Preliminary Research 

Findings From a Study of 

the Sociocultural Effects of 

Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Lee K. Cerveny

United States 

Department of 

Agriculture

Forest Service

Pacific Northwest 

Research Station

General Technical 

Report

PNW-GTR-612

July 2004
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Author

Lee K. Cerveny is a research social scientist, Forestry Sciences Laboratory, 400 N 

34th Street, Suite 201, Seattle, WA 98103.

Cover photograph by Lee Cerveny.
Abstract

Cerveny, Lee K. 2004. Preliminary research findings from a study of the sociocultural effects of tourism in Haines, Alaska. Gen. Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-612. 

Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. 144 p. 

This report examines the growth and development of the tourism industry in 

Haines, Alaska, and its effects on community life and land use. It also describes 

the development of cruise-based tourism and its relation to shifts in local social 

and economic structures and patterns of land use, especially local recreation 

use trends. A multisited ethnographic approach was used featuring participant 

observation and in-depth interviews with local residents, cruise line industry 

personnel, and visitors to southeast Alaska. Results show that tourism brings both 

positive and negative changes to Alaska communities. Data from this report can 

assist Forest Service planners to identify factors involved in the relation between 

tourism growth and community well-being. It also may assist small southeast 

Alaska communities in decisionmaking related to tourism development. 

Keywords: Tongass National Forest, southeast Alaska, tourism, communities.
Preface

This report represents the preliminary results of field research conducted from 2000 

through 2001 by the USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station 

(PNW) in Juneau, Alaska. The Haines community study was part of a larger project to examine the sociocultural effects of tourism in three southeast Alaska communities. The project was developed by researchers from PNW with input from the 

USDA Forest Service, Alaska Regional Office; the Tongass National Forest; and the 

former Alaska Division of Tourism. This study addresses research and information 

needs identified in the 1997 Tongass Land and Resource Management Plan (TLMP) 

to understand community relations with Tongass-related tourism (USDA Forest 

Service). The Tongass National Forest provided funding for this TLMP administrative study. In addition, this study is being conducted as a doctoral dissertation in anthropology with the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse 

University. This study contributes to the development of a theory related to tourism 

and its impacts on communities and resources. 

This is the first of a series of three community reports on tourism in southeast 

Alaska communities. Subsequent reports will present data collected during field 

research that took place in Hoonah from 2000 through 2001 and in Craig in 2001. 

A final report analyzing and comparing tourism trends in all three communities 

also was prepared in 2004. These studies are part of an effort by PNW to research 

recreation and tourism trends and provide analyses that will be useful in Forest 

Service planning. Data from this study on the effects of tourism and recreation in 

southeast Alaska communities will assist Forest Service planners to identify factors 

involved in the relation between tourism growth and community well-being. This 

information also may be useful in decisionmaking related to tourism management 

and recreation development. In addition, the research may assist small southeast 

Alaska communities as they work through various stages of decisionmaking related 

to tourism development. Lessons from Haines, Hoonah, and Craig may provide 

important insights for scholars of tourism and community change in many social 

science disciplines and for communities worldwide negotiating their relation with 

the tourism industry.
Contents

 1 Background 

 2 Study Context 

 6 Study Goals and Research Activities 

 8 Relation to Other Research and Planning Efforts

 9 Structure of This Report

 11 Section 1: Research Methods

 11 Site Selection 

 12 Literature Review 

 13 Data Sources 

 19 Section 2: Haines—A Community Profile

 19 Physical Setting 

 19 Cultural History

 20 Local Government

 21 Land Ownership

 22 Haines’ Economic History 

 30 Economy 

 37 Population and Demography 

 43 Other Community Characteristics

 45 Conclusion

 47 Section 3: The Evolution of Tourism in Haines

 47 The Early Years

 48 Haines as an Emerging Destination

 50 Public Investment in Tourism

 53 The Growth of Cruise-Based Tourism

 59 Local Business Responds to the Cruise Industry

 62 Impacts of the Growth of Cruise Tourism

 73 Local Efforts to Plan for Tourism and Manage Tourism Impacts

 78 The Cruise Industry Response 

 82 Conclusion

 83 Section 4: Understanding Tourism-Community Relations 

 83 Understanding the Roots of Tourism Conflict

 92 Understanding the Impacts of Tourism 
 92 Economic Impacts

 99 Social Impacts

 103 Resource Impacts

 109 Impacts on Local Infrastructure

 110 Future Tourism Impacts

 112 Conclusion

 115 Section 5: Research Implications 

 115 Local Control and Corporate Decisionmaking 

 117 Tourism and Social Segmentation

 119 Tourism and the Commoditization of Landscape 

 121 Transitioning to Tourism 

 125 Future Community Studies

 126 Conclusion

 126 Acknowledgments

 127 English Equivalents

 127 References

 139 Appendix: Interview Guides
1

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Background 

Since the 1980s, tourism has become one of southeast Alaska’s most important 

industries, generating new businesses and job growth. The growth of tourism in 

Alaska has afforded new possibilities to southeast Alaska communities struggling 

for economic survival amid declines in traditional industries such as timber and 

fishing. With few other economic alternatives, many local officials have turned 

to tourism as a way to create jobs, spur business development, and contribute to 

municipal revenues. In response to tourism, the sociocultural fabric of southeast 

Alaska has changed to accommodate the new industry (Egan 2000). In addition, 

tourism has resulted in changes in the way southeast Alaskans perceive and utilize 

natural resources. Community leaders are deciding to what extent their economies 

should be based on tourism and what a tourism economy means for the social life 

of the community. Provocative questions are being asked, such as: How much 

tourism do we want to have? What types of tourism activities do we want 

to promote? How do we mitigate tourism’s undesirable effects? How do we 

entertain tourism while maintaining our existing quality of life?

Haines represents an excellent case study for understanding the effects of tourism because of the rapid growth in tourist volume related to the cruise industry. 

Examining tourism in Haines during this crucial period of transition has provided 

a unique opportunity to study the effects of cruise-based tourism in its early stages. 

Haines’ relative isolation and its visible ties to the global economy make it ideal for 

sociocultural analysis. This report summarizes research on the varied impacts of 

tourism on Haines, Alaska, from the perspectives of local residents. 

This research incorporates a multisited ethnographic approach featuring the 

use of participant observation and indepth interviews (Bernard 1995, Kottak 1999). 

Field research in Haines took place from May through September 2000 and in 

February 2001. The resulting data were largely qualitative, stemming from semistructured interviews and observations at public events where residents talked 

about tourism and its relation to their community. The use of ethnographic methods promoted a deep knowledge of tourism and its relation to community life and 

resulted in data that would have been difficult to achieve by using standard survey 

approaches. This report demonstrates preliminary findings based on a first round of 

ethnographic analysis. These observations will be further tested and substantiated 

in subsequent reports. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Study Context

Through 2001, the global tourism industry experienced abundant growth. According to the World Travel and Tourism Council, the total travel and tourism economy 

accounted for 10.7 percent of global gross domestic product in 2001 at $3.5 billion. 

In North America, 12 percent of employment was related directly or indirectly 

to the tourism economy in 2001 (World Travel and Tourism Council 2001). Since 

1950, international travel increased from 25.3 million visitors to 698 million in 

2000, while travel expenditures increased from $2.1 billion in 1950 to $476 billion 

in 2000 (World Tourism Organization 2001). Owing to a healthy economy and an 

increase in leisure time, growth rates of North American leisure travelers increased 

by 5 percent annually between 1994 and 1999 (Plog Research 1999).1 With a “babyboom” generation entering retirement age, total travel expenditures for leisure 

travel are expected to increase still further. As the industry expands and travelers 

seek “fresh” experiences, the number of travel destinations hosting visitors also is 

likely to grow.

Currently, Alaska is a popular travel destination. A booming U.S. economy 

throughout the 1990s resulted in an increased number of people able to afford Alaska travel and with the vacation time necessary to make the trip. With 11,000 miles 

of shoreline and an impressive scenic array that includes fjords, glaciers, marine 

mammals, and bears, southeast Alaska represents an area of keen interest to travelers. Exceeding global trends, the number of visitors to southeast Alaska grew at 

the rate of 10 percent annually from 473,000 in 1985 to more than 800,000 in 2000 

(McDowell Group 1999) (fig. 1). 

Large cruise ships bring about three-fourths of the visitors to southeast Alaska, 

with some ships transporting more than 2,000 passengers to communities ranging 

from 800 to 35,000 residents (McDowell Group 2000). Owing to intense competition among rival cruise lines and the dramatic growth in cruise ship capacity, 

Alaska has become affordable to middle-class travelers eager to see the “last 

frontier.” One growing market segment is the small cruise ship industry, consisting 

of ships with fewer than 150 passengers. Small-ship or “pocket” cruises provide 

opportunities for “up-close-and-personal” Alaska experiences in smaller ports. 

Passenger participation in shore excursions has increased dramatically over the last 

5 years. With improvements in transportation technology and infrastructure, cruise 

1 After the terrorist attacks in New York in September 2001, industry experts predicted a 

30-percent decline in tourism globally (World Travel and Tourism Council 2001). However, 

cruise-industry traffic to Alaska held constant in the aftermath of the Trade Center attacks. 

The industry experienced differential effects related to tourism. Independent travel and 

packaged tours, including adventure tours and sport fishing, declined (ATIA 2002). 

Large cruise ships 

bring about threefourths of the 

visitors to southeast 

Alaska, with some 

ships transporting

more than 2,000 

passengers.
3

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

passengers are able to visit remote sites via helicopter, float plane, jet boat, or other 

means and be back to the ship in time for dinner. Not only are southeast Alaska 

communities experiencing more visitors, but they are also seeing more visitors 

participating in diverse tourist activities in increasingly remote places. These 

industry changes are having significant effects on local communities and their 

resources.

Yakutat

Hoonah

Sitka

Skagway

Haines

Juneau

Ketchikan

Craig

50 0 50 100 150 Miles

A L A S K A

o

Figure 1—Major southeast Alaska towns affected by tourism.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Because there is a high demand for the natural beauty of Alaska, tourism is a 

logical choice for communities eager to improve their local economic base. The 

growth of cruise ship travel to Alaska has afforded new possibilities to southeast 

Alaska communities struggling for economic survival amid declines in traditional 

industries. Price competition and government regulation altered the timber market on 

which many southeast Alaska communities depended. Moreover, price competition 

from farmed salmon, along with changes in the structure of the commercial fishing 

industry, an economic staple for Alaska coastal communities, resulted in a decline in 

the number of local fishermen (Gilbertson 2003). With few other economic alternatives, many local officials have turned to tourism as a means to jump-start lagging 

economies. In several southeast Alaska communities, tourism has created jobs, 

spurred business development, and contributed to local city revenues. A survey of 

Alaska households identified tourism as the third most important industry behind oil 

and fishing (McDowell Group 1999). In southeast Alaska, tourism jobs accounted for 

about 10.3 percent of total employment in 2002 (Fried and Windisch-Cole 2004).2

Tourism brings changes to Alaska communities, both positive and negative. Unwanted effects of tourism, such as crowded streets, beaches, and trails, are disruptive 

to a rural lifestyle important to many Alaskans. Environmental effects of tourism 

also are being weighed, sparked by the growing awareness of cruise ship pollution 

and increasing noise from flight-seeing tours. Tourism also is linked with changes in 

community life. The influx of tourism businesses and workers results in new ways 

of organizing the local economy and a shift in social structure (Faulkenberry et al. 

2000: 87). Many residents in cruise ports are concerned that large tourism corporations will dominate local business activity and politics. Tourism also can transform 

communities and landscapes to conform to visitor needs—thus changing the relation 

between residents and their local environment (Pi-Sunyer and Thomas 1997: 187). 

Growing awareness of these issues has fueled public scrutiny about tourism benefits 

and inspired citizen activism questioning the role of industrial-scale tourism. By 

passing municipal ordinances to tax tourism, voters in several Alaska communities, 

including Haines, have indicated a desire to manage tourism growth to preserve local 

lifestyles. 

Haines represents a microcosm of many of the tourism issues faced by southeast 

Alaska communities. Located in the Upper Lynn Canal at the foot of the Chilkat 

Valley, Haines (population 2,516)3

 has long been an important stop for Alaska 

visitors arriving by land and by sea (fig. 2). The Haines Highway connects southeast 

2

 For a complete discussion of tourism growth trends in southeast Alaska, see Schroeder 

et al. (n.d.).

3

 This was the population of Haines Borough in 2000 (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000).

Tourism brings 

changes to Alaska 

communities, both 

positive and negative.
5

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Alaska to the Alaska interior, Canada, and the lower 48 States. Haines has long 

enjoyed its reputation as a “working town” with its economic roots based in mining, 

the military (Fort William Seward), fishing, timber, and transportation. Beginning 

in the 1980s, the timber industry faced stark declines owing to market conditions 

and legislative action spurred by environmentalists. Tourism emerged to fill a gap 

in Haines’ economy. Tourism promoters took advantage of the natural and cultural 

attributes of the area to satisfy visitor demand to see Alaska by cruise ship. A 

significant upsurge in visitors began in 1994, when the city-owned dock was 

revamped to accommodate large cruise ships. As a result, the number of cruise 

visitors increased from 50,000 in 1994 to more than 187,000 in 2000 (Haines 

Klukwan

� � � � � � � � � � � �

� � � � � � � � � � � � �

Skagway

� � � � � � � � � � �

Haines

Port Chilkoot

Glacier Point

� � � � � � � � � � � � �

Chilkat Peninsula

� � � � � � � � � � � � � �

� � � � � � � �

� � � � �

� � � � � � � � � � � � � �

0 2.5 5.0 7.5 10 Miles

o

Upper Lynn Canal

Figure 2—Upper Lynn Canal.
6

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Visitor Center 2000). Along with the growth in cruise visitors, the number of 

tourism businesses flourished, especially those providing shore excursions related 

to outdoor adventure, culture, and local history. Many small businesses profited 

directly from tourism and others benefited indirectly from the trickle-down of 

tourism dollars and tax contributions to municipalities. Within 5 years, the tourism 

industry and the city began to focus their development efforts on the cruise ships 

and their passengers.

As the number of visitors traveling to Haines grew, several issues began to surface that suggested a need for tourism management. Crowding on city streets and 

in favorite recreation areas was of paramount concern. Other issues included visitor 

impact on wildlife, the loss of local recreation spaces, shifts in local demography 

and social structure, and loss of economic autonomy. Many observed the disproportional economic benefits of tourism, the migration of tourist dollars out of the city, 

and the abundance of low-wage jobs generated by tourism. Local residents were 

concerned about current tourism effects as well as their community’s future, having 

witnessed significant changes in the economic and social structure of neighboring 

communities that depended on cruise-based tourism. After much local debate about 

managing the effects of tourism, a major cruise line decided not to continue docking ships in Haines, thereby reducing the volume of cruise passengers and resulting 

in serious economic setbacks for local businesses and tax-dependent institutions. 

This report describes the evolution of the tourism industry in Haines and examines 

the nature and extent of tourism effects on community life. 

Study Goals and Research Activities

This report represents a summary of preliminary findings related to tourism impacts in Haines, Alaska. This report is one piece of a broader ethnographic study 

to understand tourism relations in diverse Alaska communities. The broader study 

included research in three southeast Alaska communities: Haines, Hoonah, and 

Craig. Using a regional framework and a multisited approach, I explore how tourism shapes human communities and alters relations between humans and their 

environment. The research draws from traditional anthropological theory, with 

attention to both political ecology and stakeholder theory to examine the dynamic 

interactions among key participants within the tourism industry and the effects of 

these interactions on residents and their environment (Faulkenberry et al. 2000; 

Stonich 1998, 2000). Political ecology refers to a framework of analyzing how various human groups interact with their environment at various levels: local, regional, 

national, and international (Paulson et al. 2003). A political ecology perspective 

necessitates analysis of both the historical evolution of tourism and the political 
7

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

dynamics among key tourism stakeholders, persons or groups with a particular interest in tourism such as global corporations, government agencies, citizen groups, 

and local businesses (Ramirez 1999, Stonich 2000). In this study, I examine the role 

and relations of stakeholders operating at various levels, as they have impacted the 

shape of tourism in Haines over time. The idea behind the political ecology approach is that one cannot understand the effects of tourism on human communities 

and resources without recognizing the role of politics and institutions. The broader 

research effort contributes to theoretical discussions about the complex relations 

between those involved and their landscape within a tourism economy.

Study Hypotheses—

Three hypotheses were explored in the broader research effort that shaped overall 

research design. (1) Local and nonlocal actors actively shape the role of tourism 

within the community. However, as the economic role of tourism expands, nonlocal economic interests play a greater role in local decisionmaking processes 

related to tourism. In communities where residents perceived that tourism was 

controlled by outside interests, greater concern would be expressed about the role 

of tourism in community life (Pi-Sunyer and Thomas 1997). (2) Tourism impacts 

will differ among communities experiencing different types and levels of tourism development. In communities engaged in industrial tourism featuring high 

visitor volumes, the costs of tourism outweigh the benefits for most residents. 

Meanwhile, in communities with more modest tourism involvement, residents 

would perceive tourism benefits as exceeding costs. (3) The impacts of tourism 

become magnified when both the traditional economic base and historical patterns of resource use are disrupted (Mansperger 1995). Tourism can alter local 

landscapes and change the way residents use and perceive local resources (Greider 

and Garkovich 1994). When tourism significantly alters human uses of natural 

resources, local residents seek ways to manage tourism growth through participation in formal and informal public processes. Final discussion of research hypotheses will occur in subsequent publications once all community reports have been 

completed and data fully analyzed. This report offers preliminary findings that will 

shape future analysis. 

Three research activities provided structure for data-collection efforts. 

1. Collect and analyze baseline tourism data. This research provided baseline data for the three study communities and allows comparison of community cultural context including socioeconomic and demographic data 

as well as tourism-specific data such as the size and shape of the tourism 

industry, past and present visitation levels, and salient tourism issues. This 
8

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

collection of baseline data enables future studies to examine change in 

tourism over time. In addition, this will promote the groundwork for theory 

development about the relation between tourism and community change. 

2. Understand local attitudes toward tourism and the sociocultural effects 

of tourism experienced by local residents. This research involved describing current attitudes toward tourism, their origins, and their potential 

for shaping future tourism growth. The study also examined local perceptions of both visitors and the tourism industry, the effects of tourism on 

local lifestyles and livelihoods, and key social, cultural, and economic 

institutions affected by tourism.

3. Explore the role of tourism in the relation between residents and their 

environment. This research examined the effects of increasing tourism 

activity on local uses of natural resources including recreation, traditional 

and customary uses (subsistence), and commercial activities. This study 

sought to understand the extent to which tourism transforms the use of 

local spaces and alters the relation residents have with their environment. 

Relation to Other Research and Planning Efforts

This study represents one piece of a larger effort by multiple institutions and individuals analyzing tourism and recreation issues throughout southeast Alaska. Locally, Haines is host to various research and planning efforts such as field research 

to examine shifts in local identity from timber to tourism, the impacts of tourism on 

animal behavior, the impacts of river rafting within the Alaska Chilkat Bald Eagle 

Preserve on eagle habitat and behavior,4 the impacts of visitors on bear behavior 

in the Chilkoot River corridor, and a long-term study of rhetoric and land use in 

the Chilkat Valley (Henry 1999). Several local planning efforts also were underway in 2000 and 2001, including the State Department of Natural Resources efforts 

to revise management plans for the Haines State Forest, the Alaska Chilkat Bald 

Eagle Preserve, and the northern southeast region. A significant issue addressed 

in this planning effort was the growth of commercial recreation use on state lands. 

Other planning efforts in 2001 examined local recreation use on city lands. Several 

regional research and planning efforts related to recreation and tourism also were 

underway. In 2000, the Alaska Department of Community and Economic Development conducted a survey of outfitter guides to understand characteristics of tourism 

businesses in southeast Alaska. In 2001, the Alaska Division of Tourism initiated 

4This research was sponsored by the American Bald Eagle Foundation in Haines. 
9

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

the Alaska Visitor Statistics Program study to understand visitor spending and other 

aspects of the visitor experience in Alaska. A similar study of resident travel trends 

and expenditures also was being planned. Meanwhile, the PNW Forestry Sciences 

Laboratory in Juneau completed a study of regional tourism trends and projections 

(Schroeder et al., n.d.). Together, these surveys illuminate regional tourism trends 

among visitors, residents, and industry. 

This study is unique in that it provides an indepth, holistic analysis of three 

distinct sites and their various experiences with tourism. This microlevel analysis 

allows for a depth of understanding not possible in broader survey efforts. Intensive 

and repeated interviews with local residents elicited stories, narratives, and detailed 

explanations about how residents have adjusted to the changes wrought by tourism. 

The community-based study also allows exploration of connections among local actors and between local, regional, and global economies. The three case studies will 

contribute to theoretical understanding of tourism’s relation to broader processes of 

globalization and community change. 

Structure of This Report

This report presents themes and issues that surfaced based on preliminary analysis. 

The results presented here are based on an initial review of qualitative data. Topics 

presented will be further analyzed and explored along with data from the other two 

study sites in the final report.5 The report is divided into five sections. Section 1 

explains the research methods incorporated in this study. Section 2 describes the 

history, demography, and economy of Haines. Section 3 traces the growth of tourism in Haines with a focus on the cruise industry. Section 4 offers a brief analysis 

of the roots of tourism conflict in Haines and describes resident perceptions of tourism impacts in 2000. In the final section, I consider several ideas for future exploration and analysis of Alaska communities. 

The style of presentation common to applied ethnographic accounts includes 

my observations and findings substantiated by quotations from participants involved in the study. In most cases, names of actual participants and the institutions 

they represented were omitted to provide anonymity. In all cases, the quotations 

used in this report were extracted directly from interview notes rather than audio 

recordings. To the extent possible, these quotations capture the exact words used by 

participants, although some words may have been lost in transcription. Moreover, 

for purposes of report writing, some transition words were added or deleted to promote fluidity or readability; however, the meaning or intent of the statements was 

not altered in editing.

5 See Cerveny (n.d. b).
10

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612
11

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

This research incorporates a multisited ethnographic approach (Kottak 1999) that 

allowed me to assess variations among communities experiencing different levels of tourism within a shared regional context. Standard ethnographic approaches 

in anthropology are based on the copresence of the observer (researcher) and the 

observed, within a shared locale.1 The purpose of the ethnographic approach is not 

primarily in the creation of theory but in “thick description” unearthing the layers 

of shared meaning and symbols among residents of a defined region (Geertz 1973). 

Thick description requires that the researcher become a long-term resident in the 

community to better understand local life patterns. 

Traditional forms of fieldwork often fail to integrate a global context or note 

connections among multiple sites. Kottak (1999: 30), in his discussion of linkages 

methodology, argued the need for systematic community comparison through multisite research. This study seeks knowledge about the characteristics of tourism as 

it relates to communities within the broader framework of the global tourism industry. An indepth analysis of several sites illuminates various elements of tourismcommunity interactions. Although providing a multifaceted view of tourism, a multisited approach had several trade-offs. Knowledge of unique community dynamics 

and complexities was sacrificed to understand the relations between communities 

and the multiple tourism actors and forces operating regionally and globally. 

Another important element framing the methodological approach used is embodied in the idea of “triangulation,” the incorporation of relevant data from many 

sources (Pelto and Pelto 1978). The use of multiple data sources validates the accuracy of data and improves the quality and depth of qualitative research. Similar data 

collection strategies were used at all study sites to facilitate comparison. To encourage collaboration, this study sought to maximize involvement of participants in 

many phases of the research process, from design to interpretation (Stull 1987). All 

efforts were made to ensure that the researcher’s presence did not disrupt community life, and an unbiased, scientific, and objective approach was maintained. 

Site Selection

Site selection was based on criteria that permitted greater understanding of the 

effects of tourism within communities experiencing different levels and types 

of tourism (Pelto and Pelto 1978: 217). This research was conducted in three 

southeast Alaska communities that reflected a wide range of examples of Alaska 

tourism. From among 35 organized settlements in southeast Alaska, I sought communities of similar size, economic history, and ethnicity to enhance opportunities 

Section 1: Research Methods

1

 For dissertation research in anthropology, field researchers are expected to spend about 

12 months in a study site.
12

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

for meaningful research comparisons. Communities with populations between 200 

and 2,000 residents were targeted. I looked for communities with historical involvement in both the timber and commercial fishing industries.2

 Third, I hoped to 

include communities with a long history of Native settlements and that currently 

possess a significant proportion of Alaska Native residents mirroring regional 

trends (at least 15 percent). From this sample of southeast Alaska communities, I 

selected sites that reflected the diversity of tourism activities occurring in the 

region.3 Haines was chosen because of the rapid growth in cruise ship tourism. 

Hoonah was included because it represented a predominantly Native community in 

the early stages of tourism development, but with considerable tourism growth 

potential. Craig was selected because of the recent surge in charter fishing. Before 

research began, public officials in each site were contacted, and their city’s participation in the study was discussed. 

Literature Review

The literature review conducted for this project covered three key areas: (1) the 

theoretical base for tourism, (2) the history and economics of tourism in Alaska, 

and (3) Tlingit societies. The theoretical base for understanding tourism came from 

the social sciences literature—especially anthropology, sociology, and cultural 

geography.4 Emphasis of this aspect of the literature review was on understanding 

attitudes and perceptions of tourism among rural residents as well as the sociocultural impacts of tourism in the context of developing regions.5 An additional focus 

of this literature search examined the effects of tourism on use of natural areas by 

local residents in the “host” societies.6 The results of this literature review demonstrated that tourism presents a diversity of sociocultural effects for host communities, depending on the level of tourism involvement, the type of tourism taking 

place, and the degree of local control over tourism outcomes. A second literature 

review was conducted to examine the history and economics of Alaska tourism.7

2 Although logging has waned in Haines, timber harvesting by Native corporations continues 

near other research sites (Hoonah and Craig). 

3 This approach follows the methodological model of Pi-Sunyer and Thomas (1997), who studied tourism types in Quintana Roo. 

4 See Cerveny (n.d. a).

5 See Ap (1992), Brougham and Butler (1981), Butler (1993), Butler and Hinch (1996), Butler 

and Pearce (1995), Crick (1989), Greenwood (1989), Lankford (1994), Lankford and Howard 

(1994), Long et al. (1990), Mathieson and Wall (1982), Milman and Pizam (1988), and Perdue 

et al. (1987).

6 See Adams (1997), Brown (1999), Mansperger (1995), Milne et al. (1998), Pi-Sunyer and 

Thomas (1997), Stonich (2000), Urry (1992), Wall and Long (1996), and Young (1999).

7 See Behnke (1999), Hinckley (1965), Nash (1981), Norris (1985), Nuttall (1997), and 

West (1993).
13

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

This activity allowed an enhanced understanding of the broader context of tourism development within the three study sites. Since the 1980s, tourism in southeast 

Alaska increasingly has been linked to the cruise lines, which have increased their 

investment in Alaska. Finally, a review of literature of Tlingit societies has provided significant background on the history and culture of Chilkat and Chilkoot Tlingit 

communities living in the Haines area.8

Data Sources

My data stem from residing in three field communities over the course of 14 

months. Data for this research are derived from various sources including participant observation, resident interviews, surveys, archival sources, and economic and 

census data. I conducted field research in Haines for 18 weeks between May and 

September 2000 and returned in February 2001 and September 2003 for followup 

research. This schedule allowed the opportunity to observe community life before, 

during, and after the summer tourist season. In addition, the extended field time 

promoted understanding of the daily experiences of Haines-area residents and patterns of community life. This knowledge of Haines community life and local value 

orientations was essential to interpreting results about community perceptions of 

tourism.

Participant observation—

A portion of the data was gathered through observation of interactions among 

residents, visitors, and tour operators. Participation in the daily lives of Haines 

residents comprised an important component of ethnographic data collection as 

“part of the fieldworker’s ethnographic knowledge becomes embedded in his or her 

daily routines” (Pelto and Pelto 1978: 68). While in Haines, I attended public 

meetings of the City Tourism Planning Committee, the Haines City Council, City 

Planning Committee, the State Division of Natural Resources, and many others. I 

also took part in local community events including the Fourth of July celebration, 

Southeast Alaska Fair, Royal Caribbean Salmon Feast, and many other public 

activities key to local identity. Additionally, I volunteered in a local community 

organization. By becoming a short-term resident, I learned firsthand about the life 

patterns of Haines residents and how they shape their values and worldview. This 

onsite opportunity offered the unique understanding of what it might mean to be 

from Haines and allowed me to absorb the ways that local history shapes contemporary social institutions and policy decisions. Participant observation also taught me 

8 See Emmons (1991), Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer (1987, 1990, 1994), Krause (1885), Krause 

and Krause (1948), Oberg (1973), and Olson (1967), de Laguna (1990), Swanton (1908).
14

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

something about the nature of the touristic experience. I spent many hours systematically observing visitors in principle tourism sites—sometimes as a distanced 

observer and other times as an active participant in a tourist activity.9 Although 

these observations are not the focus of this study, they helped provide an overall 

understanding of the broader touristic process and how it plays out on the landscape 

and in community life (Nash and Smith 1991).10

Resident interviews—

Several rounds of interviews with Haines residents comprised most of the research 

material collected. In all, 96 interviews were conducted involving 75 Haines residents representing various sectors of the community and stakeholder groups.11 Two 

types of interviews were conducted: initial interviews with key informants and 

semistructured interviews with area residents and tourism stakeholders.12 During 

fieldwork preparation and in early stages of the field research, key informant interviews were conducted with officials in the city of Haines, Haines Borough, Alaska 

Department of Natural Resources, Klukwan, Inc., Chilkoot Indian Association, 

Lynn Canal Conservation, the Haines Chamber of Commerce, and local media organizations. These interviews were unstructured, conversational meetings that promoted familiarity with principal issues and participants, local frames of reference, 

and geography (Spradley 1979: 25). The issues and concerns raised in this round 

of interviews served to focus discussion in subsequent rounds of interviewing. A 

“snowball sampling” approach was used, whereby initial key informants suggested 

names of additional residents to include in the sample and identified key social 

groups and tourism stakeholders (Bernard 1995). Based on these early interviews, 

9 Tourist observation sites included Port Chilkoot dock, Chilkoot Lake, Chilkat Bald Eagle 

Preserve, downtown Haines, and along Mud Bay Road.

10 Nash describes the touristic process as the encounter between tourists and their hosts, 

beginning from the time the tourist begins planning the trip and continuing until the tourist 

has returned home and held a quintessential slide show for friends. The touristic system refers to the entire socioeconomic system in which the tourism process is situated, including 

the tourism industry, the global economy, and relations between nation-states and international institutions (Nash and Smith 1991: 14). 

11 In some interviews, more than one person was present, such as a wife and husband or a 

small group of friends.

12 A stakeholder is defined as an individual or institution with a concern in something 

(Ramirez 1999: 101). I also understand a stakeholder to be an individual or group who can 

affect or be affected by change in the socioeconomic system. 
15

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

15 social groups and 4 geographic subregions were identified (tables 1 and 2).13 All 

efforts were made to include several representatives of these social groups and subregions in the study sample. 

After the initial phase of key informant contacts, I conducted semistructured 

interviews with residents identified as tourism stakeholders or associated with 

various social groups and geographic subregions.14 As interviews progressed, 

demographic variables were tracked to ensure that residents with a wide range of 

backgrounds were represented in the sample15 (see tables 1 through 5). A significant concentration of interviews involved key actors in the tourism industry. Thirtyseven tourism industry owners and operators contributed information about the 

nature and structure of the tourism industry as well as potential impacts of tourism 

on community life (table 3). My goal was to include in the sample roughly one-third 

of all businesses involved in tourism. Some categories, such as tour operators, were 

more strongly represented than others because a major objective of this study was 

to understand tourism impacts on land and resource use, and tour operators were 

more likely to interact with natural resources. 

A semistructured interview format allowed effective comparisons among 

research participants. Interviews focused on understanding residents’ relationships 

with tourism, overall attitudes toward tourism and the tourism industry, perceived 

benefits and drawbacks of tourism, and the articulations between tourism, community life, and local resource use. Questions encouraged research participants to 

elaborate on the ways tourism impacted their lives personally and the community 

in general (see app.). A separate interview guide was used to interview persons 

involved in the tourism industry to include background information about their 

individual enterprises and to achieve an insider’s perspective on various tourism 

trends. Interviews typically lasted 1 to 2 hours and usually were held in public 

venues, such as restaurants, in local businesses, and in private homes. Several 

participants were interviewed four or five times either because their schedules 

13 The four geographic categories included Haines and Fort Seward, Mud Bay, Lutak Inlet, 

and Haines Highway (which included Covenant Life Farm, Mosquito Lake, and Porcupine). 

Although the geographic subregions represented isolated areas on a map, they also were distinguished by the social categories of people inhabiting them. In other words, a neighborhood 

might be emphasized because it is perceived that its residents share common values and not 

strictly because of spatial distinction. 

14 In many cases, there were overlaps in categories, thus one person may fall into more than 

one category. 

15 Sample characteristics included the following: nativity—nearly one-fourth of research participants (23 percent) were born and raised in Haines, with another 9 percent originally from 

another region of Alaska. Most research participants (68 percent) were reared out of state; 

sex—research groups were 35 percent female and 65 percent male; ethnicity—7 percent of 

research participants were Alaska Natives.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Table 1—Social groups in Hainesa

Unit Number

no. Category Description representedb

1 Commercial fishing Residents currently or previously involved in commercial fishing 8

2 Timber Residents currently or previously employed in the timber industry 6

3 Environmentalists Residents openly concerned with environmental issues; members 

 or leaders of local environmental groups 11

4 Business owners Owners of Haines businesses, not including tourism 12

5 Tourism industry Persons involved in tourism industry as a business owner or worker 

 (see breakdown in table 3) 37

6 Retirees Retired residents not formally involved in the labor force 5

7 Blue collar Residents who work in contracting, mechanic trades, technical trades 

 (nursing, child care, etc.) 6

8 Artists Residents involved in the creative arts 4

9 Alaska Native Chilkat or Chilkoot tribal members 5

10 Public officials Representatives from state, borough, or city offices 8

11 Young people Residents between the ages of 18 and 25 2

12 The farm Residents actively involved in the Covenant Life Farm, an intentional 

 Christian community near Haines 5

13 Education Residents involved in the schools, museums, and media institutions 7

14 Long timers Residents who have lived in Haines for 50 years or more or who are 

 second-generation (or more) Alaskans 19

15 Newcomers Residents who have lived in Haines 5 years or fewer 10

a

 These groups were identified as socially significant by initial key informants.

b

 Number represented means that the indicated number of people were included in the study. The total number represented actually 

exceeds the total number interviewed because residents may be considered a part of more than one social category. For example, one 

interviewee might be both an artist and a newcomer. 

Table 2—Geographic subregions of the Haines areaa

Unit Estimated populationb Percentage

no. Area Description (percentage and number) of sample

1 Haines and Fort Seward Downtown Haines (includes all 

 neighborhoods in the city limits) 78 (1,811) 59

2 Mud Bay Includes Mud Bay and Letnikof Cove 6 (137) 18

3 Lutak Inlet Includes Lutak Land Use Service Area 

 (ferry terminal to Lutak Inlet) 2 (39) 5

4 Haines Highway City limits to international border (Covenant 

 Life Farm (pop. 102) and Mosquito Lake 

 (pop. 221), but not Klukwan) 14 (323) 18

a

 Not in all cases was the residence of the interviewee known at the time of interview. 

b Population estimates for these areas come from the U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census (2000).
17

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Table 3—Breakdown of tourism industry interviews

 Number in Number

Type of tourism business Haines representeda

Tour operators (cultural, recreational, natural history, historical, and city tours) 21 13

Lodging (B&Bs, motels, hotels, lodges, cabins) 22 7

Attractions (museums, festivals, salmon bakes) 6 5

Galleries/gift shops 19 3

Transportation (air, water, or city taxi) 9 3

RV parks and camps 6 1

Charter fish/bear guidesb 13 2

Restaurantsc 7 3

 Total 103 37

a Several persons interviewed fell into one or more categories of tourism businesses, so the number interviewed is 

higher than the actual number of tourism industry participants in the study.

b Although several charter fish companies are owned by Haines residents, few operate actively in the Haines area. 

Some work out of Skagway, where the fish hatchery has enticed fish and fishermen. Others are fishing out of Icy Strait 

communities, such as Gustavus and Hoonah. Bear guides are active in the autumn months and were not included in this 

study.

c

 Restaurants, although benefiting significantly from the presence of visitors, are used extensively by local residents as 

well. A sizeable portion of restaurants are only open in summer (7 of 14), indicating a dependence on the visitors. Thus, 

seven restaurants are listed as “tourism industries” above.

Table 4—Percentage of research 

participants in each age category

Age category Participants

Percent

25 and younger 2

26 to 45 years old 33

46 to 65 years old 50

66 and older 15

Table 5—Percentage of residents in 

each timeframea

Years residing in Haines Residents

Percent

5 years or fewer 13

6 to 10 years 15

11 to 20 years 19

21 to 30 years 22

31 to 40 years 11

More than 40 years 18

a Both long-term residents and newcomers 

were included in the study. 

only permitted brief discussions or because they had so much information to share 

that multiple interviews were required. In addition to the formal interviews mentioned, information was obtained through less formal contacts. Sometimes these 

were 20- to 30-minute conversations in city hall, at the coffee shop, or at the auto 

mechanic’s garage. Many community members had key topics they wished to 

discuss casually and provided valuable insights. Information shared in these conversations also was systematically recorded and analyzed along with the more formal 

interviews. 
18

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Interviews were recorded in written notes rather than by audiotaping for several 

reasons. First, I wanted to cultivate a sense of trust and security in a highly charged 

political atmosphere (Schensul et al. 1999: 144). In addition, not all residents were 

comfortable supplying information that would be published through a government 

organization, as many residents felt that their comments would become part of the 

public record. Finally, many interviews were conducted in public places, such as 

restaurants, with challenging acoustics. Notetaking was deemed a better way to 

capture the words and sentiments of the individual. Handwritten interviews were 

then transcribed into a computer and coded based on content. Efforts were made to 

ensure that data were stored securely and that specific comments shared by research 

participants could not be traced back to the original speakers. 

In February 2001, a followup visit was made to Haines, and 11 followup interviews were conducted with key persons involved in tourism and community life. 

The purpose of this visit was to assess local attitudes and thoughts about tourism, 

given significant changes in the economic structure of tourism that had occurred 

since my original visit. Additional followup took place by telephone in July 2001 to 

understand changes in the 2001 tourist season. 

Other data sources—

Quantitative data also were collected to illustrate various community characteristics, including demographics, economic trends, visitation data, and subsistence 

harvest levels. Tax, budget, and employment information was collected at municipal offices, especially Haines Borough. The USDC Bureau of the Census, 

Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development, and U.S. Bureau of 

Labor Statistics provided demographic and economic information. The Alaska 

Commercial Fisheries Entry Commission summaries of commercial and charter fishing were useful in understanding longitudinal trends in local harvests and 

earning levels. Business license information was acquired through the Alaska 

Department of Community and Economic Development. Subsistence data were 

found at the Alaska Department of Fish and Game. The Haines Visitor Center and 

the United States Border Patrol contributed to an understanding of independent 

visitor trends. The Sheldon Museum featured a useful historical archives collection 

and a comprehensive oral history collection.16 And, the news archives of the radio 

station, KHNS, also proved helpful in the research (Pelto and Pelto 1978).

16 Hundreds of elders and community leaders have been interviewed over the last 10 years and 

these oral interviews are recorded and filed in the museum archives. 
19

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

This section describes the geography, cultural history, economy, and demography 

of Haines. I emphasize the historical development of the Haines economy, which 

led to many opportunists and settlers. I also explain the unique composition of 

Haines residents and the complex social geography that makes Haines a frequent 

site for conflict over use of natural resources. This section is important for understanding key social and economic trends shaping community life and for understanding factors that shape local identity. 

Physical Setting

Haines (population 2,392) is located in the Upper Lynn Canal on the peninsula 

that extends between the Chilkoot and Chilkat Inlets (figs. 1 and 2). The community is 129 km northwest of Juneau and 1247 km from Anchorage. The community lies 72 km from the Canadian border. Haines experiences a maritime climate 

featuring cool summers (7 to 15 °C) and mild winters (-8 to 2 °C), and an average 

of 153 cm of precipitation annually. Haines is one of three southeast Alaska communities connected to other parts of Alaska and Canada by road. Road access to 

the community is by the Haines Highway from Haines Junction (260 km), where it 

links to the Alaska Highway. Haines is about an 18-hour drive from Anchorage and 

a 4-hour drive from Whitehorse, Yukon Territory. Haines also is accessible by state 

and private ferry from Skagway and Juneau and by private marine vessel. Ferry 

travel from Juneau to Haines is about 4 to 5 hours. A small airport is terminal for 

private aircraft and several small air taxis from Juneau and other small communities. Foods and supplies generally arrive by barge from Seattle and other Pacific 

ports or are trucked in by ferry or via Haines Highway.

Cultural History 

Oral accounts relate that about 300 years ago, several Tlingit clans from the areas 

to the south (Stikine River, Nass River, Prince of Wales Island, and Kupreanof Island) came up the Lynn Canal to inhabit villages throughout the Chilkat, Chilkoot, 

Lutak, and Taiya Inlets, with the principal site at Klukwan, along the Chilkat River 

(Hope and Thornton 2000). Although disputed, scholars largely agree that today’s 

Chilkat and Chilkoot Tlingit were originally unified as the Chilkat Tlingit. Anthropologists and U.S. census takers visiting the area in the 1880s observed about 

1,000 residents in four villages: Kluckquaw (Klukwan), Katwaltu, Yondestuk, and 

Chilkoot. Other villages and camps belonging to the Chilkat tribe included Dyea, 

Skagway, Deishu, and Tanani (Goldschmidt and Haas 1998: 27). The Chilkat people developed and owned trade routes to the interior, where they traded surplus with 

their neighbors to the north—making them among the wealthiest of Tlingit peoples 

Section 2: Haines—A Community Profile
20

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

(Krause and Krause 1948, Mitchell 1997). Furs, salmon, and eulachon oil were 

traded for moose hides, ivory, and other interior commodities (Betts 1994, Goldschmidt and Haas 1998: 27, Krause 1956). Over time, a tremendous trade empire 

was established that linked California with the Alaska and Canada interior. When 

the Russians came to trade furs, they encountered well-defined and closely guarded 

trade routes, which later were used by gold seekers heading to the Klondike. Today, Chilkat people reside in Klukwan as well as Haines. Chilkoot residents live 

throughout the Haines Borough, and many own properties near Chilkoot Lake, an 

historical village site. Throughout history, Tlingit people have maintained a welldefined system for governing the use rights and land.1

Local Government

In 2000, the Haines area was administered under two distinct governments: the 

city of Haines and Haines Borough. Haines was incorporated in 1910 as a first-class 

city and merged with the former military post, Port Chilkoot, in 1970. The city provides water and sewer services and other public works, fire and police protection, 

and a boat harbor. In addition, the city coordinates several other functions through 

committees and subcommittees, including a visitor’s center.2 In 2000, the city collected a 4-percent sales tax for goods sold in the city. In the recent years, expanded 

boundaries of the city through annexations have increased the city’s tax base. 

Haines Borough was incorporated in 1968 as a third-class borough—the only one 

of its kind in Alaska. The third-class status meant that the borough had no authority to engage in comprehensive planning or zoning. Haines Borough included the 

1 Tlingit communities are divided into Eagle and Raven moieties, which further divide into 

several clans per moiety (Krause 1956, Oberg 1973). Clan leaders serve as the ultimate authority over distribution of user rights within each clan. Clans are further divided into houses and 

family groups, which also manage the use of special claimed areas. There were different types 

of properties: fishing territories and camps, hunting areas, and berrying grounds (Goldschmidt 

and Haas 1998: 27). These territories were highly prized and sometimes were a source of 

conflict among clans and between Tlingit peoples and their neighbors. The greater Chilkat territory includes Lynn Canal from Berners Bay and Sullivan Island northward to the Continental Divide. Chilkoot people claim historical ties to Lynn Canal, Chilkoot and Taiya Inlets, and 

streams to the mountains. Chilkat (Klukwan) people claim territory in the Chilkat Inlet, and 

rivers to the mountains. The Chilkat and Chilkoot peoples used their vast lands for all aspects 

of survival including food, shelter, clothing, and arts. Since European contact, the Tlingit have 

watched as others come in to use their lands and resources. Beginning in the early 1900s, Tlingit people began to pursue ways to gain access to traditional lands. With the Alaska Native 

Land Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971, Alaska Natives gave up their rights to future 

land claims and were offered a settlement by the U.S. government in the form of land and 

monetary compensation. Although they have retained their notions of territory, other agencies 

and actors are now responsible for managing much of the land in these territories.

2 In 2000–2001, other city committees included the planning committee, a tourism planning 

committee, the economic development planning committee, and a traffic and safety committee. 
21

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

city of Haines, Lutak, Chilkat Peninsula (Mud Bay), Excursion Inlet,3 and settlements along the Haines Highway4 with the exception of Klukwan.5

 In 2000, the 

Haines Borough Assembly was responsible for Haines public schools6 and community resources, such as the library, the Sheldon Museum, the Chilkat Center for 

the Arts, and the swimming pool. Haines Borough received a 1.5-percent sales tax 

on items purchased within the borough. Although comprehensive planning was not 

possible within the legal limits of the borough structure, planning occurred through 

neighborhood-based land use service areas, including one at Mud Bay and Lutak. 

Within the service areas, zoning recommendations were made, and commercial 

or industrial activities were subject to limitations. The separate city and borough 

governments were a source of conversation and contention among local residents, 

with considerable implications for tourism decisionmaking as will be described in 

section 3. In 2002, Haines voters agreed to merge city and borough governments 

into one government. 

Tribal members were represented by two organizations: the Chilkoot Indian 

Association (Haines) and the Chilkat Indian Village Association (Klukwan). In 

addition, chiefs of individual clans and houses assume leadership roles in local 

decisionmaking. Several residents explained that the tribal organizations were the 

political and economic entities representing Chilkat and Chilkoot people, whereas 

local chiefs of clan houses were instrumental in cultural and spiritual matters. 

Klukwan, Inc., the village corporation established with the Alaska Native Claims 

Settlement Act of 1971, represents shareholders and is key in shaping the Haines 

economy.7

Land Ownership

Haines, like other communities in Alaska, is characterized by a patchwork of 

public, private, and tribal land. The dominant land manager is the state of Alaska, 

with more than 161 874 ha surrounding Haines. State lands extend from Glacier 

3 Excursion Inlet is geographically and economically isolated from Haines and consists primarily of a packing plant owned by Ward’s Cove Packing that employs several hundred people 

during canning season. 

4 Haines Highway settlements include Porcupine, Mosquito Lake, Chilkat Lake, and Covenant 

Life Farm.

5 Klukwan (population 136) is part of the Skagway-Hoonah Borough (USDC Bureau of the 

Census 2000).

6 The Haines Borough Assembly, the elected body representing borough interests, also served 

as the school board. 

7

 Under the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971, native corporations were 

established to manage landholdings and assets of Alaska Natives. Thirteen regional corporations and hundreds of village corporations made land claims and received compensation for 

land taken from them by the U.S. government (ANSCA 1971).
22

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Bay National Park to the west, along the Canada border and to the Tongass National 

Forest lands near Skagway. The State Department of Natural Resources manages 

this land both under the Division of Forestry and the Division of State Parks, which 

includes the Alaska Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve. Most of the state land is located 

in the river valleys where human use is concentrated. The 109 265-ha Haines State 

Forest is managed under the 1984 Haines State Forest Management Plan (Alaska 

DNR 1984). The Alaska Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve represents an additional 

19 425 ha set aside for protection of bald eagle habitat. Other state-owned areas 

are managed by the Division of Parks, including Chilkat State Park, Chilkoot Lake 

State Park, Portage Cove State Recreation Area, and Mosquito Lake State Park. In 

addition, state lands owned by the University of Alaska and by Alaska Department 

of Mental Health are located throughout the Chilkat Valley landscape. Significant 

land was returned to state ownership as a prerequisite to Alaska statehood (Haycox 

2002). Several federal agencies also manage lands near Haines, including the Tongass National Forest along the Chilkoot Inlet, and the National Park Service, which 

manages Glacier Bay National Park to the west of Haines.

Haines is one community in southeast Alaska with significant private ownership. From the 1970s to 1990s, many state and borough lands were privatized to 

promote community and economic development. These transactions of land from 

public to private entities quickened the pace of development in the region. In addition, large-property owners throughout Haines subdivided their land and encouraged construction of single-family homes through private loans. The increased 

availability of developable land in Haines along with greater exposure of Haines in 

the media sparked a housing boom in the 1980s. In the late 1980s, the real estate 

company, Haines Land, appeared and marketed properties regionally and throughout the country. Another significant Haines landholder was Klukwan, Inc., which 

possessed land in and around the village of Klukwan as well as a site near Jones 

Point, where the former Tlingit village of Yendustucky was located. Klukwan, Inc., 

also owns a dock on Portage Cove. Finally, there were Native allotments throughout 

the Chilkat Valley, especially near the village of Klukwan and Chilkoot Lake. 

Haines’ Economic History 

The economic history of Haines resounds with the Alaska experience. The earliest 

known contact between indigenous people of the Chilkat Peninsula and Europeans 

began in 1794, when Captain George Vancouver explored Lynn Canal. Throughout 

the 18th century, Spanish, Russian, British, and American explorers and traders 

made contact with Chilkat and Chilkoot Tlingits and began to exchange goods. The 

Tlingits used their networks to the interior to trade European goods to Athabaskan 
23

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

and other peoples (Mitchell 1997). Haines grew as missionaries, miners, fishermen, 

and loggers arrived seeking ways to etch out a living on the Alaska frontier. The 

U.S. government was also key in shaping and stabilizing the local economy by 

constructing Fort Seward in 1902 and establishing the Haines-to-Fairbanks military 

pipeline in 1955. Because Haines is strategically located in Lynn Canal, the city 

became a vital transportation link, which has enhanced many industries, including 

mining and tourism. 

The first non-Native settler in Haines was an agent for the Northwest Trading 

Company who settled along Portage Cove. In 1879, a Presbyterian minister named 

S. Young Hall arrived with friend John Muir. During their visit, they received 

permission from the Chilkat to build a mission and school at the village of Deishu, 

which was established 2 years later by Eugene and Caroline Willard. The mission 

later was named the Haines Mission to recognize Mrs. F.E. Haines, a Presbyterian 

dignitary and the mission’s principal fundraiser. In 1882, George Dickenson opened 

a trading post next to the mission. Haines grew during the gold rush era in the late 

1890s owing to the ambition of Jack Dalton who used a Chilkat trading route to 

construct the Dalton Trail to the Klondike. The Dalton Trail provided a venue for 

a healthy fur trade and packing businesses beginning in 1894. By 1897, Klondike 

gold seekers began journeying up the Dalton trail to the Yukon, and Haines became 

a key supply area for the gold rush. Haines residents also experienced their own 

gold rush in 1898 when gold was discovered in nearby Porcupine (Hakkinen and 

Jones 1998). By the turn of the century, Haines had become a bustling center for 

mercantile activity.

Commercial fishing and seafood processing—

Commercial fishing and seafood processing (canning and packing) have long been 

part of the Haines economic and social history. The Chilkat Packing Company built 

the first cannery in 1883 on the Chilkat Inlet, and several canneries operated between 1889 and 1998 in Pyramid Harbor, Lutak Inlet, Paradise Cove, and Letnikof 

Cove. These canneries imported workers from China and the Philippines and hired 

many Tlingit women and men for seasonal work. The canneries were important to 

the overall development of the economy and community life of Haines. In 2000, the 

primary cannery was owned by Ward’s Cove Packing at Letnikof Cove. In addition, 

a large cannery exists in Excursion Inlet, contributing to the area tax base.8

8 The Ward’s Cove Packing Company also operates a large plant in Excursion Inlet, which 

is currently the borough’s largest employer, with an average of 169 employees in the fourth 

quarter, 1998. From July through September, an average of 460 employees worked in this 

facility. Although Haines Borough receives tax revenues from this plant, it is not a major 

source of employment for Haines residents. 

Commercial fishing and 

seafood processing 

have long been part of 

the Haines economic 

and social history. 
24

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Commercial fishing, especially gillnetting, has been a significant contributor 

to the Haines economy for more than a century, employing hundreds of area residents working as boat captains and crewmembers. Fishing, however, is a cyclical 

industry that depends on the health of the fishery, market factors, and international 

competition. After the fishing industry plummeted midcentury largely because of 

overfishing, the industry slowly regained strength. During the 1980s, a hardy fishing economy lured many fishermen from the lower 48 States who were attracted to 

the Alaskan lifestyle. Many of these newcomers were well educated and enjoyed the 

independence and financial rewards offered by fishing.9 Newcomers were woven 

into the social fabric of the community and mixed with loggers, miners, and homesteaders. Throughout the 1990s, the fishing industry was in subtle decline from its 

heyday of the 1980s. In 2000, 128 residents held commercial permits (down from 

a high of 146 in 1989) (Alaska Commercial Fisheries Entry Commission 2001).10

From 1980 to 2000, earnings from commercial fishing ranged from $2 to $8 million, with an annual average of $4 million (fig. 3). In 2000, high market prices, 

steady demand for roe, and abundant salmon made for a successful harvest, with 

each of the 27 fishers in the Haines Fisheries fleet netting up to $100,000 (Chilkat 

Valley News 2001j). Fishing remains an important part of the Haines economy, 

lifestyle, and folklore. Most long-time residents of Haines have participated in some 

aspect of commercial fishing as a skipper, crewmember, or cannery worker. 

The military and highway construction—

During the gold rush era of the 1890s, a boundary dispute arose between Canada 

and the United States. A U.S. military installation, known as Fort William Henry 

Seward11 was built south of Haines in 1904 to serve as a symbol of U.S. presence 

during the dispute and to quell conflicts arising among miners. Later renamed 

Chilkoot Barracks, the base was used as a training site and recreation facility during World War II. The fort served as an important economic boost to the Haines 

economy and to the social life of the community. Several eating and drinking 

establishments and stores emerged to meet demand from soldiers. The base was 

deactivated in 1946 and the 162 ha and 85 buildings were sold to a group of veterans who hoped to create a self-sustaining community. The city of Port Chilkoot was 

incorporated in 1956, and the new inhabitants precipitated the creation of a vibrant 

arts community in Haines with an emphasis on the restoration of Tlingit arts and 

9 This finding was based on interview data. 

10 The average number of permits owned by Haines residents from 1980 to 2000 was 134.

11 Seward was the U.S. Secretary of State who arranged for the purchase of Alaska from 

Russia in 1867.
25

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

culture (Snyder 1988). These families were responsible for founding the Alaska 

Indian Arts, the Chilkat Dancers, and the Chilkat Theater, catering to residents 

and also contributing to the growth of tourism in the 1960s. In 1970, Port Chilkoot 

merged with the city of Haines and developed as a residential and commercial area 

with hotels, gift shops, and the Chilkat Center for the Arts. In recent years, the fort 

has been a primary tourist attraction. 

Haines also served as the terminus for the Haines-to-Fairbanks military pipeline and a storage facility, which allowed for transmission of jet fuel to the Eilson 

Air Force Base in Fairbanks. The pipeline operated during the Cold War from 

1955 to 1971 and resulted in modest economic activity. A storage site for fuel was 

maintained through 1989 along Lutak Inlet. In 2000, the “tank farm,” as it is known 

locally, was the site of some controversy because of alleged chemical spills (Haas 

1992). Although responsibility for cleanup is being debated, many consider the area 

ripe for future industrial development. 

During the 1940s and 1950s, Haines was brimming with activity related to 

the construction of the 257-km Haines Highway connecting Haines with Haines 

Junction and providing routes to Fairbanks, Anchorage, Whitehorse, and points 

south. The road was improved for year-round use in 1963, greatly enhancing access 

from Haines to the Alaska interior. Today, Haines is well linked to the southeast 

Alaska economy and serves as an important connector to the Yukon and the Alaska 

Figure 3—Earnings of Haines commercial fishers in all fisheries (Alaska Commercial Fisheries 

Entry Commission 2001).
26

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

interior. As one of only three southeast Alaska communities with road access to the 

“outside,” 12 Haines benefits economically from the transportation and distribution 

of goods region-wide. The road system also provides a conduit for “rubber tire 

tourism” or people visiting the region by car, bus, or recreational vehicles. With 

improvements in the Alaska Highway, more visitors are making the trip to America’s last frontier. Although oil prices have curbed this trend in recent years, Haines 

remains poised to benefit from visitors connecting from the interior to the southeast 

Alaska ferry system. 

The timber industry—

In its early years, Alaska’s timber industry was dominated by small mills and logging operations fulfilling long-term contracts established in the 1950s with the 

Forest Service and other customers (Soderberg and DuRette 1988). Beginning in 

the 1970s, two large pulp companies, Ketchikan Pulp and Alaska Lumber and Pulp, 

dominated the regional timber market (Durbin 1999). A combination of antitrust 

litigation, environmental scrutiny, growing competition from international timber 

conglomerates, and sagging timber markets effectively reduced the timber industry in Alaska. By 1997, all the major mills in southeast Alaska had closed, including pulp mills in Ketchikan and Sitka, and a sawmill in Wrangell. The fate of the 

Haines mill had been sealed several years before this.

For more than 50 years, the timber industry drove much of the Haines economy. 

Economic and community life in Haines was significantly shaped by the timber 

industry, which because of its sheer magnitude had redefined Haines as a community of loggers and millworkers in the 1960s. As one long-time resident noted about 

the early days, “Either you cut ‘em down or you scraped them out of the ocean.”

The first timber mill was built in Haines in 1907 to support the fishing and mining 

industries. The lumber business picked up in 1939 when the Schnabel family built a 

sawmill at Jones Point.13 The timber industry was strong during the 1960s and 

early 1970s, with exports capping at 52 million board feet by 1968. Meanwhile, 

Alaska Forest Products opened another sawmill at Jones Point in 1965, which for 11 

years cut cants for the Japanese market. The timber conglomerate Alaska Lumber 

and Pulp acquired the Schnabel mill in the mid-1970s. In the early 1980s, the 

timber mills came under increasing attack from environmentalists. Bitter public 

debates between timber supporters and environmental advocates divided Haines. 

The litigation forced closure of the mill in 1983 until the case could be resolved. 

12 “Outside” is the term used by Alaskans in southeast Alaska to refer to places beyond 

Alaska’s borders.

13 The Schnabel mill burned down in 1961 but was rebuilt along Lutak Inlet in 1966 

(Menke 1997).

For more than 50 years, 

the timber industry 

drove much of the 

Haines economy.
27

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

The Schnabel mill resumed operation in 1984 under the ownership of Pacific Forest 

Products but closed the following year as a result of poor market conditions (Menke 

1997). In 1987, the Chilkoot Lumber Company purchased the mill and hired 55 

employees to process 35 million board feet (Menke 1997). By 1990, they were 

exporting up to 60 million board feet annually with approximately 150 employees—

14 percent of Haines total employment. In 1993, the mill was severely damaged in 

a storm; its demise meant the loss of hundreds of jobs and the outmigration of 

families. In 2000, a few small mills produced lumber for local construction, but 

the timber industry was virtually gone. 

The history of the timber industry is important for understanding the social 

and economic composition of Haines. For many decades, the mill and businesses 

supporting mill activity served as a significant economic engine for the community. Because of the power of the industry, Haines was effectively a company town, 

with mill owners exerting significant influence over community life. Beginning in 

the late 1960s, many loggers and millworkers immigrated to Alaska from Oregon, 

Washington, California, and other states altering the character of the community. 

Many brought with them young families and had become rooted in the community. 

Interview participants in this study described the period of Haines history from the 

1970s to 1990s as bustling with activity, and spiced with a bit of the wildness of the 

frontier. One resident explained, “[In the 1970s,] it was like the World Federation 

of Wrestlers around here.... There were three churches and six bars. Today, there 

are 3 bars and 13 churches.” Timber jobs were described as largely year-round 

positions, with regular work hours, steady paychecks, and often some benefits. 

Although jobs were steady during the good times, the timber industry experienced 

some turbulence, causing many residents to feel insecure about their own welfare 

and the economic fate of the community. The loggers and millworkers who came to 

Haines added to Haines’ reputation as a hard-working, “rough and tumble” town. 

Other economic sources—

A major boost to the economy was the growth of Klukwan, Inc., the village corporation for Klukwan established with the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act 

(ANCSA) of 1971. A stipulation of ANCSA was that local Native residents were to 

be awarded money and land allotments in return for their losses of land and lifestyle when the United States settled Alaska. Native corporations were established 

to encourage Native Alaskans to participate in the market economy and to promote 

development. Whereas most corporations selected lands near their village sites for 

economic and subsistence uses, some corporations selected land outside their home 

territory. In addition to significant landholdings in the Chilkat Valley, Klukwan, 

Inc., chose lands on Prince of Wales Island for timber harvest. Because of their 
28

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

business acumen and favorable market conditions, they achieved financial success 

from the sale of timber in the 1980s and 1990s. This success has resulted in dividends for Klukwan shareholders, which filtered into the Haines economy. It also 

allowed the company to develop other business interests. In 1997, Klukwan invested 

in the tourism industry, developing a rapid water taxi service between Haines and 

Skagway. Later, they built a restaurant and gift shop, and started tours to the eagle 

preserve. The success of Klukwan, Inc., has been a major boost for the Haines 

economy, where many shareholders live and do business. 

In the 1970s, the Alaska pipeline project also was a source of jobs for Haines 

area residents, many of whom left town to work on Alaska’s North Slope. As one 

resident noted, “In 1974, the pipeline came and everyone left town.” While pipeline 

jobs supported Haines families for about 5 years, the indirect benefits of Alaska’s 

oil industry also were evident. Alaska communities received pipeline impact funds 

to offset losses of workers moving north. In addition, revenues received by the state 

from the oil industry were transferred to communities, and many local municipal 

services were expanded and infrastructure projects were planned and completed. 

The pipeline was an important part of the employment history for many Haines 

residents who were young adults in the 1970s.

Another important contribution to the Haines economy occurred in 1990–91, 

when Hollywood came to Haines. Many scenes from the Disney Corporation 

production, White Fang, were filmed on a set built along the Chilkat Inlet, and 

hundreds of Haines residents were employed in construction, transportation, food 

preparation, and other support functions (Chilkat Valley News 1989a). For 1 year, 

the Haines economy benefited from an economic boost owing to the expenditures 

of people involved in production. According to oral history accounts, everyone who 

wanted to work was working that year, and many earned additional income renting 

their homes to members of the production team. In addition, some claim that White 

Fang “brought California to Haines” and provided a view of Haines to the rest of 

the world, thus sparking a growth of tourist interest and attracting a new breed of 

residents. According to oral accounts, several persons associated with the production subsequently invested in Haines or told their colleagues about the community, 

sparking a surge in real estate activity. Locally, many attributed the growth in national interest in Haines to exposure generated by the filming of White Fang. 

As timber declined in the mid-1980s, residents searched for new economic options. Haines had long been a destination for visitors by steamship. With construction of the highway and creation of the ferry system in the 1960s, Haines became 

accessible to independent travelers as well. Although visitors were increasingly 

common in Haines, up to this point, tourism had been promoted by a small segment 

As timber declined 

in the mid-1980s, 

residents searched 

for new economic 

options.
29

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

of the community. Because it was overshadowed by activity associated with the 

mill, tourism often was overlooked as being important to the local economy. In the 

1980s and 1990s, local efforts to develop the tourism industry resulted in significant 

economic activity from commercial tourism (cruise ships). Many local business 

owners benefited from tourism growth, and newcomers moved to the area to establish businesses. Some believed that tourism would help the community to weather 

economic uncertainties, whereas others maintained that tourism was threatening 

their lifestyle and the health of the ecosystem. The history of tourism in Haines is 

discussed in detail in section 3. 

Debating the future of Haines—

Beginning with the closure of the timber mills, a series of debates about the future 

of the Haines economy often pitted environmentalists against proponents of development. In 1982, a debate surfaced over the creation of the Alaska Chilkat Bald 

Eagle Preserve (Menaker 1991). Timber and mining proponents did not want to see 

the land “locked up” from development, whereas environmentalists sought protected habitat for eagles and other species. Meanwhile, some residents worried about 

losing access to subsistence resources. As people began to recognize the economic 

potential of the eagle preserve through tourism, a consensus was achieved and the 

19 425-ha Alaska Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve was created in 1984. Another wave 

of economic development debates soon followed. In 1983, a proposed state prison 

project in Haines inspired protests and the project was moved to Seward, Alaska 

(Lynn Canal News 1983a). In 1990, some members of the population fought the 

development of the Windy Craggy Mine in British Columbia—a project that would 

potentially have impacted the Tatschenshini and Alsek Rivers, but also would have 

brought jobs to the community in the transportation and mining industries. Amidst 

intense protests led by environmentalists and recreation users, the British Columbia 

government created a provincial park in the area, and the mine project was abandoned (Chilkat Valley News 1990). In 1995 and 1996, there was a debate about 

the outcome of a Forest Service environmental impact study allowing helicopters 

to land on Meade Glacier and other nearby glaciers and ice fields (Chilkat Valley 

News 1995). Opponents were concerned about the effects of flight-seeing tours on 

noise levels and wildlife habitat. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Haines residents 

with conflicting values and interests battled each other to determine the future identity of the community. Debates about the growth of “industrial scale” tourism in the 

form of cruise ships characterized the political climate in 1999 and 2000, incorporating many of the same arguments as previous discussions. In 2001, Haines again 

was polarized over the development of helicopter ski tourism in the Chilkat Range, 

weighing concerns about environmental and noise effects and the prospect of jobs 

Throughout the 

1980s and 1990s, 

Haines residents 

with conflicting 

values and interests 

battled each other 

to determine the 

future identity of 

the community.
30

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

and economic benefits. These debates have polarized the community and led to an 

atmosphere of dissent. 

Economy 

In 2000, the economy of Haines was largely derived from commercial fishing and 

tourism, with help from the construction and transportation industries. The economy showed signs of recovery after mill closures in 1991, with job growth in the service and retail sectors. Moreover, trends showed that a growing number of Haines 

workers were self-employed in the 1990s. An increase in property values indicated 

the growing popularity of Haines. Haines’ economy also was highly seasonal, with 

significant job growth between June and September. In addition to recovering from 

the loss of the mills, the community also faced declining contributions from the 

state of Alaska to municipalities because of a state budget crisis. 

Employment—

Haines employment fluctuated between 1990 and 2000. Compared to the rest of 

Alaska, Haines experienced higher than average unemployment rates (fig. 4), but 

the economy recovered from the decline in timber jobs. Employment climbed 

steadily from a low of 697 workers in 1992 (related to the mill closure in 1991) 

to 993 workers in 2000 (fig. 5); likewise, the unemployment rate has been gradually aligning itself with that of the state’s. In 1991, the unemployment rate was 15.1 

percent in Haines, compared to 8.4 percent in Alaska. By 2000, Haines’ unemployment rate was at 8.6 percent compared to 6.1 percent statewide (Alaska Department 

of Labor and Workforce Development 2000a).

Diversification—

Data show an increased emphasis on service-sector employment (table 6). In 1990, 

25 percent of the population worked in manufacturing jobs, which included both 

wood products and seafood processing, compared to 7 percent in 2000.14

Meanwhile, service industry employment grew from 11 percent in 1990 to 26 

percent in 2000 (Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development 2002). 

Most other sectors remained fairly consistent, with some fluctuation in construction. The earnings of Haines workers also confirm a trend toward a more diversified 

economy (table 7). In 1990, manufacturing contributed to 25 percent of wage and 

salary employment in Haines. In 1998, the share of manufacturing earnings fell to 

an estimated 17.3 percent. Although the service industries comprised a significant 

proportion of total jobs in 2000, the percentage of total wages remained lower than 

14 In 1998, most manufacturing jobs were in seafood processing, which took place outside 

Haines at Ward’s Cove. 
31

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 4—Unemployment rates in Haines and Alaska, 1990–2000 (Alaska Department of Labor and 

Workforce Development 2000a).

Figure 5—Haines Borough employment: 1987–2000 (Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce 

Development 2000a). 

for other sectors, demonstrating that service jobs were not as well paid as manufacturing jobs. Thirty-four percent of employees worked in the service industries, yet 

these workers accounted for just 24 percent of total wages. Similarly, the 20 percent 

of workers in retail or wholesale trade accounted for 17 percent of total wages. 
32

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Thus, retail and service jobs, although plentiful, contributed to a shrinking portion 

of total wages (retail and service sectors contained the bulk of tourism employees). 

Tourism employment was estimated at 131 in 1995, compared to 101 in 1990, 

showing the increasing importance of this sector (fig. 6).15 By 2002, 189 Haines 

jobs were in tourism (Fried and Windisch-Cole 2004).

Self-employed workers—

Another aspect of the Haines economy may be understood when trends in types of 

employment are examined: a growing percentage of Haines workers were selfemployed. Because of its scenic beauty and the quality of life Haines offers, the 

community is ripe for growth in telecommuting, independent consulting, and athome businesses. In 1970, 10 percent of workers were self-employed, compared to 

17 percent in 2000 (table 8). In the 2000 census, there were 30 jobs associated with 

the “information industry,” suggesting the presence of some high-tech workers in 

Haines.

Nonresident and seasonal employment trends—

An important aspect of the Haines economy is its seasonal nature. In 2000, Haines 

reflected a significant portion of nonresident workers. An estimated 43 percent of 

Haines workers were nonresidents in 2000, compared to a state average of 31 percent (Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development 2002). State trends 

showed that 21 percent of tourism workers in 2000 were nonresidents, including 55 

percent of tour guides (Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development 

2002). 

Table 6— Percentage of Haines workers by 

industry in 1990, 1995, and 2000

Industry 1990 1995 2000

Percent

Construction 4 7 6

Manufacturing 25 13 7

Transport, communications, 

 and utilities 19 19 16

Retail and wholesale trade 18 20 25

Finance, insurance, and real estate 2 2 2

Services 11 18 26

Government 19 20 19

Source: Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce 

Development, Research and Analysis Section (1997, 2000a).

Table 7—Total earnings by industry, 1998

Industry 1998 earnings

Dollars Percent

Construction 2,646,972 11.5

Manufacturing 3,978,621 17.3

Transport, communications, 

 and utilities 3,082,308 13.4

Retail and wholesale trade 3,317,056 14.4

Finance, insurance, and real estate 494,889 2.2

Services 3,527,030 15.4

Government 5,917,979 25.8

 Total 22,966,853

Source: Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce 

Development, Research and Analysis Section (2000a).

15

 This estimate of tourism employment was based on full-time equivalent. 

An important aspect 

of the Haines economy 

is its seasonal nature. 
33

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 6—Haines workers in resource and other industries (Allen et al. 1998).

Table 8—Status of Haines workers in 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000

Category 1970 1980 1990 2000

 Percent 

Private wage and salary 68 54 59 58

Government 23 31 21 24

Self-employed 10 15 19 17

Unpaid family 0 0 1 2

Source: USDC Bureau of the Census (2000).

Tourism depended on a labor force of seasonal workers. The employment categories in the tourism industry, including transportation, tour companies, retail, 

lodging, eating and drinking establishments, and recreation grew from an average 

of 251 employees the off season (October–April) to 616 employees between May 

and September (table 9). There also were a significant number of seasonal jobs in 

manufacturing from July through September with the temporary employment of 

cannery workers in Excursion Inlet.16 Other industries showed relatively stable 

employment throughout the year.

Income—

An investigation of recent income trends reveals that the per capita income in 

Haines has been slightly above the Alaska average since 1994 and was considerably 

higher in 1998 (fig. 7). An important source of income for Haines residents was the 

16

 An average of 460 cannery workers worked for these 3 months. 
34

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Alaska Permanent Fund dividend, which is an annual disbursement from the state 

to Alaska residents from oil-based revenues. In 2000, the permanent fund dividend 

was $1,963 per Alaska resident, including children (Alaska Permanent Fund 

Dividend 2001). In addition, Klukwan shareholders received annual dividends 

from corporate profits. 

Subsistence—

Subsistence represents an important component of the Haines economy. Native 

inhabitants of Haines have long relied on wild resources such as fish, wildlife, 

plants, and sea products for economic and cultural survival. This subsistence-based 

economy predated the introduction of a cash income in the 1700s. With the arrival 

of traders and merchants, Native economies transformed to blend aspects of subsistence-based and cash-based systems. Many non-Native residents continued to depend on subsistence use of wild resources as well as cash income. Based on a study 

by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, more than 97 percent of households 

used subsistence resources in 1996, and 91 percent of households actually harvested 

subsistence resources (Betts et al. 1998). Particularly during times of economic uncertainty, residents have relied on fish, game, and other wild resources. 

Table 9—Seasonal employment analysis in Haines

Type of employment: Jan.–April May–Sept. Oct.–Dec.

Average number of employees

Tourism-related employment:

 Local pass transit (transport) 3 13 4

 Water transportation (transport) 1 16 1

 Air transportation (transport) 75 125 101

 Eating and drinking (retail) 49 102 60

 Miscellaneous retail (retail) 45 102 46

 Hotels and lodging (services) 16 56 24

 Amusement and recreation (services) 24 202 53

 Total tourism 213 616 289

Other employment:

 Construction 39 80 49

 Retail trade (nontourism) 81 116 81

 Finance, insurance, and real estate 20 22 22

 Services (nontourism) 120 113 107

 Transportation (nontourism) 35 34 33

 Government 194 170 210

 Manufacturing 9 142 12

 Total other 498 677 514

Source: Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development (2000a).
35

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 7—Haines Borough per capita income, 1994–98. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau 

of Economic Analysis (from Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development 2000b).

“Patchwork” economy—

As with many rural Alaska communities undergoing economic transition, Haines 

residents often combined several income sources to get by. Interview data depicted the complex economic arrangements local households maintained, some of 

which were eluded to by standard economic studies. A schoolteacher might work 

as a deckhand on a fishing boat or as a raft guide in the summer. A seasonal logger also might work as a longshoreman. A building custodian may augment his or 

her income as a mechanic for a tour company. It was not uncommon for individual 

Haines residents to have three or more sources of income throughout the year and 

to supplement these income sources with subsistence resources. For many, piecing together a household income was viewed as the price to pay to live in Haines. 

Although some enjoyed the freedom of seasonal and part-time work, most indicated 

that they would relish a full-time, year-round source of income. As one lifelong 

resident lamented, “It’s what we have to do to get by. It’s hard on families with 

everyone going in different directions—especially in the summer when seasonal 

jobs are available.” Because tourism offers part-time employment and flexible 

hours, it has become an important component of this patchwork economy. 

Property values—

Beginning in the 1990s, Haines became popular as a home for retirees, summer 

residents, consultants, artists, and telecommuters. In addition, southeast Alaskans 
36

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

from other communities have built summer cabins in Haines for use as weekend 

getaways and retirement investments. There also was a seasonal influx of summer residents from the lower 48 States, particularly from the Northwest coast. As 

a result, residential property values escalated from 1991 to 2001, increasing an 

average of 6 percent annually. Total residential values of Haines Borough property 

nearly doubled from $89 million in 1991 to $167 million in 2001 (fig. 8). As residential property values increased, property taxes also rose until 2000, when Haines 

Borough artificially stopped raising residential assessments. For some, the increase 

in property taxes was difficult to bear. Moreover, some Haines residents chose to 

interpret the escalation in property tax as indicative of the changing nature of 

Haines from a working town to a high-end retirement community. As one mechanic 

and long-time resident of Haines noted, “It’s getting really hard to buy land here 

anymore. There are too many Californian types running around. They’re buying 

up all the land. We can’t afford to buy property any more. I’m lucky I got this place 

before this happened.” 

A 13-year resident of Mud Bay concurred, 

I’m worried about the growth. A lot of out-of-state people are moving 

here and people from other parts of Alaska. Land values have gone up 

a lot. We couldn’t afford to buy land today, much less build a house. It’s 

lucky that we both had land before the real estate boom. I don’t want 

Figure 8—Commercial and residential property assessments, 1991–2001 (from Haines 

Borough annual auditing report).
37

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

17 State municipal support figures from 1990 and 1991 showed a spike indicating increased 

municipal support to offset the closure of the sawmill and associated loss of local revenues.

18 Stumpage fees are awarded to communities whose lands abut the Tongass National Forest. 

Raw-fish tax is calculated based on the percentage of take among Haines fishers.

Haines to become like Hawaii, where there are lots of expensive vacation places, no residential homes, and where people don’t put much into 

community life. 

State contributions—

Another economic challenge faced by Haines residents has been the decline in 

economic assistance from the state of Alaska. In the 1970s and 1980s, Alaska was 

flourishing owing to tremendous oil revenues. Many public services were introduced and facilities constructed. Revenues from the raw-fish tax, stumpage fees, 

state oil earnings, and other sources helped to support the swelling local infrastructure, including the museum, the library, the cultural center, the schools, and the 

swimming pool. 

The gradual decline of oil revenues and subsequent declines in state contributions to Alaska communities together led to a budget deficit for many municipalities. Total contributions to Haines Borough for both general funds and special 

funds, such as museums, schools, the arts center, and other earmarked designations 

declined between 1983 and 1999 (fig. 9). In 1983, 88 percent of the Haines Borough 

budget came from state sources compared to 40 percent in 1999. The state municipal assistance program also declined from a high of $145,000 in 1982 to roughly 

$20,000 in 1999 (fig. 10).17 Moreover, the declining contributions from stumpage 

fees and unpredictable flows of raw-fish taxes to Haines Borough coffers proved a 

budgeting challenge18 (fig. 11). Although the fish tax showed overall growth from 

1976, the contribution of timber to the local economy had been unpredictable. By 

the late 1990s, Haines municipal officials began searching for other sources of 

revenue to make up for these losses. Tourism was viewed as one way to contribute 

to municipal tax rolls. In 2000, a tax measure was passed by Haines area voters to 

implement a 4-percent tax on beds and tours. Without these revenue sources, many 

felt that the museum, art center, schools, library, and other local services would be 

at risk. Communities such as Haines were finding it difficult to maintain the quality 

of these services with public funds. 

Population and Demography

An examination of population and demographic trends since 1970 suggests the 

changing relation between the community and the timber industry in Haines. In 
38

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Figure 9—State contributions to Haines Borough (from Haines Borough annual auditing reports).

Figure 10—State municipal assistance funds (from Haines Borough annual auditing reports).
39

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 11—Haines Borough receipts for stumpage fees and raw-fish tax (from Haines Borough 

annual auditing reports).

2000, the estimated population of Haines Borough was 2,392, with 1,811 residing 

in city limits (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000). Sharp increases in the Haines 

population began around 1970, when the area gained more than 300 new residents, 

many of whom worked in the timber industry. From 1970 to 2000, the population 

grew an average of 2.3 percent annually (fig. 12). School enrollment data showed 

an increase in student population from 1965 to 1974 when it peaked at 570 students. 

School enrollment declined sharply through 1984 but increased modestly throughout the 1990s. These enrollment trends mirror the ebb and flow of the timber industry and reflect overall growth trends in recent years (fig. 13).

In addition to overall population growth, the composition of Haines changed. 

Demographic data suggested that Haines residents were growing older, with fewer 

school-age children in the population. Since 1970, Haines residents were more 

educated, with a higher proportion of them moving from outside Alaska. In addition, an increasing proportion of Haines residents were non-Native. Other evidence 

suggests that a growing number of residents were seasonal, including many retirees, 

who enjoy Haines’ temperate climate, senior services, and access to health care. 

Aging population—

Several demographic trends show that the community is aging. First, median age 

for the population in 1970 was 25.5 compared to 40.7 in 2000, significantly older 
40

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Figure 13—School enrollment in Haines Borough School District, 1955–2000 (Haines Borough 

public schools).

Figure 12—Population trends in Haines Borough, 1940–2000 (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000).

than the state average of 32.4 (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000). Further analysis 

of age distribution in Haines shows that the proportion of citizens over age 65 increased from 6 percent in 1970 to 10 percent of the total population in 2000 (fig.14). 

In 2000, the proportion of residents over 65 in Haines was nearly double that of 

Alaska (5.7 percent) (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000). Inversely, the proportion 

of persons under 25 years decreased from nearly 50 percent of the population in 
41

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 14—Age distribution of Haines residents, 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000 (USDC Bureau of the 

Census).

1970 to 31 percent in 2000. These demographic changes reflect the out-migration 

of workers in the timber industry, which was dominated by workers under the age 

of 30. The aging trend also may demonstrate the influx of retirees to the community. In 2000, 17 percent of Haines households received some portion of their income 

from retirement sources, and 21 percent relied on social security as a source of income (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000). 

Higher education levels—

Education levels of Haines residents have increased over time (fig. 15). In 2000, 

58 percent of residents completed some college training compared to 21 percent 

in 1970. The number of residents with less than a high school education dropped 

from 54 percent in 1970 to 11 percent in 1990. This shift also reflects the decline in 

loggers and millworkers, who tended to have fewer years of formal education than 

the economic migrants of the 1990s. 

Decline in proportion of Alaska Native residents—

In 2000, the Haines Borough was predominantly white (82.5 percent) and Alaska 

Native (11.5 percent). The proportion of Alaska Native residents declined slightly 

from 13.2 percent in 1990, reflecting the in-migration of non-Native residents. This 

figure does not include the 136 Native residents of Klukwan, who interact significantly with the social and economic life of the community. 
42

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Population stability—

In spite of an impression that Haines experienced an influx of newcomers in the 

1990s, population figures show that Haines residents have become increasingly 

sedentary in the last 30 years. Census data show that the most significant shift in 

demographic composition occurred between 1970 and 1980. In 1970, 56 percent 

of Haines residents were born in Alaska, but this number dropped to 34 percent 

in 1980 with the influx of loggers and millworkers. Since 1980, the number of 

Haines residents born in Alaska has been fairly constant around 30 percent (fig. 16). 

Moreover, residency data show that the proportion of newcomers to Haines declined between 1970 and 2000. In 1970, 47 percent of Haines residents had moved 

from other parts of Alaska or the United States in the previous 5 years. This figure 

dropped to 28 percent by 2000, demonstrating that the influx of new residents had 

slowed (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000, 1990, 1980, 1970). In other words, one 

of four Haines residents in 2000 had moved to the community in the previous 5 

years, compared to one in two in 1970. 

Seasonal residents—

A significant portion of the Haines population was comprised of seasonal residents 

in 2000. Precise figures are difficult to obtain, but two measures confirm this trend. 

The Haines Borough Public Library issued more than 293 new “temporary library 

cards” between April and September 2000. Although some of these cards were issued to visitors passing through town, most were given to summer residents. Also, 

the U.S. Postal Service office in Haines reported an additional 160 households who 

received mail in the summer—showing a 10-percent increase in box holders from 

Figure 15—Highest level of education completed (USDC Bureau of the Census 2000).
43

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

the winter. Although one box is likely to be shared by a family or a group of seasonal workers, these data points provide a conservative estimate about the number of 

additional summer residents, which was somewhere between 160 and 300 people. 

Other Community Characteristics

Although population and demographic trends attempt to measure changes in 

Haines, they reveal little about the character of its people. During interviews over 

several months, I learned how inhabitants described themselves and their lifestyles 

and how they differentiated themselves from the rest of the world. I learned about 

the qualities they take pride in and the facets of community life that many seek to 

change. Although I hesitate to categorize local character after such a brief encounter, several traits associated with Haines have become important to local identity 

and frame subsequent community narratives.

Interviewees readily referred to a spirit of self-reliance among Haines residents 

who must endure long winters, often in remote or rustic dwellings. At the same 

time, the compelling need for cooperation was acknowledged, as many tasks, such 

as home building or repair, cannot be completed (gracefully) alone. By choice or by 

necessity, Haines residents are multitalented and resourceful. I heard many stories 

about how, because of the lack of services and products available, someone had 

to jerry-rig a boat or car, improvise an architectural design, or go without a dishwasher. The lack of professional services immediately available has made someone 

Figure 16—Nativity of Haines residents, 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000 (USDC Bureau of the Census).
44

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

in nearly every household an amateur plumber or electrician. Bartering remains a 

fairly common form of economic exchange, as residents with diverse skills help one 

another. Until the 1990s, when daily ferry service to Juneau began and major grocery and supply stores moved to the area, residents relied on mail-order catalogues 

and their own creativity to augment the offerings of local merchants for clothing 

and household items. 

Over the years, but especially in the 1970s and 1980s, Haines attracted many 

newcomers who opted to shun the urban or suburban lifestyle. Many newcomers 

sought a routine free of commercialism and the trappings of an increasingly suburbanized society found in other parts of the United States. Others had grown up 

working in rural, resource-based industries like fishing and logging and were comfortable with small-town life. Until 1980, “real-time” television was not available in 

Haines, which meant that the residents learned to live without instantaneous access 

to American media and popular culture. Although cable and satellite television and 

Internet services were commonplace in 2000, many still deliberately adhered to 

the values of a more simple life. Homeowners on remote tracts of land outside city 

limits relied on generators, outhouses, and sophisticated water catchments; they 

burned their own garbage and eschewed in-home telecommunications. In the late 

1990s, improvements in transportation and telecommunications meant that Haines 

had become more similar to the rest of the country. Because of improvements in local infrastructure and the availability of goods and services, newcomers to Haines 

in the 21st century need not share these same “pioneer” values held by earlier settlers and inhabitants. Armed with computers and modems instead of chain saws and 

toolboxes, these new residents are changing the face of Haines and causing longtime residents to reconsider what it means to be an Alaskan.

Writers like Dan Henry (1997, 1999) and Heather Lende (2000) have reflected 

on the community’s resilience in the face of economic turmoil and their incredible 

capacity for compassion. Indeed interviewees frequently told stories about events 

that brought the community together and how residents put aside differences to aid 

one another in crisis. These same writers and local storytellers also described a bitterness that divides Haines residents, especially when dealing with key decisions 

that will likely shape the city’s economic future and quality of life. According to 

many residents interviewed, the roots of such acrimony lie in the conflicting interests of diverse residents who have made Haines home for different reasons. Although some have chosen Haines primarily because of the natural beauty and rural 

lifestyle, others were drawn to Haines because of jobs in the resource-based industries, such as fishing, timber, and mining. When attempts are made to develop industries that threaten natural resources, these interests seem to clash. Indeed, many 

Over the years, but 

especially in the 

1970s and 1980s, 

Haines attracted 

many newcomers 

who opted to shun 

the urban lifestyle.
45

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

public meetings I witnessed were wrought with tension that was both personal and 

political. These issues are addressed further in section 4 in the context of tourism. 

Finally, Haines may be distinguished from other small southeast Alaska communities by its appreciation for the arts. The natural beauty of the area has inspired 

generations of artists, musicians, and writers who share their talents and aesthetic 

values with other members of the community. Haines schools had a statewide 

reputation for their programs in drama, musical theater, and fine arts. The number 

of talented people in such a small, faraway place never failed to amaze me. The 

emphasis on the arts differentiated the community from several of its neighbors 

and shaped the values, skills, and interests of its residents.

Conclusion

Like many Alaska communities, Haines has been the locus for the production of 

many resource-based commodities, including gold, fish, and timber. The cyclical 

nature of these industries means that the community tends to thrive during some 

periods and struggle during others. Over the years, Haines has been able to maintain its economic base owing to the presence of government and military facilities 

and projects and federal highway construction. During construction of the Alaska 

pipeline in the 1970s, many Haines residents worked temporarily at the North Slope 

or at points along the pipeline. Historically, jobs in Haines were in fishing, timber, 

retail, and transportation. The closure of the last sawmill in 1991 signaled a significant shift in the Haines economy away from manufacturing jobs and toward an increasing involvement in the service sector—mirroring national trends. Tourism has 

become an important part of the economy, with between one-tenth and one-fifth of 

Haines residents working in tourism. Moreover, a growing portion of the labor market was self-employed, including artists and consultants, whose income may not be 

directly linked to Haines. Demographic and economic trends also suggest that there 

has been a change in community composition and economic structure in Haines. 
46

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612
47

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

This section describes the development of tourism in Haines, demonstrating the 

changing relations between Haines and the tourism industry. First, I discuss the 

history of tourism development in Haines up to the expansion of the Port Chilkoot 

dock. Next, I examine changes that took place in Haines tourism subsequent to the 

dock expansion that led to the dominance of the cruise industry. Then, I provide an 

overview of the Haines tourism industry in 2000, noting trends both in cruise-based 

and independent tourism. I follow with a discussion of tourism issues that fueled 

public debates and drove policy up through 2000. The section concludes with a brief 

discussion of the decision by the cruise industry to drop Haines from its itinerary 

in 2001. The story of Haines tourism illustrates the complex dynamics among local 

participants, global economic forces, and the tourism industry as it affects community life and the local economy. 

The Early Years

Since early explorers first met the Chilkat people in the 1700s, Haines has been 

an attraction to a variety of travelers. The first official tourist to Haines is often 

considered to be Secretary of State William H. Seward, who accompanied George 

Davidson to the Chilkat Peninsula in 1867 to observe a solar eclipse (Hakkinen and 

Jones 1998). In 1879, John Muir visited the Davidson Glacier and documented his 

observations for eager readers (Nash 1981). He inspired others, including travel writer Eliza Scidmore, who came aboard the steamer Idaho in 1883, and found Tlingit 

venders selling “miniature totem poles and canoes, pipes, masks, forks and spoons” 

to “...eager curio-seekers who snatched at his shining wares” (Scidmore in Hakkinen and Jones 1998). Scidmore (1896), who penned one of Alaska’s first comprehensive travel books, drew many travelers to southeast Alaska throughout the late 

19th century. 

Steamship travel dominated Alaska tourism through the 1930s. Summer runs 

to Alaska began in the 1880s with the Pacific Coast Steamship Company, which in 

1890 brought 5,000 passengers on its “Inside Passage Tour,” stopping in Juneau, 

Glacier Bay, Sitka, and sometimes Haines (Hinckley 1965, Norris 1985). In 1899, 

an earthquake in Glacier Bay slowed traffic there until the mid-1950s because of 

the congregation of dangerous ice, thus increasing steamship activity along Lynn 

Canal. Haines was especially popular beginning in 1903, when passengers began regularly traveling to Davidson Glacier along the Chilkat Inlet (Norris 1985). 

Throughout the early 1900s, five other steamship companies brought passengers 

north from Seattle, Portland, and San Francisco, including Alaska Steamship Company, which enjoyed the longest legacy of Alaska travel (McDonald 1984, Norris 

1985). The first hotels in Haines were built in 1907 and 1916 to accommodate the 

Section 3: The Evolution of Tourism in Haines
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

growing interest in mining and the trickle of sea travelers. A 1912 travel article 

about Haines described the potential for riding a stage up the Chilkat River to 

enjoy the scenery, observe prospecting at Porcupine, and buy “curios” in Kluwan 

(Birkenbine 1912). The overall lack of tourism infrastructure inhibited early tourism development. In these early days, tourists spent a limited amount of time on 

shore, and local businesses did little to cater to the tourist trade (Norris 1985). Furthermore, early Alaska tourism largely was an activity of the elite, who often were 

kept separated from local residents. 

Beginning in the 1940s, the potential of tourism as a viable source of Alaska 

economic development gained recognition. The territorial governor, in 1945, announced that tourism should be encouraged to promote economic growth (Norris 

1985: 30). In 1946, Haines tourism was given a boost when five families, who purchased the decommissioned Chilkoot Barracks, transformed the former army post 

into a self-sufficient community. A gift shop, gallery, and crafts shop were built in 

part to cater to prospective travelers arriving by steamships and later ferries, such 

as Steve Homer’s Blue Star. Residents of Haines during those early years recalled 

the excitement that accompanied steamship visits that brought passengers, mail, 

and supplies to town. Local children carried suitcases to the hotels, and workers 

often left their regular posts to help put plywood over the holes in the dock or to 

escort guests to town. Every able adult helped to unload and distribute the ship’s 

supplies (McDonald 1984). Many residents, including children, sold homemade 

trinkets such as rabbit skins and authentic Native arts. 

Haines as an Emerging Destination

Efforts to cultivate Haines as an arts community began in the 1960s, and the city 

has since become a growing destination for visitors. Karl Heinmiller, an enterprising and civic-minded founder of Port Chilkoot, initiated several arts programs that 

transformed the community. In 1957, he organized the Chilkat Dancers, which 

began as a Boy Scout project, but later became a community institution that continued into 2000. Local Native and non-Native children learned Tlingit songs and 

dances, which they performed throughout the Nation and for audiences of visitors during summer. In addition, Heinmiller, along with the Gregg family and 

others, was instrumental in developing a program to revitalize the artistic tradition of Alaska Natives, especially carving. In 1964, they received a federal grant 

to support arts education initiatives, which led to the Alaska Indian Arts Center. 

Visitors learned about Tlingit art forms and purchased works by local artists. In 

addition, the Chilkat Center for the Arts was renovated in 1967 to cater to local 

theater performances and a thriving theater company was born. From 1980 to 1992, 
49

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

one major Haines attraction was the theater production “Lust for Dust,” a spoof 

on Haines history. Several performers were offspring of the original Fort Seward 

founders who had been among the first residents interested in tourism. During these 

years, Haines’ reputation as a viable arts community swelled. Brochures advertising 

Haines emphasized the Chilkat Dancers, the theater performances, Tlingit carvers, 

and non-Native artists. As testimony to its identity as an arts destination, Haines 

was featured in a 1987 Travel-Holiday article, “Artists Prefer Haines,” which noted 

that the community highlighted the works of more than 40 resident artists (Eppenbach 1987).

Transportation improvements and statewide marketing efforts spurred the 

growth of tourism in Haines. Ferry service was enhanced in 1963, when the Alaska 

Marine Highway system was established, bringing independent visitors to Alaska 

including backpackers, climbers, river rafters, and motorists. The same year, road 

access improved, linking Haines to the Al-Can (Alaska) Highway. Subsequently, in 

the 1960s and 1970s, Chuck West’s company, Westours, operated in Haines bringing three small cruise ships to town.

1

 Passengers either sailed from Vancouver, 

B.C., to Haines, where they met a bus to Anchorage or bussed down from Anchorage and met the ship in Haines. Visitors stayed at the Hotel Halsinglad, in the 

renovated Port Chilkoot, and took part in a salmon bake and many cultural activities (West 1993). Haines also benefited from an overall increase in state marketing, which sought to capitalize on the frontier fantasies of Americans (Cuba 1987: 

134). In 1950, the Alaska Visitor’s Association (AVA) was formed as a collection of 

tour operators who combined efforts to market Alaska. When Alaska was granted 

statehood in 1959, growth in tourism was sparked and a new state tourism agency, 

known later as the Division of Tourism, was established to market the vast resources of the state (McDowell Group 1991). 

In the mid-1970s, cruise-based tourism to Haines faltered when Westours was 

purchased by a cruise conglomerate, Holland America, and the land connections 

were moved to Skagway. In 1979, the completion of the Klondike Highway, which 

connected Skagway to Whitehorse, drew even more of the tourist industry to Skagway, which capitalized on its gold rush history. While Skagway aggressively promoted tourism, the number of cruise ship stops in Haines dropped from 62 in 1974 

to zero by 1978. Clearly, Haines cruise tourism was “dead in the water.” 

In spite of the setbacks in cruise ships, Haines became known as a destination 

for adventure travelers during the 1970s, especially climbers, white water enthusiasts, and game hunters. In 1977, Sobek, a national rafting company, began running 

1 Westours owned and operated three ships: Glacier Queen, Yukon Star, and the West Star.

Transportation 

improvements and 

statewide marketing 

efforts spurred the 

growth of tourism 

in Haines. 
50

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

river trips on the remote Alsek and Tatshenshini Rivers in nearby British Columbia (Lynn Canal News 1980). As one former Sobek guide described, “When I first 

moved here in 1976, there was virtually no tourism. No one talked about tourism. 

We started running trips quietly in 1977. We had to lay low as the atmosphere was 

pretty hostile.” One early river guide described how he attended a public meeting 

in 1978 to discuss the economic future of Haines. When he suggested tourism be 

considered an option for stimulating the local economy, his comments were met 

with a combination of skepticism, amusement, and disregard. The following year, 

he started his own tour company, with one vehicle and one raft. Over the years, this 

company grew rapidly, doubling its volume annually throughout the 1980s (interview no. 24). Still, tourism was not widely recognized as a significant industry in 

Haines. As a former tourism director noted, “Going back to the 1970s and 1980s, 

there wasn’t much interest in tourism. Just a few people were involved.” 

Public Investment in Tourism

Tourism received a boost in the 1980s when Haines residents came together to pursue economic opportunities to offset losses in timber jobs. The 1980s represented a 

period of infrastructure improvements to accommodate visitors and the beginning 

of public investment in the tourism industry.2 Statewide, tourism was jump-started 

when revenues from the Alaska pipeline began funneling to state coffers. The state 

tourism budget increased from $2 million in 1980 to $8 million in 1983, and Alaska 

was marketed as a premier destination (McDowell Group 1991). To spark local interest in tourism, 12 Haines residents started the Haines chapter of the AVA in 1979 

(Lynn Canal News 1979). The Haines AVA developed brochures, distributed buttons, cleaned up the streets, and staffed a small visitor’s center. This organization 

was vital for keeping the tourism momentum going. In 1981, the city hired its first 

economic development specialist, who happened to have significant background in 

the tourism industry. A new focus on marketing Haines ensued, and the city successfully wooed at least one major cruise line away from Skagway by eliminating 

docking fees (Lynn Canal News 1982). That same year, the city built public bathrooms and began investigating the need to expand the city-owned Port Chilkoot 

dock to accommodate cruise ships. 

In 1983, a position of “tourism director” replaced the economic development 

specialist, and Chip Waterbury was hired. Waterbury’s role was significant in 

2 This growth in tourism infrastructure coincided with an increase in state and municipal 

budgets owing to oil revenues from the North Slope. Other infrastructure improvements were 

made at this time including roads, public works, and public facilities such as the library and 

the museum.
51

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

developing Haines’ tourism because he worked actively to generate enthusiasm 

and improve expertise in the business community by offering training sessions 

related to the hospitality industry. He also sought to attract cruise ships to Haines 

and worked with city officials to market the community. In 1983, Waterbury and 

the city mayor traveled to Seattle and Los Angeles to market Haines as an attractive cruise destination and attended travel shows to advertise Haines (Lynn Canal 

News 1983b). He and his staff also worked to improve local infrastructure, including a visitor center in 1984. In 1987, city voters passed a 1-percent tax, raising about 

$300,000 to pay for tourism promotion and infrastructure development, including 

$1 million in dock improvements. Throughout the 1980s, Haines’ municipal, civic 

and business leaders appeared unified in their efforts to bring tourists to Haines. 

Tangible efforts by the city government to increase tourism were evident during 

this period. 

Because of these efforts, several cruise ships owned by Royal Caribbean and 

Exploration Cruises docked in Haines during the 1980s. Ships typically anchored 

at the Lutak dock, about 8 km from downtown, and lightered passengers to shore 

on small boats. Passengers walked on wood planks (and sometimes through the 

mud) and were taken downtown in buses. By the mid-1980s, several local residents 

offered bus and van tours, expanding local involvement in the budding tourism 

industry. One tourism enterprise, Hotel Halsinglad, was especially instrumental 

in contributing to the professionalism of Haines tourism as well as building an 

integrated tourism infrastructure. Along with the hotel, the Halsinglad operation 

included a successful bus tour company, a salmon bake, restaurant, and bar. In the 

early 1980s, about 20,000 to 30,000 cruise passengers found their way to Haines, 

resulting in the growth of many small businesses. Tourism peaked in 1985 when 

Exploration Cruise Lines increased their Haines dockings.3 However, the community was soon to feel the impact of cruise economics when Exploration Cruises 

announced bankruptcy in 1989 and cruise traffic to Haines was reduced from 100 

cruise ship dockings in 1988 to 20 in 1989 (Chilkat Valley News 1989c). The experience of losing a major cruise line would be repeated in 2001.

Based on these local and statewide tourism efforts, the number of independent visitors arriving in Haines also increased. A favorable economic climate drew 

weekend visitors from Canada and Juneau. Recreational vehicles (RV) and other 

auto traffic also increased throughout the 1980s, owing to improvements in the 

Alaska Highway and better connections with the Alaska Marine Highway system. 

In 1986, two RV parks were built in Haines to meet the demands of campers and 

3 Anecdotal evidence suggests that 60,000 visitors arrived by cruise ship in 1985.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

motorists driving up the Alaska Highway, arriving by ferry, or crossing the mountains from Canada. Four more private campgrounds appeared in subsequent years. 

In 1979, Alaska State Parks reported about 4,000 campers in Haines area campgrounds, and in 1983, 10,000 ventured into the Sheldon Museum (Sheldon Museum 

2000). Public investments and private initiatives together worked to spark a budding tourism industry. 

Many small tour companies began providing adventure and sightseeing city 

tours in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Between 1985 and 1993, at least six small 

companies were providing recreation-based tours to cruise visitors in Haines and 

bus tours around town, including rafting, pontoon boats, jet boats, guided nature 

tours, and kayak trips. The growing national prominence of the eagle preserve 

added to the value of Haines as a marketable tourist destination and an ideal locale 

for land-based tours. A 1992 study showed that two Haines attractions were on the 

“Top 10 List” of tourist destinations in southeast Alaska: the Chilkat Dancers and 

the Alaska Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve (McDowell Group 1993). In addition to 

adventure tours, there also was an increase in small companies providing bus or 

van tours of local attractions. According to one former tour operator, “By 1990, it 

seemed like everyone over the age of 12 was driving a tour bus. ... The atmosphere 

became extremely competitive.” 

Community support for tourism swelled after the closure of a second lumber 

mill in the early 1990s, when 150 more employees lost their jobs. As one former 

tourism director observed, “Some people involved in the timber industry started saying, ‘What is this tourism thing?’ The changing economy led to a greater 

willingness to consider tourism and a greater tolerance.” In the early 1990s, many 

business owners were looking for ways to capture a greater piece of the cruise ship 

market. At the same time, the city suffered a blow from the Exploration Cruises 

bankruptcy. A Tourism Task Force convened to rally support for the tourism industry and target cruise ships and identify tourism infrastructure needs. This group 

highlighted the need to expand the Port Chilkoot dock, develop attractions, and create a transportation and service infrastructure to accommodate large-scale cruise 

ship customers (Chilkat Valley News 1989b). By 1990, cruise tourism had regained 

lost ground; 58 ships carrying 27,000 passengers docked in Haines that year. 

During the early 1990s, several local tourism businessmen convinced local 

politicians to invest further in tourism and secure $1 million in state funding for 

an expanded dock to accommodate still larger cruise ships. These business owners lobbied local public officials about the importance of attracting cruise visitors 

to Haines. Local officials believed that the dock would attract large cruise ships 

Many small tour 

companies began 

providing adventure 

and sightseeing city 

tours in the late 1980s 

and early 1990s. 
53

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

already passing Haines en route to Skagway, which by 1994 was entertaining more 

than 200,000 cruise visitors. An improved dock also would allow ships to tie up 

along the dock, rather than having to anchor offshore and lighter passengers to town 

by boat. Many felt that expanding the dock would improve the likelihood that passengers would get off the ships and visit the community. With little opposition, the 

voters approved a $1.5 million bond, obligating the city to pay for the expansion of 

Port Chilkoot dock. In 1995, the dock expansion and improvements were complete, 

and the first large cruise ships began to dock in Haines. 

The Growth of Cruise-Based Tourism

When large cruise ships began to visit Haines, the community furthered its involvement in a global industry. Community members became more aware that they were 

now part of a broader structure of decisionmaking that weighed and rationalized 

global economic trends, leisure travel preferences, regionalized marketing schemes, 

and port quality in making corporate decisions. Haines also experienced a surge 

of secondary tourism development that resulted in new businesses and the rapid 

expansion of existing ones. As the industry evolved, the success of these local businesses became increasingly tied to economic relations with the cruise industry. 

The larger cruise lines became interested in Alaska waters beginning in the 

mid-1970s, when Holland America purchased Westours. Between 1975 and 1979, 

Holland America/Westours intensified its commitment to Alaska, and in the years 

to follow, rival cruise lines such as Princess Cruises, Norwegian Cruise Lines, and 

Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines would place their ships in Alaska’s waters. By 1983, 

nearly 100,000 visitors were coming by cruise ship to Juneau and Ketchikan, and 

10 years later, this number would triple. In the mid-1980s, Skagway upgraded its 

dock to accommodate large ships, and by 1996, they were rivaling Ketchikan and 

Juneau with nearly 300,000 visits. Throughout the 1990s, Sitka also remained a 

popular destination, attracting between 100,000 and 200,000 visitors annually. By 

1999, Alaska had become the third most popular cruise destination in the world and 

was growing at a rate of 10 percent per year. In 2000, Alaska captured 8 percent 

of the total cruise market, and six major cruise lines were bringing 22 large cruise 

ships to Alaska (table 10).4

 In the 1990s, these companies formed the North West 

Cruiseship Association, a trade organization to engage in community relations. The 

duration of most Alaska cruises ranges from 7 to 11 days, with departures from 

Vancouver and Seattle. Although most cruise ships remained in the Inside Passage, 

some ventured north to Whittier and Anchorage for connections to the interior. 

4 These six companies included Holland America, Princess, Royal Caribbean International, 

Radisson, Norwegian, and Crystal Cruise Lines. 

By 1999, Alaska had 

become the third 

most popular cruise 

destination in the 

world.
54

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

The cruise lines visiting Alaska are international conglomerates involved in 

many aspects of the travel and tourism industry and sailing ships all over the world 

under a variety of national flags. Several international trends in cruise ship tourism 

are important to note as they offer growing implications for Alaska ports: 

• Cruise ships became larger and had a broader range of built-in entertainment options. 

• As the price of cruising declined, a cruise vacations became affordable to 

a broad range of people, including families, young couples, and ethnically 

diverse populations. 

• There was a growing emphasis on shore excursions as a vital component of 

the cruise experience. 

• Cruise lines became vertically integrated, that is, investing in other aspects 

of the travel industry. 

Increase in total cruise ship capacity—

Worldwide, the capacity of cruise ships grew 15 percent annually from 1995 to 

2000. In 2000, 6.9 million North Americans took cruises compared with 3.6 million in 1990 (CLIA 2002). In 2001, 13 new ships entered service in Alaska. Of the 

33 ships constructed by 2002, half will serve 2,000 passengers or more, and three 

are capable of handling 3,000 guests (CLIA 1998: 33).5 New ships offer a variety 

of amenities such as climbing walls, skating rinks, shopping malls, health spas, 

arcades, casinos, and many restaurants (Lindberg 1999). These amenities reflect the 

expanding pressure on cruise lines to entertain their guests onshore. Some Alaska 

residents are concerned that more on-ship activities will diminish interest in onshore experiences and negatively impact the local economy. Others are concerned 

about the environmental impacts of increased services.

Table 10—Cruise ship capacity placement: Alaska and the world (bed days)

Location 1989 1995 1999 2000

Alaska 1,598,268 3,008,146 4,086,620 4,197,332

World 24,699,932 35,661,526 46,316,587 53,862,817

Alaska as percentage of total 6 8 9 8

Source: CLIA 2002. 

5 The 3,000-passenger ships will not be deployed in Alaska on account of size restrictions 

in the Panama Canal that make it impossible to move the larger ships from the Caribbean to 

Alaska.
55

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Increasing diversity of passengers—

Two coinciding trends have resulted in increased diversity among cruise passengers. First, a growth in leisure time among baby boomers has meant that cruise 

passengers tend to be younger, more active, and desire a more “intense” Alaska 

experience (Plog Research 1999). This trend has spurred a strong interest in onshore excursions and attracted many new cruise customers. Second, intense competition has ensued among cruise lines eager to fill their growing number of berths. 

Price wars have meant that middle-class families worldwide are able to afford a 

cruise trip to Alaska. For example, several cruise lines in 2000 advertised trips for 

about $100 per night on a 7-day cruise ($799), with many last-minute specials at 

$499. “It’s cheaper to go on a cruise vacation in Alaska than it is to stay home,” said 

one visitor bureau official. Along with price competition comes intense marketing 

of nontraditional cruise sectors, including families, singles, and alternative lifestyle 

customers. There are also theme cruises, such as cruises for aspiring writers, jazz 

enthusiasts, amateur mineralogists, and more. 

Growth in shore excursions—

Since 1995, the cruise lines have increasingly promoted shore excursions to augment the passenger experience and attract younger cruisers. Various estimates 

suggest that roughly 65 percent of passengers on Alaska cruises purchase at least 

one shore excursion in a given port. To meet the growing popularity of shore excursions, some cruise lines have invested in their own subsidiary tour companies—

either through independent development or acquisition.6 The cruise lines also 

established partnerships with local tour operators. Although cruise corporations 

compete by cutting the base cruise price, they profit from commissions on the sale 

of local tours. When booking onboard, customers generally pay a higher price 

than the retail price offered “on the street.” Yet, ship customers find it convenient 

to purchase tours onboard as a way to guarantee a berth on a desirable, high-quality tour. In addition, customers are often told that they will not be reimbursed for 

travel expenses if a tour operator without a cruise partnership fails to return them 

promptly to the ship for departure, nor will they receive a refund if the tour does not 

meet their expectations. Thus, even though nonendorsed tour operators offer similar 

products, often at reduced rates, cruise passengers generally follow recommendations of the shore excursion representative and take a tour with a partner company. 

Cruise lines began selling local tours in the early 1990s, but onboard booking 

became popular in 2000. Passengers also were being urged to book their ancillary 

tours from home when they first purchased their cruise package from a travel agent. 

6 In 2000, three Alaska cruise lines had developed their own tour companies: Princess, 

Holland America, and Royal Caribbean International. 

Since 1995, the cruise 

lines have increasingly 

promoted shore excursions to augment the 

passenger experience.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Vertical integration—

Like many industries, cruise lines have been consolidating ownership and becoming involved in multiple aspects of the visitor experience. In 2000, Carnival, 

Princess, and Royal Caribbean were the three largest companies and controlled 

73 percent of the North American market.7 The sheer size of the companies allowed for an economy of scale that often made it difficult for smaller companies 

to compete. Many of the large cruise lines expanded their economic stronghold in 

southeast Alaska tourism through a practice known as “vertical integration,” the 

purchasing of businesses in all aspects of the tourism industry. Princess Cruises, 

for example, partially owned tour companies in Juneau, Skagway, and Ketchikan 

as well as a bus company that provided transportation to Alaska’s interior. Many 

cruise lines invested in hotels, lodges, restaurants, travel agencies, gift shops, and 

other tourist services, allowing them to conduct business at a lower cost than local 

entrepreneurs and standardize the services received (Behnke 1999: 12). In cruise 

ports such as Skagway, Ketchikan, and Juneau, locally owned shops were being 

replaced by chain stores owned by the cruise lines. The chain stores often sold 

foreign-made products, including emeralds from South America, European crystal, 

and other luxury items. In some cases, cruise lines had purchased buildings and 

were renting space to local businesses. 

The expanded dock quickly showed significant potential in attracting large 

cruise ships to Haines. The first year (1995), an estimated 75,000 cruise visitors 

docked in Haines—nearly double from the previous year (48,000). Very quickly, 

passenger numbers began to climb. In 1996, cruise passenger growth was up 28 

percent to 95,000. By 2000, cruise passenger traffic had climbed to more than 

180,000 (fig. 17). Yet, Haines was still a relatively small port, compared to the 

major cruise ports of Juneau, Ketchikan, and Skagway, which by 2000, were 

entertaining more than 600,000 visitors (fig. 18).

Between 1994 and 2000, subtle changes took place in the breakdown of 

ships of various sizes coming to Haines. In 1994, only two large ships visited the 

community. By 2000, five large cruise ships from two major cruise companies8

came to Haines, each carrying between 1,750 and 2,020 passengers (table 11). 

Disembarking passengers often outnumbered the local population. Not only did 

the total number of visitors arriving by large cruise ship increase in numbers, but 

also the proportion of visitors arriving by large cruise ship grew, demonstrating an 

7 In 2003, Princess Cruise Lines and Carnival Corporation merged. Carnival also owned 

Holland America Westours Inc. (Juneau Empire 2003).

8

 Princess Cruise Lines sent occasional ships to Haines to experiment with the port between 

1997 and 1999 but opted not to continue docking in Haines after 1999.

Many of the large cruise 

lines have expanded 

their stronghold in 

southeast Alaska tourism by purchasing local 

hotels, restaurants, 

shops, and services.
57

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 17—Cruise passenger visits to Haines, 1985–2001 (Haines Visitor Center 2000).

Figure 18—Cruise visitors to five southeast Alaska cities (Juneau Convention and Visitor’s Bureau, 

Sitka Convention and Visitor’s Bureau, Skagway Convention and Visitor’s Bureau, Haines Visitor 

Center, Ketchikan Convention and Visitor’s Bureau). Note: 2001 figures are estimates.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

increased reliance on the cruise lines for bringing these visitors to Haines. Analysis 

of cruise-visitor trends over time shows that a greater percentage of total passengers 

came to Haines on large cruise ships. In 1994, 68 percent of all passengers came on 

a large cruise ship, compared to 95 percent in 2000 (table 12). In 2000, 13 different cruise ships made 157 stops at the Port Chilkoot dock and delivered more than 

184,000 passengers (table 13). The two major players included Norwegian Cruise 

Lines (20 calls) and Royal Caribbean International (52 calls). Large cruise ships 

generally arrived in the evening and remained in Haines for 3 to 5 hours. One exception was the Norwegian Sky (Norwegian Cruise Lines), which in 2000 became 

the first large cruise ship since the dock expansion to anchor in Haines during daytime hours. 

Although the number of passengers arriving in Haines was generally known, it 

is impossible to say precisely how many passengers chose to disembark in Haines, 

either for an organized tour or to walk around town. Often, this choice was determined by the ship’s schedule. According to anecdotal evidence from local merchants, a higher percentage of Norwegian Sky passengers generally got off the ship 

because Haines was the first port of call and because it was a daytime stop. Passengers on the evening ships may not have had as many incentives to disembark 

because their itinerary might have taken them to Skagway for a full day, before 

spending a few evening hours in Haines. Some Haines shopowners wondered 

whether evening passengers were fatigued after a full day in Skagway and hesitant 

to come on shore. Furthermore, because the ships arrived in Haines during dinner 

hours, those passengers not registered for organized tours in Haines may have opted 

to dine on board the ship and visit Haines on a casual, after-dinner walk. 

Table 11—Large cruise ships in Haines: annual dockings, 1994–2000

Company/ship name/no. of passengers 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000

Norwegian/Norwegian Wind (1,748) 11 18 19 19 19 19 18

Norwegian/Norwegian Sky (2,020) — — — — — — 20

Royal Caribbean/Sun Viking (750) 12 14 — — — — —

Royal Caribbean/Nordic Prince (1,000) 19 — — — — — —

Royal Caribbean/Song of Norway (1,000) — — 14 — — — 

Royal Caribbean/Legend of the Seas (1,800) — 15 18 20 17 0 0

Royal Caribbean(Celebrity)/Galaxy (1,870) — — — 18 18 18 18

Royal Caribbean/Rhapsody of the Seas (2,100) — — — — 19 19 18

Royal Caribbean/Vision of the Seas (2,000) — — — — — 17 16

Princess/Star Princess (1,500) — — 1 — — — —

Princess/Crown Princess (1,600) — — — 1 1 — —

Princess/Sun Princess (1,950) — — — — — 1 —

Source: Haines Visitor Center 2000.
59

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Table 12—Percentage of passengers to Haines by ship size

Small Medium Large

Year (<200 passengers) (200–999 passengers) (1,000+ passengers)

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Percent - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

1994 12 20 68

1997 8 2 90

2000 3 2 95

Source: Haines Visitor Center 2000. 

Table 13—Haines cruise ship count, 2000

Ship name Company Stops Passengers per ship Total passengers

Norwegian Sky Norwegian Cruise Lines 20 2,002 40,040

Norwegian Wind Norwegian Cruise Lines 18 1,760 31,680

Galaxy Celebrity (Royal Caribbean) 18 1,740 31,320

Rhapsody of the Seas Royal Caribbean 18 2,000 36,000

Vision of the Seas Royal Caribbean 16 2,000 32,000

Universe Explorer World Explorer 6 700 4,200

Seven Seas Navigator Radisson 2 490 980

Yorktown Clipper Clipper Cruise 9 140 1,260

Spirit of Discovery Cruise West 13 84 1,092

Spirit of ‘98 Cruise West 18 99 1,782

Spirit of Alaska Cruise West 17 82 1,394

Spirit of Columbia Cruise West 2 80 160

Hanseatic 1 188 188

 Total 157 11,365 184,134

Source: Haines Visitor Center 2000. 

Local Business Responds to the Cruise Industry

Once large cruise ships were able to dock in Haines, a flurry of tourism-related 

businesses emerged, including tour companies, tourism attractions, and shops.9

A variety of people, both long-time residents and newcomers, got involved in the 

tourism industry, including some who had been skeptical of tourism as a viable 

economic development strategy.10 In 2000, there were more than 100 tourismrelated businesses in Haines including tour companies providing tours to natural, 

cultural, and historical sites; galleries and gift shops; hotels, motels, and other 

lodgings; local museums or other attractions; seasonal restaurants; air, ground, or 

water transportation; RV parks and campgrounds; and fishing guides (table 14). 

9 For a complete list of tourism businesses in 2000, see table 14.

10 Some residents, who had opposed the creation of the eagle preserve years earlier were now 

benefiting from the aesthetic and recreational appeal of the eagle preserve, not to mention the 

economic effects related to visitor spending. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Many Haines businesses expanded their range of products and services to 

accommodate the growth of visitors and their changing needs. Companies that had 

started their businesses with a school bus and a pair of boats or kayaks were now 

contracting with cruise ships to accommodate groups of 50 or more visitors 

in rapid, 3-hour tours. Existing companies began to expand their products and 

services offered, adding new features and tours to meet changing visitor demands. 

One notable company augmented its original rafting business to include canoe 

tours, city tours, and a gift shop. One local fisherman started a charter fishing business and incrementally expanded to include kayaking, sailing, and van tours to 

meet changing customer demands. Stores also expanded their product line to cater 

to the tourist industry, adding gifts and t-shirts to their inventories. According to 

some local tour operators, the growth in passengers was faster than they had anticipated. What once were small adventure companies were now handling logistics for 

hundreds of customers daily. Many tour companies emerged as spinoffs of other 

companies. Chilkat Guides, for example, employed many raft guides who traveled 

to Haines seasonally to work on the Chilkat River. Several of these guides decided 

they wanted to remain in Haines and operate their own business. At least five local 

businesses were owned or managed by former Chilkat Guides employees. Because 

long-term employment options are limited within any given company, those with 

entrepreneurial spirit developed their own niche in the tourism industry. Unlike 

other cruise ports, most Haines businesses were locally owned in 2000. The status 

of Haines as a “marginal” cruise destination, in comparison to Skagway, Juneau, 

and Ketchikan, had limited significant outside investment by cruise lines, hotel 

chains or resorts. 

Table 14—Number of Haines tourism businesses by 

category, 2000

Haines tourism businesses Number

Tour operators (adventure, eco-tours, sightseeing) 21

Lodging (bed and breakfast, motel, hotel, lodge, cabin) 22

Attractions (museum, totem park, cultural center) 6

Galleries and gift shops 19

Transportation (air, water, or city taxi) 9

Fishing lodges and guides 13

Cultural or historic tours 4

Restaurants 14

Camping and RV 6

Source: Haines Visitor Center 2000, Haines Borough 2000. 

Many Haines businesses expanded their 

range of products and 

services to accommodate the growth 

of visitors and their 

changing needs. 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Tour companies—

In 1994, the year before the dock was completed, there were 23 tour companies, 

including 8 charter fishing or guiding businesses. By 2000, the number of tour 

companies had nearly doubled to 37, including 13 charter fishing or guiding businesses (Haines Borough 2000) (table 15). Many new tour operators were small 

startups—greeting cruise passengers opposite the Port Chilkoot dock and vying 

for their business by using creative signage and newly painted vans. Others avoided 

the dock and instead used the Internet to market their tours. The largest, most financially successful of these businesses were those that had arranged partnerships 

with cruise lines to provide local tours. The economic impact of Haines tour companies was significant. Total sales from tours and charters were estimated at $3.3 

million in 1999 (Chilkat Valley News 1999f). With some exceptions, tours range 

in price from $25 to $50 for sightseeing tours and $60 to $90 for adventure tours, 

such as rafting, kayaking, jet-boating, and biking. Most tour activity was concentrated around seven high-volume tour businesses. Together, these Haines companies 

employed 186 people during summer 2000.11 In addition, these seven companies 

catered to an estimated 100,000 visitors in 2000.12

Other tourism businesses—

Small businesses in Haines also began to realize the benefits of large passenger 

ships, which brought thousands of potential consumers to the community. In 2000, 

an array of businesses in downtown Haines and Fort Seward catered to cruise visitors as well as independent travelers. The offerings included 19 galleries or gift 

shops (up from 10 in 1994),13 14 restaurants, and 6 tourist attractions: the Sheldon 

Table 15—Estimated growth in cruise ship-related tourism businesses, 1994–2000

Activity 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000

Tours 15 16 17 25 — 26 24

Fish charters and guides 8 8 11 11 — 14 13

Tourism-related shops 10 12 21 21 18 19 19

 Total 33 36 49 57 18 59 56

Source: Haines Borough (2000); and Alaska Department of Community and Economic Development 2000.

Note: These are the best estimates based on data available. 1998 was missing from the file on tour 

operators. 

11 Some of these workers actually worked in Skagway in branch operations run by 

Haines companies.

12 These estimates do not include passengers on the Chilkat Cruise Fast Ferry.

13 These data are from Haines Borough business license records. They may not reflect 

all businesses.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Museum, American Bald Eagle Foundation, Tsirku Cannery Museum, Chilkat 

Dancers, Salmon Bake, and the Alaskan Indian Arts Center (Haines Visitor Center 

2000). Because most of the large cruise ships arrived at night, the local shops catered to this schedule by staying open until the cruise ship departure—sometimes 

as late as 11:00 p.m. Likewise, some merchants who drew primarily from cruise 

passengers remained closed until the arrival of the next ship, or opened at unpredictable hours. This practice of scheduling shop hours around cruise ships resulted 

in unconventional shopping times for locals and independent visitors. 

Interviews with Haines residents revealed that tourism in Haines increasingly 

focused on the demand for tours, perhaps to the detriment of small businesses catering to shoppers. One shopowner observed, “The tour companies take customers 

away from downtown and bring them right back to the ship. They don’t give them 

any time to shop.” After completion of the tour, often little or no time remained 

for shopping because of the tight ship schedules. Meanwhile, several tour operators maintained that they dropped off customers in prime shopping locations after 

the tour. Shopowners also may have been affected by price competition for cruises. 

Low cruise prices were attracting middle-income travelers who likely were on a 

limited budget. An emphasis on pricey shore excursions may have meant that passengers did not have excess disposable income as in previous years. One gallery 

owner echoed the observations of many, “We are just not getting the same class of 

tourists that we once did.” Nevertheless, storeowners did still benefit from cruise 

passengers who chose not to participate in tours; without the cruise industry, these 

customers would not be available to them. One tour operator pointed out, “They 

should quit whining. Without us, (tour operators) there wouldn’t be any tourists 

here for them. People don’t come to Haines to shop, they come for the tours.” Many 

industry analysts believed Haines had become a destination known for its ability to 

provide quality adventure tours. 

Impacts of the Growth of Cruise Tourism

A growth in the volume of visitors from large ships was one of many changes that 

occurred in Haines after the expansion of the Port Chilkoot dock. Many other 

changes in the structure of tourism took place that reflected a growing dependence 

on the cruise industry. Since the dock expansion, there had been a decline in emphasis on small ship tourism, a rapid growth of small tourism businesses with ties 

to the cruise industry, a decline in independent travel not related to cruise ships, 

and a growing interdependence with the Skagway economy. 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Economic impact—

The economic impact of the cruise-based tourism industry in Haines has been 

explored in different ways by various economic studies. A 2000 McDowell Group 

study, which used 1999 data, found that cruise passengers spent $8.8 million in 

Haines, or an average of $55 per day per person. Meanwhile, crew spending was an 

additional $278,000, and the cruise industry spent $1.2 million in direct spending. 

Cruise-based tourism also reportedly contributed $121,000 for Haines Borough and 

$316,000 to the city of Haines in tax revenues (McDowell Group 2000). Economic 

impact also can be measured in terms of employment. In 1998, the Forest Service 

prepared a report that examined forest-related employment in Tongass National 

Forest communities. It found the proportion of tourism-related employment in 

Haines in 1995 was 17 percent, up from 11 percent in 1990 (fig. 8). In a 2000 study, 

Robertson estimates that between 14 and 21 percent of Haines workers were employed in tourism-related industries (Robertson, n.d.). State estimates of employment data in 2002 indicated that 21 percent of jobs in Haines Borough were tourism 

related (Fried and Windisch-Cole 2004). Taken together, these estimates suggest 

that roughly one in five Haines workers was employed in tourism-related industries. 

Finally, analysis of data from the Alaska Department of Labor (2000a) showed that 

an average of 251 tourism jobs existed from October through April 2000 compared 

to 616 tourism jobs from May to September, resulting in a net of 365 jobs (table 9).

Changes in the smaller cruise ship market—

Haines had long catered to the smaller cruise ship market, known in the industry as 

“pocket cruises.” Over the years, a niche in smaller ships met the needs of travelers 

desiring a small-scale approach to cruise travel. These companies visited some of 

the larger southeast Alaska ports but tended to prefer smaller ports not accessible to 

the large cruise ships to provide a more intimate Alaska experience. Pocket cruises 

often emphasized involvement of naturalists, historians, and other interpreters to 

provide visitors with an indepth view of Alaska. Small cruise ships docked for 

longer periods, and their passengers were more likely to get off the ship, which by 

design lacked the array of onboard amenities of the larger ships. Most of these 

smaller lines were U.S. flag ships and were responsive to environmental regulations 

and labor laws of the country. As the emphasis on large cruise ships grew, the 

number of small cruise ships visiting Haines fluctuated—increasing from 8 to 12 

in 1997, but declining sharply to 6 in 2000 (table 13). Meanwhile, the proportion of 

cruise ship visitors arriving by small ship declined from 12 percent in 1994 to 3 

percent in 2000. Many business leaders expressed disappointment in 1999 when 

two prominent small cruise companies opted to decrease or eliminate their dockings in Haines after 1999. Shopowners lamented the loss of small ships, whose 

The economic 

importance of 

tourism increased 

throughout the 

1990s. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

passengers were thought to spend more money in local stores than their counterparts on larger ships. 

Growing emphasis on pre-sold tours—

Two types of tour operators emerged on the local level after these changes in the 

structure of the cruise industry. Businesses with ship contracts who agreed to sell 

their tours on board were nicknamed “pre-solds.” Other operators vied for customers who had not preplanned their tour, and these were known as “independents.”14

There were about 9 pre-sold operators and 12 independent operators working in 

Haines in 2000. There were many important distinctions between pre-sold and 

independent operations. First, many pre-sold businesses exclusively booked their 

tours to ship passengers, with little or none of the business from independent visitors or local residents.15 Independent tour operators targeted both cruise passengers 

who had not made previous booking arrangements and independent travelers. 

Second, cruise ships conducted significant marketing efforts for pre-sold businesses through onboard advertising and information packages. For some local tour 

operators, this meant that their budget for direct advertising to customers was negligible. Instead, pre-sold tour owners spend considerable time and resources marketing their companies and new products to the shore excursion representatives of the 

cruise lines (“shore-ex”). Intensive and ongoing networking with the shore-ex was 

required to maintain satisfactory working relations with the cruise line. As one independent operator noted, “We have different customers; for us it is the cruise ship 

passenger; for them (pre-solds) it is the shore-ex.” Independent tour operators were 

required to spend more time marketing their tours directly to customers, through 

brochures, signs, props, the appearance of their vehicles, and personalities. 

A third key difference was that pre-sold operators sold between 50 and 90 percent of tours from Skagway, whereas independents were more focused on cruise 

ships docking in Haines. This means that the independent tour operators relied 

heavily on the ongoing presence of cruise ships in Haines. Throughout the field 

research period, considerable tension was evident between pre-sold and independent operators. Pre-sold operators worried that the “mom and pop” independents 

might not meet quality standards of the pre-sold tours and thus diminish the overall 

quality of Haines as a destination. Independent operators interviewed felt somewhat 

14 “Independents” are tour operators not contracting with cruise lines. These are not to be 

confused with independent travelers, who are arriving in Haines not as part of a cruise ship or 

other package.

15 In some cases, it is impossible to participate in a tour unless one is a cruise ship passenger, 

owing to the popularity of the tour, the schedule of the tour (which is geared to the docking of 

cruise ships), and the lack of information about the tour available to the general public. 
65

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

envious of pre-sold owners—perhaps stemming from their inability to market their 

tours with cruise industry executives. 

The rationale used by a shore-ex in selecting local partners may be idiosyncratic and mysterious to some; however, interviews with Haines business owners and industry observers pointed to several factors that characterized successful 

partnerships.16 According to pre-sold operators interviewed, cruise lines catered to 

businesses that maximized total receipts, allowed customers to return to the ship 

within the docking time, provided a high-quality experience consistent with the 

level of service offered on cruise ships, and catered to larger groups. (These criteria 

were not confirmed with cruise line officials.) According to one interview participant, there was some pressure among operators to provide tours that were mechanized (for example, helicopters and motor boats) so that people may return to the 

ship or join another tour more quickly. Mechanized tours, however, may put more 

pressure on natural resources. Furthermore, these criteria may have pressured tour 

company owners to adjust to increase volume demands—also potentially impacting 

natural areas and other recreation users. Over time, the cruise lines increasingly relied on profits from Haines-based tours. As long as Haines proved to be a profitable 

destination, they would continue to dock their ships in port. 

The growing influence of cruise tourism also may have inspired a challenge 

to the values and ethics of various tour operators. Just after the Port Chilkoot dock 

was completed, there appeared to be two types of tour operators: those who desired to build their businesses by building volume and those smaller scale tourism 

enterprises that developed based on the idea of sustainable tourism (eco-tours). As 

visitor volume grew and customer demand for adventure and eco-tours increased, 

many eco-tours also became pre-sold tours, marketed by the cruise lines. As one 

tour operator explained, “I wasn’t really planning for this to happen. Every year, it 

just became more and more. Now I’m looking at my company and realizing it’s not 

the same company I started with.” As a result, the tours began to change: they were 

of shorter duration, more frequent, and with larger groups. What started out 5 years 

ago as an all-day or half-day raft or kayak adventure, ended up being a 90-minute 

miniadventure by 2000. As one guide told me, “It’s not that fun anymore; it’s more 

like herding sheep. We really don’t get to spend time with the people and get to 

know them.” The growth in cruise tourism caused many tour operators to question 

their values and priorities for running their business, as pressure to grow larger 

was affecting the degree to which the tour could be considered environmentally 

sustainable. 

16 These “criteria” have not been confirmed with cruise officials but represent the local or 

“folk” knowledge about the industry. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Although some may have had qualms about the appropriate level of growth, 

others were enjoying their success and planning to expand even more. For example, 

one successful boat tour company sought permits in 2000 to expand their product 

array to include airboats on the Chilkat River. Whereas some Haines residents not 

involved in tourism spoke about what they perceived to be growing greed among 

tour operators, the tour operators explained their approach differently. For many 

in the industry, the love of people, Alaska, or wilderness may have ignited their 

initial involvement in tourism, but the thrill of entrepreneurship was perpetuating 

additional growth. One successful tourism owner said simply, “It’s really fun to 

start new ventures. It’s the part I really enjoy.” In addition, a philosophical desire 

to spread the excitement of Alaska to others was a pressing motivation for some. 

The same business owner adopted this view of maximum utility, “I figure turning 

people on to Alaska is a great thing. It changes people’s lives, so more of it will be 

better.” Regardless of the motivation, tour companies found themselves expanding 

in response to the demands of the cruise industry. 

Change in independent travel trends—

Haines also attracted independent visitors traveling on the daily ferry from Juneau, 

the Haines Highway through Canada, or by air taxi from Juneau or Gustavus. 

Others traveled up the Lynn Canal by boat and docked in the public boat harbor. 

Some independent visitors passed through en route to other points in Alaska and 

Canada. Other independent travelers made Haines their primary destination. Haines 

also attracted Canadians from the Yukon and northern British Columbia who enjoyed fishing and boating. Many spend several days or weeks camped in public or 

private campgrounds or on the roadside at popular sites such as Lutak Inlet. In addition to the many motels, tourism attractions, and other facilities serving independent visitors, there were numerous special events including the Southeast Alaska 

Fair, the ACTfest (theater event), the Kluane-Chilkat Bicycle Race, the Bald Eagle 

Festival, ski competitions, and other events.

With the growth of cruise-based tourism, there was a significant decline in 

the independent travel market. The growing influence of cruise travel meant that a 

greater proportion of visitors were arriving by cruise ship. In 1989, nearly 40 percent of visitors to southeast Alaska were independent travelers, compared to 25 percent in 2000 (McDowell 2002). In addition, there appeared to be a decline in real 

numbers of independent visitors. Unofficial reports and resident interviews suggested that independent tourism in Haines had declined between 1995 and 2000. One 

informal survey sponsored by the Eagle Eye Journal in June 2000 questioned 48 

businesses that catered to independent visitors, including lodge owners, RV parks, 

With the growth of 

cruise-based tourism, 

there was a significant 

decline in the independent travel market. 
67

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

restaurants, and shops. Survey results suggested that independent visitor numbers 

were down 25 percent from 1999. According to a news report in October 2000, 

sales also were down between 17 and 30 percent for one prominent downtown gift 

store and 35 percent for one RV park (Chilkat Valley News 2000a). Another report 

of Canadian travel trends showed that the number of Canadian visitors to Haines 

fell from 12,370 in 1993 to 6,121 in 1999.17 Several quantitative indicators confirm 

these suspicions held by local business owners, including border crossings, ferry 

traffic, and air travel.

• Border crossings. While border crossings from Canada into Haines increased from 1987 to 1993, there was a steady decline in arrivals from 

Canada through 2000 (fig. 19). In 1993, more than 56,000 persons crossed 

the border southward into the Haines area, compared with 43,000 for 2000. 

In a given year, traffic increases in the 5-month period between May and 

September, owing to both improved weather for local traffic and the increase in out-of-town visitors. The proportion of persons traveling in the 

May-to-September period increased from 71 percent in 1987 to nearly 80 

percent in 2000.

17 From a presentation by Aasman Design reported in the Chilkat Valley News (2001a).

Figure 19—Persons crossing from Canada at the Haines border crossing: total and summer 

(May–September) traffic, 1987–2000 (U.S. Bureau of Customs and Border Protection 2000).
68

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

• Air transportation. Air traffic to Haines slowed down somewhat from 

1998 to 1999—the most current years available (table 16). According to an 

Alaska Department of Transportation database, total passenger numbers to 

Haines from all air taxis combined was 10,014 in 1998 and 7,839 in 1999. 

Air passenger traffic nearly tripled during the peak visitor season, from 

1,054 in the first and fourth quarters combined to 2,803 in the second and 

third quarters (summer) (Alaska Department of Transportation 2000).18

• Alaska Marine Highway System. In the summer, Haines receives daily 

ferries from Juneau and Skagway, linking vehicles and passengers to the 

Alaska Highway. In spite of improved service through 2000, ferry travelers 

to Haines declined from 45,300 in 1992 to 37,800 in 1998. This 3-percent 

average annual decline from 1993 to 1998 mirrors overall declines in ferry 

use throughout southeast Alaska, which has experienced an average annual 

decline of 3.3 percent since 1993 (fig. 20). The independent tourism industry depends on this ferry access. In the 2001 season, Haines merchants 

experienced a significant setback, when a ferry ship failed to meet its repair 

deadlines and ferry service was reduced to three weekly visits.

18 The second and third quarters comprise the months of April through September—

correlating roughly with the summer tourism season.

Figure 20—Alaska Marine Highway: Haines arrivals 1990–98 (Alaska Marine Highway System, 

Department of Transportation 2000).
69

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Table 16—Commuter air activity from 

Juneau to Haines

Passengers

Quarter 1998 1999

1 1,492 920

2 3,317 2,484

3 3,477 3,247

4 1,728 1,188

Total 10,014 7,839

Source: Alaska Department of Transportation (2000).

The independent travel industry appeared to be more susceptible to fluctuations in the national economy, statewide marketing trends, and structural shifts in 

the travel and tourism industry. First, the economic might of the cruise industry 

allowed it to engage in large-scale marketing efforts to attract passengers and fill 

berths. Whereas a Haines-based tour benefits from the expansive marketing efforts 

of the cruise lines, a local bed and breakfast establishment relied on state tourism 

marketing, efforts of regional industry associations, the Haines Visitor Center, and 

their own initiatives to attract new customers. With the inevitable budget limitations 

on state and municipal tourism agencies, efforts by any individual Haines business 

to attract visitors may be muted. Second, the cruise industry owned their means of 

travel (the ship), whereas independent travelers relied on other forms of transportation, including Alaska Airlines, the ferry system, and the Alaska Highway. Thus, 

the cost and convenience of transportation was out of the hands of the independent 

tourism industry, which was susceptible to labor strikes, abrupt changes in ferry 

schedules, highway construction, and other variables. Third, the cruise lines cooperated with other aspects of the travel and tourism industry to increase customer 

demand. Travel agents, who no longer benefit significantly from the sale of airline 

tickets, earn revenues by booking cruises and other package tours to Alaska. Thus, 

travelers with an interest in Alaska are steered toward cruises. And, with cruise 

prices made more affordable, many choose to visit Alaska as a cruise passenger.

Explanations for the apparent decline in independent tourism are many. State 

budget cutbacks reduced statewide tourism marketing efforts (from $10.5 million 

in 1991 to $4.2 million in 2000), and many in Haines linked this change with the 

decline in independent visitors. In addition to the state budget, this decline was attributed by Haines residents to other factors: (a) intensive marketing by Anchoragebased car rental companies and RV rental agencies that attracted tourists to a different region of Alaska; (b) an increasing lack of vacation time, making it difficult 

for people to take the time to travel to Alaska by private vehicle; (c) increasing oil 

The independent travel 

industry appeared to 

be more susceptible 

to fluctuations in the 

national economy, 

statewide marketing 

trends, and shifts in 

the industry.
70

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

prices that raise the cost of road and boat trips; (d) difficulties experienced by 

travel agents booking independent travel to Alaska because of unreliable or unwieldy ferry schedules; (e) economic incentives for travel agents to push cruise 

ship travel and other tour packages; and (f) the weakening Canadian dollar, which 

curbed Canada-based travel. In spite of reports of declines in the independent 

visitor trade, capacity for independent tourism expanded. From 1996 to 2000, 

Haines experienced growth in the number of bed and breakfast inns, motels, 

campgrounds, and other forms of lodging. In 1996, there were 16 different businesses hosting overnight guests, compared to 28 in 2000.

Growing reliance on cruise visitors in local attractions—

The growing influence of cruise-based tourism also can be observed by studying visitor patterns in local attractions. Evidence suggests that local tourism 

institutions, such as the Sheldon Museum (2000) and the American Bald Eagle 

Foundation (2000), were becoming more dependent on the cruise ship passenger 

for survival. The Sheldon Museum, which relied most on independent visitors, saw 

flat growth trends subsequent to dock expansion. Meanwhile, the American Bald 

Eagle Foundation saw steady growth, while increasing its participation in local 

tours. A third local attraction, the Chilkat Dancers, experienced serious declines in 

visitation levels when they lost support of the cruise industry, forcing the event to 

close in 2000.

• Sheldon Museum. The Sheldon Museum was a borough-owned facility 

that included a vast collection of cultural and historical artifacts collected 

by Steve Sheldon in the early part of the 20th century. Starting with a small 

budget and a volunteer staff, museum patronage grew from fewer than 

10,000 in 1981 to nearly 25,000 in 2000, with average annual growth rates 

at 6.3 percent (fig. 21). However, since 1996, growth rates were flat at about 

1.6 percent. Moreover, there was a zero-percent growth rate among visitors coming to the museum in the summer (third quarter). In 1981, summer 

visitors made up 63 percent of total museum visitors, compared to 55 percent in 2000. In spite of efforts to entice passengers aboard the large cruise 

ships, such as keeping the museum open during evening hours when cruise 

ships dock in town, the museum received just 35 percent of its total business from cruise ships, with most of its patrons coming from smaller ships. 

• American Bald Eagle Foundation. Meanwhile, visitors to the American 

Bald Eagle Foundation, which included a museum and visitor center, increased at the average annual rate of about 8 percent each year from 1995 

to 2000 (fig. 22). Visitation declined somewhat after 1997, when a nominal 

admission fee was instituted; however, 2000 visitation levels approached 
71

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Figure 21—Visitation to the Sheldon Museum: 1981–2000 (Sheldon Museum 2000).

1997 levels, with more than 37,000 estimated patrons. Participants of organized tours represented the majority of visitors to the American Bald Eagle 

Foundation. In 1997, just 25 percent of visitors arrived as part of a scheduled 

tour, compared to 61 percent in 2000. The growing reliance of tour-based 

customers to local attractions was apparent. 

Figure 22—Visitation to the American Bald Eagle Foundation (American Bald Eagle 

Foundation 2000).
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

• Chilkat Dancers. The Chilkat Dancers, a long-standing Haines tourist attraction, was forced to cease operations in 2000 after 42 years, apparently 

owing to competition with other local attractions. In 2000, Royal Caribbean 

canceled its long-standing contract with Hotel Halsinglad and Alaska 

Indian Arts for a tour that included a salmon bake and a performance by 

the Chilkat Dancers—a package that had been sold since the early 1980s. 

Without support from the cruise lines, the Chilkat Dancers shut down at 

the end of July on account of low sales volume and rising operating costs 

(Chilkat Valley News 2000c). Some residents suggested that the demise of 

Chilkat Dancers was evidence that Haines’ role as a center for the arts was 

in decline because of the emphasis on its adventure tours. 

Cruise ship traffic seemed essential to the ongoing viability of prominent 

local tourist attractions. The Sheldon Museum did not aggressively cater to cruise 

visitors and saw little growth since the construction of the dock. Meanwhile, the 

American Bald Eagle Foundation increased its involvement with cruise visitors and 

experienced healthy growth rates. And, the Chilkat Dancers found it impossible to 

continue with independent visitors alone, once they lost their cruise ship contract.

Growing interdependence with Skagway—

Faced with serious economic decline resulting from the closing of the White PassYukon Route Railroad in 1982, Skagway residents united to promote their community as a tourist destination. In 1984, the railway depot opened as a visitor center, 

and the National Park Service invested significant funds to restore the facility and 

adjacent buildings and homesteads. During the 1980s, a historic district was developed, and in 1988, the railroad reopened to bring visitors along the Chilkoot Trail 

to the summit.19 Skagway actively marketed its identity as a gateway to the Yukon 

and the embodiment of gold rush history (Brady 2000). White Pass then invested 

millions of dollars into building up downtown and improving docks to handle more 

cruise ships. By 2000, Skagway could handle five cruise ships simultaneously 

and was entertaining nearly 600,000 cruise visitors annually. The restored downtown area became an ideal setting for small shops in a Western motif. According 

to a 2000 McDowell Group study, visitors spent an average of $123 per person in 

Skagway, compared to $55 in Haines (McDowell Group 2000). As further testimony 

to the immense economic potential of Skagway, several cruise companies purchased 

local real estate and opened their own shops, restaurants, and businesses. Skagway’s 

appeal rested in its value as an historic site and diverse shopping opportunities.

19 In 2000, more than 250,000 guests rode the rails in Skagway (Skaguay Alaskan 2000: 9).
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Tourism growth in Skagway affected Haines in three significant ways. First, as 

cruise ship traffic in Skagway grew, enterprising Haines businesses provided quality land-based excursions to Skagway visitors. Beginning around 1990, Haines tour 

companies were flying guests from Skagway to participate in rafting, kayaking, 

boating, and other adventure tours. Guests would either fly back to join their fellow 

passengers in Skagway or wait for the ship to dock in Haines several hours later. 

In 1997, Klukwan, Inc., built a rapid water shuttle between Haines and Skagway, 

which facilitated the transportation of guests to and from these communities. By 

2000, Haines pre-sold tour companies relied on Skagway significantly, with Skagway-based customers comprising between 50 to 90 percent of total sales. Two water 

shuttle companies brought at least 12,000 visitors to Haines from Skagway in 2000 

(Haines Visitor Center 2000). Second, several Haines-based businesses operated 

subsidiary tours or owned shops in Skagway. Furthermore, many Haines artists 

sold their products in Skagway stores, and Haines residents increasingly used the 

shuttle service to commute to Skagway, where retail and tourism jobs were plentiful. Third, tourism growth in Skagway did not appeal to everyone; many Skagway residents felt discouraged with the escalating business climate and swelling 

crowds. Since 1990, Haines had become home to a growing number of “Skagway 

Refugees,” as they sometimes referred to themselves. To some extent, Haines had 

become a de facto bedroom community for Skagway during the tourist season. As 

Skagway continues to grow, Haines businesses invested in Skagway likely will benefit. This economic interdependence presents interesting management challenges 

for Haines residents, who cannot easily control the number of visitors coming to 

Haines from Skagway or the means by which they arrive.

Local Efforts to Plan for Tourism and Manage Tourism Impacts

As cruise-based tourism grew, Haines residents began to feel the strain on local 

infrastructure. As one former public official noted, “We put up the dock, but we 

didn’t really plan for what happened afterward.” The town struggled with pedestrian traffic, exacerbated by the absence of sidewalks or signs. The need for public 

restrooms became paramount. And, with a growing number of tour companies, the 

vehicle traffic swelled, especially near Port Chilkoot dock, Fort Seward, and downtown Haines. Horse and buggy tours as well as antique motorcar tours were highly 

popular among visitors but contributed to concerns about slow-moving traffic in 

town. Some city tours involved frequent stops or slowdowns in key transportation 

corridors or quiet neighborhoods, while tour guides shared aspects of Haines with 

their guests—sometimes creating safety hazards for other motorists. Meanwhile, 

residents were facing increasing congestion in popular recreation areas such as 

As cruise-based 

tourism grew, Haines 

residents began to 

feel the strain on local 

infrastructure. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Chilkoot Lake. Efforts to engage in planning were met with little enthusiasm and 

in January 1999, the city tourism director resigned in frustration about the community’s lack of willingness to plan for tourism growth.20 Several initiatives reflect 

the growing interest among Haines officials and residents in managing tourism’s 

effects.

Tourism taxes and cruise caps—

In 1999, the Haines Borough, faced with an annual budget deficit of about 

$300,000, sought ways to fund key community institutions, such as the library, 

the museum, the Chilkat Center, and the swimming pool. With declining state 

contributions and the waning influence of the oil industry, local infrastructure 

needs were not being met. One Haines Borough Assembly member proposed the 

idea of taxing the tourism industry as a means to make up the difference. This 

logic was well understood, as the commercial fishing and timber industries had 

long contributed to municipalities through the raw-fish tax and stumpage fees 

(figs. 9 through 11). The tourism tax proposal was seriously debated over the summer of 1999 and was put on the ballot for the October 1999 election. The proposed 

4-percent tax on tours and charters was expected to raise $133,258 for the Haines 

Borough (Chilkat Valley News 1999f). In addition, the borough proposal requested 

a 4-percent bed tax, which was expected to raise $68,475 (Chilkat Valley News 

1999e). In October 1999, Haines voters narrowly approved both measures. 

In the aftermath, many felt that the borough’s tax measures contradicted the 

use of city tax dollars to pay for the new dock. Some members of the tourism industry, who would be negatively impacted by the tax, were outraged and warned 

that Haines could experience backlash from the cruise lines (Chilkat Valley News 

1999g). In December, this vote was declared invalid on account of a technicality 

and a revote on the bed and tour tax was held in April 2000. Prior to the revote, a 

Visitor Promotion Committee formed to inform residents about the economic benefits of tourism and the community’s need to support the tourism industry. Many 

local tour operators worked together to campaign against the tourism tax and spread 

the word about the benefits of tourism. In spite of their efforts, the measure passed 

again by a margin of 12 votes (Chilkat Valley News 2000n).21 

The October 1999 ballot had another tourism initiative as well—suggesting a 

general desire for tourism management. Several local citizens initiated a proposal 

to limit the number of cruise ships coming to Haines to 2000 levels. According 

20 This finding stems from confidential interview data. 

21 In 2003, the sales tax on tours was repealed by Haines voters to jump-start the lagging 

tourism industry and attract cruise ships back to Haines. 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

to petition organizers, the impetus behind this measure was for the community to 

regain local control of tourism (Chilkat Valley News 1999a). The measure gained 

public support in June 1999, when Royal Caribbean admitted that it had dumped 

toxic chemicals into the Upper Lynn Canal and agreed to pay Alaska $6.5 million. In August 1999, 50 protesters, including many people involved in the tourism 

industry, gathered at the dock to greet Royal Caribbean executives who had come to 

apologize to Haines residents. A subsequent public meeting elicited angry accusations from Haines residents (Chilkat Valley News 1999d). At the same time, two 

citizens’ groups, Lynn Canal Conservation and Friends of Glacier Point, raised concerns about the impacts of tourism at Glacier Point, a site used by Chilkat Guides 

for motorized canoe tours of Davidson Glacier. Members of these organizations felt 

that local recreation experiences were being altered by the presence of the tourism 

operation, and noise from air traffic was affecting neighboring property owners. 

Meanwhile, at Chilkoot Lake, signs that tourism had exceeded its limits were evident when the Lutak Land Use Service Area board rejected the permit application 

of one tour operator to base kayak operations on private lands (Chilkat Valley News 

1999b). Various tourism impacts felt by residents throughout the Chilkat Valley appeared to be lending support to the cruise ship cap initiative, which passed in October 1999 as an advisory measure.

Public meetings—

While debating the April 2000 tax measure, two efforts initiated by the Visitor 

Promotion Committee sought to gain input from area residents about the effects of 

tourism. Many acknowledged this was a positive step toward recognizing the need 

for public input and planning. The first was a household survey distributed by the 

Haines Chamber of Commerce to all box-holders asking respondents to discuss 

positive and negative impacts of tourism and to propose solutions to mitigate issues 

(Chilkat Valley News 2000n). Many local observers felt that this survey represented 

a strategic shift among local tourism businesses to elicit public opinion and learn 

about tourism’s effects, both positive and negative. Survey results showed that economic benefits were widely acknowledged, but several aspects of tourism caused 

concern for residents including downtown traffic and congestion, a lack of visitor 

facilities, congestion in local recreation areas, and noise concerns from airplanes 

over the Chilkat Peninsula.22 A public meeting to discuss survey results and elicit 

other tourism issues drew 60 residents, discussing everything from bear safety to 

traffic flow to noncommercial recreation use of local sites (Chilkat Valley News 

2000l). Another diverse group of residents met several times in 2000 to discuss 

22 There were 187 respondents to this survey.

Survey results 

showed that economic 

benefits were widely 

acknowledged, but 

several aspects of 

tourism caused 

concern for residents.
76

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

the impacts of tourism on local recreation. As a result of the tax issue, public regulation of tourism no longer was a taboo subject in Haines, and a series of dialogues 

had begun. 

Tourism Planning Committee—

In response to the public’s need for tourism planning, Haines Mayor Otis created 

the Tourism Planning Committee in May 2000. Several local residents were appointed to wrestle with tourism issues. The purpose of the Tourism Planning 

Committee was to “develop a Haines tourism strategy that balances sustainable 

long-term economic and social benefits with minimum adverse impacts to the 

community and the environment.” The committee consisted of two tourism industry proponents, two business owners, and three others not directly involved in 

tourism. Early initiatives in summer 2000 focused on developing short-term 

solutions for impending traffic problems related to the proliferation of tourism 

activity during cruise ship dockings. Several recommendations were made to the 

city council to alleviate congestion and improve public safety. The biweekly tourism planning meetings were well attended by Haines residents involved in various 

aspects of tourism. Tour operators and tourism business owners readily offered 

input and suggestions, often influencing committee outcomes.

During summer 2000, the Tourism Planning Committee tackled the need to 

regulate activities of independent tour operators on the Port Chilkoot dock. This 

initiative was brought to the agenda by a tour operator on the committee who 

sought to “close a loophole” in city code that allowed private sale of goods on a 

public facility.23 As the committee wrangled with this issue, the implicit goals of 

the group were to eliminate concerns about a growing “shark-pit” mentality at the 

dock, to provide some mechanism for controlling the quality and integrity of 

tourism operations in Haines, and to ensure passenger safety and compliance with 

city codes. The need for this discussion was further prompted by the alleged actions 

of one tour operator who had purportedly violated city codes for solicitation on 

public property. Initial discussion focused on the construction of a kiosk on the 

dock and a broker system for selling tours—a measure approved by the city council. Intense verbal debate ensued during several meetings, and independent tour 

operators pitted themselves against pre-sold operators, with the former expressing 

concerns about the city inhibiting local business development and favoring the 

23 Tour operators were allowed to apply for a permit to sell tours on the dock and its apron, 

provided certain restrictions were met in relation to signage, the nature of verbal contact with 

visitors, vehicle registration, and other features. Interestingly, the committee member proposing these limitations also served as operations manager for Klukwan’s tourism division, which 

owned land adjacent to the dock and often rented this land to independent tour operators.
77

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

big corporations. After several weeks of detailing this plan, the kiosk idea fizzled 

because of repeated objections by local independent tour operators. Later discussions focused on a “three-strikes” policy for dealing with rogue tour operators, 

but this topic also was dropped. Throughout its first months, the committee often 

wrestled with its role—discussing the extent to which it should be advocating the 

needs of the tourism industry versus the interests of citizens. The growing influence 

of the tourism industry on local decisionmaking was evident.

Appeals and protests at Glacier Point—

Concerns about the increase in tourism activity at Glacier Point escalated in 1999 

and 2000. A highly scenic area, Glacier Point was long used by local residents for 

beachcombing, picnicking, hiking, hunting, and rock climbing. In 1998, Chilkat 

Guides purchased 121 ha at Glacier Point and transformed existing trails into small 

roads for use by off-road vehicles and buses and began providing motorized canoe tours of Davidson Glacier. Chilkat Guides flew cruise ship passengers from 

Skagway and Haines to Glacier Point for their canoe experience. By 2000, nearly 

10,000 annual visitors were enjoying Glacier Point through a Chilkat Guides tour. 

Two major concerns arose about the changes at Glacier Point. First, some residents lamented the change of this area from a rural recreation site to a populated 

tourist destination. Others were concerned about escalating noise from air traffic over Chilkat Peninsula—a rural Haines neighborhood. In 1999, Lynn Canal 

Conservation and Friends of Glacier Point submitted an appeal to the Alaska DNR 

related to Chilkat Guides permit to store canoes on state lands. This appeal was 

denied. In December 1999, a representative of Friends of Glacier Point sent a letter 

to cruise officials requesting a dialogue regarding the impacts of tourism at Glacier 

Point. When a dialogue was not achieved, the citizens’ group announced that it 

would initiate a series of protests at Glacier Point beginning the following summer. 

As a result of these letters, Kirby Day, Director of Southeast Operations at Princess 

Cruise Lines, sent a memo to other cruise lines suggesting that Haines be boycotted 

(Juneau Empire 2000a). 

In June 2000, protests by Friends of Glacier Point and another grassroots 

organization, Haines Peace Keepers, began at Glacier Point and continued throughout the summer. Flyers distributed to tour customers asked them to be aware that 

airplane noise from the tour upset local residents living nearby (Chilkat Valley 

News 2000o). A formal meeting was held between Chilkat Guides’ representatives 

and the citizen groups, but few tangible steps were made to remedy conflicts 

(Chilkat Valley News 2000i). In August, the groups again appealed the permit to 

store canoes on state lands. In September 2000, Chilkat Guides and Klukwan, Inc., 

announced plans to construct a new catamaran to ferry passengers from Skagway 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

by water to reduce impacts from air traffic. In December 2000, a coalition of 

environmental groups, including Lynn Canal Conservation, Friends of Glacier 

Point, the Southeast Alaska Conservation Council, and EarthJustice Legal Defense 

Fund, sued the DNR as a means to push the state into regulating commercial 

recreation use of public lands. They also sought an injunction to limit commercial 

uses of state land at places like Glacier Point until a process was in place (Chilkat 

Valley News 2000e). Glacier Point had come to symbolize the potential of tourism 

to transform local recreation spaces into tourist arenas.

Chilkoot corridor: tourism and bears—

A 1.7-km strip of land leading from Lutak Inlet to Chilkoot Lake was widely known 

for its high concentration of brown bears during summer feeding. Many visitors 

frequented the area, including locals and independent travelers involved in boating, fishing, camping, and sightseeing; 12 to 14 tour operators also brought customers out to Chilkoot Lake for recreational activities, sightseeing, and bear-watching. 

These combined factors created a situation where congestion was commonplace and 

public safety concerns were imminent. In addition, the area is culturally significant 

to the Chilkoot people, who were concerned about impacts of tourism on cultural 

sites and subsistence resources. In May, Lutak residents, who had experienced 

repeated problems with bears habituated to humans, killed two yearling bears. In 

mid-June, campers were evacuated from Chilkoot Lake State campground for about 

2 weeks, owing to problem bears (Chilkat Valley News 2000h). In July, biologists 

from the Alaska Department of Fish and Game met to discuss bear viewing guidelines and to provide an information session for tour operators (Chilkat Valley News 

2000b). In August, a bear biologist began conducting research on bear behavior 

and human interactions with bears at Chilkoot. Congestion intensified during peak 

bear feeding weeks in late summer. By the end of summer, four bears had been 

killed, and residents acknowledged a pressing need to monitor tourism activity. In 

response, the Haines Chamber of Commerce received a small grant to initiate a 

planning process in the Chilkoot corridor. The Chilkoot Corridor Management Plan 

would involve key stakeholders, including Lutak landowners, the Chilkoot Indian 

Association, Lynn Canal Conservation, tour companies, and other local residents. 

Again, the emergence of this organization demonstrated the need for tourism management. 

The Cruise Industry Response 

The votes in favor of taxing tourism businesses and capping cruise ship levels 

resulted in a flurry of activity affecting the Port of Haines. The first setback to 

Haines businesses occurred in October 1999, when a small cruise company, Special 
79

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Expeditions, announced that it would not return with its two ships because of the 

increase in large cruise ship activity. Shortly after the October tax and cruise cap 

measures were approved, Princess Cruises announced that the company would not 

return with the Dawn Princess for the 2000 season, citing an “unfriendly attitude” 

(Chilkat Valley News 1999c). Then, after the vote in favor of taxes on beds and 

tours passed in April 2000, Norwegian Cruise Lines announced that they would 

not bring the Norwegian Sky back to Haines for daytime dockings after the 2000 

season. These decisions were attributed to “economic factors,” but many local tour 

operators insisted that the antitourism climate in Haines led the companies to back 

away from the community. Some felt that the cruise industry was making an example of Haines for other southeast Alaska communities considering tax levies or 

docking restrictions. 

In December 2000, the community of Haines received a significant shock. 

Royal Caribbean International announced that they were canceling all their 52 summer dockings for 2001 (Chilkat Valley News 2000j). This announcement came after 

what many perceived to be a positive visit by Royal Caribbean officials to Haines in 

July 2000. Royal Caribbean executives cited rising fuel costs as the primary reason 

for its withdrawal—indicating that they would save $1.45 million in fuel costs and 

docking fees by dropping Haines. Another economic factor may have been related 

to the expanded schedule of Skagway’s White Pass Yukon Route Railway; economic analyses determined it would be more lucrative for the ships to sell railway tours 

in Skagway rather than to dock in Haines. This schedule change reduced the number of large ships from five to just one, resulting in the loss of about 120,000 passengers. The news dramatically affected shopowners and small tour operators who 

relied on the cruise ships. Local estimates suggested that the municipality would 

lose an estimated $445,000 in sales tax revenues, docking fees, and water sales to 

the ships (Chilkat Valley News 2000f). In addition, business owners predicted a 

significant loss in business activity. Moreover, the late announcement of this schedule adjustment did not allow some businesses enough time to plan ahead. As one 

former Haines resident put it, “Everyone was surprised by the news. It was terrible 

the way they told us—no warning. They could at least have the decency to give us 

a year so that we could have time to adjust.” Haines residents tended to personalize 

this corporate decision that was likely made based on sound economic analysis and 

profit maximization principles. 

Haines residents offered various interpretations and explanations of the Royal 

Caribbean decision. Many interpreted the abruptness of the announcement as 

a “slap in the face.” Although economic factors were cited, local tour operators 

blamed environmental protests and an unfriendly attitude among Haines residents 

The Haines community 

received a significant 

shock when Royal 

Caribbean cancelled 

all 52 of its summer 

dockings for 2001.
80

General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

as being key to the Royal Caribbean decision. Regardless of the rationale, Haines 

businesses were devastated by the news. One former tourism director reacted in 

this way:

We need to keep in mind that the cruise industry made Haines a destination. They could easily go somewhere else. ... If you’ve never been to 

Haines, you don’t know how beautiful it is. People in Haines often say, 

‘Haines is beautiful. People will continue to come here, so we shouldn’t 

worry about the cruise ships leaving.’ People don’t realize that the 

cruise industry decides what is beautiful by bringing people there. 

People on the ships don’t know what they’ve missed—other places in 

southeast Alaska are also beautiful to them. The reality is, if we’re not 

nice to the cruise industry, they will leave. And they did.

Other residents interpreted the Royal Caribbean decision as a message being 

sent to all southeast Alaska ports involved in cruise-based tourism, namely, “you 

play it our way or you don’t play it at all.” “They are just trying to make an example of us,” said one tour operator, “so that the other communities fall in line.” One 

tourism owner perceived the cruise line’s reasoning in this way: “Maybe the cruise 

companies want the upper hand—so that the town will be destroyed and people will 

go crying back to them—ready to play on their terms. Then they can get the upper 

hand and have it their way.... Maybe they are trying to crush us.”

Some worried that the cruise companies would use this opportunity to weaken 

the economy and purchase local businesses at a discounted rate. The abruptness of 

Royal Caribbean’s decision and the seemingly vague explanations offered caused 

many to speculate and worry about the future.

Haines residents took several steps to respond to the potential of diminished 

cruise traffic. In a meeting sponsored by the Chamber of Commerce, 40 business 

owners discussed ideas about how to respond to Royal Caribbean’s decision. One 

idea proposed by a tour operator was to consider voting again to eliminate the tour 

tax to entice the cruise companies to return to Haines. Other ideas included developing a large attraction (of similar scale to the Juneau Tramway or the White Pass 

Railroad), or supporting state efforts to introduce a state cruise tax. As an intermediary step, a delegation of four Haines officials, including city and borough mayors, 

economic development director, and a local business owner, went to Florida to meet 

with cruise officials to consider ways to attract cruise ships in the future (Chilkat 

Valley News 2001c). As a result of these meetings, the Norwegian dockings for 

2001 were confirmed and communications with Royal Caribbean were maintained. 

The foursome also met with representatives from small cruise lines to encourage 

Haines residents 

took several steps 

to respond to the 

potential of diminished 

cruise traffic.
81

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

their return to Haines. It is interesting to note that in other industries, such as timber, established lobbyists with significant expertise in forest economics and timber 

policy would network with congressional representatives at the national level to 

influence corporate politics. In the case of tourism, four local officials were dispensed without congressional intermediaries to influence corporate decisionmaking directly. The lack of knowledgeable advocates savvy to international tourism 

economics and cruise industry politics was striking. 

The cruise industry further demonstrated its ability to determine the success 

or failure of individual tourism businesses in Haines. As in any business, partnerships and financial relations come and go, reflecting shifting priorities. In working 

with the cruise lines, many Haines businesses were reminded that economic relations were not entirely equal. At least one Haines tour operator who had publicly 

favored the tour tax measure was told in May 2000 that the company’s tours would 

no longer be sold by a cruise line. Then, in January 2001, Royal Caribbean announced it would terminate relations with two long-term Haines tour operators 

(Chilkat Valley News 2001c). The corporation explained that they needed to work 

with tourism partners who could provide high-volume tours and meet quality standards. For local businesses, the potential loss of cruise ship contracts was real, and 

the decisions made involving these three prominent businesses were a reminder 

to all about the ramifications of gearing a product to one aspect of the tourism industry—cruise-based tourism. “We’ll just take a step back, look at our business, 

and try to reach out more to independent tourists,” said one impacted tour operator. 

Despite these setbacks, the tourism outlook for Haines was not entirely gloomy. 

Cruise traffic to Haines dropped to 43,000 passengers in 2001, and many businesses 

suffered losses in revenue. Yet, the focus of tourism development was on 2002. A 

new city tourism director with considerable experience in corporate tourism sought 

to deepen ties with large and small cruise lines, and her efforts to attract cruise 

ships for 2002 paid off, with increased dockings by two major cruise lines, increasing 2002 totals to more than 80,000 passengers. A marketing plan by the Haines 

Chamber of Commerce to target Yukon residents also was initiated (Chilkat Valley 

News 2001a). The shock of a diminished large-ship cruise industry provided an 

opportunity for the community to plan its future relations with tourism more deliberately. One local resident saw the change as a welcome pause: “The independent 

tourism market has been ignored. The small cruise ships have been ignored. Now, 

maybe people will start thinking and planning to attract these markets.” Another 

former resident agreed, saying “Maybe the Royal Caribbean decision is a blessing; 

it will force the community to plan.” 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Conclusion

Tourism in Haines grew quietly for many years until the decline of the timber industry sparked an interest in tourism among local leaders concerned with the future 

of their community. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, local decisionmakers initiated changes in the community that led to the blossoming of cruise ship tourism in 

the late 1990s. Once the cruise industry invested in Haines, the community found 

itself subject to global tourism markets and corporate politics. By 1999, Haines 

residents were becoming aware of negative externalities associated with cruise ship 

tourism. When local efforts to manage the increasing visitor volume were met with 

resistance, tourism politics took on a different tone. Some problems were addressed 

through localized efforts in collaborative management. Other problems eluded the 

planning process, resulting in high-profile protests and letter-writing campaigns. 

As the community wrestled with these issues and efforts were being made to find 

a common ground between local interests and cruise ship needs, executives at 

Royal Caribbean decided to delete Haines from its itineraries, leaving the city 

with a $1.5-million debt and a limited source of income. The story of tourism in 

Haines seems to represent a classic study of the relation between agency and structure, between local autonomy and the power of big industry. 

As the emphasis on cruise-based tourism increased, local companies responded 

in various ways. First, small-scale tours began to cater to cruise passengers, changing the volume, frequency, and intensity of their tours. To meet cruise-industry 

demands, tours offered shorter trips for more people and at more frequent intervals. 

Many business owners expanded and diversified their products and services to create new niches. Second, as local tour companies competed for cruise passengers, 

the need for cruise ship partnerships became paramount. This led to a polarization 

between pre-sold and “independent” tour operators, who cooperated within their 

respective groups to lobby for their shared positions. Third, the involvement of 

Klukwan, Inc., a highly capitalized corporation, intensified competition and took 

some business away from existing providers. Although many supported the Native corporation, there was a growing realization that as tourism developed, larger 

companies would be in a better financial position to invest in the industry and the 

“mom-and-pop” flavor of Haines tourism would dissipate. Finally, the increasing reliance on cruise traffic created a rift between the traditional style of tourism (shops, 

galleries, and arts events) and land-based tours. Because of the intense marketing of 

tours by the cruise ships, many local businesses experienced a decline in their customer base. Social rifts within Haines tourism players made it difficult to achieve a 

unified vision related to future tourism. 
83

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

This section presents results from a preliminary analysis of interview data from 

Haines residents. Future reports will provide more detailed understanding of local 

tourism trends and further substantiate and quantify these findings. This initial 

analysis has elicited several themes related to the community’s relation with tourism. (1) Tourism both reflects and reinforces division in the community among 

those who prioritize the need for local jobs vs. those valuing minimal changes in 

the relation between the community and the environment. (2) The perceived positive impacts of tourism are largely economic, although tourism results in changes 

to the sociocultural fabric of community life as well as to local resource uses. For 

example, although a small number of entrepreneurs may realize direct economic 

benefits, the sociocultural and resource effects are shared throughout the community. (3) As a service-sector industry, tourism favors workers with a different set of 

skills than those useful in the timber economy. Its emergence as a key industry has 

altered the structure of the workforce. (4) Actions by tourism corporations and their 

local tourism intermediaries influence the economic future and local identity of the 

community. 

This section is structured around three subsections. First, I discuss responses to 

questions about the controversial nature of tourism in Haines. Next, I present resident perceptions of the various impacts of tourism—economic, social, cultural, and 

environmental. In the final section, residents discuss their visions and concerns for 

the future and elaborate on key aspects of the relation between their community and 

tourism. In this preliminary analysis, I present responses from community members as a whole, with some discussion about variations among key social groups. 

In future reports, further analysis of various social actors and tourism stakeholders 

will be undertaken. As is standard in the presentation of qualitative data, themes 

will be presented and substantiated with direct quotations from resident interviews. 

Understanding the Roots of Tourism Conflict

During my research tenure in Haines, tourism was of concern to most of its residents. There was an ongoing dialogue about tourism both within and implicitly 

between the local papers, the Chilkat Valley News and Eagle Eye Journal. At least 

five researchers of different academic backgrounds were studying some aspect of 

tourism and recreation in Haines. Many public meetings elicited comments about 

the role of “industrial-scale tourism” and its impacts on public lands, city streets, 

water and sewer systems, and many other aspects of community life. With tourism 

being such a “hot” issue in Haines, it made sense to ask Haines residents what was 

at the root of local tourism debates. 

Section 4: Understanding 

Tourism-Community Relations
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Specifically, research participants were asked to explain why tourism was a 

controversial issue in Haines. Responses to this question pointed to conflicts in values and lifestyle preferences. I have organized responses into several broad themes 

that reflect a wide range of community perspectives. One general trend emerging 

from the data is that some Haines residents struggle with the shift in local identity away from total reliance on commodities-based production, namely timber 

and fishing, toward a more diverse economy, with a growing prominence of tourism. This shift in economic organization also brings social changes that are not 

always welcomed or well understood. Most agreed that the natural beauty of Haines 

seemed to attract a variety of people and perspectives to the community. Those who 

have chosen to live in Haines because of the predominance of the natural surroundings and minimal signs of development often were pitted against those with a more 

utilitarian view of resource development. These competing views of community 

identity and land use were repeatedly rationalized during public debates. Interestingly, whereas long-time residents often pointed to these inherent social conflicts as 

the root cause of tourism debate, relative newcomers tended to identify the source 

of tourism conflict in the nature of the industry itself. Meanwhile, people involved 

in the tourism industry often observed that residents on all sides of the issue appeared to fear the changes associated with tourism, whether they are changes in the 

structure of the workforce or changes to the natural environment. 

Jobs versus the environment—

There appeared to be much tension in the community between those who chose 

to live in Haines because of its natural beauty or small-town life and those who 

resided in Haines because they sought to develop its natural resources. For many 

long-time residents especially, the future of the city is dependent on economic development and jobs. Several decades of precarious economic conditions led to an 

institutionalized sense of insecurity for long-time residents. Many long-time residents want to create local jobs so that their children and grandchildren can remain 

in Haines, but there is some doubt that tourism jobs will satisfy this economic need. 

Meanwhile, other Haines residents, whose income may or may not be derived from 

the local marketplace, tend to prioritize clean air and water, access to wilderness, 

abundant recreation opportunities, and rural living over future employment opportunities. Over the past years, many have moved to Haines in search of a simpler 

lifestyle and a backdrop of natural beauty. Some work as teachers, government 

employees, health professionals, consultants, stockbrokers, and farmers. Some are 

telecommuting out of California and Anchorage. For these residents, growth in the 

local economy at the expense of natural resources is not desirable. In short, there is 

a conflict in values among those who prioritize the health of the economy and those 

Those who have 

chosen to live in 

Haines because of the 

natural surroundings 

and minimal signs of 

development often 

were pitted against 

those with a more 

utilitarian view of 

natural resources. 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

less willing to tolerate unwelcome changes in the environment. As one long-time 

business owner said, “People move up here from California or Seattle to get away 

from the smog and the pavement. They don’t want to see this development happen 

in Haines. Haines is their Shangri-la.” Another restaurant owner added, “Those environmentalists come from down south. They don’t want Haines to become like the 

places they left.” One relative newcomer phrased this in a different way: “Tourism 

reflects a division in the community between those who want to make a living in 

any manner possible and those who don’t—those who seek something beyond the 

economy.” As the economy becomes more tentative, these conflicts heighten. 

Several long-time Haines residents indicated the source of tourism conflict was 

those whom they perceived as deliberately preventing development of any kind in 

Haines, while wanting to preserve the environment for their own enjoyment. One 

long-time resident noted, “Some people have a ‘shut-the-door’ mentality,” meaning that once they have arrived, they do not want to see further population growth 

or alterations in the landscape or in the city’s character. One tourism proponent 

echoed the sentiments of many long-time residents and business owners, “There is 

a segment of the people that has made its money down south and now want things 

to be left as they are. Meanwhile, others need to work for a living.” Some claimed 

that there was an antidevelopment bias among certain residents of the population, 

whereas another attributed the contentious nature of tourism to the “radical fringe” 

that had moved to Haines. Several people who supported business development in 

Haines suggested that tourism would not be such a big issue if there were not so 

many people “who are independently wealthy and have lots of time on their hands.” 

Indeed, Haines attracts a variety of people who come to the community for 

different reasons. As the community moves forward in planning tourism and other 

economic development opportunities, awareness of the diverse goals and interests 

of the population will be necessary. In the future, one set of interests may win out 

over the others determining whether the town will retain its essential character as a 

logging community or evolve into something else.

“Us” and “them”: a culture of conflict—

Most Haines residents interviewed—across the political spectrum—attributed 

the current conflict over tourism to the contentious nature of local residents. Some 

even traced this culture of conflict back to the area’s original inhabitants—the 

Chilkat and Chilkoot clans, which long battled over access to resources in the valley. A Fort Seward resident suggested that historical divisions between Haines and 

Fort Seward—first in its incarnation as a military post and later as a blossoming 

community of artisans, entrepreneurs, and newcomers—may have fostered an “usversus-them” mentality. Several residents identified the roots of local conflict in the 
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unique character of Alaskans: “People attracted to Alaska are those who are opinionated and not big into rules. They are strong-willed and maybe not too socially 

adept—that’s why they left the places they came from.” Others felt that the weather 

ignited local conflicts, believing that long winters, darkness, and isolation of Haines 

contributed to an antagonistic mentality. One 18-year resident of Haines observed, 

“Sometimes people get squirrelly in the winters, because of the weather. Unless you 

are able to escape south for a few weeks, you get a little pallid and cantankerous. 

This is like a breeding ground for conflicts. It never fails; every winter we end up 

fighting about something.” Whether or not Alaskans are inherently “cantankerous,” 

this pugnacious spirit is commonly mentioned among residents and seems to be an 

important aspect of a shared Haines identity.

The spirit of conflict may have been cultivated or exacerbated by a 20-year 

series of local debates about the future of the Haines economy that have pitted 

environmental interests against development. As one 20-year resident noted humorously, “No matter what the issue is, people walk around town with ‘Yes’ buttons 

and ‘No’ buttons. It’s either ‘Yes mining’ or ‘No Mines.’ The next year it’s ‘Yes’ 

to helicopters or ‘No’ helicopters.’ Maybe we should just wear hats that simply say 

‘Yes’ and ‘No’ and put them on every year.” 

Another resident agreed, “Local people are so vicious in debates. One issue 

seems to carry into the next.” Over time, these debates have personalized public 

issues and polarized the community. One business owner declared, “Everything 

is controversial in Haines.” Another called Haines the “Valley of Vendetta,” citing 

numerous examples in which physical violence, boycotts, and smear campaigns had 

been used to solve problems. This history of conflict causes many Haines residents 

to divide the community into two distinct camps. As one tour operator suggested, 

“Rhetoric in Haines gets down to black and white. Either you’re for it or against it.”

Many people feel that their views are “pigeon holed” before they even get a chance 

to share them. “Without even talking to me, people assume I’m going to feel a certain way, when they may not realize that I actually agree with them. People stereotype without knowing my opinion.” 

Another business owner agreed, “People are locked into a perspective and just 

become stuck there, even though they may not fully agree with it.” A relatively new 

tour operator added, “Rifts are strong. People now oppose each other for personal 

reasons.” A couple of respondents asked me searchingly whether an anthropologist can serve as a kind of “community therapist.” Conflict seems to have become 

a habit in Haines. Several people noted that the only time the community got along 

well together was in 1990, during the filming of White Fang, when almost everyone 

had money and work through the winter.

“Rhetoric in Haines 

gets down to black 

and white. Either 

you’re for it or 

against it.”
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Haines as a transitional economy—

One explanation of the controversial nature of tourism often was espoused among 

tourism industry proponents, who often felt that the history of Haines as a mining, 

timber, and fishing town had created a bias toward manufacturing jobs. Since 1980, 

the economic structure of Haines had become more similar to that of the rest of 

the United States, with a balance of jobs in manufacturing, services, and retail. 

With these changes came a new breed of workers, a new pattern of work, and a new 

style of job that favors skills in communication, computers, entrepreneurship, marketing, and sales. Long-time Haines inhabitants, who traditionally worked in bluecollar jobs, did not always value retail and service jobs. One business owner in the 

tourism industry was quite specific, “There is some resentment in the community 

about the service industries and a sense of superiority related to the manufacturing 

industries.” Moreover another tour operator stated simply, “Haines is a transitional 

economy. It’s hard for people to adjust to changes.” Some long-time residents may 

simply lack the necessary skills to perform successfully in the tourism industry, 

causing business owners to recruit workers from outside the community and leaving long-time locals out of the new economy. One long-time resident expressed 

his fears: “It scares me not knowing where this wealth comes from. How do these 

people make their money? To me, wealth comes from resource utilization: trees, 

food, minerals, fish, oil. Now everyone seems to be some sort of consultant.” Some 

conflict related to tourism stems from this step away from resource-based commodities production. 

Not only are the tourism jobs different, but also the structure of the industry 

differs radically from that of manufacturing. During the timber years of the 1970s 

and 1980s, jobs were generally full-time, year-round positions with living wages 

and benefits. Tourism jobs, meanwhile are short term, part time, and seasonal—

catering to the schedule of cruise ship visits. As a result, tourism appears to be 

fragmented and piecemeal as an industry. People often work several jobs at odd 

times of the day to put together a living wage. The economic uncertainty of this 

industry also seemed to be alarming for some. One business owner offered this 

explanation:

Before, everyone worked for the timber industry or something that supplied services to timber. Jobs were secure and people were well paid. 

Now, Haines is a fragile collection of little businesses, where people are 

dependent on each other for survival. They no longer depend on one industry. This is scary for many people. There is a lot of uncertainty—no 

one is sure who is going to make it and who is not.
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In a small community, where social relations are extremely tight and lives inextricably interwoven, this economic uncertainty is experienced on a more personal 

level. Although several notable community residents made a transition from timber 

jobs to tourism—currently owning motels, tour operations, resorts, and recreational 

vehicle (RV) parks—others either left town or went into other blue-collar jobs. One 

resident now involved in tourism noted, “Most of my friends from the timber days 

are either dead, they moved away, or they’re pounding nails somewhere in town. ... 

I like to talk to people and tell stories. I figured maybe I could make a living doing 

this.”

Another important difference between tourism and timber relates to the economic relations inherent in service and manufacturing industries, respectively. With 

manufacturing, the consumer of the product generally is estranged from the production process. For example, in the timber industry, the final end-user of the wood 

product does not typically witness, or is even cognizant of its origins or the valueadded modifications that have taken place. In a service industry, such as tourism, 

the consumer of the product is present during production and the “product” is the 

consumer’s experience. As one tour operator put it, “Tourism is a people-intensive 

industry ... a customer-intensive industry. The customer is right there where the 

service is being created. In the timber industry, the customer was unseen. You just 

shipped the product to another factory. It was different.”

The interaction with people in a consumer marketplace may be foreign to a 

community like Haines, which for so long made its living in the mines, in the trees, 

and on the seas—far from humanity.

Newcomers and visitors challenge the Alaskan identity— 

For many residents interviewed, tourism-related tension resulted from a conflict 

in values between long-time residents and newcomers to the community, including both tourism entrepreneurs and environmentalists.1 Although people who have 

moved to Haines in the last 20 years represent a wide range of backgrounds and 

experiences, the term “newcomers” was used loosely to describe a category of 

people who may possess a combination of these characteristics: (a) middle-class 

or upper middle-class upbringing; (b) higher education levels; (c) experience in 

nonmanufacturing sectors of the economy (for example, retail, government, and 

services); and (d) exposure to ideas and trends from outside Alaska. Many of these 

qualities were rhetorically pitted against those who had lived and worked in Haines 

1 Many words were used by Haines residents to describe these groups of people: newcomers, 

newbies, upstarts, old-timers, natives, etc. These terms were chosen because they are deemed 

to be the most inclusive, descriptive, and objective of the groups they are intended to represent.

For many residents, 

tension resulted from 

a conflict in values 

between long-time 

residents and newcomers.
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

for many decades and who have held various jobs in traditional industries (for example, fishing, timber, oil, and construction). In other words, newcomers seemed 

to threaten the idea of what it meant to be Alaskan. Long, cold winters marked 

by rain, snow, and darkness do not make Haines an easy place to live year-round. 

However, living has been made easier because of a greater availability of products 

and services, improved public works and transportation links, libraries, and coffee 

shops—“improvements” that came with each wave of new residents. Thus, to be 

Alaskan no longer requires one to homestead through the winter without plumbing and central heating. Furthermore, it does not require one to work several odd 

jobs to scrimp and save—carving out a living on the frontier. There is no reason to 

test the perseverance of newcomers to see if they can handle the daily difficulties 

that once drove many away. As one interviewee noted, “When I first came [1960], 

no one would take me hunting. I had to prove myself, so I spent the winter home 

with the women. Some days I was the only able-bodied man in town. The next year 

I got invited to go hunting. They started to take me seriously.” That today’s new 

Alaskans are involved in small businesses, have professional skills, may even spend 

several months of the year down south, and may not need to hunt or fish, is shocking to some long-time residents. These sentiments suggest that perhaps Haines has 

become more integrated with the rest of the world and no longer requires a “pioneering” spirit for survival.

Other factors may be shaping this viewpoint that rhetorically pits newcomers against long-time residents. First, long-timers sometimes feel that newcomers 

to Haines shun the traditional structure of authority that shaped the community in 

years past. This unspoken system of decisionmaking meant that younger people 

deferred to the judgment of elders, and newcomers remained relatively muted until 

they had been accepted fully into the community, which some said took up to 20 

years.2 The newcomers of today are said to speak more freely in public meetings 

and challenge the ideas of their elders. Second, this tension between newcomers 

and long-timers represented the potential for an erosion of local power, away from 

leaders in the commodities-based industries and in favor of tourism entrepreneurs 

and new business owners. Long-time Haines residents may feel that some of their 

power is ebbing as newcomers become involved in commerce and public affairs. 

As one long-time resident and tour operator noted, “There is a conflict in the community between those who were born and raised in Haines and those who moved 

here.” Another Haines native added, “People who lived here a long time are not 

making money from tourism. A lot of people making money from tourism brought 

2 One 50-year resident interviewed said that only 5 years ago did she feel like she had been 

fully accepted by the original Haines residents. 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

their money with them.” Many long-time residents did not directly participate in the 

tourism industry and associated this industry with newcomers, even though some 

of its biggest players are long-time residents, including mill owners and workers. 

These attitudes reflected a local bias among a segment of the population against service-based industries, such as tourism.

The presence of visitors in Haines sometimes changed the perceptions held by 

local residents about their community. Inherent in the idea of tourism is that visitors 

(strangers) journey to someone else’s home to see something new. People originally 

attracted to Alaska may not be the same type of people who enjoy catering to visitors. As one resident reminded me, “In the past, Haines was home to miners, fishermen, and loggers. When I first got here [1977], the community hated tourists.... 

They thought tourists were for Disneyland. People really didn’t take to outsiders.”

For a community that was long isolated from the rest of the world, it is a dramatic 

shift to have strangers milling around town, treading on local hiking trails, or enjoying drinking water at local springs. In talking with Haines residents, I got the 

sense that the mere presence of visitors somehow had raised concerns about change 

in their community. Both newcomers and those who had lived most of their lives in 

Haines observed that the essential character of their town was evolving, and many 

linked these changes with the tourism industry. “We don’t want to lose what Haines 

is; we don’t want to become like every other tourist town.” Another tour operator 

noted, “The population of the town has been stable, but we’ve seen many timber 

people leave and they are being replaced by people involved in the tourism industry.” Economic indicators discussed earlier seem to confirm this observation. 

Tourism is pervasive and unpredictable—

From 1995 to 2000, the number of cruise ship visitors arriving in Haines grew, and 

tour companies increased their volume significantly to meet the demands of the 

cruise industry for larger and faster tours. Local tour companies frequently changed 

their itineraries, schedules, and locales in response to each other and to customer 

demand. Thus, one tour operator noted that tourism is a unique industry because 

its impacts are “in your face.” In other words, the effects of tourism are widespread 

and pervasive—occurring both downtown and in natural areas. Further, tourism has the capacity to alter the feeling and patterns of a place in a way that other 

industries, such as timber, do not. The thoughts of a long-time business owner are 

paraphrased here: 

With the timber industry, all of the work was done out of people’s view. 

We had to put up with the trucks going up and down the road, but that 

was something known and predictable. We knew the schedule and 

Tourism has the 

capacity to alter the 

feeling and patterns of 

a place in a way that 

other industries, such 

as timber, do not. 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

worked around it. With tourism, the impacts are everywhere, and they 

are occurring closer to people’s homes. It’s harder to predict when you 

will run into tourists and where. It becomes frustrating for residents 

who don’t know how best to take care of daily business or spend free 

time with their families.

Many residents interviewed were concerned about the presence of visitors and 

tour groups on their streets and in their backyards, as well as on their favorite trails 

and waterways. One lifelong resident of the community commented, “Tourism hits 

people closer to home. It affects how they make their living as well as how, when, 

and where they recreate.” It also affects the way people feel when they are at home. 

For some, their sense of peace was threatened by tourism. “My sanctuary had been 

transformed into something you see in a Vietnam movie.” Another long-time resident and public official concurred, “Tourism impacts people where they live—it 

affects their lifestyle. The planning process needs to take into account these concerns.” One resident said that he felt frustrated when he saw tourists walking in his 

backyard but did not know what tour they were with or whom to call to complain. 

The heterogeneous and spurious nature of tourism and the lack of a singular management authority is a peculiar trait of the tourism industry—one that sometimes 

incurs confusion or frustration among residents. Many tourism workers acknowledged that the tourism industry had not been fully aware of its negative effects on 

community life, nor had it worked closely enough with residents to address these 

concerns.

Wave of protest throughout southeast Alaska—

Part of the flurry of activity surrounding tourism in Haines was attributed to 

broader events happening throughout the region, namely in Juneau. When Royal 

Caribbean announced in summer 1999 that it was guilty of dumping toxic chemicals in Inside Passage waterways, many residents of southeast Alaska were furious. This, combined with escalating conflicts related to noise from helicopter tours 

in Juneau, sent many Juneau residents to nightly public hearings. A wave of protests occurred in Juneau and eventually Haines. Regional environmental organizations, such as Southeast Alaska Conservation Council, got involved in following 

the cruise ship issue, and the local Lynn Canal Conservation joined this effort. For 

some, the admitted cruise ship dumping was the proverbial straw that broke the 

camel’s back. Residents had been tolerant of the changes caused by tourism, but 

when they learned about the pollution, it “pushed” many Haines residents “over the 

edge.” There was the sense that one can adapt and adjust to crowds in recreation 

areas or city streets, but pollution of southeast Alaska waters, which people relied 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

on for food and to make a living, was unconscionable. This anger stemming from 

awareness of the environmental implications of cruise ships caused many people to 

actively seek to restrict the influence of cruise ships on the Haines community. 

Tourism’s fair share—

The borough’s budget crisis seems to have represented an opportunity for some 

members of the community to make sure that the tourism industry was paying its 

fair share. Several residents acknowledged that the Haines Borough’s budget crisis 

fueled tourism debates, causing public officials to seek new revenue sources and 

propose the tourism taxes of 1999. Many felt that the tourism industry needed to 

contribute to upkeep of local infrastructure, just as timber and fishing industries 

had contributed to municipalities through the raw-fish tax and stumpage fees. On 

the other hand, tourism proponents sometimes resented that the tourism industry 

had been targeted to solve long-term problems caused by chronic overspending. 

“The social infrastructure in Haines has built up beyond our means to support it,”

according to one long-time resident. One tour operator said that the tourism industry needed to improve its ability to convey the positive benefits the tourism industry brings to the community. 

Understanding the Impacts of Tourism 

All research participants discussed both the benefits and negative effects of tourism for the community of Haines. The effects of tourism are discussed below under five categories: economic, social, infrastructure, recreation, and environment. 

During interviews, I asked residents to separately reflect on both the positive and 

negative impacts of tourism. In presenting the results, rather than separate “positive” from “negative” effects, I discuss the diverse effects of tourism thematically 

to promote a more holistic understanding of this industry. In many cases, what 

seemed to be an overall positive impact also had some shortcomings. For example, 

many people observed that tourism created jobs; however, they also mentioned that 

tourism jobs were not year-round, well-paid positions with benefits. In considering 

tourism impacts, most interviewees took into account the ways tourism impacted 

the community as a whole. However, some also mentioned how tourism affected 

them personally. 

Economic Impacts

Most of the interviewees stressed the economic benefits of tourism to the community. Many talked about economic benefits in a generic way—the overall circulation of tourist dollars. Others spoke more specifically about its effects on job 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

creation, business development, and tax benefits. Yet, nearly half of the comments 

about the negative effects of tourism on Haines were linked to economic factors, 

with residents questioning the extent to which tourism truly contributed to the 

local economy. A Juneau Empire story published in May 2000 described results 

of a 1999 study on the economic impact of tourism in Skagway (Juneau Empire 

2000b). This article, widely cited by Haines residents, showed that 1 tourist dollar 

in 10 that was spent in Skagway actually remained in Skagway’s economy. As a 

result of this article, many Haines residents began to wonder just how much tourism 

was actually contributing to their economy. 

Circulation of tourism dollars—

Many Haines residents were aware that tourism brought money into the city in the 

form of direct spending by tourism firms, payroll expenditures, and contributions 

to the tax rolls through tax revenues. Not only did businesses directly involved in 

the tourism industry benefit from outside spending, but many also noted the more 

subtle ways that local businesses were affected indirectly. For example, one mechanic explained that he worked on all the vehicles for a particular tour operator. 

An owner of a local clothing company sold jackets and sports equipment to another 

tour operator. A restaurant owner talked about the benefits of spending by ship employees on food and beverages. A tour operator noted that he bought fish from local 

fishermen to feed his customers. 

Many interviewees felt that a high percentage of tourism dollars left Haines for 

several reasons. First, a significant proportion of tourism employees were nonresidents, who take a portion of earnings with them when they leave for the winter. 

Second, many perceived that an increasing proportion of business owners were 

seasonal residents of Haines. Third, some residents interviewed felt that tourism 

did not adequately pay its dues to city and borough governments, and that more tax 

benefits from tourism needed to be achieved through careful monitoring of industry. A few respondents found it interesting that although tourism grew dramatically 

from 1995 to 2000, the budget for the visitor center, which was derived from sales 

tax revenues, remained flat—thereby suggesting that tax revenues were not matching economic growth. Finally, several downtown merchants noted that a shift in 

emphasis on shore excursions meant that visitors were spending more time on tours 

outside the city and less time spending money in town. The implication was that 

the business community was not benefiting fully from the vast numbers of visitors 

coming off the cruise ships. A thoughtful economic impact study would be necessary to test these observations. However, these comments reflect some dissatisfaction with tourism’s economic role.
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

Tax contributions—

The ability of tourism to contribute to local municipalities through sales tax revenues also was important to residents. The issue of tax revenues was particularly 

cogent because the tour tax and bed tax measures had been passed in April 2000. 

Although the bed tax was being phased in and the implementation of the tour tax 

had been delayed until 2001, the potential for tourism to contribute to local coffers 

in the future was significant—especially the ability of tourism to help bridge a budget deficit for Haines Borough. Many residents make a direct connection between 

the tourism tax and the future of the library, the museum, and other key services 

provided by the Haines Borough government. As one resident noted, “I like the 

fact that tourism is finally paying its way. The timber industry paid its way with the 

stumpage fees, and the borough gets the raw-fish tax. It’s time that tourism pays for 

its way.” 

Local jobs and employment skills—

For many people, especially those who have lived in Haines for more than 20 

years, tourism was viewed as an important means of economic survival. As one 

business owner noted, “Without tourism, we wouldn’t have a business. We would 

have closed down our doors in 1994. Tourism has given us a life and allowed our 

family to continue living in Haines. I hate to even think about what would have 

happened if they hadn’t built the dock. It has been a shot in the arm for Haines.”

Another business owner noted, “Tourism provides the cashflow needed to feed, 

clothe, and house people.” Many interviewees expressed the idea that tourism is 

keeping the community going or “keeping businesses afloat” after downturns felt 

in the timber industry. As one resident observed, “Tourism has allowed families to 

stay in the community who otherwise might have left because there were no jobs.” 

Although tourism was initially viewed by many as an industry to “tide the community over” until a more substantial industry was introduced, tourism was now 

recognized as the primary industry of the town. “Without tourism, the economy 

would be stagnant.”3

Although job creation was often cited as a benefit of tourism, many respondents, including those within the tourism industry, commented that tourism jobs 

are not as highly paid as those found in other economic sectors. In addition to low 

wages, tourism jobs are highly seasonal—allowing people to get by in summer, but 

creating economic difficulties in winter. A small percentage of tourism jobs came 

with employee benefits, such as health plans or retirement plans. One tour owner 

3 Many commercial fishermen would argue that their industry is still the most economically 

significant in Haines.

A small percentage of 

tourism jobs came with 

employee benefits.
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

noted, “Tourism does not put food on the table for most people. It goes into the 

pockets of owners and numerous college kids.” Some felt that tourism jobs were 

bifurcated, creating a few high-wage, management positions and many low-wage, 

minimal-skill jobs. The lack of midlevel jobs is a common characteristic of the 

tourism industry. For a tourism worker to earn a year-round living, he or she must 

patch together two or three summer jobs. In addition, workers often clocked in long 

hours to meet visitor needs and unusual ship schedules. A local motel owner noted 

that the downside of tourism was that the jobs were low paying compared to timber. 

“Where timber jobs paid $15 per hour with benefits, the tourism jobs pay $8 per 

hour with no benefits. Plus, it’s seasonal work.” One resident took offense to tourism jobs, which he called “shallow and stupid.” 

Employment skills were another benefit of tourism to residents. The ability of 

tourism jobs to promote lifelong employment skills was noted especially by tourism 

operators and parents, who often stated that tourism provided young people with 

important personal and professional skills that will be helpful in future professional 

endeavors. As one tour operator noted, “Tourism teaches people lifelong skills, such 

as poise, courtesy, and sophistication. This gives our children a jump-start when 

they enter the world or go off to college. It builds confidence and teaches communication skills that are important in any industry.”

Inequitable benefits—

Some noted that tourism had tangible economic benefits for a handful of successful 

business owners, but that the economic benefits for other workers were marginal. 

“Unless you’re an owner of one of the Big Five, you can’t really say that tourism 

has a lot of direct benefits for you.” One former tourism worker stated that one day 

she realized that she was “working her tail off all summer and making no money, 

while the owner of the company was making millions.... I quit after that and got 

into something completely different. We can’t raise a family on that income.” The 

inequitable economic benefits associated with tourism are related to the lack of opportunities for advancement within small tourism businesses, which are structured 

horizontally, with one or two owners and a larger number of workers. 

Economic dependence—

The anger and frustration expressed by some residents toward the cruise industry 

stemmed from feelings of powerlessness and economic dependence on the cruise 

ships. Many people stated that they felt tired of having their lives wrapped around 

the decisions of the cruise ship industry. “I feel like we’re at the mercy of tourism.” For many in Haines, the success or failure of the local economy hinged on the 

continued presence of two major cruise lines. In public debates about the tour tax, 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

tour operators further fostered this belief about the importance of the cruise ships 

in the economic success of the community. During an interview with the Chilkat 

Valley News, one local tour operator was reported to have said that if voters passed 

a tour tax, the cruise ships would leave town (Chilkat Valley News 1999f). Many 

pre-sold tour operators interviewed echoed this sentiment. An interview with another tour operator revealed further evidence of this fear, “There is a rumor that 

Royal Caribbean is pulling out. The only thing that keeps them here is the guilt 

from dumping chemicals.... We’ll be lucky if we don’t get burned.” People whose 

livelihoods depended on cruise ship traffic tourism often felt a sense of desperation—that tourism is the last hope for the community. “Everyone is fighting for the 

one last dollar. If we had a stronger economy, we’d be more relaxed,” one long-time 

restaurant proprietor said. This doubt and insecurity stemmed from a long history of involvement with cyclical industries. Haines residents discussed their fears 

about the potential downfall of the Haines economy. As one interviewee pointed 

out, “Haines, like many Alaskan towns, has a long history of building an industry, 

losing it, and building it again. Boom and bust. In between, there are some losses—

some people leave, while others stay behind to pick up the pieces.”

The result of these economic cycles is that “People in Haines live with tremendous feelings of doubt and insecurity. They worry that the economy will not protect 

them.” This doubt pervaded Haines—affecting the short-term economic decisions 

of the community and its local identity. Many viewed tourism as the town’s “last 

hope” or “our last chance,” perhaps suggesting that if cruise ships stop coming, the 

town will disintegrate. “We’ve done mining, we’ve done timber, we’ve done fishing, now we have tourism,” one respondent explained. There seemed to be a shared 

sense that Haines is at the end of its rope on some evolutionary scale of economic 

development. For some, this belief inspired a desire to cater to the cruise companies 

at all costs, or risk economic demise. Local residents and city officials, while seeking efforts to diversify the economy, were working with a limited list of options. 

Yet, both tourism proponents and critics expressed the need for local control of the 

economic future of the community.

Characteristics of the tourism industry—

Several interviewees said there were some aspects of the tourism industry they did 

not enjoy including its competitiveness, emphasis on networking, and lack of courtesy. First, some failed to appreciate what is perceived to be the fiercely competitive 

nature of tourism. Several people commented that tourism leads to intense competition, “nastiness,” and a cut-throat “sharkpit” mentality that requires some business 

owners to engage in price-gouging, competitive marketing, product simulation, 

and other characteristics of a market economy. Specifically, some locals were not 
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comfortable with the competitive nature of tour operators at the Port Chilkoot dock. 

Haines residents feared the aura of competitive business, epitomized by Skagway, 

that is sometimes characteristic of tourism. Some felt that if tourism were to grow 

in Haines, lower quality businesses would be attracted to the area and thus potentially harm the reputation of Haines. Second, tourism operators often shared that 

they did not enjoy ingratiating themselves with the cruise lines. To be a successful 

tour company serving the cruise lines, a proprietor is required to “wine and dine” 

the shore-ex on a regular basis. Gifts, favors, dinners, and evening entertainment 

for the shore-ex comprise a regular portion of the budget for any pre-sold tour 

company. Nearly every tour operator stated that this process was exhausting but 

essential for successful relations with the cruise industry. Although some independent tour operators refused to curry favor, others had tried and failed to make an 

adequate presentation to cruise executives, thereby becoming deeply embittered. 

For residents who had been trained in commodities industries, this type of human 

interaction proved difficult. Third, many residents disliked what they perceived to 

be a lack of courtesy among industry professionals. A lack of courtesy also was 

observed among tour operators. “They need to work on being better neighbors,” one 

business owner commented. There was a sense that the tourism industry was not 

fully tuned in to the ways their business and their industry interacted with the community. Finally, others made general comments reflecting their disregard for persons involved in tourism. As one long-time resident noted, “Tourism brings to town 

the carpet-bagger, the flim-flam man.” There seemed to be a general sense that the 

tourism industry attracted or cultivated business characteristics that contrasted with 

common local practices of commerce. 

Seasonality—

In talking about the economic benefits, some research participants qualified their 

responses to note that tourism contributes to the “summer economy” or “seasonal 

economy.” Whereas some respondents viewed this as a negative feature of tourism, 

one tour operator enjoyed the fact that tourism allowed him to “work hard 6 months 

and play hard 6 months.” Others pointed out that tourism was important for creating summer jobs, especially for local teenagers, teachers, and returning college 

students, but that the jobs created by tourism were not enough to sustain most families on a year-round basis. A rough analysis of several tour companies provides an 

understanding of the ability of tourism to provide year-round employment. Among 

16 tour operators offering shore excursions, 25 employees made a year-round living in tourism, and another 305 workers received seasonal payroll benefits. In other 

words, for every year-round employee, there were 12 seasonal workers (or, for every 

tour company, there were 1.5 year-round employees). This analysis does not include 
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other tourism-related businesses, such as shops, museums, and tourism attractions, 

which generally hire fewer seasonal employees than tour operators. However, it 

does provide an indication of year-round tourism beneficiaries. 

Some residents were saddened by the growing seasonality of businesses in 

town. The industry attracted many nonlocal workers employed as guides, as hotel staff, and in shops. Tourism contributed to a growth of seasonal workers who 

have different values and interests from long-time Haines inhabitants. Many local 

residents observed that summer workers tended to socialize among themselves and 

did not interact often with year-round residents—creating a rift between locals and 

the tourism industry. Some questioned the extent to which tourism workers were 

involved in community life. A former guide commented, “Guiding is not good for 

the economy. Guides do not have loyalty—they are just out to have fun. They make 

some money and go elsewhere. Most are not committed to Haines.” Furthermore, 

an expansion in the “second-home economy” also contributed to this growing feeling that Haines was becoming a summer community. 

Greater product variety and access to markets—

Residents acknowledged their improved ability to purchase a broader variety of 

affordable goods and services in Haines and associated this trend with tourism. 

Several local businesses purchased bulk items for reduced rates to sell to visitors 

and residents. Without tourists, these goods would not be purchased in bulk quantities and would be sold for higher prices, if at all. In addition, many felt that because 

of the presence of visitors, they had greater access to quality goods than in the past. 

Some pointed to the proliferation of coffee shops, natural-food products, high-quality art, and recreational services available. One resident stated, “We’ve never before 

had so many places to go for a cup of coffee.” On the other hand, several residents also expressed dismay about the predominance of products geared for tourist 

consumption. Shops that had once catered to local needs now had items marketed 

to visitors, thus reducing the amount of items geared to locals. One resident said, 

“There was a shop in town that used to carry a lot of useful stuff. Now they sell 

t-shirts and trinkets. They do have good stuff in the winter though.” Some observed 

that each wave of people coming to Haines had brought in new ideas, interests, and 

consumer patterns. The appearance of new items in the market seemed to signal a 

change in community values and priorities associated with participants in the tourism economy. 

For many artists, tourism connects them to the buying public. Although at least 

one artist has refused to sell his work to visitors on principal, many had their works 

displayed in one or more of the local galleries. Tourism allowed them to live in a 

desirable community without having to travel great distances to access a customer 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

base. In addition, one Tlingit resident noted that tourism created a market for Native 

arts and crafts and thus has spurred an interest among Native carvers to rekindle 

their arts tradition. 

Social Impacts

Although economic aspects of tourism were frequently discussed, many commented on the ability of tourism to alter social relations and institutions in Haines. Several residents spoke of the positive social impacts of tourism, such as the enhanced 

opportunities for social interaction, the joy of sharing Alaskan life with visitors, 

and a heightened sense of community pride. Far more comments related to negative 

social impacts including its effect on the pace of community life, conflict between 

social groups, a change in quality of life, and the transformation of local identity. 

Some of the most compelling comments stemmed from resident frustration about 

having to experience the effects of tourism from their homes and neighborhoods. 

Social interactions and community vitality—

Many residents alluded to the ability of tourism to promote social interactions 

between residents and nonresidents. This interaction took place on many levels: 

between visitors and tourism workers, between visitors and residents, and between 

local tourism workers and nonresident workers. The exchange of new ideas, trends, 

and experiences was a welcome aspect of tourism, especially for the community’s 

youth. “Without the tourists, it gets kind of boring around here,” one young resident noted. “It breaks up the pace of life a bit,” conceded one tourism critic. Many 

agreed, noting that the opportunity to look at and talk to new people is important in 

a relatively isolated community such as Haines. Several residents, including those 

concerned about cruise ship tourism, noted that life in Haines feels more spirited 

during the visitor season. This added vitality, assumedly, stemmed from increased 

interactions among people, increased flow of money throughout the community, 

and the frenetic pace of work associated with tourism.

A significant number of people interviewed were concerned about the quickened pace of life during the summer tourist season. This view was especially 

common among those involved directly in tourism. Because the cruise ships often 

docked in the evening, it was possible for family members to work tourism jobs at 

night in addition to their daytime responsibilities. The nonstop pace was difficult to 

maintain for families, especially when both parents held one or more tourism jobs, 

as well as for friends, who rarely got to see one another during summer. Two 

respondents noted jokingly that they did not plan to see their friends until October, 

when the potluck season would start up again. Some lamented the feelings of 

disjointedness in their social networks during summer—one said that tourism 

Several residents 

spoke of the positive 

social impacts of tourism, such as social 

interaction, sharing 

Alaska with visitors, 

and community pride. 

Far more comments related to negative social 

impacts such as conflict 

between groups and 

a change in the quality 

of life. 
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represented a fracture in the continuity of community life. During the tourism 

season, tourism workers tended to socialize with “work friends” with the same 

schedule. People involved in tourism complained that they were worn out by the 

stressful schedule. “It’s a different kind of stress from the winter, when you’re 

worried about paying the bills” as one business owner noted. “I’m a seasonal 

workaholic,” another noted. 

Sharing our home: community pride and local knowledge—

Some residents, particularly those involved with tourism, talked about the joy of 

sharing the Alaska lifestyle and the natural beauty of the Chilkat Valley with visitors. Many residents appreciated the opportunity to tell stories about wildlife, history, and people. For some guides, it was important to be able to share ideas about 

wilderness and nature. Several eco-tour operators explained their hope that by 

exposing Alaska visitors to wilderness and resource management ideas, they would 

go home and advocate for additional protections. One tour operator commented, “I 

love turning people on to wilderness—to cool places. I like people. ... It’s great to 

have people tell you, ‘This trip changed my life.’” Others enjoyed relating to visitors something of the Alaska lifestyle and their relation to the land and resources. 

Several interviewees, especially those involved in tourism, mentioned that the presence of the industry promoted knowledge about Haines history, culture, and wildlife. One resident said that tourism had taught him to be proud of his community 

and its cultural heritage. A bed and breakfast owner said, “It [tourism] helps people 

[residents] become more aware of the cultural richness of the community. We have 

a lot of treasures here ... scenic beauty.” For many this knowledge also fostered local pride about the community. One resident said, “Sometimes we don’t appreciate 

what we have here because we live with it on a daily basis. Hearing visitors ‘ooh 

and aah’ about what they are seeing revs up my own good feelings about Alaska.”

Social conflict—

Some noted that tourism was responsible for creating tension among local residents 

who harbored opposing views about the industry. “I don’t like the feeling of running into people in the grocery store and having them avoid me,” said one tourism 

operator. Another member of the environmental community felt that her friends 

who worked in tourism avoided her, assuming that she no longer wanted to speak 

with them. Many references were made to past boycotts of certain merchants owing 

to their positions on tourism. This tension among tourism proponents and critics 

was evident in 1999, when a local gallery owner was arrested for throwing tomatoes at participants in a parade float that targeted the issue of cruise ship pollution. 
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Several tour operators noted that it was becoming more difficult to feel comfortable 

living in Haines with so much tension surrounding tourism. One even predicted 

that in the future, more tour operators would head south for the winter because of 

tension in the community. Some tour operators were reluctant to contribute to local 

charities because “the town doesn’t support me, why should I support the town.” 

This tension was exacerbated in 2000 by the vote to impose a bed and tour tax, 

which many tourism proponents interpreted as an antitourism sentiment. This tension seems to be related to the growing emphasis on cruise ships and high-volume 

tours. Tourism critics were dismayed with what they called “industrial tourism,” 

in the form of cruise ships. The conflict over industrial tourism seemed to create a 

social rift among residents who otherwise had similar values and interests, such as 

tour guides and the environmental community. One spouse of an adventure guide 

found it very difficult to rationalize these competing interests. “These people [environmentalists] are my friends. They are cool people who I’d like to hang out with 

and maybe even be neighbors. But they don’t like what we’re doing. The issue is 

there. It’s something we choose not to talk about, but it is there. I don’t like that.”

Change in social dynamics—

Interviewees often spoke about the loss of “small-town life” associated with tourism and the population increase. Several commented that they used to know everyone in town, but tourism had brought in so many new people, they could not keep 

track of who they are and what they did for a living. “I don’t feel at home in Haines 

anymore,” said one long-term resident. Some talked about the influx of seasonal 

tourism workers and new residents who brought a different set of values to the community. Said one 5-year resident, “Every April, I wait for the invasion of the Deadhead jocks.” The new residents were perceived to prioritize wilderness adventures 

and extreme sports over community life. As newcomers interact with residents, new 

values and interests become integrated into community life. Many residents shared 

their worries that Haines might become a place suitable only for wealthy residents 

and retirees. The increase in housing prices and the steady investment in Haines 

by non-Alaskans were trends some residents feared. Indeed, several interviewees 

noted that they could no longer afford to buy the property they own, if they had 

to purchase it in 2000. Those who had traveled or lived outside Alaska pointed to 

resort communities in the Rocky Mountains and Hawaii, where long-time residents 

can no longer afford to live. “We are going to turn into another Aspen,” exclaimed 

one resident. Finally, a few worried that Haines’ popularity would continue and the 

population would grow beyond desirable levels. 
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The Alaska lifestyle as a commodity—

The propensity of tourism to market aspects of contemporary Alaskan culture 

proved disconcerting for some residents. A few interviewees talked about the ability 

of the tourism industry to create “artificial events” to be sold to visitors. The idea 

was that if one labels and identifies historical, natural or cultural objects, everything begins to take on new meaning and “the place begins to become strange to 

the people who live here.” Another referred to this as the “Disneyfication” of 

Haines, where tours are created to present an illusion of experience that is distinct 

from the everyday reality of the place. “I don’t want Haines to become a theme 

park, like Williamsburg,” said one long-time resident. A newcomer to the tourism 

industry noted, “Tourism suggests something about how everything can be for sale. 

It offers enormous possibilities to package unique experiences—tramways, trains, 

old cars, but it also serves as a reminder that you can buy and sell anything to 

people. It has a fake quality to it.”

Meanwhile, a 20-year resident described how tourism has become packaged 

and processed—taking the creative thinking out of the activity for the traveler. 

“People no longer do things on their own; they have someone there to plan it, organize it, and interpret it for them.” One concern shared by this same resident was 

that some of the information about Haines is watered down to the extent that it has 

become inaccurate or misleading. Another resident objected to what she called the 

“commodification of the Alaskan lifestyle.” She said: “I feel like I’m in a showcase—ooh, look at this quaint Alaskan. I object to this selling of Haines and our 

lives here as ‘quaint.’” Another added, “I’m not willing to walk around town looking like a can-can girl or a pioneer woman.” To the resident, these events created an 

environment with an unfamiliar quality. 

Facing tourism at home—

Finally, many residents felt frustrated that tourism affected them in their homes, 

summer cabins, their yards, and their neighborhoods. In addition to noise from air 

traffic, passing vehicles, and pedestrians, some residents reported visitors in their 

yards picking apples and cherries, wandering in their gardens, walking into their 

residences, and beachcombing in their backyards. One resident of Chilkat Peninsula 

whose home was under the flight path of Skagway flights to Glacier Point said, “I’m 

not normally an activist, but the sound of airplanes back and forth all day long in 

my own home has driven me out of the house and into the office to do something 

about it.” One public official summed it up well: “Tourism hits people close to 

home, which is why so many people object to it.” For many Haines residents, seeing 

visitors near their neighborhoods, homes, and their summer cabins felt invasive, 

although individual thresholds for visitor contact differed. Most residents tolerated 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

some increased visitor activity in the commercial areas of Haines and Fort Seward, 

but bristled at the notion of visitors in residential or remote areas. For example, 

several residents of a neighborhood near Carr’s Cove on the Chilkat Peninsula 

expressed frustration with vehicle traffic, bicycle tours, and walking tours near 

their beaches and homes. Two business owners interviewed were quite comfortable 

hosting visitors in town, but when we discussed the potential for visitors near their 

cabins at Chilkat Lake, they became more protective. 

Resource Impacts

Haines residents perceived both positive and negative impacts of tourism on local 

use of natural resources. 

Several types of environmental impacts were discussed, including problems associated with bears, eagles, and fish. Although cruise ship pollution played a role in 

activating local citizen movements against industrial tourism, it was not an issue on 

the minds of most residents by summer 2000. Discussions about tourism did prompt 

conversation about the industry’s effects on natural resources and wildlife. Many 

residents acknowledged that business owners, particularly tour operators, generally 

had a strong appreciation for the environment. In particular, several eco-friendly 

tours were praised for their attempts to minimize the human footprint and to teach 

customers about nature and wilderness. One local land manager noted, “These 

guides are really good. They pick up after themselves, they keep a watch out for 

wildlife, and they educate people about the resource. They try to work with us. Usually we don’t have problems with the tour companies, but we don’t always have the 

same level of cooperation or control over independent visitors.”

Indeed, tour operators often commented on their ability to educate guests about 

proper etiquette in relation to wildlife and the resource, in contrast to independent 

visitors who are out on their own. However, several residents identified tour operators whom they had deemed to be less respectful to the resource.4

Wildlife-human interactions—

Many residents worried about the frequency and intensity of encounters between 

humans and wildlife, especially bears. Human encounters with bears at places such 

as Chilkoot River were raising concerns about safety (for humans and bears) as well 

as the long-term impacts on bear habituation. In summer 2000, four bears were 

killed in the Chilkoot River area because they had become overly confident in the 

presence of humans. Many visitors, both independent and on package tours, were 

4 Some of these comments originated from other tour operators. There often is intense competition among tour operators who vie with each other for resources and prime recreation spots.

Tour operators have 

the opportunity to 

educate visitors about 

the environment.
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observed coming too close to bears for safe viewing. As a result, bear-viewing 

principles were developed by the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, and signs 

listing bear-viewing ethics were posted. Furthermore, tour operators attended 

training sessions on safe bear-viewing practices sponsored by the Alaska 

Department of Fish and Game in June 2000. One biologist was conducting bear 

behavior research in 2000 to quantify the effects of viewers. Accusations of bearbaiting and spot-lighting bears (shining headlights or searchlights during evening 

hours) also were rampant among rival tour operators. In addition, several concerns 

were registered relating to one tour operator’s practice of feeding eagles in the eagle 

preserve. Many in the Chilkat Bald Eagle Advisory Committee were concerned 

about how eagle baiting affected habituation, and the tour operator agreed to forgo 

this technique in 2001.

Wildlife marketing—

Other residents deplored the marketing of bears by some local tour operators 

who advertise “guaranteed bears” and “guaranteed eagles.” Some believed that 

the overall marketing of Alaska creates undue expectations for visitors seeking 

to fulfill their dream of observing Alaska wildlife, while potentially compromising the safety and well-being of the animals. Marketing wildlife to attract people 

to Haines has become commonplace, and nearly every tourism brochure offers an 

image of an eagle, bear, or moose. One tour company owner told me that her business improved markedly when she put a moose on the brochure because no one else 

advertised moose sightings. Each time a large cruise ship docked at the public dock, 

a half dozen small tour guides stood nearby holding up placards advertising wildlife 

events. Drivers posed next to their viewing scopes in hopes that guests would join 

them for a trip to Chilkoot Lake or the eagle preserve. One operator told me that if 

his guests failed to see at least one eagle, he offered a full refund. These tactics put 

additional pressure on tour operators to site bears and eagles on their trips. Several 

interviewees wondered about the implications of packaging and selling nature in 

this fashion. One Haines newcomer felt that by selling wildlife tours, one is changing the meaning of the place: “You’re degrading it and making its value worthless.” 

Another long-time resident wondered, “Is it fair to label and put a price on wilderness when wilderness has no voice in the matter?” 

Cruise ship pollution—

Royal Caribbean’s admission to dumping toxic chemicals in Alaska waters raised 

awareness of the environmental impact from the release of toxins, treated wastewater, and air emissions by cruise ships. Many equated the declining salmon runs 

on the Chilkoot River to environmental pollution by the cruise ships, although 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

scientific evidence connecting these phenomena is scarce. These concerns were 

especially noted among environmentalists, the commercial fishing community, 

and subsistence fishers. Several residents involved in commercial fishing discussed 

the impacts of cruise ships on the health of the fishery and the impact of cruise 

dumping on fish resources. After the Royal Caribbean indictment, the cruise 

industry began testing new technologies to handle ship-board waste and to ensure 

that waste emissions comply with state requirements. They also made engineering 

innovations that improved air quality, including Royal Caribbean’s new gas turbine 

engines that reportedly reduce smokestack emissions by 80 to 95 percent (Cruise 

News 2001). In 2001, the Alaska legislature enacted a new law (Alaska Statute 

AS-46.03.460—46.03.490) related to cruise ship and ferry waste. The law establishes the Commercial Passenger Vessel Environmental Compliance Program to 

ensure that cruise ships comply with wastewater effluent and visible emission 

standards. The U.S. Coast Guard also developed a program for monitoring safety 

and environmental compliance. 

Air traffic—

Both the noise levels and visual effects of air traffic to and from Glacier Point were 

of primary concern for many residents, especially for those residing on the Chilkat 

Peninsula, whose homes were near the flight path of the commuter airplanes. Two 

citizens’ groups, Friends of Glacier Point and Haines Peace Keepers, mobilized 

to address this issue through local protests, letter-writing campaigns, and public 

awareness efforts. In September 2000, Chilkat Guides announced that they would 

use a catamaran to transport visitors from Skagway in 2001, which reduced the 

noise levels considerably. 

Subsistence and fishing—

As discussed in section 2, a significant portion of the Chilkat Valley population 

engaged in subsistence-based activities necessary for physical and cultural survival. Both Native and non-Native residents hunt, fish, gather forest and sea products, and seek other means of sustenance. A small number of interviewees stated 

their concerns about the growth of tourism and its effects on subsistence resources. 

Concerns focused on three areas: (1) effects of cruise ship waste on the overall 

health of the ecosystem, including subsistence resources; (2) effects of the growing 

use of area resources by visitors and tour companies impeding traditional access 

routes to subsistence products; (3) competition for limited resources between sport 

and subsistence fishers. Several interviewees actively involved in a subsistence lifestyle stated that in 2000, tourism did not have a significant effect on their ability to 

harvest traditional resources. However, it was something that many worried about 
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for the future. Of greater concern to the Native community was the impact of the 

fishing weir on salmon runs in the Chilkoot River, and increased development and 

residential sprawl that affected access to places for gathering berries, mushrooms, 

medicinal plants, and other forest foods. A few mentioned that jet boat activity on 

the Chilkat River was negatively affecting the salmon spawning beds, and raft 

activity was taking away good back eddies for net fishing.

In addition to cruise ship pollution, commercial fishermen also expressed 

dismay about the lack of courtesy cruise ship captains showed for fishers. There 

were several reported examples of cruise ships breaking fishing lines. Some murmurs of potential conflict between commercial fishermen and charter fishermen 

reverberated during the Haines field study, but this was not viewed as a significant 

issue because of the poor fish runs in recent years. However, given events in Sitka 

and Craig, competition between charter and commercial fishers over fish could be 

an area of future concern. Among commercial fishermen, there was a sense that the 

state favored charter fishing when setting catch limits. “Here you have one industry killing another,” one commercial fishing proponent suggested. Many commercial fishers felt that the economic significance of their industry had been ignored 

by local policymakers, in spite of the fact that the raw-fish tax generated income to 

Haines Borough for many years and that many Haines residents are employed in 

commercial fishing as skippers and deckhands.

Recreation—

In places like Alaska, where the natural scenery is the primary draw, the presence 

of visitors has a significant impact on recreation resources. Some residents believed 

that the presence of visitors and the development of the tourist industry improved 

their recreation opportunities. Along with a tourist industry comes many recreation 

products and services that benefit both locals and visitors. Several residents interviewed appreciated the recreation opportunities provided by tourism. Said one lifelong resident,

By having tourists here and tour companies here serving the tourists, 

it allows local people to have access to things they wouldn’t normally 

do, like kayaking or rafting. If I want to go dog mushing on a glacier, I 

can do that now. It gives us more opportunities and more access to new 

areas. I personally don’t benefit from this, but some people do. It’s an 

overall benefit.

Some tour operators offered local rates or local-only familiarization trips to enhance public perception of their product and promote positive community relations. 

Tour operators often take responsibility for maintaining public recreation facilities 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

such as docks, trails, picnic tables, and other facilities they use. Several local hunters mentioned that the trails at Glacier Point provided easier access to the mountains and did not deter from their recreation experience. According to one hunter, “I 

was up on the hill looking down on the [Davidson] lake and I could barely see the 

people in canoes. They didn’t bother me.” Thus, the general public does experience 

benefits associated with increases in visitor use. 

Growth in tourism also has led to some negative impacts on recreation resources. For many residents, one of the biggest problems associated with tourism 

was its propensity to create congestion in shared recreation areas. As discussed in 

this section, there was increasing pressure among tour operators to accommodate 

growing numbers of cruise visitors. As cruise volume swelled, more visitors were 

found in key natural areas used by tour companies and locals. In addition to impacts on facilities, user conflicts have surfaced between high- and low-volume users 

and commercial and noncommercial actors. These conflicts are heightened because 

Haines attracts residents who value highly unmitigated access to recreation resources. In addition, Alaska weather and other factors make opportunities for optimal 

recreation few and far between. As one resident stated, 

People in Haines wait all year—through bad weather, darkness, 

snow—so that they can enjoy Alaska in the summer. It’s very frustrating for them to go out to enjoy a favorite trail or kayak route to find that 

it has been overrun by tourists or that they cannot enjoy it because of 

the noise from air traffic. It can be disheartening.

Another resident explained, 

Haines residents are very different from one another, but one of the 

major things people share in common is a love for wilderness activities—being outdoors and the need to get out of town in the summer 

months. If people can’t go to these places, it’s a real frustration; it 

affects the mental health of the community.

Given the need for brief excursions to accommodate tight docking schedules, 

companies using mechanized travel can offer Alaska’s natural beauty, wildlife, and 

wilderness more quickly. This growing emphasis on rapid, high-volume tours has 

altered the ways residents use and perceive local recreation areas. First, congestion 

from commercial tours has affected local recreation behavior. Second, many residents feel that the tourism industry has inhibited recreation access to local residents 

and altered their sense of place. Third, tourism development has transformed natural areas to conform to visitor needs. 

One of the biggest 

problems associated 

with tourism was its 

propensity to create 

congestion in shared 

recreation areas.
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Local recreation users who encounter congestion in their favorite areas adjust 

their behavior by avoiding these areas during peak hours or modifying their expectations. Many locals visited favorite places on weekends when organized tours 

were less frequent. When visiting popular areas like Chilkoot Lake and the Chilkat 

River, local residents who had previously sought a sublime wilderness encounter, no longer expected to be alone on these trips. Expansion and diversification of 

shore excursions and a trend in ferrying cruise passengers from Skagway meant 

that popular areas visited by locals were being used more frequently by commercial 

tour operators. One person observed, “It used to be that you had to write off certain 

recreation areas from 7 to 10 p.m. Monday through Thursday. Now, it’s every day 

all day.” Visitor volumes increased during evening hours because of the cruise ship 

schedule. Yet, evening hours presented opportunities for residents to venture onto 

trails, lakes, and creeks for exercise, family time, and relaxation. Thus, encounters 

with visitors on organized tours in favorite sites were quite frequent. 

Some residents expressed a strong place attachment to Haines sites including 

Chilkoot Lake, Glacier Point, Mud Bay beaches, and other popular recreation areas. 

For many Haines residents, recreation and wilderness opportunities were essential 

to their quality of life and personal identity. Residents who valued access to favorite 

recreation sites felt that their relations with these sites had changed with growing 

commercial recreation use. Many felt frustrated sharing the area with cruise visitors because there was a sense that special places were being lost. Concerns about 

crowding often reflected the notion that popular recreation areas, such as Chilkoot 

Lake and Glacier Point, were no longer readily accessible, nor was it part of the 

local recreation landscape during summer. As one resident observed, “Chilkoot 

Lake has become a tourist place.”

In addition to Chilkoot Lake, Chilkat River, and Glacier Point, other areas were 

mentioned as being potentially threatened by tourism development including Battery Point Trail near Portage Cove, and at the Portage Cove Beach. One person said 

that they regularly encountered large groups of hikers on the Battery Point Trail, 

which diminished their recreation experience there. Trail erosion was associated 

with heavy trail use by commercial tour operators and countless independent visitors and locals. Portage Cove Beach used to be a popular site for swimming and 

picnicking among Haines residents. The presence of large cruise ships docked in 

front of the beach and the large numbers of people exiting the ship nearby have 

affected local use. One kayak operation was using the beach as a staging ground, 

affecting the potential for use of the beach by residents or independent travelers. 

Still, many local organizations and family groups continued to frequent the beach. 

Other recreation sites mentioned by one or two interviewees as being impacted by 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

tourism included Taiyasanka Harbor, Mud Bay Road Beach, Mount Riley, Letnikof 

Cove, Mosquito Lake, and Chilkat Lake. Several other places emerged from the 

conversations that may merit special attention in future planning processes including River Road, Tsirku River, Porcupine, Sunshine Mountain, Kelsall Valley, Upper 

Chilkat River, Kickinghorse River, Takhin River, and the Ferebee Valley. 

Impacts on Local Infrastructure

Some Haines residents mentioned ways that tourism impacted local infrastructure 

such as roads, parks, and public works. Some appreciated the improved look of the 

town, for example, fewer abandoned cars and boats stored in public places and the 

proliferation of flower boxes, signs, and benches. Tourism dollars also paid for local 

facilities and activities enjoyed by the broader population; a new pedestrian sidewalk along a prominent Haines artery was funded in part by the 1-percent tourism 

tax, and Royal Caribbean paid for a softball field and playground. 

Congestion—

Most impacts on the local infrastructure were perceived as problematic. Although 

not the most popular complaint, congestion in town and on the roads leading to 

Haines was a concern to the greatest variety of residents interviewed. Tourism 

proponents, business owners, and tourism critics all acknowledged the serious nature of problems associated with vehicle and pedestrian traffic related to tourism. 

The 2000 Haines Chamber of Commerce Tourism Survey listed congestion as the 

most significant “negative impact” from tourism. And, the City of Haines Tourism 

Planning Committee sought ways to improve the flow of vehicle and pedestrian 

traffic. Most traffic problems occurred when cruise ships were docked. Often, interviewees mentioned local traffic being slowed by tourism vehicles, including horse 

carriages, antique cars, buses, and vans. A main focus of this congestion was at Port 

Chilkoot dock, but traffic problems also emerged in Fort Seward, downtown, and 

near popular attractions, such as the American Bald Eagle Foundation. In addition, 

residents of outlying neighborhoods, such as Lutak Inlet and Haines Highway, complained about escalating bus and other vehicle traffic that made it difficult to travel 

to and from home to Haines. “Sometimes going home I get stuck behind a tour bus 

for 20 miles,” said one interviewee. Safety was of primary importance, and many 

residents reported that tour vehicles would stop dead in the middle of the highway 

to observe wildlife or abruptly pull off the road. Local athletes also complained 

about congestion on popular exercise routes. 

Another primary concern was pedestrian traffic. In the first 2 months of the 

2000 tourism season, cruise passengers often were found walking on the roads, 

lawns, and other inopportune places. In late June, a sidewalk was constructed 
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along a major pedestrian thoroughfare to streamline pedestrian traffic to town. In 

addition, onboard announcements on the cruise ships encouraged visitors to practice caution and courtesy in walking through town. As a result, pedestrian traffic 

improved considerably. Still, many residents felt frustrated having to alter their 

schedule for work, shopping, or errands on account of the presence of cruise ships, 

and avoided certain parts of town or certain restaurants and bars entirely to limit 

visitor contact. “When ships are here, I try not to leave my house or my neighborhood.” A few complaints arose concerning the issue of congestion in local stores, 

where some residents felt frustrated having to wait in longer-than-normal lines. 

Public works—

Several residents noted that the cruise industry put stress on local infrastructure, 

such as water, waste, sewers, roads, medical facilities, police, and emergency services. As one former Haines tour operator commented, “I think that once all is 

said and done, that the cruise ship business is unhealthy for a small destination like 

Haines, or any destination where the incoming numbers overwhelm the local population. Local infrastructure is simply not capable of properly handling the needs of 

thousands of people descending on the town daily.”

The amount of garbage collected during summer was evidence of the increased 

infrastructure effects related to tourism. During winter (January through March), 

Haines residents dumped an average of 56 tons per month, or 1.9 tons per day. 

During the peak summer season (June through September), waste disposal doubled 

to an average of 117 tons per month, or 3.9 tons per day (Haines Sanitation 2000). 

Although many residents and public officials acknowledged these effects on local 

infrastructure, few seem to ask the question: Who pays for this burden? Public 

investment in local improvements to mitigate impacts of cruise-based tourism 

ultimately benefits the resident too; however, the cruise industry may be forcing the 

community to allocate funds to these projects and services while other pressing 

needs are being ignored. For example, the construction of a new sidewalk may not 

have been a priority, if it were not for the increase in visitor volume.

Future Tourism Impacts

Although interviews focused on the impacts of tourism in 2000, many respondents 

expressed concerns for the future that they associated with more advanced stages 

of tourism. Residents framed their concerns by talking about their fear that Haines 

will become “like Skagway,” which has invested heavily in the tourism industry 

and which many perceive as significantly transformed by tourism. For many Haines 

residents, Skagway served as a living reminder about tourism’s potential to alter 

a community’s character, economy, and landscape. As one resident noted, the 
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presence of Skagway serves as a “striking example for what Haines could become.” In addition to building four cruise ship docks, Skagway also restructured 

its community life, economy, and architecture to suit tourism demand. Skagway 

epitomized concerns of Haines residents on several levels. When Haines residents 

described their fears of becoming like Skagway, they noted several factors including the volume of visitors, the transformation of the community to a seasonal tourist town, the contrived, “Disneyland” quality of the town that many felt demeaned 

the history of the community and people, the dominance of outside corporations in 

downtown business, and the seasonal nature of the economy. 

Although in 2000, all tourism businesses in Haines were owned by local entrepreneurs, there was a fear that some of the bigger players might one day sell out 

to the corporations. As Hannerz (1973) argued, the nature of the tourism industry 

is such that small tourism operators often face terrifying competition from powerful local elites and transnational conglomerates. There was general consensus that 

the present tourism owners were good corporate citizens with overall concern for 

the social and economic life of the community. If outside corporations were to buy 

up local businesses, residents feared they might not be as committed to Haines or 

might not demonstrate the environmental ethics of current business owners. Not 

only were residents concerned about the corporate power of international conglomerates such as Royal Caribbean, but many also were wondering about the impact 

of local corporations, such as Klukwan, Inc., which had invested significantly in 

the tourism industry. Some smaller companies worried that they could not compete 

with Klukwan, Inc., which possessed tremendous assets from other business enterprises. Whereas some interviewees feared that Klukwan, Inc., would buy up small 

businesses or destroy them through competition, others were grateful that Klukwan, Inc., was able to provide jobs for shareholders and believed that Klukwan, 

Inc., was committed to the people of the Chilkat Valley. 

Interviewees also discussed their visions for the future of tourism in Haines. 

Although a minority of interviewees desired unlimited growth of cruise ship traffic, 

most were happy with the 2000 levels of cruise visitation. Others desired modest growth in large cruise ships, with a maximum of 7 to 10 large ships per week 

(compared to 5 in 2000). Nearly all residents interviewed indicated a preference 

for small cruise ships. Whereas residents’ thoughts about the scale of cruise-based 

tourism differed, there was much more uniformity in considering other forms of 

tourist activity. No one interviewed wanted to eliminate tourism from Haines altogether. In fact, there was a significant plea for growth in the independent tourism 

trade, (including RV traffic, eagle festival visitors, and outdoor adventurers) as well 

as some forms of packaged tourism including educational tours, adventure tours, 
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natural history tours, and other groups. Finally, there was tremendous desire to see 

growth in winter tourism such as cross-country skiing, heli-skiing, snowboarding, 

and snowmobiling.5 In general, interviewees wanted to see the tourism industry in 

Haines diversify and become more sustainable on a year-round basis. 

Conclusion

Haines is situated in a scenic valley that attracts a mobile class of workers such as 

retirees and telecommuters, and those involved in resource-development industries. 

The conflicts in Haines may not be as pronounced in similar communities with 

fewer scenic resources. The isolated location of Haines combined with its smalltown setting and intense weather conditions may set the stage for conflict; these 

same conditions force the diverse community to work together to resolve public 

issues. Haines residents of all types feel passionate about their community. “It boils 

down to this: People love Haines and don’t want to see it spoiled.” Several conclusions emerge from this preliminary data analysis that will be tested further in the 

final analysis and examined in other study sites as well. 

Tourism brings vitality to the community and economy of Haines. Residents 

enjoy the presence of visitors and the opportunities for fresh social interactions, 

exchange of ideas, education about news and events outside Alaska—much in the 

same way the early pioneers of Haines enjoyed the periodic visits of the steamships 

100 years earlier. With the growth of cruise-based tourism, the opportunities for 

social encounters increased. The pace of life escalated in association with tourism, 

and some residents experienced fatigue and frustration as they attempted to match 

the pace and enjoy the long daylight hours of an Alaska summer. Spending by visitors, the cruise industry, and crew members increased the local economy in summer and allowed many to survive through winter on a reduced income. Benefits of 

tourism on municipalities also were acknowledged, as people made a direct connection between the health of the economy and valued public institutions, such as 

the library and the museum. Indirect benefits were felt especially among businesses 

that supply tourism companies with clothing, food, fuel, transportation, maintenance and repair, and construction. In spite of the recognized importance of tourism to the local economy, many still questioned whether the majority of economic 

benefits were remaining in the community and whether the economic benefits were 

great enough and widespread enough to warrant significant changes in quality of 

life related to the presence of visitors and the tourism industry. 

5 In March 2001, a conflict over heli-skiing in the Chilkat Range erupted when one 

community member petitioned the sponsors of an international heli-skiing event to 

consider the community’s vote against flight-seeing in 1995 (Chilkat Valley News 2001b).
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Tourism resulted in a range of social, cultural, economic, and environmental 

impacts that affected a variety of people at various times and in various places. 

Unlike a lumber mill, which is located in a certain part of town and affects predetermined areas and roads away from town, tourism can affect an undetermined 

geographic area. As tour customers desired more intense experiences of Alaska, 

more companies emerged to meet these demands—thus bringing greater numbers of people into local neighborhoods or to favorite beaches, trails, and springs. 

Furthermore, the schedule of tourism was often erratic and unpredictable, so that 

visitors were seen at almost any time of day or night. In addition, the need for product differentiation meant that a variety of activities were encouraged (for example, 

flight-seeing, hiking, rafting, kayaking, or touring in buses, horse carriages or old 

cars, walking on foot, etc.). And, as tours became increasingly mechanized, local 

residents were more likely to be exposed to new noises and visual disturbances in 

their homes. Because of these factors, virtually everybody in Haines was somehow 

affected by tourism. 

The growth of cruise-based tourism both reflected and enhanced social conflict. 

First, cruise-based tourism caused division among those who lived in Haines to 

pursue commodities production at the potential cost to the natural environment, and 

those who favored sustainable development or minimal development, at the cost of 

jobs. Historically, Alaska’s economy was dependent on development of natural resources. Long-time residents often viewed tourism as “the last option” for a viable 

economy, beyond fishing, timber, and mining. They were more likely to prioritize 

jobs and are more willing to adapt their community to meet the changing demands 

of tourism. Meanwhile, those moving to Haines to escape from more developed regions of the country sought to maintain the rural character of the place and preserve 

nearby natural areas. Second, the advent of “industrial-scale” tourism sparked a 

division within the community of environmentalists between those who supported 

cruise-based tourism and those who did not. Businesses involved in small-scale, 

sustainable tourism slowly became more integrated with the cruise market and 

changed the volume and structure of their tours as a result.

Residents acknowledged the economic benefits of tourism and the costs to 

other aspects of community life. When discussing the community’s relation with 

tourism, most described the potential for tourism to create jobs, generate business 

development, and increase local income. However, many questioned the fine print 

of these economic benefits, pointing to the growing seasonal workforce, increase in 

seasonal residency among tour operators, and the percentage of tourism spending 

that remains in the local economy. Although the economic contributions of tourism were disputed, the changes associated with the growth in tourism were readily 
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acknowledged. For better or worse, tourism directly or indirectly resulted in social 

tension, sociodemographic change, congestion, an increase in human-wildlife interactions, crowding in recreation areas, increased noise, and changes to favorite places. As a result, many were starting to perform personalized cost-benefit analyses to 

assess whether they want to continue making the tradeoff between an increase in 

jobs and a perceived decline in quality of life.
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This report discusses preliminary findings that relate to tourism and its various 

impacts on the community of Haines. I present four themes associated with tourism and its ability to link communities to global processes of economic transformation. First, I reflect on the interactions between those who are affected on local and 

global levels in the process of mediating and modulating the scale and tenor of tourism in Haines. Next, I examine the extent to which growth in cruise-based tourism 

has led to segmentation within both the community and the tourism industry, based 

on similar and dissimilar interests. Then, I discuss how the increased presence of 

the cruise industry in Haines has led to rapid expansion of land-based tours and the 

subsequent transformation of local land into tourist landscapes. Finally, I reflect on 

the transition from an economy based on timber to an economy based on tourism, 

and the challenges this brings to the community. These characteristics of tourism 

are not necessarily unique to Haines but may drive processes of community change 

in other places worldwide. I follow with a set of questions that will drive subsequent 

case studies in southeast Alaska. 

Local Control and Corporate Decisionmaking

The account of tourism in Haines describes the influence of a global industry on 

one community and the growing involvement of nonlocal factors, including people 

and institutions. Haines community leaders set out to attract the cruise industry in 

the 1980s by expanding the public dock and creating economic incentives in town. 

Throughout the 1990s, cruise passenger traffic grew and many local firms began 

to profit from cruise ship contracts. The influence of the cruise industry expanded, 

and local tour operators responded by increasing the speed and capacity of their 

tours to match customer demand. Increasingly, local firms became dependent on 

the presence of high-volume cruise ships for survival. Existing shopowners invested labor and capital and oriented their business plans, products, and schedules 

to cruise visitors. Tour operators forged contracts with cruise companies to provide 

services to passengers. New businesses blossomed in anticipation of ongoing tourism growth, city and borough budgets were developed in anticipation of sales tax 

revenues, and public and nonprofit institutions relied on revenues from visitor fees. 

Moreover, in less tangible ways, the pace, rhythm, and composition of the community were shaped by tourism brought in by cruise ships. Residents, business owners, 

city officials, and tourism workers alike began to hang their hopes and dreams for 

themselves and their children on the future of tourism.

As the influence of the cruise ships increased, local efforts were made to control the flow and volume of tourism in Haines. Citizens tried to mitigate the impacts 

of tourism through public planning efforts and social protests. Meanwhile, local 

Section 5: Research Implications
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tour operators hoped to minimize impacts through open dialogues and voluntary 

measures, such the “tour-free Sunday” offered by one operator, and the industry’s 

development of safety standards. In spite of these local measures to mitigate the 

impacts of tourism, one cruise line, Royal Caribbean, removed Haines from its 

schedule and terminated long-term partnerships with local tour companies. Some 

speculated that these decisions were a vengeful message for the community and a 

warning for other southeast Alaska ports. Whether or not Royal Caribbean considered the personal losses and community hardships resulting from its decision 

is not known. The reality is that corporations in many industries make economic 

decisions that often have repercussions for workers and communities. Alaska communities are especially vulnerable because of the dearth of alternative economic 

development opportunities. Local efforts that addressed the interests of various residents were ignored as the cruise industry steered a course toward other ports. The 

influence of nonlocal corporations with greater access to resources and increased 

involvement in local decisionmaking challenges the ability of local stakeholders to 

make decisions about tourism (Pi-Sunyer and Thomas 1997).

The growing presence of the cruise industry also created a new class of business owners with economic, personal, and political ties to the industry. Tour 

operators with cruise contracts began to serve as local spokespersons for the cruise 

industry by using their privileged role to weigh in on public debates related to 

tourism and other economic development matters. Naturally, it was in the vested 

interests of these business owners to support the cruise industry, but many also had 

the broader interests of the community in mind. Several tour operators reportedly 

kept cruise executives informed of current civic and municipal movements and 

periodically solicited their input in crafting a response. Because of their direct 

contact with the cruise lines and deep knowledge of the tourism industry, these 

local business owners often became unofficial representatives of the cruise lines 

and mediated communication between the industry and the community. They also 

came to be viewed by many locals as tourism experts, and considerable deference 

was given to their opinions related to tourism and the motivations of the cruise 

lines. In the process, these local “intermediaries” increased their positions of power 

within the community—translating local needs and issues to the cruise industry 

and translating cruise line policy and economics to the community. While business 

owners served as liaisons between the community and the cruise lines, public 

officials generally demonstrated superficial understanding of the tourism industry. 

This also elevated the position of local tourism intermediaries. Yet, power is relative 

and fleeting. Although these intermediaries experienced increased power locally, 
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they were under tremendous pressure from the cruise industry to perform, as 

evidenced by the cruise line’s decision to terminate contracts with local tour 

companies.

After the Royal Caribbean decision, many Haines residents wondered what 

lay ahead for the tourism industry and the economy as a whole. Although some 

tour operators would continue to benefit from tour sales to Skagway-based customers, others who depended on ships docking in Haines would likely struggle, 

thus increasing the relative power of the more successful tourism ventures. Haines 

residents, as well as community leaders of other southeast Alaska ports, were concerned about the economic future—worrying about their own city’s tenuous relations with the cruise industry. As a monopolistic provider, the cruise industry is in a 

position to “play” communities off one another.

Tourism and Social Segmentation

The development of cruise-based tourism in Haines drew attention to and perhaps 

accentuated existing divisions in the community. Tourism affects social groups of 

host communities unequally and can cause tension between groups with differential access to resources (Adams 1990). For many in the community, tourism debates 

amounted to differences between environmentalists and supporters of industry. 

This research, however, highlights greater complexity in the social fabric and more 

subtle distinctions in the sources of conflict that emerged. There were distinctions 

among Haines residents based on orientation to tourism specifically, and to overall economic development in general. Under certain conditions, these differences 

erupted into social conflicts of varying proportions. I argue that the growing power 

of cruise corporations deepened certain differences among residents and promoted 

community conflict. This tension resulted from three sources. First, the volume of 

visitors brought by cruise ships into the small area of Haines proved overwhelming 

for the community, which was left to mitigate impacts and resolve conflicts stemming from excess volume. Many residents who supported tourism were critical of 

the cruise industry for its focus on high-volume operations. Second, social tension 

was enhanced by the sensation of powerlessness and the loss of local control to the 

corporate cruise interests. Without direct access to cruise executives, residents had 

few outlets to express frustration except among their neighbors. Third, the cruise 

corporations favored some local businesses and not others, which naturally resulted 

in competition. 

Social division related to cruise-based tourism occurred on many levels. First, 

there was significant tension between those individuals who favored cruise-based 

tourism and those eager to manage growth of this sector. Those favoring tourism 

Three sources of 

community conflict 

over tourism are the 

number of visitors, the 

loss of local control, 

and favoritism.
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growth tended to work in the industry or benefit directly or indirectly from visitor spending. Conversely, those more critical of tourism included residents eager to 

preserve the undeveloped areas around Haines and the rural quality of life in the 

community. Both members of environmental organizations as well as workers in 

traditional industries were wary about the growth of tourism, although for different 

reasons. To environmentalists, tourism threatened undeveloped lands and reduced 

opportunities for remote recreation, which were important for their quality of life. 

In some cases, rifts widened between environmentalists critical of tourism and 

successful tour operators who formerly were considered part of the environmental 

community in the battle against growth in other industries, such as mining and timber. For traditional workers, tourism embodied a different class of workers possessing a different set of professional skills, a different style of business, and a different 

mode of production. These workers did not readily envision a role for themselves 

within this industry, nor did they perceive direct economic benefits from the industry. Tourism represented something of which they were not a part.

Among those directly involved in tourism, there were two major and overlapping segments: those focused on cruise-based tourism and those catering to 

independent visitors. Although many tourism businesses catered to all visitors, 

some clearly targeted specific types of guests. For example, tour operators typically oriented their trips to the cruise ship schedules in Haines and Skagway. An 

independent visitor who wanted to participate in a land-based excursion may have 

had difficulty booking a seat on a polular tour, or finding a tour that matched their 

scheduling needs. Hotels and other lodgings catered almost exclusively to independent visitors, although some had diversified their product line and were conducting tours as well. Other business owners who catered to independent visitors also 

advertised to cruise passengers on shore in hopes that they might one day return to 

Haines independent of the cruise line. In spite of these overlapping interests, some 

tension existed between businesses catering to independent travelers and those catering to cruise guests. For example, many proprietors felt that their needs had been 

overshadowed by the cruise industry and that local tourism officials were not doing 

enough to cater to the independent travel market. 

Within the segment of tourism businesses catering to the cruise industry, 

there was further tension between those businesses offering land excursions and 

merchants who were stationary. Store merchants sometimes resented the growing interest in adventure tours, which drew passengers away from shopping areas. 

At the same time that tours increased in popularity, ships schedules were increasingly tight. Thus, many merchants felt cruise ship passengers had less time to spend 

shopping than before. The tight schedules of the cruise ships and the timing of 
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Haines dockings in the evening hours exacerbated the need to hurry hungry guests 

back to the ships where their meals awaited them. Some tour operators sought to alleviate this tension by offering to drop guests in shopping zones. 

And finally, among tour operators themselves, there was a clear demarcation 

between those who possessed cruise ship contracts (pre-solds) and those who did 

not (independents). Conflicts often erupted between pre-solds and independents, 

especially with regard to city efforts to regulate the sale of tours on the public dock. 

These groups incorporated widely different marketing tactics; pre-solds appealed 

directly to shore excursion coordinators, whereas independent operators focused on 

customers. Competition for cruise-line approval created tension among tour operators, who often expressed these conflicts on both personal and professional levels. 

Because of the higher public status given to local companies with cruise partnerships, the influence of independent operators in the realm of public policy also was 

diminished. Greenwood (1989) showed that tourism also provides an increasingly 

unequal distribution of wealth—exacerbating existing divisions and perhaps creating new ones.

The types of conflicts that occurred may be unique to cruise-based tourism. 

Different social divisions may have surfaced if Haines had not sought a role in the 

large cruise ship market but instead promoted independent travel, small cruises, or 

a different type of packaged tour. The differences and tensions described above, 

are not static, but likely will evolve over time as conditions change. A longitudinal study of Haines may show that under different social and economic conditions, 

other alliances formed and new differences surfaced. In future research efforts, I 

hope to examine more closely the changes in power relations related to tourism. 

Tourism and the Commoditization of Landscape

Tourism often is said to lead to commoditization, which can alter the meaning of 

cultural products and human relations (Cohen 1988, Greenwood 1989, Selwyn 

1996). A landscape becomes a commodity when it is packaged, marketed, and sold 

to tourists based on potential benefits for consumers (Brown 1999: 296). When the 

sale of a tour is negotiated, visitors bring expectations about the scenery, wildlife, 

history, or culture. Some of these expectations are preformed, based on images of 

Alaska the visitor has seen before even leaving home. Other expectations derive 

from the negotiation with the cruise line’s shore excursion representative or the 

individual tour operator who familiarizes the visitor with the tour product. To meet 

consumer expectations, tour operators conceptualize, define, develop, and present 

a final product that captivates visitor imaginations and satisfies their thirst for an 

Alaska adventure. 
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As Haines became more dependent on cruise-based tourism, global trends 

in leisure travel and changes in the structure of the tourism industry affected the 

ways Haines residents and institutions carried out business and interacted with the 

landscape. In recent years, to respond to a surge in shore excursions among cruise 

passengers, the tourism industry expanded its spatial presence on port communities and increased competition for recreation on public lands. A new type of cruise 

traveler demanded more active excursions. To meet this demand, the cruise lines 

invested in and marketed tours that brought cruise passengers closer to wilderness 

and wildlife within the constraints of tight cruise ship schedules. Alaska visitors 

take tours that allow them to hike on a glacier, kayak a roaring river, canoe on a 

pristine glacial lake, or jet boat to an eagle preserve, and return to port within 4 

hours. This increased emphasis on recreation adventure expanded the footprint of 

tourism in Haines and changed the ways in which land, waterways, and resources 

are used and perceived by residents. Tremendous effort is necessary to provide an 

experience that meets the level of quality consistent with that provided on the ship. 

Thus, Alaska landscapes are presented to visitors in crisp, accessible, digestible 

ways through interpreters (guides) who not only anticipate and answer visitors’ 

questions but who also exemplify the Alaskan spirit; they themselves become a 

commodity. The guided Alaska experience represents a unique interplay of visitors, 

their guides, the cruise ships, and the landscape. 

This interaction influences ways land and resources are used and valued by the 

tourism industry and by local residents. For the tourism industry, a natural area 

becomes valued when it provides opportunities for scenic beauty (preferably with 

a special feature such as a glacier or fjord), solitude (relative to the cruise ship), 

adventure, a sense of wilderness, wildlife (preferably bears, eagles, moose, marine mammals, or spawning salmon), natural history, and Native culture or frontier 

history. The cruise lines, because of operating costs and scheduling constraints, 

require that these activities be near town or accessible by rapid, high-volume transportation such as boats, buses, and planes. These constraints make certain areas 

of the community desirable for development in the eyes of the tourism industry, 

whereas other equally rich areas are ignored. For Haines, the Chilkoot Lake area 

is highly valuable because of its scenic beauty, accessibility, opportunities for bear 

and eagle observation, recreational opportunities, and cultural significance. The 

Chilkat Bald Eagle Preserve is an area of special interest because of its designation as a preserve and its association with the national bird. Glacier Point is an area 

of natural beauty that offers a glacier and glacial lake near a landing strip. Each 

of these examples is an area that has been packaged and redefined by the tourism 

industry. 
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As the tourism industry assigned new meanings to local spaces, residents 

wrestled with their own relations with these places. Before the cruise ship dock 

was constructed, local residents shared Chilkoot Lake with independent visitors—

anglers, boaters, campers, and sightseers, as well as cruise guests. As local tour 

operators increased the volume of visitors, the amounts of time the area served 

as host to commercial tours increased. Consequently, many residents eliminated 

Chilkoot Lake from their summer recreation repertoire. Others ventured there but 

with the understanding that they would be sharing it with visitors. Glacier Point 

represented a special place in Haines that was transformed by the tourism industry—both altering local recreation behavior and shifting local meanings assigned 

to the place. When the area was developed and repackaged as a tourist site, some 

residents who once used the area for recreation felt displaced. Others felt the loss of 

its potential and were dissatisfied with the growing commercialization of the place. 

Moreover, Glacier Point signified the potential of the tourism industry to redefine 

places of social significance. The emphasis on shore excursions has expanded the 

“footprint” of tourism in Haines and transformed local recreation spaces into commodities of interest to visitors. Thus, forest creeks become bear-viewing areas and 

fluvial plains become wilderness safaris. Following Pi-Sunyer and Thomas (1997), 

I argue that in the process of creating a tourism commodity, the attachments and 

meanings residents hold for the environment are altered. If tourism to Alaska continues to grow, other local spaces may be adapted as well, especially when public 

land agencies lack the ability to regulate commercial recreation.

Transitioning to Tourism 

Although laden with its own history and idiosyncratic leadership, Haines is 

similar to many southeast Alaska communities. With the waves of sawmill closures in the 1980s, Haines found itself undergoing a shift in identity and industry. 

Local leaders sought ways to benefit from the growing tourism industry that had 

stabilized the economies of Ketchikan, Skagway, and Sitka. Many loggers left with 

their families, whereas others remained rooted in Haines and sought other ways to 

make a living. In a new wave of economic interest, newcomers with business skills 

brought fresh ideas, and local entrepreneurs sought ways to start, grow, or expand 

their businesses in the tourist trade. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Haines’ 

economy shifted from one of largely manufacturing to one more balanced in manufacturing, retail, government, and services, and tourism emerged to join fishing as 

a principal mainstay. Although many lamented the loss of their livelihoods, others 

made the best of it and learned to enjoy a new trade. No one spoke about this being 
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an easy transition, and many long-time workers found themselves left out of the 

tourism economy.

The change from timber to tourism correlated with alterations in local economic and social structures. The employment structure was greatly affected. Throughout history, the timber industry promoted well-paid, steady, generally year-round 

positions often with benefits. Many young families from logging towns in the Pacific Northwest were attracted to jobs in Haines mills. Both entry-level and middlemanagement jobs were common in the timber industry, which operated based on 

the model of a corporate hierarchy. In contrast, tourism in Alaska is a relatively 

young industry, characterized by numerous small businesses and seasonal employment. Although three Haines tourism companies employed more than 40 seasonal 

workers, most midsize tourism businesses employed fewer than 10. Tourism primarily generated wealth for a relatively small number of successful entrepreneurs, 

including tour operators and shopowners and resulted in few year-round, middlemanagement positions. In contrast with the timber industry, jobs were relatively 

low-paying positions without benefits, catering more to the college student or itinerant adventurer than to workers with young families and mortgages. 

Job growth in tourism also has resulted in the need for different employment 

skills, and in some cases, different employees. As a service industry, tourism promotes a particular set of management and service delivery skills. Successful business owners are adept at interpersonal communication, sales, corporate communication, management, networking, marketing, advertising, product development, and 

business planning. Tourism workers are expected to have excellent customer service 

and communication skills. When these skills are not found locally, workers with 

the desired skills are brought in from elsewhere. Although the Haines labor market 

contained many workers with tourism savvy, such as the former logger who was a 

tour guide and the mill owner who ran a motel, many chose not to pursue tourism 

owing to lack of interest or inability to compete. Indeed, many residents expressed a 

lack of interest in tourism jobs and discounted tourism as a serious career. Because 

tourism jobs were generally short term and part time, with erratic schedules, tourism appeared to many locals as a fragmented, piecemeal industry, which required 

its workers to hold several jobs simultaneously to generate a living wage. 

Tourism is unique in that it promotes development of small, horizontal businesses and niche products. With relatively low barriers to entry, including low capital investment and startup costs, and minimal labor requirements, tourism is 

accessible to many aspiring entrepreneurs. Unlike investment in the timber industry, which requires significant capital to invest in equipment and develop markets, 

tourism occurs on a smaller scale and is characterized by small businesses. It is 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

possible to start a tourism business by expanding a home into a “bed and breakfast,” by renting retail space in a local building, or by purchasing a van and developing a tour. The most successful tourism businesses in 2000 all started out with 

a single van, a couple of rafts or kayaks, a small advertising budget, and a state 

permit. 

Because vertical growth opportunities were often limited within a single tourism company, there was a trend toward rapid proliferation of tourism businesses. 

After years of dealing with visitors, a tourism worker may notice opportunities for 

a new niche product. When this employee’s well-honed tourism skills are combined 

with a business plan and marketing acumen, a new company is started. Also, in 

areas like Haines, scenic beauty sparks entrepreneurial ingenuity, as some will do 

whatever it takes for the privilege of living in Haines. Thus, professional growth 

is achieved horizontally, through the startup of new businesses. This combination 

of niche marketing and lack of vertical opportunity means that many businesses 

frequently sprout up in the community. This trend differs significantly from the 

structure of the timber industry, which was characterized by one or two dominant 

companies employing a large number of workers in a more vertical management 

structure. Although the tourism industry is accessible to many, those accustomed 

to having a boss and a predefined work plan may not fare well in the role of a tourism entrepreneur, who must survive within a free-wheeling, constantly evolving 

environment. 

The tourism industry also is characterized by small, flexible businesses that 

rapidly alter their products and services to meet customer demand. As with other 

service industries, the site of production is the same as the site of consumption. In 

other words, customers are present at the time that their product (the tourism experience) is created, which means that the customer exerts tremendous power over the 

final product. Businesses must be tuned to customer needs and modify their products according to changing tastes, trends, and whims. This intense customer focus 

is quite different from the timber industry, where customers were geographically 

separated from the producer by layers of value-added processes, wholesalers, and 

retailers. For many, this direct relation with customers is thrilling; for others, it can 

be intimidating. 

Not only is the Haines economy shifting, but residents also see the essential 

character of their town changing. “We don’t want to lose what Haines is; we don’t 

want to become like every other tourist town,” reflected one tourism business owner. Tourism has contributed to growth in seasonal workers and professional tourism 

entrepreneurs in Haines who bring a different set of values and interests to the community. One interviewee described the increasing influence of itinerant adventur-
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

ers, who arrive from Aspen, Australia, or the Andes, where their accomplishments 

in extreme outdoor adventure are highlighted. If this trend continues, some fear that 

Haines will be valued more as a playground than as a community. The influx of 

tourism industry owners with business and management skills also reflects a shift 

in social structure from blue to white collar. In addition, tourism figures are becoming more powerful in local decisionmaking, which previously had been dominated 

by a small number of long-standing business owners, landholders, and investors. 

Many tourism professionals have assumed positions in municipal and civic leadership. If the tourism industry continues to grow, the influence of these leaders may 

become further institutionalized, threatening the traditional structures of power. 

Taken together, the out-migration of loggers and manufacturing workers, the influx 

of seasonal entrepreneurs, and the growing influence of tourism entrepreneurs in 

the polity and the economy portend long-range shifts in the social and economic 

structure of the community.

Tourism also challenges and reinforces the Alaskan identity. Over the years, the 

media and Alaskans themselves have cultivated a mystique about rural Alaska life. 

Part of this image involves bearing hardship, living in semiprimitive conditions, 

enduring winter, working in the outdoors, and embodying an independent and perhaps quirky personality. Alaskans take pride in being different from the rest of the 

country; the presence of visitors to the community reinforces the distinction. Visitors often are fascinated about the lives of the Alaskans they encounter and pay top 

dollar for the opportunity to visit Alaska and romanticize about life on the frontier. 

The contrasting notions of “visitor” and “resident” are created through this process of romanticizing and objectifying Alaskans as being different, when in reality, 

Haines residents share much in ommon with the visitors they meet. Thus, visitors 

reinforce the mythic Alaskan identity. At the same time, the tourism industry has 

encouraged the migration of new residents as tourism entrepreneurs and seasonal 

workers. This new breed of workers is changing the structure of the workforce and 

the economy. Tourism professionals bring different values, tastes, and priorities, 

with some choosing to ignore the rules and existing symbols of status as a “true 

Alaskan” such as a house without running water, a rusty four-wheel drive vehicle, 

and a job in the woods or on the sea. Economic migrants also bring a degree of 

experience in “lower 48” commerce, and a business style that may not be familiar 

or appealing to existing residents. For many Alaskans, the state’s relative isolation 

and lack of integration with global forces have been heralded. Tourism threatens to 

further weaken these barriers between Alaska and the rest of the world by bringing 

outside ideas and people to the community—shattering both the myth and reality of 

difference. 

Alaskans take pride 

in being different from 

the rest of the country; 

the presence of visitors 

to the community reinforces the distinction.
125

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Future Community Studies

In this study, I explored three hypotheses related to tourism and community change 

in three Alaska communities making a transition away from commodities-based 

production. First, I hoped to understand something about the role of local and 

nonlocal actors in shaping the tourism arena. Tourism growth initially occurred 

largely because local business leaders and municipal officials worked to develop 

Haines’ tourism infrastructure and attract cruise lines through economic incentives. 

Although local business ownership characterized the tourism industry in Haines, 

the economic relation between successful tourism entrepreneurs and the cruise 

lines grew stronger, with the latter able to exert significant influence in local political and economic decisions. As Haines became more dependent on the cruise lines 

as a source of visitors, it became clear that the economic future of the community 

was increasingly in the hands of executives in transnational cruise corporations. In 

future community studies, the relation between local and nonlocal participants in 

contributing to tourism outcomes also will be explored. 

Next, I sought to understand how tourism growth impacted community life and 

the local economy in three diverse Alaska communities. In Haines, the relation between a small Alaska community and the cruise industry was explored. The volume 

of visitors associated with large-scale cruise ships resulted in rapid changes to the 

economy, the community, and the landscape. Several business owners benefited directly from tourism, and the city experienced economic growth owing to spending 

by visitors and cruise lines, yet some residents questioned whether the economic 

benefits were enough to offset changes they had experienced in their daily lives. 

Tourism resulted in shifts in the structure of the local economy, as well as changes 

in the pace of community life, demographic composition, and social relations. 

Tourism also was linked with the expanded use of natural areas and competition 

between local and nonlocal recreation users. These issues will be explored in future 

community studies to understand the extent to which other forms of tourism lead to 

changes in the community and the environment. 

Third, I desired to gain some understanding about the ability of tourism to alter 

relations between residents and their environment. The research shows that as tourism expands its geographic range, residents amend their use patterns and alter their 

perceptions of significant natural areas. Congestion in Chilkoot Lake had caused 

many Haines residents to avoid this area during summer months, and for many, 

resulted in the area becoming redefined as a domain of tourists. The Glacier Point 

experience demonstrated that an area once treasured by Haines residents had been 

altered owing to the presence of a high-volume commercial tour. The volume of 

visitors and the level of development that took place in Glacier Point had altered 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

local attitudes toward this area and changed the patterns of use. The effects of tourism on local uses of natural resources are examined in other case studies for comparison. 

Conclusion

As this research continues in the Alaska communities of Hoonah and Craig, the 

impacts of tourism on communities, economies, and resources will continue to be 

explored. A continued look at local economies in transition from timber to tourism may shed more light on similarities and differences in these industries, and 

the impacts of this shift on the social and economic life of the community. Future 

reports will illuminate more diverse aspects of the tourism industry and its effects 

on social, economic, cultural, and ecological systems of host communities. Some 

of the factors described in this report may be associated more readily with cruise 

ship tourism and will not be found accompanying other tourism forms. A study of 

Hoonah, where signs of tourism are fresh, will illuminate aspects of tourism development in its early stages. In addition, the Hoonah study provides an opportunity 

to understand tourism perceptions in a predominantly Native community. Research 

in Craig explores the charter fishing industry and its effects on social and economic 

structures. These case studies allow exploration of the essential features of a tourism economy, with attention to how local and global participants negotiate their 

interests and how these interactions play out in local discourses. 

Acknowledgments

The author thanks many individuals and organizations who contributed to 

this research and to the creation of this report. For help in project conceptualization and design, I thank Bob Schroeder, Beth Pendleton, and Fred Norbury of the 

USDA Forest Service. I also am indebted to members of my dissertation committee at Syracuse University for their instructive comments: Peter Castro, Maureen 

Schwarz, Arlene Davila, Chad Dawson, and Bob Schroeder. For assistance in data 

collection and verification in Haines, I thank staff members at the following institutions: Sheldon Museum, American Bald Eagle Foundation, Haines Borough, Haines 

Borough Public Library, City of Haines, and the Haines Visitor Center. For additional support during my various stays in Haines, I acknowledge Dick and Wanda 

Aukerman, Gladys Narino, Cynthia “CJ” Jones, Dan Henry, Lee Roberts, and Amy 

Branner. Thanks are extended to readers and reviewers of this report, including 

Susan Alexander, Marti Marshall, Brian Garber-Yonts, Peter Castro, Fred Shields, 

David Brooks, and Linda Kruger. I thank Rhonda Mazza, Judy Mikowski, and the 

Communications and Applications Program for their editing, Lynnae Sutton for her 
127

Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

maps, and Liz Cabrera for providing the GIS map data. Finally, I am grateful to 

the many research participants and consultants whose voices are heard throughout 

this report.

English Equivalents

When you know: Multiply by: To find:

Meters (m) 3.28 Feet

Kilometers (km) .6215 Miles

Hectares (ha) 2.47 Acres

Degrees Celsius (°C) 1.8, then add 32 Degrees Fahrenheit

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Pi-Sunyer, O.; Thomas, B. 1997. Tourism, environmentalism and cultural survival 

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the environment at the end of the millennium. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira 

Press: 187–212.

Plog Research. 1999. The important trends changing leisure travel. Presentation at 

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D., ed. Cultivating peace: conflict and collaboration in natural resource 

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Schensul, S.L.; Schensul, J.J.; LeCompte, M.D. 1999. Essential ethnographic 

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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

Appendix: Interview Guides

Haines General Interview Guide

This study is being conducted by the Pacific Northwest Research Station (PNW) in 

Juneau. The PNW Research Station is part of the research branch of the USDA Forest Service. The goal of the study is to understand the effects of tourism on (a) local 

residents’ everyday lives and decisions, (b) community life and the local economy, 

(c) local use of natural areas. We are interviewing many tourism businesses to understand both the nature and extent of tourism activities in Haines and the use of 

local areas by tourism operators. Through this process, we also hope to be able to 

gain an improved understanding of the unique qualities of the visitor experience in 

Haines.

I. Background Questions

 A. Time in Haines 

 Years in Haines/Years in Alaska

 B. Previous Residences

 Where from originally/School/Other places lived

 C. Resident Status

 Year-round or seasonal 

 Neighborhood

 D. Household Economics

 1. How do members of your family contribute to the household 

 income in 2000? 

II. Haines Community Life

 1. Why did you decide to move to Haines? 

 [Or, Why have you decided to remain in Haines?] 

 2. How would you describe Haines when you first moved here? 

 [Or, how would you describe the Haines of your childhood? (note years)]

 PROBES:

 a. Where did you live? What were people doing for work then? 

 b. If you think back to those early days, where in Haines did you 

 get together to socialize with your friends? 

 c. What kinds of activities did you do in your leisure time? 

 Where did these activities take place?

 d. What was Haines like during and after the War? The pipeline? 

 e. What do you remember about Haines when the mills were 

 running?
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

 3. What changes have you observed in the time you have lived here?

 PROBE: How would you explain the cause of these changes? 

 4. What do you value most about living in Haines? and 

 What do you value least about living in Haines? 

 5. What characteristics, if any, do you feel Haines residents share in common? 

 a. What differences do you see among people living in Haines? 

 b. How, if at all, do newcomers differ from the people living here? 

 6. If you were to describe your ideal image of Haines in the future—say 

 10 years from now—what would it be like? [What would you hope for the 

 community in the future?]

 PROBES:

 a. What industries would you like to see grow in Haines in the 

 future? Why? 

 b. What are your biggest fears or concerns for the future of Haines?

III. Tourism

 A. Background

 1. When did you first notice that tourism was becoming an important part 

 of life in Haines? [Try to get approximate year.] 

 PROBES:

 a. Did it happen overnight or was it a gradual process? 

 b. Was there an event or incident that made you realize what was 

 going on?

 c. What types of tourists did you notice first? What activities were 

 they involved in? 

 2. What changes have you noticed in the shape of tourism in Haines? 

 PROBES:

 a. What changes have you observed in the types of visitors who come 

 to Haines?

 b. What changes have you observed in the types of tourism activities 

 taking place? 

 c. What changes have you observed in the places tourists are visiting 

 in Haines? 

 3. How do you know when you are looking at a tourist? 

 B. Tourism Attitudes 

 1. What kind of contact do you have with visitors to Haines?

 PROBES:

 a. What types of visitors do you see?

 b. What are they doing? 
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

 c. How often do you see visitors?

 d. Where do you see them?

 2. How has tourism in Haines affected your life? 

 3. What aspects of the tourist season do you look forward to?

 4. What one aspect of tourism personally drives you crazy? 

 5. Has the growth of tourism changed the way you think about Haines? 

 If so, how?

 6. What does it mean to become a “tourist town” or a “tourist destination?” 

 Could Haines be described this way? 

 C. Impacts of Tourism

 1. In your view, how does tourism benefit Haines as a community?

 2. In your view, what are the most significant negative effects of tourism 

 for the community? 

 3. Has the growing presence of the tourism industry affected... 

 [Y/N, if yes, how?]

 a. friendships and social relationships among residents

 b. local decision-making in the city and borough

 c. access to recreation areas/recreation options

 d. access to subsistence areas/quality of subsistence resources

 e. ability to conduct everyday business

 4. Tourism obviously is a controversial topic in Haines. What makes it 

 so controversial? 

 a. Why is this issue so important to people? 

 b. How are local politics affected by debates about tourism?

 c. How do the issues and debates surrounding tourism compare to those 

 involving timber? Mining? Other economic development projects? 

 5. In the best of all worlds, how would you describe your ideal vision of 

 tourism in Haines, say 10 years from today? (2010) 

 a. How much tourism would you like to see in the future—say in 

 10 years? 

 b. What sectors of the tourism industry would you like to see grow, 

 decline, stay the same? 

 6. What are your biggest fears or concerns for the future tourism of 

 Haines? In other words, if you picture tourism in Haines in the 

 worst possible way, what would it look like? 
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Interview Questions for Tour Operators

Introduction—

This study is being conducted by the Pacific Northwest Research Station in 

Juneau. The PNW Research Station is part of the research branch of the USDA 

Forest Service. The goal of the study is to understand the effects of tourism on (a) 

local residents’ everyday lives and decisions, (b) community life and the local economy, (c) local use of natural areas. We are interviewing many tourism businesses to 

understand both the nature and extent of tourism activities in Haines and the use of 

local areas by tourism operators. Through this process, we also hope to be able to 

gain an improved understanding of the unique qualities of the visitor experience in 

Haines. 

A. Background & Community Questions

 1. Life before Haines. (where from, previous businesses, education)

 2. Number of Years in Haines ________ In Alaska _________

 3. Resident Status: Full-time/Seasonal __________

 4. Why did you decide to move to Haines? What do you value most about the 

 community of Haines? 

 5. How would you describe Haines when you first moved here? 

 6. What changes have you observed since living in Haines?

 7. What concerns (if any) do you have about the community’s future? 

B. Early Tourism Business

 1. What kind of work were you doing before you became involved in this 

 business? 

 2. What events led up to your getting involved in this tourism business?

 3. How many years have you been working in tourism? 

 a. What year did this business begin? 

 4. What was the original idea or vision for your company? 

 a. What gave you the inspiration to start this business? 

 b. What products and services did you originally offer? 

 c. How many employees did you start with?

 d. What equipment (or capital resources) did you start with?

C. Current Tourism Business

 1. EMPLOYEES 

 a. Number of employees: FT _______ PT ________ 

 YRRD _______ SEASONAL ________

 LOCAL _______ NON-LOCAL ______
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Preliminary Research Findings From a Study of the Sociocultural Effects of Tourism in Haines, Alaska

 b. How do you go about recruiting employees? 

 c. What percentage of employees typically return for the next season? 

 2. PRODUCTS & SERVICES

 a. What products and services do you currently offer? 

 b. How have your products changed over time? 

 c. What places in the Chilkat Valley does your company visit? 

 (Has this changed over time? Why?)

 3. MISSION 

 a. What is your current mission? 

 b. Has it changed from your original mission?

 4. EQUIPMENT 

 What equipment do you currently use/own? (vans, buses, etc.)

 5. MARKETING

 a. How would you characterize your marketing strategy?

 b. What percentage of your business comes from cruise ship passengers? 

 c. Do you have formal/contractual relationships with cruise companies? 

 If so, how many? Which ones?

 d. What percentage of visitors on your trips originates in Skagway?

 6. VOLUME

 a. What is your total visitor capacity? 

 b. How many total visitors will you serve this summer? 

 c. How many trips do you run per week in the peak season (for 

 each location?) 

 7. COMPETITION & MARKET SHARE

 a. Who are your biggest competitors? 

 b. What is your approximate market share? How has it changed? 

 d. How has price been affected by increasing competition? 

 e. What does it take to survive in the tourism market in Haines? 

 8. IMPRESSIONS

 a. What do you like about working in the tourism industry?

 b. What do you not like about working in the tourism industry?

 9. FUTURE

 Where would you like to be in five years? 

D. Customer Demand and “Touristic Experience”

 1. EXPECTATIONS

 a. What expectations do visitors have about Alaska before they arrive?

 b. What expectations do visitors have about their tour? 
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General Technical Report PNW-GTR-612

 2. VISITOR CHARACTERISTICS & DEMANDS

 a. Have you noticed any changes in either the types of visitors coming on 

 your tours or the expectations of visitors over the last 5–10 years? 

 b. What do you hope visitors experiencing your tour come away with? 

 [What do you hope they remember most about their experience?]

 c. What factors are influencing visitor demands for services they desire?

 d. What new demands have you encountered? How have you met these 

 demands or how do you plan to address them? 

 3. WILDERNESS EXPERIENCE

 Many people come to Alaska to seek a “wilderness experience.” How would 

 you define the term, “wilderness experience?” Does this differ from the way 

 a visitor would see it?

E. Tourism Impacts

 1. In your view, how does tourism benefit Haines as a community? 

 2. What are most significant negative effects of tourism for the community? 

 3. Why is tourism so controversial in Haines? 

 a. What are the positions being taken? 

 b. Whose interests are at stake? 

 c. How does your work address or alleviate local concerns?

 4. How does the growing presence of the tourism industry affect... 

 a. friendships and social relationships among people

 b. local decision-making in the city and borough

 c. access to recreation and quality recreation experiences

 5. What is it like being a person involved in tourism and living in a community 

 where tourism is so controversial? 

 6. Has the growth of tourism changed the way you think about Haines? 

 7. If you could picture tourism in Haines in the best possible way, what is your 

 vision for the future? 

 8. What fears or concerns, if any, do you have for the future tourism of Haines?
Pacific Northwest Research Station

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