chokturi 

Kwanbo 

Kwandae 

Changot 

Hwarot 

Panul 

Silp'ae 

T'ul 

Chaebongt'ul 

Panujil tangsigi 

Panujiltogu sangja 

Kasige 

Kawi 

«Hr«l 

*HM1 

3 * 

*Hr 

MM 

5-W 

*}±M c0U]7l 

7f47fl 

7ffl 

Sandal rack and 

tool assemblage 

Sinful 4-

Washboard 

Irons (several) 

(a) Iron (collars 

and seams) 

(b) Iron (open, 

charcoal) 

(c) Iron (closed, 

charcoal) 

(d) Flatiron 

(e) Iron 

(electric ) 

Ppallaeida 

Ppallaetomae 

Ppallaep'an 

(a) 

(b) 

(c) 

(d) 

(e) 

Other ironing implements 

(a) Ironing 

block 

(b) Bat 

(c) Ironing 

bar 

(a) 

(b) 

(c) 

Indu 

Taribi 

Tarimi 

Yangboktarimi 

Set'aksoyong tarimi 

Taribi 

Chon'gidarimi 

Tadimidol 

Tadumittol 

Pangmaengi 

Pangmangi 

Hongdukkae 

tsJM^r 

-tEflinfl 

«^iSj|B> 

91^ 

ufBltil 

cfelnl 

W ^ M 

AflSfcii-g- tlz]u 

ufe)y| 

^7lCrE|n] 

c}c|nl § 

tr#« # 

* OV D <H 

*oVn<H 

WI 

MC# 

90 

91 

92 

93 

94 

95 

96 

97 

98 

99 

100 

101 
NUMBER 39 

English 

Spinning wheel 

Clothing chest 

(three stories) 

Wardrobe chest 

(one story) 

Clothing chest 

(two stories) 

Rings 

(a) Finger ring 

(b) Finger rings, 

(double) 

Hairpin 

Comb, bamboo 

Comb, wood 

Cosmetic chest 

Cosmetic 

"make-up'* box 

Wristwatch 

Tray 

Winnowing 

basket 

Grain basket 

Korean 

Mulle 

Chang 

Samch'ung (ot)chang 

Chang 

Ilch'ung yangbokchang 

Chang 

Ich'ungjang 

(a) Panji 

(b) Karakchi 

Pinyo 

Ch'aembit 

Ch'ambit 

Namubit 

Ollebit 

Kyongdae 

Hwajangdae 

Kyongdae 

Sonmoksigye 

Kwangjiri 

Kwangjuri 

Ch'aei 

K'i 

Tungjimi 

M 

3 

M* (*)3 

3 

3 

*1#3 

tl4 

7}^f4 

HIM 

M S! 

3^8 

4f3^ 

%M 

&WM 

34 el 

3^e] 

M<>] 

71 

*4*1 

195 

Lid, reed 

Bag, rice straw 

Bag, rice straw 

Tungt'aegi 

Tunggumi 

Ch'aep'an 

Ch'aesang 

Kamanittaegi 

Kamani 

Som 

^V) 

"ST 7-n 

MM 

7MM^7l 

7fnful 

MC# 

102 

103 

104 

105 

106 

107 

108 

109 

110 

111 

112 

113 

114 

115 

116 

117 

118 
196 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English Korean 

Drying mat 

Straw-bag loom 

Straw-bag rack 

Straw-rope machine 

Flail (beater) 

Comb thresher 

Threshing machine 

Winnowing fan 

Winnower 

Waterwheel 

Chemical sprayer 

(hand-operated) 

Farmer's 

watchtower 

Paddy plow 

Dry-field plow 

Paddy harrow 

Dry-field harrow 

Water-lift, 

(water "gourd, " 

water scoop) 

Pick 

TSksSk 

Mongsok 

Kamanit'ul 

Somt'ul 

Charit'ul 

Saekkit'ul 

Torikkae 

Holk'ae 

Holch'i 

Kuhe 

T'algokki 

P'allanggaebi 

Paramgaebi 

P'unggu 

Such'a 

Punmugi 

Wondumak 

Ttaba 

Chaenggi 

Hulch'aengi 

HuIttabu 

Kukchengi 

Mussori 

Ssore 

Kwaengissori 

Marun ssffre 

Mulbagaji 

Panggye 

Yongdure 

Kokkwaengi 

7>n>t|# 

4ell-

*M* 

S.*M 

*M 

ZLMl 

OT*1 

IHM»1 

J§SL 

^ 4 

* M 

Q^u} 

trfaf 

^ofl7l 

**J°1 

^H*°l 

**U1 

*)M 

^°Hel 

#«r7r4 

M< M1 

-§--¥-^1 

^ • 1 

MC# 

119 

120 

121 

122 

123 

124 

125 

126 

127 

128 

129 

130 

131 

132 

133 

134 

135 

136 
NUMBER 39 197 

English Korean MC# 

Shovel 

Sickles 

Pronged fork 

(grubbing fork] 

Fork 

Mud leveler 

Weeder (mechanical) 

Sugump'o 

Sap 

(a) Homangnat 

(b) Kollat 

(c) Yangch'oTlat 

Sebal sosirangi 

Tubal sosirangi 

Sebal soesurang 

Tubal soesuVang 

Hok'u 

Hokku 

Hok'u 

Mojarik'al 

Mojariyong miIk'al 

Chech'ogi 

137 

138 

ir-nk 4x4 3°l 

3L3. 

&*}*]M 

M&7) 

Weeding trowel 

Hoe (Korean 

and Japanese) 

Axe 

Mallet 

Clod breaker 

(earth hammer) 

Straw pounder 

(mallet) 

Hatchet 

Sledgehammer 

Whetstone and 

stand 

Homaengi 

Homi 

Choson'gwaengi 

Ilbon'gwaengi 

Turumgwaengi 

Toch'i 

Tokki 

Mae 

Me 

Kombe 

Tongorime 

Kombangme 

ChiptudCfrinun 

pangmaengi 

Chippangmangi 

Nat'a 

Sondokki 

Ulme 

Suttol 

s*l 

%M 

W*]M 

U

uov3°] 

UfE} 

£S*1 

^Bfl 

3r# 

139 

140 

141 

142 

143 

144 

145 

146 

147 

148 

149 

150 

151 
198 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English 

Spade, wood 

Stone mill 

Tilt hammer 

(trip hammer, 

mill) 

Stone quern 

Pestle-mallet 

(pounder) 

Pestles 

(straight) 

Mortar, wood 

Sieve 

Rice sieve 

Compost basket 

(compost scoop) 

Manure dipper 

Manure bucket 

("honey bucket") 

Manure barrel 

Noise-making 

"whip" 

Rope spinner 

("stone" 

spinner) 

Straw-rope 

roller 

Korean 

Namugarae 

Nokkarae 

Tolbanga 

Yonjamae 

Yonjabanga 

Tidilbanga 

Maettol 

Ttokme 

Toguttae 

Cholgugongi 

Togut'ong 

Namudogu 

Namujolgu 

Ch'ae 

Pyoolgimi 

Pyoch'e 

Korumsok'uri 

Korumbaj i 

Ttongbagaj i 

Ttongt'ong 

Changgun 

T'aegi 

T'ae 

Soikkaridurinun chase 

SaekkidCTrinun chase 

Mulle 

Tolmulle 

Saekkijase 

Saekkidongt'ae 

^7M 

S*M 

£4*oVof 

CJ^^M 

n

i § 

<3ml 

M 

^71* ) 

^^1 

Til-^^-el 

711-^1 

^«f7f4 

^^f3^ 

M?] 

^*1HS14= 

1-sll 

##S)1 

4*1441 

M*l * M 

MC# 

152 

153 

154 

155 

156 

157 

158 

159 

160 

161 

162 

163 

164 

165 

166 

167 
NUMBER 39 199 

English Korean MC# 

Grain spreader 

Rake 

Spectacles 

(eyeglasses) 

Cane (walking 

stick) 

Knife and 

scabbard 

Umbrellas 

Fan 

Household 

deity jar 

Incense 

storage jar 

Incense burner 

(brazier) 

Tanggtfrae 

Komurae 

Kkakkuri 

Kalk'wi 

An'gyong 

Chip'aengi 

Tchaktaegi 

Chip'angi 

Changdo 

(a) Usan 

(b) Yangsan 

Puch'ae 

Sejondanji 

Hyanghap 

Hyangno 

4^1 

<L>3 

*tM?) 

43*1 

Ms. 

MM 

+M 

M&&*\ 

TO 

Vs. 

Wine cup 

Wine stand 

Ritual food stand 

Candlestick 

holder 

Duck (goose) 

Rosary 

Tobacco pipe 

Ashtray 

T'akchan 

Chandae 

Chegi 

Ch'ottae 

Ch'oktae 

Ori 

WSnang 

Yomjul 

Tambaettae 

Chaet'oVi 

M7] 

*M 

Ael 

MM 

a s 

M*M 

MW 

168 

169 

170 

171 

172 

173 

174 

175 

176 

177 

178 

179 

180 

181 

182 

183 

184 
200 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English Korean MC# 

Chicken coop 

Chicken nest 

Chicken feeder 

(trough) 

Cooking pot 

and lid 

Ox-meal tub 

Manger 

(trough) 

Ox-meal hook 

Fodder cutter 

Yoke 

Ikkari 

Talgadugi 

Taguri 

Pudong 

Tunguri 

Talmosit'ong 

Tangmoit'ong 

Tangbu 

Tanggu 

Kamasot 

Sojukt'ong 

Kusi 

Kuyu 

Sojuk kkakkuri 

Sojuk kalk'uri 

Chakto 

Chaktu 

Somonge 

•14el 

^7f^-7l 

-*-el 

MS*]* 

&S°]* 

M+ 

M* 

7\u\<£ 

±*r* 

-7-4 

^-rr 

&* 4^el 

&* 7^^} 

4 ^ 

^<H1 

185 

186 

187 

188 

189 

190 

191 

192 

193 

Traction saddle 

(for ox) 

Packsaddle 

Packrack 

Ox bridle and 

nose ring 

Ox nose ring 

Ox sandal 

Candy scissors 

(shears) 

Ice shaving 

machine 

Screen (folding) 

Sojilmae 

Chiima 

Chilmae 

Kilma 

KSTch'ae 

Soikkari 

Sogunduri 

Koppi 

Sosin 

Yotchangsa 

Yo'tchangsa 

Pingsut'ul 

Pyongp'ung 

kasige 

kawi 

&.M*\ 

M*\ 

M^ 

£4 

MM 

£.°\Z\Z] 

^-3^e| 

JIL»»1 

£.M 

^ 3 4 7}47fl 

3 3 4 7}^i 

UlA E 

M * 

194 

195 

196 

197 

198 

199 

200 

201 

202 
39 

English 

Cushions and mats 

(a) Cushion (floor) 

(b) Cushion, silk 

and cotton 

(floor) 

(c) Mat, rice 

straw (floor) 

(d) Mat, vinyl 

(floor) 

Mat 

Mat, reed 

Quilt 

Mattress 

Pillow 

Writing desk 

Desk (table) 

Dining table 

Round table 

Folding table 

Round table 

Rice chest 

Storage chest 

(for blanket) 

Bench bed 

Lantern 

Korean 

(a) PangsSk 

(b) PoryobangsSk 

(c) Chippangsok 

(d) Pinilbangsok 

Satchari 

Ch'osigi 

Ch'osok 

Ibul 

Yo 

Pyogae 

Pegae 

Ch'aeksang 

K'un ch'aeksang 

Tullesang 

Tullep'an 

Chagaebapsang 

Tullesang 

Tullep'an 

Hojokpan 

Tullep'an 

Kyojasang 

Tullesang 

Soban 

Ssaltuj i 

Ssaltwiju 

Pandaj i 

Aptaj i 

P'yongsang 

Tungjan 

Sagihorong 

MM 

±s.MM 

3IO T 

«1W 

MM*\ 

^471 

^.4 

•1# 

*M 

MM 

3. MM i_ ^ 0 

*MM 

*MM 

*\MMM 

*MM 

*MM 

3L*a 

*MM 

ZLMM 

*MM 

W*l 

MM* 

MM°\ 

33 

*M 

471 i-f 

201 

MC# 

203 

204 

205 

206 

207 

208 

209 

210 

211 

212 

213 

214 

215 

216 

217 
202 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

English Korean 

Lamp 

Kerosene lamp 

Portable stove 

Charcoal stove 

(brazier) 

Portable stove 

Stove 

Tungjan 

Hoya 

Kollot'ong 

Kollo 

P'ungno 

Yangch'olbu&c 

Yangch'olnallo 

Nallo 

Nallo 

Sut'obu 

3L°\ 

^rS.^-

*S. 

MMMs. 

M& 

Brazier 

Tripod 

Door lattices 

(a) tortoise 

pattern 

(b) open field 

pattern 

Push broom 

Paste brush 

Blacksmith's 

hammer 

Piston bellows 

Anvil 

Water cooling 

vat 

Pliers 

Hwaru 

Samba1 

Sambari 

(a) Chuk( 

(b) Salcl 

Sol 

P'ulbi 

Mangch'i 

P'ulmae 

Pulmi 

P'ulmu 

Moruding 

Moru 

Kusi 

Kuyu 

Tchikkae 

Ppuraya 

Chipke 

n* 

MM 

MM*] 

*M& 

MM& 

*M 

#nl 

s*M 

s* 

*M 

^ r r 

MM 

MM 

MC# 

218 

219 

220 

221 

222 

223 

224 

225 

226 

227 

228 

229 

230 

231 

232 

233 
NUMBER 39 

English 

Files 

(a) Medium-size 

file (general) 

(b) Large-size file 

(sharpen axe 

blades) 

(c) Two-surface file 

(sharpen saws) 

Drawkni fe 

("bark stripper") 

Adze (smal1 

and large) 

Angle rule 

(metric) 

Square (marker) 

Oblique marker 

Ink maker 

Ink box 

Line marker 

Lattice plane 

Plane 

Smoothing plane 

(two-handle) 

Rabbet plane 

Rounding plane 

Frame saw 

(with toggle stick) 

Saw 

Handsaw 

Korean 

Chul 

(a) Chungjul 

(b) K'unjul ^ # 

(c) Yangnalchul 

Namukkangnun k'al 

Sotchagu 

Taetchagu 

Chagwi 

Cha 

Suk'weo 

Chikkakcha 

Yon'gija 

Mokk'al 

Mokt'ong 

Kebik'i 

Chikson'gi 

Salmiri 

Pyont'ang 

Taep'ae 

Mengganna 

Taep'ae 

Saguri 

Tungmiri 

T'op 

T'op 

T'op 

i+W 

M*\* 

44 

4 

344 

^714 

^M 

^ ^ 

QM7] 

^n)Bl 

*M 

4^-el 

•fr^ l 

# 

J5-

f" 

203 

MC# 

234 

235 

236 

237 

238 

239 

240 

241 

242 

243 

244 

245 

246 

247 

248 

249 

250 
204 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Englsih Korean MC# 

Earth sieve 

Ladder 

Crowbar 

Capenter's hammer 

Chisel 

Plasterer's trowel 

Other carpenter's tools 

(a) Wood drill 

(b) Awl 

(c) Clamp 

Bamboo handicraft 

tools 

(a) Knife 

(b) Chisel 

(c) Gimlet 

(d) Shears 

(e) Saw 

(f) Pliers 

Packboard ("A-frame" 

backpack) 

Packboard basket 

Water carrier 

Well bucket 

Cart-wheel cover 

Cargo enclosure 

(box) 

Cart support 

(stand) 

Hugolgimi 

Ch'e 

Saedari 

Sadaktari 

Sadari 

Motppaenun kot 

Pparu 

Norubal changdori 

Mangch'i 

Kkul 

Hulk'al 

Wangdaek'al 

Hukpaji 

(a) Halbibi 

(b) Songgot 

(c) Kkoksoe 

Taenamu Kongjaktogu 

(a) Taek'al 

(b) Kkul 

(c) Sasikkomi 

(d) Senttei 

(e) Sait'op 

(f) Tchikke 

Chige 

Pagige 

Mulchige 

Turebak 

Kuruma palt'ongdai 

Hakko 

Kwetchak 

Konggum 

Uch'a pach'i mdae 

1^714 

M 

44el 

444el 

44 el 

*Hlt 2 

M* 

±*M MSB\ 

34 

"ST 

* * 

VMM 

**W 

«u|ul 

^3-

*14 

M^* ^4^. ^ 

MM 

-n 

4422.°1 

^M<>] 

44¥ 

M Til 

4 Til 

4 4 Tti 

# 4 Tfl 

*MM 

-T^n} M*t\o] 

422 

M^ 

tt 

4-4 MMM 

251 

252 

253 

254 

255 

256 

257 

258 

259 

260 

261 

262 

263 

264 
NUMBER 39 

Engli sh 

Hand cart 

Hand truck 

Liberation 

cart 

Ox cart 

Horse carriage 

(bus) 

Bicycle 

Rear cart 

Chamber pot 

Radio 

Book, stitched 

Korean 

Son' gumma 

Sonsure 

Son' gumma 

Sonsure 

Haebangguruma 

Haebangch'a 

Soguruma 

Uch'a 

Mach'a 

Chaj oV go 

Riyak'a 

Yogang 

Rajio 

Najio 

Ch'aek 

£^31 

£^f4 

£^31 

^3^4 

MMM 

-f4 

44 

MMT\ 

el°>7} 

*M 

QMS. 

44^. 

M 

205 

MC# 

265 

266 

267 

268 

269 

270 

271 

272 

273 

274 
Bibliography 

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1974. Local Institutions and Rural Development in South Korea. 69 pages. 

Ithaca, New York: Rural Development Committee, Cornell University, Center for International Studies. 

Bartz, Patricia M. 

1972. South Korea. 203 pages. London: Ely House, Oxford University 

Press. 

Befu, Harumi 

1971. Japan: An Anthropological Introduction. 210 pages. New York: 

Harper and Row. Chandler Publications in Anthropology and 

Sociology. 

Brandt, Vincent S.R. 

1980. Local Government and Rural Development. In S.H. Ban, P.Y. Moon, 

and D.H. Perkins, Rural Development, Studies in the Modernization 

of the Republic of Korea: 1945-1975, pages 260-280. Cambridge, 

Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 

Carter, George Francis 

1974. Human Mirror: Material and Images of Man. In Miles Richardson, 

editor, The Human Mirror: Material and Spatial Images of Man, 366 

pages. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press. 

Carter, Thomas Francis 

1955. The Invention of Printing in China and Its Spread Westward. Second 

edition, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich, 293 pages. New York: 

Ronald Press Co. 

Cho, You Jeon 

1995. The Exhibition of History of Korean Costumes. 303 pages. Seoul, 

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Choi, Hochin 

1971. The Economic History of Korea: From the Earliest Times to 1945. 

389 pages. Seoul: The Freedom Library. Printed by Samsung 

Printing Co., Ltd. 

Chosen Sotokufu Mohanjo 

1925. Chosen no Zairai Nogu [Taditional Farming Tools of Korea]. Suwon, 

Korea. 

Culin, Stewart 

1958. Games of the Orient: Korea, China, Japan. 177 pages. Tokyo and 

Rutland, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Co. [First published by the 

University of Pennsylvania, 1895.] 

Dalton, George 

1971. Modernizing Village Economies. Pages 1-22. Reading, Massachusetts: An Addison-Wesley Module, Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 

Inc. 

Government-General of Korea [CSN: Chosen Sotokufu Noji Shikenjo] 

1925. Chosen no Zairai Nogu [Korean Farmtools from Abroad]. 114 pages, 

photographs, sketches, 117 plates. Suwon, Korea. 

Han, Sung Kum 

1959. Survey on Farm Labor, Farm Implements and Farm Machinery in 

Korea. 133 pages. Suwon, Korea: Agricultural Experiment Station, 

Institute of Agriculture. 

Henthorn, William E. 

1971. A History of Korea. 256 pages. New York: The Free Press. 

Heydrich, M. 

1931. Koreanische Landwirtschaft: Beitrage zur volkerkunde von Korea 

[Korean Farming: Contributions to the Ethnology of Korea], 

Abhandlungen und Berichte aus den Museum fur Tierkunde und 

Volkerkunde zu Dresden, 19. 

Hisama, Kenichi 

1943. Chosen Nosei no Kadai [Problematic Issues for the Farm Policies in 

Korea]. 472 pages. Tokyo: Seimido. 

Hommel, Rudolf P. 

1969 [cl937]. China at Work: An Illustrated Record of the Primitive 

Industries of China "s Masses, Whose Life is Toil, and Thus an 

Account of Chinese Civilization. 366 pages. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press. 

Hong, Il-sik et al., editors 

1980-1982. Survey of Korean Folk Culture. Volumes 1-6. Seoul: Korean 

Cultural Research Center, Korea University. [Volume 1:810 pages 

(1980); Volume 2: 788 pages (1980); Volume 3: 784 pages (1982); 

Volume 4: 737 pages (1982); Volume 5: 754 pages (1982); Volume 

6: 842 pages (1982).] 

Ilyon 

1972. Samguk Yusa [Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of 

Ancient Korea]. Translated by Tae-Hung Ha and Grafton K. Mintz. 

456 pages. Seoul: Yonsei University Press. 

Inoue, Hideo 

1973. Mimana Nihon-fu to Wa [Japenese Colony in Mimana]. 428 pages. 

Tokyo: Higashi Shuppan Kabushiki Kaisha. 

Jeon, Sang-woon 

1974. Science and Technology of Korea: Traditional Instruments and 

Technique. 383 pages. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts 

Institute of Technology Press. 

Joe, Wanne J. 

1972. Traditional Korea, A Cultural History. 411 pages. Seoul: Chung'ang 

University Press. 

Kim, Che-won 

1948. Ho-u Tomb and Silver Bell Tomb. Report of Research of Antiquities 

of the National Museum of Korea, 1. Seoul: Uryu Munhwa-sa. 

1991. Kyongbokkung Yahwa [Folklore of Kyongbok Palace]. Seoul: 

T'angudang. 

Kim, Che-won, and Leno Lee 

1974. Arts of Korea. Tokyo: Kodensha International Ltd. 

Kim Han-kyo 

1973. The Japanese Colonial Administration in Korea: An Overview. In 

Andrew C. Nahm, editor, Korea Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 

pages 41-53. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Western Michigan University, 

Center for Korean Studies. 

Kim, Kwang-6n 

1969. Hanguk ui Nonggigu [Agricultural Tools in Korea]. Ethnological 

Research Series, 20: 338 pages. Seoul: Ministry of Culture and 

Information and the Bureau of Cultural Property Preservation. 

Kim, Won-Yong 

1956. Eugene I. Knez, a Friend of Korea, Robert T. Oliver Papers 

[Syngman Rhee correspondence]. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania [c/o Chong-Sik Lee]. 

1986. Art and Archaeology of Ancient Korea. 416 pages. Seoul: Taekwang 

Publishing Co. 

Kramer, Carol, editor 

1979. Ethnoarchaeology: Implications of Ethnography for Archaeology. 

292 pages. New York: Columbia University Press. 

Lautensach, Hermann 

1988. Korea: A Geography Based on the Author's Travels and Literature. 

Translated from German by Katherine and Eckart Dege. 598 pages. 

Berlin, Heidelberg, New York: Springer-Verlag. 

Lee, Hoon K. 

1969. Land Utilization and Rural Economy in Korea. 302 pages. New 

York: Greenwwod Press. [Originally published in 1936 by the 

University of Chicago Press.] 

206 
NUMBER 39 207 

Lee, Ki-baik 

1984. A New History of Korea. Translated from Korean by Edward W. 

Wagner with Edward J. Shultz. 474 pages. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard-Yenching Institute, Harvard University Press. 

Lee, Man-Gap, and Herbert R. Barringer, editors 

1971. A City in Transition: Urbanization in Taegu, Korea. 594 pages. 

Seoul: Hollym Corporation. [An ILCORK/SID Research Report.] 

Mason, Edward S. et al. 

1980. The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea: 

1945-75. 552 pages. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council on East 

Asian Studies, Harvard University Press. 

McCune, Shannon 

1956. Korea's Heritage: A Regional and Social Geography. 250 pages. 

Tokyo and Rutland, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Co. 

Nahm, Andrew C. 

1988. Korea: Tradition and Transformation, A History of the Korean 

People. 583 pages. Elizabeth, New Jersey, and Seoul: Hollym 

International Corp. 

Needham, Joseph, with Wang Ling 

1954. Science and Civilization in China. Volumes 1-5. Cambridge: 

Cambridge University Press. 

Ogawa, Toru 

1957. Social Life and Material Culture in an Agricultural Village of 

Southern Korea. Nihon Jomin Bunka Kenkyusho, 214:259-269. 

[English translation, manuscript.] 

Osgood, Cornelius 

1951. The Koreans and Their Culture. 387 pages. New York: Ronald 

Press. 

Pak, Ki-Hyuk, and Sidney D. Gamble 

1975. The Changing Korean Village. 222 pages. Seoul: Korea Branch, 

Royal Asiatic Society. Shin-hung Printing Co. 

Park, Jin-Hwan 

1971. The Growth of Taegu and Its Effects on Regional Agricultural 

Development. In Man-Gap Lee and Herbert R. Barringer, editors, A 

City In Transition: Urbanization In Taegu, Korea, pages 123-153. 

Seoul: Hollym Corporation. [An ILCORK/SID Research Report.] 

Richardson, Miles, editor 

1974. The Human Mirror: Material and Spatial Images of Man. Baton 

Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press. 

Rogers, Everett M. 

1975. The Anthropology of Modernization and the Modernization of 

Anthropology. Reviews in Anthropology, 2(3):345-358. 

Sayers, Robert, with Ralph Rinzler 

1987. The Korean Onggi Potter. Smithsonian Folklife Studies, 5: 288 

pages. 

Schaefer, Edward H. 

1983. The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of Tang Exotics. 399 

pages. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. 

Shin, Gi-Wook 

1991. Social Change and Peasant Protest in Colonial Korea. Doctorial 

dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. 

Suematsu, Yasukaza 

1961. Mimana Kobo Shi [History of the Rise and Fall of Mimana]. [Korean 

history to 935.] Tokyo: Kilchon Hongmungwan. 

Tooker, Elisabeth, editor 

1982. Ethnography by Archaeologists; Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, Quebec, March 18-19,1978, William C. Sturtevant, 

symposium organizer. Proceedings of the American Ethnological 

Society, 1978: 78 pages. 

Umehara, Sueji, and Hamada Kosaku 

1923. Koseki Chosa Hokoku [Report of Investigation of Ancient Remains]. 

Keijo: Chosen Sotokufu. Excavation of the Important Kumhae 

[Kimhae] Shell Mound. Vol. 1, Kimhae Shell Mound. [Seoul]. 

Whang, In-Joung 

1981. Management of Rural Change in Korea: The Saemaul Undong. 

Korean Studies Series, 5. Seoul: The Institute of Social Sciences, 

Seoul National University Press. 

Yi, Kyu-t'ae 

1970. Modern Transformation of Korea. Translated by Sung Tongmahn et 

al. Seoul: Sejong Ch'ulp'ansa. 
Index 

Abacus, 85 (no. 69), 172, 192 

Adornment, 98-100, 174 

Adulthood, 11, 16-18 

Adze, 142 (no. 236), 203 

A-frame backpack, 50, 147-148 (no. 259), 204 

Agricultural history, 5, 55 

Agricultural innovator, 35, 42, 43, 54, 55 

Agriculture, 55, 101-121, 174-176 

Agriculture in transition, 31, 44, 45, 54 

American Embassy, ix 

American military government, ix, 7 

Ancestor worship, 3-4, 10, 19, 24, 25, 28, 52, 55 

Ancestor worship altar, 25, 26, 44 

Ancestor worship ritual, 4, 24, 25, 52, 55 

Ancestor worship, funeral services, 21-23, 52, 55 

Angle rule (metric), 142-143 (no. 237), 178, 203 

Animal Husbandry, 126-130, 177 

Annual calendar of events, 24 (lunar calendar), 

26-28 

Annual traditional ancestor worship rites, 24-27 

Annual village meeting, 8, 28 

Anvil, 141 (no. 231), 202 

Aqua, Ronald, 55 

Arimitsu Kyoichi, ix 

Ash shovel, 75 (no. 50), 191 

Ashtray, 126 (no. 184), 199 

Asia Foundation, The, xi 

Athletic program of Three Ministers primary 

school, 42 

Attempt to Japanize Koreans, 5, 7 

Average cost of ancestor worship (1970), 25 

Awl, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Axe, 115 (no. 145), 197 

Babcock (Leghorn) and New Hampshire breeds, 

41-42 

Backpack, A-frame, 50 

Bag, rice straw, 102-103 (no. 117), 103 (no. 118), 

195 

Bag, woven, 40 

Ball, 79-80 (no. 58), 192 

Bamboo handicraft tools, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Band, village, 26, 27 

Barley planting, 37 

Barley polishing, 37 

Barley production unprofitable, 37 

Bartz, Patricia M., 1,3 

Barrel, manure, 120 (no. 164), 198 

Basin, 171 

Basket, compost, 119 (no. 161), 198 

Basket, grain, 101 (no. 115), 172 

Bass drum, 83-84 (no. 66), 192 

Bass drum beater, 82 (no. 64), 83-84 (no. 66), 192 

Bear, black, 3 

Befu, Harumi, 4, 54 

Behavior, predictable, 26 

Bellows, 141 (no. 230), 202; 76 (no. 52), 191 

Belt, bride's, 90 (no. 85), 193 

Belt, bridegroom's, 90 (no. 84), 193 

Bench-bed, 136-137 (no. 216), 201 

Beverages, alcoholic, 46, 52 

Bicycle, 151-152 (no. 270), 205 

Birds, 3, 54 

Birth control, 12 

Blacksmith and carpentry artifacts, 44 

Blacksmith shop, 44 

Blacksmith's hammer, 141 (no. 229), 178, 202 

Block chief, 8, 9 

Book (stitched), 153 (no. 274), 205 

Boots, bridegroom's, 90 (no. 86), 193 

Bottle, 172 

Bow saw, 145 (no. 248), 203 

Bowl (small), 60-61 (no. 11), 188 

Bowl, aluminum, 61 (no. 13), 170-171, 189 

Bowl, condiment, 61 (no. 12), 170, 189 

Bowl, rice, 59 (no. 9), 170, 188 

Bowl, soup or water, 60 (no. 10), 170, 188 

Bowles, Gordon T, ix 

Boxes, 40 

Brandt, Vincent S. R. 1980, x, 29 

Brazier, 139 (no. 224), 202 

Breakfast, 52 

Breastfeeding, 12 

Bridal chest, 91 (no. 88), 193 

Bride and groom's clothing, 19 

Bride's belt, 90 (no. 85), 193 

Bride's coronet, 92 (no. 90), 194 

Bride's dress, 19, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 

Bride's pendant, 91 (no. 89), 193 

Bridegroom case, 90-91 (no. 87), 193 

Bridegroom's belt, 90 (no. 84), 193 

Bridegroom's boots, 90 (no. 89), 193 

Bridegroom's gown, 92 (no. 91), 194 

Bridegroom's hat, 90 (no. 92), 193 

Broom, bamboo, 72 (no. 43), 172, 191 

Broom, millet, 73-74 (no. 45), 191 

Broom, push, 140-141 (no. 227), 202 

Broom, reed, 72-73 (no. 44), 191 

Brush, 141 (no. 228), 172,202 

Bucket, 65 (no. 22), 148-149 (no. 261), 171, 

178-179, 189,204 

Buddhism, 4, 9, 18, 44 

Buddhist priest, 23, 43, 44 

Buddhist shrine, 29-30 

Buddhist temple, 5, 9, 28, 30, 54, 55 

Buddhists, 4, 44, 55 

Burial site, 22, 23, 24 

Burial society, 21 

Burner, incense (brazier), 123-124 (no. 177), 199 

Candlestick holder, 124-125 (no. 180), 199 

Candy, 40, 50 

Candy scissors, shears, 130 (no. 200), 200 

Cane, walking stick, 122 (no. 171), 199 

Card game, 80-81 (no. 61), 192 

Cargo enclosure (box), 149 (no. 263), 204 

Carpenter's hammer, 146 (no. 254), 178, 204 

Carpenter's two-surface file (sharpen saws), 142 

(no. 234), 203 

Carpentry and Blacksmithing, 140-147,178 

Carriage, horse (bus), 150 (no. 269), 205 

Cart support (stand), 149 (no. 264), 204 

Cart wheel cover, 149 (no. 262), 204 

Cart, hand, 149 (no. 264), 205 

Cart, liberation, 150 (no. 267), 205 

Cart, ox, 150 (no. 268), 205 

Cart, rear, 152 (no. 271), 205 

Cash crop, strawberries, 44 

Ceramic clay, 3 

Chamberpot, 152 (no. 272), 179, 205 

Charcoal stove, brazier, 139 (no. 221), 202 

Checkerboard, stone pieces, 76 (no. 53), 191 

Cheju Island temporary assignment, ix 

Chemical fertilizer, 8, 35, 44 

Chemical fertilizers and insecticides, 8, 9, 35, 36 

Chemical fertilizers for strawberries, 44 

Chemical sprayer (hand-operated), 108 (no. 129), 

196 

Chessboard, chess pieces, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 

Chest, bridal, 91 (no. 88), 193 

Chest, clothing, 98 (no. 103), 98 (no. 105), 195 

Chest, rice, 135-136 (no. 214), 201 

Chest, storage, 136 (no. 215), 201 

Chest, wardrobe, 98 (no. 104), 195 

Cheung Chang-Hi, x 

Chicken coop, 126 (no. 185), 200 

Chicken feeder (trough), 40, 127 (no. 187), 200 

Chicken manure fertilizer, 36 

Chicken nest, 126 (no. 186), 200 

Chicken raising, 41-42 

Chicken raising experiment, 41-42 

Chief ritualist, eldest son, 17, 21-23, 25 

Child birthday ceremonies, 12 

Child care, 11-12 

Child care by adults, 11-12 

Child development, 11-12 

Childhood, 11-12 

Child learning to speak, 11-12 

China, ally, 5 

Chinhan, 3 

Chisel, 146 (no. 255), 147 (no. 158), 204 

Choi Hyup, x 

Choi Jiae, xi 

Choi Kyung-Ho, entrepreneur, 42-43 

Choi Min Shik, xi 

Chon Myong-Che, x 

Chopping board, 57 (no. 2), 170, 188 

Chopsticks, 59 (no. 7), 170, 188 

Choson (Yi) dynasty, 4, 5, 55 

Christian, 9; church, 10, 20-21, 55; fundamentalist, 10 

Chyun Kwan-Woo, x 

Cigarettes, 53 

Citizens' Bank, 49 

Clamp, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Clan village (lineage village), 55 

Clay, ceramic, 3 

Clod breaker, earth hammer, 115 (no. 147), 197 

Clothing, 87-97, 173-174 

Clothing chest (three sections), 98 (no. 103), 195 

Clothing chest, 98 (no. 105), 195 

Clur, Paul D., xi 

208 
NUMBER 39 209 

College preparation, 14-16 

Comb thresher, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 

Comb, bamboo, 99 (no. 108), 195 

Comb, wood, 99 (no. 109), 195 

Compost basket, 119 (no. 161), 198 

Compost scoop, 119 (no. 161), 198 

Commercial outlets, 187 

Communications, 152 

Communications gap between generations, 16 

Concept of incest, 18 

Confections, 130-131, 177 

Confucian shrine, 5 

Confucian values, 10-11, 21-23, 51-52 

Construction of new schools, 43 

Contractual plowing (annual village meeting), 

36-37 

Cooked-rice basket, 74-75 (no. 48), 172, 191 

Cooking pot and lid, ox-meal, 127 (no. 188), 200 

Cooperative for greenhouse farmers, 41 

Coronet, bride's, 92 (no. 90), 194 

Corvee labor, 5 

Cosmetic "make-up" box, 100 (no. Ill), 195 

Cosmetic chest, "make-up table," 99-100 (no. 

Up), 195 

Cow, Holstein, 42 

Craftsmen, skilled, 44 

Crowbar, 146 (no. 253), 204 

Cultural evolution, viii, 4 

Cup, wine, 124 (no. 178), 199 

Currency, 3 

Cushion (floor), 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Cushion, silk and cotton, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Cymbals, 26 

Daily wage (1981), farm labor, 31 

Dairy, 42, 43 

Dalton, George, viii 

Deer, river, 3 

Defense tax, 5, 54 

Deity jar, household, 123 (no. 175), 199 

Department of State reprimand, x 

Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), 

29 

Desk, table, 134 (no. 209), 201 

Desk, writing, 133-134 (no. 208), 201 

Development committee, 8, 9 

Diapers, 12 

Diesel or electric mills, 37-38 

Dining table, 134-135 (no. 210), 201 

Dipper (ladle), 59 (no. 8), 170, 188 

Dipper, manure, 119 (no. 162), 197 

Divorce, 21 

Dog eating, 42, 55 

Domesticated animals, 41, 42, 182-184 

Door lattices: open field pattern, 140 (no. 226), 

202; tortoise pattern, 140 (no. 226), 202 

Drawknife (bark stripper), 142 (no. 235), 203 

Drought, 35 

Drum beater, 26, 27, 84 (no. 67), 192 

Dress, bride's, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 

Drill, wood, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Dry fields converted to urban construction and 

roads, 55 

Dry-field harrow, 28, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 

Dry-field plow, 36, 109 (no. 132), 196 

Drying mat, 103 (no. 119), 196 

Duck (goose), 125 (no. 181), 199 

Earth officer, 21 

Earth sieve, 145-146 (no. 251), 204 

Eastern Sea (Sea of Japan), 1, 3 

Economic life in Three Ministers' community, 29, 

31,43,54 

Economics of ceremonies, 51-52 

Education, 12-16, 54, 55; entrance exams, 13 

Educational achievement of residents, 14, 16, 55 

Eldest son, as chief mourner, 17, 21-23, 25 

Endangered species, extinction, 3 

Entrepreneur, 9, 42-43 

Environmental concerns of development, 54 

Exogamous lineages, 10-11 

Expenses of a bride's family (1970), 18-21, 

51-52 

Extinction, endangered species, 3 

Eyeglasses (spectacles), 121-122 (no. 170), 199 

Factories, 44, 46, 185-186 

Factories near Three Ministers community, 7, 14 

Fan, 122 (no. 174), 199 

Fan, winnowing, 106-107 (no. 126), 196 

Farm crops annually, 42, 43 

Farmer's annual work, 40 

Farmer's Meeting-House Society, 9 

Farmer's watchtower, 108-109 (no. 130), 196 

Farming strategies, 35-37 

Feast days, 26-29 

Fertilizer, 3, 35, 36, 40 

Field project during the Korean War, x, xi 

Field staff selection, x 

Field trips to Kimhae, x, xi 

Files, large (sharpen axe blades), 142 (no. 234), 

203 

Files, medium-sized (general), 142 (no. 234), 203 

Files, two-surface (sharpen saws), 142 (no. 234), 

203 

Financial aid societies, 35, 43, 45-50, 51 

Finger ring, 98-99 (no. 106), 195 

Finger rings (double), 98-99 (no. 106), 195 

Fire forceps, tongs, 76 (no. 51), 172, 191 

Fish trap, conical, 53, 86 (no. 73), 192 

Fish trap, tunnel-shaped, 86-87 (no. 74), 193 

Fishing, 53 

Fishing Bank village, 9, 41, 42 

Flail for threshing barley or beans, 37 

Flail, beater, 105 (no. 123), 174, 196 

Flatiron, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Flood control, 55 

Floor mat, rice straw, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Floor mat, vinyl, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Flora and fauna, 3 

Flower pot, 72 (no. 39), 190 

Fodder cutter, 128 (no. 192), 200 

Folding table, 53, 135 (no. 212), 201 

Folklore and local history, 3 

Food basket, 74 (no. 47), 191 

Food preparations, 180-182 

Food stand, ritual, 24-25, 124 (no. 179), 199 

Foreign technical and financial aid, 9, 29, 31 

Fork, farm, two-pronged, iron, 113 (no. 139), 175, 

197 

Fork, three-pronged rake, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Fortune tellers, 43 

Four Pillars, 19 

Frame saw (with toggle stick), 145 (no. 248), 203 

Free marriage, 20-21 

Friendship society, 50 

Front Hill (Chonsan) village, 4-5 

Frying pan, 62 (no. 17), 189 

Fuel, household (1971), 165 

Fukuoka, 1 

Fulbright research award, xi 

Funeral expenditures for a deceased parent (1970), 

21,50-52 

Funeral modification, 21-23 

Funeral procession, 21 -23 

Funeral service, 21-23 

Furniture, 131-140, 177-178 

Genealogies, 9, 10, 11 

General Utility, 147-149, 178-179 

Geographic origin of spouse, 18-19 

Gimlet, bamboo handicraft tool, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Ginseng, 53 

Gold mining, 3 

Gong beater, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Gong, small and large, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Gourd scoop (ladle), 58 (no. 4), 188 

Government Administration, 4, 8-9 

Government employees, 44 

Government loans and mutual aid, 35, 45, 47 

Government-owned warehouses, 39 

Governor-General, 5 

Gown, bridegroom's, 92 (no. 91), 194 

Grain basket, 101 (no. 115), 195 

Grain spreader, 121 (no. 168), 199 

Grain tax, agriculture, 54 

Grave site rituals, 25 

Greenhouse costs, 40-41 

Greenhouse irrigation, 40-41 

Greenhouse operation, 39, 40, 41 

Greenhouse personnel, 39, 40 

Greenhouse types, 37, 40-41, 42 

Greenhouses, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 45 

Green revolution, 29 

Gross National Product, 29 

Hairpin, 99 (no. 107), 195 

Hammer, blacksmith's, 141 (no. 229), 202 

Hammer, carpenter's, 146 (no. 254), 204 

Han'gul generation, 16 

Hand cart, 149 (no. 265), 205 

Hand drum, 84 (no. 67), 192 

Hand saw, 145 (no. 250), 203 

Hand truck, 149-150 (no. 266), 205 

Harrow, dry-field, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 

Harrow, paddy, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 

Harvesting equipment and their use, 37-40 

Hat, 88-89 (no. 80), 90 (no. 81), 90 (no. 82), 193 

Hatada, Takashi, 3 

Hatchet, 115 (no. 149), 197 

Head cover, woman's, 90 (no. 83), 193 

Head pad, 40, 72 (no. 41), 172, 190 

Health center, governmental, 12 

Henthom, William E., 3 

High schools, 15,43 

Hisama, Kenichi, 5 

Ho Hwang-ok, Princess, 4, 10, 54 

Hoe (Korean and Japanese), 114 (no. 144), 197 

Holiness Church, 9 

"Honey bucket," manure bucket, 119 (no. 162), 

119 (no. 163), 198 

Hoop and stick (toy), 81 (no. 62), 192 

Horse carriage (bus), 150 (no. 269), 205 
210 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Hospital, modem, 44 

Hospitality, 52 

House styles, 160-162 

House, traditional, average size, 7, 155 

Household average annual income, 29 

Household deity jar, 123 (no. 175), 199 

Household Furniture and Accessories, 131-140, 

177-178 

Household rice productivity, 39 

Household surveys, 7, 56 

Household Utensils, 56-75 

Housewives, 43 

Ho-u Tomb and Silver Bell Tomb, ix 

Huang, Guoxiang, xi 

Human life cycle, 11 

Hunting and Fishing, 3, 53, 86-87, 172 

Hye Ran Chung, x 

Ice shaving machine, 130 (no. 201), 200 

Identities of the Three Ministers villages, x, 4-5, 7, 

29 

Ilyon, 3, 4, 54 

Impoverished Korean farmers, 5 

Incense burner, brazier, 123-124 (no. 177), 199 

Incense storage jar, 123 (no. 176), 171, 199 

Income from greenhouse farming, 37, 41, 44, 54 

Industrial education, 5, 7 

Information sources, 16 

Ink box, 143 (no. 241), 203 

Ink marker (stylus), 143 (no. 240), 203 

Inoue, Hideo, 4 

Insecticides, 8, 9, 31, 35, 36, 52 

Iron (closed, charcoal), 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Iron (collars and seams), 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Iron (electric), 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Iron (galvanized) silos, 37 

Iron (open, charcoal), 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Iron comb for threshing, 37 

Iron mining, 3 

Iron smelting, 3 

Ironing bar, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Ironing bat, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Ironing block, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Irrigation canals, 33-34 

Irrigation in first, second and third villages, 33-35 

Irrigation wells, 35 

Japan, 1 

Japanese exports from Korea, 5 

Japanese Governor-General, 5 

Japanese households, 31 

Japanese immigrants, 5 

Japanese invasion, 5, 7, 55, 31 

Japanese invasions and occupations, viii, 4, 5, 15, 

31,55 

Japanese modernization of Korea, 5, 7, 33 

Japanese repatriation, 7 

Japanese system of quota production, 5 

Japanize Koreans, Attempt to, 5, 7 

Jar pot, lid, 68 (no. 31), 190 

Jar, household deity, 123 (no. 175), 199 

Jar, incense storage, 123 (no. 176), 171, 199 

Joe, Wanne J., 4 

Jump board, 81-82 (no. 63), 192 

Kaya Federation, 3 

Kaya kingdom, 3, 4, 5 

Kaya nobility, 4 

Kaya "palace," 5 

Kaya tombs, 4 

Kerosene lamp, 138 (no. 219), 202 

Kettle, aluminum (cauldron), 65 (no. 20), 171, 189 

Kettle, iron (cauldron), 63-64 (no. 19), 171, 189 

Kim Chae-won, ix, x 

Kim clan, 4 

Kim Hong-Joon, x, 7 

Kim I-Uk, x, xi 

Kim Joon Ho, x 

Kim Song-sik, x 

Kim Suro (King Suro), 3, 4, 5 

Kim Suro lineage, 4 

Kim Won-Yong, ix, x, 4 

Kim Yu-sin, 4 

Kimhae Agricultural Land Development Association, 55 

Kimhae banks: Citizen's Bank, Kyung-nam Bank, 

National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, 

45,49 

Kimhae crematorium, 23, 55 

Kimhae dike, 33 

Kimhae flora and fauna, 3 

Kimhae health center, 12 

Kimhae High School, 14; for boys, 16 

Kimhae International Airport, xi, 1 

Kimhae Irrigation association, 55 

Kimhae map, 2 

Kimhae market, 45, 47 

Kimhae shell mound, 4 

Kimhae town, now a city (1971), x, 1, 2-3, 7, 9, 54 

Kimhae Upchi, 4 

Kimhae's riverine reeds, 31 

Kimhae, fortified town, "castle," 5 

Kimhae, regional environment, 1 

Kimhae, three villages: South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, x, 4-5, 7, 29 

Kinship system, 10-11 

Kitchen knife, 56 (no. 1), 170, 188 

Kite, spool, 78 (no. 56), 191 

Knez museum collection, xi 

Knife and scabbard, 122 (no. 172), 199 

Knife, bamboo handicraft tool, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Korea Straits, 3 

Korea University, x 

Korea's Green Revolution, 29, 31 

Korean Alpine Club, ix 

Korean farmers reduced to tenant status, 31 

Korean kingdoms, 4 

Korean mostly literate people, with determined 

leadership, 15-16,29-31 

Korean national economy, 29 

Korean tiger, 3 

Korean War, 1910-1953, ix, x, 7, 29 

Koryo dynasty, 4, 5 

Krantz, Victor, xi 

Kup'o bridge, 1, 54 

Kup'o pear, famous, 44 

Kuroshio Current of the Western Pacific, 3 

Kuya, 3 

Kyoichi, Arimitsu, ix 

Kyongsangdo, 1 

Kyung-nam Bank, 49 

Labor, 31,36,43,44, 53, 51 

Labor exchange, 51 

Labor shortages, 31, 36, 53 

Ladder, 146 (no. 252), 204 

Ladle, 74 (no. 46), 172, 188, 191 

Lamp, 137-138 (no. 218); kerosene, 138 (no. 

219), 202 

Land Improvement Association, 9 

Land loss, farmers, 5 

Land reform, 1909,31 

Land use for greenhouse farming, 41 

Landowners' opposition to development, 31, 35, 

43 

Lantern, 137 (no. 217), 201 

Lattice plane, 144 (no. 243), 203 

Laundry tub, 67 (no. 27), 189 

Lautensach, Hermann, 1, 3, 54 

Lee Dong Hoon, x , 

Lee Duhyun, x, xi 

Lee Hoon K., 3 

Lee Kwang-kyu, x, 3, 4 

Lee, Ki-baik, 3, 4, 5 

Leveler, mud, 113 (no. 141), 197 

Leghorn chicken, 41 

Liberation cart, 150 (no. 267), 205 

Lid, reed, 101-102 (no. 116), 195 

Life cycle, 11 

Life of the farmer, 11, 40 

Limited hunting, 53 

Line marker, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 

Lineage mutual aid societies, 10-11, 50, 51 

Lineages, 4, 9-11, 17,55 

Liquor jar, 68-69 (no. 32), 190 

Literacy rate, 15 

Livestock entrepreneur, dairy, 40-41 

Livestock in Three Ministers' households (1981), 

40, 42, 48, 177 

Loans, 45-51 

Local committee, 8 

Long drum, 82-83 (no. 65), 192 

Loom, straw bag, 103-104 (no. 120), 196 

Loss of land ownership, 5, 31, 53, 54 

Loss of selected artifacts (1981), 164 

Lunar calendar, 4, 24, 26, 28-29 

Machine, ice shaving, 130 (no. 201), 200 

Machine, straw rope, 104-105 (no. 122), 196 

Machine, threshing, 106 (no. 125), 196 

Mahan tribes, 3 

Major lineages, 9-11 

Mallet, 115 (no. 146), 197 

Mammals: indigenous, 3; extinct/endangered, 3 

Manchu, 4 

Manchurian Tiger, 3 

Manger, (trough), 128 (no. 190), 200 

Manhood (adulthood), 11 

Manure barrel, 120 (no. 164), 198 

Manure bucket, "honey bucket," 119-120 (no. 

163), 198 

Manure dipper, 119 (no. 162), 198 

Manure fertilizers, 3, 36, 40 

Map of southeastern Korea (outline), 2 

Marine resources, 3 

Marine shell powder fertilizer, 36 

Markets and peddlers, 45-50 
NUMBER 39 211 

Marriage, 11,17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 52 

Marriage proposal, 19 

Marker, ink (stylus), 143 (no. 240), 203 

Marker, line, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 

Marker, oblique, 143 (no. 239), 203 

Marker, square, 143 (no. 238), 203 

Mason, Edward, 9, 55 

Mason, Lt. Russel G., ix 

Mat, drying, 40, 103 (no. 119), 196 

Mat, reed, 132 (no. 204), 132 (no. 205), 201 

Mat, rice straw (floor), 41, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Mat, vinyl, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Material culture, origins of, 162 

Mattress, 132-133 (no. 206), 201 

Maturity by age, 11 

Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, ix 

Meals, variety and costs, 52, 180-181 

Medical care: licensed doctor, an unlicensed 

practitioner, or herbalist, 12, 43 

Medicine pot (boiler), 67 (no. 28), 171, 189 

Membership of village committees, 8, 9 

Middle schools, 13-14 

Military service, 5 

Mill, electric, 37-38, 55 

Milestone, 116 (no. 153), 198 

Mimana, 4 

Mining: gold, iron, amethyst, 3 

Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, 29 

Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, 29 

Ministry of Culture and Information, ROK, 4 

Minn Pyong-do, x 

Mock gun, 80 (no. 60), 192 

Modernization, viii, 5-7, 9, 17, 29, 39, 43, 

170-180 

Mongol, 4 

Monsoon rainfall, 3 

"Moon houses," 28 

Mortar, wood, 37-38, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Motorized cultivators (rototillers), 36-37, 43, 45 

Mourning clothes, 23 

Mourning period, 23 

Mud leveler, 113 (no. 141), 197 

Mud wall additive, 40 

Multiple uses of the rice plant, 44, 102-103 (no. 

117), 103 (no. 118) 

Musical Instruments, 82-85, 172-173 

Musicians' hats (two types), 84 (no. 68), 192 

Mutual aid societies: for jewelry or stainless steel 

ware, 50; for farms, 45-50; others, 43, 50-51 

Nahm, Andrew C. 1988, 5,1, 55 

Naktong Basin, 1 

Naktong estuary, 54 

Naktong River delta, 1, 31-33, 53 

Naktong valley, 3 

Names, personal, 11 

Name tablets, 5 

National Agricultural Cooperative Federation 

(NAFC) services, 9, 35, 37, 44, 49 

National Museum of Anthropology, ix 

National Museum of Korea, ix 

National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian 

Institution, xi 

Natural fertilizers, 35-36 

Natural villages, 8, 54 

Needle, 93 (no. 93), 194 

Nest, chicken, 126 (no. 186), 200 

New Community Movement (NCM), 9, 29, 43, 55 

New consolidation for Three Ministers, 2-3, 5, 

6-7 

New Hampshire, chicken, 41 

New members of the community, 7-8 

New residents, 7-8 

New Year, 26 

Nicknames, 11 

Noise-making "whip," 120 (no. 165), 198 

Nuclear family, 9-11 

Number of college students, 14, 15-16, 55 

Nylon rice sacks, 102 (no. 117), 103 (no. 118) 

Oblique marker, 143 (no. 239), 203 

Occupational diversification, 43-44 

Occupations of Three Ministers villagers: (1951), 

43; (1970), 43; (1981), 44 

Office of Rural Development, 9, 29, 33, 35 

Old age, 11 

One lineage village, 10-11 

Organizations, village, 9, 11 

Ox bridle, 129 (no. 197), 200 

Oxcart, 150 (no. 268), 205 

Ox nose ring, 129 (no. 197), 129 (no. 198), 200 

Ox sandal, 129-130 (no. 199), 200 

Ox-drawn plows, 36 

Ox-meal cooking pot and lid, 127 (no. 188), 200 

Ox-meal hook, 128 (no. 191), 200 

Ox-meal tub, 127-128 (no. 189), 200 

Ox-operated mill, 37-38 

Oxen food, 36 

Pacific Rim, 3 

Packboard basket, 147-148 (no. 259), 204 

Packboard, A-frame, backpack, 50, 147-148 (no. 

259), 204 

Packrack, 129 (no. 196), 200 

Packsaddle, 129 (no. 195), 200 

Paddies requiring more labor and investments, 35, 

36 

Paddy harrow, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 

Paddy plow, 109 (no. 131), 196 

Pak, Ki-Hyun and Sidney D. Gamble, 8, 55 

Palace harmony, 19 

Pan, 171 

Park Hye-Soo, entrepreneur, 42-43 

Park, Jin-Hwan, 54 

Part-time laborers, 43 

Paste brush, 141 (no. 228), 202 

Peddlers and itinerant repairmen, Three Ministers 

(1970), 43,45-50 

Peddlers of vegetables and fish, 45,48 

Pendant, bride's, 91-92 (no. 89) 

Persistence of selected artifacts, 165 

Personal Accessories, 121-123, 176 

Personal names, 11 

Pestle-mallet, pounder, 37-38, 117 (no. 156), 198 

Pestles (straight), 117-118 (no. 157), 198 

Physicians, 44 

Physiography of southeastern Korea, 1, 3 

Pick, 111-112 (no. 136), 196 

Pillow, 133 (no. 207), 201 

Pioneer in use of greenhouses, 42, 44 

Pipe, tobacco, 125 (no. 183), 199 

Piston bellows, 141 (no. 230), 202 

Pitchfork, 113 (no. 139) 

Pit dwellings, 3 

Pitts, Forrest R, x, 55 

Planes, 144 (no. 243), 144 (no. 244), 144 (no. 245), 

144-145 (no. 246), 145, (no. 247), 203 

Plants, introduced, 3 

Plasterer's trowel, 147 (no. 256), 204 

Plate, 61 (no. 14), 171, 189 

Platform scale, 85 (no. 70), 192 

Play cart, 80 (no. 59), 192 

Pliers, 142 (no. 233), 147 (no. 258), 202, 204 

Plow, dry-field, 109 (no. 132), 196 

Plow, paddy, 109 (no. 131), 196 

Plowing methods, 36-37 

Political parties, 9 

Pon Kaya, 3, 5 

Population of the Three Ministers community 

(1981), 7-8 

Portable stove, 139 (no. 222), 202 

Pot, chamber, 152 (no. 272), 205 

Pounder, pestle-mallet, 117 (no. 156), 198 

Pounder, straw (mallet), 115 (no. 148), 197 

Power-driver thresher, 43 

Prehistoric chronology, 4 

Predictable behavior, 26 

Prepared manures and chemical fertilizers, 3, 

36-37,40 

Presbyterian Church, 10 

Preschool education, 12-13 

Primary family provider, 18 

Primary school and high school students and 

teachers, 13, 14, 15 

Primary school children, 13, 14, 15 

Primary school curriculum, 13 

Primary school teachers, 13 

Proposal, marriage, 19 

Pusan, 1 

Pusan Dairy Association, 42-43 

Pusan metropolitan area, 1 

Pusan public markets, 41 

Pusan University, x 

Push broom, 140-141 (no. 227), 202 

Pyonhan, 3, 4 

Quern, stone, 117 (no. 155), 198 

Quilt, mattress, 132-133 (no. 206), 201 

Quotas, farming, Japanese, 5 

Rabbet plane, 144-145 (no. 246), 203 

Rack, straw bag, 104 (no. 121), 196 

Radio, 152 (no. 273), 205 

Radio, newspaper, TV, and telephone household 

ownership, 17 

Rain and sun hat, 90 (no. 81), 193 

Raincoat, 87 (no. 76), 193 

Raising children expenses, 52-53 

Rake, 121 (no. 169), 199 

Rake (grubbing fork), three-pronged fork, 113 (no. 

139), 197 

Rake, two-pronged fork, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Rationale for the study of material culture, 56 

Rear cart, 152-153 (no. 273), 205 

Receptivity to innovation, 35, 37,44, 45, 54 

Reed fields converted to rice paddies, 31 

Reed harvest, 31 
212 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Reed mat, 132 (no. 205), 201 

Reed roofs, reed walls, 31 

Refugees, x 

Regional environment, 1 

Religious artifacts, 176 

Religious organizations, 9, 10, 20-21, 55 

Repair of downstream irrigation gate, 33 

Republic of Korea (ROK), 29 

Republic of Korea Army Engineering School, xi 

Resident-General, 5 

Rice bowl, 59-60 (no. 9), 188 

Rice cake stamp, 75 (no. 49), 191 

Rice chest, 135-136 (no. 214), 201 

Rice harvesting machine, 37-41, 43 

Rice harvesting manually, 37-41, 55 

Rice harvesting teams, 37 

Rice paddies converted into grid system, 33 

Rice polishing, 37-38, 39-40, 43 

Rice scoop, brass, wood, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 

Rice seed selection, 35, 39-40 

Rice seedlings, 35, 55 

Rice sieve, 118 (no. 160), 198 

Rice straw bags, 44, 102-103 (no. 117), 103 (no. 

118), 195 

Rice straw mat, 41, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Rice to be sold, criteria, 39 

Rice transplanting machine, 55 

Rice, multiple uses, 39-40 

Richardson, Miles (1974), 56 

Rites of passage: marriage, 18-21; the funeral, 

21-23; and ancestor worship, 3-4, 10, 19, 24, 

25, 28, 52, 55 

Ritual food stand, 24-25, 124 (no. 179), 199 

Rogers, Everett M., viii 

ROK Army Engineer School in Kimhae, xi, 43 

Roller, 78 (no. 57), 191 

Roller, straw rope, 121 (no. 167), 198 

Roofing for buildings, 40 

Rope, 40 

Rope spinner, 121 (no. 166), 198 

Rosary, 125 (no. 182), 199 

Rose, Roger, x 

Rotary thresher, attached to motorized cultivator, 

37-38 

Rotary thresher, foot operated, 37 

Rotary-operated thresher, motor-driven, 37 

Round table, 135 (no. 211), 135 (no. 213), 201 

Rounding plane, 145 (no. 247), 203 

Rule, angle (metric), 142-143 (no. 237), 178, 203 

Rural Development, Office of, 9, 55 

Rural Guidance Officer, 9, 35, 37, 54 

Rural-urban economy of Three Ministers villages, 

29,43 

Saddle, traction, (for oxen), 129 (no. 194), 200 

Salt, 33, 35, 53 

Samhan, 3; agriculture, 3; burial ceremony, 3-4; 

ancestor worship, 4 

Sandal, 40, 87 (no. 75), 193, 200 

Sandal rack and tool assemblage, 94 (no. 98), 194 

Sandal, ox, 129-130 (no. 199), 200 

Sauce jar, 67-68 (no. 30), 190 

Saw, 145 (no. 248), 203; 145 (no. 249), 203; 147 

(no. 258), 204 

Sayers, Robert, x 

Scabbard, knife and, 122 (no. 172), 199 

Schultz, Edward J., x 

Schab, Stanley, x 

School curriculum, 13 

School foundations, tuition, 15 

School uniforms, 13, 55 

School, agricultural program, 14-15 

School, college preparation, 14-15, 55 

School, Sam Sung Primary, 15 

Scissors, 94 (no. 97), 194 

Scissors, candy, 130 (no. 200), 200 

Scoop, wood (ladle), 58-59 (no. 5), 170, 188 

Screen (folding), 131 (no. 202), 200 

Scrub brush, 72 (no. 42), 190 

Sea of Japan, Eastern Sea, 1 

Seasons, 3 

Second largest irrigated region in South Korea, 33 

Seesaw (teetertotter, jump board), 81-82 (no. 63), 

192 

Selective modernization, 43 

Seoul National University, Korea University, 

Pusan University, x 

Seoul-Pusan expressway, 1 

Sericulture, 3 

Serving dish, 61 (no. 15), 189 

Sevilla, Mariebel P., xi 

Sewing kit, 93-94 (no. 96), 194 

Sewing machine, 93 (no. 95), 194 

Shaman, 4, 18,23,26 

Shears, bamboo handicraft tool, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Shin, Gi-Wook, 5 

Shortage of farm labor, 31,36, 53 

Shovel, 112 (no. 137), 172, 197 

Sibling jealousy, 12 

Sickles, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 

Sieve, 118 (no. 159), 198; 118 (no. 160), 198; 

145-146 (no. 251), 204 

Silla society, 4 

Silla tombs (Ho-u Tomb and Silver Bell Tomb), ix 

Silos, galvanized, iron, 37 

Skilled craftsmen, 44 

Slaughterhouse, 42 

Slavery, 3, 5 

Sledgehammer, 115-116 (no. 150), 197 

Small factories and cottage industries (1981), 46 

Smithsonian Institution, xi 

Smithsonian traveling exhibition, "Korean Village 

in Transition," xi 

Smoking tobacco, 53 

Smoothing plane (two-handle), 144 (no. 245), 203 

Snap-line marker, 143 (no. 241) 

Soap, 40 

Social and recreational mutual aid societies, 50-51 

Social classes, 11, 55 

Social milieu, 7 

Society meetings, 9 

Sohng Suk Ha, ix 

Soil fertilizer, 3, 35, 36, 37, 40 

Soils of Korea, 3 

Sorensen, Clark, 54 

Soul box, 21-23 

Soup pan, 61 (no. 16), 189 

South Kyongsang Province, 10 

South Post (Namyok) village, 5, 29 

Spade, wood, 116 (no. 152), 198 

Spectacles (eyeglasses), 121-122 (no. 170), 199 

Spiced food, 52 

Spinning wheel, 97-98 (no. 102), 195 

Spoon, 59 (no. 6), 170, 188 

Sprayer, chemical (hand-operated), 108 (no. 129), 

196 

Spreader, grain, 121 (no. 168), 199 

Sprinkler (watering can), 71 (no. 37), 190 

Square (marker), 71 (no. 37), 143 (no. 238), 203 

Stand, ritual food, 124 (no. 179), 199 

Stand, wine, 124 (no. 178), 199 

Steamer, 67 (no. 29), 171, 190 

Stockades, wooden, 3 

Stone mill, 116 (no. 153), 198 

Stone quern, 117 (no. 155), 198 

Storage chest, 136 (no. 215), 201 

Storage jar, 70 (no. 33), 190 

Storage pot, 70-71 (no. 34), 190 

Storage silo, rice (1971), 37 

Stove, 138-139 (no. 220), 202; 139 (no. 221), 202; 

139 (no. 223), 202 

Straw pounder (mallet), 115 (no. 148), 197 

Straw-bag, 44 

Straw-bag loom, 103-104 (no. 120), 196 

Straw-bag rack, 104 (no. 121), 196 

Straw-rope, 44 

Straw-rope machine, 104-105 (no. 122), 196 

Straw-rope roller, 121 (no. 167), 198 

Strawberries grown in greenhouses, 39, 44-45 

Strawberries, profitable crop, 39, 44 

Strawberry growing methods, 44-45 

Suematsu, Yasukaza, 4 

Suh Ho-Tuk, x 

Suh Sul-bong, x, 43 

Suitcase, 88 (no. 77), 193 

Sun worship, 3 

Suro, 3, 4, 54 

Syrup, 40 

Table (desk), 134 (no. 209), 201 

Table, dining, 134-135 (no. 210), 201 

Table, folding, 135 (no. 212), 201 

Table, round, 135 (no. 211), 201; 135 (no. 213), 

201 

Tae Kaya, 3, 4 

Taehon and Tsushima Straits, 1 

Taxes (1981), 5, 54, 55 

Teakettle, 63 (no. 18), 171, 189 

Technological basis of modernization, viii, 16 

Technological change; macro-technical and microtechnical, 16, 56 

Teetertotter, 81-82 (no. 63), 192 

Teknonymy, 11 

Television, 16-17 

Temporary chapel for the deceased, 24 

Tenancy increased subsistence living, 31 

Tenancy rate increased, 31 

Thread holder, spool, 93 (no. 94), 194 

Three kingdoms: Koguryo/Paekche/Silla, 4 

Three Ministers (Samjong) village, 5, 9 

Three Ministers community, 6 (photo), x, 7, 8, 9, 

21, 24, 29, 54 

Three-pronged fork, rake, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Three-wheeled vehicles, 45, 55 
NUMBER 39 213 

Threshing machine, 37, 38, 43, 106 (no. 125), 196 

Tigers: Manchurian, 3; Korean, 3 

Tilt hammer, 116-117 (no. 154), 198 

Tobacco pipe, 125 (no. 183), 177, 199 

Tobacco Smoking, 125-126 

Tobacco smoking, government monopoly, 53, 55 

Toilet, 152, 179 

Tongs, 172, 191 

Tool assemblage and sandal rack, 94 (no. 98), 194 

Total arable land of Three Ministers, 31 

Total population of Three Ministers community 

(1970), 31 

Toys and Games, 13, 76-81, 172, 192 

Traction saddle (for ox), 129 (no. 194), 200 

Traditional artifacts, 162, 166-167 

Traditional house, average size, 7, 155 

Traditional plow, 36, 37 

Traditional texts, 18 

Traditional toys, 13 

Traditional versus actual behavior, 9-10, 11, 12, 

17, 19-20,23,24-25,167,168 

Traditional wedding dress, 19 

Transplanting machine, 55 

Tray, four-sided, 71 (no. 35), 171 

Tray, round, 71 (no. 36), 171, 190 

Tray, wicker, 101 (no. 113), 99 

Trees, deciduous, broad-leafed, 3 

Triphammer, 116-117 (no. 154), 198 

Tripod, 140 (no. 225), 202 

Trowel, plasterer's, 147 (no. 256), 204 

Trowel, weeding, 113 (no. 143), 197 

Truck farming income, with the use of greenhouses, 39 

Tsushima and Taehon Straits, 1 

Tub, 171 

Two types of ox owners, 36 

Two-pronged forked rake, 113 (no. 139), 197 

U.S. Army units, Pusan, 41 

U.S. Marine Air Station at Kimhae (now Kimhae 

International Airport), xi 

Umbrellas, 122 (no. 173), 199 

Underdeveloped nature of the economy, 54 

Underhat, 88 (no. 79), 193 

Uniform, school, 13 

United Silla, 4 

United States Army Government in Korea 

(USAMGIK), ix 

Usage trends in village artifacts (1951-1981), 

166-168 

Use of greenhouse per village, 40-41 

Use of unhulled rice, 39 

Utility artifacts, general, 178-179 

Value and Ritual, 123-125 

Value of land increased, 31 

Vat, water-cooling, 142 (no. 232), 202 

Vegetables grown in Three Ministers (1981), 45 

Vehicles, 149-152, 179 

Versatile use of greenhouses, 42 

Village annual meeting, 8 

Village band, 26, 27 

Village bank, 43 

Village chief, 8, 9 

Village committees, 9 

Village entrepreneurs (1981), 42-43 

Village elders, 18 

Village events according to lunar calendar, 4, 24, 

26 

"Village Master," 8 

Village meetings for contractual plowing, 36-37 

Village organizations, 8, 9, 11 

Village security/fire control, 9 

Village shops, Three Ministers (1970), 47 

Village shrine, 26, 27 

Village study, methodology modernization, 5,1, 8, 

9 

Villagers became government officials, 8-9,44 

Villagers' view of education, 15-16 

Vinyl greenhouses, 37, 46 

Volume measure, cylindrical, wooden, 85-86 (no. 

72), 192 

Volume measure, square, wooden, 85 (no. 71), 192 

Wa people (Japan), 4 

Wages of hired farm laborers, 31, 40 

Walking stick, cane, 122 (no. 171), 199 

Wall-towns, 3 

Wardrobe storage chest, 136 (no. 215), 195 

Warner, Langdon, ix 

Wash basin, 65-66 (no. 23), 189; 66 (no. 24), 189 

Washboard, 94-95 (no. 99), 194 

Washington State Museum, ix 

Washtub, 66-67 (no. 26), 189 

Watchtower, farmer's, 108-109 (no. 130), 196 

Waste-water tub, 66 (no. 25), 189 

Water bowl, 60 (no. 10), 188 

Water bucket (water can), 65 (no. 21), 171, 189 

Water carrier, 148 (no. 260), 204 

Water cooling vat, 142 (no. 232), 202 

Water "gourd," 111 (no. 135), 196 

Water jar, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 

Water reservoirs, 33 

Water scoop, 111 (no. 135), 196 

Water shortage, 35 

Waterwheel, 108 (no. 128), 196 

Water-lift, 111 (no. 135), 196 

Weather cycle of Korea, 3 

Wedding ceremony, 10 

Wedding dress, traditional, 19 

Wedding expenses, 50, 52 

Wedding gift exchange, 19, 20 

Wedding halls, 20-21 

Wedding "mutual aid" societies, 50 

Weed killers, 35 

Weeder (mechanical), 113 (no. 142), 197 

Weeding teams, 44-45, 51 

Weeding trowel, 113 (no. 143), 197 

Weights and Measures, 85-86, 172 

Wells, 35 

Well bucket, 148-149 (no. 261), 204 

Western civilization, contact, 7 

Whang, In-Joung, 9 

Whetstone and stand, 116 (no. 151), 197 

Wine bottle, 72 (no. 40), 190 

Wine cup, 124 (no. 178), 199 

Wine stand, 124 (no. 178), 199 

Winnower, 107-108 (no. 127), 196 

Winnowing basket, 101 (no. 114), 195 

Winnowing fan, 106-107 (no. 126), 196 

Winter inner cap, 88 (no. 78), 193 

Woman's head cover, 90 (no. 83), 193 

Woo Jang-chun, professor, 55 

Wood drill, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Wood mortar, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Wrist watch, 100-101 (no. 112), 195 

Writing desk, 133-134 (no. 208), 201 

Yale Peabody Museum, ix 

Yamato, 4 

Ye people, 4 

Yi, Pyong-do, x 

Yoke, 128-129 (no. 193), 200 

Yut game, 26, 77-78 (no. 55), 191 
Romanized Korean Index 

An'gyong, 121-122 (no. 170), 199 

Anjunbaengi choul, 85 (no. 70), 192 

Aptaji, 136 (no. 215), 201 

Ch'ae, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Ch'aei, 101 (no. 114), 195 

Ch'aek, 153 (no. 274), 205 

Ch'aeksang, 133-134 (no. 208), 201 

Ch'aembit, 99 (no. 108), 195 

Ch'aep'an, 101-102 (no. 116), 195 

Ch'aesang, 101-102 (no. 116), 195 

Ch'ambit, 99 (no. 108), 195 

Ch'e, 145-146 (no. 251), 204 

Ch'oktae, 124 (no. 180), 199 

Ch'onui, 90 (no. 83), 193 

Ch'osigi, 132 (no. 205), 201 

Ch'osok, 132 (no. 205), 201 

Ch'ottae, 124 (no. 180), 199 

Cha, 142-143 (no. 237), 203 

Chaebongt'ul 93 (no. 95), 194 

Chaengban, 61 (no. 15), 189 

Chaenggi, 109 (no. 131), 196 

Chaet'ori, 126 (no. 184), 199 

Chagaebapsang, 134-135 (no. 210), 201 

Chagwi, 142 (no. 236), 203 

Chajon'go, 151-152 (no. 270), 205 

Chakto, 128 (no. 192), 200 

Chaktu, 128 (no. 192), 200 

Chandae, 124 (no. 178), 199 

Chang, 98 (no. 103), 98 (no. 104), 98 (no. 105), 

195 

Changdo, 122 (no. 172), 199 

Changgial, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 

Changgip'an, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 

Changgu, 82-83 (no. 65), 192 

Changgun, 120 (no. 164), 198 

Changot, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 

Charit'ul, 104 (no. 121), 196 

Chech'ogi, 113 (no. 142), 197 

Chegi, 124 (no. 179), 199 

Chigae, 147 (no. 259) 

Chige, 147 (no. 259), 204 

Chikkakcha, 143 (no. 238), 203 

Chikson'gi, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 

Chilma, 129 (no. 194), 200 

Chilmae, 129 (no. 195), 200 

Ching, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Chingch'ae, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Chip'aengi, 122 (no. 171), 199 

Chip'angi, 122 (no. 171), 199 

Chipke, 142 (no. 233), 202 

Chippangmangi, 115 (no. 148), 197 

Chippangsok, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Chipsin, 87 (no. 75), 193 

Chiptudurinun pangmaengi, 115 (no. 148), 197 

Cho, 59 (no. 7), 188 

Chokcha, 59 (no. 8), 188 

Chokkarak, 59 (no. 7), 188 

Chokturi, 92 (no. 90), 194 

Cholgugongi, 117-118 (no. 157), 198 

Chon'gidarimi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Chongbal, 61 (no. 12), 189 

Chongbari, 61 (no. 12), 189 

Chongji, 60-61 (no. 11), 188 

Chongjik'al, 56-57 (no. 1), 188 

Chooro, 71 (no. 37), 190 

Chopsi, 61 (no. 14), 61 (no. 15), 189 

Chorae, 74 (no. 46), 191 

Chori, 74 (no. 46), 191 

Choson'gwaengi, 114 (no. 144), 197 

Choul, 85 (no. 70), 192 

Chugok, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 

Chugu, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 

Chujonja, 63 (no. 18), 189 

Chukch'angmun, 140 (no. 226), 202 

Chul, 142 (no. 234), 203 

Chungjul, 142 (no. 234), 203 

Chup'an, 85 (no. 69), 192 

Haebangch'a, 150 (no. 267), 205 

Haebangguruma, 150 (no. 267), 205 

Hakko, 149 (no. 263), 204 

Halbibi, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Hamjibak, 71 (no. 36), 190 

Hamt'ingi, 71 (no. 35), 190 

Handoebyong, 72 (no. 40), 190 

Hojokpan, 135 (no. 211), 201 

Hok'u, 113 (no. 140), 197 

Hokku, 113 (no. 140), 197 

Holch'i, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 

Holk'ae, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 

Homaeng'i, 113 (no. 143), 197 

Homangnat, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 

Homi, 113 (no. 143), 197 

Hongdukkae, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Horongbul, 137-138 (no. 218) 

Hoya, 138 (no. 219), 202 

Hugolgimi, 145-146 (no. 251), 204 

Huiyang, 88 (no. 78), 193 

Hukpaji, 147 (no. 256), 204 

Hulch'aengi, 109 (no. 132), 196 

Hulk'al, 147 (no. 256), 204 

Hulttabu, 109 (no. 132), 196 

Huraip'an, 62 (no. 17), 189 

Hwabun, 72 (no. 39), 190 

Hwagwan, 92 (no. 90), 194 

Hwajangdae, 99-100 (no. 110), 195 

Hwarot, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 

Hwaru, 140 (no. 224), 202 

Hwasap, 75 (no. 50), 191 

Hwat'u, 80-81 (no. 61), 192 

Hwiyang, 88 (no. 78), 193 

Hyanghap, 123 (no. 176), 199 

Hyangno, 123-124 (no. 177), 199 

Ibul, 132 (no. 206), 201 

Ilbon'gwaengi, 114 (no. 144), 197 

Ich'ungjang, 98 (no. 105), 195 

Ikkari, 126 (no. 185), 200 

Ilch'ung yangbokchang, 98 (no. 104), 195 

Indu, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

K'al, 122 (no. 172) 

K'i, 101 (no. 114), 195 

K'un ch'aeksang, 134 (no. 209), 201 

K'unjul, 142 (no. 234), 203 

Kalk'wi, 121 (no. 169), 199 

Kamani, 102 (no. 117), 195 

Kamanit'ul, 103-104 (no. 120), 196 

Kamanittaegi, 102 (no. 117), 195 

Kamasot, 127 (no. 188), 200 

Karae, 86 (no. 73), 192 

Karakchi, 98-99 (no. 106), 195 

Kari,86(no. 73), 192 

Kasige, 94 (no. 97), 194 

Kat, 88-89 (no. 80), 193 

Kawi, 94 (no. 97), 194 

Kebik'i, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 

Kilma, 129 (no. 195), 200 

Kkakkuri, 121 (no. 169), 199 

Kkokkal, 84 (no. 68), 192 

Kkoksoe, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Kkujongmult'ong, 66 (no. 25), 189 

Kkul, 146 (no. 255), 147 (no. 258), 204 

Kokkal, 84 (no. 68), 192 

Kokkwaengi, 111-112 (no. 136), 196 

Kolbagimi, 74-75 (no. 48), 191 

Kolch'ae, 129 (no. 196), 200 

Kollat, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 

Kollo, 139 (no. 221), 202 

Kollot'ong, 138-139 (no. 220), 202 

Kombangme, 115 (no. 147), 197 

Kombe, 115 (no. 147), 197 

Komurae, 121 (no. 168), 199 

Kong, 79-80 (no. 58), 192 

Konggum, 149 (no. 264), 204 

Koppi, 129 (no. 198), 200 

Koritchak, 88 (no. 77), 193 

Korumbaji, 119 (no. 161), 198 

Korumsok'uri, 119 (no. 161), 198 

Kujunmult'ong, 66 (no. 25), 189 

Kukcha, 59 (no. 8), 188 

Kukchengi, 109 (no. 132), 196 

Kullongsoe, 81 (no. 62), 192 

Kune, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 

Kuruma, 80 (no. 59), 192 

Kuruma palt'ongdai, 149 (no. 262), 204 

Kusi, 128 (no. 190), 142 (no. 232), 200, 202 

Kuyu, 128 (no. 190), 142 (no. 232), 200, 202 

Kwaenggwari, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Kwaengissori, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 

Kwaengsa, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Kwaengsach'ae, 82 (no. 64), 192 

Kwanbo, 92 (no. 91), 194 

Kwanbokham, 90-91 (no. 87), 193 

Kwandae, 92 (no. 91), 194 

Kwangjiri, 101 (no. 113), 195 

Kwangjuri, 101 (no. 113), 195 

214 
NUMBER 39 215 

Kwetchak, 149 (no. 263), 204 

Kyojasang, 135 (no. 212), 201 

Kyongdae, 99-100(no. 110), 100 (no. Ill), 195 

Mach'a, 150 (no. 269), 205 

Mae, 115 (no. 146), 197 

Maettol, 117 (no. 155), 198 

Mal, 85-86 (no. 72), 192 

Mangch'i, 141 (no. 229), 146 (no. 254), 202, 204 

Marun ssore, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 

Me, 115 (no. 146), 197 

Mengganna, 144 (no. 244), 203 

Mesin, 87 (no. 75), 193 

Met'uri, 87 (no. 75), 193 

Moich'ong, 80 (no. 60), 192 

Mojarik'al, 113 (no. 141), 197 

Mojariyong milk'al, 113 (no. 141), 197 

Mokch'ong, 80 (no. 60), 192 

Mokk'al, 143 (no. 240), 203 

Mokt'ong, 143 (no. 241), 203 

Mongsok, 103 (no. 119), 196 

Moru, 141 (no. 231), 202 

Moruding, 141 (no. 231), 202 

Motppaenun kot, 146 (no. 253), 204 

Mulbagaji, 111 (no. 135), 196 

Mulchige, 148 (no. 260), 204 

Mulle, 97-98 (no. 102), 121 (no. 166), 195, 198 

Mulppurige, 71 (no. 37), 190 

Mult'omu, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 

Mult'ong, 65 (no. 21), 65 (no. 22), 189 

Multomu, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 

Multongi, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 

Mussori, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 

Naembi, 61-62 (no. 16), 189 

Najio, 152-153 (no. 273), 205 

Nallo, 139 (no. 223), 202 

Nambi, 61-62 (no. 16), 189 

Namubagaji, 58-59 (no. 5), 188 

Namubat'ingi, 71 (no. 36), 190 

Namubit, 99 (no. 109), 195 

Namudogu, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Namugarae, 116 (no. 152), 198 

Namujolgu, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Namukkangnun k'al, 142 (no. 235), 203 

Nat'a, 115 (no. 149), 197 

Nokkarae, 116 (no. 152), 198 

Nolttwigi, 81-82 (no. 63), 192 

Norubal changdori, 146 (no. 253), 204 

Notchugu, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 

Nulttwigi, 81-82 (no. 63), 192 

Oktongi, 70 (no. 33), 190 

Oktongu, 70 (no. 33), 190 

Ollebit, 99 (no. 109), 195 

Ori, 125 (no. 181), 199 

P'allanggaebi, 106-107 (no. 126), 196 

P'almobant'ingi, 71 (no. 35), 190 

P'ulbi, 141 (no. 228), 202 

P'ulmae, 141 (no. 230), 202 

P'ulmu, 76 (no. 52), 141 (no. 230), 191, 202 

P'unggu, 107-108 (no. 127), 196 

P'ungno, 76 (no. 52), 139 (no. 221), 191, 202 

P'yongsang, 136-137 (no. 216), 201 

Padugal, 76 (no. 53), 191 

Padukp'an, 76 (no. 53), 191 

Paduktol, 76 (no. 53), 191 

Pagaji, 58 (no. 4), 188 

Pagech'u, 65 (no. 22), 189 

Pagige, 147 (no. 259), 204 

Pagimi, 74 (no. 47), 191 

Paguni, 74 (no. 47), 191 

Pakkessu, 65 (no. 22), 189 

Pandaji, 136 (no. 215), 201 

Pangbi, 72-73 (no. 44), 191 

Pangbitchari, 72-73 (no. 44), 191 

Panggye, 111 (no. 135), 196 

Pangmaengi, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Pangmangi, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Pangsok, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Panji, 98-99 (no. 106), 195 

Pant'i, 71 (no. 35), 190 

Pant'ingi, 71 (no. 35), 190 

Panujil tangsigi, 93-94 (no. 96), 194 

Panujiltogu sangja, 93-94 (no. 96), 194 

Panul, 93 (no. 93), 194 

Papchugu, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 

Pappaguni, 74-75 (no. 48), 191 

Papsabal, 59-60 (no. 9), 188 

Paramgaebi, 106-107 (no. 126), 196 

Pat'ingi, 71 (no. 35), 190 

Pegae, 133 (no. 207), 201 

Pi, 72 (no. 43), 191 

Pingsut'ul, 130 (no. 201), 200 

Pinilbangsok, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Pinyo, 99 (no. 107), 195 

Podulsangja, 88 (no. 77), 193 

Pojigi, 66 (no. 24), 189 

Pongch'aeham, 91 (no. 88), 193 

Poryobangsok, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 

Ppakkessu, 65 (no. 22), 189 

Ppallaeida, 94-95 (no. 99), 194 

Ppallaep'an, 94-95 (no. 99), 194 

Ppallaetomae, 94-95 (no. 99), 194 

Ppallaet'ong, 67 (no. 27), 189 

Pparu, 146 (no. 253), 204 

Ppol, 79-80 (no. 58), 192 

Ppuraya, 142 (no. 233), 202 

Puch'ae, 122 (no. 174), 199 

Pudong, 126 (no. 186), 200 

Puje, 76 (no. 51), 191 

Puk, 83-84 (no. 66), 192 

Pukch'ae, 83-84 (no. 66), 84 (no. 67), 192 

Pulbusap, 75 (no. 50), 191 

Pulchipke, 76 (no. 51), 191 

Pulmi, 141 (no. 230), 202 

Pultchige, 76 (no. 51), 191 

Punmugi, 108 (no. 129), 196 

Puokk'al, 56-57 (no. 1), 188 

Pusap, 75 (no. 50), 191 

Pyoch'e, 118 (no. 160), 198 

Pyogae, 133 (no. 207), 201 

Pyongp'ung, 131 (no. 202), 200 

Pyont'ang, 144 (no. 243), 203 

Pyoolgimi, 118 (no. 160), 198 

Rajio, 152-153 (no. 273), 205 

Riyak'a, 152 (no. 271), 205 

Sabal, 59-60 (no. 9), 188 

Sadaebu, 84 (no. 68), 192 

Sadaktari, 146 (no. 252), 204 

Sadari, 146 (no. 252), 204 

Saedari, 146 (no. 252), 204 

Saekkidongt'ae, 121 (no. 167), 198 

Saekkidurinun chase, 121 (no. 166), 198 

Saekkijase, 121 (no. 167), 198 

Saekkit'ul, 104-105 (no. 122), 196 

Sagihorong, 137 (no. 217), 201, 202 

Sagu, 70-71 (no. 34), 190 

Sagure, 144-145 (no. 246) 

Saguri, 144-145 (no. 246), 203 

Sait'op, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Sakkat, 90 (no. 81), 193 

Salch'angmun, 140 (no. 226), 202 

Salmiri, 144 (no. 243), 203 

Salsugi, 71 (no. 37), 190 

Sambal, 140 (no. 225), 202 

Sambari, 140 (no. 225), 202 

Samch'ung (ot) chang, 98 (no. 103), 195 

Samo, 90 (no. 82), 193 

Sap, 112 (no. 137), 197 

Sasikkomi, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Satchari, 132 (no. 204), 201 

Sebal soesurang, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Sebal sosirangi, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Sejondanji, 123 (no. 175), 199 

Senttei, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Sesudaeya, 65-66 (no. 23), 189 

Sesuttae, 65-66 (no. 23), 189 

Set'aksoyong tarimi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Silp'ae, 93 (no. 94), 194 

Sinful, 94 (no. 98), 194 

Sip'yonson, 75 (no. 49), 191 

Siri, 67 (no. 29), 190 

Siru, 67 (no. 29), 190 

Soban, 135 (no. 213), 201 

Sobuk, 84 (no. 67), 192 

Sogu, 84 (no. 67), 192 

Sogunduri, 129 (no. 198), 200 

Soguruma, 150 (no. 268), 205 

Soikkari, 129 (no. 197), 200 

Soikkaridurinum chase, 121 (no. 166), 198 

Sojilmae, 129 (no. 194), 200 

Sojudok, 68-69 (no. 32), 190 

Sojuk kalk'uri, 128 (no. 191), 200 

Sojuk kkakkuri, 128 (no. 191), 200 

Sojukfong, 127-128 (no. 189), 200 

Sol, 140-141 (no. 227), 202 

Som, 103 (no. 118), 195 

Somonge, 128-129 (no. 193), 200 

Somt'ul, 104 (no. 121), 196 

Son'guruma, 149 (no. 265), 149-150 (no. 266), 

205 

Sondokki, 115 (no. 149), 197 

Songgot, 147 (no. 257), 204 

Sonmoksigye, 100-101 (no. 112), 195 

Sonsure, 149 (no. 265), 149-150 (no. 266), 205 

Sosin, 129-130 (no. 199), 200 

Sossinnun sol, 72 (no. 42), 190 

Sot, 63-64 (no. 19), 65 (no. 20), 189 

Sotchagu, 142 (no. 236), 203 

Ssaltuji, 135-136 (no. 214), 201 

Ssaltwiju, 135-136 (no. 214), 201 

Ssore, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 

Such'a, 108 (no. 128), 196 

Sugump'o, 112 (no. 137), 197 
216 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 

Suiji, 90 (no. 86), 193 

Suk'weo, 143 (no. 238), 203 

Sukkarak, 59 (no. 6), 188 

Sulturimi, 68-69 (no. 32), 190 

Susibitcharu, 73-74 (no. 45), 191 

Susubi, 73-74 (no. 45), 191 

Sut'ingi, 68 (no. 31), 190 

Suf obu, 139 (no. 223), 202 

Sutkkal, 59 (no. 6), 188 

Suttol, 116 (no. 151), 197 

T'ae, 120 (no. 165), 198 

T'aegi, 120 (no. 165), 198 

T'akchan, 124 (no. 178), 199 

T'algokki, 106 (no. 125), 196 

T'anggon, 88 (no. 79), 193 

T'anggun, 88 (no. 79), 193 

T'ongbal, 86-87 (no. 74), 193 

T'ongbari, 86-87 (no. 74), 193 

T'op, 145 (no. 248), 145 (no. 249), 145 (no. 250), 

203 

T'ul, 93 (no. 95), 194 

Tadimidol, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Tadumittol, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 

Taebagimi, 74 (no. 47), 191 

Taejop, 60 (no. 10), 188 

Taek'al, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Taenamu kongjaktogu, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Taenggi, 91-92 (no. 89), 193 

Taep'ae, 144 (no. 244), 144 (no. 245), 203 

Taepssaribi, 72 (no. 43), 191 

Taetchagu, 142 (no. 236), 203 

Taguri, 126 (no. 185), 200 

Taipae, 144 (no. 244) 

Talgadugi, 126 (no. 185), 200 

Tallangi, 67 (no. 27), 189 

Talmosif ong, 127 (no. 187), 200 

Tambaettae, 125 (no. 183), 199 

Tangbu, 127 (no. 188), 200 

Tanggu, 127 (no. 188), 200 

Tanggurae, 121 (no. 168), 199 

Tangmoif ong, 127 (no. 187), 200 

Tanji, 67-68 (no. 30), 190 

Tarangi, 66-67 (no. 26), 189 

Taribi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Tarimi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Tchaktaegi, 122 (no. 171), 199 

Tchikkae, 142 (no. 233), 202 

Tchikke, 147 (no. 258), 204 

Tchokturi, 92 (no. 90), 194 

Tidilbanga, 116-117 (no. 154), 198 

Toch'i, 115 (no. 145), 197 

Toe, 85 (no. 71), 192 

Toeppyong, 72 (no. 40), 190 

Togut'ong, 118 (no. 158), 198 

Toguttae, 117-118 (no. 157), 198 

Tok, 68 (no. 31), 190 

Tokki, 115 (no. 145), 197 

Toksok, 103 (no. 119), 196 

Tokttukkong, 68 (no. 31), 190 

Tolbanga, 116 (no. 153), 198 

Tolmulle, 121 (no. 166), 198 

Toma, 57 (no. 2), 188 

Tomae, 57 (no. 2), 188 

Tongch'a, 80 (no. 59), 192 

Tongorime, 115 (no. 147), 197 

Tongf ae, 78-79 (no. 57), 81 (no. 62), 191, 192 

Tongu, 70 (no. 33), 190 

Torikkae, 105 (no. 123), 196 

Torongi, 87-88 (no. 76), 193 

Ttaba, 109 (no. 131), 196 

Ttabaengi, 72 (no. 41), 190 

Ttakkari, 68 (no. 31), 190 

Tti, 90 (no. 84), 90 (no. 85), 193 

Ttobari, 72 (no. 41), 190 

Ttokme, 117 (no. 156), 198 

Ttoksal, 75 (no. 49), 191 

Ttokson, 75 (no. 49), 191 

Ttongbagaji, 119 (no. 162), 198 

Ttongfong, 119 (no. 163), 198 

Ttwari, 72 (no. 41), 190 

Tubal soesurang, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Tubal sosirangi, 113 (no. 139), 197 

Tullep'an, 134-135 (no. 210), 135 (no. 211), 135 

(no. 212), 201 

Tullesang, 134-135 (no. 210), 135 (no. 211), 135 

(no. 213), 201 

Tunggumi, 101 (no. 115), 195 

Tungjan, 137 (no. 217), 137-138 (no. 218), 201, 

202 

Tungjimi, 101 (no. 115), 195 

Tungmiri, 145 (no. 247), 203 

Tungfaegi, 101 (no. 115), 195 

Tunguri, 126 (no. 186), 200 

Turebak, 148-149 (no. 261), 204 

Turumgwaengi, 114 (no. 144), 197 

Uch'a pach'imdae, 149 (no. 264), 204 

Uch'a, 150 (no. 268), 205 

Ujang, 87-88 (no. 76), 193 

Ulme, 115 (no. 150), 197 

Usan, 122 (no. 173), 199 

Wangdaek'al, 147 (no. 256), 204 

Wonang, 125 (no. 181), 199 

Wondumak, 108-109 (no. 130), 196 

Wonsamtti, 90 (no. 85), 193 

Yakf ang, 67 (no. 28), 189 

Yakf anggwan, 67 (no. 28), 189 

Yanangigori, 88 (no. 77), 193 

Yangboktarimi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 

Yangch'olbuok, 139 (no. 222), 202 

Yangch'ollat, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 

Yangch'olnallo, 139 (no. 222), 202 

Yangjaegi, 61 (no. 13), 189 

Yangnalchul, 142 (no. 234), 203 

Yangsan, 122 (no. 173), 199 

Yejangham, 91 (no. 88), 193 

Yo, 132 (no. 206), 201 

Yogang, 152 (no. 272), 205 

Yomjul, 125 (no. 182), 199 

Yon'gija, 143 (no. 239), 203 

Yon, 78 (no. 56), 191 

Yongdure, 111 (no. 135), 196 

Yonjabanga, 116 (no. 153), 198 

Yonjamae, 116 (no. 153), 198 

Yonjase, 78 (no. 56), 191 

Yotchangsa kasige, 130 (no. 200), 200 

Yotchangsa kawi, 130 (no. 200), 200 

Yutchak, 77-78 (no. 55), 191 

Yutp'an, 77-78 (no. 55), 191 

a U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1997 387-410/20007