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HEARING ON IMPEDIMENTS TO VOTER 

ENFRANCHISEMENT 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON HOUSE 

ADMINISTRATION 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

HEARING HELD IN PHILADELPHIA, PA, OCTOBER 5, 2007 

Printed for the use of the Committee on House Administration 

( 

Available on the Internet: 

http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/house/administration/index.html 


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HEARING ON IMPEDIMENTS TO VOTER 

ENFRANCHISEMENT 


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U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 

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40–510 2008

HEARING ON IMPEDIMENTS TO VOTER 

ENFRANCHISEMENT 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON HOUSE 

ADMINISTRATION 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

MEETING HELD IN PHILADELPHIA, PA, OCTOBER 5, 2007 

Printed for the use of the Committee on House Administration 

( 

Available on the Internet: 

http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/house/administration/index.html 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARING
(II) 

COMMITTEE ON HOUSE ADMINISTRATION 

ROBERT A. BRADY, Pennsylvania, Chairman 

ZOE LOFGREN, California 

Vice-Chairwoman 

MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts 

CHARLES A. GONZALEZ, Texas 

SUSAN A. DAVIS, California 

ARTUR DAVIS, Alabama 

VERNON J. EHLERS, Michigan 

Ranking Minority Member 

DANIEL E. LUNGREN, California 

KEVIN MCCARTHY, California 

S. ELIZABETH BIRNBAUM, Staff Director 

WILL PLASTER, Minority Staff Director 


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HEARING ON IMPEDIMENTS TO VOTER 

ENFRANCHISEMENT 

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2007 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON HOUSE ADMINISTRATION, Washington, DC. 

The committee met, pursuant to call, at 10:10 a.m., in room 400 

of Philadelphia City Hall, Hon. Robert Brady (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Members Present: Representatives Brady and Lofgren. 

The CHAIRMAN. I would like to call our hearing of the Committee 

on House Administration to order, and I know all of our witnesses 

are here and I ask them if they wouldn’t mind please taking the 

witness table. 

First of all, and in my mind most importantly, I want to thank 

Zoe Lofgren for coming here. Zoe is also the Vice-Chairwoman of 

this Committee, and she is the Chairperson of the Subcommittee 

on Elections. She is from the great state of California, a long way 

from here, and she graciously agreed to come and spend a couple 

of hours with us today, then we are going to try to let her see some 

of our great sights in the City of Philadelphia. If anyone has any 

recommendations, we could surely use them. Thank you for participating in this hearing and enjoying our city. 

We have with us today the Deputy Secretary of Administration 

Thomas Weaver, Commissioner Edgar Howard, Chairperson of the 

Commissioners, and Commissioner Marge Tartaglione and Mr. 

Bobby Lee, who has been around, as long as this building has been 

around. I appreciate your participation. It is my pleasure to be here 

and call this hearing to order. Members of the committee, witnesses and guests, I am pleased to bring the Committee on House 

Administration to Philadelphia today to discuss Impediments to 

Voter Enfranchisement. The right to vote and access to the polls 

are fundamental to our democracy. I want to get this hearing on 

the record. I want to get your testimony on the record, because 

there are a few things happening in the Supreme Court, and there 

are a lot of things happening in the United States of America. We 

want to be able to say that our city has one of the best voting systems in the nation. I have all the expert witnesses. We also invited—in our city we have three Commissioners—a Congresslady, 

and one is of the minority, and we invited the minority Commissioner, Mr. Joe Duda, and hoped that he would come. He is a Commissioner of the Republican Party. So this is a bipartisan hearing. 

Since this nation was founded, we expanded the right to vote to include non-land owners, minorities, women, and 18-year-old citizens. 


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I am interested in learning how today’s witnesses have overcome 

problems with casting ballots. 

We will hear suggestions on improving the voting process. In 

2000, the nation and the world watched Florida’s recount. It took 

30-plus days for the Supreme Court to decide the outcome of the 

presidential race. We will all remember the problems with that 

election, the ballots and the hanging chads. The only Chad I knew 

of prior to that election was Chad Everett, and now we know of all 

kinds of pregnant chads and dangling chads and all different kinds 

of chads. In some ways that helped us and led to the passage of 

the Help America Vote Act. This committee had a lot to do with 

getting that bill through Congress. Traditionally, states have paved 

the course for running elections. States and counties have been 

forced to decide between funding the maintenance of roads, construction of schools, and a lot of other programs. In 2002, for the 

first time in the nation’s history, they provided federal money to 

run federal elections. I know it was never enough, and we have to 

try to increase that. Here in Philadelphia, plenty of attempts have 

been made to disenfranchise poor and minority voters through intimidation and suppressive tactics. I expect we will hear a few stories today. One of the worst stories I have ever heard took place 

in a Milwaukee African-American neighborhood in 2004. An entire 

neighborhood was blanketed with misleading fliers from a fictional 

Milwaukee black voters’ league. These fliers falsely claimed that 

voters could be ineligible to vote if they violated traffic laws, if any 

family members had criminal records, or if they voted in a previous 

election that year, they didn’t need to vote this year. That sort of 

manipulation must be stopped. Another voting obstacle threatens 

voters across the nation. A handful of states have increased ID requirements at the polls. In fact, the Supreme Court is set to hear 

a case this term on the voter ID issue. The Committee will pay 

close attention to that case. If these voter ID laws are upheld, poor, 

elderly, minority, and disabled voters will be discouraged from voting. Congress should be working to ensure that every individual 

that is eligible to vote will be able to do so. We should not be in 

the business of creating roadblocks for Americans who qualify to 

vote. Dedicated public servants, volunteers, and community-based 

organizations, like the ones we will hear from today, have been 

helping to monitor and combat problems voters face on Election 

Day. Additionally, this year the House of Representatives took a 

major step to prevent voter intimidation and misleading tactics by 

passing the Deceptive Practices and Voter Intimidation Prevention 

Act. This legislation will go a long way to prevent misleading fliers 

and misleading information from being distributed. Overcoming 

these barriers and expanding opportunities at the voting booth are 

priorities of this committee. We have a lot of work ahead of us, but 

we are on top of it, and we are ready for the challenge. 

Earlier this year a federal court upheld one of the most restrictive ID laws in the country. The Indiana law created unnecessary 

obstacles to citizens participating in federal elections and is nothing short of voter-suppression. I think it is unconstitutional in its 

application, and I intend to participate by filing an amicus brief 

with the Supreme Court, challenging the constitutionality of the 

law. 


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My constituents are among those who would be most affected 

were this type of law extended to Pennsylvania, and I will not sit 

idly by as the constitutional rights of my constituents are eroded. 

Justified on the basis of administrative convenience, I will commit 

more to this issue in the future. I just want to briefly talk about 

this voter ID card. We have been through these hearings, Ms. 

Lofgren more than I have, being the Chairwoman on the Subcommittee on Elections, and we have heard about these voter ID 

cards. The best example I have is my mom. My mom is 85 years 

old. She doesn’t drive anymore, though she may still have her driver’s license, I know it is probably not current. She doesn’t have a 

passport, nor do I. She doesn’t have a birth certificate, nor do I. If 

we need them, we get them as we need them, and I don’t have a 

copy of that. These are some of the things that can be used, plus 

some bills that you pay for instance, an electric bill, heat bill or, 

water bill. A lot of people that live in public housing don’t have 

those bills. These are some of the ID requirements that she would 

need to get a free ID voter card. So they say it is not an unfunded 

mandate, but we believe that it is, because to get the certificates 

that you need to get the ID card, you have to pay for them. Not 

only do you have to pay for them, but you also have to come into 

town or go someplace to get them, and that is an inconvenience. 

The last thing we need, is to set any kind of inconvenience up for 

any one of our people that want to come out and vote. We need to 

clear up those obstacles, not create more. That is the purpose of 

this hearing, and to get on the record and hear your thoughts and 

be able to take them back to Washington and have some documentation on the record that we can use for ammunition. We have 

to fight. We have to fight to make sure that that doesn’t happen. 

So again, it is my distinct pleasure to introduce for her remarks 

Zoe Lofgren, the gentlelady from California. Again, I thank you for 

your participation. 

[The statement of Mr. Brady follows:] 


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Ms. LOFGREN. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and 

thank you for holding this hearing, and thanks to the City of Philadelphia for letting us be in this beautiful room in this beautiful 

city. 

I think this is an important topic for Philadelphia but also for 

the country. The Constitution says now, after much hard work over 

the decades, that all Americans get to vote. And so we need to examine when that right is threatened through procedural matters or 

the like. We need to make sure that if there are voter registration 

problems that prevent Americans from casting their votes that we 

address that. We need to attend to the lack of minority language 

election materials, when those are necessary. Make sure that the 

purging of voter lists doesn’t improperly remove Americans who 

should be able to cast their votes. And that intimidation and other 

improper actions, such as intentional misinformation, doesn’t have 

the effect of precluding Americans from voting. 

You have mentioned quite properly the voter ID requirement. 

This is something that is now occurring across the United States, 

and I think it is pretty obvious that it is an effort to prevent Americans who are low income from exercising their right to vote. Earlier this week, we had on another subject a witness before the Election Subcommittee, from Arizona, who told us—I was stunned—

that if you come to the polls in Arizona with a United States passport, it is not good enough. They still won’t let you vote. It is not 

a sufficient voter ID. So I think we have a serious problem here. 

I commend the Chairman for his leadership in stepping forward. 

Certainly we know that the court may act, but they will act to decide whether a statute is constitutional or not. That really doesn’t 

address the question of whether Congress should step in and make 

sure that these voter ID laws are not used to preclude low-income 

Americans and elderly Americans from exercising their basic American right. I thank the Chairman for recognizing me. 

The CHAIRMAN. I thank the lady. Also I agree. I would like to 

thank Council President Anna Verna for allowing us to use these 

chambers and allowing us to have access to the staff and I thank 

the staff for being here today and for putting up with us for a couple hours. She is a lovely lady, and I do appreciate the Council 

President’s courtesies. 

What we would like to do is, we would like to hear testimony 

from our witnesses. We have a clock that I am not going to use. 

We are usually strict in Washington, but this is the City of Philadelphia. As Commissioner Howard said, this is the city of brotherly 

love and sisterly affection. So we will disregard the timer. We 

would like you to keep your remarks under five minutes. We will 

hear testimony from all four witnesses, and then we would hope 

that you could stay around and we will have some questions at the 

end. So, Deputy Secretary of Administration, Mr. Thomas Weaver, 

you may go first. Thank you. 


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STATEMENTS OF THOMAS WEAVER, DEPUTY SECRETARY OF 

STATE, COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA; MARGARET 

TARTAGLIONE, CHAIRWOMAN, PHILADELPHIA CITY COMMISSIONERS; AND EDGAR A. HOWARD, COMMISSIONER, 

PHILADELPHIA CITY COMMISSIONERS 

STATEMENT OF THOMAS WEAVER 

Mr. WEAVER. Thank you, Congressman and Congresswoman 

Lofgren, good morning. It is certainly a pleasure to be here this 

morning. And on behalf of Secretary Cortes, thank you for the invitation to appear and to discuss what you folks have already outlined as one of our most fundamental principles in our democracy, 

the importance of voting and ensuring a successful vote and voter 

participation. 

Among its wide range of administrative responsibilities that affect all Pennsylvanians, the Pennsylvania Department of State 

oversees the elections process for all of Pennsylvania’s 67 counties. 

Today I will briefly discuss how the Department works with counties to encourage voter participation and ensure that the Commonwealth has elections that are fair, accurate, and accessible. 

I will also comment on any potential challenges that discourage 

broad voter participation, particularly proposals to require photo 

identification in order to cast a ballot. 

As you are aware, and as you already mentioned, the federal 

Help America Vote Act of 2002 set forth numerous mandates, including standards for voting systems used in federal elections occurring after January 1, 2006. For Pennsylvania, that first election 

was the May primary of 2006. 12 systems are currently certified for 

use in Pennsylvania. These systems go through a two-tier testing 

process before the Secretary of the Commonwealth certifies them 

for use. The testing, coupled with the county’s procedures and carefully monitored chain of custody, ensures that the votes cast will 

be accurately recorded and fairly counted. HAVA also sets forth requirements for accessibility and HAVA-compliant voting systems, 

allowing many voters with disabilities to vote independently for the 

first time. 

In addition to accessible voting systems, the Department has implemented an initiative to work to make polling places more accessible. In addition to physical access, the need for access also extends to those with limited English proficiency. The Department is 

committed to providing the right to vote to all and has translated 

many forms into several languages. Currently present in Pennsylvania, the languages include Chinese, Korean, Russian, French, 

Cambodian, and Spanish. 

In addition, the Department created a voting guide for new citizens, which was one of the first of its kind in the nation. The guide 

encourages our new citizens to become members of our democratic 

process. It is distributed at citizenship ceremonies and is being 

translated right now into five different languages. Another way to 

ensure fair, accurate, and accessible elections is to provide access 

to poll worker training. With input from counties, reviewing and 

updating the current election official and poll worker training certification programs, the Department is currently revising materials 

to incorporate two new sensitivity training programs for people 


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with limited English proficiency and for people with disabilities. A 

video is also being created with HAVA funds to assist counties with 

training. Emphasizing procedures from the minute the polls open, 

to handling provisional ballots, canvassing the results, will be the 

goal of the training. We believe that better-informed poll workers 

will lead to better elections, and this training of elections officials 

is a top priority for the Department. 

Public education, though, is also critical. To meet the need for 

voter education, the state created Ready, Set, Vote, a state-wide 

voter education and outreach campaign developed in 2006. This 

multi-media campaign covered topics ranging from basic voter registration information to voter education about HAVA-compliant 

voting systems. The effort includes outreach campaigns to a range 

of communities across the state and reached hundreds of thousands 

of Pennsylvanians for the 2006 primary and general elections. The 

next phase of the campaign for 2008 is currently underway and in 

the developmental stage. 

I have covered how Pennsylvania works toward fair, accurate, 

and accessible elections. Now I want to turn my attention to the 

potential challenges that discourage broad voter participation, particularly proposals to require photo identification in order to cast 

a ballot. Reading numerous press reports, you hear of various types 

of impediments to voting, such as proposals to penalize groups for 

late registrations and legislation requiring proof of citizenship or 

proof of photo identification in order to vote. 

In Pennsylvania, Governor Edward Rendell vetoed such a bill in 

2006. In his veto message he stated—in quoting the Governor, he 

said, ‘‘At a time of growing apathy and cynicism among our citizens 

regarding elections, I believe that the government should be doing 

everything it can to encourage greater participation in the electoral 

process, not discouraging participation by placing additional limitations on the right to cast a vote. Moreover, without compelling evidence of a problem with the current system of voter identification 

in Pennsylvania, I see no reason to enact laws that will result in 

voter confusion, disenfranchisement to legitimately-registered voters. Some proponents of the bill claim that no one is actually being 

denied the right to vote. The voters are merely being asked to comply with a simple requirement meant to reduce the instances of 

voter fraud. They point to various acceptable forms of identification 

that are listed in the bill as support for their defense, that the provision is not an attempt to suppress turnout. Regardless of how 

long the list is of acceptable forms of identification, there are people who may not be in a position to produce any of them. People 

who live in a household where they lease, and utility bills are in 

someone else’s names, people in nursing homes, and those who may 

have been temporarily displaced from the residence, to name just 

a few. As Federal Judge Harold Murphy very eloquently stated in 

a recent case discussing a similar bill enacted in Georgia, for those 

citizens, the character and magnitude of their injury, the loss of the 

right to vote, is undeniably demoralizing, extreme, as those citizens 

are likely to have no other realistic or effective means of protecting 

their rights. Others have suggested that this voter identification 

provision is needed to reduce the instances of voter fraud in Pennsylvania. However, I have not seen yet any evidence of widespread 


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voter fraud impersonation in Pennsylvania that would justify imposing this additional burden on voters.’’ The Governor noted that the National Commissions on Election 

Reform found that there is no evidence that fraudulent acts the 

voter ID provision seeks to address exist anywhere in the United 

States. Voter photo ID requirements also would slow the voting 

process, create longer waiting periods before citizens could cast 

their votes. The result would likely be longer lines, longer wait 

times, which may serve to additionally disenfranchise voters and 

suppress turnout. 

Mr. Chairman, Congresswoman, thank you again for the opportunity to be here and certainly be available for questions. 

[The statement of Mr. Weaver follows:] 


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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, and thank you for your testimony. 

Commissioner Howard. 

Mr. HOWARD. I will let the Chairperson speak first. 

The CHAIRMAN. Chairperson Marge Tartaglione. 

STATEMENT OF MARGARET M. TARTAGLIONE 

Ms. TARTAGLIONE. Good morning. I am Margaret M. Tartaglione, 

Chairwoman of the City Commissioners. The City Commissioners 

are elected officials responsible for administration of voter registration and conduct of federal, state, and local elections in Philadelphia County. I have been an elected City Commissioner since 1976 

and have experienced many changes in the election law. 

The National Voter Registration Act of 1993, the opportunity for 

citizens to register and feel safe voting, to ensure they remain registered and eligible to vote and provide valuable information to the 

Commissioners in maintaining the accuracy and current of eligible 

voter files. The unfounded mandate also places substantial added 

responsibility on ongoing annual operations and cost to the county. 

In 2002, in the welcome departure from the past practice of federal and state government, Congress passed a Help America Vote 

Act, which included funds to partially pay for the costs of implementing and mandating changes. The Help America Vote Act, 

HAVA, particularly reimbursed Philadelphia for the cost of our successful switch from aging mechanical lever voting machines to a 

proven accurate, responsible, durable, and efficient electronic voting system. HAVA funds were also used to upgrade the electronic 

machines for 2002 standards and improve accessibility for the visually impaired. Prior to the 2004 and 2006 federal general elections, HAVA funds were used to conduct a massive voter education 

program, including HAVA mailing to every voter an advertisement 

in three daily and 28 weekly community newspapers. All of these 

changes, whether at the federal or state level, have placed increased responsibility and unfunded ongoing costs upon county governments and elected officials. These changes have also substantially complicated the Election Day process for polling places’ officials without any increased annual funding for compensation or 

training. Recently proposed in Congress to change election laws requiring every voter to produce photo ID at the polling place and 

foolishly rush into added requirements for paper verification to an 

electronic voting system will result in even more responsibility, 

more unfunded annual operating costs, further complicating the 

voting day process for all poll officials and voters, and potentially 

result in the disenfranchisement and uncounted votes. The most 

immediate threat to ensuring that all qualified Philadelphians be 

able to vote and be assured that their vote will be accurately counted or counted at all in the next two federal elections is H.R. Bill 

811. This legislation would require that Philadelphia set aside its 

proven, accurate, electronic voting system and lease a paper percentage count, optional scan system for the next four years. Philadelphia has not voted on paper for more than 50 years. Paper systems allow too much devices in the way voters make their selection 

known, leading to voter intent issue and challenge. The Philadelphia City Commissioners join the ultimate number of state and 

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tion that does not provide for a reasonable development, testing, 

and implementation period. Full funding authorization and appropriation and requirements that enable county election personnel to 

secure and officially ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded, stored, and reported, and certified. We will be glad to provide the committee additional information on our concerns and 

issues with the H.R. 811 Bill and other pending federal legislation 

upon request. Thank you. 

[The statement of Ms. Tartaglione follows:] 


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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Commissioner. Commissioner Howard. 

STATEMENT OF EDGAR A. HOWARD 

Mr. HOWARD. Good morning. It is indeed a pleasure to be here, 

and we thank you for this opportunity. 

I just want to talk about voting in Philadelphia as mandated by 

Pennsylvania law. The qualifications of the voter are very brief. 

You have to be a citizen of the United States for one month before 

the election. You have to be a resident of Pennsylvania in your 

election district for 30 days before the next election. You will be 18 

years of age on the day of the next election. 

Philadelphia County is made up of 66 wards, with three wards 

being split into what we call A and B wards, so we have a total 

of 69. There are 1,681 political subdivisions in the City of Philadelphia. Within these subdivisions, there are approximately 992,000 

registered voters, and that breaks down into 750,000 of those folks 

are Democrats, 149,000 are Republicans, and about 4,000 are registered as Independents. 

Pennsylvania being a primary state, the only people who can 

vote in a primary are, you have to be registered in your party, so 

that kind of knocks out Independents, because if you can’t—like, 

we just came through the mayor’s race. You can’t be an Independent and vote for a Democratic candidate or a Republican candidate for mayor because of our system. 

You can register to vote by mail. You can register to vote in person. You can register to vote in conjunction with an application for 

a renewal of a driver’s license. You may register to vote at any government agency. And effective January 1, 2006, all applicants to 

register to vote had to include a valid Pennsylvania driver’s license 

number, a Pennsylvania non-driver’s photo ID number, or the last 

four digits of your Social Security number. All first-time Pennsylvania voters voting in their election district for the first time had 

to provide identification, and there is the list about identification 

that I will submit to the record, so I don’t have to go through that. 

There are many things that we need to do, and the one issue I 

think that disturbs the Commissioners right now is HAVA has 

mandated that all polling places be handicap accessible. In Philadelphia, we are an aging city. In a lot of neighborhoods we do not 

have buildings that are handicap accessible. So consequently, what 

this law has done, I am quite sure not intentionally done, we are 

now pitting the senior citizens against those with disabilities as we 

scurry around trying to find polling places that are handicap accessible. I can always point to my own ward and the divisions within 

my ward, where a lot of the public school buildings are not handicap accessible. We may have four or five divisions voting in those 

buildings, and it becomes an awesome task trying to relocate them. 

And I think that it is just horrible that we are left with the decision, who do we disenfranchise, those who have a disability or 

those senior citizens who must now walk additional blocks? The 

other strong point about Philadelphia and its elections is that people love to walk and vote. That is a tradition in Philadelphia. And 

because of HAVA, that is now in jeopardy. I just think that HAVA 

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ess of a person can vote by an absentee ballot. We have alternative 

ballots who are specifically for people who are 65 years or older 

and their polling place is not handicap accessible. So it is not like 

we do not try to reach out to help people. 

And the issues about incidents that happened on Election Day, 

those incidents are reported to the Commissioners’ Office. They are 

investigated, they are reported to the Committee of Seventy. They 

are investigated, and if need be, they are turned over to the District Attorney’s office if it warrants any type of prosecution. Those 

are the safeguards that we have. But we also have a problem when 

people go to other agencies and say things, and we know nothing 

about it, and we are left holding the bag because we know nothing 

about anybody’s complaint. And those are some of our concerns. I 

just wanted to state what I feel and what I have seen in the Commissioners’ Office in my brief term. And I thank you for this opportunity to address this distinguished body. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Commissioner. Bobby Lee. 

Mr. LEE. Yes. I don’t have a statement. I basically came along 

in order to answer questions, but I would like to add something 

about the photo ID proposals. 

From my knowledge, I don’t know of any single photo identification available from a government agency that would provide all of 

the information on that one ID that they are asking for in some 

of these bills. 

I mean, you don’t need to be a citizen to get a driver’s license, 

so you can’t prove citizenship with a driver’s license. Some of the 

information that may be on the driver’s license is not on a passport. Voter identification cards do not include photos. So the problem basically is that there is no single, one piece of identification 

now that would provide that, unless the federal government is 

going to go forward and develop and implement a national ID card 

that every citizen must carry. So you get into a lot more chilling 

aspects once you go down that road. 

Pennsylvania’s law went one step further than HAVA, went a little bit further than HAVA. HAVA requires that anyone who registers by mail for the first time in a county provide ID either when 

they are registering or when they vote. The legislature in Pennsylvania went one step further and decided that any individual who 

is voting for the first time in their election district, regardless of 

the source of the application, provide identification when they vote 

for the first time. Fortunately, through our voter education programs, and through some help with the media and other organizations, we have alerted our voters to bring ID with them when they 

go to vote. But that does not help those individuals who do not 

have the ID that is listed. Although Pennsylvania does have an expanded list of ID, and the fact that they can use a voter registration card that was issued and mailed by our office as that ID, even 

though it doesn’t include a photo, helps. But the move to require 

a photo ID at the polls for every voter for every election is basically 

unnecessary. There is no foundation to the urban legends regarding 

imposters voting. We had a City Council primary here in Philadelphia one time that was decided by 99 votes, Democratic primary. 

One candidate sued. One candidate came in and examined the poll 

books that the voters signed on Election Day. They used volunteers 


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that do that, and they were using rulers to measure signature 

specimens. Based on that unscientific method, they filed a complaint in court saying that there were 1,100 imposters out of 26,000 

votes cast. Well, naturally, both sides then hired handwriting experts, and they came in and they really examined the records, and 

they looked at the poll books over a period of two or three elections 

to account for changes in signature specimens. And when both 

sides got done, even the petitioner’s handwriting expert said, at 

most, out of the 26,000 signatures, there may have been four imposters. So not only have I not seen proof that imposters are voting, I have seen the other side of it, where people claimed they 

were, and I have seen proof that they didn’t. And any time that we 

get challenges or questions regarding imposters voting, there was 

another case where another Council candidate initiated an investigation by the State Attorney General with the same claim. They 

were provided all the poll books. They were provided all our 

records, and the case was unfounded and never went anywhere. 

So I haven’t seen any indication or need that every voter, every 

election, provide a photo ID with expanded information on it. I just 

think it is a barrier to voting, and it is going to disenfranchise 

those who ought to vote the most, those who need to have a voice 

in their government and support of their government. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Bobby. I just have a couple of quick 

questions to anyone, because you have a lot of Commissioners up 

there, and the Secretary could answer. Anyone who wants to answer. Same-day registration, what is your feeling about same-day 

registration? I guess this must be your baby, hey, Bobby? 

Mr. LEE. I don’t like it. I don’t like it. I don’t like it, because the 

further down that track we go where we don’t have people registering ahead of time and being able to produce a street list of eligible voters and files of eligible voters for both parties to review 

and look at before the election, then the further we go down to creating more urban legends of people showing up at the polls who are 

not qualified and just signing a piece of paper and voting. The 

other problem is dual voting, voting in more than one district, and 

voting in more than one county. Although I have seen only two instances where an individual has actually voted in two counties in 

the same election in 24 years. The voting districts in Philadelphia 

are so close together that you could walk literally five blocks and 

vote in two or three polling places. And there is an idea out there 

that with the statewide registries, we could put laptops in the polling places, and once somebody votes in one district, it will prevent 

them from voting in another district. I don’t want to see our poll 

workers trying to determine eligibility using laptops. Denver tried 

that, and they had some issues and complaints and problems. I just 

think that the current situation, where you need to register or register 30 days before an election, allows the government agency that 

is responsible for conducting a safe and secure election is the most 

workable solution for a large, major urban area. It may work in 

some states. There is North Dakota, that has no registration. It 

may work for them. For Philadelphia, I believe same-day registration is probably not a road we want to go down. It doesn’t seem 

that we have a problem with people registering in Philadelphia. I 


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prepared some detailed answers to the questions that was provided 

to me. 

In 1992, in the five months before the Clinton and Bush I, general election, we received and processed 293,000 paper voter registration applications. That amount of work was equal to about one 

third of our file at the time. In 2004, in the same period before the 

Kerry-Bush II election, we received and processed 252,000. We 

have a very active political party structure here in the city. Committeemen, ward leaders, political organizations, in both parties, in 

certain areas are always out registering people to vote. We have 

527s that come here all the time, three or four different ones every 

major election. Community organizations, union organizations, they 

are all very heavily involved in registering citizens, and I think the 

opportunity to register is already there, and I don’t see a need for 

changing that process with same-day registration. 

The CHAIRMAN. Anybody else care to comment? Secretary? 

Madam? 

Ms. LOFGREN. Well ——

Mr. WEAVER. I think ——

The CHAIRMAN. Go ahead. 

Mr. WEAVER. I am sorry. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Go ahead. 

Mr. WEAVER. I think he certainly outlined the issues and the 

problems that would occur with same-day registration. The issue of 

voter fraud, which has not been found to be a problem, really, 

across the United States, same-day registration, if not done properly, could, in fact, lead to voter fraud, as he had indicated. 

The CHAIRMAN. Madam Chairwoman. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Well, if there is a highly contested election, and 

whether it be a committee person, legislator, Congress, that in 

their districts, somebody could come to every one of the polling 

places and be a first-time register, register, and vote. Now, if this 

would come to light and go to court, and they say, who did he vote 

for? This is a secret ballot. Maybe he would go to jail for that, but 

I may lose, you may lose, their ballots are secret. 

The CHAIRMAN. I wanted to get a lot of these questions asked. 

I have a couple more, and then I will let the gentlelady from California go, I know she has some questions. You need to understand 

that some of these questions I don’t know the answers to, but this 

is a big country with a lot of states, and the State of California 

doesn’t necessarily have the same regulations that we do, and I 

would want the lady to hear some of this so we can bring it back. 

We heard a lot of interest on same-day registration. And fortunately or unfortunately, all these issues will come in front of us 

and are in front of us right now, and that is what we need to get 

on the record, and I would like the lady from California to hear 

that. Yes? 

Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Chairman, the other thing I think that needs 

to be addressed is the issue that all across the United States voter 

registration is done differently. Every state, it is done differently. 

I mean, with all the technological advances and the machines that 

we use now, the data systems that are used, voter registration 

hasn’t changed. It is still done with pen and pencil and paper. 


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The CHAIRMAN. You are right. Again, just for the record and also 

to get more information for the gentlelady from California. The 

other day, the Election Subcommittee Chairwoman, Ms. Lofgren, 

held a hearing on poll workers. She is a tireless worker, and she 

gets all the testimony and hears from people that come in front of 

her committee, but she hasn’t heard from you. What is the status 

of poll workers in Philadelphia? Do you have enough? What training are they given? Are they paid? How much are they paid? What 

solutions would you suggest to increase the number of qualified 

poll workers? Now, those are four or five questions that I know you 

know all the answers to. It isn’t like these questions haven’t been 

asked before. You all are experts up here, so I want you to just run 

through that. Not for me, but for the gentlelady from California so 

she can get some idea of how we operate and what happens in the 

City of Philadelphia. We do have our battles here. 99.9 percent are 

unfounded. We do have a great system that does work. In the end, 

it does work out for itself with a lot of checks and balances. Fortunately we do not have much voter fraud, that I believe anyway, has 

been substantiated or proven. There are always allegations, because there is always a winner and there is always a sore loser, 

as it should be. But if you could just expand on a few of those questions so that the gentlelady can get a feel for things. 

Mr. LEE. Yeah. There are 1,681 voting districts. The average voting district has five polling place officials. Three of those positions 

are elected positions. They are in the state Constitution, they are 

constitutional officers. The other two positions are appointed. Fortunately in Philadelphia, because we have a very strong party 

structure with committeemen, ward leaders on both sides of the 

aisle, and with the help of existing poll workers, we have not had 

difficulty in getting polling place officials. The ward leaders, the 

committee people, the party chair, even people that serve on the 

boards, when they find a vacancy, they provide the valuable service 

of finding an individual to fill that vacancy. So we actually tried 

a recruitment program in our office for polling place officials because of that valuable service provided by the structured authority 

out there, and it has been out there for years and still exists. They 

are kind of like the oil in the machine. 

The other thing is training. Training is difficult. There are 8,500 

of them across the city. We conduct more than 315 training classes 

for our polling place officials for each and every election. It consists 

of about a half hour classroom time on the operation of a polling 

place and then another half hour time on the operation of the voting machine. The polling place officials are paid $20 for attending 

that, if they serve on Election Day. That money is added to their 

check. In addition to that, we have between 250 to 300 bilingual 

interpreters that we assign to polling places to provide oral assistance, mostly in Spanish. We have just instituted in the last three 

elections a program where those officials are brought down and 

tested, certified to make sure they speak the language they claim 

and, if so, they are trained, and they are paid $30 for going 

through that testing and training program, provided they work on 

Election Day and show up. Naturally, when you are dealing with 

8,500 people who are two-day-a-year employees, at 1,681 locations, 

and we have a staff of maybe 80 permanent employees, Election 


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Day is like sitting on 1,600 shuttle launches at one time. These 

people, they are your neighbors, they are your friends. They do the 

best they can. They try to learn, they try to do the best they can. 

They try to be fair, and they try to conduct an election that is accurate and reliable. 

And another issue, I guess, while I am on it, the fortunate thing 

is having so many voting districts. Our voting districts are between 

600 and 800 voters. Philadelphia has always gone to the added expense of paying all these poll workers, but it is very good, because 

you don’t often see the kinds of waiting times in Philadelphia that 

you read about in some of the other counties and jurisdictions 

across the country, where they may have 3,000 voters, 10 poll 

workers in a voting district. And that, in and of itself, runs into 

problems with locating sufficient accessible polling places. 

But could the training be improved? Sure. But the problem is, if 

you try to keep a poll worker out there for a three-hour training 

class, you are going to lose them. Some of these poll workers have 

been doing this for years, and they tell you that, and I have been 

doing this for 30 years. So we try to concentrate on those issues 

that may be new, issues where we have had notification that there 

were problems regarding specific items, and the fact that we get attendance between 5,000 and 6,000 at our training classes each election has helped us to go forward. Naturally, it is not perfect. You 

are going to have garden-variety errors and mistakes occur on Election Day, and we try to do whatever we can to resolve those issues. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Bobby. If you wouldn’t mind, can you 

give me some more information on same-day registration? I need 

to know more about it and what you’ve talked about today. I would 

like to have some information that I can use. This is an issue that 

is going to come up pretty soon. If you could get that to me. 

Mr. LEE. Yeah, I can get that to you. 

The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate that. Now it is my pleasure to recognize the gentlelady from California. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and this is really a 

very helpful hearing. On the issue of same-day registration, we are 

going to have a hearing on that subject in—I can’t recall when it 

is, but in the near future, and what I would like to be able to do 

is to give the testimony that we will receive to you, so that you can 

evaluate it. This is a very diverse country. And there are—in Minnesota, for example, the Members of Congress from Minnesota are 

very keen on this, and I don’t know whether things are different 

in Minneapolis than Philadelphia, but I am a strong believer of 

sharing information and experiences among knowledgeable people 

and that we all learn when we do that. So I look forward to that 

opportunity. 

On the issue of absentee ballots, we have the legal ability—that 

doesn’t mean that we should take that legal ability—to set certain 

requirements for the conduct of Federal elections, or elections for 

the House, to be more specific. However, if we were able to, or if 

the consensus was that we should do that, it obviously would probably result in the entire electoral system in a particular state 

changing to that. And so one of the questions is the right to have 

an absentee ballot. In California, that is not to say it is the right 

thing, but it seems to have worked well for us. You don’t need to 


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be sick or disabled. You can just ask for an absentee ballot and 

vote, and it saved the counties which have the responsibility for 

running these elections a lot of money because it is more efficient. 

It gets done beforehand. They have also moved to early voting, 

which is actually done at the Registrar of Voters in advance on 

weekends so that you—and the whole effect is to reduce the number of people showing up on Election Day, which reduces the cost 

and confusion on Election Day. I am wondering what your thoughts 

are on the Federal Government getting involved in that, versus 

states’ just reaching that conclusion on their own? 

The CHAIRMAN. We all know that when Congress passes something and it is only for Federal elections, what winds up happening 

is, it is used for all elections. No state or jurisdiction is going to 

run dual voter registration or election systems or processes because 

that would only lead to confusion amongst voters from one type of 

election to another. They don’t know the difference between a federal election and a local election. They just come out, and they 

want to vote. I know that Pennsylvania’s voter registration laws 

are severely restrictive in that you need to either be outside of your 

municipality on Election Day while the polls are open or be disabled. With the passage of the ADA, the Secretary of the Commonwealth issued a directive in ’92 allowing us to use alternative ballots for those individuals impaired by age, who are 65 or older, or 

with a disability. That process allows voters to get that ballot back 

by the close of polls, where the Pennsylvania normal rule requires 

it back by the Friday before the election, and that is restrictive. 

There could be an expansion of that time so that it comes back the 

night before the election. But I am not sure at this point how we 

feel about universal absentee voting. Oh, boy. I don’t see an issue, 

with the exception of making it happen. 

Mr. HOWARD. I think there—— The CHAIRMAN. That implementation. 

Mr. HOWARD. I think that the issue of no-excuse absentee voting, 

I think it is great. I mean, you know, it makes things a lot easier. 

Ms. TARTAGLIONE. I am 100 percent for it. 

Mr. WEAVER. The Pennsylvania Elections Reform Task Force 

convened in 2004, in late 2004 and 2005, and issued a report in 

2006. And I don’t have that report with me, and I do know that 

absentee balloting was discussed, and I would be glad to forward 

that to the committee to see if Pennsylvania had taken a position 

on that. If there was a position taken, it has not yet been implemented, because voter registration is still conducted the same way. 

But I would be glad to forward that to the committee. 

Ms. LOFGREN. I appreciate that, and I know, Mr. Chairman, you 

have another panel of distinguished witnesses, so I don’t want to 

delay too much further. But again, this is very helpful and useful 

information, and I am looking forward to mutuality of sharing as 

we proceed further on these interesting issues, since the whole 

country is so diverse. I thank you for recognizing me. 

The CHAIRMAN. I thank the gentlelady. And again, thank all of 

you. You need to understand how important this is to us, because 

we do hear these. It comes in front of our committee, comes in front 

of the gentlelady’s subcommittee, and the knowledge is important. 

We need to hear from you, and I hope that maybe you can come 


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down when we do have a hearing to testify again in Washington. 

We wanted to make it a little more convenient, you know, to get 

some testimony on the record right now, but we are going to need 

it again when another hearing comes up to be able to get this on 

the record and share this information. Because it is state to state, 

and we need to bring some uniformity to the process as best as we 

can. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, Commissioner Howard, Chairperson Tartaglione, Bobby Lee. Thank you so much. I would like 

to call the next panel up, please. 

[Recess] 

The CHAIRMAN. Good morning. I really want to thank you for 

being here and testifying in front of us. As I said earlier, if you 

weren’t here what would we do. We like to get testimony from everyone. Try to keep it to five minutes, but that is fine if you need 

to go over. After everyone testifies, we will have some questions for 

you. It is my pleasure now to have my Councillady, Carol Ann 

Campbell testify. She is also the Chairperson of the African-American Ward Leaders, someone who has been extremely involved in 

politics, and extremely involved in voting for way longer than I can 

remember, and has a wealth of knowledge of the system. So it is 

my pleasure to hear testimony from Councillady Carol Ann Campbell. 

STATEMENTS OF CAROL ANN CAMPBELL, COUNCIL MEMBER, 

PHILADELPHIA, PA; ROBERT SANTIAGO, DIRECTOR, COUNCIL OF SPANISH SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS; ZACH 

STALBERG, PRESIDENT, COMMITTEE OF SEVENTY; AND J. 

WHYATT MONDESIRE, PRESIDENT, NAACP PHILADELPHIA 

CHAPTER 

STATEMENT OF CAROL ANN CAMPBELL 

Ms. CAMPBELL. Good morning. Thank you, Chairman Brady and 

distinguished members of the Committee on House Administration 

for joining us here in the City of Philadelphia. 

I am Councilwoman Carol Ann Campbell, and I would like to 

thank you for giving me the opportunity to address this very important subject. I am the Chairperson of the Handicap and Disabled Committee of Philadelphia City Council. I am committed to 

protecting the rights of the disabled, and as the Chairperson of this 

committee I have pioneered and proposed a change to the Charter, 

which is Philadelphia’s governing instrument. 

The Charter change provides for the creation of the handicap and 

disabled advocate. The disabled community faces many impediments to voters’ enfranchisement. Non-accessibility is the numberone challenge. The government must address it in a meaningful 

manner. Some persons with disability are unable to wait in line to 

vote, and it may be time for the government to consider online voting as a means of addressing some of these non-accessibility issues. 

You have come here and asked us to talk about a very important 

subject, impediments to voter enfranchisement. This is a matter in 

which I know a great deal about. For more than 15 years, I have 

served as the chairwoman of the African-American Democratic 

Ward Leaders of Philadelphia. Our organization represents more 

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phia. Under my supervision as chairwoman, and the support of 

Congressman Bob Brady, more African-Americans have been elected to public office than at any time in the history of Philadelphia. 

Our role is traditional. We organize, mobilize, and inform voters 

in our communities about their choices on Election Day. This is no 

small task. It is no small task because, far too often, government 

hinders, not helps, the working men and women of our community 

in their effort to exercise their constitutional right to vote and participate in their democracy. I believe there are four principal impediments to voter enfranchisement. First, we face impediment to 

actually voting through an emerging pattern of voter ID requirements, prohibiting same-day voter registration, having Election 

Day be a work day, and prohibitions on felons’ voting. We face 

machinations, technicalities, obscure and insidious regulations used 

to keep our votes from being counted after they have been cast. 

The saga of the 2000 presidential election, the drama of voting in 

Ohio in 2004, and the unresolved matter of the 13th Congressional 

district in Florida are all clear examples of this problem. 

Second, we face restrictive ballot access laws, intimidating petition requirements, inconsistent application of election law, confusing financial disclosure forms that reduce the number of candidates allowed on the ballot. Voters have fewer candidates to 

choose among for almost all public offices today than voters did 100 

years ago. This problem is further complicated by the disproportionate influence of money in this process. The vast majority of 

voices people hear speaking on issues are the voices of money. We 

don’t have free and fair elections if voters don’t get to hear the 

voices of candidates without money. We need public forums where 

all candidates have equal opportunities to speak. 

Third, with over 100 beautiful languages spoken in this city, we 

face a language barrier for those who have not learned English as 

their native tongue. This also applies to men and women with different physical abilities. Committing more financial and personal 

resources to expanding the accessibility of polling places must be 

a high priority of government at every level. 

Fourth, to require such forms of identification as passports and 

driver’s license, we place an undue financial burden upon many 

people, including the elderly and people living on fixed incomes if 

they had to purchase these items for voter identification, the documents that they would need. I have been involved in dozens and 

dozens of elections. My knowledge on this matter is a second only 

by my passion for them. I believe so strongly that if government 

knowingly disenfranchised one voter, we have failed as a democracy. Thank you for your presence here today and the important 

work that you continue to do. I am happy to answer any questions 

that you may have. 

[The statement of Ms. Campbell follows:] 


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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Councillady. Next, we have Mr. Roberto Santiago, who is with CONCILIO, the Council of Spanish 

Speaking Organizations. Mr. Santiago. 

STATEMENT OF ROBERTO SANTIAGO 

Mr. SANTIAGO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congresslady Lofgren 

from California, good morning, and thank you for the opportunity 

to hear my concerns regarding voter enfranchisement. 

My name is Roberto Santiago, and I am the Executive Director 

of the Council of Spanish Speaking Organizations. For the last 11 

years I have had the enormous privilege to lead the oldest Latino 

Organization in the Commonwealth, CONCILIO. Founded by a 

group of Puerto Rican community activists in 1962, CONCILIO’s 

mission has been to ensure that equitable social, educational, 

health, and cultural services are available and accessible to everyone. 

I have no special credentials. My only possible attribute comes 

with 30 years of experience in community service inside poor neighborhoods in Philadelphia, western New York, and Puerto Rico. And 

I am also a U.S. Navy veteran. I am a member of a family with 

four generations of proud military service in the United States 

Armed Forces. For the last two decades I have watched in dismay 

and disbelief the boldness in which devices are employed to impede 

citizens from exercising the right of suffrage. I should note that political disengagement is anathematic to Puerto Rican culture. Puerto Ricans participate in elections at far higher rates than voters in 

the United States. At 81.7 percent in 2004, Puerto Rico is considered one of the highest records of voter participation in the democratic world. 

Our systems are mirror images of each other. We have an independent judiciary, a two-chamber legislature, a strong executive 

branch, and we use the pluralist form of election system. Yet here 

in Philadelphia we struggle to stimulate meaningful participation 

in local elections. 

Are Latino voters not turning out, or are they just being turned 

off? Is it voter apathy, or is it voter discontent? I am not in a position to make such a conclusion. But let me share with you some 

of the most common concerns of people in the neighborhoods. 

On every Election Day, myself and a significant number of my 

staff travel the breadth of north Philadelphia polling places. We 

serve as poll watchers, independent observers, and translators. 

This is what we hear, and this is what we see. One, lack of language interpreter support. There is at times total absence or an inadequate number of interpreters in heavily-laden language minority polling sites. The, ‘‘oh, I am sure there is one around,’’ answer 

to voters’ request for an interpreter is unacceptable, is offensive, 

and in violation of Court agreement. The selection process of interpreters is unclear, and it is perceived as politically influenced. We 

ask what skills are required to become a Spanish language interpreter? Are there any formal training requirements? Are there any 

credentialing requirements? These are all questions that are answered in a very nebulous form. In many cases, voters are unable 

to distinguish voting officials from party or candidate operatives. 

There are multiple complaints of poll workers’ engaging in helping 


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voters to fill out their ballots and instructing them how to vote. We 

ask that you require the display of official photo ID badges on the 

outer garment which clearly indicate name, titles, and party affiliations where applicable, for every poll official. Candidates and 

party operatives improperly hinder the free movement of voters’ entering and exiting polling places. Aggressive canvassing practices 

outside polling area create an unpleasant and sometimes hostile, 

vulgar, and violent atmosphere for voters. Voters are least likely to 

vote when they fear obnoxious and aggressive solicitation. The 

gauntlet-like experience discourage participation in the electoral 

process. It is seen as a political strategy designed to discourage 

voter participation in neighborhoods likely to vote for the contender. It is especially intimidating to first-time voters, women, 

and the elderly. 

As of yesterday I tried narrowing down what the distance between the door and solicitation was. I called Ms. Tartaglione’s office. I was told by an individual in that office that, ‘‘to my knowledge, there are no distance requirements.’’ I called the State to find 

out they are 10 feet. In any case, we ask that buffers be expanded, 

and where enforcement of this expansion is not possible, then do 

without it altogether. We don’t really need this kind of harassment 

for voters. I am going to cut my statement because I am running 

out of time. There is more to it, but I want to conclude, and I wanted to ask this committee to play a role in increasing voter participation, to encourage, facilitate, reward, and implement Election 

Day registration, vote-by- mail, early vote, and certainly bilingual 

ballots. This is especially valuable to seniors, language minorities 

with limited English skills, the physically challenged, the marginally literate, and to anyone who needs and wants additional time 

to make a thoughtful choice. 

Mr. Chairman, I understand that institutional change is slow 

and rarely cheap, but in my opinion, when the citizens’ rights to 

vote collide with the interest of a candidate or impinges upon the 

convenience of an electoral system, it is the interest of the citizen 

voter which must prevail. We cannot fear the implications and consequences of a free and just electoral process. A representative democracy becomes a worthless, philosophical abstract when the free 

exercise of the vote is denied or is unachievable by every single 

man and woman. For the victim, democracy becomes but a painful 

farce, a pretense, a rhetorical concept. In short, an illusion of inclusion. 

I pray unto you, Mr. Chairman, I pray unto you, members of this 

committee, and I pray unto every honorable man and woman of 

this great country, let our people vote. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, 

for your time. I ask that my testimony be entered in full into the 

record. Congressman Brady, I now stand before this committee to 

answer your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mr. Santiago. Thank you so much. 

Next we have Zach Stalberg, who is the CEO and president of the 

Committee of Seventy. For Californians, the Committee of Seventy 

is about 70 or so people that have formed to watch over elected officials and politicians, and they have been watching us for many 

years and have become intermingled with us now in causes such 


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as elections so that we can work together on these issues. So, Mr. 

Stalberg. 

STATEMENT OF ZACH STALBERG 

Mr. STALBERG. Thank you very much. I am Zach Stalberg, President of the Committee of Seventy, a non-profit and non-partisan organization. 

Seventy has long conducted an election oversight program and 

voter protection program that is probably the oldest and largest 

such program in the country. 

Simply put, and I also want to respect the time of everyone here 

and this committee, the Committee of Seventy favors increased 

voter participation and is concerned about any requirements that 

discourage voting. 

Many people view the expansion of voting rights as a natural 

and inevitable progression. There are others who continue to seek 

restrictions. These arguments are typically advanced in the name 

of combating election fraud and ensuring honest elections. Efforts 

to restrict voter participation, however, can be the product of partisan politics or a desire to maintain the racial or economic status 

quo. Legitimate fears about election misconduct are not misplaced. 

Those well versed in political history are familiar with many cases 

of election fraud stretching back to our nation’s founding. Electionrelated violations, sometimes involving criminal conduct, have been 

committed by party bosses, election officials, political campaigns 

from both major parties, from our most rural counties to our largest cities. However, Seventy believes that these incidents did not 

justify making it much harder for individuals to vote by insisting 

upon far more stringent identification requirements. The operative 

word here is stringent. Such requirements may be an inconvenience to all voters, and they disproportionately impact minorities, 

seniors, and people with disabilities. 

Federal and Pennsylvania Law require two forms of identification. One, a comparison of each voter’s Election Day signature with 

a scanned version of the signature from their registration form. 

And two, specific additional proofs of identity for voters voting for 

the first time or voting for the first time in a division. 

Even if free photo identification were provided, the burden of 

supplying certain supporting documents and the time and trouble 

to obtain the photo could be difficult for many US citizens. These 

are very real barriers to voter participation, especially among disadvantaged Americans. 

Additional voter identification requirements should be very carefully considered unless the Help America Vote Act requirements 

are proven to be inadequate in order to prevent fraud by individual 

voters. The benefits of individual requirements should also be proven to outweigh the potentially significant costs. In addition to these 

views, I would like to offer some additional recommendations for 

increasing national voter participation and removing existing barriers. While these recommendations arguably concern matters of 

state administration, our very mobile society makes them relevant 

to all jurisdiction. One, reduce voter registration deadlines. Pennsylvania has a voter registration deadline of 30 days prior to an 

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dresses after this deadline, and especially as the election becomes 

more interesting to them. With advances in technology, we believe 

this deadline can be shortened. Two, national no-fault absentee balloting. In Pennsylvania, a voter must provide justification for voting absence. While voting in person is optimal, a significant benefit 

of mail-in voting, both to individuals and the community, is reducing lines at the polls. No-fault absentee ballots can dramatically reduce the time commitment required of voters, especially during 

high-interest and long-ballot elections. Three, uniformity of provisional ballot rules. In Pennsylvania, a provisional ballot cast in an 

incorrect precinct is counted for all races which correspond to the 

voter’s correct precinct. Under this system, a voter may lose one or 

two legislative votes, but their top-of-the-ticket and at-large choices 

cast by a professional ballot are counted. In some other states, provisional ballots must be cast in the correct precinct in order to be 

counted. If you attempt to vote in the wrong place, you are out of 

luck. This more restrictive rule disenfranchises individuals. Applying the more expansive provisional ballot rule across the states 

would avoid this problem. 

Four, federal funding of elections. The Help America Vote Act 

provided significant funding for voting equipment, thereby removing at least some of the disparity in voting access between affluent 

and less affluent counties. While we believe local administration of 

elections best serves the interest of the voters, local funding for 

elections only perpetuates this disparity, particularly as voting 

equipment ages and more state and federal mandates are passed. 

As long as election operations must compete with important services such as police protection and schools for a piece of the local 

budget, there is a real risk of neglect and significant breakdowns 

on Election Day. 

Once again, thanks for the opportunity to testify. 

[The statement of Mr. Stalberg follows:] 


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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mr. Stalberg. Next is Jerry 

Mondesire. Jerry Whyatt Mondesire is the President of the NAACP 

and a tireless fighter for people’s rights of all creeds, races, and religions, and we do appreciate your testimony. You are the clean-up 

hitter. We needed you Wednesday and Thursday, but you are here 

now. 

Mr. MONDESIRE. I would like to hit as well as Ryan Howard. I 

thought he wouldn’t be here. 

The CHAIRMAN. I would like to hear from you, Mr. Mondesire. 

Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF J. WHYATT MONDESIRE 

Mr. MONDESIRE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Ms. 

Lofgren, from California. And my days of working for Bill Grabb, 

brought plenty of copies, so I will leave them with you. I just want 

to give you some introduction and stress a few things in conversation that are real important to us. 

Thank you again for inviting us to testify along with my colleagues and the other members of the City government who have 

testified. 

It is only fitting and proper that we gather here in the Philadelphia City Council chambers to discuss impediments to voter enfranchisement. Within these walls many great debates about our 

city have raised, some of grand consequence, school funding, neighborhood transformation, how to address the rise in gun violence, 

and some of small consequence as well. 

But, however, no matter of the content of these debates, nor really their outcome, what is most important is that they were made 

by representatives of the people, duly elected and sworn to serve 

the people. It is important that the people have a voice in this process and that their votes count and are counted. At the NAACP, this 

issue is not new to us. 

Specifically, we would recommend that this committee consider 

very strongly support of S 453, a bill introduced by Senators 

Obama, Schumer, and others to address the prevention of deceptive 

practices and voting intimidation in federal elections. Two, ask 

tough questions about the purging of voter lists in an often random 

and arbitrary way by election officials across the country. Three, 

give serious consideration to the idea of same-day registration. And 

last, but certainly not least, file an amicus brief with the Supreme 

Court in opposition to voter ID’s as they consider the Crawford v. 

Marion County Election Board and the Indiana Democratic Party 

v. Rokita. Requiring voter identification at the polls places an unfair and onerous burden on prospective voters that will ultimately 

discourage people from participating in the democratic process. 

There are fundamental problems with the concept of voter ID’s. 

First, it is nearly impossible to tie a voter identification to a universal piece of identification. If you accept a driver’s license, what 

about those who don’t drive, the elderly, the poor, and those who 

take public transportation? If you have lost your license, you have 

lost your right to vote. That is insane. The American Association 

of People with Disabilities reports that nearly three million disabled people do not have any form of government identification. 

Some would like us to consider a state-issued voter identification. 


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The insanity here continues. What about the cost? Charging what 

is effectively a poll tax that would provide a further hardship to the 

poor. How do we issue this identification? It would be another burden on the voter and further impede their right to vote. 

I will also ask that this committee consider taking up the very 

thorny issue of restoring the right of ex-felons to vote. We are the 

only NAACP branch in the country to win that right to vote in our 

state, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. It was 1999. The case 

was called Mixon v. Commonwealth. It was written by an ex-felon, 

and the NAACP signed on as an amicus brief in that case, and it 

was decided by one vote. Just one Commonwealth Judge in the 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania gave the right of ex-felons their 

right to vote again. 

You should also be aware that in this state, and I presume it is 

also the same for states across the country, when you come out of 

prison, you have no ID. That is a big issue for ex-prisoners. We 

work with a lot of ex-felons in some of the rehab housing programs 

that we do, and when we pay them, we find out that they can’t 

cash the checks because they don’t have ID. They didn’t have licenses while they were confined, driver’s licenses, so clearly they 

don’t have driver’s licenses to cash their checks. So we don’t believe 

in voter ID’s. We would urge you to consider taking up the felon 

disenfranchisement issue, especially as it pertains obviously only to 

federal voting. 

There are many serious issues, and we are glad that you, Chairman Brady, and you, Ms. Lofgren, have thought enough about 

these to come to Philadelphia, and you can always count on us at 

the NAACP, both here locally as well as the state and across the 

country, to work with you to make sure that our people of all colors, of all backgrounds, new citizens as well as old citizens, have 

a chance to participate in the greatest democracy in the world. 

Thank you very much. 

[The statement of Mr. Mondesire follows:] 


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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Mondesire. Thank 

you for asking for us to support the Senate Deception Practice Bill. 

In June the House passed HR 1281, the Deceptive Practice and 

Voter Intimidation Act of 2007. As an original co-sponsor of this 

legislation, I support all efforts to prevent voter suppression. We 

will fight to get this thing passed. 

Mr. MONDESIRE. Thanks. 

The CHAIRMAN. I will throw some questions out to anyone who 

wishes to answer, again, to get you on the record. It would be impossible to have eight distinguished witnesses come down to Washington, to have all of you testify. As the gentlelady from California 

did, we get one, maybe two that can come from this area in support 

and to get your thoughts on the record that we could take with us. 

One of the questions I asked the other panel I will ask you, too. 

And Mr. Santiago, I have a quick comment for you. It must be hard 

for people coming to this great country from Puerto Rico where you 

have elections—I think you have 90-some percent participation, 

and I even understand that you paint your houses from time to 

time in favor of your candidate—and to come here and see the apathy that sometimes happens, that we may cause, that causes the 

low turnout in the country, not only in the city, but in the country. 

So I appreciate your prayers, although I would like to see them for 

our troops and for some children that may need them, but I will 

take them anyway that we can do the right and proper thing. But 

it must be hard for you when people come over and we must be 

doing something wrong here because that practice of them wanting 

to vote doesn’t continue let alone stay at that 90-some percent 

level, or paint their houses. I was extremely impressed by that. My 

question would be to anyone, again, on the same-day registration. 

As Chairman of the committee, I have gotten a few requests to introduce a bill on that regard. I want to have some information, and 

I want to have some ammunition to bring back to have knowledge 

of what we should possibly recommend for same-day registration. 

Does anybody have some thoughts on that? 

Mr. STALBERG. As I stated, we believe that the registration period can be shortened as technology improves. I respect the comments earlier from Bob Lee about the down-sides of same-day registration itself. But there are 30 days between the current deadline 

and same-day registration. And I think it does encourage participation if we—over time we can shrink that period. 

Mr. SANTIAGO. I take a perhaps more radical approach. My sense 

is that the right of the individual to vote has to be supreme over 

the inconvenience of a political system. Let them figure the way. 

Let them figure the way how to make it happen. But for those that 

can and want to vote, we should remove any obstacle that prohibits 

them from doing so. 

The CHAIRMAN. My only problem, and I shouldn’t call it a problem, my concern is that we might make it easier for somebody to 

violate a law and take advantage of a system that we have in 

place. We don’t certainly want to do that, but I understand and appreciate what you are saying. Yes? 

Mr. MONDESIRE. Well, the technology that exists today, as you 

know, Mr. Chairman, would mitigate against that. And you don’t 

have to remove the 30-day waiting period all at once. You could do 


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it in stages, and you could watch and see how the thing progressed, 

just like we have changed since the bad, old days of hanging chads 

and missing punch hole things. And you remember what we did 

here in Philadelphia? We brought the modern voting machines over 

a period of time. So I agree with Mr. Santiago and Mr. Stalberg 

that we need to shorten that window. You know, maybe in the next 

couple of years in Pennsylvania it could be 20 days and then 10 

days and then hopefully 24 hours. I have to excuse myself. I have 

another appointment, but I didn’t want to miss your important 

hearing. So if there are other questions, your wonderful staff can 

contact me, and I will be glad to cooperate. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, and thank you for your participation. 

Councillady. 

Ms. CAMPBELL. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. You have an interest, and you are a champion 

for the people that need help, for people that have a problem getting to a poll, with the handicap accessibilities. What could we do? 

What could happen in the City of Philadelphia when there is a 

problem with handicap accessibility? I, myself, being involved in 

the political system, have a division where I vote, and in the division where I live and where I vote and where I used to live and 

voted, there were no businesses. They were all residential, and 

none of them were handicap accessible. Because of that, there may 

be a Law that says we can’t vote in that division, we might have 

to vote two or three divisions over. And as we heard from Commissioner Howard, people like to walk a vote, not drive a vote. Isn’t 

it a bigger handicap for someone to get into a special van and go 

two or three more miles to vote than it would be if we could figure 

out a way that we can have voting where some places are more 

handicap accessible? I know that you are a tireless advocate for 

that, and I’d like to have your thoughts. 

Ms. CAMPBELL. Well, being handicapped and having become 

handicapped, you become more sensitive to the needs of people that 

are handicapped. And online would be a way, if a person was really 

certified as being disabled. I think a lot of the responsibility should 

fall on the municipality because, although a lot of places are not 

handicap accessible, you can get a very inexpensive, temporary 

ramp that could be put over at least three steps or a big incline 

for a wheelchair to go in or for a person on a walker to be able to 

use. I think that the main problem is that unless a person has 

lived with a handicapped person, is friendly with a handicapped 

person, or has a member of their family, they are not as sensitive 

to the needs of a handicapped person as they should be. You will 

have people tell you that a place is handicap accessible. I have had 

this happen to me, and when we got there, there was one, small 

step, that if you can’t walk, you can’t take it. And I think that 

when it comes to voting, that is a Constitutional right that everyone should be able to exercise. And I think that no amount of expense is too much to make that possible. As I said, I just don’t 

think government has gotten to the point where they are really 

sensitive. We are here in City Hall. There is only one entrance way 

that you can come into City Hall in a wheelchair, and that is to 

circle the entire building and come through the courtyard and come 

in where there is no steps in that one door. Now, you would think 


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that with a city of this magnitude that that wouldn’t be the case 

with City Hall. And so, if that is the way it is for City Hall, imagine what it must be for voting. But they are going to have to eventually look at an alternative way for handicapped people to be able 

to vote, whether it be by a special ballot, whether it is one designated place they have to go, but then you have to realize, a lot 

of handicapped people don’t have transportation. Everyone doesn’t 

have the luxury of having a van that has a wheelchair lift that you 

can go up and come out and then go in. But as I said, I don’t think 

the sensitivity level is where it really should be. Maybe—I can only 

speak about this municipality. I can’t speak about across the country. But I know that it is not there yet. And as I said, just look 

at City Hall. As many people as you have in wheelchairs, and there 

is only way, and to tell you the truth, when I started working here, 

I had to send my people out to really go over the City Hall completely to find out the best way that I would be able to enter, because we were worried about it, you know. And as I said, there just 

has to be more sensitivity about people who are disabled because 

they—in fact, there is a lot of disabled people that would love to 

vote, and you find that on Election Day, when you are placing calls, 

they would love to come, but they can’t enter the polls because it 

is not handicap accessible. And then, as you know, in this neighborhood, with its neighborhoods and the city of neighbors that we 

have here, a lot of people’s residences are used for voting. It is not 

so bad when it is a public place, or it is a store that someone has 

given us. So there has to be an alternative way for these people to 

be able to cast their vote. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you, Councillady. Also we are 

joined by the distinguished Majority Leader of City Council, 

Councillady Jannie Blackwell. Thank you. Gentlelady from California, are there any questions? 

Ms. LOFGREN. Just a few. Thank you very much for this testimony, and I was wondering, Councilwoman, what your thoughts 

would be on—it is easy in California actually. I represent San Jose. 

In 1960, the population of the City of San Jose was under 50,000. 

It is over a million today. So that growth has all been new, and 

so all the buildings are new, and it is just easy to comply. With an 

older city such as this, it is a completely different set of challenges. 

And as you were talking, I was thinking about my mother-in-law 

is in a wheelchair. Now, we have Thanksgiving at our house every 

year. 40 people come, and we built a ramp so that once a year we 

can have my—my mother-in-law can very easily—we wish it was 

more often, but it is very difficult for her to travel. It doesn’t meet 

ADA requirements, that ramp, but actually it works. And the question, I guess, is, do you think there is a way to relax the ADA requirements if it is for a one-day voter purpose and it is a safe approach to—is that an approach that might make sense, do you 

think? 

Ms. CAMPBELL. I think it would. I think by any means necessary. 

I think the greatest Constitutional right you have is the right to 

vote. And I don’t think anyone should be denied that opportunity. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Your testimony is very powerful on that point. 

Ms. CAMPBELL. Okay. I mean, that is what I just really feel. I 

feel, as I said, I find there is a lack of sensitivity in a lot of places, 


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as far as people. I never really realized. I wasn’t cognizant of it before I became disabled, but once I became disabled, you pay particular attention to what really goes on in the dealing with people 

that are handicapped. I am blessed because I have a lot of people 

that are around me, a lot of people that help me, and I have a tremendous support system. But everyone doesn’t have the luxury of 

that. 

Ms. LOFGREN. That is right. I was interested in the comments on 

people who have paid their debt to society, but they are permanently barred from ever voting again. And this is, again, one of the 

things that we hope to look at in the hearing later this year, on 

whether felons who have served their sentence or finished with 

their parole, they have paid their debt to society, whether there 

shouldn’t be some national rule where those individuals who are 

now expected to come back and integrate into society shouldn’t 

fully integrate and also become voters. And it seems to me that 

there is a civil rights component to this as well. When you take a 

look at who is in the nation’s prisons and jails because of a variety 

of reasons, including disparity of sentencing, you end up with minorities who are being disenfranchised, to the point where it is a 

substantial number of African-American men in particular, are unable ever to participate in the electoral system. And that strikes me 

as something very troubling. Do you? 

Ms. CAMPBELL. It does need to be addressed, because they do 

have to pay taxes. They don’t say, because you are a felon you don’t 

have to pay taxes. You have to pay taxes, and they have to pay 

taxes. Then they have the right to exercise their Constitutional 

right to be able to vote. It seems to me that once you have paid 

your debt to society, that should suffice. That should be sufficient. 

And I think it is going to the extreme to deny people, because people do change. They do change. A lot of times people have to go 

through the experience of being turned around completely from 

something terrible that they have done, and I know I don’t look at 

things as I did when I was 20 years old. In fact, sometimes I think 

I had more sense when I was 20 years old than I do right now, to 

be perfectly honest, you know. I think as I get older sometimes I 

get wilder and crazier. But really I do think that they have a right. 

I think to deny them that right is morally wrong. And I think that 

once people have paid their debts, you know, judge ye not unless 

you be judged, you haven’t walked in their shoes. So you don’t 

know what brought them to that point in their life that caused 

them to do what they did. And I don’t think any of us have led 

such a pristine life that we have the right to judge them. 

Mr. STALBERG. The Committee of Seventy agrees that there 

should be a fair national standard that re-enfranchises felons. As 

Mr. Mondesire pointed out, that is not a problem in Pennsylvania, 

although in practicality getting the proper identification is. But it 

is a problem elsewhere in the country. 

Ms. LOFGREN. I want to ask just about two other issues. The 

Chairman mentioned the bill that the House has passed about 

voter intimidation, and I think it is a very important measure, and 

I hope that the Senate will either adopt Senator Obama’s bill or 

our bill or something so that we can make that Law before the next 

election. But one of the things that we did not include and that I 


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hope that we can—we are planning to take a look at, and I don’t 

know if it has been a problem here in Pennsylvania or not. But it 

is the issue of harassing robo-calls. What we found in California 

and also in some other western states, one candidate’s campaign 

would place these robo-calls repeatedly, and in the middle of the 

night. So that, you know, you are a voter asleep, and it is 2:00 in 

the morning, and it is 3:00 in the morning, and it is 4:00 in the 

morning. And you are getting repeated phone calls, and you think 

it is the candidate. But it is actually the opponent who is getting 

those calls placed, to the point where there was such harassment 

that voters—I mean candidates who were victimized by this had to 

stop their voter—their get-out-the-vote efforts. People—you can 

imagine when you are woken up repeatedly in the middle of the 

night, it does not make you feel friendly towards the person who 

you think is instigating those calls. Was that an issue here in 

Pennsylvania that you know of? 

Ms. CAMPBELL. Not to my knowledge. We have received robocalls but normally they are during——

Ms. LOFGREN. But not in the middle of the night. 

Ms. CAMPBELL. No, not the middle of the night. 

Ms. LOFGREN. All right. 

The CHAIRMAN. We may, now. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Sorry. Now I have lost my train of thought. I 

guess the final question that I have really goes to something called 

vote caging. And we have a hearing in the Judiciary Committee, 

that I also serve on, when we looked at the US Attorneys and the 

politicization of the Justice Department, and this was one of the 

issues that came up. And it sounded somewhat innocuous when the 

Justice Department lawyers talked about that they had done this 

in their spare time, where they had sent mailings to make sure 

that, you know, we didn’t have people no longer eligible to vote. 

And then I saw actually the public television did a story, and here 

is what happened. They picked out neighborhoods that were low income, African-American neighborhoods, Latino neighborhoods, 

neighborhoods where sometimes the mail didn’t get delivered as reliably as in some other neighborhoods, or neighborhoods where 

there were a large number of young people who are away at college, sent in mailings. And then, when they were not returned, reported those voters as no longer there, so that we ended up with 

20 or 30 percent of the African-American and Latino voters 

disenfranchised in that community. I am wondering whether anything like that has happened here in Pennsylvania and if we ought 

not to look about prohibiting that when it has a disparate, adverse 

impact on protected classes of Americans. And there is a reason 

why, you know, we are still alert to discrimination against AfricanAmericans and Latinos. It is because there is discrimination, and 

we need to be especially alert in those circumstances. 

Mr. STALBERG. If I may, I would like to let Christopher Sheridan, 

who is the head of the voting rights and election reform program 

for the Committee of Seventy just comment briefly on that, because 

it is an issue. 

Mr. SHERIDAN. In a number of occasions in the past, I think most 

recently in 2003, we have seen instances of using mail to build 

challenge lists on behalf of one major political party, and I think—


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so it has been an issue that we have seen. I think generally when 

we have gotten to the polls, I don’t know that it has always been 

followed through on. Usually the mail comes back, and there is a 

new story, this many people aren’t there. But we haven’t seen a 

whole lot of challenges in the field based on this. But it is something—it actually goes back to Tammany Hall in the last century, 

caging is a very old practice. And it is something that, you know, 

it is discriminatory, and it is something that you should take a serious look at prohibiting, along with false literature, which may be 

covered in, I believe it was 811 or Senator Obama’s bill. We do 

see——

Ms. LOFGREN. And the bill passed by the House, the false literature is covered by that. 

Mr. SHERIDAN. Well, yeah, we do see false literature on Election 

Day. We frequently have to come to Election Court to get an order 

against false and misleading literature. So I do think it is an issue, 

especially in highly competitive, you know, general elections. 

Ms. CAMPBELL. From my experience as the Secretary of Democratic Party in addition to being Chair of the African-American 

Ward Leaders, you have a lot of problems on Election Day in the 

minority wards. A lot of times people are removed from the registration rolls, but no one can give you an answer as to why. I find 

that sometimes there are many things that happen in the minority 

wards that do not happen in other wards, such as machines being 

broke seven o’clock in the morning, when we have new machines. 

Machines being jammed. And sometimes there is a pattern in certain wards where this does happen. Now, I don’t know whether it 

is the fault of the machine or the lack of maybe the proper care. 

I don’t know. But I just find it very strange that this does happen 

in the minority wards. 

Ms. LOFGREN. At this point I have exhausted my questions, but 

I will say I understand why, when Chairman Brady comes to 

Washington, he is always bragging about where he is from, and the 

people he represents, and how smart they are, and how savvy they 

are. And I can see that from the witnesses today. And it has really 

been an honor, Bob, to be down here with you, and I commend you 

again for holding this hearing. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. It is also my honor to show you off 

a little bit and let my friends that I have known for many, many, 

many, many years see who I serve with and help me look good, too, 

in my committee and in Congress. We were joined by the Majority 

Leader, Councillady Jannie Blackwell. Would you like to comment 

on anything? I know you have the box in your office, and you heard 

some of the testimony. Is there anything that you would like to 

say? 

Ms. BLACKWELL. Certainly, absolutely. Certainly I want to thank 

you both for being here to deal with this important issue. Our Congressman knows all the issues we face as ward leaders and elected 

officials in our districts. And I remember the year, so, talking about 

the handicapped, I remember before we had the law where we had 

to make all our sidewalks handicapped, a wheelchair could get 

down one side and not up on the other. So we have come a long 

way, certainly, in spite of our issues. But with regard to voting, it 

is just important that people be given the opportunity to submit 


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their ballots when they can’t vote. I remember before my mother 

passed how difficult it was. And the last time I had forgotten to 

file my absentee ballot, and I took her, and of course they let me 

in, and she was just overwhelmed being inside a machine and having names and numbers so high, and it was just too much for her. 

And so it is just important that in order to make sure that people 

have their rights, they are allowed to file ballots. And I do believe, 

I thought that the new machines would change the problems we 

had with voting, but we still have problems. I suppose it amounts 

to intent. It amounts to will. People want to do it right. It happens 

right, but when we have controversial elections, we find that somehow, somewhere, we still have voter machine errors in certain 

areas. That is an issue. How it happens, only God knows. We don’t 

know. But we support the effort. We thank you for having this 

hearing. We thank our beloved Congressman Bob Brady, and certainly we support whatever we can do to make sure that people in 

America have a right to this tree of life, and that includes voting 

and the ability for all people to vote. Thank you. Thank you, Congressman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Councillady. I would also like to ask 

unanimous consent to hold the committee record open for five days 

for inclusion of additional materials and written answers to questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. I thank the panel again. Thank you 

for your participation. Believe me, you don’t know how important 

this is for us to have this on the record so that we can take the 

information back and insert it any time we have a hearing. We can 

insert your testimony, and we can make your feelings known without you actually having to be there, and it gives us good ammunition. So I thank all of you for your time and your participation. I 

especially thank the two Councilwomen for allowing us to infringe 

upon your turf for a moment or two and also the Council president 

for allowing us to use this facility. Again, a wholehearted thankyou to my colleague and friend from California, to Congresswoman 

Zoe Lofgren, for coming out here and spending time. She could 

have been home the rest of today like I have, but she spent another 

day here with us, and we are going to show her a little bit of the 

City of Philadelphia. I thank all of you, and this hearing is now adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 11:50 a.m., the Committee was adjourned.] 

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bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 378 here 40510A.298
330 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 379 here 40510A.299
331 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 380 here 40510A.300
332 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 381 here 40510A.301
333 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 382 here 40510A.302
334 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 383 here 40510A.303
335 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 384 here 40510A.304
336 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 385 here 40510A.305
337 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 386 here 40510A.306
338 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 387 here 40510A.307
339 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 388 here 40510A.308
340 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 389 here 40510A.309
341 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 390 here 40510A.310
342 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 391 here 40510A.311
343 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 392 here 40510A.312
344 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 393 here 40510A.313
345 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 394 here 40510A.314
346 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 395 here 40510A.315
347 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 396 here 40510A.316
348 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 397 here 40510A.317
349 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 398 here 40510A.318
350 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 399 here 40510A.319
351 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 400 here 40510A.320
352 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 401 here 40510A.321
353 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 402 here 40510A.322
354 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 403 here 40510A.323
355 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 404 here 40510A.324
356 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 405 here 40510A.325
357 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 406 here 40510A.326
358 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 407 here 40510A.327
359 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 408 here 40510A.328
360 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 409 here 40510A.329
361 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 410 here 40510A.330
362 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 411 here 40510A.331
363 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 412 here 40510A.332
364 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 413 here 40510A.333
365 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 414 here 40510A.334
366 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 415 here 40510A.335
367 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 416 here 40510A.336
368 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 417 here 40510A.337
369 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 418 here 40510A.338
370 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 419 here 40510A.339
371 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 420 here 40510A.340
372 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 421 here 40510A.341
373 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 422 here 40510A.342
374 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 423 here 40510A.343
375 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 424 here 40510A.344
376 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 425 here 40510A.345
377 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 426 here 40510A.346
378 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 427 here 40510A.347
379 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 428 here 40510A.348
380 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 429 here 40510A.349
381 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 430 here 40510A.350
382 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 431 here 40510A.351
383 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 432 here 40510A.352
384 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 433 here 40510A.353
385 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 434 here 40510A.354
386 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 435 here 40510A.355
387 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 436 here 40510A.356
388 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 437 here 40510A.357
389 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 438 here 40510A.358
390 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 439 here 40510A.359
391 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 440 here 40510A.360
392 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 441 here 40510A.361
393 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 442 here 40510A.362
394 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 443 here 40510A.363
395 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 444 here 40510A.364
396 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 445 here 40510A.365
397 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 446 here 40510A.366
398 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 447 here 40510A.367
399 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 448 here 40510A.368
400 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 449 here 40510A.369
401 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 450 here 40510A.370
402 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 451 here 40510A.371
403 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 452 here 40510A.372
404 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 453 here 40510A.373
405 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 454 here 40510A.374
406 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 455 here 40510A.375
407 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 456 here 40510A.376
408 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 457 here 40510A.377
409 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 458 here 40510A.378
410 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 459 here 40510A.379
411 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 460 here 40510A.380
412 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 461 here 40510A.381
413 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 462 here 40510A.382
414 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 463 here 40510A.383
415 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 464 here 40510A.384
416 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 465 here 40510A.385
417 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 466 here 40510A.386
418 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 467 here 40510A.387
419 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 468 here 40510A.388
420 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 469 here 40510A.389
421 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 470 here 40510A.390
422 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 471 here 40510A.391
423 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 472 here 40510A.392
424 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 473 here 40510A.393
425 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 474 here 40510A.394
426 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 475 here 40510A.395
427 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 476 here 40510A.396
428 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 477 here 40510A.397
429 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 478 here 40510A.398
430 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 479 here 40510A.399
431 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 480 here 40510A.400
432 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 481 here 40510A.401
433 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 482 here 40510A.402
434 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 483 here 40510A.403
435 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 484 here 40510A.404
436 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 485 here 40510A.405
437 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 486 here 40510A.406
438 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 487 here 40510A.407
439 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 488 here 40510A.408
440 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 489 here 40510A.409
441 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 490 here 40510A.410
442 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 491 here 40510A.411
443 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 492 here 40510A.412
444 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 493 here 40510A.413
445 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 494 here 40510A.414
446 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 495 here 40510A.415
447 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 496 here 40510A.416
448 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 497 here 40510A.417
449 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 498 here 40510A.418
450 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 499 here 40510A.419
451 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 500 here 40510A.420
452 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 501 here 40510A.421
453 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 502 here 40510A.422
454 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 503 here 40510A.423
455 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 504 here 40510A.424
456 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 505 here 40510A.425
457 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 506 here 40510A.426
458 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 507 here 40510A.427
459 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 508 here 40510A.428
460 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 509 here 40510A.429
461 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 510 here 40510A.430
462 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 511 here 40510A.431
463 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 512 here 40510A.432
464 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 513 here 40510A.433
465 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 514 here 40510A.434
466 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 515 here 40510A.435
467 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 516 here 40510A.436
468 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 517 here 40510A.437
469 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 518 here 40510A.438
470 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 519 here 40510A.439
471 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 520 here 40510A.440
472 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 521 here 40510A.441
473 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 522 here 40510A.442
474 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 523 here 40510A.443
475 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 524 here 40510A.444
476 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 525 here 40510A.445
477 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 526 here 40510A.446
478 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 527 here 40510A.447
479 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 528 here 40510A.448
480 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 529 here 40510A.449
481 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 530 here 40510A.450
482 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 531 here 40510A.451
483 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 532 here 40510A.452
484 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 533 here 40510A.453
485 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 534 here 40510A.454
486 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 535 here 40510A.455
487 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 536 here 40510A.456
488 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 537 here 40510A.457
489 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 538 here 40510A.458
490 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 539 here 40510A.459
491 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 540 here 40510A.460
492 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 541 here 40510A.461
493 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 542 here 40510A.462
494 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 543 here 40510A.463
495 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 544 here 40510A.464
496 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 545 here 40510A.465
497 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 546 here 40510A.466
498 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 547 here 40510A.467
499 


bajohnson on PROD1PC77 with HEARINGInsert offset folio 548/800 here 40510A.468