Research in Brief 

U.S. Department of Justice 

Office of Justice Programs 

National Institute of Justice 

Violence Against Women: Identifying Risk Factors 

NOV. 04 
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NOV. 04 

Violence Against Women: Identifying 

Risk Factors 

Editor’s Note: This Research in Brief is based on two studies— 

1) Jacquelyn W. White and Paige Hall Smith of the University of North 

Carolina–Greensboro conducted a study of victimization and perpetration of 

violence among college students. This study, “Developmental Antecedents of 

Violence Against Women” (NCJ 187775), was supported by grant number 

98–WT–VX–0010 from the National Institute of Justice. 

2) Jane A. Siegel of Rutgers University–Camden and Linda M. Williams of the 

Stone Center at Wellesley College conducted an analysis of interview data— 

collected previously—from women with contemporaneously documented 

histories of child sexual abuse and from a matched comparison group of 

women with no documented abuse. This study, “Risk Factors for Violent 

Victimization of Women: A Prospective Study” (NCJ 189161), was supported 

by grant number 98–WT–VX–0028 from the National Institute of Justice. 

These unpublished reports are available from the National Criminal Justice 

Reference Service. The White and Smith report is online at www.ncjrs.org/ 

pdffiles1/nij/grants/187775.pdf; the Siegel and Williams report is online at 

www.ncjrs.org/pdffiles1/nij/grants/189161.pdf. 

Findings and conclusions of the research reported here are those of the 

authors and do not reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. 

Department of Justice. 

NCJ 197019 
RESEARCH IN BRIEF / NOV. 04 

ABOUT THIS REPORT 

Are sexual and physical 

abuse in childhood and adolescence risk factors for 

being a victim of violence 

against women in adulthood? This report summarizes two 

studies that used different 

methodologies and samples 

to determine the extent to 

which physical and sexual 

abuse as a child or adolescent contribute to later abuse. 

In one study, researchers followed college women and 

men for 4 years, asking them 

questions about past and current victimization each year. 

In the other study, researchers 

asked urban, low-income, 

mostly black women who 

had substantiated child sexual abuse about their adolescent and adult victimization. 

What did the 

researchers find? 

Despite different methods 

and samples, the findings were remarkably similar: Being sexually or physically 

abused both as a child and as 

an adolescent is a good predictor of future victimization. 

Child sexual abuse on its own, however, did not predict 

adult victimization. Women 

who were victims of both 

sexual and physical abuse 

before adulthood were more 

likely to become adult victims 

of physical or sexual abuse 

than women who had experienced only one form of abuse 

or women who had not been 

early victims of abuse. 

What were the study’s 

limitations? Both studies to some extent 

relied on accounts of victimization that occurred long 

ago. Over time some subjects may forget or confuse 

important details. Furthermore, adult rape victims may 

be more likely to remember 

and report incidents of child 

sexual abuse than adults who 

have not been raped and this factor may skew the results. 

In addition, participants from 

each study formed a narrowly 

defined sample—college students and low-income, primarily black urban women— 

which may limit how these 

findings can be applied to a 

general population. 

Who should read this 

study? 

Service providers and counselors working with adolescents and college students, 

victim and women’s advocacy groups, and researchers. 

ii 
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: IDENTIFYING RISK FACTORS 

Violence Against Women: 

Identifying Risk Factors 

Studies investigating the root 

causes of violence against 

women devote more attention to perpetrators’ behavior 

than to identifying risk factors 

among victims, in part to 

avoid the appearance of 

“blaming the victim.” Responsibility for violence against 

women rests with the 

assailants, but identifying 

potential risk factors is 

essential to developing preventive strategies. 

The National Institute of Justice (NIJ) funded two studies 

to identify factors that could 

predict which women were 

most likely to become victims of sexual or physical violence (see “Editor’s Note”). 

The first, a study of college 

students (see “College Student Study: Methodology”), 

found that women who were 

physically or sexually abused 

(or witnessed violence) in 

childhood but not in adolescence were at no greater risk 

for physical or sexual victimization in college. Those who 

experienced both childhood 

and adolescent victimization 

were at greater risk to be victimized in college. 

The second, a study of victims of child sexual abuse 

(see “Childhood Sexual 

Abuse Study: Methodology”), found that childhood 

sexual abuse was a risk factor only when combined with 

sexual abuse during adolescence. The similarity of these 

findings from two studies 

with different samples and 

methodologies reinforces 

their significance and should 

help practitioners and policymakers identify and prioritize 

children and adolescents 

most in need of appropriate 

interventions. 

College Student Study: 

Findings about victims 

Victimization. By the end of 

4 years of college, 88 percent 

of women had experienced 

at least one incident of physical or sexual victimization in 

their lifetimes, and 64 percent had experienced both. 

Almost 78 percent experienced at least one incident of 

physical victimization in their 

lifetimes, and 79 percent 

experienced at least one incident of sexual victimization. 

1 
RESEARCH IN BRIEF / NOV. 04 

COLLEGE STUDENT STUDY: METHODOLOGY 

Most studies of violence against women examine a sample Such studies are 

called cross-sectional. Although cross-sectional studies have identified several possible risk factors, they cannot assess how well certain risk factors can predict future events. For that, one 

needs a longitudinal study—one that follows a sample over time. This study is a longitudinal one 

designed to answer four questions: 

■ Do women who experience one form of violence experience others as well? 

■ Does early victimization put women at risk for future victimization? 

■ Are men who commit one form of violence against their partners likely to commit others? 

■ Are early perpetration or victimization experiences significant risk factors for future 

perpetration? 

The data came from a 5-year study of the risk of sexual and physical assault among university students, funded by the National Institute of Mental Health. Both men and women were assessed 

variety of sexual experiences. Approximately 83 percent of the 1990 class (825 students) and 84 

percent of the 1991 class (744 students) provided usable surveys. The sample of women was 71 

percent white and 25 percent black; 4 percent came from other ethnic groups. 

Three incoming classes of men (1990, 1991, and 1992) were also surveyed about a range of social 

experiences; 835 students initially participated. The sample of men was 68 percent white and 26 

with those who dropped out. They found no statistically significant differences between the 

groups. Higher attrition rates were related to self-reports from adolescents of alcohol use and 

delinquent behaviors, but not to rates of sexual perpetration. For both men and women, factors 

related to withdrawal from the study were similar to reasons students drop out of college. 

at one point in time. 

annually from age 18 through age 22. Two incoming classes of women were surveyed regarding a 

percent black; 6 percent belonged to other ethnic groups. Almost two-thirds of the men (65 percent) completed the first survey; 22 percent completed all phases of the study. 

To address the low completion rate, researchers compared participants who completed the study 

Physical victimization was 

assessed using Straus’ (1979) 

Conflict Tactics Scales, which 

measures self-reported experiences of such behaviors as 

being hit, shoved, or pushed. 

Sexual victimization was 

measured using the Koss et 

al. (1987) Sexual Experiences 

Survey, which includes a 

range of victimization experiences from coerced sexual 

contact to rape. 

Revictimization. Previous 

studies suggest that young 

women, and college students 

in particular, are at increased 

2 
V I O L E N C E A G A I N S T W O M E N : I D E N T I F Y I N G R I S K F A C T O R S 

risk of becoming victims of 

sexual abuse (Koss et al., 

1987). This study found that 

women who were physically 

or sexually abused or who 

witnessed domestic violence 

in childhood (before age 14) 

were at greater risk for physical and/or sexual victimization 

in high school. Women who 

were victimized in high 

school were at much greater 

risk for physical and/or sexual 

victimization in college. After 

controlling for victimization in 

high school, however, those 

who were abused or witnessed violence in childhood 

were not at greater risk for 

college victimization (see 

exhibit 1). 

Women who were both sexually and physically abused 

during high school were most 

likely to suffer sexual abuse 

in college, followed by 

women who were abused 

sexually but not physically. 

Those who experienced 

physical abuse but no sexual 

abuse in high school were no 

more likely to suffer sexual 

abuse in college than women 

who had never been abused. 

Women who experienced cooccurrence (both physical and 

sexual abuse) during high 

school were most likely to 

become victims of physical 

violence by their romantic 

partners, followed by women 

Exhibit 1. College Student Study—College victimization, by prior victimization status 

Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4 

Victimization status Type of abuse (%) (%) (%) (%) 

None before college	 Only physical 

Only sexual 

Physical and sexual 

7 11 7 5 

13 4 8 5 

3 4 5 5 

Total	 23 19 20 16 

Childhood victimization Only physical 

but no adolescent Only sexual 

victimization Physical and sexual 

10 10 12 6 

17 4 13 11 

5 7 5 8 

Total	 32 21 30 25 

Adolescent victimization Only physical 

but no childhood Only sexual 

victimization Physical and sexual 

16 16 15 13 

22 13 12 14 

4 7 7 

Total	 42 36 34 31 

Childhood and adolescent Only physical 

victimization Only sexual 

Physical and sexual 

17 16 20 18 

27 17 16 12 

22 20 16 12 

Total	 66 53 52 42 

3 

4 
RESEARCH IN BRIEF / NOV. 04 

who had experienced physical violence in high school 

but no sexual abuse. Women 

who had experienced sexual 

abuse in high school but no 

physical violence were no 

likelier to become victims of 

physical violence in college 

than those who had never 

been abused. 

Mental health. Women who 

experienced co-occurrence in 

high school and the first year 

of college reported the highest levels of psychological 

distress (a composite measure consisting of anxiety, 

depression, loss of control, 

and lack of emotional ties). Women who had not been 

abused reported the lowest 

levels, and other women 

reported intermediate levels. 

Physical health. Women 

who experienced co-occurrence during high school and 

the first year of college 

reported more doctor visits 

than women with no assault experiences. Women who 

had experienced only physical assault, however, rated 

their overall general health 

lower than all other women. 

Problem behaviors. Women 

who experienced co-occurrence during high school were likeliest to report suicidal thoughts during high 

school, although suicidal 

thoughts in college were not 

related to co-occurrence in 

high school. An increased 

number of sex partners 

(defined as men with whom women had sexual intercourse, consensual or not) was associated with all types 

of victimization. Women who experienced co-occurrence in 

high school and those who 

had been sexually victimized 

but not physically assaulted 

had the most sex partners, followed by those who had 

only been physically assaulted. By the end of the fourth year in college, women who 

had experienced co-occurrence were most likely to 

have engaged in unprotected 

sex. Alcohol use was highest for women who experienced 

co-occurrence in high school 

and the first year of college; 

it was lowest among those 

who had not been victimized. 

College Student 

Study: Findings about 

perpetrators 

Co-occurrence of assault. It 

is common for a man to commit both sexual and physical 

assault, although not necessarily against the same woman. The percentage of 

men who did so declined 

from 9 percent in high school 

to 5 percent in the first year 

4 
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: IDENTIFYING RISK FACTORS 

of college to 2 percent in the 

fourth year of college. The 

relationship between sexual 

and physical assault is significant: A young man who committed one type of assault 

was five times more likely to 

commit the other during high 

school (the odds remained 

roughly the same over the 

college years). 

Family violence. Young men 

who both sexually and physically assaulted women experienced more family violence 

and witnessed significantly 

more family violence than 

other men. 

Childhood sexual abuse. A 

significant relationship was 

found between childhood 

sexual victimization and perpetration of sexual and physical assault in high school. 

Men who committed physical 

and sexual assault or sexual 

assault alone in high school 

reported more childhood sexual abuse than men who had 

no history of assault or who 

committed only physical 

assault. 

Factors associated with cooccurrence. Men who sexually and physically assaulted 

women were significantly 

more likely to abuse drugs 

and alcohol, have many sexual partners, engage in delinquent behavior, and approve 

of male use of violence 

against women than men 

who committed neither form 

of assault. For some of these 

factors, however, there were 

no differences between 

those who committed both 

forms of assault and those 

who committed only one. 

Predictors of perpetration. 

Men who committed sexual 

assault during high school 

were four times more likely 

to commit sexual assault during the first year of college 

than men with no history of 

sexual assault. The results of 

this study, however, show a 

decline in sexual aggression 

over time. 

Child Sexual Abuse 

Study: Findings 

Risk of victimization. The 

relationship between childhood and adult victimization 

is complex. Sexual abuse in 

childhood alone or adolescence alone was not found to 

be associated with a higher 

risk of adult physical or sexual victimization. Only women 

who had been sexually 

abused as both children and 

adolescents were found to 

be at increased risk of victimization as adults, with rates 

of both sexual and physical 

adult victimization significantly higher than those for all 

5 
RESEARCH IN BRIEF / NOV. 04 

CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE STUDY: METHODOLOGY 

This study was designed to explore whether child abuse survivors have an increased risk of later 

victimization and, if so, whether certain factors in their lives, such as abusing alcohol and having 

numerous sexual partners between the ages of 13 and 17, heighten the risk of victimization. 

The research also explored whether women who are themselves physically aggressive are at 

ble family structure, harsh punishment, and witnessing violence) may significantly affect the risk of 

future victimization. 

This study is a secondary analysis of data from interviews with women who were part of a 

Health, of a group of children who had been the victims of officially reported child sexual abuse. In 

1990 and 1991, followup interviews funded by the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect 

were conducted to investigate the adult consequences of child sexual abuse and the validity of 

interviews, a third round of interviews was conducted in 1996 and 1997 with both the victims and a 

comparison group of women who had no documented history of abuse but who had been seen in 

the pediatric emergency room at the same time for nonabuse-related injuries or illnesses. 

The study uses data from 174 women from the victim and comparison groups who were interviewed in 1996–97; 80 of the women from the victim group had also been interviewed in 1990–91. 

The analyses examined the effect of potential risk factors while controlling for familial background 

factors. Approximately 30 percent of the women in the comparison group self-reported having 

been sexually abused before age 13 and were reclassified into the victim group (see exhibit 2). 

cial victims were likelier to have been arrested for any offense and for drug offenses. In addition, 

involved force or penetration, which may have been a factor in why they were officially reported 

increased risk of violent victimization and whether a child abuse victim’s family situation (an unstaprospective longitudinal study, begun in 1973 and sponsored by the National Institute of Mental 

children’s disclosures of sexual abuse incidents. To investigate issues raised during those followup 

Before doing so, however, a series of comparisons was made between self-reported and “official” 

victims that showed no statistically significant differences between the two groups. However, offia higher percentage of official victims experienced victimization by strangers and incidents that 

in the 1970s. 

women. Three-quarters of 

these women were sexually 

assaulted when adults, and 

more than 8 in 10 (84 percent) experienced severe 

domestic violence. (Severe 

violence was defined as beating, punching, or hitting with 

something that could hurt; 

choking; burning or scalding 

on purpose; and having serious injuries or needing to see 

a doctor as a result of a fight 

with a partner.) 

This is not to say, however, 

that few of the others were 

victimized as adults. Rates of 

reported sexual victimization 

and domestic violence were 

high: 28 percent of women 

6 
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: IDENTIFYING RISK FACTORS 

who experienced no childhood or adolescent sexual 

victimization reported being 

sexually assaulted as adults, 

and 60 percent reported experiencing at least minor 

violence perpetrated by an 

intimate partner (see exhibit 

3). 

Situational risk factors. Having multiple sexual partners 

significantly increased the 

risk of adult sexual abuse. 

Alcohol abuse was found to 

be statistically significant in 

predicting increased risk of 

adult sexual victimization but 

not domestic violence. 

“Double victims.” Women 

who were double victims— 

victimized in both childhood 

and adolescence—differed 

from the other women interviewed in ways that could 

have contributed to their later 

behavior. They were significantly more likely to have 

reported being beaten by 

their mothers. They had a significantly higher number of 

living situations (distinct 

household compositions) and childhood caregivers between 

birth and age 18. 

Double victims were more 

likely to have had a boyfriend 

and to have started drinking 

alcohol at an earlier age. They were also likelier to have 

engaged in at least two delinquent behaviors: running 

away from home and prostitution before the age of 18. Running away was one of 

two factors that significantly 

increased the odds of 

becoming a double victim 

once the other risk factors were taken into account 

together; the other was having a mother who had a criminal history. Nearly half (48 

percent) of the double victims reported that their mothers had been arrested when 

the victims were children or 

teenagers—a rate 7 times 

greater than that reported for 

the mothers of women not 

abused as children. Some of 

these mothers may have 

been incarcerated, which would account for the significantly greater number of living situations and childhood 

caregivers the women reported having and their higher 

scores on a measure of 

parental neglect. Aggressive behavior and 

domestic violence. Women 

who engaged in aggressive 

behavior themselves (i.e., the 

use of force—hitting, kicking, 

or punching—or a weapon 

against another person, including a domestic partner) were at increased risk of 

being severely abused by 

their partners. Aggression 

7 
R E S E A R C H I N B R I E F / N O V . 0 4 

Exhibit 2. Child Sexual Abuse Study—Victimization rates 

Groups Adolescents (%) Adults (%) 

Comparison 1: 

Experimental group (victims of documented 

child sexual abuse) (n = 87) 29 48 

Control group (no officially reported child 

sexual abuse) (n = 87) 24 38 

Comparison 2: 

“All” victims of child sexual abuse (n = 114)* 28 48 

Not sexually abused in childhood (n = 60) 24 38 

*Comparison 2 includes members of the control group who reported being sexually abused in childhood. 

Exhibit 3. Child Sexual Abuse Study—Adult victimization, by prior victimization status 

Experienced Experienced 

Sexually some severe 

abused as domestic domestic 

Prior victimization status adults (%) violence (%) violence (%) 

Not sexually abused in childhood or 

adolescence (n = 46) 28 60 42 

Sexually abused in childhood but not in 

adolescence (n = 82) 38 62 42 

Sexually abused in adolescence but not in 

childhood (n = 14) 50 79 64 

Sexually abused in childhood and 

adolescence (n = 82) 75 97 84 

was categorized as minor or 

severe depending on the 

type of force/weapon used 

and the degree of injury 

inflicted. One must be cautious, however, before concluding that female aggressive 

behavior is a risk factor for 

victimization; much of this 

violence was reported to be 

in self-defense. For example, 

38 percent of those who 

used force against their partner said that they were never 

8 
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: IDENTIFYING RISK FACTORS 

the first to do so, and 40 percent said that they used force 

primarily or exclusively to protect themselves from imminent harm. This is especially 

true for victims of severe 

domestic violence: Only 27 

percent of the victims interviewed reported initiating violence most or all of the time; 

44 percent said that they 

never initiated violence. More 

than half reported using force 

primarily or exclusively to protect themselves, and only 5 

percent said that their own 

use of force was never 

caused by the need to protect themselves. 

Limitations of the 

studies 

Although both studies present useful findings on groups 

that are important targets for 

intervention, each has several 

limitations. The analyses of 

“double victims” in the child 

sexual abuse study were exploratory and need to be 

replicated. These findings are 

more tenuous than the 

study’s other results. 

Another limitation was that 

the analyses of childhood and 

adolescent victimization in 

the college student study were retrospective, and such 

analyses may be affected by 

the faulty memory of some 

participants. Although the 

child sexual abuse study was 

designed so that it would not 

have to rely on retrospective 

accounts of childhood victimization, some control group 

members had to be reclassified as victims based on retrospective accounts of being 

sexually abused before age 13. 

In addition, although the child 

sexual abuse study provided 

information about a population traditionally neglected in 

research on violence against women, the fact that the 

sample is disproportionately 

poor, urban, and black and 

has very high victimization 

rates raises questions about 

whether it is sufficiently representative to draw meaningful general conclusions from 

the study’s findings. The 

same reservation applies to 

the college student study. 

Taken together, however, the 

findings of the two studies, 

substantiate each other. 

Devising prevention 

strategies The results of both studies, 

despite their limitations, 

indicate the need for directing interventions toward boys 

and girls who witness or experience violence. Boys 

who are victims of violence 

are especially in need of 

intervention, because they 

9 
RESEARCH IN BRIEF / NOV. 04 

are likely to grow up and mistreat their partners. Early 

intervention is likely to go a 

long way toward preventing 

further violence later in life. 

The research suggests that 

professionals who have contact with children and adolescents should be educated 

about the importance of taking gender-based violence 

seriously. Prevention and intervention strategies can help 

potential victims and perpetrators overcome social influences that tend to support or 

condone violence against 

women by including genderbased violence prevention 

activities in other programs 

that target adolescent boys 

and girls, such as substance 

abuse and pregnancy prevention programs. 

Prevention and intervention 

strategies should support 

girls and women who report 

abuse and promote psychological healing and social resolution. But programs for 

adolescent girls—especially 

those who have experienced 

childhood victimization— 

should, in addition, incorporate activities that could 

prevent violence against 

women. 

References 

Koss, M.P., Gidycz, C., and 

Wisniewski, N. (1987). The 

scope of rape: Incidence and 

prevalence of sexual aggression and victimization in a 

national sample of higher 

education students. Journal 

of Consulting and Clinical 

Psychology, 55, 162–170. 

Straus, M.A. (1979). Measuring intrafamily conflict and 

violence: The Conflict Tactics 

Scales. Journal of Marriage 

and the Family, 41, 75–88. 

10 
The National Institute of Justice is the 

research, development, and evaluation 

agency of the U.S. Department of Justice. 

NIJ provides objective, independent, 

evidence-based knowledge and tools 

to enhance the administration 

of justice and public safety. 

NIJ is a component of the Office of Justice 

Programs, which also includes the Bureau 

of Justice Assistance, the Bureau of Justice 

Statistics, the Office of Juvenile Justice 

and Delinquency Prevention, and the 

Office for Victims of Crime. 
DOJ/NIJ *NCJ~197019* 

NOV. 04 

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