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RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN SYRIA:

CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE

JOINT HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, 

GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND 

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

AND THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 

THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

JUNE 25, 2013

Serial No. 113–75

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

MATT SALMON, Arizona 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

TOM COTTON, Arkansas 

PAUL COOK, California 

GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

TREY RADEL, Florida 

DOUG COLLINS, Georgia 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

LUKE MESSER, Indiana 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

BRIAN HIGGINS, New York 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

ALAN GRAYSON, Florida 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

BRADLEY S. SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY III, Massachusetts 

AMI BERA, California 

ALAN S. LOWENTHAL, California 

GRACE MENG, New York 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

(III)

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

KAREN BASS, California 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida, Chairman 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

TOM COTTON, Arkansas 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

TREY RADEL, Florida 

DOUG COLLINS, Georgia 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

LUKE MESSER, Indiana 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

BRIAN HIGGINS, New York 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

ALAN GRAYSON, Florida 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

BRADLEY S. SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY III, Massachusetts 

GRACE MENG, New York 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

(V)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Mr. Thomas O. Melia, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, 

Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State ...................................... 5

Zuhdi Jasser, M.D., Commissioner, U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom ...................................................................................................... 34

Ms. Nina Shea, director, Center for Religious Freedom, Hudson Institute ........ 46

John Eibner, Ph.D., chief executive officer, Christian Solidarity International, 

USA ....................................................................................................................... 64

Rev. Majed El Shafie, founder, One Free World International ........................... 70

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

Mr. Thomas O. Melia: Prepared statement ........................................................... 9

Zuhdi Jasser, M.D.: Prepared statement ............................................................... 37

Ms. Nina Shea: Prepared statement ...................................................................... 50

John Eibner, Ph.D.: Prepared statement ............................................................... 66

Rev. Majed El Shafie: Prepared statement ........................................................... 72

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 112

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 113

The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress from the 

Commonwealth of Virginia: Prepared statement .............................................. 114

The Honorable Christopher H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from 

the State of New Jersey, and chairman, Subcommittee on Africa, Global 

Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations: Statement 

of the Honorable Anna G. Eshoo, a Representative in Congress from the 

State of California, and the Honorable Frank Wolf, a Representative in 

Congress from the Commonwealth of Virgnia ................................................... 115

Written responses from Mr. Thomas O. Melia to questions submitted for 

the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith .......................................... 117

Zuhdi Jasser, M.D.: Excerpt of USCIRF Report: Protecting and Promoting 

Religious Freedom in Syria ................................................................................. 119

John Eibner, Ph.D.: Material submitted for the record ........................................ 127

Ms. Nina Shea: Material submitted for the record ............................................... 135

(1)

RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN SYRIA:

CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE 

TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 2013

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittees met, pursuant to notice, at 3:04 p.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher H. Smith 

(chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global 

Human Rights, and International Organizations) presiding. 

Mr. SMITH. The subcommittees will come to order. 

And good afternoon. And welcome to today’s joint hearing of the 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 

International Organizations and the Subcommittee on the Middle 

East and North Africa as we turn our attention to an overlooked 

aspect of the crisis in Syria: The religious minorities caught in the 

middle of the conflict and apparently targeted by government forces 

as well as rebel groups. 

More than 93,000 Syrians have been killed in this horrendous 

and seemingly endless civil war. More than 4.25 million people are 

displaced within Syria, and millions more are fleeing to safety in 

the surrounding countries of Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Iraq. 

It is disturbing to note that 1 in 5 of the refugees is Christian, 

although Christians in Syria make up 1 in 10 of the pre-war population of 22 million people. This would seem to indicate that Christians are even more fearful for their lives and safety than other 

segments of the Syrian population. 

Before the war, Syria was a fairly pluralistic society, with 

Alawites, Shias, Ismailis, Yazidis, Druze, Christians, Jews, and 

Sunnis living in relative peace side-by-side. The situation was far 

from perfect, as President Bashar al-Assad’s regime had a vast security apparatus in place with members inside each of the religious 

communities to monitor their activities. The Assad government was 

guilty of serious human rights violations, including the summary 

imprisonment and execution of political prisoners, but relations between various religious groups was generally not violent. 

That civil coexistence has ended with the war. In February of 

this year, the U.N. Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic reported that ‘‘the conflict has 

become increasingly sectarian, with the conduct of the parties beVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:38 Nov 06, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00007 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\062513\81692 HFA PsN: SHIRL
2

coming significantly more radicalized and militarized.’’ This followed on an earlier Commission report stating that ‘‘entire communities are at risk of being forced out of the country or being killed 

inside the country, with communities believing, and not without 

cause, that they face an existential threat.’’

We know that early in the civil war Assad came to view the 

Christian minority with suspicion, accusing churches of laundering 

money and goods for opposition forces and forbidding banks from 

conducting transactions for certain churches. There is also evidence 

that the Assad regime encouraged sectarian tensions in order to 

maintain power, perhaps believing that if people were afraid of 

Islamists commandeering a nominally secular state, the people 

would be more likely to support Assad over the opposition. 

In December 2012, Time magazine reported allegations that the 

Assad regime was paying individuals to pose as opposition supporters and chant slogans at protests, including, ‘‘The Christians to 

Beirut, and the Alawites to the grave.’’

Our own Government has voiced concern about the particular 

threat posed to Christians in Syria. According to the State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report for 2012,

‘‘The regime continued to frame opposition actions as targeting 

the Christian population. At the same time, it increased its 

own targeting of Christians and Alawi anti-regime activists in 

order to eliminate minority voices that might counter its narrative of Sunni-sponsored violence.’’

Religious minorities seem to fear the opposition forces. Some 

prominent opposition groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, 

have a religious basis which has been seen as threatening to Syria’s Alawite and Christian minorities. Smaller opposition factions, 

such as the al-Qaeda-affiliated jihadist al-Nusra Front, take explicitly sectarian positions. There are reports of incidents in which 

rebel forces engaged in sectarian violence, such as burning Shiite 

mosques. 

Christians are perceived by many in the opposition to be Assad 

loyalists, possibly due to Assad’s aggressive recruitment of Christians into the regime militias at the start of the civil war. Other 

reports indicate that Christians attempted to remain neutral, either out of passivism or concern about their rights under opposition 

forces. 

Christian neutrality was perceived by some opposition groups as 

loyalty to the regime. In December 2012, a rebel force believed to 

be associated with the Muslim Brotherhood released a video on 

YouTube entitled, ‘‘Warning Mainly Christian Cities in the Province of Hama,’’ and promising attacks if they continue to support 

and house pro-Assad forces. 

Christian leaders have been targeted, such as the April 2013 

kidnappings of two Syriac Orthodox Church bishops. Both men 

have still not been returned. The Druze community reports being 

targeted, as well. In March 2013, a Druze leader reported to Christian Solidarity International, who will testify today,

‘‘Our people get stopped at checkpoints and are asked which 

sect they belong to. Once the militias hear that they are 

3

Swaida, a province where 90 percent of the population is 

Druze, our men disappear.’’

Al-Nusra Front, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization, 

has been blamed for much of the sectarian rhetoric and violence, 

but dozens of the opposition groups ascribe to Islamic jihadist 

ideologies and mingle with the Free Syrian Army, which the U.S. 

may now be supporting. 

Over the last 3 years, the United States has committed to pro- viding $250 million to various opposition groups in Syria, at least 

$117 million of which has already been funded, largely to the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces. 

With the chemical-weapon red line crossed, the administration has 

also agreed to provide ammunitions and small arms, as well. It is 

not clear whether any of this new lethal assistance will go to the 

Free Syrian Army and its worrisome opposition groups. The administration also committed to send an additional $300 

million in humanitarian aid to ‘‘vulnerable groups in and around 

Syria.’’ It is not clear whether distribution of this aid will be informed by the plight of religious minorities. 

I am very concerned that the administration may not be taking 

seriously enough the targeting of religious minorities, which is why 

we have called this hearing. Too often we have heard from the administration that they have bigger issues to deal with than the vulnerability of religious minorities. 

In the last two appropriations cycles, we have directed the ad- ministration to condition aid, for example, to Egypt, some $1.3 billion, on the certification that Egypt is acting to protect the religious 

freedom of its minorities. The administration, both Secretary Clinton and Secretary Kerry, refused to do so and waived it. 

Perhaps not surprisingly, the Government of Egypt continues to 

allow attacks on Coptic Christians with impunity. I have actually 

chaired three hearings on the targeting of Coptic Christians, and 

I do believe much more needs to be done, and robustly done, to protect this minority in Egypt. 

Money does talk. The United States should be using assistance 

to ensure recipient countries and entities have a plan that is implemented to protect vulnerable religious minorities. 

And, with that, I look forward to hearing the testimony of our 

distinguished witness from the administration. But I would like to 

ask Mr. Schneider if he has any comments and then go to Randy. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for 

calling this very important hearing. 

As you rightly indicated, the sectarian violence in Syria is an 

overlooked aspect of what we are seeing as events unfold, with over 

93,000 people already believed to be killed, the number possibly 

being even much higher. 

It is critical, as we look forward to moving Syria in a different 

direction, that we take into consideration how we create a future 

for Syria that does not lead to further sectarian violence and oppression of minorities. So I look forward to hearing from our witnesses and increasing our understanding on this crucial issue. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very much. 

The distinguished vice chairman of the subcommittee? 

4

Mr. WEBER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Genocide is defined as the deliberate killing of a large group of 

people, especially those of a particular ethnicity or religion. Today, 

more than at any other time in modern history, religious minorities 

are regularly persecuted, kidnapped, tortured, and murdered in 

Syria, and throughout the Middle East for that matter. They are 

experiencing the true definition of ‘‘genocide.’’

The Pew Research Center indicates that Christians are targeted 

for governmental and societal persecution more than any other religious group. Sadly, an estimated 100,000 Christians are killed for 

their faith every single year, according to a recent United Nations 

report. 

And yet the media is complicit in this genocide by failing to shine 

a light on the plight of those being annihilated. Their failure to inform the public prevents accountability and action. Ignorant or not, 

as policymakers, we are all just as at fault for our failure to step 

in and help protect the helpless. 

After World War II, a war in which my father fought—and he 

is one of the last of the living greatest generation, by the way—

we made a promise to the world never to forget. We echoed that 

promise after 9/11: We would never forget. A promise to the world 

that, after World War II, that we would ensure that it never happened again. 

But we have failed over and over again: In Cambodia, in the 

Congo, in the Darfur, in Iraq, in Rwanda, and in places, quite 

frankly, too numerous to mention. Countless millions have died in 

genocides which occurred following our promise that we would 

never let it happen again. 

At what point do we say, enough is enough? Our word has to 

mean something. Thousands are crying out to us to pay attention 

and for us to act, and it is our moral obligation as the world’s leading superpower to do so, because it is who we are as a Nation and 

a people. 

To quote Reverend Dietrich Bonhoeffer, a Lutheran pastor who 

actively spoke out against the Nazi regime in Germany, ‘‘Not to 

speak is to speak. Not to act is to act.’’ He also said, and I quote 

him here, ‘‘We are not to simply bandage the wounds of the victims 

beneath the wheels of injustice. We are to drive a spoke into the 

wheel itself.’’ Realizing that the magnitude of the numbers can be 

overwhelming and awfully paralyzing, perhaps we need to narrow 

our vision down to the One who motivates action. 

As those with knowledge of actual events on the ground, I look 

to our witnesses today to give us not only some of these individual 

accounts of what is happening within Syria but also ways that we 

might engage and hold us accountable, by the way, that we would 

be held accountable for the promises that we made even as a previous generation. I would much rather be on the side of those 

speaking and acting than those who stayed at home. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Weber. 

Mr. Kennedy? 

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. 

I just wanted to thank you for calling an important hearing, and 

look forward to what our witnesses have to say on the issue. 

5

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Kennedy. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Mr. Chairman, not right now. 

Mr. SMITH. Okay. 

Mr. Collins? 

Mr. COLLINS. No, thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

I would like to now introduce our distinguished panelist from the 

administration, Thomas Melia, who is the Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. He 

is responsible for its work in Europe, including Russia, and the 

countries of the Middle East and North Africa region. 

He came to DRL in 2010 from Freedom House, where he was 

deputy executive director for 5 years. Earlier, Mr. Melia worked at 

the National Democratic Institute, the AFL–CIO, and on Capitol 

Hill. In addition, he taught democracy and human rights courses 

at Georgetown University and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and did that for more than 10 years. 

The floor is yours. 

STATEMENT OF MR. THOMAS O. MELIA, DEPUTY ASSISTANT 

SECRETARY, BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND 

LABOR, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Mr. MELIA. Chairman Smith and members of the subcommittees, 

thank you for inviting me here to discuss the situation for religious 

and other minorities in Syria today. 

I request that the full prepared testimony be included in the 

record, and I will just give you a summary. 

Mr. SMITH. Without objection, so ordered. 

Mr. MELIA. Syria looks disturbingly different today than it did at 

the start of the revolution. What started 2 years ago as a peaceful 

demand for human rights in Daraa has turned into a devastating 

nationwide conflict with a growing human toll. The Assad regime 

continues to commit gross and systematic violations of human 

rights. 

Mr. Chairman, you recited the numbers, I don’t need to repeat 

them here, but the last several months have been particularly concerning. We have seen increasing sectarian undertones in the horrific massacres at Bayda, Baniyas, and Qusayr. Indeed, the U.N. 

Commission of Inquiry’s June 4 report underscores that crimes 

against humanity have become a daily reality for the people of 

Syria. 

For centuries, Syria has been a rich tapestry of religious and ethnic groups, including the Sunnis, the Alawis, Ismailis, Shia, Druze, 

and different Christian communities. The regime has provoked and 

attempted to divide Syria’s population by driving a wedge between 

these minorities and the Sunni majority. 

The regime continues to target faith groups it deems a threat, including members of the country’s Sunni majority and numerous religious minorities. Such targeting includes killing, detention, and 

harassment. Regime attacks have also destroyed religious sites, including more than 1,000 mosques and an undetermined number of 

other houses of worship, including churches. 

6

The attacks in Qusayr marked a dangerous new precedent of direct sectarian threats by Hezbollah’s forces fighting at the behest 

of the regime. Over 200 civilians were killed and many more 

wounded, who now desperately need humanitarian assistance. 

We have also seen al-Qaeda-linked groups and other violent extremist groups engaged in gross human rights abuses. We have 

seen several reports of violent extremists conducting massacres of 

Shia civilians as well as destroying a Shia mosque. 

Many Christians, moreover, have reported receiving threats on 

their lives if they do not join the opposition efforts against the regime and have been driven from their homes and killed en masse 

as presumed supporters of the regime. Syrian Orthodox Archbishop 

Yohanna Ibrahim and Greek Orthodox Archbishop Paul Yazigi 

were kidnapped on April 22 by persons unknown and remain missing to this day. 

The Nusra Front has claimed responsibility for bombings across 

the country. A 15-year-old boy was executed for blasphemy this 

month by extremists in Aleppo, who, reports tell us, have come 

from outside the country to fight the regime. 

These extremist groups do not support the aspirations nor do 

they reflect the mindset of the vast majority of the Syrian people 

or even the vast majority of the active Syrian opposition. The atrocities committed by these extremist elements should not be 

conflated with the efforts by the moderate opposition, including the 

Supreme Military Council, to seek an end to the Assad regime and 

to facilitate an orderly political transition. 

In fact, the list of targets that these extreme groups have developed is increasingly long and includes Sunnis and virtually all the 

minorities. In a recent interview with The Economist magazine, 

one Nusra Front fighter stated that even Sunnis who want democracy are to be considered unbelievers who deserve to be punished. 

Sectarian-based retribution plays directly into the regime’s and 

violent extremists’ hands. It does not move the country closer to 

the inclusive post-Assad future that Syrians have been struggling 

to achieve. 

In our conversations with opposition military leaders, we have 

consistently urged opposition groups to respect international law 

and human rights, and we have applauded those groups that 

signed on to the code of conduct issued by the Free Syrian Army 

in the fall of 2012. 

We continue to try to help bring an end to the violent conflict by 

strengthening the moderate opposition, blocking the Assad regime’s 

access to cash and weapons, facilitating a political transition to end 

Assad’s rule, and providing substantial humanitarian assistance, as 

well as laying the groundwork for an inclusive democratic transition, including accountability for egregious violations committed. 

We are also working closely with our allies to stem the flow of 

money and resources to violent extremist groups. 

We believe that a political transition is the best solution for the 

crisis in Syria. We support the letter and intent of the June 2012 

Geneva Communique ́—June 30, almost exactly a year ago—which 

calls for a transitional governing body with full executive powers 

and formed on the basis of national consent. 

7

We have been clear that there is no role for Assad in a transitional government. He has lost all credibility and must be held accountable for his crimes. 

Our efforts to strengthen the moderate opposition and change the 

balance on the ground include diplomatic outreach to improve the 

representativeness and connectedness of the opposition bodies 

themselves. We have repeatedly encouraged the political opposition 

to include grassroots activists from inside Syria, religious and ethnic minorities, and women from all these communities in their 

leadership. 

We hope that the upcoming meetings will produce more diverse 

and inclusive membership and leaders who reflect the diversity of 

Syrian society. We regularly track the violations and abuses committed in Syria by all parties and regularly reiterate our call for 

all parties to the conflict to protect and to respect the rights of civilians regardless of ethnicity, religion, or gender. 

The international community must continue to support documentation and other efforts to lay the groundwork for justice and 

accountability processes and to support Syrian efforts as they identify how best to bring to justice those who have committed so many 

heinous acts. 

As we expand our engagement with the Syrian opposition now, 

efforts by the United States and the international community focused on justice, accountability, and conflict resolution will be critical to ensuring the protection of human rights during Syria’s transition. By helping Syrians to accelerate their efforts to lay the 

groundwork for eventual criminal trials, we aim to deter current 

and potential perpetrators of these crimes as well as sectarian vigilante justice or collective reprisals. 

In addition to our other bureaus and agencies in the U.S. Government engaged in coordinated programs to assist Syrians over 

the past year or more, the State Department’s Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor is supporting Syrian civil society 

so they can more effectively coordinate to advocate for human 

rights and democracy concerns. 

We are also bolstering efforts to lay the groundwork for future 

transitional justice initiatives by supporting the documentation of 

violations and abuses committed by all sides of the conflict and 

education about locally owned accountability and transitional justice mechanisms. 

We are also promoting conflict mitigation and reconciliation efforts by supporting positive cross-sectarian engagement, coalition 

building and targeted humanitarian assistance, and conflict-prevention training at the local level, working through respected 

NGOs and community leaders. 

We support these activities by partnering with large interfaith 

and ecumenical nongovernmental international organizations and 

universities with experience in Syria. A broad range of Syrian ethnic and religious minority groups are included in these efforts. 

We have also honored the work of human rights activists such 

as Syrian Alawite activist Ms. Hanadi Zahlout, who recently was 

selected for the 2013 Department of State Human Rights Defender 

Award. She has been active on human rights issues in Syria since 

before the revolution and was a founding member of the local coVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:38 Nov 06, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00013 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\062513\81692 HFA PsN: SHIRL
8

ordination committees, which are an integral part of the opposition 

infrastructure. She is providing education and messaging on antisectarianism as well as raising awareness about threats to the security of minority communities. 

Finally, to ensure that our assistance reaches its intended targets and does not end up in the hands of extremists, we will continue to vet recipients using the formal processes that have been 

established across various agencies. 

The United States stood with the Syrian people at the outset of 

this conflict, beginning with U.S. support for activists and civil society during the early protest movement. We stand with the Syrian 

people today, with ongoing and increasing efforts to strengthen the 

opposition and civil society. And we will continue to stand with 

them going forward until the day that we can, together, welcome 

a new Syria, one where the Syrian people can enjoy a free, stable, 

and democratic country without Bashar al-Assad. We look forward 

to continuing to work with Congress toward this goal. 

Thank you again for this invitation to testify before your committees. I am happy to take any questions you may have. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Melia, thank you very much for your testimony 

and for the work of your office. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Melia follows:]

9


81692a-1.eps

Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 

Deputy Assistant Secretary Thomas O. Melia 

Testimony 

HFAC hearing "Religions Minorities in Syria: Canght in the Middle" 

June 25, 2013, 3pm 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International 

Organizations 

Subcommittee on Middle East and North Africa 

Chainnan Smith, Chairman Ros-Lehtinen, and members of the subcommittee, thank you for 

inviting me to discuss the situation for minorities in Syria. 

Syria is comprised ofa rich myriad of religious and ethnic groups Syria's population is 

approximately 22.5 million, although emigration has increased due to ongoing violence, unrest, 

and economic hardship. According to the State Department's International Religious Freedom 

report for 2012, Sunni Muslims constitute 74 percent of the population, and include: Arabs, Kurds, 

Circassians, Chechens, and Turkomans. The Alawis, lsmailis, and Shia constitute 13 percent. The 

Druze account for 3 percent. Christian groups, who have an ancient presence in Syria, constitute 

the remaining 10 percent, although the Christian population may be closer to 8 percent due to 

recent emigration due to the contlict 

Syria looks disturbingly different today than it did at the start of the revolution. What started as a 

peaceful demand for human rights in Deraa has turned into a devastating contlict nationwide with 

a growing human toll. The Asad regime continues to commit gross and systematic violations of 

human rights. According to the u.N., more than 93,000 Syrians have died since the beginning of 

the conflict and the number is rising. More than 1.6 million people have left their homes in Syria 

to seek refuge in another country - a number that could more than double by the end of 20 13. 

And nearly 4.5 million Syrians are internally displaced, all out of a total population of only 20 

million. The last several months have been particularly concerning. We have seen increasing 

sectarian undertones in the horritic massacres of Bayda, Banias, and Qusayr. Indeed, the UN 

Commission oflnquiry's June 4 report underscores that crimes against humanity have become a 

daily reality for the people of Syria. The regime has provoked and attempted to divide Syria's 

population by driving a wedge between the minorities and Sunni majority The regime continues 

to target faith groups it deems a threat, including members of the country's Sunni majority and 

religious minorities. Such targeting included killing, detention, and harassment. Regime attacks 

have also destroyed religious sites, including more than 1,000 mosques 

The attacks on Qusayr marked a dangerous new precedent of direct sectarian threats by 

Hizballah's forces that are fighting at the behest of the regime. During the June session of the UN 

Human Rights Council session, we co-sponsored an urgent debate and resolution on the regime 

and Hizballah's attack on Qusayr. Unfortunately the regime did not halt its attacks. Over 200 

civilians were killed and many more wounded who now desperately need humanitarian assistance. 
10


81692a-2.eps

There are reports the regime is now moving north to Aleppo as well as calling on Shia civilians to 

fight against the Sunni population 

We have also seen al-Qaida-linked groups and other violent extremist groups engaged in gross 

human rights abuses. We have seen several reports of violent extremists conducting massacres of 

Shia civilians as well as destroying a Shia mosque. Many Christians have reported receiving 

threats on their lives if they do not join the opposition efforts against the regime, have been driven 

from their homes and killed in mass as presumed supporters of the regime. We have also seen 

increasing lawlessness in the northern areas and increasing threats to civilian security, including 

kidnapping, rape, and looting. Syrian Orthodox archbishop Yohanna Ibrahim and Greek Orthodox 

archbishop Paul Yazigi were kidnapped April 22 by persons unknown, and remain missing. The 

Nusrah Front has claimed responsibility for bombings across the country. A 15-year-old boy was 

executed for blasphemy this month by extremists in Aleppo who, reports suggest, have come from 

outside the country to tight the regime. As you know, the Obama administration designated the 

Nusrah Front in December 2012 as an alias of al-Qaida in Iraq, and supported a similar 

designation by the UN Security Council as well. We did that to warn others in the Syrian 

opposition of the risks that they take by working with the Nusrah Front 

These groups do not support the aspirations, nor do they reflect the mindset, of the vast majority of 

the Syrian people, or even the vast majority of the active Syrian opposition. The atrocities 

committed by these extremist elements should not be contlated with the etTorts by the moderate 

opposition, including the Supreme Military Council, to seek an end to the Asad regime and to 

facilitate a political transition. In fact, the list of acceptable targets for these extremist groups is 

increasingly long, and includes Sunnis. In a recent interview with the Lconomist magazine, one 

Nusrah Front fighter stated that even Sunnis who want democracy are "unbelievers" who deserve 

to be punished. 

Sectarian based retribution plays directly into the regime's and violent extremists' hands It does 

not move the country closer to the inclusive, post-Asad future that Syrians have been struggling to 

achieve. We have been very clear that all sides in this conflict must abide by international 

humanitarian law and we continue to urge all Syrians to speak out against the perpetration of 

unlawful killings against any group, regardless of faith or ethnicity. In Our conversations with 

opposition military leaders, we have consistently urged opposition groups to respect international 

law and human rights, and applauded those groups that signed on to the code of conduct issued by 

the Free Syrian Army in the fall of 20 12. We are encouraged by the actions of our political and 

military opposition partners to work towards and speak out in favor of these shared goals, and are 

working to use our assistance to improve the capacity of these proven actors 

We continue to try to help bring an end to the violent conflict in Syria by strengthening the 

moderate opposition, blocking the Asad regime's access to cash and weapons, facilitating a 

political transition to end Asad's rule, providing humanitarian assistance, and laying the 

groundwork for an inclusive democratic transition, including accountability for the egregious 

violations committed. We are also working closely with our allies to stem the flow of money and 

resources to violent extremist groups 
11


81692a-3.eps

We believe that a political transition is the best solution for the crisis in Syria. We support the 

letter and intent of the June 2012 Geneva Communique, which calls for a transitional governing 

body with full executive powers and formed on the basis of mutual consent. We have been clear 

that there is no role for Asad in a transitional government; he has lost his credibility and must be 

held accountable. 

Our and our partners' efforts to strengthen the moderate opposition and change the balance on the 

ground include diplomatic outreach to improve the representativeness and connectedness of the 

opposition bodies themselves. We have repeatedly encouraged the political opposition to include 

grass roots activists from inside Syria, minorities, and women from all communities in their 

leadership. We hope that their upcoming meetings will produce more diverse and inclusive 

membership and leaders who retlect the diversity of Syria's opposition. 

We regularly track violations and abuses committed in Syria by all parties, and regularly reiterate 

our call for all parties to the conflict in Syria to protect and to respect the rights of all civilians, 

regardless of ethnicity, religion, or gender. We have been absolutely clear that those responsible 

for serious violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law must be held 

accountable. As we have noted at the UN, the international community must continue to support 

documentation and other efforts to lay the groundwork for justice and accountability processes, 

and to support Syrian efforts as they identify how best to bring to justice those who have 

committed these heinous acts. As we look toward expanding our engagement with the Syrian 

opposition, efforts by the United States and the international community focused on justice, 

accountability, and conflict resolution will be critical to ensuring the protection of human rights 

during Syria's transition. By helping Syrians to accelerate their etforts to lay the groundwork for 

eventual criminal trials, we aim to deter current and potential perpetrators of these crimes, as well 

as sectarian vigilante justice or collective reprisals 

The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) at the State Department is supporting 

Syrian civil society so they can more effectively coordinate to advocate for human rights and 

democracy concerns. We are also bolstering efforts to lay the groundwork for future transitional 

justice initiatives, by supporting the documentation of violations and abuses committed by all 

sides of the conflict, and education about locally-owned accountability and transitional justice 

mechanisms. We are also promoting conflict mitigation and reconciliation by supporting positive 

cross-sectarian engagement, coalition building, and targeted humanitarian assistance and conflict 

prevention training at the local level. We support these activities by partnering with large interfaith and ecumenical non-governmental international organizations and universities with 

experience working in Syria. A broad range of Syrian ethnic and religious minority groups are 

included throughout our efforts. 

We are also honoring the work of human rights activists, such as female Syrian Alawite activist 

Hanadi Zahlout, who recently was selected for the 2013 Department of State Human Rights 

Defender Award. It is critical for Syrians and the international community to understand that 

Syria's minorities hold a range of political views and associations, despite the Asad regime's 

efforts to act as their sole representative and protector against the Sunni majority. Not all Alawites 

support the regime or the abuses committed by pro-regime militias, just as not all Sunnis support 

the opposition. Ms. Zahlout has been active on human rights issues in Syria since before the 

revolution, and was a founding member of the Local Coordination Committees (LCCs) which are 
12


81692a-4.eps

an integral part of the opposition infrastmctnre. She is providing education and messaging on antisectarianism, as well as raising awareness about current threats to the security of minority 

communities and concerns about their role in a future transition. 

Other U.S. backed transition assistance programs are helping to provide vital services such as 

food, water and electricity to local community groups, which help establish credible alternatives to 

new extremist elements among opposition groups. We supplied over 6,000 major pieces of 

equipment, including communications gear, to enable activists to coordinate their efforts. We 

boosted radio signals, extending the reach of broadcast on FM stations, and funded media outlets. 

We then used those media platfonns to address sectarian violence and issue public service 

messages on chemical weapons exposure. 

We also have trained and equipped thousands oflocalleaders and activists - including women and 

minorities - from over 100 Syrian opposition provincial councils. These graduates are 

empowering local committees and councils from Damascus to Dayr az Zawr to Idlib to better 

provide for the needs of all members of their communities. And we are looking to improve 

civilian security through training and some non-lethal equipment to opposition police and judges. 

This is critical to addressing the security vacuum in liberated areas easily exploited by extremists 

Finally, to ensure that our assistance reaches its intended targets and does not end up in the hands 

of extremists, we will continue to vet recipients using the fonnal processes that have been 

established across various government agencies 

The United States stood with the Syrian people at the outset of this conflict, beginning with U.S. 

support for activists and civil society during the early protest movement. We stand with the 

Syrian people today, with ongoing and increasing efforts to strengthen the opposition and civil 

society. And we will continue to stand with them going forward, until the day that we can 

together welcome a new Syria, one where the Syrian people can enjoy a free, stable, and 

democratic country without Asad. 

We look forward to working with Congress toward this goal. Thank you again for the invitation 

to testify before your committee today. T am happy to take any questions you might have 
13

Mr. SMITH. I do have a few questions I would like to pose, beginning first with, do you have any sense as to how many Christians, 

how many people of minority faiths have been killed, wounded, and 

put to flight either as IDPs or as refugees? 

Mr. MELIA. We don’t have hard numbers on that because a lot 

of the people that are gathering information about deaths, displacement, refugees, et cetera, don’t always sort the numbers by religious affiliation. But we know the numbers are appalling and they 

are growing in all communities, including in the Christian minority. 

Mr. SMITH. In your testimony, is that something that if you can 

look into it even further, get back to us with some number just so 

we know the order of magnitude, how many people have been 

killed or wounded? 

Mr. MELIA. We can certainly explore that. I will see what we can 

find out about that for you. 

Mr. SMITH. That would be important to have. 

In her testimony, Nina Shea points out that, and I quote her in 

the pertinent part, ‘‘the Christians are not simply caught in the 

middle as collateral damage. They are the targets of a more focused 

shadow war, one that is taking place alongside the larger conflict 

between the Shiite-backed Baathist Assad regime and the largely 

Sunni rebel militias. Christians are the targets of an ethno-religious cleansing by Islamist militants and courts.’’

Do you agree with that? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, I am quite familiar with Ms. Shea’s work over 

the years. I was a colleague of hers at Freedom House for a number of years, and I know she is one of the most astute students of 

this subject. 

I think she is right that the regime and other elements that have 

come into the country in the course of this conflict are targeting a 

number of the communities, including specifically Christian communities. So it is clear that the efforts to divide and conquer are 

affecting not only the Christians but including the Christians, most 

definitely. 

Mr. SMITH. I will never forget back in the early 1980s a visit that 

I had to El Salvador when Napoleon Duarte was the President of 

El Salvador. And there was a big, raging controversy in the United 

States about whether or not human rights conditionality should be 

affixed to military aid. And in a meeting with Ambassador Corr 

and myself, he said, ‘‘While some in this government may say no, 

put those human rights safeguards on all of our aid,’’ because it 

helps him even with some of those people who might have been 

part of the right-wing death squad apparatus that he abhorred 

himself. 

My question is that we now have taken a side, a clear side, with 

the Free Syrian Army and with other elements of the opposition. 

And I wonder if you could tell us how we can ensure that our support, both in the area of weaponry and humanitarian support and 

logistical support, that we can ensure that the people to whom we 

are providing that are not part of the problem, are not committing 

atrocities and human rights abuses in Syria. 

Mr. MELIA. Well, you are pointing to one of the most difficult 

challenges that we have faced over these last many months of this 

14

conflict in figuring out how best to intervene in a constructive way, 

because there are so many different militias and armed groups in 

various degrees of coordination with one another in the battle 

against the Assad regime. So that explains in significant part the 

hesitation to provide more to the opposition, to make sure that we 

don’t provide more to the extremist elements that would work 

against our human rights values and against the longer-term interests of a free and stable Syria that we aspire to. 

In the assistance we have been providing—and this will certainly 

be enhanced as other kinds of assistance are provided—we will do 

our utmost to vet the recipients of that through the kinds of established mechanisms that we use to enforce other kinds of human 

rights provisions in our security and economic assistance. 

So we are engaged right now. It is very difficult when you don’t 

have your established U.S. mechanisms in a country. We don’t 

have an established order of battle in the opposition forces that we 

can study. The leadership doesn’t control all of the armed elements 

on the ground. 

So what I can assure you is that this is very much at the center 

of our deliberations. We are working very hard to figure out the 

best way to provide the kind of vetting and end-use monitoring 

that would ensure that the assistance we provide goes to the people 

who are working toward a free, stable, and democratic and rightsrespecting Syria. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman? Over here, Mr. Chairman. Sorry. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman—and I completely support your 

line of questioning. I just—are we on the 5-minute rule in terms 

of——

Mr. SMITH. No, no. We are not. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. May I——

Mr. SMITH. You will have as much time as you want to. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. As much time as we want? 

Mr. SMITH. Yes.

Mr. CONNOLLY. Okay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SMITH. Within some reason. And that goes for me, as well. 

Let me just ask a couple of other questions, and then I will yield 

to my colleagues. 

When we are talking about promises and getting promises not to 

do harm, how do we follow up with that? How do we actually ensure that, once out in the field with weapons provided by the 

United States of America, that Christians and others are not being 

slaughtered? How do we do that? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, the many months of engagement and negotiation and political assistance that have been provided to the Syrian 

opposition by my colleagues who are on the front lines in that engagement. Now, you have met with Ambassador Ford on many occasions. Others in our Government are engaged on a constant basis 

with the Syrian political and military opposition, and this is exactly 

the kind of conversations we are having with them. They are endeavoring to persuade us that they have the command and control 

necessary to oversee the disposition of the equipment and the assistance we provide. 

15

There is a trust building. There is a certain confidence building. 

We are going to have to also rely on the reports that we get from 

others, not only the people directly to whom we are assisting but 

also the work of NGOs and journalists and others who are gathering all kinds of information. So we will be doing our utmost to 

gather as much realtime information as we can from as many 

sources as we can about what is happening on the ground in Syria. 

That all feeds into the database that we use to do further vetting. 

I wish I could promise you that there won’t be any—I wish I 

could promise you that we would be 100 percent successful in only 

sending assistance to the most high-minded. But we will certainly 

do our best to work with trusted people that we think share our 

values and our goals. 

Mr. SMITH. Does the Free Syrian Army understand that if they 

commit atrocities, if they rape and kill and execute Christians, or 

anyone else for that matter, that U.S. funding ceases? 

Mr. MELIA. Again, this has been very much a part of our conversation, that—and they have made statements, and we know 

that they have told their people in the field to adhere to the international standards of humanitarian law and the laws of war and 

conflict. 

It is not a highly organized military organization, but it is one 

that, as we engage with all Syrian organizations, this is very much 

a part of our discourse with them. They know, they know why we 

are there. We are there to support a transition to a democratic, 

rights-respecting regime in Syria. And any of the kind of behavior 

you are describing moves it in the opposite direction, and we can’t 

support that. 

Mr. SMITH. One final question. With regard to chain of command, 

are our military advisers and the administration sufficiently—have 

they been sufficiently assured that the chain of command, what the 

general says follows through to the colonels, to the lieutenants, 

right on down to the private? Or does that kind of structure simply 

not exist, making, again, any kind of discipline when it comes to 

human rights that much harder to adhere to? 

Mr. MELIA. I am going to defer to my colleagues at the Pentagon 

and elsewhere who are more directly in that lane of responsibility 

for the details on how that happens. But all I can say is that this 

is very much a part of our policy. And I can assure you that in our 

near-daily interagency meetings on this, this is not ever out of the 

discussion. 

Mr. SMITH. I do have a final question. If you had the opposition 

versus the Assad military, how would the breakdown in human 

rights violations be? I mean, is it 60–40? 80–20? Who are committing the lion’s share of these atrocities? 

Mr. MELIA. The regime of Bashar al-Assad is by far responsible 

for the most crimes against humanity, the most murders, the most 

dislocation of people in Syria. That is an easy one. 

Mr. SMITH. Okay. 

Mr. MELIA. It is a painful one, but it is easy to say. 

And we have been mindful and the leadership, the responsible 

leadership in the Syrian opposition, has been mindful of the arrival 

of extremists who have come in and say that they are fighting the 

same battle but have different agendas. And trying to separate 

16

them out is part of their job and part of our job, to make sure that 

the extremist elements do not benefit from our assistance. 

Mr. SMITH. Had we done this months ago, would it have made 

a difference? I mean, Secretary Kerry himself said we are late. Are 

we late? 

Mr. MELIA. I will leave it at what Secretary Kerry said. The 

question is, what do we do tomorrow? 

Mr. SMITH. Okay. 

With regards to the chain of command, I do hope you would take 

that back. You know, I have chaired hearings and I have been 

around the world many times. Even looking at U.N. peacekeepers, 

who have a very rigid chain of command, and yet in places like 

D.R. Congo it was the peacekeepers who were raping 13-year-olds, 

which became, as you know, a horrific scandal. And here we have 

people that aren’t even part of an organized military, so it raises 

very serious questions. 

Mr. Schneider? 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Thank you. 

And thank you for your testimony. 

I want to touch a little bit—we were talking about the militias 

and the effectiveness of vetting. Do you have a sense of how many 

militias are currently active in Syria? 

Mr. MELIA. I think different parts of our Government have studied this and come up with numbers that grow over time. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. But ballpark, is it——

Mr. MELIA. Scores. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Scores. So more than 40, approaching 60? 

Mr. MELIA. Scores. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Of those militias, any sense of how many of 

them are affiliated with specific sects or religious groups versus 

how many are coming in from the outside or coming in with a different agenda? 

Mr. MELIA. I don’t know the answer to that. I do know that, as 

the violence goes on, we see increasingly the different communities, 

geographic communities, religious and ethnic communities, are 

feeling increasingly obliged to organize themselves and defend their 

communities. And that leads to the proliferation of militias and different centers of military activity, defensive and then conflictive. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Well, let me come back to that in a second. As 

far as looking at these scores of militias, how are we planning to 

evaluate who is moderate and who is not? 

Mr. MELIA. That is the vetting process that I referred to that the 

State Department and other agencies will go into. But I would 

rather leave that for another venue to talk in more detail about 

that. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. What are examples of maybe some definitions of 

what makes one group moderate versus a different group? 

Mr. MELIA. I guess it depends on what they say their goals are 

and then also how they behave. Stated goals and behavior I think 

would tell you what different groups’ orientations are. And so that 

is—I guess I would leave it at that. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. One of the concerns I have—and I had a chance 

to meet a woman—actually had a naturalization ceremony on Friday, a brand-new American—from Syria, from the western part of 

17

Syria. And she was relating a story of how her brother lost vision 

in one eye, he is now in Turkey getting medical treatment, but expressing her concern. 

There was someone else who was talking about the challenges—

I guess there is a significant Armenian community in Syria, and 

what they see and what they see as post-Assad. And you have different opinions on different sides of the outcome. 

This split—and I will go to the percentage split within the population. What percent of people within the minority groups are fearful that, if the Assad regime falls, they would be targets of retaliation? 

Mr. MELIA. I don’t have a number answer for you, Congressman, 

but I can say that anticipating that there would be an instinct for 

some kind of vengeance against minority communities has been 

part of our political/diplomatic assistance engagement from the 

start, to warn against, urge against any kind of vengeance and retributive violence. 

So, again, as I say, this has been very much a part of our conversation inside the government here and with our Syrian partners 

from day one, because that is a downward cycle that can only make 

things worse. So we have been—you are describing exactly the 

challenge we face. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. So one of my fears as we look at it is—and you 

used the word ‘‘retribution,’’ or ‘‘retributive justice.’’ I will call it, 

for lack of a better term, an antiquated perspective on justice. We 

are looking for people who have a more enlightened vision of justice, that can look at the past but focus on the future. 

Do you have a sense that there are enough people within Syria, 

across the spectrum of different sects, that we can work with and 

actually try to achieve an enlightened system of justice in a new 

Syria? 

Mr. MELIA. We know there are people who are working toward 

that and would like to see a system of rights-based respect for the 

rule of law in Syria. Some of them, interestingly, are judges in 

other parts of the judicial system that have defected from the 

Assad regime and would like to be judges and prosecutors in a better Syria. 

We know that there are people who have been in opposition in 

human rights groups and elsewhere for a long time who also see 

a vision for a rights-respecting system in Syria based on international standards and norms. So we know the people are there. 

And those are the people that we are trying to support through our 

assistance efforts and our technical advisory assistance efforts. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Okay. 

As we engage, as we look forward, find groups that will share 

our values and vision, best-case scenario, how likely do you think 

our prospects for success are? 

Mr. MELIA. I think the success of the Syrian transition will depend mainly on the people of Syria and how they organize themselves and where they push their leaders and where their leaders 

take them. You know, we are playing, along with a number of other 

international partners, an important supporting role, but I think it 

is important always to keep in mind that this is not so much about 

us as it is about Syrians. And if we can support people to move it 

18

in the right direction, we can do that. And that is what we are engaged in trying to do now. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. And my last questions, or line of questions. You 

touched on it a little bit. In the cities, in Aleppo and Damascus, 

where you have large, cosmopolitan areas where you have different 

religious groups living together and, for a long time, as you said 

in your opening remarks, living in peace, that is one situation. But 

in the villages, where, as you mentioned, now entire villages which 

would tend to be more of one faith or another, organizing and unifying. I had a chance to observe a battle from just across the border 

between Druze in a Druze village surrounded by Sunnis. And it is 

a real concern. 

Are the villages going to be able to engage in a future Syria, or 

are they going to carry these grudges and we are going to see an 

intense or intensifying sectarian warfare after the fall of the Assad 

regime? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, our efforts in engaging with the political opposition have been to encourage and cajole and persuade them to 

make their political apparatuses as inclusive and representative of 

Syrian diversity as possible. That will continue to be our effort. We 

will continue to try to push them in that direction. 

And, you know, as we have seen in war-torn societies around the 

world, that is one of the most difficult things afterwards when conflicts have broken down along ethnic, sectarian, religious, linguistic 

lines, to try to patch back together diverse communities. That will 

be a long row to hoe for Syria. 

And we will endeavor to work with them to find peace-building 

mechanisms, cross-community efforts at reconciliation. And right 

now we are focusing on trying to strengthen the political opposition 

that will provide a better model for a way forward for Syria, to get 

them to the negotiating table and to help them articulate a vision 

for an inclusive, democratic, rights-respecting Syria. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. If the road diverges and we end up in a failed 

state in Syria, what geographies do you see? Do you see it fracturing into multiple sectarian districts, or is it a complete failed 

state? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, now you are getting into speculating about 

what is the worst thing that could possibly happen. So I am going 

to not take the bait——

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Fair enough. 

Mr. MELIA [continuing]. And decline to go that way. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. I understand. Thank you for your responses. 

I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Weber? 

Mr. WEBER. Mr. Melia, you are the Deputy Assistant Secretary 

of State for the Bureau of Democracy and Human Rights and 

Labor; is that right? 

Mr. MELIA. That is right, sir. 

Mr. WEBER. How long have you been doing that? 

Mr. MELIA. 3 years. 

Mr. WEBER. 3 years. Are you enjoying that job? I hate to put you 

on the spot, but I am going to put you on the spot. 

Mr. MELIA. It is a terrific opportunity to serve my country in an 

important role in the government. I get to work with colleagues 

19

across Europe and the Middle East to try to integrate human 

rights considerations into our broader foreign policy. It is a terrific 

opportunity for a guy like me. 

Mr. WEBER. Well, you sound like a politician. We will watch your 

career and see what you run for next. 

So you were there on August the 21, 2012. Your 3 years would 

have predated that, according to the Associated Press release, 

when President Obama said that if chemical weapons were used in 

Syria, that was a red line that would be crossed and the United 

States would take action. Do you recollect that? 

Mr. MELIA. I do. I do. 

Mr. WEBER. Okay. 

Mr. MELIA. We have been reminded of that a number of times 

since. 

Mr. WEBER. I would imagine. According to the AP article, some 

20,000 people at that point, after 11⁄2 years of struggle, had lost 

their lives. Does that strike you as correct, a reasonable estimate 

back then? 

Mr. MELIA. Yeah, I can’t challenge that. I don’t remember the 

dates——

Mr. WEBER. Okay. 

Mr. MELIA [continuing]. Or the numbers, but——

Mr. WEBER. Well, I will tell what you my wife tells me: I wasn’t 

looking for a challenge, okay? 

Now, to date, what is that number to date? What are we estimating, how many people have lost their lives? 

Mr. MELIA. In Syria? The United Nations has reported it is above 

93,000, and others say it is over 100,000. 

Mr. WEBER. Would you calculate the time from August 21, 2012, 

to date for me, please? How long has that been, August——

Mr. MELIA. That is 11 months. 

Mr. WEBER. 11 months. 

Mr. MELIA. Close to 11 months. 

Mr. WEBER. A little less than 11 months. 

You made the comment that you wish you could promise we 

would be 100 percent successful in only sending weapons to the 

‘‘most high-minded’’ in earlier testimony here today. How do you 

decide who is the most high-minded? 

Mr. MELIA. I am going to leave the discussion for whatever expanded assistance is being provided to the Syrian opposition for 

others at a higher pay grade. I am trying to describe for you, Congressman, the efforts that we are making to ensure that whatever 

assistance we provide is accompanied by a strong emphasis on respect for the international humanitarian law and the rules of war 

and democratic standards for addressing human rights violations. 

Mr. WEBER. So it was 20,000 people on August the 21, 2012, that 

had lost their lives. And now it is, what did you say, almost 

90,000? 

Mr. MELIA. [Nonverbal response.] 

Mr. WEBER. So we are going to leave that to other people to 

make a decision. How is that working for those 70,000 people that 

have since lost their lives? It is not working, is it? We have got to 

have activity, action, on our part, wouldn’t you say? 

20

Mr. MELIA. Congressman, the President of the United States, 

two Secretaries of State, and two Secretaries of Defense have been 

focused on this on a daily basis. We are working to support the 

Syrian people to move to a post-Assad situation. This is one of the 

highest priorities of this government. We are doing it mindful of all 

of the complexities that Congressman Smith, Congressman Schneider described for us earlier. 

And we have—as you noted, the President’s spokesman said a 

couple weeks ago that a red line on chemical-weapons use has been 

crossed and that we are broadening the nature of our assistance to 

the Syrian opposition. So we are moving in that direction. 

Mr. WEBER. You said in earlier testimony here today that the regime of Assad had by far committed the most crimes against humanity. Would you give us a percentage of that? Are they committing 60 percent, 70 percent of what you are seeing on the ground, 

90 percent? Would you attribute a number to that for us? 

Mr. MELIA. I have seen different estimates from different agencies—humanitarian, journalists, et cetera. It is by far—it is in the 

80, 90 percent or more are responsible. 

Mr. WEBER. So of the 90,000 people killed who have lost their 

lives in this, you would say that some 80,000 are attributable to 

the Assad regime? 

Mr. MELIA. [Nonverbal response.] 

Mr. WEBER. And I realize that is a guess. Okay. 

Do you think the lack of action on our part—you know, let me 

just—let me say it this way. You know—and you work at the State 

Department; that is why I was curious about your title and how 

long you have been there. 

You know, Mark Twain said that a committee is a group of individuals who by themselves can do nothing, but collectively they can 

decide that nothing can be done. 

And my fear is that we have a situation where we go over 

there—and I am not attacking you personally—but we look at what 

is going on and we make all these grandiose observations and these 

declarations that that would be a red line crossed, and then we decide that nothing can be done, and we sit back and we wait, and 

more and more people lose their lives. 

Is that what is going on in the State Department? 

Mr. MELIA. I think that is an incorrect description, to say that 

nothing has been done since then or nothing is being done today. We are providing close to $1 billion worth of assistance to Syrians, displaced persons and refugees in neighboring countries. We 

are providing a range of assistance—I described just some of it—

in terms of political advisory assistance to the political opposition 

at a national level and to local councils around the country in the 

liberated areas. We are providing support for their efforts to rebuild and sustain the infrastructure of Syria in the liberated areas. 

To say that nothing is being done I think is just not accurate. 

Mr. WEBER. Well, then, it is your contention here today that, 

based on your earlier comments, you want to vet 100 percent—well, 

you can’t guarantee 100 percent, but you want to vet people who 

are the highest-minded. You want to get involved and you want to 

help, but yet, how you do that, how do you decide who is the highest-minded is above your pay grade. Whose pay grade is that? 

21

Mr. MELIA. Well, we have a number of professionals in the government—we do this all the time on different kinds of assistance 

programs. And maybe I will rephrase the ‘‘high-mindedness’’ to say 

what we are looking to do is exclude violators of human rights. We 

are looking to make sure that our assistance, and consistent with 

the comments and questions from your colleagues, don’t inadvertently go to people that are going to commit human rights violations 

with our assistance. We are there to strengthen those people that 

are committed to building a democratic, rights-respecting Syria. 

Mr. WEBER. Do we have a good track record in doing that? 

Mr. MELIA. I think if you look around the world, I think we have 

often been able to help people do the right thing and strengthen 

institutions——

Mr. WEBER. For example, Libya? Iraq? Afghanistan? 

Let me change gears a little bit on you. When the President 

makes a statement that the use of chemical weapons is a red line 

that is crossed, will be a game-changer—in fact, he said—let me 

quote from the article here: ‘‘The President noted that he hadn’t ordered’’—I am sorry. ‘‘ ‘That is an issue that doesn’t just concern 

Syria. It concerns our close allies in the region, including Israel. It 

concerns us,’ Obama said, underscoring that the U.S. wouldn’t accept the threat of weapons of mass destruction from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s government, rebels fighting the government, or militant groups aiding either side.’’ The AP quoted him, 

‘‘We cannot have a situation where chemical or biological weapons 

are falling into the hands of the wrong people.’’

The article went on to say that ‘‘the President noted that he 

hadn’t ordered any armed U.S. intervention yet but said, ‘We have 

communicated in no uncertain terms with every player in the region that that is a red line for us and there would be enormous 

consequences if we start seeing movement on the chemical weapons 

front or the use of chemical weapons. That would change my calculations significantly,’ he said,’’ August 21, 2012. 

And yet 70,000 more people have died. Are we losing credibility 

in the world? 

Mr. MELIA. No. In fact, this administration has reestablished 

American credibility in quite a remarkable way. So I think that to 

say that——

Mr. WEBER. That is why Russia and China have sent back 

what’s-his-face? That is why they have extradited him to our country? 

Mr. MELIA. How many subjects do you want to go over, Mr. Congressman? 

Mr. WEBER. Well, I am simply saying that, as a supervisor in the 

State Department, at what point do you say to those who are that 

higher pay grade, we are not getting the job done and we need to 

change? At what point do you—how many more people have to lose 

their lives before that message gets communicated up the line? 

Mr. MELIA. You have quoted the President. The President’s 

spokesman followed up on that, Ben Rhodes, in the statement he 

made 2 weeks ago on Thursday. When the evidence came in that 

the red line had been crossed, decisions had been taken, and we 

are moving forward. 

22

Mr. WEBER. Well, then, Mr. Chairman, I am going to yield back, 

but I have a suggestion for a future hearing. Maybe we get people 

with a higher pay grade in here to testify and answer those questions as to what it takes to get to that process. 

I yield back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

And I would love to have a hearing where Members of Congress 

actually have to explain themselves in terms of what it is they 

want the United States to do. Are you willing to go to war again? 

Are you willing to put troops on the ground if it doesn’t work out? 

Do you have omniscience? Do you know who is good and who is bad 

in Syria? 

Because unless you do, I don’t think you are in the position to 

lecture this administration about the options it has and the options 

it has exercised. This country is sick of war and does not want to 

be sucked into another one. 

Mr. Melia——

Mr. MELIA. Congressman. 

Mr. CONNOLLY [continuing]. Help me understand how we are 

supposed to—the title of this hearing is ‘‘Religious Minorities in 

Syria: Caught in the Middle.’’ Do you think that is a fair description of religious minorities in Syria? 

Mr. MELIA. I think that is not an unreasonable description. The 

religious minorities, of course, are disparate, not all of like mind 

or like situation. But they are in a very difficult place, not least because for the last several decades they have lived in a very repressive country where the government has squelched the ability of 

people to interact normally between communities, within their communities. 

This country is emerging in fits and starts from decades of repressive, totalitarian rule. That means that it is hard for people to 

build trust and confidence across communities. It is hard for them 

to think about how to build a better future. But it is beginning to 

happen now. There are Syrians that are coming out and building 

these bridges, and we are trying to support that. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. A little bit of history. When Hafez Assad came 

to power, he championed the cause and was himself a member of 

a particular sect not fully accepted as even Islamic by some, the 

Alawite sect; is that correct? 

Mr. MELIA. That is right. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. And in championing their cause, did he also 

champion the cause of other minorities in Syria at the time, or purport to? 

Mr. MELIA. I will defer to the knowledgeable Congressman on 

the strategies and policies of Hafez al-Assad. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. But you are looking at human rights; you knew 

what the title of this hearing was. So I am just trying to explore 

with you a little bit of history to put things in context. 

Mr. MELIA. Right. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. If you were a Christian Syrian and a minority 

Alawite government comes to power, initially, do you feel better or 

23

worse about the protection of your rights as a minority within 

Syria at the time? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, one might think that minorities would be better 

treated if the government was led by a person from a minority community. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Could there be rational reason to be concerned 

if you were a minority at that time about, in a sense, the tyranny 

of the majority? 

Mr. MELIA. Absolutely. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Are there historical reasons, not only in Syria 

but in the region, to find that concern not entirely irrational? 

Mr. MELIA. Absolutely. It is a common dilemma across the region 

and indeed worldwide that minorities feel sometimes at the mercy 

of majority communities that they may be alienated from, yes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. So, I like the title of this hearing, Mr. Chairman, 

because I think it actually accurately captures the ambiguity, the 

mixed feelings one might have if one were a member of a religious 

minority in terms of the current situation in Syria. If we had an 

insurgency that explicitly embraced, and within reason, it could be 

confirmed, diversity, protection of minority rights and the composition of which was itself very diverse and explicitly reassuring the 

minorities in Syria their rights would be better protected than they 

had been in the current brutal regime, I assume, Mr. Melia, that 

would make your job a little easier. 

Mr. MELIA. Well, it would, and that has been our quest is to encourage the opposition, the civilian opposition to Assad to work in 

precisely that direction, to articulate, and they have in some significant ways, a vision that is inclusive of diversity, of religious and 

ethnic diversity in Syria. 

The challenge is going to be to help them make that real. You 

know, we have encouraged them to include in the leadership of the 

Syrian opposition a diverse set of individuals representing the 

many different communities, including women. They haven’t always taken our advice, but that remains part of our encouragement 

to them. 

So we are trying to encourage them to work in precisely the direction you describe, Congressman. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Is it your impression that we have made headway in that regard so that the leadership of the opposition, the 

armed opposition is better sensitized and itself more diverse than 

it was at the time of the uprising? 

Mr. MELIA. We have made some headway but not enough. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Is there evidence within Syria that minorities are 

responding to the call of the armed opposition and abandoning the 

Assad regime? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, let me also emphasize that there are—there is 

the political opposition, which is affiliated to the armed opposition 

but which is distinct, and our efforts on working with Syrians to 

build out their vision for a political future for their country are concentrated mainly with civilian leaders, but that is the group that 

Ambassador Ford and Assistant Secretary Jones and Under Secretary Sherman have been engaged with over many weeks to try 

to encourage them to come together and create a coherent political 

organization that, among other things, could go to a conference in 

24

Geneva and negotiate the future of Syria and to provide more—the 

beginnings of governance in Syria. 

At the same time, there are these local councils that have 

emerged in various parts of liberated Syria with their own elections, their own dynamics. There is a different group of leaders 

that are emerging there. And then there is the broad swath of independent civil society, men and women and their families who are 

not literally part of the opposition, per se, not even—not part of the 

military opposition, maybe not part of the political opposition but 

who would like to live in a better the Syria, and that civil society 

is also another object of our attention, to try to help them build 

out, if you will, nonpartisan institutional-oriented projects for 

building toward a democratic Syria. 

Mr. CONNOLLY.Well, I was in Egypt before the revolution and 

after the revolution, and many of the same arguments could have 

been used about Egypt during the revolution. And it is a similar 

dynamic where, because there was no political space allowed for a 

long period of time, only that which was organized underground 

and organized well is going to benefit from the vacuum created by 

the revolution. And so, there were lots of secular advocates for a 

civil society, for a pluralistic society, respect for minority rights 

who showed up at Tahrir Square and elsewhere, and they were essentially brushed aside when the political process got under way by 

the only organized opposition group in the country, the Muslim 

Brotherhood, and it is a work in progress, and the jury is out, but 

there are a lot of alarming signs that it is not a desirable outcome. 

And we did get early behind the ouster of Mubarak. We didn’t 

get involved militarily, but we certainly put our chips on the line 

very early in Egypt. And one could argue that that is an outcome 

that certainly is a source of concern at this moment. 

This committee had a hearing just last week about the judgment 

with respect to NGO employees, and we have expressed concern 

about democratization and so forth. So, I guess my concern is that 

the choices here are not easy, though some would have us believe 

they are, and that those who want us to intervene aggressively as 

if it is a black and white situation—the good guys all wear white 

hats and the bad guys all wear black ones—will have to explain 

when and if, God forbid, the outcomes are not to our liking. 

I do not believe that the choices in Syria are all that clear. I wish 

they were. I do agree, of course, that the administration regime of 

Bashar Assad must go, but we are going have to work very carefully to make sure that that which replaces it is a government that 

respects the rights of minorities, including religious minorities. 

I am very grateful you had this hearing, Mr. Chairman. Thank 

you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. Kinzinger. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I will start with a real quick quote from Winston Churchhill. He 

says, ‘‘You have enemies, good. That means you have stood up for 

something some time in your life.’’

I believe that in what I have seen lately in this administration, 

to be honest with you, we are out to make friends with everybody. 

I think it was mentioned earlier what is going on with the man 

25

who stole—the 29-year-old who basically decided he was going to 

take it upon himself to determine U.S. foreign policy and is now 

being held by, I guess, the Russians, and there is this kind of carnival going on, and some people call him a hero. I tend to think 

he is a traitor, but that said. 

We don’t really know, I think, where the administration stands 

on a lot of issues. The administration came in, they said they wanted a great reset with Russia. Unfortunately, I don’t think Russia 

got that information. We disarmed our ability to defend ourselves 

against attacks, to the chagrin of our allies, and the Russians responded by increasing their nuclear arsenal. 

The gentleman that spoke before me said something about 

yelling—in terms of we don’t know where we want to go, do we 

know who the enemy is? Do we know what exactly goals we need 

to achieve in Syria? And the answer is, no, we don’t. And the reason is because for the last 2 years, I have not heard this administration sell those goals to the American people. 

The leader of the free world is not the United States Congress. 

The leader of the free world is the President of the United States. 

Everywhere from 2009, where there was uprising in Iran, utter silence, crickets on the side of the administration. To the situation 

in Syria, where we saw Bashar al-Assad initially being challenged 

by people who wanted freedom from a dictatorship, we got crickets 

from this administration. And now we have created ourselves, we 

have put ourselves in a situation where the opposition does have 

al-Qaeda influence and the opposition does have extremist influence, and the opposition now is much more muddled because there 

has been not been American leadership. 

And, sir—and I say this respectfully because I understand you 

are here as kind of the face of the administration. You are not the 

one necessarily making these decisions. That was made clear. But 

a big question I have is where has the administration been in 

terms of selling this to the American people? And if we have been 

as active as you say, then how come we, on this committee, have 

talked to allies that have told us they are begging for United States 

leadership to bring these groups together? I won’t necessarily out 

who is saying that, but I will say allies have talked to us and said, 

we need American leadership in this. 

So, if you care to elaborate on exactly what we are doing in 

bringing allies together and taking a prime role in solving this situation, I will give you a short opportunity to do that. 

Mr. MELIA. Well, let me just—I am not sure I can respond to all 

the points you raised, Congressman. 

Mr. KINZINGER. I don’t expect you to, no worries. 

Mr. MELIA. Let me simply say that we are engaged constantly. 

Secretary Kerry is on the phone and in the room with our allies 

in Europe and——

Mr. KINZINGER. Well, and I understand he wants to bring the 

Russians together and the Russians have made very clear that they 

have a very different interest, and if they come together and talk 

to us, it is probably to buy some time. It is not going to be because 

we are going to enlighten them with our philosophy, and they will 

want to have freedom in Syria. Go ahead. 

26

Mr. MELIA. So, the United States currently in the person of Secretary Kerry is on a daily basis engaged with our friends and allies 

in Europe and across the Middle East on bringing them together 

around Syria and utilizing everybody’s points of access to try to 

bring people to the table as well as to organize effective humanitarian and other support to Syrian opposition. 

So, I don’t know who you have heard from among our allies that 

says we are not leading this, but they certainly come to the meetings we convene, and there is a coordinated effort under way, and 

I think we are leading it. 

Mr. KINZINGER. That is the point, and Congress—I have been in 

Congress for 21⁄2 years now, and I have learned something, and 

that is, there are plenty of meetings but little action, and so bringing people to meetings—and again, I say this understanding you 

are not the one leading this, so this isn’t a personal attack, but you 

are the face of the administration today. I think leading meetings 

isn’t necessarily going to solve a situation, we have 90,000 people, 

vast majority of them innocent, that have lost their lives. 

It was also said earlier, ‘‘America is sick and tired of war.’’ I get 

it. America is tired. We are. As a military pilot and somebody that 

has been to a bunch of theaters in that capacity and still in the 

military, I can tell you, we would love all this war to go away, but 

we live in a moment in time right now where history in 50 or 100 

years is going to judge what we did in this epic shift in what America and the world looks like. This is not the time to be fatigued. 

This is not the time for America to say, well, yeah, we get it, Iraq 

didn’t go exactly as we had planned; Afghanistan has been a lot 

longer than we had planned. I feel like the administration is in a 

hurry to get out of Afghanistan on an artificial timeline, but that 

is a separate subject. 

This is not the moment where America can say, we don’t have 

the luxury to say we are a little fatigued, it is time to just move 

on, because in 50 or 100 years, the history books that our kids and 

grandkids read is going to say, what did America do during this 

time when there was a monumental shift? And it will either be a 

monumental shift toward a, I don’t know, Russian, Chinese-centric 

world, monumental shift toward extremism, a monumental shift toward chaos, or it could be a monumental shift where America 

seized an opportunity and led the charge of freedom around the 

globe. 

One of the verses of the Star Spangled Banner actually has a 

great line that unfortunately doesn’t get said very much. It is, ‘‘Oh, 

conquer we must when our cause is just,’’ and that is something 

that I think we ought not to forget. 

One other thing I want to chat with you about. You mentioned 

that this administration has re-established credibility around the 

globe, re-established credibility around the globe. I would like to—

I will give you an opportunity to elaborate on that, sir. 

Mr. MELIA. I am tempted to try to cover the waterfront as you 

have, Congressman. There is obviously a rich discussion to be had. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Yeah. Unfortunately, I control the time, though, 

so just if you could—if you could go on with re-establishing credibility, that is what I am curious about. 

27

Mr. MELIA. Well, I will just give you one example, which is that 

this administration made the decision to become much more active 

in the international arenas of the United Nations, U.N. Human 

Rights Council, the OSCE, where we have come to play a leadership role, galvanizing these international mechanisms to articulate 

and enhance the norms that reflect our values, freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of religion, and there is a 

number of ways in which we have led the international community 

in these venues to step up and agree with our propositions that 

these fundamental international human rights are the international system’s standards. 

So, that happens through patient diplomacy, engaging with a 

wide range of countries, and we have the credibility to do that. We 

lead these discussions, and we often get them to a good result, not 

100 percent of the time, but often, when we engage, we succeed. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Unfortunately, though, sometimes if you don’t 

back that with strength, and you know, say, as was mentioned earlier by Mr. Weber, talking about a red line, I have said before, if 

you are in a crowded theater and the only way to empty that 

crowded theater is if you yell the world ‘‘red line,’’ don’t do it because it has a very powerful meaning if you are President of the 

United States. 

So, with that, I will yield back. I want to say I do respect your 

work for the country, and I appreciate you being here. Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Kinzinger. 

Just a few follow-up questions, and if Mr. Connolly or any other 

member of the committee has any additional questions, I hope they 

will fire away. 

Let me just ask you, if I could, Dr. Jasser will testify later today 

that the Assyrian International News Agency recently reported 

that armed rebels affiliated with the Free Syrian Army raided the 

Christian populated al-Duvair village and massacred all of its civilian residents, including women and children. 

Are you aware of this report? Was it investigated by the State 

Department? And did it show the Free Syrian Army responsible? 

And how are those battalions? How are those troops being held to 

account? 

Mr. MELIA. I confess that I—I don’t know the details on that specific incident. I will be glad to take the question, if that is all right, 

and come back to you. 

Mr. SMITH. I appreciate that, and get back to us as soon as you 

can. 

Mr. MELIA. Okay. 

Mr. SMITH. Dr. Eibner, who will also testify, has just returned 

from Syria, and he says the very existence of religious minorities 

in the Middle East are under threat. What is happening to Christians is genocide, and as a matter of fact, earlier they had put out 

a genocide alert, and I am wondering if you agree that this is a 

genocide. 

Mr. MELIA. Our Government has not come to the use of the word 

‘‘genocide’’ at this point. We just talk about crimes against humanity, and there is certainly some—many, many gross human rights 

violations. The word ‘‘genocide’’ is fraught with legal and moral and 

political meaning. I wouldn’t toss it around casually. I know it is 

28

an important part of this discussion. I just would say that we are 

not there yet, but I think it is certainly a worthy discussion to 

have. 

Mr. SMITH. Well, as you know, the very Genocide Convention 

talks about in whole or in part. It would seem with the 

evaporating, as Dr. Eibner says, the very existence of religious organizations in the Middle East are under threat, this is the ultimate game changer. People are not only being slaughtered; they 

are leaving, and so I would hope you would take that back. And 

I would agree that it is—it does carry with it implications in law, 

but I think it is a good thing. 

I remember the fight we had with Sudan in trying to get Sudan 

in the horrific killings in Darfur designated as a genocide, and the 

reluctance was appalling on the part of so many, including our 

friends in the European community, so—and you were there as 

well, so I—please take that back because I do think, you know, we 

need to call it for what it is, the systematic elimination of people 

because of their beliefs in whole or in part. If that is not happening 

in Syria, I don’t know what is. 

You mentioned also about the importance of documenting the 

atrocities, and I couldn’t agree more. I do hope, though, that the 

documentation is thorough, that people on every side of the divide 

who are committing atrocities are held to account, but I would also 

say I think it is—it is—it is thoughtful, but I don’t think it is—it 

comports with the reality that some somehow Assad or others on 

the Free Syrian Army side really take the idea that they will be 

held to account some day all that seriously. Milosevic never did. 

Charles Taylor did not. Karadzic and all the others who systematically slaughtered people after the fact, after the war is over, then 

they realized that they were in a heap of trouble, but it is important that we document. But I am wondering, how much resources 

do we spend on that, and are we going just for the higher ups? Because we saw with the Yugoslav court, the Sierra Leone court, the 

Rwandan court, very often, the very people who were the ones who 

pulled the trigger and mowed people down and raped with—horribly were not the ones held to account, so I am wondering how far 

down the line of responsibility we will be going. 

Mr. MELIA. Well, there are different efforts under way through 

nongovernmental organizations to collect and organize the information. Our bureau is supporting one major effort in that regard, but 

there are others, Syrians in exile working with Syrians in the country. I don’t know that I can—the documentation is inclusive and 

far-reaching. It is not looking at people at a certain grade or rank. 

It is looking at incidents and then trying to connect the dots about 

who might be responsible. 

Mr. SMITH. But in the past, as you know, and I know you know 

this so well, having a background that is very rich in human rights 

work, the colonels and the other people who commit these atrocities 

are often—are often not held to account. It is the very top, and for 

that matter, very few at the very top. 

Mr. MELIA. Well, the documentation efforts are as comprehensive 

as they can be. Decisions will be made later by Syrians in the first 

instance and then perhaps by other bodies about what the accountability might be and for who and in what——

29

Mr. SMITH. And would this be something that would be brought 

at the ICC, or it something that a special court that might be established? What is the venue? 

Mr. MELIA. We haven’t gotten there yet. We just got in information for whatever venue might make use of it later on. 

Mr. SMITH. Several years back, I held the only and one of the 

most contentious hearings I have ever held on the Armenian genocide, and we had both sides, the Turks and the Armenians on both 

side of the divide there at the table, at the witness table, but now, 

fast forward to now and the fact that some 100,000 Armenians 

have fled, are there any special efforts being made to reach out to 

that community as well as others to help them with their refugee 

status? 

Mr. MELIA. You know, that is a good question, Congressman. I 

don’t have a concrete answer for you, but I will be glad to look into 

what our engagement has been with the Armenian community. I 

know we have met with leaders of the Armenian church and some 

of the members of the ethnic community, so I know it is part of our 

engagement. I just don’t have a specific answer for you on whether 

we have done something in particular for that community, per se. 

Mr. SMITH. Very shortly, we will be marking up a piece of legislation introduced by Congressman Frank Wolf that focuses on—it 

would establish a special envoy for Middle East religions. Obviously, he began to think—and I am a cosponsor of it and proud to 

be so—how important it is that someone walk point on these Christians who are being, as Dr. Eibner said, their very existence is 

under threat. Very existence. 

Does the administration support the Wolf bill? 

Mr. MELIA. We do not. We think that the Ambassador At Large 

for International Religious Freedom and staff of the International 

Religious Freedom office is able to address these issues, and we 

don’t need an additional envoy at this point. 

Mr. SMITH. With all due respect, I hope you will convey to your 

superiors how disappointing that is because it seems to me that 

there are religious persecutions occurring all over the world. China 

is probably worst among the worst. The Ambassador-at-Large, 

which was Wolf’s bill as well, went through my committee—we did 

all the heavy lifting on it in this committee—is one person—it is 

an office, of course, but it seems to me that a special envoy with 

a singular focus would have, at least with the ear of the President, 

would have additional clout to really convey, including to the Free 

Syrian Army how serious we are about hands off those people who 

are at risk, including the Christians, so I would hope you would 

take that back. We had the same fight, as you know, with a Special 

Envoy for Sudan. And it took a long time, but we finally got it, but 

I hope you will take that back that we are disappointed. 

Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. MELIA. I will bring it back to my superiors. 

Mr. SMITH. Oh, I see. 

Please, Mr. Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I will be brief. It seems like, when I was here, you answered 

pretty much everything that was asked over and over again, and 

I don’t want to sound like a broken record, but what I see in the 

30

Middle East, it seems like a broken record with the policies that 

we have had and the same conflicts that come up. And I read, too, 

that article you read about or referenced about the 15-year-old boy 

that was assassinated in front of his parents, and my concern is 

like everybody else, to give military assistance to these groups, 

even if we vet them, you know, there is no guarantee that somebody else will come in and take those arms away. And from your 

experience, what other non-intervention techniques, strategies can 

we come up with and how can we include more Arab nations involved in this? Because, as we all know, if Westerners intervene in 

an Islamic state, it tends to unify against the Westerners, so what 

else could we do, instead of military assistance, to help stop this? 

Can we employ and engage the U.N. more, since that was one 

of their main missions is to help resolve world conflicts, and it 

doesn’t seemed like we are doing very well there either. And from 

your experience in the years you have had in foreign affairs around 

the world, what other strategy could we come up with? I mean, 

there has got to be a better way instead of sending arms over 

there, because we tried that in—I mean, even our own administration sending them to Mexico, we couldn’t keep track of them. And 

I don’t know how we can keep track of them in a foreign nation. 

So, if you could elaborate real briefly. 

Mr. MELIA. What we have been engaged, since long before this 

uprising and conflict began, in isolating the Syrian regime through 

financial sanctions and political sanctions, and that has been escalated over these last 2 years through a series of measures that we 

have implemented so that the financial and economic assistance to 

the Syrian regime has been reduced to dramatically, thanks to 

American leadership in mobilizing the international community on 

this sanctions regime. 

The conference that Secretary Kerry has proposed, along with 

Foreign Minister Lavrov to bring together the different sides in 

Syria is to be convened, in fact, by the United Nations—I mean, 

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who would convene that conference. So although the initiative has come from U.S. and Russian 

foreign ministers, it is intended and is envisioned to be managed 

by the United Nations. So we have been mobilizing the international community in a variety of ways to provide—to try to cut 

off the assistance to the regime and also to facilitate a discussion. 

As you well know, the Russian and Chinese Governments have 

not cooperated in our efforts to bring greater Security Council 

weight to these decisions on Syria, and we know that several countries are continuing to supply weapons to the government. 

Mr. YOHO. Okay. 

Mr. MELIA. And that is—that is feeding the problem. That is 

fuelling the problem. 

Mr. YOHO. It is, and I agree, and that is the broken record I see 

over and over again. What other Arab countries are we bringing to 

the table that have a vested interest? I know Jordan is right there, 

and you know, we have got Turkey to the north. I mean, how else 

can we engage them and make a stronger presence to where the 

influence is coming from them to say let’s calm this down, let’s, you 

know, let’s develop our economies and not worry about this other 

stuff and help that situation in that forum instead of, here is your 

31

guns, here is your military aid, and it just—it just doesn’t seem 

like that works. Who else is coming to the table? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, the Arab League, which is the 22-member organization in which Syria had been a member for many years, initially was divided over this. They expelled the Syrian regime, and 

most of the Arab governments of the Arab League are on increasingly visibly on the side of the opposition in various ways, and so 

they have seen this as a problem that they would like to see resolved sooner rather than later, and they are very much a part of 

this multilateral engagement that Secretary Kerry is in—he was in 

Saudi Arabia today. He was in Bahrain recently. I mean, he is constantly engaging with our Arab friends on this question as well as 

with the Europeans. 

Mr. YOHO. All right. 

Mr. Chairman, I am going to yield back. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Just a few brief items. One, I think you made a statement, you 

have been asked about twice about the restoration of U.S. prestige 

and engagement around the world. I want to presume by you saying that that there was something to be restored. There was prestige to be restored. Was that your point? 

Mr. MELIA. I think I am going to resist the temptation to get into 

an analysis of the previous administration’s foreign policy. I just 

don’t think it would be productive for today’s hearing, with all due 

respect to the Congressman. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Fine. I will not show such restraint. I mean, it 

is very clear that the United States’ prestige and engagement 

around the world were badly damaged by 8 years of the previous 

administration. We can hold in abeyance whether what they decided to do was good, bad, or indifferent, but what is beyond dispute is it was controversial, unwelcome in the international community and did us damage with allies and neutral nations alike 

and enormous repair work had to be done. That’s one of the reasons why the former Secretary, Hillary Clinton, spent so much time 

traveling. She wanted to repair, face to face, damaged relationships 

in every continent on the planet. So, the idea that somehow our 

prestige is on the line because we haven’t invaded Syria or made 

a clearcut decision about who to support in Syria, I find ironic, at 

best, so I will say it for you. 

I thought the chairman made a very important point about atrocities and war crimes, and if I took what you were getting at, Mr. 

Smith, by documenting them now, by making sure that those perpetrating those crimes are fully aware of the fact we are doing that 

and that sooner or later they will be brought to justice, it seems 

to me, could help on lots of levels, not least of which is perhaps 

helping to deter some of the atrocities, though as Mr. Weber points 

out, 90,000. 93,000 is a horrific number for a country the size of 

Syria. 

What are we doing to track atrocities and to advertise broadly 

that we are doing so, and we are naming names? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, the efforts that we are supporting currently are 

not broadcasting names now, but I think it is increasingly well 

known in Syria because there are researchers and data collectors 

32

working online and through collecting interviews from refugees and 

survivors of different incidents, there is a lot of—it is clear there 

is a lot of information being gathered. And while we don’t want to 

endanger the ongoing effort to collect the information, the purpose 

of the work is precisely as you say, Congressman, to let people 

know that there will be some accountability and that we hope that 

at some point, some individuals, some others will choose the better 

path knowing that there will be some accountability down the road, 

so that is the purpose of this. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Well, you know, they say sunshine is the best 

disinfectant, and I think I concur with the chairman’s, I think 

where you were taking us, which is bringing some sunshine onto 

this may go a long way, but at the very least, everyone needs to 

be on notice. We will pursue it, as will the international community. 

Finally, the word ‘‘genocide,’’ you reacted to the word ‘‘genocide,’’ 

and would you say, given your responsibilities, that it would be a 

fair characterization to say that religious minorities, including especially the Christian community but not limited to the Christian 

community, in the Middle East and certainly in Syria have reason 

to be concerned? 

Mr. MELIA. Absolutely. I think that it’s very clear that religious 

tensions and violence have risen across the region. I think that is 

indisputable. Very clearly seems to be concerned. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Do—would it be fair to say that policies explicit 

or implicit that have been adopted in the region, especially in the 

post-Arab Spring governments, are encouraging religious minorities, especially Christians, to perhaps find a different home, to go 

somewhere else, to not be integrated into this new community, this 

new political community; is that a fair statement? 

Mr. MELIA. You are describing the ongoing political social challenges of these countries in which new political actors, new governments are changing some of the dynamics, some of the protections 

that may have previously existed for minority communities. You 

are describing the challenges we face in the region, but more importantly, that the people of the region face, and so this is an important issue and worthy of greater discussion and examination. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I share the chairman’s concern about the fate of 

so many minority communities in the region. I can tell you when 

I go—Mr. Schneider was talking about going to a naturalization 

ceremony. I go to as many as I can in my district, and some of 

them are very substantial, 700, 800 new citizens. What has struck 

me in the last year or so was the upsurge in the number of Christian Egyptians and Christian Syrians who are coming to the 

United States for citizenship because of their palatable fear of remaining back home. Now, that may be anecdotal. It may be just 

those families, but the numbers certainly grab one, and I just think 

it is really important. 

I don’t know that genocide is going on, though we are going to 

have a witness who will assert otherwise, but certainly some kind 

of cleansing seems to be going on in certain corners of the region, 

and it is very troubling, and it seems to me that the United States 

must speak out about that to—and without doing something hamhanded, try to offer its protection to those minority communities. 

33

A delicate job, but it seems to me that is something incumbent 

upon us as we move forward, a value you would share, Mr. Melia? 

Mr. MELIA. I agree with you, Congressman. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Finally, Mr. Chairman, I just want to thank Mr. 

Melia for being here. He and I go back way back. We worked on 

the Hill together in the United States Senate. He worked as a foreign policy legislative—he was my foreign policy legislative assistant to the late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. I was on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff, and Tom did a great job 

then and is doing a great job for his country now. 

Thank you, Mr. Melia, for being here. 

Mr. MELIA. Thank you, Congressman. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. Mr. Weber. 

Mr. WEBER. I am okay. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Melia, and I 

do—you know, there are a number of questions that you did say 

you would get back on, and I hope you will do it very quickly. 

Mr. MELIA. We will come back to you, Congressman, as soon as 

we can. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Mr. MELIA. Thanks. 

Mr. SMITH. I would like to now welcome our second panelists. 

And thank you for your testimony today. 

We will begin with Dr. Zuhdi Jasser, who is a member of the 

U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, and he is 

also founder and president of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy and is the author of ‘‘A Battle for the Soul of Islam: An 

American Muslim Patriot’s Fight to Save his Faith.’’ Dr. Jasser is 

a first-generation American Muslim whose parents fled the oppressive Baath regime in Syria. He earned his medical degree on a U.S. 

Navy scholarship and served 11 years in the United States Navy. 

Dr. Jasser has testified before the House and Senate and briefed 

Members of the House and Senate on many occasions in the past. 

We will then hear from Nina Shea, who is currently a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, where she directs the Center for Religious Freedom. She has been an international human rights lawyer 

for 30 years. During that time she has worked at Freedom House 

and served as a member of the U.S. Commission on International 

Religious Freedom. Ms. Shea has also been appointed as a U.S. delegate to the United Nations main body for human rights by both 

Republican and Democratic administrations. She regularly presents 

testimony before Congress, travels extensively and writes on religious freedom issues in many well known news outlets. 

We will then hear from Dr. John Eibner, who is the chief executive officer of Christian Solidarity International in the United 

States, and travels around the world to frontline situations to document gross human rights abuses. Dr. Eibner has directed human 

rights campaigns for CSI on behalf of persecuted Christian communities in the former Soviet Union, Egypt, Iraq, and Sudan. He has 

recently returned from a trip Syria. We are grateful for his insights 

into the conditions there. Dr. Eibner also served as CSI’s main representative at the United Nations in Geneva and has written extensively on human rights issues for a range of well-known publications. 

34

I note parenthetically, one of my first trips to the Eastern Bloc 

was to Romania back in the early 1980s with CSI. We met with 

a number of dissidents, combatted the atrocities of the Ceausescu 

regime, and as a direct result of that, introduced legislation to take 

away MFN from Romania because of its egregious human rights 

abuse. CSI played a pivotal role in my and Frank Wolf’s work on 

Romania. 

We will then hear from the Reverend Majed El Shafie, who is a 

human rights advocate who has established two successful human 

rights organizations and is currently the president of One Free 

World International, an organization that focuses on the rights of 

religious minorities around the world. Reverend El Shafie advocates globally for Christians, Chinese Uyghur Muslims Baha’i, 

Ahmadiyya Muslims, Jews, Falun Gong, and so many others. He 

is frequently called upon to provide expert testimony in refugee 

and protection proceedings in both Canada and United States. His 

work has been covered in a wide range of television, radio and 

print media and has taken the gospel and the human rights advocacy implicit about the gospel faithfully all over the world. 

Dr. Jasser, the floor is yours. 

STATEMENT OF ZUHDI JASSER, M.D., COMMISSIONER, U.S. 

COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 

Dr. JASSER. Thank you, Chairman Smith and subcommittee 

members for holding this very important hearing. I request that 

my written statement be submitted into the record along with a 

special report that our commission, USCIRF, put together called, 

‘‘Protecting and Promoting Religious Freedom in Syria.’’

Mr. SMITH. Without objection, so ordered, and all of your full 

statements and any additional information you would like to have 

affixed to it will be made a part of the record. 

Dr. JASSER. Thank you. Well into its third year, the Syrian civil 

war has widespread implications both for religious freedom or belief in the stability of the region and beyond. The Syrian people 

have experienced indescribable horrors with almost 93,000 dead, 

4.2 million internally displaced and 1.6 million refugees. Stories 

refugees related to USCIRF, our commission, remained vivid in my 

mind. Our staff visited there earlier this month, visited Egypt and 

Jordan. 

A regime soldier tortured by his colleagues because he refused to 

shoot civilians, Sunni women and children. A mother relaying how 

the regime questions children about the opposition. The wrong answer can mean death to the child of the family. A high school and 

university student despairing about their own futures. 

The war hits especially close to home for me and my family, the 

son of Syrian immigrants. We daily sit on edge waiting to hear 

from family members, as so many American Syrians do, my own 

in Aleppo and Damascus, wondering who is next to be tortured, 

disappeared or forced to choose between the regime or death. 

What is the nature of this conflict? The Assad regime has created 

a humanitarian crisis on a scale not recently seen in the region, 

and it will certainly get worse, and it is on its way to heading exponentially as the vacuum, which has been Damascus, may be on the 

way to what the rest of Syria has experienced. 

35

By the end of 2013, more than half of Syria’s population, over 10 

million people likely will need urgent humanitarian assistance. The 

Assad regime turned what was peaceful political protests that 

began in Daraa with no religious or sectarian undertones into a 

sectarian conflict, most of that in the last year. Despite wide defections and a paralyzed economy, remaining regime-associated individuals are supported by a foreign military aid, training, and fighters who belong to U.S. designated terrorist groups. Foreign countries the U.S. considers to be allies sponsor the opposition, many 

of which have very different visions of moderation and religious 

freedom. The regime and foreign fighters particularly fuel sectarian 

fires which target people of faith. 

There have been 2,000 mosques and churches that have been targeted and many of which have been destroyed. The Assad family’s 

brutal authoritarian rule—make no mistake, this started 42 years 

ago, created the political conditions and sectarian divisions that the 

regime is cashing in on today, fueling today’s conflict. With political 

opposition banned and security forces perpetrating egregious 

human rights abuses, dozens of domestic and foreign opposition 

groups have emerged, as we have heard in testimony. Some 

espouse democratic reform, others religiously motivated violence, 

such as the U.S. designated terrorist group, Jabhat al-Nusra Front, 

and they are often way too disporate to work together, complicating 

the situation for religious freedom in the region. 

The Assads selectively permitted religious freedom for the smallest religious minority groups as long as they did not politically oppose the regime. While religious minorities will certainly be more 

vulnerable in a post-Assad Syria should extremist groups take 

power, the Assad regime has targeted Sunni Muslims, as we have 

heard with Mr. Weber’s questions about the numbers, committing 

against them the most egregious human rights and religious freedom violations. But certainly the religious minorities are caught in 

the middle. The estimated pre-conflict population in Syria was 22 

million, 75 percent are Sunni Muslim, 12 percent Alawi, 10 percent 

Christian, 4 percent Druze, and the Yezidis, Shi’a Muslims, 

Ismailis and Jews are less than 1 percent each. 

These religious minorities increasingly are being forced to take 

sides in this vacuum. The Assad regime used sectarian rhetoric to 

discourage Christians and other religious minorities from supporting the opposition, whom the regime refers to, along with all 

Sunni Muslims, as extremists and terrorists who will turn Syria 

into an Islamic state inhospitable to religious minorities. And in 

fact, the Assad regime has fomented an environment in which the 

radicalization of not only bringing in al-Qaeda and Jabhat al-Nusra 

caused the radicalization of many of those who started out peacefully. 

The regime frightens Christians by predicting a fate like the 

Egyptian Coptic Christians and Iraqi Christians should the opposition succeed and thus frightening them into taking sides. Al-Qaedaaffiliated foreign terrorists and the wide deployment of Shabiha, 

which are the regime terror squads, makes credible this argument. 

The Alawite community from which the Assad’s Baathist party 

arises, however, is not monolithic, with some elites abandoning the 

36

regime for the opposition and denouncing the violence perpetrated 

against civilians. 

And if we accept the regime’s narrative that this is a sectarian 

battle, which it has turned into, then we buy into their rhetoric. 

Foreign Assad supporters also are entering Syrian and stoking sectarianism, including Hezbollah, Iranian Islamic Revolutionary 

Guards, and Shiite fighters from Iraq. 

Alarmingly, Syria’s sectarian conflict now appears to be spreading beyond its borders, including into Lebanon and Iraq. We now 

are seeing levels of sectarian violence in these surrounding countries that we hadn’t seen before. 

Despite being in the middle, religious minorities are not fleeing 

Syria in the numbers anticipated. Most of the 1.6 million refugees 

are Sunni Muslims. At the end of April, UNHCR reported that less 

than 1 percent of each minority community has registered and had 

been registered in Egypt and Iraq, Jordan, and Lebanon. While 

about 300,000 Christians reportedly are internally displaced, data 

for others, though, are difficult to find and unavailable. Christians 

and Alawites, who constitute less than 1 percent of registered refugees, largely on moving back to their homes or regime-held areas 

that they are beginning to feel now are safer from regime bombing. 

I will highlight, lastly, a few of our recommendations. 

The U.S. should assist the Syrian opposition coalition in any future post-Assad government to protect likely targets of sectarian or 

religious motivated violence, including religious minorities. Next, to 

offset the influence of extremist groups who establish Sharia courts 

in liberated areas, the U.S. Government should provide technical 

training and support to local councils, courts, lawyers, and judges 

on domestic laws and on international standards relating to human 

rights and religious freedom. 

As nations like Saudi Arabia and Qatar vie for influence, the 

U.S. Government should form a coalition with partners among the 

Friends of Syria in support of efforts from all intra- and inter-religious tolerance and respect for religious freedom and related rights. 

The U.S. Government should establish a Syrian refugee resettlement program for those fleeing religious persecution. 

So, in essence, Chairman Smith, sectarian violence has been both 

imported into Syria and ignited within by the Assad regime as a 

final justification to maintain its tyranny. We must seek these and 

other remedies now and post-Assad to address the plight of religious minorities and for all free people in Syria for whom the 

United States may well be their last best hope. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Dr. Jasser. 

[The prepared statement of Dr. Jasser follows:]

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81692b-1.eps

Testimony 

Before the 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 

International Organizations 

and the 

Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa 

on 

Religious Minorities in Syria: Caught in the Middle. 

By 

Dr. M. Zuhdi Jasser 

Commissioner 

U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 

June 25, 2013 
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81692b-2.eps

I am Dr. M. Zuhdi Jasser, a Commissioner at the U.S. Commission on International Religious 

Freedom (USClRF). Thank you for the opportunity to testify today before the Subcommittee on 

Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations and the 

Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa on Religious Minorities in Syria: Caught in 

the Middle. This important hearing highlights the increasingly sectarian nature of the Syrian 

civil war, which is well into its third year, and the widespread implications both for religious 

freedom or belief and the regional stability. I will mention up front that the war in Syria hits 

especially close to home for me not only as a USClRF commissioner but as the son of Syrian 

immigrants. Many of our immediate and extended family still call Syria home and remain in the 

crosshairs of this ci vii war and humanitarian disaster. 

USClRF has been monitoring closely the crisis in Syria and in April issued a special report, 

Protectiflg and Promoting Religiolls Freedom ill Syria. The report, USCIRF's first ever on 

Syria, highlighted that the Syrian people have experienced egregious violations of human rights, 

including freedom of religion or belief. The international community, including the United 

Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross and numerous non-governmental 

organizations, all agree that the Assad regime has committed gross abuses of human rights and 

violated its obligations under the 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I. 

Extrajudicial killings, rape, and torture have all been well-documented. And most recently, 

President Obama has confirmed that the regime has utilized chemical weapons. Some groups 

associated with the opposition also have committed crimes against humanity. 

1f the crisis continues and current conditions persist and intensify, the Syrian people will 

experience indescribable horrors perpetrated against them, and an entire generation of young 

Syrians will be lost. The international community must come together to deal with the crisis 

both within Syria and in neighboring countries. If it does not, the crisis will spread beyond Syria 

and into the region and beyond. 

In my testimony, I will focus on the increasing sectarian nature of the Syrian crisis, the effects on 

religious minority communities and the impact on the region. I also will report on some findings 

based on a June I -11,2013 UNHCR delegation trip in which USClRF participated that included 

speaking with refugees. 1 will conclude with some recommendations for your consideration. 

The Nature of the Conflict 

Since the contlict began, all religious communities in Syria have experienced religiouslymotivated violence against their persons, places of worship, homes, businesses, and villages, 

towns and cities. For example, the London-based Syrian Network for Human Rights reported in 

September 2012 that the regime had already destroyed more than 500,000 buildings, including 

churches and mosques. The same NGO reports that 1451 mosques were targeted by the regime 

and that at least 348 mosques have been destroyed completely. The opposition reportedly has 

attacked four mosques, in each case because the Syrian army used the minaret as a sniper 

position. 
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81692b-3.eps

While religious minority communities will be more vulnerable in a post-Assad Syria should 

extremist groups take power, it is important to note that the Assad regime overwhelmingly has 

targeted Sunni Muslims and committed the most egregious human rights violations against them. 

Additionally, women and children have been adversely affected: nearly three-quarters of all 

refugees who have tled to Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt and beyond are women and children under the 

age of 17. 

The regime's actions have created a humanitarian crisis that the world has not seen in recent 

memory. The United Nations reports that at least 93,000 individuals have died, that there are 

more than 1.6 million refugees, and 4.2 million Syrians have been internally displaced. It is 

estimated that by the end of 2013 more than half of Syria's population, or over 10 million 

people, will need urgent humanitarian assistance from the international community. 

The Assad regime has turned a peaceful political protest with no religious or sectarian 

undertones into an overtly sectarian contlict. Regime-associated individuals (and to a lesser 

extent the opposition) that were born and bred in Syria now are supported by foreign military aid 

and training, and with intlows of foreign fighters by groups the United States has designated as 

terrorist organizations. Additionally, countries that the U.S. considers allies are supporting the 

warring parties. The regime and foreign tighters in particular fuel the sectarian tires of this 

contlict. As the sectarian nature of this contlict widens, individuals will be targeted not only 

because of their perceived or true allegiance to a particular political side, but simply because they 

follow a particular faith. 

Additionally, the massive numbers of refugees tleeing Syria are destabilizing an already unstable 

region. Economically and politically unstable countries such as Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon 

have been put under severe economic pressure by hosting hundreds of thousands of Syrians. 

Background 

Syria's pre-contlict population of 22 million had broken down as follows: Sunni Muslims 

constituted Syria's largest religious community, making up roughly 75% of the population. 

Alawites, adherents to an o±Ishoot of Shi'a Islam, made up about 12% of the population and 

various Christian denominations about 10%. Other religious communities in the country include 

Druze (4%); Yezidis (1%) -- whom the government categorizes as Muslims; and a very small 

Jewish community found in Damascus, Al Qamishli, and Aleppo. 

These tit,'ures retlect that Syria historically has been a religiously diverse country where its 

people have traditionally lived together without religious or sectarian animosities. However, 

some argue that sectarian divides existed under the surface due to the Assad regime favoring 

religious communities loyal to his government. 

Prior to the contlict, the Assad family's government selectively permitted freedom of religion or 

belief based on its political calculations. The Assad government tolerated the country's smallest 

religious minority groups, including Christians, permitting them to worship freely, as long as 

they did not politically oppose his regime. With regard to Sunni Muslims, the Assad regime 

limited their religious freedom by controlling how their imams were selected, as well as 

2 
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81692b-4.eps

imposing other restrictions. Also limited under Hafez and Bashar Assad was the Sunni Muslim 

majority's ability to participate in the government and have political parties. 

The Assad family's brutal autboritarian rule for over 40 years created the political conditions for 

the current contlict. Under both Hafez and Bashar, no political opposition was allowed and 

Syrian security forces perpetrated egregious human rights abuses to oppress anyone critical of 

the government. Due to these conditions, dozens of groups -- domestic and foreign -- have 

emerged in opposition to the regime. They vary widely in composition, from where they are 

drawn from, and their goals. Some of tbese groups, including the internationally-recognized 

Syrian Opposition Council, espouse democratic reform. Others, however, are motivated by 

religious ideologies espousing violence, such as the U.S-designated terrorist organization alNusra Front. The varied nature of these groups affects their ability to find consensus and work 

together, further complicating the current and tuture situation for human rights and religious 

freedom in Syria. 

Religious Minorities Caught in the Middle 

By and large, religious minority communities, including Christians, Druze, Ismailis and other 

non-Alawite minorities, have attempted to disassociate themselves from the conflict and stay 

above the fray. However, circumstances increasingly are forcing them to take a position either in 

favor of the regime or the opposition. 

From the beginning of the conflict, the Assad regime used sectarian rhetoric and military strategy 

as tactics to discourage Christians and other religious minorities from supporting and joining the 

opposition. The regime refers to the opposition and all Sunni Muslims as both extremists and 

terrorists who seek to turn Syria into an Islamic state which would be unwelcoming to religious 

minority communities. Assad and government officials stoked fears among Christians, citing the 

plight of Egyptian Coptic Christians and Iraqi Christians to depict what would happen to Syrian 

Christians should the opposition be successtul. The presence of foreign terrorists atl1liated with 

al-Qaeda and the wide deployment of Shabiha (regime terror squads) gives credibility to this 

argument. 

The Assad regime and its most loyal supporters, predominately Alawites associated with the 

Ba'athist political party, appear to view opposition forces, predominately Sunni Muslims, as a 

threat to, not only to their ability to remain in power, but also the very existence of their religious 

community in Syria. However, the Alawite community is not monolithic. Some Alawite elites 

have abandoned the ai-Assad regime for the opposition and denounced the violence perpetrated 

against civilians. In March 2013, a group of Alawites opposed to ai-Assad and supporting a 

democratic alternative met in Cairo to discuss a declaration supporting a united Syria and 

preventing sectarian revenge attacks. 

In February 2012, regime forces raided the historic Syriac Orthodox Um-al-Zennar Church in 

Homs. Additionally, the regime has bombed and desecrated a number of other Christian 

churches in Syria. Anti-regime activists have reported that the regime plants individuals within 

refugee camps and in key localities both within and outside Syria to stoke sectarian fears In late 

December 2012, Time Magazine reported allegations that the regime and local government 

3 
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81692b-5.eps

officials provided up to $500 per month to individuals to pose as opposition supporters and 

graffiti buildings or chant slogans at protests including "The Christians to Beirut. 

The opposition also has targeted religious minorities. Just a few weeks ago the Assyrian 

International News Agency (AINA) reported that armed rebels affiliated with the Free Syrian 

Anny raided the Christian-populated al-Duvair village and massacred all its civilian residents, 

including women and children. 

Also, after more than two months we still do not know who kidnapped two Orthodox Bishops, 

Yohanna Ibrahim and Boulos Yaziji, or why. This kidnapping reportedly occurred near the town 

of Kafr Dael, near Aleppo in northern Syria. Most individuals allege that they were kidnapped 

by opposition fighters, while some opposition groups claim regime affiliates kidnapped the 

Bishops to further inflame sectarian fears. 

These are not the only incidents against Christians during the war. In January 2013, the NGO 

Human Rights Watch reported that opposition forces destroyed and looted minority religious 

sites in northern Syria. Human Rights Watch also reported that two churches were stormed and 

ransacked in the villages of Ghasaniyeh and Jdeideh, in the region of Lattakia, in November and 

December 2012. Various reports indicate that the Christian population of the city of Homsapproximately 160,000-has almost entirely fled for safety, with reports suggesting that only 

1,000 Christians remain. In late 2012, opposition forces reportedly attacked churches and 

occupied as safe houses an evangelical school and a home for the elderly in Homs. 

A Sunni-Alawite War? 

Assad's tactic of dividing the Syrian people along Sunni-Alawite sectarian lines appears to be 

succeeding. To ensure continued Alawite support for the regime, the government capitalized on 

Alawite fears of Sunni rule by spreading rumors of Sunni atrocities against Alawites and 

depicting the conflict as a fight to prevent Alawite extermination. For example, in late 

December 2012, llme Magazine reported allegations that the regime and local government 

officials also paid individuals to pose as opposition supporters and graffiti buildings or chant 

slogans at protests including " .. Alawites to the grave." 

In response to their growing fears, civilian Alawites formed the pro-Assad and governmentsupported domestic militia such as Jaysh al-Sha'bi and Shabiha. The U.S. government has 

designated both as terrorist organizations that have committed gross human rights violations in 

Sunni communities. 

The government's language and violence, including indiscriminate bombings, extrajudicial 

killing, and torture of the largely Sunni opposition and non-combative Sunni Muslim 

communities, has led Sunnis increasingly to view the conflict not as a regime's attempts to stay 

in power, but rather an Alawite-Ied attack against Sunni Muslims. 

The aI-Assad regime, including its army, security forces and related militias, has targeted Sunni 

Muslims. In May 2013 the regime killed more than 200 civilians, including women and children 

in aI-Bayda, a massacre described by many as the worst sectarian attack against Sunni Muslims 

during this conflict On May 25, 2012, in what has become known as the Houla massacre, 108 

4 
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81692b-6.eps

Sunni Muslims, including 49 children, were killed in two opposition-controlled villages in the 

Houla region of Syria just north of Homs. In the aftermath, the United Nations Supervision 

Mission in Syria (UNSMTS) determined that most of the victims had been "summarily executed" 

and "entire families were shot in their houses," and that regime-supported Shahiha were the most 

likely perpetrators. Reportedly some victims had pro Shi'a or regime slogans carved into their 

foreheads. In July 2012, more than 200 Syrians, mostly Sunni Muslim civilians were killed in a 

village in the opposition-held Hama region. The Syrian army attacked the village with 

helicopters and tanks, followed by militia forces reportedly killing civilians including women 

and children "execution style." 

USCIRF staff members Tiffany Lynch and Sahar Chaudhry, who recently travelled to the Middle 

East to speak with Syrian refugees about religious freedom conditions in Syria, were told of 

some of the tactics the regime uses to increase sectarian divides between Sunnis and Alawites. 

One tactic used by the regime is to force Sunnis to proclaim that Assad is their god and they are 

loyal only to him - if they are unwilling to do so, torture and death are likely. A fonner Syrian 

officer told USCTRF staff that regime forces only killed Sunnis and that his senior officer 

continuously reiterated that they were fighting Sunni terrorists. When this otlicer refused to kill 

women and children the Army accused of being Sunni terrorists, he was arrested and tortured for 

months until he was released and was able to defect and travel to Jordan. 

Some Syrian refugees in Jordan and Egypt expressed to USCIRF staff strong anti-Alawite 

sentiments, including referring to Alawites as "dogs." They made these comments largely in the 

context of their perceiving Alawites as being pro-Assad and anti-Sunni Muslim, rather than their 

making a derogatory statement against the Alawite faith. 

There have been reports of groups attacking Alawites and Shi'a Muslims. For example, a 

December 2012 video released by Saudi-sponsored Takthi Wahhabi, a Sunni opposition group, 

shows a Shi'i mosque that was burned down and dozens of individuals congratulating each other. 

Also in December 2012, a suicide bomber detonated explosives in a Damascus suburb wounding 

14 people and damaging one of Shi'i Islam's holiest shrines, a mausoleum of the Prophet's 

Muhammad's granddaughter. 

Outside Actors Stoking Sectarianism 

A number of outside actors are entering Syria and stoking the sectarian nature of the Syrian civil 

war, including Hezbollah, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards, and Shiite fighters from Iraq -

all in support of Assad. 

Additionally, over the last two-plus-years the dozens of groups which constitute the opposition 

include a number of foreign groups motivated by religious ideologies espousing violence, such 

as the U.S.-designated terrorist organization al-Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda atliliate Like the 

regime, some of the more extremist groups utilize sectarian rhetoric and iconography to 

perpetuate fear and sectarianism. While al-Nusra, al-Qaeda and other extremists groups and 

fighters undoubtedly are becoming more influential, the numbers of their fighters in Syria are in 

dispute. Still, the majority of fighters in Syria are Syrians. 

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In conversations USClRF had with Syrian refugees in Jordan and Egypt, the refugees - all of 

whom were Sunni Muslims -- by and large expressed disagreement with the religiouslymotivated ideologies of the extremist groups. However, they supported the end goal, removing 

Assad from power. 

Religious Minorities in the Refugee Crisis 

Despite being caught in the middle of this conflict and in a precarious situation, religious 

minorities in Syria are not fleeing the country in the numbers anticipated. Of the more than 1.6 

million Syrian refugees in the Middle East and North Africa, the overwhelming maj ority are 

Sunni Muslims. UNHCR reports that at the end of April less than one percent of each minority 

community -- Christians, Alawite, Ismaili, Mandaean and Yezidi -- are registered in Egypt, Iraq, 

Jordan, and Lebanon. 

There are reports that upwards of 300,000 Christians are internally displaced. Unfortunately 

reports for other communities are not available. 

The small number of minorities in the refugee population reflects two displacement trends 

among these communities, especially among Christians and Alawites. The first is that Christians 

and Alawites are moving to their home areas or to regime-held areas because these areas tend to 

be safe from regime bombing. This suggests that as the connict drags on longer than some had 

anticipated some Christians and Alawites are joining their-eo-religionists, and perhaps buying 

into the government's rhetoric that they are safer with the government than with the opposition. 

Second, evidence suggests that if Christians and Alawites do flee the country to Lebanon or 

Jordan, for instance, they are not registering with the lJN refugee agency. 

As USCIRF staff was told while meeting with refugees, Christians and Alawites fear identifying 

themselves as refugees for two reasons that highlight their precarious situation trying to exist 

between the two warring parties. One, they do not want other refugees to perceive them as 

supporting the Syrian government simply because of their religious affiliation. And second, if 

they should go home and the Assad government remains in power, they do not want government 

officials to view them as disloyal to the regime by having sought safety in another country. 

It is believed that a small percentage of minority refugees are trying to pass as Sunni Muslims 

by, among other measures, wearing the hijab, to protect them from possible backlash. 

Effects on the Region 

As mentioned, more than 1.6 million Syrians have fled the country, thereby creating a massive 

humanitarian crisis and an emerging destabilizing threat to the region Jordan, Lebanon, and 

Turkey now each host more than half a million Syrians. Although Egypt currently is hosting 

80,000 refugees, it is expecting at least an additional 120,000 Syrian refugees by the end of the 

year. 

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These refugees are putting enormous economic and political strains on already weak 

governments in the region. In Jordan, 80 percent of all refugees live outside of camps and no 

Syrian refugee camps exist in either Lebanon or Egypt. Instead, refugees live in cities and 

towns, competing with Egyptians, Jordanians, and Lebanese for housing, jobs, and access to 

services such as health clinics and schools. 

For Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt, all countries that already have pre-existing economic and 

political challenges, hosting and providing for the large number of refugees is creating further 

destabilizing conditions. Further destabilization of countries in this already troubled region will 

have negative implications for the region, as well as beyond, including for U.S. national security. 

Alarmingly, Syria's sectarian conflict now appears to be spreading beyond its borders, including 

to Lebanon and Iraq. In the last month, Lebanon has experienced fighting between Alawite and 

Salafist groups. In addition, it is widely argued that the spike in sectarian violence in Iraq that 

has left about 1,000 people killed is a direct spillover efl'ect from the Syrian crisis. This is the 

largest death toll Iraq has experienced since 2006-2007 

Additionally, scarce resources and jobs in all host countries are further 

tensions, potentially causing further economic and political destabilization. 

community will disregard these tensions at its peril. 

exacerbating local 

The international 

Some analysts have suggested that a significant number of Syrians and current refugees will seek 

entry into Europe and that European nations need to both focus on aiding refugees in current host 

countries and start planning for inflows to Europe. 

Recommendations 

In late April, USCIRF released the special report, Protecting and Promoting Religious }j'ccdom 

in Syria. in which the Commission provided recommendations grouped in four categories I) 

Promoting Protection for Religious Freedom in Syria; 2) Prioritizing Human Rights in US. 

relations with the Friends of Syria Group; 3) Promoting Freedom of Religion or Belief through 

US. Programs; and 4) Addressing the Situation ofInternally Displaced Persons and Refugees. 

While USCIRF offered 20 recommendations in the report, below are seven key 

recommendations: 

The US should, where appropriate, assist the Syrian Opposition Coalition and any future 

post-Assad government to provide security to protect likely targets of sectarian or 

religious-motivated violence, including areas where religious or minority communities 

live or congregate, as neighborhoods, religious sites and places of worship; 

• To offset the influence of extremist groups who are establishing Shariah courts in 

liberated areas, the US. government should provide technical training and support to 

local councils, courts, lawyers and judges on domestic laws and international standards 

relating to human rights and religious freedom; 

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As other nations such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar are vying for influence to shape Syria 

towards their goals, the U.S. government should form a special coalition with likeminded partners among the Friends of Syria to fund and develop efforts to promote intraand inter-religious tolerance and respect for religious freedom and related rights to ensure 

that a future Syria respects these fundamental freedoms; 

• The US. government should ensure that all international cooperation with the SOC 

emphasizes the importance of ensuring the rights to freedom of religion or belief and 

freedom of opinion and expression, as well as protection of minority religious 

communities; 

• The U.S. government should direct U.S. officials and recIpients of U.S. grants to 

prioritize projects that promote multi-religious and multi-ethnic efforts to encourage 

religious tolerance and understanding, foster knowledge of and respect for universal 

human rights standards, and develop the political ability of religious minorities to 

organize themselves and convey their concerns effectively; 

• The US. government should establish a refugee resettlement program for Syrian refugees 

fleeing targeted religious persecution from Syrian government forces, affiliated militias, 

or non-state actors opposed to the ai-Assad regime; and 

• In anticipation of any mass exodus of religious minorities who could be targeted for 

sectarian reprisal attacks in refugee camps, encourage UNHCR to make preparations for 

increased refugee flows of religious minorities, to develop a protection program to ensure 

their safety in refugee camps, and to sponsor interfaith dialogues among the various 

refugee communities. 

8 
46

Mr. SMITH. Ms. Shea. 

STATEMENT OF MS. NINA SHEA, DIRECTOR, CENTER FOR 

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, HUDSON INSTITUTE 

Ms. SHEA. Thank you, Chairman Smith. 

Thank you, Chairman Smith, and I commend you and the two 

subcommittees for holding this critically important hearing. The 

persecution of religious minorities concerns America’s core values 

but is one the United States has failed to address in Iraq to the 

devastation of the Christian Mandaean and Yezidi communities 

there, and the U.S. must not fail to recognize a similar threat that 

has already developed in Syria. 

I will focus today, in my testimony, on Syria’s Christians and the 

threat that they face to their continued existence in their ancient 

homeland. This threat applies equally to Syria’s other defenseless 

and even small minorities, for example, the Yezidis, and I would 

like to enter into the record a statement of the Yezidi Human 

Rights Organization as well as the assessment statement of the 

Syriac National Council. 

Though no religious community has been spared egregious suffering, Syria’s ancient Christian minority has cause to believe that 

it confronts an existential threat. This was said by the U.N. 

Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry on Syria, and this 

group, in contrast to Syria’s larger groups, has no defender. Primarily, ethnically Assyrian but also Armenian and Arab and numbering about 2 million, the Christians face a distinct peril so dire 

that their ability to survive in Syria is being seriously doubted by 

the church and by secular observers as well. 

While in some neighborhoods they struggle to maintain defense 

committees, they lack militias of their own, nor do they have protective tribal structures or support from any outside power. The 

Christians are indeed stranded in the middle of a brutal war, 

where each side, regime and rebel, fires rockets into civilian areas 

and carry out indiscriminate attacks. The Christian churches, 

which were registered and permitted by the Assad regime, have not 

formally allied themselves with either side in the conflict, though 

they have been under intense pressure to do so. 

However, they are not simply caught in the middle as collateral 

damage. They have been targets of a more focused shadow war. 

Christians are the targets of an ethno-religious cleansing by 

Islamist militants and their Sharia courts. In addition, they have 

lost the protection of the Assad government, making them easy 

prey for criminals and fighters whose affiliations are not always 

clear. 

As Archbishop Jeanbart of Aleppo’s Melkite Greek Catholic 

Church states, Christians are terrified by the Islamist militias and 

fear that in the event of their victory, they would no longer be able 

to practice their religion and that they would be forced to leave the 

country. He went on to explain, ‘‘as soon as they reach the city of 

Aleppo, Islamist guerrillas, almost all of them from abroad, took 

over the mosque. Every Friday, an imam launches their messages 

of hate, calling on the population to kill anyone who does not practice the religion of the Prophet Muhammad. They use the courts to 

47

level charges of blasphemy, who is contrary to their way of thinking pays with his life.’’

Unprotected, the Christians are also prime victims of kidnappers 

and thieves. Such threats and assaults are driving out the 2,000-

year-old Christian en masse from various parts of the country. 

Archdeacon Youkhana of the Assyrian Church of the East, who 

works with Syrian refugees, wrote to me recently,

‘‘We are witnessing another Arab country losing its Christian 

Assyrian minority. When it happened in Iraq, nobody believed 

Syria’s turn would come. Christian Assyrians are fleeing massively from threats, kidnappings, rapes and murders. Behind 

the daily reporting about bombs, there is an ethno-religious 

cleansing taking place and soon Syria can be emptied of its 

Christians.’’

Syriac League President Habib Afram states that Christians are 

‘‘systematically targeted’’ with kidnappings, which are used either 

to collect ransom or to terrorize them into leaving. The highest profile attack, of course, was the kidnapping by gunmen in April of the 

Greek Orthodox Archbishop Yazigi and Syriac Orthodox Archbishop Ibrahim. This sent an unmistakable signal to all Christians: 

None is protected. 

Other clergy have been kidnapped and disappeared as well. In 

February, 27-year-old Father Michael Kayal of the Armenian 

Catholic Church in Aleppo was abducted while riding on a bus. An 

Islamist spotted his clerical garb. He has not been seen since. A 

similar fate befell a Greek Orthodox priest, Maher Mahfouz, 

around the same time. 

Last December, Syrian Orthodox parish priest Father Fadi 

Haddad was kidnapped after he left his church in the town of 

Qatana to negotiate the release of one of his kidnapped parishioners. A week later, his mutilated corpse was found by the roadside with his eyes gouged out, his murderers unknown. 

And reports are just in today that St. Anthony’s Monastery in 

Idlib was stormed last Sunday and killed—the Islamist rebels 

killed Father Francois Mourad who was defending the nuns there. 

Ordinary individuals, too, have been summarily killed after being 

identified as Christian. An Islamic gunman stopped the bus to 

Aleppo and checked the background of each passenger. When the 

gunman noticed Yohannes’ last name was Armenian, they singled 

him out for a search. After finding a cross around his neck, ‘‘One 

of the terrorists shot point blank at a crossing—at the cross, tearing open the man’s chest.’’

A woman from Hassake recounted in December to Swedish journalist Nuri Kino how her husband and son were shot in the head 

by Islamists, ‘‘Our only crime is being Christians,’’ she answers 

when asked if there had been a dispute. 

Gabriel, an 18-year-old, fled with his family from Hassake after 

his father was shot for having a crucifix hanging from his car’s 

rearview mirror. The son told Kino, ‘‘After the funeral, the threats 

against our family and other Christians increased. The terrorists 

called us and said it was time to disappear; we had that choice, or 

we would be killed.’’

48

The New York Times reported that a young Syrian refugee demonstrated how he was hung by his arms, robbed and beaten by 

rebels ‘‘just for being a Christian.’’

Muslims, of course, are subjected to kidnapping, too, but the Wall 

Street Journal reported on June 11th, often, ‘‘their outcome is different’’ because they have armed defenders. They told the story of 

a 25-year-old cab driver, Hafez al-Mohammed, who said he was 

kidnapped and tortured for 7 hours by Sunni rebels in al-Waer in 

late May. He was released after Alawites threatened to retaliate by 

kidnapping Sunni women. 

Many also pointed to criminal assaults and the government—and 

a government that fails to protect them. A refugee detailed to journalists: ‘‘Two men from a strong Arabic tribe decided one day to occupy our farmland just like that. When I went to the police to report, I was told there was nothing they could. The police chief was 

very clear that they would not act as they didn’t want the tribe to 

turn against the regime.’’

Christians also fear the Talibanization through Sharia courts 

where they are given four choices, either to pay a Jizyah tax; to 

convert to Islam; flee; or be killed. Half of Aleppo and other places 

are already under these courts. And by the way, the villagers from 

the areas where these courts have taken over have reported to the 

Catholic Press that the fighters were foreign and were recruited, 

some told of having been recruited by being told that they were 

going to liberate Jerusalem. 

There are reports that Christians are leaving Syria in droves. 

Though the details have been sparse, and this is partially due to 

the fact that these Christians are fearful of and avoid the refugee 

camps, so they are therefore not registered with the U.N. as refugees. 

An Orthodox cleric concludes, it would not be good if all Christians were to leave Syria because then the church would disappear 

here, but those who stay risk their lives and the lives of their children. 

And Mr. Chairman, my time is almost up, so I just want to say 

that I have a number of recommendations. I am not going to say 

them all here now, but I would like to point out that the situation 

the Christians and the other minorities should be—defenseless minorities should be accurately reflected in a special report, one that 

Congress could mandate or in official speeches from the bully pulpits of our highest level officials. That, so far, has not happened. 

The State Department Religious Freedom Report on Syria, which 

was released last month, notes rather blandly that there are ‘‘Reports of harassment of Christians . . .’’ and that ‘‘. . . societal tolerance for Christians was dwindling. . . .’’ There were a few actual 

cases were cited by the State Department, and there is not really 

single—the slightest hint in this gross understatement that the 

threat they face is an existential one. And there have been no 

statements issued by the White House’s Atrocity Prevention Task 

Force either on this issue. 

And therefore, I would support the bill that was introduced by 

Congressman Frank Wolf and Anna Eshoo and that you are cosponsoring for a special envoy for religious minorities. 

49

And I just want to conclude by saying that the refugee—there is 

a real danger that refugee relief is not reaching these smallest minorities because, again, they are not in the U.N. camps, and they 

are not being registered by the U.N. and that they are rather seeking shelter in churches and monasteries in Lebanon and Turkey 

and that the United States should make an effort to identify those 

places and to count those refugees and to give them aid and to ensure that any humanitarian aid, which is desperately needed inside 

Syria, also reaches their villages and neighborhoods. Thank you 

very much. 

Mr. SMITH. Ms. Shea, thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Shea follows:]

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81692e-1.eps

JOINT SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTA TIVES 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International 

Organizations 

Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa 

TESTIMONY OF NINA SHEA, DIRECTOR 

HUDSON INSTITUTE'S CENTER FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 

June 25, 2013 

Religious Minorities in Syria: Caught in the Middle 

I commend the two Subcommittees for holding this critically important and timely 

hearing today. The question of the treatment of religious minorities concerns America's 

core values as a nation, but, in recent foreign policy, it is one that the United States has 

too often failed to address, with tragic results. It represents a grave human rights crisis 

and undermines our national security interests. 

I am honored to have been invited to testify for the Hudson Institute's Center for 

Religious Freedom. In my testimony, I will focus on the situation of the various 

Christian groups in Syria, and the threat they face to their continued existence in their 

ancient homeland. This threat, which undoubtedly applies equally to Syria's other 

defenseless and even smaller minorities - such as the Yizidis (80,000) and Jews (under 

100) -- about whom there is scant information, is not recognized or understood in US 

foreign policy. We are grateful to the Subcommittees two chairs, Rep. Christopher H. 

Smith and Rep. lleana Ros-Lehtinen, for giving attention to this issue. 

In the Middle IInti Targeted with Ethno-Religious Cleansing 

In Syria's conflict, now characterized as overtly sectarian, every religious and ethnic 

group* has experienced catastrophic loss and pain. Reportedly over the past two years of 

war, 93,000 combatants and civilians, of diverse religious identities, have been killed, 1.5 

million have become refugees, and 4.5 million more have been internally displaced. 

Though no religious community has been spared suffering, Syria's ancient Christian 

minority has cause to believe that they confront an "existential threat," according to a 

finding of the UN Human Right Council's Commission ofTnquiry on Syria, last 

December. And this group, in contrast to Syria's Alawites, Shiites and Sunnis, has no 

defender. 
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Syria's Christians are primarily ethnically Assyrian but some are also Armenian and 

Arab, who together number between 2-2.5 million or 10 percent of the population, and 

follow some ten different faith traditions** They face a distinct peril so dire that their 

ability to survive in Syria is being seriously doubted by church leaders and independent 

secular observers, alike. While in some neighborhoods they struggle to maintain defense 

committees, they lack militias of their own. Nor do they have protective tribal structures, 

or support from any outside power. Referencing Syria, Archbishop Elias Chacour, head 

of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church in Israel, remarked a few weeks ago that, while 

many people are facing hardship and dying in the Arab Spring, no group is suffering 

more than Christians 

Living largely in the Syrian governorates of Hassake, Horns, Damascus, and Aleppo, the 

Christians are extremely vulnerable. They are indeed stranded in the middle of a brutal 

war, where each side - regime and rebel -- fires rockets into civilian areas and carry out 

indiscriminate bloody attacks daily. The Christian churches, which were registered and 

permitted by the Assad regime, have not formally allied themselves with either side in the 

conflict and in fact Christians have largely avoided taking sides despite intense pressure 

to do so by both the government and the opposition. 

For example, Christians have been reportedly displaced by the regime in Tal Nasri, Urn 

Sharshoh, and the old city of Horns. They have been reportedly displaced by the Free 

Syrian Army in Mesmye, Daraa, Ghassaniy, Idlib, Quseir and Rabie in Horns. And 

clashes between the two sides caused displacements that disproportionately impacted the 

Christian residents, though Muslims were also affected, in Ras al-Ayn, Deir el-Zor. 

The Christians, however, are not simply caught in the middle, as collateral damage. They 

are the targets of a more focused shadow war, one that is taking place alongside the larger 

conflict between the Shiite-backed Baathist Assad regime and the largely Sunni rebel 

militias. Christians are the targets of an ethno-religious cleansing by Islamist militants 

and courts. In addition, they have lost the protection of the Assad government, making 

them easy prey for criminals and fighters, whose affiliations are not al ways clear. 

Wherever they appear, Islamist militias have made life impossible for the Christians. 

Metropolitan Archbishop Jean Clement Jeanbart, of Aleppo's Melkite Greek Catholic 

Church, told the Rome-based Catholic outlet, AsiaNews, "Christians are terrified by these 

militias and fear that in the event of their victory they would no longer be able to practice 

their religion and that they would be forced to leave the country." He explained: 

"As soon as they reached the city [of Aleppo], Tslamist guerrillas, almost all of them from 

abroad, took over the mosques. Every Friday, an imam launches their messages of hate, 

calling on the population to kill anyone who does not practice the religion of the Prophet 

Muhammad. They use the courts to level charges of blasphemy. Who is contrary to their 

way of thinking pays with his life." 

Unprotected, the Christians are also prime victims of kidnappers and thieves. Tn one 

example last February, a Syrian Orthodox dentist in Aleppo told the American Christian 

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Morningstar News that he finally tled into exile when the constant fear of sniper-tlre and 

kidnapping of Christians made life too dangerous. "Some people would come to my 

dental office and threaten me with kidnapping," he says. The outlet reported that 

"[i]n the city of Hassake, 50 Christians were kidnapped last month [January l Most 

recently, a Christian pharmacist was kidnapped earlier this month and held for a ransom 

of approximately 11,000 euros." 

Such threats and assaults are driving out the Christians en masse, from various parts of 

the country. This 2,000-year-old community -- some members of which still pray in 

Jesus' Aramaic tongue and trace their churches to St Paul, who had experienced his 

conversion to the faith on the road to Damascus -- is now facing extinction. 

Archdeacon Emanuel Y oukhana of the Assyrian Church of the East, who has been 

desperately working to cope with the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon and Iraq, wrote to 

me in February: 

"We are witnessing another Arab country losing its Christian Assyrian minority. When it 

happened in Iraq nobody believed Syria's turn would come. Christian Assyrians are 

fleeing massively from threats, kidnappings, rapes and murders. Behind the daily 

reporting about bombs there is an ethno-religious cleansing taking place, and soon Syria 

can be emptied of its Christians." 

Targeted Attacks 

Syriac League President Habib Afram states that Christians are "systematically targeted" 

with kidnappings, which are used to collect ransom or to terrorize them into leaving. The 

highest profile attack was the kidnapping by gunmen in April of two church leaders, 

Greek Orthodox Archbishop Paul Yazigi and Syriac Orthodox Archbishop Yohanna 

Ibrahim, as they drove back to Aleppo from a trip to the Turkish border where they 

worked for the release of two kidnapped priests. They have not reappeared. The authors 

of the attack on these two hierarchs are unknown but it sent an unmistakable signal to all 

Christians: none is protected. 

Other clergy have been kidnapped and disappeared as well. In a report confirmed by the 

Vatican news agency Fides, on February 9, 2013, 27-year-old Father Michael Kayal of 

the Annenian Catholic Church in Aleppo was abducted by Islamic extremist rebels as he 

was travelling on a bus on his way to Rome. He was pulled off when Islamist gangs 

spotted his clerical garb. He has not been seen since. A similar fate befell the Greek 

Orthodox Maher Mahfouz around the same time. 

The American Christian news service Compass Direct News reported in December 2012 

of the torture and subsequent murder of a Syrian Orthodox parish priest Father Fadi 

Haddad. He left his church in the town of Qatana to negotiate the release of one of his 

kidnapped parishioners, but the priest never returned. A week later, Fe Haddad's 

mutilated corpse was found by the roadside, with his eyes gouged out His murderers are 

unknown. 

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Ordinary individuals, too, have been summarily killed atl:er being identified as Christian. 

For example, Fides reported that a man named Yohannes was killed by an Islamist 

gunman who stopped the bus he was taking on the way to Aleppo and checked the 

background of each passenger. When the gunman noticed Y ohannes' last name was 

Armenian, they singled him out for a search. Atl:er finding a cross around his neck, "One 

of the terrorists shot point blank at the cross tearing open the man's chest" 

Such reports are not uncommon. A woman from Hassake recounted in December to 

Swedish journalist Nuri Kino how her husband and son were shot in the head by 

Islamists. "Our only crime is being Christians," she answers when asked if there had been 

a dispute. 

On February 13,2013, the NeJ-JI York Times reported on Syrian refugee interviews it 

collected in Turkey: 

"One mother told of the abduction of a neighbor's child, held for ransom by rebel fighters 

in her hometown of Al-Hasakah, which prompted her family to seek safety for their three 

young sons across the border in Turkey. A young man demonstrated how he was hung by 

his anns, robbed and beaten by rebels, 'just for being a Christian. '" 

Muslims are subject to kidnapping too but the Wall Street Journal reported on June 11, 

2013, often "their outcome is different" because they have armed defenders. It told the 

story of a 25-year-old cabdriver Hafez al Mohammed who said he was kidnapped and 

tortured for seven hours by Sunni rebels in Al Waer in late May. He was released atl:er 

Alawites threatened to retaliate by kidnapping Sunni women. 

Swedish Assyrian journalist Nuri Kino, who travels to the region to interview Christian 

refugees from Syria recounts the story of Gabriel Staifo Malke, an 18-year-old who fled 

with his family from Hassake atl:er his father was shot on July 17,2012, for having a 

crucifix hanging from his car's rear view mirror: The son told him: 

"In Hassake, terrorists had warned Christians that they would be killed if they didn't 

leave town; there was no room letl: for us. Most of the others hid their religion, didn't 

show openly that they were non-Muslims. But not Dad. Atl:er the funeral the threats 

against our family and other Christians increased. The terrorists called us and said that it 

was time to disappear; we had that choice, or we would be killed." 

Many pointed to criminal assaults and a government that fails to protect them. A refugee 

detailed to Kino: "Two men from a strong Arabic tribe decided one day to occupy our 

fannland, just like that. When I went to the police to report, I was told there was nothing 

they could do. The police chief was very clear that they would not act, as they didn't 

want the tribe to tum against the regime." 

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A father told Kino: "We're not poor, we didn't run from poverty. We ran from fear. T 

have to think about my twelve-year-old daughter. She's easy prey for kidnappers. Three 

children of our friends were kidnapped. In two cases they paid enormous ransoms to get 

the children back, and in one case they paid but got the child back dead." 

Chaldean Catholic Bishop Antoine Audo, the Jesuit head of Syria's Caritas charity, 

according to a March 21,2013, AFP interview, said between 20,000-30,000 out of 

160,000 Christians had fled the city of Aleppo, and two priests were abducted and held 

each for a ransom of 15 million Syrian pounds ($150,000). 

In an English-language video, Fr. Fadi al-Hamzi relates that his uncle was recently 

murdered: "They killed him because he is Christian, they refuse to have any Christians in 

Syria ..... " When asked if he was worried if Christians would be massacred if j ihadists 

overthrew the government, the priest said, "Yes, yes, this will be .. they don't want us 

here." 

Sharia Courts 

Christians, as well as others, also have been targeted with summary executions, forcible 

conversions to Islam and expulsions from their homes as a result of actions taken by the 

courts of the "Caliphate of Iraq and the Levant", the name the al Nusra Brigade and other 

Islamist rebels use in reference to the Syrian territory under their control. The Christians 

find it impossible to survive under such rule. 

According to AsiaNews, currently some 30 recognizable militias with some 100,000 

fighters operate in Syria, and of these, only a handful belong to the Free Syrian Anny, the 

main interlocutor of the international community. The others are linked to Al-Qaeda or 

belong to other Islamist or political movements. 

Sources told AsiaNews, "the purpose of these groups is not only the liberation of Syria 

from Assad, but also the spread by force of radical Islam throughout the Middle East and 

the conquest of Jerusalem." Based on interviews with local church leaders, this Catholic 

press reported that many fighters do not speak Arabic, come from Pakistan, Afghanistan, 

Somalia, Indonesia, and, according to some villagers near Aleppo, several, particularly 

younger, fighters were recruited by being told that they were going to "liberate 

Jerusalem." These extremists have wasted no time in establishing sharia courts. 

Half of Aleppo, which has been under rebel control since last July, in the towns of al-Bab 

and Tdlib and other villages under the control of Tslamist groups, shari a has been enforced 

for the past year. Islamic justice is administered by well-organized courts, the Hayaa alSharia, or the Sharia Authority. Controlled by such militias as al Nusra, the Tawhid 

Brigade, and the home-grown Ahrar ai-Sham, these courts, according to a Washing/Oil 

Post report, pass sentences "daily and indiscriminately" against Christians and anyone 

else who fails to confonn to Wahhabi Islam. All women are required to cover up with the 

ahaya, a black full length gown. 

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It was in Aleppo, that al Nusra executed a 14-year-old Muslim boy for insulting the 

Muslim prophet. A coffee street vendor, the boy, Mohammed Qatta, was asked to give a 

cup free to a customer and he reportedly refused, saying, "Even if [Prophet] Mohammed 

comes back to life, I won't." Rebels driving by overheard the exchange and apprehended 

the boy. 

What happened next was reported by the Washingtun Pust, on June 10, 2013: 

"The rebels, according to ABC News' reconstruction of the Syrian groups' reports, 

appear to have whipped Qatta. When they brought him back to where they'd taken him, 

his head was wrapped by a shirt. 

"The rebels waited for a crowd to gather; Qatta's parents were among them. Speaking in 

classical Arabic, they announced that Qatta had committed blasphemy and that anyone 

else who dared insult the Prophet Mohammed would share his fate. Then, the shirt still 

wrapped around the boy's head, the rebels shot him in the mouth and neck" 

Shariajustice, as much as anything, has terrorized Syria's Christians, among others. In 

April, al Nusra's pledge of allegiance to al-Qaeda reinforced their fears of a coming 

Talibanization of Syria. 

After a recent prayer walk in Jordan for the two kidnapped bishops, Syrian Christian 

refugees told Dutch blogger Martin Janssen that their village of30 Christian families had 

a first hand taste of the rebels' new sharia courts. One of Janssen's accounts, as translated 

by renowned Australian linguist, writer and Anglican priest, the Rev. Mark Durie, 

follows: 

"Jamil [an elderly man] lived in a village near Idlib where 30 Christian families had 

always lived peacefully alongside some 200 Sunni families. That changed dramatically in 

the summer of 2012. One Friday trucks appeared in the village with heavily armed and 

bearded strangers who did not know anyone in the village. They began to drive through 

the village with a loud speaker broadcasting the message that their village was now part 

of an Islamic emirate and Muslim women were henceforth to dress in accordance with 

the provisions of the Islamic Shariah. Christians were given four choices. They could 

convert to Islam and renounce their 'idolatry.' If they refused they were allowed to 

remain on condition that they pay the jizya. This is a special tax that non-Muslims under 

Islamic law must pay for 'protection.' For Christians who refused there remained two 

choices they could leave behind all their property or they would be slain. The word that 

was used for the latter in Arabic (dhabaha) refers to the ritual slaughter of sacrificial 

animals." 

The man told Janssen that his and a number of other families began to pay the jizya but, 

after the amount demanded kept increasing over several months, the Christians decided to 

flee, leaving behind their farms and property. Some who could not payor escape were 

forced to convert to Islam. 

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An Orthodox cleric, independently corroborating such accounts, described conditions in 

the towns taken by rebel forces in the Christian valley outside Horns: "They are ruled by 

newly-appeared emirs, and those Christians who were not able to flee these places are 

obligated to pay jizya-a special tax that allows them to remain Christians, and Christian 

women must hide their faces like Moslem women. If they don't pay the jizya they are 

simply killed." 

Christian Refngees 

Otlicial information and media reports about the Christians' fate has been sparse, and 

Christian refugees have been all but invisible since they are fearful of and avoid Muslimdominated refugee camps. A report earlier this year by journalist Nuri Kino sheds 

valuable light on the atrocities visited upon the Christians inside Syria, and their ordeals 

in attempting to escape, relying as they must on exploitative human-tratlicking networks 

that have sprung up. Entitled "Between the Barbed Wire," the report resulted from a trip 

sponsored by a Swedish charity, the Syriac Orthodox Youth Organization, to assess the 

needs of refugees. It is based on over a hundred interviews this past Christmas with 

Christian refugees in Turkey and Lebanon. 

The refugees and the Lebanese bishops whom Kino and his team interviewed relate that 

Christians are leaving in a torrent. Once they cross into Lebanon, guided by Middle 

Eastern versions of "coyotes" through a harrowing series of checkpoints guarded by 

various sides in the conflict, they mostly seek out the local Christian communities for 

help. A clearly overwhelmed Archbishop George Saliba, on Mount Lebanon, 

commented: "I want to help as many as I can, but it is not sustainable. We have hundreds 

of Syrian refugees who arrive every week. I don't know what to do." 

Elsewhere in Lebanon, St. Gabriel's monastery opened its 75 unheated rooms last winter 

to over a hundred refugees. In another Lebanese Christian town, the Syrian Catholic 

patriarch Ignatius Ephrem Josef III converted a school building into a shelter for the 

hundreds of refugees there then and the others constantly arriving. The patriarch 

described the situation as the "great exodus taking place in silence." He also said he 

houses Christians who fled several years ago from Iraq. All of the Christian towns visited 

for the report were scrambling to keep up with the influx of Syrian Christians. Church 

leaders were grateful for the beds, washing machines, heaters, and medicine brought by 

the Swedish visitors. 

Some of the Syrians told Kino they plan to stay in Lebanon until Syria "calms down" and 

they can return to their homes. Many others said going back is "unthinkable" and were 

making plans to try to get to Europe either on valid visas or by paying smugglers the 

going rate of $20,000. They are largely small-business owners and skilled professionals 

- an engineer and his family, ajeweler and his, a hairdresser, a medical student, etc. 

Many hoped to be smuggled to Sweden and Germany, where they can receive some state 

subsidies until they find work. The town of Sodertalje seems to be a popular destination, 

with 35 new Christian families arriving from Syria each week. Kino, himself a citizen of 

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Sodertalje, relates that there are already many Syrian Christians living there, and Arabic 

is becoming as common as Swedish. 

Some refugees were young men who deserted from the Syrian military. Others of the 

refugees were panic-stricken, pointing to some horrifying triggering event that forced 

them out - a kidnapping of a relative, a murder, or a robbery. They feel targeted for 

being Christian, which means that militants and criminals can assault them with 

impunity. 

There is no complete data on the number of refugees. Most of the Christians, like the 

other groups, resettle internally when they leave their homes. How many Christians have 

fled to other countries is not known and escapees continue to come across the border each 

day. Only a fraction of the Christians in exile registers as refugees. They bypass the 

refugee camps where rebels press young men into their militias and many fear being 

vicitimized again as vulnerable minorities. Most of the Christians seek help from local 

churches and monasteries in Turkey and Lebanon. 

It is, nonetheless apparent that hundreds of thousands of Christians have already fled. 

Entire neighborhoods and villages around the Wadi al-Nasara-the Valley of Christians, 

an enclave of some 30 villages west of the city of Horns, are emptying out. Fides reported 

in March 2012: "The Christian areas of Horns ... are at the center of the crossfire 

between army and rebels. In Horns there are about 1,000 Christians. A year ago, before 

the start of the fighting, there were in town, on the whole, 160,000 faithful and four 

Bishops of various denominations." 

On June 17,2013, a Fox News blog cited a local priest's report stating that two Christian 

villages near Horns with a combined population of nearl y 1,000, now lie abandoned after 

everybody fled. Regarding a third Christian village abandoned a year ago, he stated that 

people recently returned to find their homes either destroyed or taken over by others. 

"The situation is disastrous," he wrote. 

When the jihadist rebel units take control of a town, like Ras al-Ayn, in Hassake 

province, it loses its Christian population over night, church sources further report. Syriac 

Orthodox Metropolitan Eustathius Matta Roham, of Jazirah and Euphrates, confirms that 

churches and all Christian symbols have been destroyed in Ras al-Ayn. [Pholographs {?l 

some {if Syria's deslroyed Ihal are prol'ided 10 liS by Ihe European Syriac Union are 

submitted separalely.tbr the record.l 

Most information about these massacres and about the violence perpetrated by the regime 

comes from the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), an organization set up by 

the Syrian opposition in London. Virtually all international news accounts republish the 

Observatory's reporting. According to AsiaNews: "For nearly two years, SOHR has 

reported only acts of violence by the regime against the rebels. Mainstream international 

media like the BBC, al Jazeera and al Arabya, have relied on it as their sole source of 

news." T note, SOHR is now reporting on some jihadist rebel atrocities. 

8 
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Some in the opposition openly deny that Christians are victimized for their faith. George 

Sabra, the Socialist Party leader who is president of the National Syrian Coalition, who 

comes from a Christian background and is often pointed to by Western supporters as 

evidence that Christians are represented in the Coalition, insisted to Kino on May 21, 

2013 that there is no evidence Syrian Christians are under pressure because of their 

religion. Sabra was reported to have stated: 

"Maybe there are some small events here and there," he said, "but we have not the right 

to exaggerate wi th these events to tell it as a fact, as a truth, of the life in Syria. Really it 

is not true." 

Sabra's views are contradicted by the church leaders inside Syria and Christian refugees 

pouring out ofi!. We are only beginning to understand the perils Syria's Christians face. 

The New York Times reported: "Hannibal, a 36-year-old pathologist who fled Syria when 

his life was threatened by rebels, was not smiling as he talked: 'As Christians in the 

Middle East, we live in misery and suffer many difficulties. We want nothing more than 

to emigrate to other places.' 

An Orthodox cleric concludes: "It would not be good if all Christians were to leave 

Syria, because then the Church would disappear here. But those who stay risk their lives 

and the lives of their children. Therefore the Church finds itself in a very complicated 

position. Prayer is our only support. After all, everything is in God's hands." 

Regional Religious Cleansing 

The devastation of Iraq's Christian community over the past ten years is foremost on the 

mind of those who analyze the situation of Syria's churches now. In 2003 in Iraq, 

Christians were some four percent of the population; they are now thought to be 1.5 

percent, numbering no more than half a million. 

After Saddam Hussein's secular Baathist dictatorship in Iraq was overthrown, up to twothirds of that country's Christians was driven out in less than a decade. The Iraqi 

Christians, also with ancient roots in the area, have fled intense violence specifically 

targeting them by Islamist extremists and common criminals, both of whom operate with 

impunity. Authorities in Baghdad have been slow to protect Christians, and have watched 

passively as local authorities have deprived Christian of essential services - including 

those provided through American reconstruction efforts. In Iraq, too, kidnappers have 

found the unprotected Christians easy prey. 

Like in Syria, no Iraqi group, Muslim or non-Muslim, has been spared massive and 

appalling religiously motivated violence. However, as the US Commission on 

International Religious Freedom found, the one-two punch of extremism, combined with 

deep governmental discrimination and indifference, now threatens the "very existence" of 

Iraq's ancient Christian churches. 

9 
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The refugee branches of both the UN and the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, after 

extensive research, separately concluded that these minorities are being "obliterated" (the 

bishops' term) because of specifically targeted violence. Wijdan Michael, Iraq's human 

rights minister and herself a Christian, concluded it is an attempt "to empty Iraq of 

Christians." 

Egypt's ancient Coptic community, about 8-10 million, is the largest Christian and the 

largest non-Muslim religious minority in the Middle East, and it too is now under threat. 

They now suffer ruthless attacks by Salafi Muslims, as well as by the military troops, 

who have gone unpunished for abusing or using excessive force against Christians Since 

the Arab Spring ushered in a Muslim Brotherhood government, anti-Christian 

persecution has increased 

Just a few weeks ago, another attack occurred when an angry mob laid siege to Cairo's 

cathedral during the funeral of four Copts who were themselves indiscriminately 

murdered by another angry mob aroused by a rumor of blasphemy. Repeatedly Pres 

Morsi has failed to protect them against violent Salafis. Tens, maybe hundreds, of 

thousands of Copts have fled the country since the beginning of 20 11. Egyptian political 

scholar, who is my colleague at Hudson's Center for Religious Freedom, Samuel Tadros, 

writes: "The Copts can only wonder today whether, after 2,000 years, the time has come 

for them to pack their belongings and leave, as Egypt looks less hospitable to them than 

ever 

Syria's Christian community constitutes the largest church in the Middle East after 

Egypt's Copts. Only one other country in the region has over a million Christians: 

Lebanon, with about 1.5 million. The other countries of the region count the numbers of 

Christian populations in the thousands. Except for Saudi Arabia, which has no 

indigenous church at all left within its borders. Much more is at stake in the fate of 

Syria's Christians than the future of the Church itself 

The driving out of Christians from the region, after a two millennia presence there, 

should be a concern not only to Christians. Lebanese Christian scholar Habib Malik 

makes the point that Christian minorities have traditionally served as "moderators" and 

"mediators" in the Middle East. They have often stressed Western-style education, 

individual freedoms, and women's rights. A case in point is his own father, Charles 

Malik, a major drafter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Malik insists: 

"The existence of settled, stable, prosperous, and reasonably free and secure native 

Christian communities in the Middle East has served in many instances as a factor 

encouraging Islamic openness and moderation, creating an environment of pluralism that 

fosters acknowledgment of the different other." 

Without Christians, the Middle East, a cultural cross-roads historically, will become even 

more radicalized and more estranged from the West This will be a political problem for 

the West As a Chaldean Catholic bishop lamented about his own country, "This is very 

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sad and very dangerous for the church, for Traq and even for Muslim people, because it 

means the end of an old experience ofliving together." 

American Policy 

As my co-authors Paul Marshall and Lela Gilbert and I found in our recent book 

Persecuted, unfortunately, our policy officials often miss or misunderstand the perilous 

circumstances of Christians and other religious minorities as they make foreign policy. 

For example, while there were 90,000 American and NATO troops on the ground in 

Afghanistan, that country's last remaining church, in Kabul, was razed in 2010 after its 

99-year lease was cancelled. The US State Department knew of this, and even reported 

on it in September 2011, but no U.S. official took any measure to stop or reverse it. The 

destruction of Afghanistan's last church did not draw the international protest that 

accompanied the Taliban's destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhist statues in 2001, but it is 

equally emblematic and even more consequential, depriving a religious community of its 

only house of worship. While the American people supported President Karzai's 

government, financially and militarily, Afghanistan joined the infamous company of 

hardline Saudi Arabia as a country that will not tolerate any churches. America's own 

diplomats and contract workers in Mghanistan must now hide their worship services. 

Other examples occurred in Iraq in 2005-08, under the noses of the US occupying power 

and over 100,000 American troops. During those years, Christians, Mandaeans, and 

Yezidis experienced horrific persecution that ultimately led to a nationwide "religious 

cleansing" campaign against non-Muslims. 

American foreign policy officials appeared to believe that it would be "special pleading" 

to do anything to help when 20,000 Christians were being violently driven from 

Baghdad's Dora neighborhood by Islamist death squads in 2006. Secretary of State 

Condoleezza Rice told me that the administration could not protect them from being 

murdered and kidnapped because it did not want American policy to be seen as 

"sectarian." But the U.S. was already deeply vested in sectarian considerations, though 

not for Christians. At the same time, the u.S. was engaged in a military surge against 

Islamic Sunni extremists. The U.S. was engaged in intensive efforts to ensure that nonviolent Sunnis gained positions in the Iraqi government, which, thanks to the overthrow 

of Saddam Hussein, was run largely by Shias, whom the administration had helped 

politically strengthen and unify. The problem is that U.S. Iraq policy had many sectarian 

considerations - except when it came to Christians and other non-Muslims, whom, 

because they were peaceful, it consistently overlooked. 

These attacks on religious freedom in Afghanistan and Traq took place under two 

different administrations, one Democratic and one Republican. They happened without a 

significant policy response from the United States. 

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Recommendations 

The Center for Religious Freedom concludes that Syrian Christians are both trapped in a 

vise between the two sides of a brutal conflict, and specifically targeted in an ethnoreligious cleansing campaign. The US administration is failing to address, or even notice, 

the particular situation of Syria's Christians. Without delay, it should adopt the following 

policies: 

First, it is critical for the US to officially take notice that, while every group in Syria is 

suffering, the Christian minorities are currently particularly persecuted; as well as being 

caught in the middle of a terrible war, they are also the objects of a concerted religious 

cleansing campaign. The State Department's Religiulis }f'eedum Repurt on Syria, issued 

last month, notes blandly that: "Reports of harassment of Christians, mostly in the 

context of ongoing political unrest, increased during the year." Also that: "Some 

Christians reported societal tolerance for Christians was dwindling and this was a major 

factor for the surge of emigration of Syrian Christians." Few actual cases were cited by 

the State Department and there's not the slightest hint in this gross understatement that 

the threat they face is an existential one. 

The situation of Christians and other minorities should be accurately reflected in a special 

report, one that Congress could mandate, and/or in official speeches, from the bully 

pulpits of our highest level officials. The fact that this cleansing is being missed is reason 

for the Congress to pass the resolution of Reps. Frank Wolf and Anna Eshoo mandating a 

special envoy for religious minorities in the Middle East. 

Second, US humanitarian aid must also be directed to the institutions that are caring for 

the Christian refugees. Generous American humanitarian aid - over $800 million -- for 

Syrian refugees typically bypasses Christians since they are generally afraid to go to the 

camps, where they risk further persecution and attack. Churches and monasteries in 

Lebanon and Turkey are being overwhelmed with Christians escaping violence in Syria 

and these and similar such facilities need to be identified and provided assistance. 

Furthennore, humanitarian aid - and, in the future, reconstruction and development aid -

is desperately needed inside Syria. The majority of Syrian Christians, and others, who 

have been driven from their homes are displaced within Syria and are in urgent need of 

assistance. The US should provide such aid and must ensure that -unlike in Iraq -- such 

aid actually reaches the Christians and other smaller minority communities and is not 

distributed solely through Assad government agencies, or existing opposition groups; aid 

to them should be distributed through Syrian Christian organizations, including, but not 

limited to, the churches. 

Third, while many Christians wish to continue living in Syria and we hope that the 

Christian community will remain in their homeland, the US must begin to accept large 

numbers of the Christian refugees who are not be able or willing to return to Syria and 

who cannot securely stay in the region. Because as a group, the Christian minority has 

not been linked to terror by either side, they do not require extensive background checks 

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and their cases can be expedited. The fA l1mes recently reported that the Obama 

administration is considering resettling refugees who have ±1ed Syria as part of an 

international effort that could bring thousands of the 1.5 million or more Syrian refugees 

currently in Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon and elsewhere in the Middle East to the United 

States. According to a State Department official cited in the Times, the Department is 

"ready to consider the idea," upon the receipt of a formal request from the United Nations 

Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees. Washington usually accepts about half 

the refugees that the U.N. agency proposes for resettlement, the paper reports. However, 

because many Christians avoid registering and entering UN camps for fear of being 

victimized, they are not likely to appear in the High Commissioner's request Hence, the 

administration should ensure that unregistered Christian refugees are included in any 

resettlement plan, and that their cases are not delayed by unnecessary terrorist 

background checks. 

Fourth, as the administration distributes support, weapons and other aid, lethal and nonlethal, to the members of the Free Syrian Army, it must ensure that none goes, directly or 

indirectly, to those responsible for religious persecution and cleansing against any group. 

In addition, the US should ensure that policing assistance needed for the defense of 

Christian neighborhoods and villages is provided. 

Fifth, the US should make a peaceful settlement in Syria among its highest foreign policy 

priorities. It should do so in consultations that include appropriate and fair representation 

of Christian and other small minorities, including through their civic leaders. Charges 

must be taken seriously by the Syriac National Council of Syria, a coalition of Syrian 

Christians groups and leaders, that the Syrian National Coalition, with which the West 

regularly consults, is dominated by Islamist groups and does not include authentic 

Christian voices. (I have submitted the statement of the Syriac National Council's of 

Syria's statement separately for the record.) 

Any settlement must ensure religious pluralism and freedom through a democratic 

constitution guaranteeing religious freedom, freedom of expression, personal security, 

and full recognition of the rights of all minorities, as well as other political and civil 

rights, including the right to equality under the law for women. Guarantees must be 

provided against Syria's Talibanization through the forcible imposition of shari a by 

sharia courts, Islamist security forces, or religious police. 

In conclusion, I wish to draw attention to the appeal of Aleppo's Metropolitan 

Archbishop Jean-Clement Jeanbart, of the Melkite Greek-Catholic Church: 

"One suffers for lack of goods, fuel, electricity, sometimes for food. But what makes us 

suffer most is to see that the future gets darker and darker. The future for us Christians 

and for all Syrians can only be based on full citizenship, freedom, dignity and respect for 

others. Otherwise what will happen to us? " 

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* According to a u.s government source, the population of Syria is approximately 22.5 

million. Sunni Muslims constitute 74 percent of the population and includes Arabs, 

Kurds, Circassians, Chechens, and some Turkomans. Other Muslim groups, including 

Alawis, Ismailis, and Shia, together, constitute 13 percent. Druze account for 3 percent of 

the population. Various Christian groups constitute 10 percent. There is also a tiny Jewish 

population, numbering between 20-100 people. Yezidis number about 80,000 

** Most Christians belong to the Orthodox churches, the Uniate churches (which 

recognize Roman Catholic papal authority), the independent Nestorian Church and 

several Protestant churches. 

14 
64

Mr. SMITH. Dr. Eibner. 

STATEMENT OF JOHN EIBNER, PH.D., CHIEF EXECUTIVE 

OFFICER, CHRISTIAN SOLIDARITY INTERNATIONAL, USA 

Mr. EIBNER. Thank you, Chairman Smith, for your determined 

leadership in the defense of human rights over many years, as you 

mentioned, going way back to the 1980s when you travelled with 

CSI as a young Member. 

And I would like to thank members here for their constructive 

questioning and contribution to the debate. 

I would also ask, Mr. Chairman, for my written submission to 

be—and appendants to be placed in the record. 

I returned only last night from Syria, and while there, I traveled 

with local church workers from the tranquil Mediterranean town of 

Tartus through the Valley of Christians to war torn homes, stopping at cloisters and villages along the way. 

Today’s hearing, Mr. Chairman, is indeed timely and important. 

The war in Syria has been catastrophic for all the people of Syria 

and carries within it the seeds of genocide. This ever-expanding 

war, a war that the vast Sunni Muslim world increasingly views 

as a jihad, threatens to set the entire Middle East ablaze. 

For 2 years, our Government has pursued a revolutionary policy 

of violent regime change and has done so in the name of the Syrian 

people. I would like to use this opportunity to fill in some of the 

gaps in Washington’s regime change narrative. 

Syria is a multi-religious country. Religious minorities, mainly 

Alawites and Christians, constitute roughly 30 percent of the population, with Sunni Muslims in the majority. All communities have 

suffered greatly, but the war’s seeds of genocide have the greatest 

potential to cleanse the country of its religious minorities. 

For over four decades, the secular-minded al-Assad dictatorship 

has provided a kind of protection for the religious minorities in a 

country where they have long experienced severe persecution under 

Sunni rule. The Assad regime has provided more space for nonSunni minorities than can be found in any other Arab Sunni majority state in the region. 

Those who would overthrow this dictatorship have a responsibility to provide a credible alternative system of protection, one in 

which the vulnerable minority communities have confidence. Wherever I went in Syria, I heard from Christians about the considerable religious freedom that is guaranteed by their government, 

freedom to worship, freedom to provide Christian education, freedom to engage with broader society through social services, freedom to proclaim their faith through public processions on religious 

holidays, some of which are public holidays, and freedom from the 

obligation to conform to discriminatory Sharia norms. 

I was repeatedly asked by displaced Christians, why is America 

at war against us? Why is the United States destroying infrastructure of our country? Why is Washington handing us over to Islamic 

extremists? They also wanted me to know that the genuine prodemocracy movement of the so-called Arab Spring had been tragically overtaken long ago by a parallel Sunni supremacist movement, one that is dominated by jihadis, many with links to alQaeda. 

65

Dismay was also expressed about Washington’s outsourcing of 

much of its Syria policy to regional Sunni allies, in particular, 

Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey, all of which have grave democratic deficits and deny religious freedom and minority rights to 

their own citizens. 

It seems that America’s intervention in the war is aimed primarily at detaching Syria from Shiite Iran and transforming it into 

a Sunni Islamic state. The goal appears to be to construct an antiIranian-Sunni access, stretching from Turkey in the north to the 

Gulf states in the south. 

During my visit I spoke with Christians who were personally terrorized during the Arab Spring days of 2011 by mobs pouring out 

of Sunni mosques, shouting, ‘‘Alawites to the tomb,’’ ‘‘Christians to 

Beirut,’’ and other genocidal slogans. Witnesses provided accounts 

of murder, including ritual beheadings and religious cleansing of 

their neighborhoods, and the desecration of churches. 

Kidnappings, as we have heard, are on the increase, with 

Alawites and Christians as the principal victims. One Christian 

church worker told me that four Alawite cousins of a friend were 

kidnapped and beheaded; a nun told me that she personally knows 

a Christian girl who was abducted by the terrorists and is now 

mentally disturbed on account of the abuse. The most widely 

known kidnapping case is that of the Syriac and Greek Orthodox 

archbishops of Aleppo. 

Such acts of terror are not senseless; they send a clear message 

to the religious minorities: Leave the country now. The conflict in 

Syria today, Mr. Chairman, cannot be portrayed simply in simple 

terms as one of the evil Assad’s dictatorship, a war against a peaceful, democracy-loving people of Syria. The war has indeed taken on 

an ugly sectarian character. Nowadays the religious minorities and 

secular-minded Sunnis that could constitute possibly a majority of 

the Syrian people tend to look to the Assad regime for protection, 

while those striving to reinstate Sunni superiority or supremacy 

within an Islamic state are the driving force of the anti-Assad insurrection on the ground. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, if our foreign policy establishment is determined to bring an end to the Syrian war and to strengthen 

guarantees for the religious rights of minorities, the United States 

will desist from financing and arming forces of Sunni supremacism. 

Our Government will rein in its Sunni Islamist allies and will cooperate with Russia, as President Reagan did to end the cold war, 

to create conditions for successful peace talks. We need to hear 

from our President and from all American statesmen, irrespective 

of party, who wish to escalate the war effort about their ultimate 

war goals and their plan for preventing genocide and guaranteeing 

minority rights for the Syrian people. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. Thank you very much for your testimony. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Eibner follows:]

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Dr. John Eibner 

CEO, Christian Solidarity International (CSI·USA) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

June 25, 2013 

Religious Minorities in Syria: Caught in the Middle 

Thank you, Chairman Smith, Chairman Ros-Lehtinen, and ranking members Bass and 

Deutch, for holding this important and timely hearing on the endangered Religious Minorities 

in Syria. Under your leadership, your subcommittees have given hope, over many years, to 

many people throughout the world whose fundamental human lights are denied, especially 

victims who cannot count on winning favor with our government or the human rights 

institutions of the United Nations system. 

I have drafted this written statement in Syria. Last week, I traveled on a CSI human rights 

fact-finding and humanitarian aid mission from the Mediterranean city of Tartus to Homs, 

stopping on the way at various predominantly Christian villages in the so-called "Valley of 

the Christians." My gratitude runs deep for the opportunity to share with the Committee the 

insights T gained from many observations and encounters with wonderfully resilient and 

courageous Syrians, mainly displaced Christians and church workers. 

This hearing, Mr. Chairman, is indeed important and timely. The very existence of the 

religious minorities of the Middle East is under threat. In every state in the region. the 

Christian population is in relative decline, or cannot decline fmiher because their existence is 

forbidden by law, as is the case with one of our country's principal allies in the region, Saudi 

Arabia. 

The world has been warned about the threat. On the eve of the so-called" Arab Spring." 

campaigns of violence against Chlistians in Iraq and Egypt prompted pubic protests from 

former Lebanese President Amine Gemayel. "Massacres are taking place," Gemaye1 declared, 

"for no reason and without any justification against Christians . What is happening to 

Christians is a genocide." 

Within days. the then President of France, Nicholas Sarkozy used similarly strong language, 

stating: "We cannot accept and thereby facilitate what looks more and more like a particularly 

perverse program of cleansing in the Middle East - religious cleansing." 

Pope Benedict the XVI also frequently drew attention of the grim plight of the Middle East's 

Christians. CST responded to the crisis by issuing its own Genocide Alert for the region. 

As the "Arab Spring" of 2011 turned dark. cold and forbidding. the existential crisis of the 

Christians and other religious minorities deepened - nowhere more dramatically than in Syria. 

Ambassador Peter Galbraith. was among the first to highlight the threat when he forecast at 

the Holocaust Museum in Washington that the world's next genocide would occur in Syria, 

with the minority Alawite community as the plincipal victim. 

The future of Syria's endangered religious minorities is not a peripheral issue, but is central to 

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the resolution of the current crisis. Roughly 30% of the population belongs to a religious 

minority community. By far the largest of these minority communities are the Alawites (12%) 

and the Christians (10%). There are also small groups of Shiites, Druze, and Ismailis. Sunni 

Muslims make up the majority. In the Middle East. identity is still determined primarily by 

the religious community into which one has been born. 

The outcome of the increasingly sectarian and internationalized war that now ravages much of 

the land could lead either to the eradication of religious minorities or to greater guarantees for 

their long-term security. Syria has reached a historic fork in the road. One path continues 

along the route of religious pluralism, based on a rough paJity between historic religions and 

equal citizenship. The other way leads to the erosion of religious minorities through a 

reversion to Sunni supremacism based on discriminatory Shariah principles, including 

obligatory jihad in both its violent and non-violent manifestations. 

My research, which includes not only last week's fact-finding trip to Syria. but also recent 

visits to neighboring Lebanon and Iraq, have led to the following findings: 

The late Hafez ai-Assad who established Syria's ruling dynasty with a military coup in 1970 

was from the minority Alawite community. The Alawites were regarded for centuries by the 

dominant Sunni religious establishment as non-believing infidels - indeed apostates from 

Islam - who were entirely outside the law and merited death. The Alawite Assads therefore 

strove to animate Syria with a secular political culture - a culture that provided considerable 

space in society for all historic religious communities. 

For over four decades. the Syrian state has been unsurpassed in the Arab/Muslim Middle East 

as a protector of the basic religious freedom of the Sunni majOlity and of the non-Sunni 

minority religious communities. TIle historic Christian churches have long experienced not 

only freedom of worship, but also broad freedom to meet social needs outside the bounds of 

the Christian community and to demonstrate their faith publicly. 

Syria's delicate religious balance was disturbed in 1982 when the Sunni supremacist Muslim 

Brotherhood a made bid for political power. This Islamist uprising was ruthlessly crushed by 

the Syrian state. A similar lslamist uprising took place in the spring of 20 II. The 0PP0l1unity 

arose when the "Arab Spring" pro-democracy movement reared its head in Syrian towns and 

cities. The peaceful pro-democracy movement was brutally suppressed by the Syrian 

government. But at the same time, a parallel non-democratic. Sunni supremacist movement. 

with strong ideological and lethal suppOli from Saudi Arabia and other Islamist forces, soon 

made itself felt throughout the country. 

I have received testimony from Christians from Homs. Qusair. and Latakia who witnessed 

during the "Arab Spring" mobs emerging from Sunni mosques following what were 

presumably incendiary sermons. to make unruly public demonstrations in favor of the 

overthrow of the "infidel" Syrian government, and its replacement with a state with Islamic 

legitimacy. Among the genocidal slogans heard during such demonstration were "Alawites to 

the tomb, Christians to Beirut." and "We will drink the blood of the Alawites." These mobs 

were not pro-democracy freedom fighters. 

By the summer of 201 L violence becanle the dominant characteristic of the Sunni 

supremacist movement. as it came under the domination of Syrian aJld foreign jihadists. 

2 
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Alawites and Christians were targeted as the armed jihadist and their followers began to put 

their genocidal slogans into practice. 

Victims recounted to me details of the religious cleansing of Christian neighborhoods in 

Horns and Qasair by armedjihadis who threatened them with death and the destruction of 

their property if they did not leave their homes. A Christian woman told me that before she 

fled Horns at the beginning of 20 12. she had seen the beheading in broad daylight of an 

Alawite girl who was pulled off a public minibus by armed jihadis. Churches in Homs and 

Qusair have not only damaged as a result of the exchange of mortars by the Syrian army and 

rebel forces, but have also been desecrated after falling under the control of the aImed 

opposition. 

From credible media repOlts and interviews with Syrians on the frontline of the contlict. we 

see that the targeted kidnapping of non-Sunnis is now a regular feature of the Syrian tragedy. 

I spoke with a Chlistian who reported that the four cousins of a close Alawite friend were 

kidnapped and beheaded. A nun told me that she knows a Christian girl who was kidnapped 

by anned insurgents and is now mentally deranged from the abuse. The victims of kidnapping 

include priests and prelates. The kidnapping of Syriac Orthodox Archbishop Yohanna 

Ibrahim and Greek Orthodox Archbishop Boutros Yazigi while attempting to negotiate the 

release of two abducted priests is widely interpreted within the Syrian Christian community as 

a message from the Muslim supremacist opposition to leave the country. 

The Syrian war has so far resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 people. the internal 

displacement of 4 million. and the displacement abroad of 1.5 million. This human rights 

calamity has affected members of all of Syria's religious communities. Numerically, most of 

the victims belong to the majolity Sunni community. For the Sunnis the contlict has become a 

war between Sunni supremacists and Sunnis who prefer the Syrian state's enforcement of 

tolerance and a pluralism based on enlightenment ideas of religious equality. But for the 

religious minorities the current conflict has become one of survival. The Syrian conflict 

shares many characteristics with the violent sectarian strife in Iraq following the overthrow of 

Saddam Hussein. The consequence of the Islamist reign of terror in post-Saddam Iraq was the 

flight abroad of half ofIraq's Christians and the internal displacement of most of those who 

stayed inside the country. 

The outcome for religious minorities in SYlia could tum out to be worse than in Iraq. But all 

hope is not lost. Massive violence, some of it targeted. did indeed drive many Christians and 

Alawites from their homes in places like Aleppo, Hams, Hama, Qusair and al-Raqqah when 

the armed Islamist opposition gained local footholds and went to battle against the Syrian 

government. I have seen for myself extensive destruction in Homs. But I also found 

government-controlled Tattus Province on the Mediterranean coast to be a generally tranquil 

place where people go about their private business and practice their religious faith without 

oppressive interference from the side of the state. The bustling seaside city of Tattus exudes a 

spirit of defiant optimism. Over 400,000 displaced Syrians have sought refuge there. They 

include Christians and Alawites, but the overwhelming majority of the displaced are Sunnis. 

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Tartus Provice has largely, though not entirely 

escaped the horrors of the civil war. This is mainly because the armed Islamist insurgency has 

been unable to gain a foothold there. (An effort by radical Islamists to do just that in May 

2013 in the mainly Sunni village of Batliyas. met with rapid suppression by the governing 

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authorities, accompanied by a revenge massacre of Sunni civilians by government-linked 

militiamen.) 

The burning question is: Do American policy-makers place high priority on securing the 

fundamental rights of all the peoples of Syria, and guaranteeing the existence of the 

endangered religious minorities in Syria? If so. the United States' de facto war against the 

Syrian state - a state which has for decades been a prime protector of religious minoritieswould end fOlthwith. Our government would use its leverage with its plinciple Sunni lslamist 

allies in the "coalition of the willing" for affecting regime change - namely Saudi Arabia, 

Turkey and Qatar - to end their SUppOlt for armed Muslim supremacist forces in Syria. and 

encourage them to tum their attention to providing Syrian-standard respect for religious 

freedom to their own citizens. 

The green light given to our Sunni regional allies to militarily destabilize Syria does not lend 

credibility to the human rights rhetoric that surrounds the United States' regime change 

policy. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey may be beloved by America's military and economic 

interests. but all have grave democracy deficits and cannot serve as models for religious 

pluralism and freedom religious. Saudi Arabia and Qatar are Sunni absolute monarchies. All 

religious minorities are banned in the former. Nearly one hundred years ago the Christian 

minorities were virtually eradicated in Turkey by means of genocide. Successive Turkish 

governments, including the current government of Prime Minister Recep Erdogan. have taken 

patriotic pride in genocide denial. 

If, on the other hand. the ultimate goal of Washington's Syria policy is to deny Shiite Iran -

an aspiring nuclear power - a regional ally, and to replace the secular-minded government in 

Damascus with a majoritarian Sunni lslamist regime. as we saw to be the case in Egypt and 

Tunisia. then our President has an obligation to explain to the American and Syrian people 

how the United States intends to guarantee the survival and freedom of Syria's religious 

minorities. 

If Washington is prepared to act in good faith, an early sign will be the United States' 

readiness to abandon archaic cold-war politics and to cooperate with Russia in encouraging an 

end to Syria's sectarian civil war. We have already seen in Boston the tragic consequence of 

failure to cooperate adequately with Russia in combating the security threats posed by radical 

Sunni lslamism. 

If the United States had Syria's religious minorities and secularlY-Oliented Sunnis on its side, 

it is likely that regime change would have happened already in 2011. But without the 

presentation of a credible plan from our President. the Christians, Alawites, and other Syrian 

religious minorities have good reason to fear that their existence will be sacrificed on the altar 

of higher geopolitical interests. 

May our President. like the great persecutor of the first generation of Christians, Saul of 

Tarsus, have a profound Damascus Road expelience - one that produces an end to policies the 

effect of which is to promote the persecution of the religious minorities in Syria and 

elsewhere in the Middle East. 

Thank you. Chairman Smith and Chairman Ros-Lehtinen. 

4 
70

Mr. SMITH. Reverend El Shafie. 

STATEMENT OF REV. MAJED EL SHAFIE, FOUNDER, ONE FREE 

WORLD INTERNATIONAL 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Thank you, Mr. Chair, for having me. It is a 

pleasure and honor to be here with all of you. And thank you, 

members of the committee and all the staffers; I know that the 

staffers as well work so hard. 

My name Reverend Majed El Shafie. I am founder and president 

of One Free World, an international human rights organization 

based in Toronto, Canada. I am not just the head of my organization, and I am not just a man wearing a suit behind my desk. I 

used to be a prisoner back home in Egypt, and I was tortured by 

the Egyptian regime. And until now I have my scars on my body, 

which I consider it a badge of honor. 

The war in Syria and what we are seeing right now in Syria is 

started by March 2011, and I believe it started as a genuine uprising. I believe that the people was tired from the regime. I believe 

that they want end of the corruption, the emergency law, and reform of the Constitution. Sadly, as we are seeing today—and we 

hear this expression many times, the ‘‘Arab Spring’’—what we see 

today that the Arab Spring been hijacked to become an Arab deadly winter on the minority. 

We all are against a dictatorship, make no mistake. We are all 

against a dictatorship, from Mubarak to Assad, to Ghadafi, to Ali 

Abdullah Saleh; whoever they are, we are all against a dictatorship. The problem when you take a dictatorship out, you create a 

political vacuum. Who is using this political vacuum is the extremist. And, sadly, the worst thing that you can have a democracy and 

freedom between day and night in the Middle East, this is will not 

happen. 

The truth and the reality there is no—there will not be a democracy in the Middle East or true freedom without two major elements. Number one is the separation between the religion and the 

state. Number two is the freedom of religion of the individuals, the 

freedom to believe or not to believe. 

We see here that the attacks that this Arab Spring or what socalled Arab Spring led to attacks on the Christian minorities in 

Syria; not just the Christians, you can found as well attacks on the 

Druze and the Shias. These attacks been led in areas like the 

Roman Catholic Church, our Lady of Salvation in July 5, 2012; the 

deadly bomb blast in August 28, 2012, in Druze and Christian 

areas; the arrest of many of the Christians and other minorities 

and torturing them on the hand of the rebels; and, of course, we 

know about the kidnap of the Greek Orthodox Archbishop Paul 

Yazigi and the Syrian Orthodox Archbishop Yohanna Ibrahim, 

which we don’t know until now where they are and what has happened to them. 

Not only that, because when the extremist comes, they don’t 

only—they are not only danger on the minority, they are also danger on the moderate Muslims. And we see right now even incidents 

such as the 14-years-old Mohammad Qatta in the city of Aleppo, 

which was in a coffee shop. And he made a statement about the 

Prophet Muhammed. The rebels kidnapped him, they tortured him, 

71

and they killed him in public. He was a Muslim boy; he was not 

a Christian boy. 

We see as well the attacks on the Shias, like in June—in the 

early June, dozen of Shiite Muslims in the town of Hatlah, where 

massacre been reported, that the rebels have looted and destroyed 

religious sites after taking control of the—of this areas or this region. 

The worst dilemma that facing Islam today as a faith is not rising of the extremist, but is the silence of the moderate Muslims. 

The worst dilemma that facing Islam as a faith today is not the 

rising of the extremists, but the silence of the moderate Muslims. 

We see here that United States decided that they will provide 

weapon to the opposition, the rebels. It seems to me that United 

States will not learn from its mistakes yet. We provided weapon to 

Osama bin Laden during the mujahideen war in Afghanistan, and 

it turned against us. We provide weapon to Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq war, and turn against us. We provide weapons to 

Libya, to the rebels in Libya, and 2 months later they killed our 

American Ambassador. 

Providing a weapon to the rebels in Syria will be a mistake that 

the innocent people will pay the price for it, especially the minorities. Nevertheless, if the United States none-less goes ahead with 

the military aid, it must demand accountability from the rebels, include the return of the weapons after the conflict, and deny any 

further aid if weapons or ammunitions are used against minorities, 

civilians, or American allies, such as Israel. 

Let us make it clear: United States in—pledged $500 million in 

humanitarian aid. If the rebels refuse to respect the minority 

rights, woman rights, stop child abuse, we have to stop or at least 

to connect our humanitarian aid with improvement of human 

rights in these countries. I believe that the American people is 

tired of using their tax money to support terrorist groups, such as 

the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and elsewhere. 

In the end, and my closing remark, I believe that our world today 

is unfair place, is unjust place not because the people is doing evil, 

but because the people who remain silent about it. History will not 

remember the words of our enemy, but will remember the silence 

of our friends. The persecuted Christians and the minorities is 

dying, but they still smile. They are in very deep, dark night, but 

they still have the candle of hope. Believe me when I tell you, they 

can kill the dreamer, but no one can kill the dream. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. God bless. 

[The prepared statement of Rev. El Shafie follows:]

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.Wor{c( Internationa{ 

:Jvi inis tries 

RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN SYRIA: 

CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE 

A STATF:MF.:\,TRY 

REV. MA.mn EL SHAFIE 

PRESIDENT AND FOTJ:"!DER OF 

O~E FREE WORLD INTERN H10NAL 

BEFORE TUE JOINT SliBCOMi\UTTEE OF 

THE SUSCOMMffTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, ANO HUMAN RIGHTS 

CHRISTOPHER H. S'VIITH (R-N.l), CHATRMA:"! 

ANI) 

THE SIJBCOMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST Al';!) NORTH AFRICA 

ILEANA Ros-LEHTINEN (R-FL), CHAIRMAN 

OFTRE 

Ul'<'1TED STATES HOtiSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

COMl\>nTTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

JUNE 25, 2013 

20 Bloor Street East, Box 75129, Toronto, Ontario M4W 3T3 Canada 

Email: info@onefreeworldinternational.org www.onefreeworldin!ernational.org 

Tel: 416-436-6528 
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I. Introdnction 

My name is Reverend Majed EI Shafie, and I am the President and Founder of One Free World 

International (OFWI), an international human rights organization based out of Toronto, Canada. 

I would like to thank the members of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human 

Rights for the opportunity to present our comments and recommendations on this most urgent 

issue of the plight facing religious minorities in Syria. 

For those who are not familiar with my background, I was born in Egypt to a prominent Muslim 

family of judges and lawyers. After I converted to Christianity and began advocating equal rights 

for Egyptian Christians, I was detained and severely tortured by Egyptian authorities. Sentenced 

to death, I fled Egypt by way ofIsrael and settled in Canada in 2002, establishing OFWI to share 

a message of freedom, hope, and tolerance for religious differences and to promote human rights 

in this area through advocacy and public education. 

Our mission and cal1ing at OFWI is to stand up for religious minorities and individuals around 

the world who are being persecuted because of their personal beliefs. We advocate on behalf of 

al1 those who are persecuted for their beliefs, regardless of religion or creed. Among other things, 

our work involves direct interventions with foreign governments on behalf of minorities in 

general or on individual cases, educating our own politicians and citizens about religious 

freedom and abuses of human rights in this area, humanitarian aid, and rescue missions. Our goal 

in putting forward the present recommendations is to encourage the United States to live up to its 

responsibility as a world leader and take a principled stand for justice and freedom for religious 

minorities in Syria who are voiceless, vulnerable, and desperate. 

Today Syria is at a cross-roads. Tens of thousands of Syrians have been k:il1ed in the conflict and 

the United States is in a position to help detennine whether this country goes down the path of 

freedom and respect for human rights or a path of extremism, oppression, and continued 

violence. To its credit, the United States has repeatedly and publicly reiterated its commitment to 

promote and defend freedom of religion in this region and around the world. While such public 

endorsements of religious freedom are an important first step, the U.S. must back its words up 

with action in protecting Syrian Christians and other minorities both now, while the conflict 

rages, and in preparing its strategy for a post-conflict Syria. 

II. Religious Freedom 

Freedom of Religion as a Human Right and in International Law 

Freedom of religion is a fundamental, universal right that speaks to the very core of what it 

means to be human. The basic freedom to believe in (or not believe in) and to practice the 

religion of one's choice (or equally to refrain from any religious practice) fonns the very basis of 

human dignity and is a pre-requisite for true equality under the law. After al1, our ability to 

observe such beliefs about who we are in this universe is unique to humans among the living 

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beings on this planet. As a result, the right to religious freedom is recognized both by U.S. and 

international law as foundational and intrinsic to any truly free society, and without freedom of 

religion, experience has shown there can be no democracy, peace, or security. 

Recognition of the rights of individuals and nations, minorities and majorities, is basic. 

Ultimately everyone is in some respect or at some time or place a member of a minority and one 

need only consider one's own position but for a moment in order to see the importance of 

respecting the rights of others and the universal nature of this principle, known in the Christian 

tradition as the Golden Rule, or "Do unto others as you would have others do unto you". 

Human beings have learned this painful lesson the hard way over thousands of years of 

violations of this foundational principle. Tn fact, the United States of America was built to a large 

extent on the hopes of those who fled Europe centuries ago in order to be able to worship freely, 

and much of the unique character of the American culture, way of life, and legal institutions is 

based on this very foundation. Over the last century, communities and humanity as a whole have 

joined together to seek ways to promote respect for these painful lessons by enshrining this 

principle in constitutions and international documents such as the Universal Declaration of 

Human Rights (UDHR) and the Jf1lemational Covenalll 011 Ch'jJ and Political Rights (ICCPR). 

The UDHR, while not in itself binding, is considered by international law experts to reflect 

customary international law which in turn is binding on states. The UDHR states in Article 18 

that, 

Everyone has the right to freedom of UlOughl. conscience and religion: this right includes freedom 

to change his religion or belief, and freedom. either alone or in community with others and in 

public or private. to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice. \yorship and observance,l 

However, it is not necessary to rely on general principles of morality or international law or even 

less on mere declarations of principle or aspiration in order to establish the rights of religious 

minorities. A large part of the world community has expressly agreed to submit to binding 

international law in this matter by signing or acceding to the ICCPR, including Syria which 

acceded to this covenant on April 21, 1969. Article 18 states that, 

1. Everyone shall have the right to rreedom or thought, conscience and rcligion. This right shall 

include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice. and freedom. either 

individually or in community ,,,,ith others and in public or private, to manifest his reli,gion or belief 

in \vorship, observance. practice and teaching. 

2. No one shall be subject to coercion ,,,hich '''QuId impair his freedom to have or to adopt a 

religion or belief of Iris choice. 

3. Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limit<ltions as are 

prescribed by Imv and are necessary to protect public safety, order. health, or morals or the 

fundamental rights and freedoms of oU,ers. c 

1 Universal Declaration o(HlIIllan Rights. GA Res. 217(TTT). UN GAOR.:ld Sess .. Supp. No. 10, UN Doc. A/S10 

(1948). 

::: international Covenant on C'ivi/ and Polilica/ Rights, 19 Decembcr 1966. 999 UNTS 171. on1inc: Office of the 

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights <http://www2.ohchr.orglenglish/law/ccpr.htm> accessed 12 

No\'ember 2011. 

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2. Religious Freedom and Syria 

a. The al-Assad Regime 

Syria is a predominately Muslim country, but unlike most other Muslim countries reports of 

persecution of religious minorities have been relatively rare in the past The country's totalitarian 

secular, socialist regime under President Bashar ai-Assad has been concerned primarily with 

safeguarding its own status through preventing social discord by emphasizing the secular nature 

of the state. Tn this the regime has been ruthless and torture has been a common and routine 

technique to suppress dissent. Moreover, despite its own secular posture, it has been the primary 

supporter of such extremist Tslamist factions as Hamas, Hezbollah, and Tran and its hostile 

position against Israel has been a continuously destabilizing factor in the region. 

Nevertheless, under President Bashar al-Assad's secular Ba'athist party, Syrian minorities shared 

a relatively equal existence with their Muslim compatriots. Despite the regime's many other 

failings - and these have been great - its minorities experienced a measure of prosperity in 

business, education, and society. In fact, the country shares many similarities, both in terms of its 

history and the implications for religious minorities of current events, with that of its former 

ideological partner, Saddam Hussein's Iraq. 

The constitution gives Islam a certain prominence, for example by requiring that the president be 

a Muslim and recognizing Tslamic jurisprudence as a principal source of legislation. Tn practice 

President Assad's Alawite sect of Shi'a Islam has enjoyed some minor benefits as compared to 

other groups including the Sunni Muslim majority (at 74% of the population) and other Shi'a 

Muslims. Otherwise, however, the regime has been concerned with religious activity primarily to 

the limited extent that it affects public order and the status quo. On a certain level, this makes the 

regime an "equal opportunity oppressor" 

The Syrian constitution also includes a provision affirming freedom of religion. A historic 

Christian community, whose presence in Syria stretches back to the earliest years and even 

months of Christianity and pre-dates the existence of Islam by hundreds of years, accounts for 

less than 10% of the population today. Christians belong primarily to various Orthodox and 

Catholic confessions but also include Armenians, Protestants, and others. Syria has been the 

home to some of the oldest Christian communities in the world without interruption since the 

birth of Christianity very close to 2,000 years ago. Other minorities represented are the Alawites 

and other Shi' a Muslims, Druze, Yezidis, and others, including a few isolated and elderly Jews. 

Under Assad's Ba'athist regime, these traditional communities have been able to worship within 

tight restrictions and, while Alawites form the core of support for the Assad regime, Christians, 

Sunnis and others could be found in prominent positions in government and business life. 

On the other hand, any religious activity that was deemed to be subversive or threaten the regime 

or its secular nature or to threaten public order, including relations between religious 

communities, has long been of concern to authorities and pursued without mercy. As a result, the 

government has strictly monitored and controlled all religious activity. For example, in 

September 2010 it shut down eight house-churches in the north of the country in what at the time 

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was believed to be the beginning of a crackdown on unauthorized Christian activity. The brunt of 

the regime's brutality, however, has been focused on those belonging to groups detennined to be 

extreme Islamist groups. It has walked a fine line to keep religious extremism from threatening 

its position by tightly controlling Muslim religious activities while simultaneously appeasing 

Muslim extremists in ways that often impacted on minorities. 

Proselytizing was not technically illegal, but was actively discouraged and effectively forbidden 

as it was treated by the regime as a threat to relations among religious groups. Religion was kept 

strictly out of public life nor were one's religious beliefs safe to discuss with friends or 

neighbours for fear of being charged with proselytizing and seeing a lengthy sentence in the 

harsh Syrian prisons. 

Christians were not actively pursued by the regime for their religious beliefs or activities apart 

from claims of proselytizing. However, despite its claims to protect the Christian minority the 

government did not necessarily come to the aid of Christians when they were in danger. On the 

other hand, when any excuse could be found to implicate Christians, the government would not 

spare any measures in pursuing them. For example, in October of 2004 two Christians were 

brutally murdered by a Muslim gang and a police officer after one of them requested that a 

rowdy group of Muslims leave his cafe when the Muslims' card-game turned violent. When the 

authorities refused to act on these crimes, some of the dead men's friends took matters into their 

own hands destroying some property belonging to some of those responsible. While the 

authorities took no action on the murders, this property damage resulted in the rapid arrest of 42 

Christians, most of whom were unrelated to the events. As a result of such attitudes and 

treatment whereby victims and other innocents are pursued as criminals, an ancient Christian 

community has long lived with the constant knowledge that they must tread very carefully for 

their own protection and that of their loved ones and community. 

Converts, on the other hand, have faced a much different situation. As in other Muslim countries, 

while conversion to Islam is recognized, conversion from Islam to any other religion is illegal 

under Shariah law. While religious identity was effectively kept out of public life, laws 

governing personal status are determined by a person's religious identity. This left converts 

vulnerable because conversion is not recognized by the Syrian government and so they continued 

to be dealt with under Islamic laws concerning personal status. From a practical perspective, 

conversions were not directly punished by the government but by the local community or the 

convert's family who would find ways to implement the Shariah death penalty against the 

apostate while the government turned a blind eye. The government itself, however, also readily 

used pretexts or excuses to penalize converts on other manufactured grounds. In the meantime, 

Syrian society is very close-knit, as in other Muslim and Middle Eastern countries, and converts 

were not able to relocate and typically had no choice but to leave the country. 

b. The Current Status of Syrian Minorities 

The current conflict in Syria has altered the situation for religious minorities in that country 

radically. They are no longer accepted, even if begrudgingly, as an established part of a secular 

regime. Religious minorities - and particularly the historic Christian community - are now 

caught between a desperate regime, vicious at the best of times, which is fighting for its life 

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against rebels riding a wave of successful popular uprisings against dictatorial regimes elsewhere 

in the Middle East that were largely dri ven by Muslim extremists. 

While the situation in Syria is different in some ways from the regime changes that have taken 

place in the region, there are many similarities. The circumstances facing Syrian minorities are 

eerily familiar and yet somehow more tragic as extremists have strengthened and consolidated 

their positions in the region cutting off options for minorities. The Syrian conflict began with 

peaceful protests against the regime's authoritarian rule. The Syrian uprising began mostly as a 

genuine popular uprising driven primarily by moderate and liberal Syrians fed up with the Assad 

regime's tactics and encouraged by the apparent success of the other uprisings in the region. 

However, as the regime responded to peaceful protests with heavy-handed measures, extremist 

groups saw an opportunity and rapidly became more and more involved and the conflict rapidly 

escalated. 

The Assad regime is trying to maintain its hold on power against disparate rebel forces that are 

openly and violently, and in many places successfully, defying the regime. As a result, it has no 

available capacity to protect its minorities. There have also been reports that the regime itself has 

intentionally attacked minorities, although it is difficult to determine whether these attacks were 

actually perpetrated by the regime or by rebels. Moreover, where minorities have been caught in 

attacks committed by the regime, this has generally been as a result of the regime's broader 

crackdown against the uprising and not because of any specific targeting of minorities. In either 

case, however, attacks by the regime against any of its unarmed civilians are despicable crimes 

and we do not condone any such action; but if we are to find a lasting and equitable solution for 

the minorities, we must begin by being honest and accurate in characterizing the threats facing 

them. 

In the meantime, we tend to refer to "the rebels" in shorthand, as if they were a cohesive group 

with compatible motivations, goals, and methods. However, nothing can be further from the 

truth. Rather than a somewhat homogeneous rebel force, the rebels in Syria are composed of 

several groups with radically different and often competing agendas, particularly with regard to 

.\ S}Tian IIlan shO\v~ 1113rb of torture inflicted after rebds took conh"ol ofa 

Christian an:aor Aleppo. (Photo: .Tames J ,uwlt!f l)llggan/ArpiGdt~, Images) 

One .Free \\orld International 

Religiou:;, Freedom in SJTia Recolllmendation:;, to Cnited States Congress 

their future plans for Syrian 

society, including its minorities. 

The moderate, liberal factions are 

simply tired of Assad's 

authoritarian methods and wish to 

implement a liberal, secular 

democracy. The Muslim 

extremist and terrorist elements, 

on the other hand, have very 

specitic goals for turning Syria 

into an Islamist haven governed 

by Shariah law which will 

provide a base from which to 

attack western interests in the 

region and beyond. 

Page 5 of 22 
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These Islamist factions, which include Muslim Brotherhood, Salafist, and al-Qaeda-linked 

groups and are rapidly overtaking the undisciplined and poorly organized rebels as they have in 

other countries, operate on the assumption that minorities, particularly Alawites and Christians, 

support the regime. As a result, minorities are targeted both for their politics and as minorities 

who must either convert or be killed. Many towns captured by rebels have been cleared of their 

Christian populations either with the Christians fleeing the on-coming lslamists or being forced 

out by threats that they must convert, flee, or be killed. Demands for the payment ofjizya, a fonn 

of protection money imposed on non-Muslims, have been seen as well. 

Reports about rebel activities in towns they come to control are conflicting and it is very difficult 

to confirm what actually happened in individual incidents such as the captures in the spring of 

2012 of Qusayr and sections of Homs, as well as multiple Christian towns and villages. Some 

reports indicate that rebels have made ultimatums to Christians and other minorities, in some 

cases to convert to Tslam and in others to join the fight against the regime, or be killed, causing 

minorities to flee. Reports from rebel groups, on the other hand, deny any ultimatums and claim 

that the minorities fled voluntarily. What is clear is that Christians are fleeing the approaching 

rebels amid reports of Shariah courts, threats, kidnappings, rapes, and extortion. 

Numerous car-bomb attacks have been placed as if with a strategic plan in place to specifically 

target minorities. These include bombs in minority neighbourhoods, like the mostly Christian 

and Druze neighbourhood of Jaramana, or placed close to churches or Christian charities. Some 

have caused only property damage while others have apparently been carefully and fatally timed 

to coincide with worshippers going to services or mourners participating in a funeral procession. 

Tn April 2013 two bishops representing the Greek Orthodox and Syriac Orthodox churches were 

kidnapped by rebel forces in Aleppo. Their condition and whereabouts are still unknown, but the 

targeting of priests and other religious leaders is a familiar tactic of Tslamist groups that sends a 

chilling message to minorities: if their religious leaders are not safe, no one is safe. Many who 

might have stayed are persuaded to flee, leaving the diminished minority even more vulnerable. 

Tn early June 2013, a 14-year-old young Muslim boy named Mohammad Qatta serving coffee at 

a coffee shop in Aleppo was killed in an impromptu public execution by rebel gunmen for an 

off-handed comment referencing the Muslim prophet Mohammed. While details of the event are 

unclear and this is not strictly speaking an attack on minorities, it is a graphic example of the 

priorities of large segments of the rebel forces and an indication of the direction the country is 

headed if extremist forces succeed in consolidating their control of those forces. Incidents such 

as this add to the fears of minorities and increase their motivation to leave for safer areas 

controlled by the regime or to flee the country entirely. 

Also in early June 2013, dozens of Shiite Muslims in the town of Hatlah were massacred by 

rebels claiming to be targeting pro-government militia members. Increasingly throughout the 

conflict there have been reports that rebels have looted and destroyed religious sites after taking 

control of minority areas, including a Shia place of worship and two churches in Idlib and 

Latakia governorates respectively as documented by Human Rights Watch. 1 

3- "Syria: Attacks on Religious Sites Raise Tensions", 23 Ianunry 2013, online: Humnn Rights \V"ltch 

<hllp://www.irrw .org/news/20 13/01/23/syria-allacks-rcligious-silcs-nrisc-lcnsions>. accessed 21 June 2013. 

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c. What Does the Future Hold? 

As already mentioned, the situation in Syria bears many similarities to Iraq, with the exception 

that the recent regime change in that country was brought about by outside forces led by the 

American military invasion and occupation. Nevertheless, the experience of religious minorities 

in Iraq is instructive of what can be expected to take place in Syria. In the violence that followed 

the fall of Hussein's regime, Traqi Christians were targeted by both Sunni and Shi'a militias. 

Christians fled as refugees in numbers vastly disproportionate to their share of the population, 

leaving their ancient community reduced to about half of its pre-invasion size in a period of less 

than ten years. While some have returned, they face an uncertain future in a country where their 

own government has no ability or interest to protect them or other minorities from Shi'a and 

Sunnia groups engaged in on-going sectarian violence and religious extremists. But whether they 

have returned, found a new home in another country, or are still waiting for a resolution to their 

situation, the human toll of the experiences Iraqi minorities have endured is incalculable. 

The irony in this tragedy is that many Iraqi Christians who have returned have only done so 

because they simply had no other option. Syria, where they had sought refuge from the Iraqi 

crisis, is no longer safe for them and now they are being forced to flee yet again. If Syria, which 

was a safe haven for Christians in the region, is no longer safe, where will Syrian Christians flee? 

Yet in some areas they are afraid to leave their homes to go to work or buy food. 

We, along with others, have argued that the situation in Traq had all the hallmarks of the 

beginnings of genocide. Even though we no longer hear of daily attacks, the violence has not 

ended and, while it may take a little longer, the goal of the extremists remains to rid Traq of its 

minorities. Our concern is that Syria will turn into another Iraq and worse - that Muslim 

extremists will take advantage of this opportunity to cleanse Syria of the "infidels" - Christians 

and other minorities - and establish an Islamist state. In fact, this process has already begun. 

Christianity, which has been in Syria since the months and years following its establishment, is 

in danger of being eradicated if this crisis is managed poorly or half-heartedly. 

III. Religious Freedom in U.S. Foreign Policy 

Religious freedom cannot be separated from the more 'traditional' focuses of diplomacy and 

international relations - such as peace, security, and, more recently, fostering democracy. Such 

an approach is not only morally untenable, but also fundamentally flawed, especially in a highly 

religious are such as the Middle East. Despite the best efforts and predictions of western secular 

humanist academics and prognosticators, religion holds an enduring and even increasing 

relevance in our 2 I 'l-century world. Tn these circumstances, the absence of religious freedom has 

far-reaching implications beyond individual abuses that must be taken into account in the 

fonnulation of foreign policy. This statement is not intended to diminish the importance of 

individual cases - even if one solitary individual in a remote part of the world was denied his or 

her right to their beliefs and practices, we ought to treat it as an assault on the humanity of each 

and every one of us. However, the lack of religious freedom takes on a different dimension when 

entire communities and societies are affected. 

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Even a cursory review of history shows that societies that restrict religious treedom are far more 

likely to experience profound social upheaval that jeopardizes the long-term survival of 

democracy. The importance of religious freedom as a fundamental pre-requisite, not only for the 

existence of stable, rights-based democracies, but also for international peace and security and 

the freedom of every human being, was recognized by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton 

when she stated that, 

.. .it is [the United States'] core conviction that religions tolerance is one of the essential elements 

not only of a sustainable democracy but of a peaceful society that respects the rights and dignit~, of 

each individual People \vho have a voice in hmv they are govenled-no matter ,vhat their identity 

or ethnicily or religion-are more likely to have a stake in both their govenllnellt's and their 

socicty·s success. That is good for stability. for American national security, and for global 

securitv.-I-

(emphasis added) 

Moreover, the foundational role played by religious freedom in the United States is eloquently 

expressed in the preamble of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 (TRFA), where 

Congress stated that: 

The right to freedom of religion undergirds the very origin and existence of the United States. 

Many of our Nation's fOlmders fled relibrious persecution abroad, cherishing in their hearts and 

minds the ideal of religious freedom. They cstablished in law. as a fundamcntal right and as a 

pillar of our Nation, the right to freedom of religion. From its birth to this daY. the United States 

has prized this legacy of religious freedom and honored this heritage by standing for religious 

freedom and offering refuge to those suffering religious persecution . .5 

(emphasis added) 

Since the break-up of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the United States has had 

the unenviable position of being the world's lone super-power. This position certainly has its 

challenges; while many look to the United States to guarantee their security, at the same time 

they resent their dependency and therefore seek to reject American influence and values, 

especially in areas where they feel their culture and identity may be vulnerable, religious identity 

being one of the most obvious However, promoting religious freedom is one area where the 

United States must not give in to the challenges of its role. Rather it must vigorously, but 

tactfully, pursue the establishment of conditions in which every member of the human 

community can pursue their religious beliefs and identity with only their conscience as their 

guide and not the dictates of the state or oppressive religious leaders. This is a critical 

detenninant not only for peace and security in far-flung countries around the world, but 

ultimately for the peace and security of American citizens in their homes across the United 

States. 

At the same time, freedom of religion in Syria must not be viewed as merely a 'means to an end,' 

as this will inevitably lead to the compromising of the 'means' (religious freedom) for the sake 

4 Remarks by Hillary Rodham Clinton .. "Remarks at the Release of the 13'11 Annual Report on International 

Freedom", 13 September 2011. online: State Department < h((p:llwww.state.gov/sccretHry/nn!2011/09!l7225~.htm> 

accessed 12 November 201 1. 

'U.S .. Bill H.R. M3L International Religious Freedom rIet 0/1998. 105tll Cong .. 1998, § 2(a)(I) (enacted). 

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of the 'ends' (national security). Religious freedom is an end in itself. Any diplomatic initiatives 

on behalf of religious freedom must be premised on a commitment to its intrinsic value as an 

inalienable right vested in indi viduals on the basis of their humanity alone. 

Section 2 of IRFA clearly states that 

(b) It shall be the policy of the United States. 

(3) To be vigorous and flexible. reflecting both the llilwavering commitment of the United States 

to religious freedom and the desire of the United States for the most effective and principled 

response. in light of the runge of violations of religious freedom by a variety of persecuting 

regimes, and the status of the relations of the United States \vith different nations. 

(5) Standing for liberty and standing "ith the persecuted. to usc and implement appropriate tools 

in the United States foreign policy apparatus. including diplomatic, political, commercial, 

charitable. educational. and cultural channels, to promote respect for religious frecdom by all 

governments and peoples. G 

(emphasis added) 

In order for the United States to live up to its responsibility as the 'leader of the free world,' it is 

not enough that the American government respect the rights and freedoms of its citizens within 

US. borders. The United States must ensure that its foreign policy is consistent with the 

fundamental values that form the basis of American society and identity. There is no question 

that freedom of religion is one of these fundamental values. 

Freedom of religion is absolutely intrinsic to the broader system of rights and freedoms that 

underpin the United States as a society and a nation. As President Obama acknowledged as much 

in his 2009 Cairo speech when he stated, "[fJreedom in America is indivisible from the freedom 

to practice one's religion.,,7 Ever since the birth of the United States, American leaders have 

recognized that no society can be truly free ifit denies an individual's inviolable right to believe 

and practice his or her religion of choice. For US foreign policy on Syria to be truly' American' 

it must be reflective of and consistent with core American values, including the centrality of 

freedom of religion. Overlooking violations of religious freedom is to legitimize those actions 

and undermine the very principles that underlie American identity and society. 

For all these reasons, the United States is obligated, morally, legally, and out of its own national 

security and self-interest, to take every measure within its power to ensure that religious 

minorities in Syria are able to exercise their full rights as human beings and citizens and, 111 

particular, able to hold to and observe their religious beliefs and practices without fear. 

(', IRF A supra note 5 at §2. 

'''Rcmarks by the President on a New Beginning at Cairo University. Cairo. Egypt". 4 June 2009. online: The 

White House, Office of the Press Secretary <http://mvw.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-eairomuversity-{)-04-09> accessed 12 November 2011 ["A New Beginning"] (emphasis added). 

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IV. Recommendations for U.S. Foreign Policy in Syria 

In June 2009 President Obama declared in Cairo that, "[fJreedom of religion is central to the 

ability of peoples to live together"" Any U.S. foreign policy etTorts aimed at promoting 

democracy, social stability, peace, and security in Syria without taking into account the issue of 

religious freedom and the security of religious minorities will etTectively ignore one of the 

fundamental sources of the problems and is destined to fail. It will not only be highly ineffective, 

but will also risk exacerbating tensions and insecurity in the region. Estimates are that over 5 

million people have been displaced from their homes due to the current conflict. That is just 

under one in four of Syria's 22 million citizens. According to the United Nations High 

Commissioner for Refugees, about 1.6 million of those are refugees in surrounding countries, 

including one million who have fled in the first five months of 2013 alone." 

These refugees have fled primarily to the countries that share land borders with Syria although 

there are also a significant number in Egypt. All of these countries, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, 

and Turkey, face significant internal challenges of their own even without adding to their policy 

agenda the enormous burden of assisting hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees. Lebanon has 

continuous challenges with a population identified along religious lines and the political 

challenge of containing Hezbollah, but has so far managed to avoid the impact of the so-called 

"Arab Spring" Jordan, on the other hand, has seen demonstrations related to the Arab Spring, 

and while they have not spread or taken root as a full-fledged uprising in that country, the 

Jordanian government is certainly not in any position to take its authority for granted. In Turkey, 

in the meantime, tensions have been rising over the past weeks over political protests and the 

government's handling of those protests, while Iraq still has not achieved any lasting stability 

after the invasion and subsequent withdrawal of American and allied troops. Under these 

conditions the potential destabilizing force of millions of Syrian refugees in the region that is the 

Mi ddl e Eastern powder-keg is all too real. 

In light of the frightening prospects for religious minorities in Syria, the United States must use 

all foreign policy tools at its disposal both to address the on-going violations, examples of which 

are described above, and to ensure long-term protection of the rights of religious minorities. As 

history has shown, diplomatic engagement and political dialogue - however sustained and 

constructive - is often insufficient. In order for U.S. policy in Syria to be effective, diplomatic 

etTorts must be backed by a demonstrable commitment to take substantive policy measures and 

stand behind the diplomatic measures. 

F or some time the United States has expressed its disapproval of the Assad regime's activities by 

maintaining sanctions against the regime. While by no means condoning the actions ofthe Assad 

regime, it has nevertheless sought to remain on the sidelines of this conflict and to express its 

support for the aspirations of the Syrian people through humanitarian aid and diplomatic support 

and statements. 

8: "A Nc\\, Beginning", supra note 6. 

') "Stories from Syrian Refugees: Discovering the Human Faces of a Tragedy", online: UNHCR information portnl 

<hllp://dala.unhcr.org/syrianrcfugees/syria.php>, accessed 16 June. 2013. 

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I. Military Support for the Rebels 

Over recent weeks the United States has committed to providing small-scale military support to 

the Syrian rebel groups on the grounds that evidence which has surfaced about the regime's use 

of chemical weapons shows that the regime has crossed a "red line" demanding action. While we 

do not in any way condone the use of chemical weapons in any circumstance, we have serious 

and grave concerns about the United States' new policy direction and what it will mean for 

religious minorities and a speedy and just resolution to the violence afflicting the Syrian people. 

Providing any kind of military support for the rebels is an extremely dangerous move and a nowin policy that will have disastrous consequences for Syrian minorities and American security 

interests. Unfortunately, the United States has gone down this road before. Tn the 1980s it 

supported Afghan rebel forces fighting against 

the Soviet Union's invading troops; the result 

was the Taliban, a safe-haven for terrorist 

organizations like AI-Qaeda, and a dozen-year 

military engagement by American troops that 

remains on-going. Also in the 1980s, the United 

States supported Iraq in its war with Iran; the 

result was the regime of Saddam Hussein, two 

wars, an invasion and full-fledged occupation, 

and thousands of American lives lost As 

recently as the last two years, the United States 

supported rebels in Libya; the result was an 

attack on the American diplomatic mission 

resulting in the killing of the ambassador and 

three other embassy personnel and wounding of 

many more. Our question to American policymakers is simple: how will Syria be any 

different~ 

A church in Hotl1~. damaged during fighting hcnvc:cn ~ccurity 

forces and rebel~. (Photo: Reuters) 

We firmly believe that the United States has the settled intention to do everything within its 

power to ensure that these arms supplies do not find their way into the control of religious 

extremists or terrorists. These people have no scruples about using American-supplied weapons 

against religious minorities, whether as proxies for the Assad regime or quite simply in their 

capacity as religious minorities. Unfortunately, despite the best of intentions there is absolutely 

no way to guarantee that this will not happen. In fact, even if the moderate groups can be trusted 

to use these arms for their intended purpose of defending against the regime, the extremists are 

rapidly consolidating their position and influence over the rebels and establishing Shariah law in 

areas where they are in controL Under these circumstances the only thing we can truly be certain 

of is that, whether they are small arms or something more substantial, some or all of any 

weapons provided to the rebels will wind up in the hands of extremists. At that point these 

American weapons will be used against Syrian civilians and particularly against religious 

minorities, as well as against Israel, America's most important ally in the region. This is simply a 

matter of time. 

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If, however, the United States decides to go ahead with its military aid despite the obvious signs, 

it must demand accountability from the rebels for any aid it provides. This means that any 

weapons supplied must be returned to the United States once the conflict is resolved. 

Furthermore, if there is any evidence that weapons or ammunition provided by the United States 

or other western countries have been used against minorities or other civilians or against the state 

of Israel, all further military aid or support, as well as development and humanitarian aid must be 

stopped immediately with no exceptions. 

2. Humanitarian Aid 

To date the United States has committed more than $500 million in humanitarian aid to ease the 

suffering of Syrian civilians. This is a critical and compassionate measure that must be 

maintained as long as there is a need. However, American aid must not be implemented in any 

way that would support or grant legitimacy to any parties in Syria that refuse to respect the rights 

of Syrian minorities. In order to ensure that this does not happen, the United States must create 

an explicit link between eligibility for American aid and respect for human rights. It must ensure 

that aid is given only through groups that are responsible and accountable for those funds and for 

their treatment of religious minorities and that such support does not function directly or 

indirectly to support extremist elements. 

The legislative authority for such an explicit link between aid and religious freedom already 

exists within IRF A and the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. Section 2(b) of IRFA clearly states 

that it "shall be the policy of the United States ... to seek to channel United States security and 

development assistance to governments other than those found to be engaged in gross violations 

of freedom of religion.,,1() Moreover, section 405(a) of TRFAI! empowers the President to 

authorize the "withdrawal, limitation, or suspension of' both "development assistance" 

(paragraph 9) and "security assistance" (paragraph II) in accordance with the Foreign 

Assistance Act. Section 116(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act further states that "no assistance 

may be provided under this part to the government of any country which engages in a consistent 

pattern of gross violations of international human rights,,,'2 including "particularly severe 

violations of religious freedom"n 

If this authority applies to government recipients of American aid then it goes without saying 

that the same principle must apply equally to non-governmental or opposition groups. If the 

United States is serious about its commitment to religious freedom, it must take action based on 

this authority given to it by Congress to compel the parties in Syria to respect the rights of 

minorities. 

10 TRFA, supra note 5 at § 2(b). 

11 Ibid. at § ~05(a). 

1: Ihe Nwe;gn "lss;slonce "kl (~r 1961, a.dmended, Pub.L. No. 87-195, ~ 116(a), 75 SlHl424 (enacled Seplember4, 

1961, 22 U.S.C. § 2151 et seq.) [Foreign .·!ssi.ltal1ce ,1ct]. 

11 Ibid. at § 116(e)(3) 

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3. Refugee Support 

Despite all other efforts, Syrian civilians including religious minorities may have no other option 

but to nee their homes to secure their safety. Refugee protection is an essential means of 

protecting vulnerable people where all other efforts have failed. At the same time, evacuating 

religious minorities from Syria will only be a victory for the extremists. The United States must 

continuously work toward preventing the need for Syrian minorities to leave their homes and 

toward creating the conditions in which those who have left or still must leave will be safe to 

return to Syria both in the short and long term. However, to the extent that the violence continues 

to dislocate people from their homes, the United States together with its allies must not only take 

all steps necessary to accept as many refugees as possible, but they must also coordinate their 

refugee admission processes so that the minorities whose circumstances render them especially 

vulnerable are provided for. 

To the extent possible Muslim Syrians can and ought to be encouraged to seek refuge in 

surrounding countries. Refugees in any circumstances are vulnerable in the countries where they 

seek help. They are foreigners and must learn to fit in, but they are also often seen as a burden on 

the host country that must supply them with physical and material support and, in prolonged 

situations, the means for a livelihood. However, to the extent that neighbouring countries are 

capable of absorbing them, the local solution will provide the easiest transition for Muslims for 

whom the language, culture, and religion of the neighbouring countries will be familiar. 

For other minorities, particularly Syrian Christians, fleeing to the neighbouring countries would 

be an untenable situation. Despite the cultural and linguistic familiarity of the region, they will 

be equally, if not more, vulnerable in the surrounding countries as they will be at home. Not only 

will they be foreigners and refugees who will be seen as burdening the receiving countries, but 

they will also be religious minorities in countries where the local religious minorities are already 

vulnerable should the ever-present threat of religious extremism raise its ugly head. A striking 

example of what can happen is the example ofIraqi Christian refugees who fled to Syria and are 

now forced to nee the extremists back to Iraq where extremists continue to use every opportunity 

to pursue their eradication. While Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon are currently in a rather different 

position, conditions in those countries could change rapidly and without warning for the worse as 

they have in many other countries in the region over the past two-and-a-half years. As a result, 

those Syrian minorities for whom seeking refuge in the surrounding Muslim countries is not a 

viable option must be prioritized by the United States and western countries where their religious 

beliefs will not cause them to be further victimized. 

4. Supporting Minorities and Preparing for the Post-Connict Era 

While a solution to the general conflict is an urgent priority, it is equally critical to find a way to 

stop the specific violence that is targeting Syrian minorities and to prepare the groundwork for a 

future Syria where the religious minorities are treated with respect and have their equal place 

among their Muslim neighbours. 

The closure of the United States embassy in Damascus makes it more difficult to engage in direct 

diplomacy with the parties. However, it was an important response to the regime's actions. The 

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Assad regime still has its supporters, domestically and on the international scene, but it is fairly 

clear that any lasting solution to the situation in Syria cannot involve a continuation of the Assad 

regime. Replacing it with a truly democratic option cannot be done overnight or in a few months 

of popular uprising. As a result, it is critical that the United States prioritize building 

relationships with moderate and liberal democratic elements among the rebels and Syrian 

opposition and use all diplomatic means to strengthen their position. Together with its European 

and other western allies, it must make it clear that nothing less than full equality and respect for 

human rights, including religious freedom, and peaceful coexistence with Israel will be 

acceptable for the future of Syria. At the same time, the United States must work together with 

its allies in order to isolate and eliminate the extremist and terrorist elements among the rebels, 

many of which are either of foreign origin or supported by foreign interests. 

In order to ensure the success of its efforts in Syria, the United States must be honest and clear 

about the realities on the ground. It must not turn a blind eye to the role of extremists among the 

rebels and it must not play down that role in its desire to promote opposition to Assad's regime. 

It must not overlook the impact of the conflict on religious minorities by minimizing or ignoring 

the targeted nature of attacks, including those by rebel forces. Clearly the Assad regime must go, 

but not at any cost - if the price of its removal is the blood of religious minorities and the 

conscience of the American people, it is too high. 

V. Conclusion 

Every member of the international community has undertaken a sacred trust to uphold 

fundamental human rights. There is no right more fundamental to human dignity and to truly free 

and inclusive societies than freedom of religion. In light of the horrific abuses of this basic right 

occurring throughout the world today, no country, the United States included, can say that it has 

fulfilled its duty to protect religious freedom and the vulnerable minorities to whom this freedom 

is denied. 

Syria's minorities have historically enjoyed the ability to observe their religious beliefs and live 

in relative harmony and equality with their Muslim neighbours, a rare status in the Middle East. 

Christians have existed in this area since the very early days of Christianity and their presence is 

even recognized in the New Testament story of the conversion of Saul on the road to Damascus. 

Today, however, Christians are being pushed out of Syria by the conflict, caught between a 

regime indiscriminately attacking rebels and civilians, on the one hand, and a growing cadre of 

religious extremists and terrorists among the rebels who are directly and intentionally targeting 

Christians and other minorities, both for their religion and for their (presumed) politics. The 

outcome for Syrian Christians at this crucial juncture will have far-reaching consequences on the 

presence and status of religious minorities generally in the region. Moreover, how this conflict is 

resolved could also have devastating consequences beyond the region and its minorities, for 

global stability and, therefore, the security of the United States itself 

Syrian minorities need the world to listen and to find an efIective way to resolve the situation in 

their homeland. Removing the Assad regime at any cost is not the answer. The United States and 

its allies must be willing to engage in the long, tedious work of developing a real, democratic 

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alternative to the Assad regime rather than just applying a bandaid measure that will in all 

likelihood backfire on Syria's minorities and moderate Muslims. The oft-heard saying that, "The 

enemy of my enemy is my friend" is not always true and is certainly not true in the case of the 

future of Syria. The United States must support religious minorities in Syria and moderate, 

liberal forces that will promote a strong, liberal democracy in Syria and ensure that they do not 

support religious extremists and terrorists prepared to hijack the aspirations of the Syrian people 

with their dreams of a Shariah-based Islamist haven. Today, will the United States choose to be 

part of the problem or the heart of the solution? 

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RECOMMENDA nONS 

-SUMMARYToday Syria is at a cross-roads. Almost 100,000 Syrians have been killed in the current conflict. 

Religious minorities, particularly Christians, are caught between a fierce regime fighting for its 

survival and religious extremists who are rapidly gaining control of the rebel movement and 

pursuing a Shariah-based religious state. The United States must do all it can to address the ongoing human-rights violations of religious minorities and to ensure their long-term safety and 

protection. It must not pursue the removal of the Assad regime at the cost of the blood of Syrian 

minorities and the conscience of the American people. 

1. Military Support for the Rebels 

• Extremists and terrorist-linked groups are taking control of the disorganized and 

undisciplined rebel groups 

• The US must not supply weapons to the rebels as they will find their way into extremist 

and/or terrorist hands and be used against civilians, minorities, and U.S. regional interests 

and allies such as Israel 

If the U.S. nonetheless goes ahead with military aid, it must demand accountability from the 

rebels, including the return of weapons after the contlict, and deny any turther aid if weapons 

or ammunition are used against minorities, civilians, or American allies such as Israel 

2. Humanitarian Aid 

• The US. must continue to provide humanitarian aid as long as there is a need 

US aid must not be implemented in a way that would support or grant legitimacy to any 

parties in Syria that refuse to respect the rights of religious minorities 

The US must create an explicit link between eligibility for American aid and respect for the 

human rights of Syrian minorities 

3. Refugee Support 

The U.S. must work toward preventing the need for Syrian minorities to leave their homes, 

but must ensure the safety of those who may not ultimately have a choice 

• The U.S. and its allies must prepare to accept as many refugees as possible, prioritizing those 

whose religious beliefs may cause them to be turther victimized in surrounding countries 

4. Supporting Minorities and Preparing for the Post-Conflict Era 

• The US must make it a priority to build relationships with, and strengthen, moderate and 

liberal democratic elements among the rebels and Syrian opposition 

• The US must work with its allies to isolate and eliminate extremist and terrorist elements 

among the rebels, many of which are either of foreign origin or supported by foreign interests 

• Policy-makers must be honest and clear about the realities on the ground, including the 

extent of extremist and terrorist involvement among the rebel forces and must ensure they do 

not work to replace one fonn of tyranny with another 

• True democracy does not happen overnight; it must be built and nurtured from the ground up 

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Appendix A 

BIOGRAPHY OF REv. MAJED EL SHAFlE 

FOUNDER AND PRESIDENT 

ONE FRYE WORLI) INTERNATIONAl. 

Rev. Majed EI Shafie is a human rights advocate and founder of One Free World International 

(OFWI). His human rights journey started in his native Egypt that he was later forced to flee 

after he was severely tortured and sentenced to death for his conversion to Christianity and 

bringing awareness to human rights violations related to religious persecution. Belonging to a 

very prominent legal and political family in Egypt, Rev. EI Shafie had tried to work within the 

Egyptian system to reform the country's human rights regime. Between the challenges he faced 

in these efforts, his firsthand experience as a survivor of religious persecution, the work he has 

engaged in since advocating for religious freedom, confronting governments that violate this 

fundamental right, and conducting fact-finding missions and humanitarian/rescue operations, he 

has obtained significant knowledge and insight into the dynamics of persecution of religious 

minorities by religious extremists and totalitarian governments alike. 

Rev. EI Shafie has established two effective human rights organizations including One Free 

World International (OFWI) which is one of the leading organizations advocating for religious 

minorities globally and has 28 branches around the world. He has organized and led delegations 

of parliamentarians and religious leaders to address minority rights and humanitarian issues with 

government leaders, including several cabinet ministers and other high-level officials, opposition 

leaders, and religious leaders among others in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Cuba, and 

India. Rev. EI Shafie has developed excellent relationships with members of the Canadian House 

of Commons, Senate, and Cabinet, and has built bridges with the US Congress in order to 

educate decision-makers about violations of religious freedom around the world. He has had the 

opportunity to testify four times before the Subcommittee for International Human Rights of the 

Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, twice before United States 

Congressional subcommittees and commissions, and before the Parliamentary Inquiry into 

Antisemitism in Canada. He has advocated on behalf of Christians, Falun Gong, Jews, Baha'i's, 

Ahmadiyya Muslims, and China's Uyghur Muslims, among others. Leading North American and 

international news media have featured his work which has also been the subj ect of an awardwinning feature-length documentary entitled "Freedom Fighter" and its companion book, also 

titled "Freedom Fighter" 

HONOURS AND AWARDS 

2012 Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal 

HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTISE AND ACCOMPLISHMI!:NTS 

• Provided expert testimony of conditions facing religious minorities. 

• Relied on in numerous cases in the Refugee Protection Division (Ontario) and 

Immigration Board (Florida). 

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Created an underground human rights organization to pursue equal rights for Etlyptian 

minorities and built organization to 24,000 members injust two years. 

• Created and developed one of North America's most effective international human 

rights organizations focused on the rights of religious minorities around the world. 

• Conducted fact-finding missions, rescue operations, and humanitarian interventions in 

countries where religious minorities are being persecuted and intervene directly through 

in-person meetings with high-level politicians and government officials regarding 

human rights concerns. 

• Organized conferences and human rights events that attract thousands of participants 

every year to educate the public about religious persecution and human rights issues. 

PARLIAMENTARY AND CONGRESSIONAL TESTIMONY 

Testified by invitation before parliamentary committees in Canada and congressional committees 

in the United States on issues related to minority rights, including: 

21/3/2012 The Tom T,antos Human Rifihts Commission, United States COl1fitess 

Religious Freedom in Afghanistan and Pakistan 

2211112011 The Sub-Commillee 011 Inlerna/iollal Human Rifihls (SDIR, prel'ious/y SDEV) of 

the Standil1g Committee 011 Foreign AjJedrs and Tmernatiol1al Trade, Parliament 

ufCanada 

Religious Freedom in Egypt and Iraq 

1711112011 The Suhcommittee on Africa, Glohal Health, and Human Rights of the United 

States Huuse ufRepresentatil'es Cummittee un Fureign AjjClirs 

Religious Freedom in Egypt and Iraq 

3011112010 5D1R, Parliament ufCanada 

Recommendations with Respect to Certain Issues Pertaining to the Human Rights 

Situation in Afghanistan 

3011112009 Parliamentmy Tnquiry illto Amisemitism in Canada, Canadian Parliamelltmy 

Cualitiun tu Cum bat Antisemitism 

16/6/2008 5D1R, Parliament u.fCanada 

Canadian Policy Regarding Religious Minorities with a Focus on Iraq, Egypt, and 

Pakistan 

2/12/2004 5Di'.-Y, Parliament u.fCanada 

The Persecution of People of Faith 

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NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL MEDIA COVERAGE 

Television: Whistleblower (CTV National News), W5, Canada AM, The Arena, The Source, 

and others 

Radio: CBC Radio and others 

Print: National Post, Ottawa Citizen, Toronto Star, Toronto Sun, and others 

International: Israel (Haaretz, Jerusalem Post, Maariv, Yediot Aharonot), Denmark, Gennany, 

France 

Feature Documentary: 

C. Atkins (Dir.), (2012) Freedom Fighter [Documentary], United States: Destiny Image. 

M. Himel (Prod.), PersecutedChristialls [Television Broadcast], March 14,2012, Toronto: 

VisionTV. 

Television: 

K. Tomlinson, "Christian fears persecution if sent back to Egypt", on CTV National News: 

Whistleblower, March 16,2006, Toronto: CTV. 

K. Tomlinson, "Man claims torture in Egypt after refugee claim turned down", on CTV National 

News: Whistleblower, December 14, 2006, Toronto: CTV. 

E. Levant, "Iran Irony" on The Source, August 12, 2011, online: SunNews 

<httpllwww.sunnewsnetwork.ca/video/iran-ironyI11 08134934001 >, accessed July 29, 2012. 

E. Levant, "Egyptian Genocide?" on Prime Time, October 11, 2011, online: SunNews 

<httpllwww.sunnewsnetwork.ca/videoI1213251309001>. accessed July 25, 2012. 

B. Lilley, "Religious Prosecution [sic]" on Rylil1e, November 16, 2011, online: SunNews 

<httpllwww. sunnewsnetwork. calvi deol search/ma jed %20el %20 shafi e/reli gi ousprosecutionl127960304000 1 >, accessed July 29, 2012. 

M. Coren, "Persecution of Christians" on The Arena, December 14, 2011, online: SunNews 

<httpllwww. sunnewsnetwork. calvi deol search/ma j ed/persecuti on -ofchristiansI1328192026001>, accessed July 29, 2012. 

E. Stakelbeck, "Egyptian Dissident Warns of Brotherhood's Rise" on CRN News, February 16, 

2012, online: CBN News <http://www.cbn.com/cbnnews/world/2012IFebruarylEgyptianDissident-Warns-of-Brotherhoods-Rise/>, accessed July 22,2012. 

M. Coren, "Par for the Course" on The Arena, July 25, 2012, online: SunNews 

<http/ Iwww.sunnewsnetwork.ca/video/search/all/par-for -the-courseI17543 68754001 >, accessed 

July 29,2012 

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E. Levant, "Beyond a Youtube Video" on The Source, September 13,2012, online: The Source 

<http / Iwww.sunnewsnetwork.calvideo/featured/prime-time/86 743223700 Ilbeyond-a-youtubevideol1839021 026001lpage/2>, accessed September 15, 2012. 

M. Coren, "US Ambassador to Libya Killed" on lhe Arena, September 11,2012, online: 

SunNews < http://www.youtube.com/watch?v~4fWd4gEuDt4>. accessed October 1, 2012. 

Print and Online News 

M. Maslanik, "Torture spurs man to fight for religious freedom" in Finger rakes Times, October, 

2006, online: Living Testimony <http//1iving-testimony.blogspot.cal2006110/rev-majed-elshafie-egyptian-ex-muslim.html>, accessed July 21, 2012. 

"El Shafie envisions one free world for all, takes his case to Winnipeg" in Jewish Tribune, 

October 23,2007, online: Jewish Tribune 

<http/ Iwww.jewishtribune.caluncategorizedI2007/1 0123/el-shafie-envi sions-free-worl d-for -alltakes-his-case-to-winnipeg>, accessed July 25, 2012. 

"The Persecuted" in The Ollawa Citizen, September 10, 2008, online: Canada. com 

<http / Iwww.canada.com/ottawacitizen/features/faithandethics/story.html?i d~992 7 efb d -fbaf4fba-97f5-ef3305284911>, accessed July 30, 2012. 

T. Godfrey, "Woman tired of hiding in church sanctuary" in The Toronto Sun, September 14, 

2008, online: NoOneTsTllegal <http/ltoronto.nooneisillega1.org/node/33>, accessed July 25, 

2012. 

C. Chan, "Multi-faith Forum Focuses On Human Rights" in The J\poch Times, September 20, 

2009, online: TheEpochTimes <http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/canadalhuman-rights-forum22718.html>, accessed July 22, 2012. 

M. Wagner, "Human rights group: Hamas disinters Christians in Gaza" in The Jerusalem Post, 

December 12, 2009, online JPost.com 

<http/lwww.jpost.com/MiddleEastl Article.aspx?id~162975>, accessed July 24, 2012. 

M. Little, "Corrupt Afghan Government Sullying Canada's Name, Committee Told" in The 

Epoch Times, December 2,2010, online: TheEpochTimes 

<http/lwww.theepochtimes.com/n2/canadalcorrupt-afghan-government-sullying-canadas-namecommittee-told-46833.html>, accessed July 25, 2012. 

C. Lewis, "Analysis: Situation only getting worse for Egypt's Christians" in The National Post, 

January 3, 2011, online: National Post, <http//1ife.nationalpost.comI2011/01l03/analysissituation-only-getting-worse-for-egypts-christians/>, accessed July 30, 2012. 

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"Majed EI Shafie: The holocaust the world has never known" in Chris/ian TeTegraph, January 

11,20 II, online: Christian Telegraph <http://www.christiantelegraph.com/issueI1890.html>. 

accessed July 21, 2012. 

M. Adler, "Reverend Urges Canadian Government to Help Coptic Refugees" in Fast York 

Mirror, January 15,2011, online: Inside Toronto <http://www.zuza.com/news-story/59841-

reverend-urges-canadian-government-to-help-coptic-refugees/>, accessed July 21, 2012. 

R. Moffatt, "A Light in Dark Times" in The Fpoch Times, February 3, 2011, online: The Epoch 

Times <http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/arts-entertainmentla-Iight-in-dark-times50557.html>, accessed July 25, 2012. 

R. Spivak, "Interview with Tortured Egyptian Who Escaped to Israel on A Jet Ski and then 

Obtained Asylum in Canada" in The Winnipeg Jewish Review, February 6, 2011, online: 

WinnipegJewishReview.com 

<http://www.winnipegjewishreview.com/artic1e _ detail.cfm~id~777&sec~7>, accessed July 24, 

2012. 

R. Spivak, "Head of Egypt human rights group fears Brotherhood takeover" in The Jerusalem 

Post, February 14,2011, online: JPost.com 

<http://www.jpost.com/MiddleEast/ Article.aspx~id~2081 04>, accessed July 21,2012 

"One Free World International Founder Majed EI Shafie Leads First Canadian Delegation to 

Iraq Since the War Began" on Yahoo' News, September 20,2011, online: Yahoo! News 

<http://news.yahoo.com/one-free-world-international-founder-majed-el-shafie073313821.html>, accessed July 22, 2012. 

S. Kolenko, '''Humbling' human rights mission" in The North Shore Outlook, September 21, 

2011, online: NorthshoreOutlook.com 

<http://www.northshoreoutiookcom/newsI130296088.html>. accessed July 24, 2012. 

"Genocide in All but Name" in The Jewish Trihune, February 21, 2012, online: Jewish Tribune 

<http://www.jewishtribune.ca/uncategorized/20 12/02/211 genocide-in-all-but-name>, accessed 

July 25,2012. 

S. Kirshner, "Christians in Egypt, Iraq feel vulnerable, filmmaker says" in The Canadian Jewish 

News, March 2,2012, online The Canadian Jewish News 

<http://www.cjnews.com/node/89445>. accessed July 22, 2012. 

M. Swan, "Moving beyond the Mideast headlines in 'Persecuted Christians' " in The Catholic 

Register, March 9, 2012, online The Catholic Register 

<http://www . cath 01 i cregi ster. org/hom eli teml 1 4026-m ovi ng -bey on d -th e-m i deast -headl i n es-i npersecuted-christians>, accessed July 29, 2012. 

D. Square, "Arab Spring a Cold Winter for Persecuted Christans in New Documentary by Martin 

Himel" in The Winnipeg Jewish Rel'iev.', April 1, 2012, online: WinnipegJewishReview.com 

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<httpllwww.winnipegjewishreview.com/article_detai1.cfm~id~2315&sec~4>, accessed July 24, 

2012. 

"Majed EI Shafie Leading Canadian Delegation to Washington, DC" in Maranalha News, April 

18,2012, online: Maranatha News <http://www.maranathanews.com/2012/04118lhuman-rightsactivist-majed-el-shatie-leading-canadian-delegation-to-washington-del>, accessed July 22, 

2012. 

A. Butcher, "Freedom Fighter" in Charisma Magazine, May I, 2012, online: Charisma 

<http/ Iwww.charismamag.com/entertainmentlmovies/15 I 06-dvd-freedom -tighter>, accessed 

July 25,2012. 

E. Belz, " 'Defend the Persecuted' " in Religion Today, May 15,2012, online Christianity.com 

<httpllwww.christianity.com/news/religiontodayI116705201print/>, accessed July 25, 2012. 

L. Luzajic, "Welcome Back, Khadr~" in Canada Free Press, July 19,2012, online: Canada Free 

Press <http://www.canadafreepress.com/index.php/arti cle/wel come-back -khadr I>, accessed Jul y 

22,2012. 

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Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Reverend El Shafie, for not 

only presenting testimony, but as a man who has literally been tortured for his faith, thank you for being here and forgiving us the 

insights of your thoughts and where we should go. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SMITH. Let me ask the entire panel a couple of questions. 

And I will just lay it out, and if could you respond. 

I asked earlier the Deputy Assistant Secretary as to whether or 

not he, and especially the administration, construed what is going 

on against the Christians to be genocide. I would point out that 

Syria acceded to the Genocide Convention in 1955, and Article 1 it 

makes it very clear that genocide means—and this is right from 

the convention—any of the following acts committed with intent to 

destroy in whole or in part a national ethical—ethnical, racial, or 

religious group, such as killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group. And then Article 3 talks about the acts that are punishable: Genocide, conspiracy 

to commit genocide—you don’t even have to do it; the mere conspiracy is an actionable offense—direct and public incitement to 

commit genocide, attempt to commit genocide, complicity in genocide. And yet, like we saw with Sudan—and I remember, Ms. Shea, 

you were very active and outspoken during previous administrations when we utterly refused, as did the Europeans, as did the 

U.N. Human Rights Council, to call what was going on in Darfur 

a genocide. I am wondering, you know, if each of you could say 

whether or not you believe what is happening to the Christians rise 

to the level of genocide. 

Secondly, I had asked earlier about the conditionality. And, Reverend, you talked about the importance of conditionality with 

human rights. And I noted that even Napoleon Duarte, the former 

President of El Salvador, told me directly how important conditionality was when it come to human rights, even within his own government. And I am wondering, we heard a lot about vetting. I am 

not sure how vetting is done in an efficacious way to ensure that 

the bad guys don’t get the guns. But the conditionality issue, I am 

not sure there are conditions; if you know of any, please say. 

Let me ask Dr. Jasser if you could add—you mentioned—and I 

read your recommendations, the 20 recommendations that were 

made by the Commission. Has the administration embraced all, 

some, or any of those recommendations that were made by the 

International Religious Freedom Commission? And I have a few 

other questions, then I will yield to my colleagues. 

Mr. JASSER. Thank you, Chairman Smith. 

I will address the last one first, in my role as a Commissioner. 

We have begun having conversations at a staff level regarding our 

recommendations, and our report is a little over 11⁄2 months, 2 

months old. So we are in the process of hoping that they adopt 

some of those recommendations because of the plight of religious 

minorities. But I can’t speak officially for—and, obviously, we are 

not part of the administration to be able to speak on their behalf 

on what they feel about those recommendations. We do hope as a 

result of the testimony that they do look at them and embrace 

them as a method in which we should employ the way to protect 

religious minorities. 

96

To speak to your other questions, again, our report and my testimony do lay out the egregious and horrific plight of the Syrian people across various faith groups and the sectarian divides. However, 

as you mentioned, and many have mentioned, labeling it as a genocide involves certain legal and other ramifications that I can’t respond to as a Commissioner. 

But let me just speak on my own behalf personally. I do think 

that, obviously, as somebody who speaks to Syrians frequently, and 

trying to keep in contact with them; they just do not know if they 

will be around tomorrow. For example, what’s happened to Sunni 

Muslims, the millions now, a population in Syria of 22 million with 

1 to 2 million displaced refugees, 90-plus percent of which are 

Sunni Muslims, I would be hard pressed as an American citizen 

who cares about humanitarian rights not to say that there is a 

genocide against Sunni Muslims in Syria. 

But what happens in all conflicts, and what is the last card that 

Assad has pulled, is fomenting sectarian divisions. So what is going 

to happen, given Assad allowing al-Qaeda into his country, has 

been to basically allow them to have competing genocides so that 

he can legitimize, the regime can legitimize, its continued existence. 

Because I will tell you, as much as I agree—and in my testimony 

I talked about atrocities committed by some of the rebels. Now, is 

there a command-and-control center for the FSA? There isn’t. And 

there are obviously many, many groups. But God help the minorities, such as the Christians, who may disagree politically with the 

Ba’athists or with their political ends, because at the end they may 

have the religious freedom to practice, but there is no certainty for 

those who are politically against the regime’s authoritarian means. 

And I think lastly, as far as vetting, I think it’s important, and 

I will tell you that the trajectory of the conflict—we have tried now 

for 28 months-plus the ‘‘do nothing and let the Friends of Syria sort 

of guide it,’’ and it has gotten us to this point of talking about competing genocides and almost 100,000 dead. And I think at the minimum the choices that we have thus far for protecting religious minorities is to begin to play a role to help push it—as Mr. Kinzinger 

said earlier, to help push history toward at least giving those that 

would like a democratic, moderate Syria a chance at promoting 

those values and helping those who would be our real allies on the 

ground to have the ability to see a future Syria that is not run by 

either extreme, and I think at least us playing some type of a role 

there, and in the recommendations we give, as far as helping those 

who promote out principles within the Friends of Syria, and also 

of building infrastructure there that can help provide safe haven 

within the opposition. 

Ms. SHEA. Yeah. I think every one of us who was really monitoring the situation with the minorities, the smallest, defenseless 

minorities in Syria, has very much Iraq on its—the precedent of 

Iraq on our minds. And in Iraq over the last 10 years, two-thirds 

of the Christian population there has been eliminated. They have 

been driven out by violence. Many of them have been killed, but 

most are just—been sent it into exile. Ninety percent of the 

Mandeans, the followers of John the Baptist, have also been eliminated from Iraq under the same conditions; the Yizidis, over half. 

97

These are the smallest defenseless minorities. They have essentially been ethnically—or religiously, I should say, cleansed from 

Iraq. 

That is very much on our minds now in Syria, as we—hearing 

these anecdotes and hearing the church leaders attest to what is 

happening to the Christian people. And I also received a letter this 

week from the Yizidi representative saying the same thing, villages, Yizidi villages, emptying out. So that is why—because when 

the dust settles, there may not be any small, defenseless minorities 

left in Iraq. There will be Sunnis, there will be Shiites, as horrific 

as the violence has been against those groups and the allies. Those 

groups will—do have champions outside of Iraq, Syria, and have 

militias and militaries at their disposal. These smallest defenseless 

minorities do not. 

And in my first recommendation, I—I said that there should be 

a report trying to establish exactly what is happening, and that is 

why I support the special envoy, because we hear the anecdotes, we 

don’t have the dimensions of this—this problem. But, of course, we 

fear a genocidal situation. And this problem will not end when this 

war ends, because there are so many militants who are so intolerant. 

And I am very concerned by Secretary Kerry’s statements today 

in Saudi Arabia where he said, meeting with the Saudi Foreign 

Minister, Saud al Faisal, saying that he expressed his appreciation 

for Saudi Arabia’s leadership within the region, and saying that we 

believe that every minority can be respected. So, ‘‘I express our appreciation for Saudi Arabia’s leadership within the region. We believe that the best solution is a political solution. And we believe 

that every minority can be respected. There can be diversity and 

pluralism.’’ I don’t know who the ‘‘we’’ is there; if that is the United 

States, then fair enough. But if he is talking about our partner, our 

closest partner in the region, as he starts out his speech by referring to Saudi Arabia, then he is sadly mistaken. There is not a single church or other house of worship other than the Wahhabi 

mosque and some Shiite mosques in Saudi Arabia. So Saudi Arabia 

does not believe in diversity and pluralism and does not respect minorities. 

So I am very concerned. I think there should be a special envoy 

to take—to understand more clearly what is happening to these minorities, especially since they do not register. When they go into 

exile, they do not register with the U.N. They are afraid of being 

minorities again in the U.N. camps and being victims again outside 

of Syria, in Turkey or other places. So that has to be taken into 

account as well. We do not know how many Christian refugees 

there are. There have been some guesses of hundreds of thousands, 

but we really have no idea, and this has to be assessed. 

Mr. EIBNER. The CSI issued a genocide alert for the whole Middle East region because we were concerned that conditions for 

genocide exist. It doesn’t mean to say that there is full-blown genocide, but there is very good cause for concern, as we heard from the 

representative from the State Department. 

The situation in Syria is more acute than anywhere else in the 

region because of the conflict there and the vulnerability of the minorities. What we see are acts of genocide or genocidal massacres 

98

which have affected every minority community in Syria, including 

Sunni Muslims, if you think of them as a minority in places where 

there is perhaps an Alawite majority, certain provinces and regions 

where the Sunni Muslims are very vulnerable. And we see a situation developing in Syria that is out of control, and it will look very 

much like the Balkans, like Bosnia, where every side in the conflict 

was involved in massacres and acts of genocide, crimes against humanity. 

So we are, you know, deeply concerned about this. We are deeply 

concerned that—just over a year ago, if I am not mistaken, there 

was an Atrocities Prevention Board that was announced with much 

fanfare at the Holocaust Museum in Washington, and we have not 

heard anything about, you know, what their findings are. They concerned about the possibility of genocides; not even genocide, but 

atrocities. What do they see as going on, and what are their recommendations? I would have thought that members of the public 

would want to know what the Atrocities Board is doing and what 

their take on the situation in Syria is. 

Another cause for, you know, great concern, I am a historian by 

background, and one cannot help but look back to the days of the 

Ottoman Empire when in 1908 there was a great revolution, you 

might call it the Ottoman Spring, where members of all religious 

communities, ethnic communities were dancing in the streets to 

celebrate freedom. And within a decade there is genocide, and 

Anatolia is completely, you know, cleared of its religious minorities. 

It can happen. It can happen today, it can happen this year, it 

can happen within the next—we, the United States, have an international obligation to try to prevent genocide. There are international undertakings that we have signed on. I would like to see 

the United States Government take these seriously and act on 

their responsibilities. 

And just another observation about the movements of people. I 

think that one can learn a lot about a situation by seeing how people vote with their feet. They are not able to vote with the ballot 

in Syria, but there is something that can be picked up by movement, how people move around the country. And what I have observed is that when people are forced to flee their homes—and in 

most cases it is not because of targeted violence against them or 

their religious community, but there is shelling, there is bombing, 

there is a war going on, and they want to get out of there—they 

tend to go either abroad, or they tend to go to areas controlled by 

the government, such as Tartus Province, which is relatively tranquil. 

And I saw myself that there are many Sunni refugees or displaced people who are living there, trying to stay out of harm’s 

way, and, of course, like all Syrians they are denied their political 

freedoms, but I did not detect any sign of special harassment or 

that they were targeted by the government. And after all, we must 

bear in mind, too, that while the Assad regime is a dictatorship 

that did not respect basic human rights and does not provide democracy, it does not have an ideology that targets religious minorities. Unfortunately, we see increasingly an opposition that is dominated by the forces that have an ideology that say Christians are 

not equal citizens, Alawites are not equal citizens, and they should 

99

either leave, or, if they stay, they have to have a second-class role 

in society. 

Thank you. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Mr. Chair, I believe that my colleagues here answered your question in details. I don’t want to repeat their words. 

There are some people here already tired. So I—I think I would—

I don’t have anything to add on that. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I wish our colleague from Texas was still here, because I find this discussion 

quite fascinating. 

If I am understanding you correctly, Mr. Jasser, you think that 

the United States ought to take a risk and arm the rebels because 

the Assad regime is so brutal that the alternative can’t be worse, 

and that is where we ought to sort of put our chips. I don’t want 

to put words in your mouth, but I thought I heard you kind of say 

that. 

Mr. JASSER. Well, our Commission’s recommendations do not get 

into those types of details. We get into the fact that there are 

things we need to do on the ground in a humanitarian way to help 

move to the protection of religious minorities. 

I did make a comment personally, not as a Commissioner, that 

I do believe the last 28 months of not helping the opposition at all 

has proven that the Darwinian solution of sort of letting it play 

itself out has brought the worst actors in the region into Syria, has 

caused the biggest devastation. And the sense that there is a binary choice in Syria now, which is between al-Qaeda and the Assad 

regime, I think is a false choice. I think the opposition’s numbers 

clearly show that the majority of them are the millions of Syrians 

that have been devastated in this——

Mr. CONNOLLY. So, all right. Not wearing your Commission hat, 

you personally still think we ought to bet down and invest in the 

opposition even with some queasiness. 

Mr. JASSER. Absolutely. Because the lack—the choice of doing 

nothing—is going to bring the worst pathway. And the pathway toward repairing a country that has been devastated by 50 years of 

dictatorship will involve some growing paints. It may involve, you 

know, arming some of the wrong people, but we can correct those 

with involvement versus letting Qatar and Saudi Arabia decide the 

future of——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Got it. Perfectly legitimate point of view. But let 

me ask you two questions. One is in making that recommendation 

to the United States Government, if you had a magic wand and you 

were the chief recommender, that would be your recommendation. 

Are you also willing when you make such a recommendation to 

take responsibility for the possibility that the outcome isn’t at all 

what you hoped for, and that, as a matter of fact, you are wrong; 

that what we have done by intervening and providing military assistance is to actually strengthen the hands of those we do not wish 

to strengthen, and we produce an outcome we do not wish, a 

jihadist, theocratic-oriented, intolerant of minorities regime that 

actually respects diversity even less than the Ba’athist regime it replaces? 

100

I mean, I know that is not what you wish, but when you ask the 

United States, a power, superpower, to intervene in this kind of situation in that way, somebody has to take responsibility for the 

risk, the probability, slim, moderate, remote or high, that the outcome is going to be worse than the regime it is replacing. 

Mr. JASSER. Sir, speaking on my own behalf, I would tell you 

that if we exerted real leadership as leaders of the free world in 

that region, and we actually stood behind those decisions not just 

for 6 months, but for years, and laid out, educated the American 

public about what is as stake not only for Syria, but the entire region, for our allies, Israel and the empowerment of Iran, and play 

that out over not 1 or 2 years, but over the next 10, 15 years, and 

saying that we will have a policy that will be pushed forth to protect minorities, to protect those who believe in the values of freedom and liberty within that region, and say that there are no clear 

answers, but doing nothing is going to allow a Darwinian solution 

that will allow the last 21⁄2 years that has demonstrated the death 

and devastation and actually the loss of American interests, and 

our allies in the West have lost significant influence in Syria with 

what—with the devastation that we have seen. So, you know, 

choices will evolve, but I do believe that currently we have seen the 

failure of the current policy. And while I can completely understand your concerns, I believe helping the opposition is a better 

choice than doing nothing. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Now, you are on a panel with three others who 

are concerned about protecting the rights of minorities, especially 

religious minorities. And I think I heard every one of the—your 

three colleagues on this panel actually differ with you. They are 

very concerned about arming the rebels because they actually cited 

the lack of respect for religious diversity within the armed insurgency in Syria. 

Mr. JASSER. Well, sir, I am also concerned about arming the 

rebels, but I do believe that the solutions so far have created a vacuum. There have been no solutions. If you look at our recommendations that come from USCIRF, it involves a much more active role 

in protecting those minorities and ensuring that the current Syrian 

coalition and others are accountable to international standards of 

human rights to which we have not held them accountable because 

we are taking such a back seat in what is happening there, that 

we need to take a front seat rather than allow other countries, as 

Ms. Shea mentioned, like Saudi Arabia, that really have no respect 

for religious freedom, to play a role in a future Syria, where you 

have both sides. One is Iranian standards of religious freedom and 

Saudi standards of religious freedom, both of whom are on the 

worst lists as far as advocacy for religious freedom. And I believe 

America will play a role——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Dr. Jasser, I just said to you I certainly respect 

your point of view. I wish the world were that black and white. I 

wish our choices were that simple. They are not. And I—I am not 

sure—in fact, I know I don’t accept your characterization that we 

have somehow taken a back seat for 28 months. 

I am not quite sure what you would have us do. And I would say 

that when the United States intervenes in that region, very overtly, it can lead with the best of intentions to results that are undeVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:38 Nov 06, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00106 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\062513\81692 HFA PsN: SHIRL
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sirable. I am not sure the intervention in Lebanon under the Ronald Reagan administration was such a wise policy in retrospect. It 

led to terrible deaths for the United States, and I am not sure it 

led to an improved outcome in Lebanon; history will have to judge. 

You know, the President got a lot of criticism for leading from 

behind in Libya, and yet I will say to you, and I was in both Egypt 

and Libya last year, I was more hopeful about the outcomes in 

Libya in terms of pluralism and respect for minority rights—albeit 

it is a much smaller country—than I was for Egypt. And I have 

been to Egypt many times. 

So I wish, you know, our options were really clear cut, and we 

could find the guys with the white hats, because I would support 

them, too. But I am not so sure that it is clear. Nor was it as clear 

28 months ago that the insurgency was only composed of elements 

of people wearing white hats. 

Now, Ms. Shea, let me ask you, you gave a very interesting analogy. Iraq. The interesting thing that both Iraq and Syria shared, 

of course, when Saddam Hussein was still in power was they both 

had Ba’athist regimes. And Dr. Eibner actually cited the Ba’athist 

philosophy or political governance not in an admiring way, but he 

reminded us that the one thing, though, that was true was you 

weren’t having a whole bunch of Christians and other minorities 

fleeing because they were worried about the oppression and brutality of a regime on their rights. They weren’t being singled out 

as such in a way that unfortunately they seem to be at least with 

some elements of the—of the insurgency in Syria. Is that your view 

as well? 

That—terrible, though, the brutality of Saddam Hussein was, no 

one is praising that regime. There was a difference between the 

Ba’athist philosophy that governed both in Iraq and Syria with respect to minority rights or with respect to minorities, including religious minorities. That is quite different than an explicit avowed 

‘‘they are not us’’ kind of philosophy that seems to come out of at 

least some of the more extreme elements of the insurgency in Syria 

today. And, for that matter, in the post-Saddam Hussein world of 

Iraq, whatever respect there was for minority rights seems to have 

dissipated and worsened in the current situation in Iraq. Are those 

views you would share? 

Ms. SHEA. Well, I think both regimes, in a way, they were mirror 

images of each other. They were both Ba’athists and secular, but 

they were both the minorities themselves. Saddam Hussein was, of 

course, a Sunni minority in the Shiite Iraq. And Assad is a——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Alawite. Right. 

Ms. SHEA [continuing]. Minority aligned with the Shiites in a 

majority-Sunni Syria. So that there was an emphasis on building 

a secular society from those regimes, and, therefore, there was 

more space for other minorities like the Christians and the Yizidis, 

et cetera. 

I don’t think there is any going back to that, though, in Syria. 

I think what we are seeing now is the Assad regime making deals 

with tribes and others at the expense of these minorities. They are 

letting gangs of criminals prey on these minorities with impunity, 

just as actually is happening now in Iraq, continues to happen in 

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Iraq, with the impunity situation that USCIRF has—they have 

identified. 

But the—there is the jihadist element in the rebels that is extremely worrisome, and these are being supported, it is no secret, 

from the Gulf region. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I was struck by your testimony and that of the 

other two panelists to the other side of you not because it—not because you were saying that we should go back, or we should shore 

up the Assad regime because, given the alternative, it is leaser of 

two evils, but to show that our choices in Syria are not so clear, 

and that the outcomes are at high risk. That isn’t an argument to 

do nothing, but it is an argument to take care and caution and 

make sure we know what we are doing before we just rush in and 

support one side or the other. 

Ms. SHEA. I oppose military aid, for what it is worth, from my 

opinion, to Syria at this point. And I conclude that we should 

have—make every—make the peaceful settlement in Syria among 

our highest foreign policy priorities, and that the President should 

use his prestige that you have identified to make that happen, and 

to be fully engaged in it. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you. 

Dr. Eibner, I just want to make sure I characterized your views 

correctly. I did? 

Mr. EIBNER. Yes. There was no misrepresentation that I picked 

up. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you. 

And Reverend El Shafie? 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Yes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thought I heard you actually say explicitly, 

don’t arm the rebels. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. That is correct. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. And you said that why? Remind us again why 

you think, unlike Dr. Jasser, the United States should not go down 

that road. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Let’s look at the—first of all, allow me to explain that there is no win-win scenario about Syria. If Bashar alAssad stayed, Iran, Hezbollah have the stronger arms in the region. If defeated, we ended with extremist Sunnis that only God 

knows what they will do. So there is no win-win scenario when it 

comes to Syria. 

But let us take a look at the opposition, the Syrian opposition, 

the rebels. Let us look at their component at their cells. You found 

like the Free Syrian Army, the National Coalition of Syrian Revolution, the opposition’s forces or the Syrian Opposition Coalition, 

that is led by al-Khatib, Moaz al-Khatib. He in exile in Cairo. You 

have the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, or the SMB. This is a guy 

by the name Mohammed Riad. He is in exile in London. 

When I am look—and I am not saying they are the only ones 

that leading the opposition, but I am talking about the big names, 

the main player. All of the names that I am telling you right now, 

they are very extremist and very violent. And my fear, when we 

arm the rebels, even if we are arming the people that we feel that 

they are less extremist, that they will not have a full control on 

where is this weapon going, and this weapon in the end will go to 

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kill civilians or minority, or will attack Israel, which is alliance, or 

will kill our Ambassador in Damascus later on. That is my fear. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you. 

Mr. Chair, you have been most indulgent. I really appreciate it. 

I do think this panel has given us a lot of food for thought and 

highlights the complexity of the choices we face in Syria. Thank 

you so much. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Connolly. 

Mr. Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Connolly, great questions. I appreciate it. 

And your testimony, I guess, is—it is almost a nightmare. And 

we know it is going on over there, and that is my concern. 

And, Dr. Jasser, I want to commend you and your parents for 

having the good sight and you the good fortune of landing on the 

shores of America to where you and hopefully your parents have 

experienced and lived, and it sounds like it, the American dream. 

And I think that is a basis underlying tenet for all humans, that 

yearning to be free. And I would love for everybody in the world 

to have that and experience that, but reality is we are not there 

yet. 

Reverend El Shafie, you are from Egypt, right? 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. YOHO. When you said you were tortured, was it President 

Mubarak at the time? 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. It was the regime, the Egyptian regime. That 

is correct, Mubarak at the time. 

Mr. YOHO. And you know, the—I guess back in the old days, we 

will say it, things were more predictable; they weren’t good, but 

they were predictable, because if you propped up a regime, you 

could kind of determine how they were going to respond——

Rev. EL SHAFIE. That is correct. 

Mr. YOHO [continuing]. And how they would react. 

We have got a whole new ballgame now. We have got a new 

group of people in there that have arised from the Arab Spring, 

and like you said, it is turning into the Arab Winter. Their 

ideologies are different. They are stronger. There are stronger beliefs in—I don’t want to say extreme Islam, but, I mean, we are 

seeing that played out with Sharia law and all that. And so it is 

a whole different game, and we don’t know how people are going 

to respond, and we don’t know how to—I don’t want to say manipulate, but how to work with them to get the results we want. 

And what I have heard from three of you is the way I feel. You 

know, arming them is a bad thing to do. I mean, we have tried 

that. We have seen it in Iran in the 1970s. We have done it with 

Iraq. We have done it with Afghanistan. Libya is yet to play out. 

And that is one of my questions is I would like to hear your response and what you think is turning out in Libya, if we are on 

the right track with what we do with the flyovers and the minimum intervention that we had, so that we can look at Syria and 

which way to go. 

Because what I have heard from all of you is the promotion of 

liberty, the promotion of freedoms, human rights promotion, religious freedoms. And, again, I don’t have to remind you, but those 

104

are more Westernized ideologies; not freedom. But to promote and 

to try to force human rights on an Islamic country when they don’t 

believe the way we do, I don’t see how you can do that without taking complete control over a country, and that is something that is 

just not acceptable. 

What are your thoughts on that? If you would, start with Libya 

on how you think that is turning out right now. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Do you want me to start, or do you want to start 

with Dr. Jasser? 

Ms. SHEA. You start. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. The separation between the religion and a state, 

any religion, any state, is necessary to ensure true democracy and 

freedom in any country. Any religion, any state. The problem that 

you are seeing right now is lack of education. 

One of the major issues that we see in Egypt, for example, is lack 

of education. Even if you reform the Constitution, you have 30–40 

percent of the Egyptians is illiterate; they don’t know how to read 

or write their own name. Even if you reform the Constitution, they 

don’t know what they are voting on. So here comes the religious 

guy, comes in the name of God, and they will follow him because 

they don’t know any better. 

So education have to come before democracy. Without education, 

democracy dies. Education is the oxygen of democracy. 

In Libya—back to your question, in Libya, how we can see the 

future in Libya—you got to remember there was a time that came 

that they said there was somebody, American pastor, I believe in 

Florida, was burning the Koran, something like that. 

Mr. YOHO. Right. From my hometown. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Blaming you, by the way, I’m sure. 

And everybody went attacking American Embassies, burning Bibles and so on and so forth. 

Do you remember what happened in Libya, sir, in that time? 

They went to cemeteries. There were cemeteries where the old 

British soldiers that fought the Second World War was. There was 

a cross in their cemeteries, and they went to destroy the crosses. 

This is after a very short period of time that we supported them, 

that we send our troops to help them, and to finish Ghadafi like—

the war won in Libya because the NATO troops interfered and because the American troops build no-fly zone, make no mistake. 

Mr. YOHO. Right. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. But this is how was the respond. 

When we are not helping, I think one of the major thing that we 

are missing in our policies is accountability. There is nothing 

wrong with accountability. When I am giving you—I went to Iraq 

not that long time ago. I took Canadian Members of Parliament 

and Canadian Senators—I live in Canada; I am a Canadian—and 

I want to Iraq. It was the first Canadian delegation to go to Iraq 

after the war. Canada gave to Iraq $300 million. When I met with 

the Vice President, and when I met with the Deputy Prime Minister, I told them, ‘‘What did you do with this money?’’ And they 

said, ‘‘We don’t know.’’

I want to inform you and to ensure you that 90 percent of the 

aid that goes from the American Government, if it is not more, and 

105

goes to the Libyan Government or to the Iraqi Government or to 

Syrian Government at some point is—will be misused. 

Mr. YOHO. I agree. And that is—you know, as we give foreign 

aid, I think we need to change our whole policy in that here is our 

aid; these are the conditions you take it under. You know, we believe in these things: We believe in human rights, we believe in 

freedom of expression—or religious freedoms and all that. I am not 

going to tell you you have to do it, but if you want our money, this 

is what you do. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. That is it. 

Mr. YOHO. And so—but you see Libya playing out in a favorable 

way, or do you think it is still rocky and it can go either way? 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. No, is still rocky. I think Libya——

Mr. YOHO. I think so, too. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE [continuing]. Is the cancer under the skin. 

Mr. YOHO. I agree. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. This will come at some point. 

Mr. YOHO. Dr. Eibner? 

Mr. EIBNER. Yes, sir. 

I think Libya is very rocky indeed. And we have heard about 

some of the events in the Libya since the revolution. One which is 

not mentioned by Reverand El Shafie was the arrest of scores of 

Coptic Christians from Egypt in Libya, and they were tortured and 

abused very badly simply for allegedly sharing the Gospel. So there 

is great cause to be concerned about the consequences of our policy 

in Libya. 

I would agree with Reverend El Shafie that there are really two 

fundamental conditions for democracy. One is a separation of religion and state, and the other is the freedom to choose one’s religion. 

Mr. YOHO. I wrote that down when you said that. How do you 

instill that on another country when that is not their belief? 

Mr. EIBNER. That is exactly what I am leading up to is that these 

two conditions, which I think we would all agree are fundamental 

conditions for democracy, are generally thought of throughout the 

Islamic world as un-Islamic. 

Mr. YOHO. Right. 

Mr. EIBNER. And that to promote those conditions or those values 

is to act against Islam. That is the huge problem that we face. 

Mr. YOHO. Exactly right. 

Mr. EIBNER. In order to really fundamentally change—of course, 

the United States can use its influence here, and there and tinker 

with systems, and make it a little bit better or a little bit worse, 

but to fundamentally change the situation so that one has—so that 

these conditions are met, it would mean nothing short than going 

back to old-fashioned imperialism, where the United States moves 

in like the French or the British in old times: Here we are, we are 

here to stay, we run the show, and we take responsibility for governance. That is something that we in the United States do not do 

with our role as a superpower. It is another way of saying, actually, 

neoimperial power. 

Mr. YOHO. Right. 

Mr. EIBNER. We want to have our—guarantee our resources, our 

strategic interests, but not take real responsibility. And we repeatVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:38 Nov 06, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00111 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\062513\81692 HFA PsN: SHIRL
106

edly take half measures like, you know, calling for the overthrow 

of the Assad regime, but without having a real strategy and resources to make it happen and to make it work in a desirable—in 

a desirable way. 

Mr. YOHO. And that is what I see is, I mean, we are doing the 

same thing over and over again, but we are not getting the results 

we want. And I don’t know how you get to that, because, like you 

said, you can’t separate religion from politics in Islam, because it 

is one and the same; they work together in that—in that mindset. 

And we are trying to say, well, we want to separate religion from 

the politics; we want the religious freedom. 

Mr. EIBNER. Well, I say that I don’t believe that these are our 

real goals as a Nation. Our strategic goals are not to achieve that, 

and as I mentioned in my statement, I am convinced that our 

major strategic goal in the region is to create this Sunni axis from 

Turkey to the Gulf states as a barrier to Shiite in Iran, and these 

human rights issues and religious liberty issues are sadly sacrificed 

on the altar of these greater geopolitical interests that our Nation 

has. 

Mr. YOHO. Okay. Thank you for your testimony. 

Ms. Shea? 

Ms. SHEA. Yeah. I want to second what my copanelists have said 

about Libya, but I think that it is very important to focus on Egypt 

and to think about Egypt as you are. We do provide billions of support for the government even now. And maybe putting Egypt soon 

on life support as it threatens to teeter over the cliff of failed statehood—June 30 is the date to watch; they are planning big demonstrations against the regime and counterdemonstrations against 

the protesters. 

And Egypt is the country in the Middle East with the largest—

in the Muslim Middle East with the largest Christian population, 

by far; maybe 8–10 million Christians. Only two, three others rise 

to anywhere near 1 million, and that is Syria, with perhaps 1 million or so Christians; Lebanon; and Iraq, which has been devastated, the Christian population there. 

If the Copts are attacked—continue to be attacked, it is going to 

be a very, very difficult situation, and it will be—signal further 

radicalization of that whole area, because once the great cultural 

crossroads in history, this Middle Eastern region, it will be totally 

Islamicized for the first time and can be expected to radicalize. 

Mr. YOHO. And that is my concern. That is where I see we are 

heading with the policies we have. And, you know, I have read all 

your stuff in here, and what I look forward to is redirecting our foreign policy in a way that it is not interventionism, it is more on 

trade, technological advice, and help along those lines. And that is 

what I look forward to doing. 

Ms. SHEA. We don’t have any red line at all in our aid to Egypt 

to protect the Christian minority there, and we should. 

Mr. YOHO. Okay. Doc. 

Mr. JASSER. Thank you. And I am just sort of—there are some 

issues I just think we really need to address. And as far as promoting religious freedom abroad, you know, the mechanism is, the 

narrative—I think many of us agree on the symptoms, that there 

are religious minorities being attacked, that their plight is as grim 

107

as it has ever been. But then as you make that assessment, you 

can’t get away from the fact that you cannot defeat al-Qaeda and 

radical Islam in Syria or in Egypt or in Saudi without changing the 

dictatorships. 

Assad produced, allowed al-Qaeda in because it is a mechanism 

for sectarian control his population. So if the narrative becomes a 

binary choice, I can tell you, as you mentioned, my family, you 

know, they saw, as they were in and out—my grandfather was in 

and out of prison in the 1950s. As dictatorship after dictatorship 

happened in Syria, and then it solidified into this Ba’athist regime, 

they looked upon the West as the leader of the free world and a 

place to come to build these ideas. Not as a Commissioner, but my 

NGO is based on the separation of mosque and state, is based on 

advocating Islamic ideas against groups like the Brotherhood. But 

Egypt, for example, will finally be able to treat the condition of theocracy that comes from the Brotherhood through the freedom that 

it got after the departure of Mubarak. 

So to think that it is going to be clean and not a mess is not 

what I am trying to say, but to say somehow that Arabs or Muslims are any different than Americans were at their revolution is 

just, I don’t believe, the human narrative that is part of the International Religious Freedom Act that every human being wants to 

be free when left to their own devices. 

And the United States, I believe—and I think to say that sitting 

on our hands doesn’t have—you know, sort of keeps us clean of 

what is happening and with no moral obligation, and somehow we 

can then during any political cycle say that we had nothing to do 

with the changes there I don’t think is a fair assessment in that 

there are choices. And if Syria continues to go south and radicalize, 

that that will be a choice we have allowed to happen, and that we 

could have steered it in a different direction. 

Certainly some interests will try to blame people that decide to 

help the opposition with some untoward effects that may happen, 

but I still believe that the last 28 months demonstrate that anything against Assad, you defeat him first, and then later—and 

many of the Free Syrian Army say this: Defeat Assad first, then 

we defeat al-Qaeda. 

Mr. YOHO. Well, you know, I want America to be the magnet in 

the world that people look to and aspire to to look at a country that 

says, that is what freedom does; you can become and do whatever 

you want to in a country that honors those basic rights, and we 

have that Constitution we have been blessed with. 

But yet I guess what I am looking for is a way to have the people 

uprise, because it has got to come from the ground up. We can’t 

instill it from the top down. It is not going to work. I mean, when 

you have 1 billion Muslims in the world that don’t quite believe the 

way we do, to put our beliefs there, it has got to be an uprising 

from the ground up. And I look forward to, you know, sending 

questions to you guys and hearing more from you. 

One of the things that has been promoted is Radio Free America, 

you know, and the Freedom Network to get that message out. And 

there are other things like that I know we can do on a small scale, 

but to promote that, that ideology of freedom, that it is there for 

everybody, and help them achieve that. 

108

I appreciate your time. Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

Mr.——

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Can I add something, please, just something extremely small? 

Mr. YOHO. Is that okay, Mr. Chairman? 

Mr. SMITH. Absolutely. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. One of the things about education, like what I 

was talking about education, the accountability of the American 

aid. First of all, I—I disagree with Dr. Jasser, if we defeated Assad 

today will defeat al-Qaeda tomorrow. Never happened before in history and will not happen now. It just will not happen. Experience 

wise it did happen. 

But, example, just a quick example about education, because if 

you really want to build this true democracy, you have to start 

from the young generation. This is a book from the Egyptian—from 

the Egyptian schools during the time of Mubarak. Was supported, 

funded by American aid, the 1.9- that we gave to the Egyptians 

after Camp David. 

This book, it was supposed to be—it is in every school until now. 

When you open the book, you found on page number 24, speaking 

about jihad, for example, violent jihad. When you are looking at 

page number 11, you found that there is no Israel on the map, does 

not exist completely. And so on and so forth, big examples. 

I think this will be much better for all of us, if we are giving aid 

for a school, for example, to raise a new generation, let us go to 

the school ourselves or the Embassy that—in this region, like if we 

have the American Embassy in Cairo, for example; why don’t make 

a surprise visit to the school and grab one of the books that you 

paid for? 

Mr. YOHO. I think that is a great idea, and that goes back to 

your idea of accountability. I mean, we all talk about transparency 

and accountability, but we don’t see it, and we don’t follow through. 

And we can’t afford to do that anymore for the sake of Syria, 

Egypt, all these other countries. And it is—if we are going to spend 

the American taxpayers’ money, when we are borrowing at the 

point we are and the debt we are in, we need to change the game 

and the rules of the game, I will say. 

Rev. EL SHAFIE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. YOHO. And again, thank you all. Appreciate it. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Yoho, thank you very much. 

On that very point, as you and I and, I think, everyone in this 

room knows, in Rodgers and Hammerstein’s famous South Pacific, 

there is a song in it where you have to be taught, taught about racism, taught about hate, how it is passed on from generation to generation. And I and our subcommittee for years has raised the textbooks issue, particularly in the camps, but as well, as the Reverend 

said, the books that were very much utilized during the Mubarak 

regime. 

The problem is we have gone from bad on worse. And I think 

that is what we are trying to say with this hearing, that the Christians have been targeted. As Ms. Shea has so eloquently pointed 

out, it is not collateral damage; they are being targeted. And I don’t 

think that understanding has—has been accepted by some people 

109

within the administration, or within Congress, or in the European 

community. 

And, Dr. Jasser, as you know, during the worst days of the Bosnia conflict, you know, not only did I make frequent trips there, but 

I had the hearing where we heard from the translator who was 

there when Milosevic and the Dutch peacekeepers were lifting up 

glasses of wine or champagne as 8,000 Muslim men were loaded 

onto buses and were destroyed in an act of genocide in Srebrenica, 

a so-called U.N. safe haven. 

Hopefully, we learned from those lessons. Part of the reason for 

this hearing is to say that Christians are being targeted, as Ms. 

Shea pointed out, and the response has been at best inadequate. 

I do believe there is good faith on the part of the administration. 

The problem is that we haven’t had that line to say, our Deputy 

Assistant Secretary talked about generically talking about human 

rights with the opposition, the Free Syrian Army. There needs to 

be a very carefully delineated list of things that need to be avoided, 

including the targeting of Christians simply because they are 

Christians. So hopefully that message will be taken back. 

Your testimonies have been of enormous, enormous help to us. I 

have other questions, but it is late, and you have been very patient 

with your time. I will submit them for the record. 

But I want to thank you, and thank you for your bold and very 

effective leadership over the course of many, many years for each 

of our four distinguished panelists. 

Mr. Yoho, thank you for your participation. Thank you to my 

friends on the other side of the aisle. 

The hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 5:58 p.m., the subcommittees were adjourned.] 

(111)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING RECORD

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81692n.eps

JOINT SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

US HOUSE OF REPRESENT A TTVES 

W ASHTNGTON, DC 20515-6128 

Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations 

Christopher H. Smith (R-NJ), Chairman 

Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa 

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), Chairman 

June 24, 2013 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You are respectfully requested to attend an OPEN hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to be 

held jointly by the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International 

Organizations and the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa in Room 2172 of the Rayburn House 

Office Building (and available live on the Committee website at y-v1v\y.fo~ig!blJJ:ill!::~b.!~}-,~~..:gQJ} 

DATE: 

TIME: 

SUBJECT: 

WITNESSES: 

Tuesday, June 25, 2013 

3:00 p.m. 

Religious Minorities in Syria' Caught in the Middle 

Panel I 

Me Thomas O. Melia 

Deputy Assistant Secretary 

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 

U S Department of State 

Panel II 

Zuhdi Jasser, M,D. 

Commissioner 

US Commission on International Religious Freedom 

Rev. Majed El Shafie 

Founder 

One Free World International 

John Eibner, Ph.D. 

Chief Executive Officer 

Christian Solidarity International, USA 

Ms, Nina Shea 

Director 

Center for Religious Freedom 

Hudson Institute 

By Direction of the Chairman 
113

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COMMITTRR ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

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Starting Time ~.p.III._EndJng Time 5:58 nUl 

Recesses kl L---,to __ ) L---,to __ )( __ 10 __ lC __ Io __ ) L-to __ lC __ to __ ) 

Presiding MemuCl'(') 

)lei'. ('11,.;."1 Smith 

Check all ~rthefollo",iIlK til at ap"(I'.· 

Open Session (Z] 

Executiye (closed) Session D 

Tclcyised (Z] 

TITLE OF HEARING: 

Electronically Reeonl~tap.d) (Z] 

Stenographic Record [{] 

ReUgious Minorities 111 Syria: Caugltt ill lite Mitlllfe 

SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

Rep. Schlleider, Rep. Webel; Rep. Yoho, Rep. lJ. COllillS, Rep. Kelllledy, Rep. Conllolly, Rep. Killzillger 

NON-SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: (Mark with an • ifflley ore nol members o[fi,ll cOlilmillee,) 

Ht:ARING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attached? Yo. ill No 0 

(Jl "no ", please list below and include title, ct~enc)'! departmel1{, or orgaJ1lzafion.) 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD: (List nny slalement, ,"'hmilledjor the record,) 

Prepared statemelll pom Rep. C01l11OIly 

Pl'epared statemellipom Rep. Eshoo (lIId Rep. Wolf 

Questiolls fol' the recol'll fi'olll Rep. C. Smith fol' lJAS Melia with Respol1ses 

Excel'pt of USCIRF Rep0l'l: Prolectillg and P/'ollloliltg Religious Freedom ilt Syri(( 

MateJ'ial submit/edial'lhe recO/'d by lJl', EibJlel' 

M((tel'ial sUbmit/edfol' the recO/'ll by Ms, Shea 

TIME SCHEDULED TO RECONVENE _~~_ 

or 

Cv-e*~ e f *"'l~J~J SlIbcommith( Staff llirector 

TIME ADJOURNED 5.'581'.111, 
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The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly (VA-ll) 

Religious Minorities in Syria: Caught in the Middle 

Tuesday, 6/18/13 

3pm 

There has been much talk of late about the President's decision to provide arms to the 

opposition forces in Syria. The trigger for this decision was the finding by multiple U.S. outlets 

that Bashar al Assad used chemical weapons. Before this decision, President Obama was 

criticized by several lawmakers-most notably Senators McCain and Graham-for not acting 

quickly enough or "leading from behind." It is disappointing that our President was criticized for 

deliberating over the intelligence before deciding on a course of action. Our recent history has 

shown us that when the United States intervenes too quickly without considering all 

possibilities, we risk losing untold amounts of blood and treasure. Being skeptical about what is 

going on during a ground war ought to be praised, not criticized. 

In my view, the President has shown great caution with regard to intervening in Syria. He has 

made clear that his goal is to get the United States out of its wars, not to start new ones. 

Slipping and sliding into a third engagement would not serve the United States well. Moreover, 

there is understandably a war fatigue among Americans. 

That said, the United States has not been standing idly by. In fact, the United States heretofore 

has been providing humanitarian aid to Syrians. It is in our and our allies' national security 

interests for a stable Syria to exist-one that respects democratic institutions and the rights of 

minorities. An unstable, jihadist Syria would not complement U.S. interests. Time will tell how 

arming the rebels by the United States will alter circumstances on the ground. There are 

already multiple actors on the ground in Syria, including Hezbollah fighters coming into Syria 

from Lebanon. This, in and of itself, threatens the stability of Lebanon, a country which is all too 

familiar with the high price of sectarian bloodshed. 

Last, there is the issue of which rebels we are discussing. Sorting through the different groups, 

along with their allegiances and ideologies, is no small feat. In an ideal world, and obviously as 

Americans, our sympathies naturally go to the group that is fighting for freedom and shared 

human values. The real question is-which opposition groups share these values? Just a few 

days ago media outlets reported that arms from Libya have ended up in Syria. The situation on 

the ground seems to be a hodgepodge of groups. As the United States attempts to pick sides, it 

would behoove us to remember the consequences of past operations in which we supplied 

weapons to rebels. The provision of weapons to various armed group is a gamble, to say the 

least. 

### 
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MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY THE HONORABLE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, 

A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY, AND CHAIRMAN, 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS


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simply was not a priority. In the last Congress, our legislation overwhelmingly passed the House 

only to stall in the Senate. Then Senators Webb and Kerry blocked it from moving forward 

largely at the request of the State Department. We've reintroduced the legislation this year and 

we urge this Committee to once again consider the legislation and send it to the tloor for a vote 

before the full House 

We know that a special envoy will not single-handedly solve the problems faced by religious 

minorities, but it certainly can't hurt to have a high-level person within the State Department 

bureaucracy who is exclusively focused on the protection and preservation of these ancient 

communities. It will send an important message to both our own foreign policy establishment 

and to sutTering communities in the Middle East and elsewhere that religious treedom is a 

priority - that America will be a voice for the voiceless 

We look forward to hearing the testimony of the witnesses here today and hope to continue a 

robust dialogue about supporting the religious minority communities in Syria and the entire 

Middle East 
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Questions posed during the hearing with responses from USAID 

June 25, 2013 

Thomas O. Melia 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Melia, thank you very much for your testimony and for the work of your 

-- your office. I -- I do have a few questions I'd like to pose, beginning first with do we have any 

sense as to how many Christians, how many people of minority faiths have been killed, wounded 

and put to night either as IDPs or as refugees~ In your testimony -- is that something that if you 

can look into it even further and get back to us with some number just so we know the order of 

magnitude, how many people have been killed or wounded? 

Mr. Melia. The Asad regime continues to commit gross and systematic violations of 

human rights as well as violations of international humanitarian law. Syria's civilians are also 

under attack by al-Qaida-linked groups and other extremist rebels. The targeting of protected 

civilians is completely unacceptable, and we condemn it in the strongest possible terms. We 

have been absolutely clear that those responsible for serious violations of international 

humanitarian law and of serious human rights violations and abuses must be held accountable. 

According to the United Nations, 93,000 Syrians have died since the beginning of the 

cont1ict (the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reports more than 100,000) and the number is 

rising. More than 1.6 million people have left their homes in Syria to seek refuge in another 

country - a number that could more than double by the end of 2013. In addition, nearly 4.5 

million Syrians are internally displaced, out of a total population of 20 million. 

We have seen estimates that over 400,000 Syrian Christians are among the refugee 

population. However we do not have an accurate count as many aid organizations do not record 

the sect or religion of the refugees, some refugees are reluctant to volunteer such infonnation 

gi ven the current sectarian tensions, and there are many Syrians in the region, including 

Christians, who have not registered as refugees or sought services from aid agencies. 

The Syrian Revolution against Asad' s tyranny and brutality is a struggle for dignity and 

freedom. We call on all Syrians to protect and respect the rights of all civilians, regardless of 

ethnicity, gender, or religion. The Syrian people have a long history of tolerance and coexistence, and those who would murder civilians and prisoners as a means to win popular 

support or undennine the support of other groups are not credible voices for a future pluralistic 

and democratic Syria. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Jasser will testify later today that the Syrian International News Agency 

recently reported that armed rebels affIliated with the Free Syrian Army raided the Christianpopulated ai-Dub (ph) Village and massacred all of its civilian residents, including women and 

children. Are you aware of this report? Was it investigated by the State Department~ And did it 

show the -- the Free Syrian Army responsible~ And how are those battalions, how are those 

troops being held to account? 
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Mr. Melia. We regularly track violations and abuses committed in Syria by all parties, 

and will continue to reiterate our call for all parties to the contlict in Syria to protect civilians in 

accordance with international humanitarian law and to respect the rights of all civilians, 

regardless of ethnicity, religion, or gender. We have looked into the reports of the alleged Free 

Syrian Anny raid in al-Duvair Village in Mayas reported by the Assyrian International News 

Agency. We have discussed the alleged incident with multiple Syrian documentation groups, 

religious organizations, and with the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and 

have concluded that the report is inaccurate. The report cited by Dr. Jasser was based on a report 

by the Iranian government-linked F ARS News agency, which has a history of questionable 

reporting. The Syrian Network for Human Rights, a well-regarded Syrian led documentation 

group, has confirmed that Syrian regime forces targeted the village resulting in the death offour 

civilians in May 2012. Following that attack a clash between opposition forces and regime 

forces took place on the outskirts of the al-Duvair village which left two more dead. However, 

they found no evidence that the Free Syrian Anny or other opposition forces targeted the 

Christian minority in the village. The Syrian Network for Human Rights also reported that the 

village church was destroyed due to regime shelling. 

We have been absolutely clear that anyone responsible for serious violations of 

international humanitarian law and violations and abuses of human rights law must be held 

accountable. Through partnerships with groups like the Syria Justice and Accountability Center 

(SJAC), we are supporting documentation and other efforts to lay the groundwork for justice and 

accountability processes and to support Syrian etl'orts as they identify how best to bring to justice 

those who have committed these heinous acts. 

Adherence to international humanitarian law and respect for human rights is central to 

our engagement with the Free Syrian Army, and we work closely with those groups that signed 

on to the code of conduct issued by the Free Syrian Anny in the fall of 20 12. Major General 

Salim Idriss, Chief of Statl' for the Syrian Military Council, has condemned violations committed 

by opposition forces and called for trials, including the Independent Omar al-Farouq brigade who 

committed a well-documented mutilation of a regime soldier in April 20 13 in HOlTIS. We are 

encouraged by the actions of our political and military opposition partners to work towards and 

speak out in favor of these shared goals, and are working to use our assistance to improve the 

capacity of these proven actors. 

We also work closely with our allies to strengthen the moderate opposition by blocking 

access to cash and weapons by the Asad regime and violent extremist groups, and laying the 

groundwork for an inclusive democratic transition. 
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SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY ZUHDI JASSER, M.D., COMMISSIONER, U.S. 

COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM


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]<;X1U;\JTIVE SUMMARY 

Due to the intensifying conflicl belween govemmcnt forces and affiliates sLlpporting flashar ,,1-

Assad's regime and anti-government elements seeking his overthrow, the Syrian people have 

experienced egregious violations of human rights, including fi'eedom of religion or belief. 

Government forces und am liated militias have perpetrated religiously-motivated attacks against 

SUllni Muslim civilians and members of religiolls minority communities, flud have increased 

sectarian divides through rhetoric and religiously-motivated violence. In this context, USCIRP 

has become increasingly concemcd aboul religious freedom conditions in Syria, both during the 

current crisis and in its aftermath. This report provides USClRF's preliminary findings and 

recommendations. Over the coming months, lJSCIRF will continuc to monitO!' thc situation, and 

expects to issue additional reports and recommendations. 

The escalating violence and humanitarian crisis impacts members of all religious communities, 

including their rcligious frcedom. Syria has historically been a religiously diverse country with a 

prc-conflict cstimatcd population 01'22 million, who traditionally lived together without rcligious 

01' sectarian animosities. The largest religious community is SUllni Muslims, ,vilo constitute 

roughly 75% of the popUlation. Alawites, who follow all offshoot of Shi'i Islam, are 

approximately 12%, and various Christian denominations are 10%. Other religious cmull1unilies 

in the country include Druze (4%); Yczidis (1%), who thc govcrnmcnt categorizes as Muslims; 

and a very small Jewish community found in Damascus, Al Qamishli, and Aleppo. 

The Syrian conflict, which began in March 2011, was declared by the International Committee of 

thc Red Cross (ICRC) on July 15,2012 as a "non-international armed conflict," the legal term 

tor "civil war." The fighting has caused a humanitarian disaster, with ovcr 70,000 pcople dead 

(February 2013 estimete), at least 3.6 million intel'llally displaced, and approximately 1.3 million 

as refugees in neighboring countries. The international community, including lhe JCRC, the UN 

Human Rights Council's lndependent lnternational Commission of Inquiry on the Syl'ian Arab 

Republic, and numerous NGOs, agree that the ai-Assad regime has violated its obligations undel' 

the 1949 Geneva Convcntions and Additional Protocol I, including committing crimes against 

humanity, such as exlrajudicial k.illings, rape and tOl'turc. They have also found that groups 

seeking the overthrow of lhe ai-Assad regime have committed similal' acts, but on a lesser scale. 

The increasingly sectarlan nature ofthe confiict has created a climate where the human rights of 

all Syrians, including religious fi'eedom, have been violated. 111e conflict also threatens Syria's 

religious diversity, as members of the smallest minority communities arc cither tlccing the 

country 01' face an uncertain future in a P()st ai-Assad Syria. 

Syria's transition from armed conflict to a representative democracy under rule of law will be 

difticult, ardllolls, and rcmains uncertain. U.S. leadership is vital, both to pl'ess the ai-Assad 

governmcnt to ccasc its SCVCre human rights violations and to ensllTe that any f'lt1ll'C govcrnmcnt 

protects human rights and religious f"eedoms for all Syrians. The United States should, along 

wilh ils ulher efforts during the conflict, highlight the importance of respecting l'eligious ll'eedom 

and the rights of minority religious communities. The United States and olher donol' nations 

should target assistancc to civil socicty actors, opposition members, and religious groups that 

cspome the I'llic of law, human rights, including religious freedom, and a pluralistic Syria. 

Additionally, the \Jnited Slales and other donor counties should prioriti,e programs that promote 

minority rights, intel·faith cooperation, peace-building, and legal and human rights education and 
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training, as well as a robust and transparent program that documents Inllnan right violations. ff 

the United States conciudes that particulat'ly severe violations of religious freedom are engaged 

in 01' tolerated by the Syrian government, the Secretary of State should consider designating 

Syria a epe and modify existing targeted sanctions to rcference religious fi'eedom violations. 

The United States should increase efforts to assist Syrians who arc internally displaced or have 

sought l'efbge in neighboring countries. Additional recommendations for U.S. policy toward 

Syria can be found at the end of this report. 

BACKGROUND 

The aI-Assad family'S bl'lltal authoritarian rule for over 40 years created the political conditions 

for the current conflict. Under both Hafez and Bashar al-A,sad, no political opposition was 

allowcd and Syrian security forces were permitted to perpetrate egregious human rights abuses to 

oppress anyonc critical of the govcJ'llmcnt. An adherent of the minority Alawitc community, 

which is amliated with Shi'i Islam, Hafez ai-Assad named himself president in 1970. To 

maintain control over all aspects of Syrian society, he placed Alawites loyal to him in key 

positions of his government, army, and seemity forces and oppressed political opposition from 

the majority Sunni Muslim population. 

Following Hafez's June 2000 death, he was succeeded by his son, 13ashar. While there were 

hopes that Bashar ai-Assad would ushel' in a new political openness, he maintained his father's 

status quo of strict political restrictions to oppress any opposition. 

Prior to the currcnt war, Syria olfered a modicum of fi'eedom of religion, including worship, 

pal"ticuh..rly for Syria's smallest l'eligiOlls minority cOIllIllLmities, induding Chrlstians. However, 

the gove1'llment controlled the selection of Sunni Muslim imams and limited their religious 

freedoms. According to the 2012 constitution, while there is no official religion, Article 3 

requires that thc presidcnt bc a Muslim and declares that "Islamic jl11'isprudence shall be a major 

sOUl'ce of legislation." Articlc 3 also statcs "thc Statc shall respect all religions, and ensme thc 

fi<eedom to perform all the !'ituals lhat do not p"ejudice public ordCl'; The personal statl" or 

religious communities shan be protected and respected." Article 33 states that Syrian citizens 

shall not be discriminated against based on religion or creed, among other grounds. 

ESCALATING SECTARfAN!,'lM 

The initial peaceful protests in March 2011 by disenfranchised, largely Sunni Muslim opponents 

of the aI-Assad rcgime had no religious 01' sectarian lmdertones. Protestors called for the repeal 

of the abusivc cmcrgcncy law, space tor political parties, and the resignation of Prcsident Bashar 

ai-Assad. As lhe protests grew, President ai-Assad ordered an increasingly violent crackdown 

and he and 11is regime played on sectarian fears, repeatedly stating it w"s lighting "extreme 

lsIamist factions" that were acting to increase sectarian tensions. The llSt:. of sectarian and 

religiously-oriented language by ai-Assad and his supporters has continued throughout the 

cOlltlie!. Most recently in March 2013, the govcmment backed Supreme Iftaa Council issued a 

Jalll'a (religious edict) calling for 'jihad" to defend a!-Assad's governmen!. 

The regime's ~O-plus years of repressing the Sunni majority and its policy to exacerbate 

sectarian tensions before and during the current conflict has decpcned thc hostilities among all of 
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S)/ria's Jiver~e religious and ethnic communities. The government's langlJage and violence have 

caused protesters and opposition forces to increasingly view lhe violence as all Alawite-Ied 

attack on Sunni Muslims. Many minority religious communities have tried to stay neutral in the 

conflict, hut opposition lorccs increasingly see their non-alignment, or perceivcd non-alignment, 

as suppDr( for (he aI-Assad regime. Minority religious communities thus havc been forced by 

circumstances (0 take a position either in favor of the ai-Assad regime, which historically 

provided them some religious freedom protections, or in favor uf the uncertainties of the 

opposition. As these scctarian I1ssures deepen, it is increasingly likely that religious 

communities will be targctcd not for their political allegiances, but solely lor their religious 

affiliation. 

The December 2012 report of the UN Human Rights Council's Independent International 

Commission of Inquhy on the Syrian Arab Republic noted the increasingly sectarian nature of 

the conflict. It tound that "[aJs battles betwcen Govcrnment lorces and anti-Government armed 

groups approach the end of their second year, the contliet has become overtly sectarian in 

nature." The Commission of Inquiry also found that regime forces and their militias have 

attackcd civilians because they were Sunnis. One interviewee stated a pro-regime militia told 

bel' tbat "they would kill all Sunnis in the region and that the arca belonged to them." The 

Commission oj' Illlllliry also received "credible reports of anti-Government armed groups 

attacking Alawiles and other pro-Government minority commllnilies.~' 

The Commission oflnquiry concluded that "[eJntire [religiousl communities are at risk of being 

torced Ollt of the eOllntry or of being killed inside the country," adding that these communities 

believe "not without cause, thal lhey liIce au existcntial threat." Ilecallse ofthi' fcar, minority 

communities are increasingly becoming parties to the conflict, fmced to choose sides, which 

leads to armed clashes and exacerbates sectarian divisions. The Commission of Inquiry also 

noted that "[sJome minority communities, notably the Alawites and Christians, have formed 

armed scll'dctcnse groups to protect their neighborhoods li'OJl1 anti-Government I1ghte.·s." 

Regime SUl'puJ'ters 

The Syrian government has a large army and sophisticated security apparatus, although its size 

and strength has considerably decreased 1,'OIn deaths and defections. In addition, Syrian 

government forces are Sltpported by vadolls pl'o~l'egi01e militiafl, most of which arc directly 

funded and armed by the regime or its foreign government allies, and have a seclarian eharactel·. 

In part because of the actions of these militias, minority cOlllmunities increasingly believe they 

arc targeted tor their religions 01' ethnic affiliation. 

The most notable domestic militias are the U.S. designated terrori,t organizations, Jays" alSha'bi and Shabiha. The Jaysh ai-Sha 'hi is a militia of Syrian civilian volLlnteers, the vast 

majority of whom are Alawite or Shi'a. While the group operates under the Syrian regime, it is 

also supported by lran and Ilezbollah. Shahiha, which loosely translates to "thllgs," are smalier, 

regime-funded groups, with less organization and training. The Shabiha are primarily drawn 

fi'om the Alawite and Shi'i communities, Imt Snnni Mlislillls loyal to the regime are also believed 

to participate. 
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RECOMMENDATIONS 

USCIRF is deeply concerned about the increasing seetal'ian nature of the conflict and mounting 

violations of ii'eedom of religion or belief: While it is difficult to ascertain if individuals OJ' 

groups are targeted ror thdr religious affiliation or because of their allegiance 01' perceived 

allegiance to one side of the conflict, it is ciear that religious freedom for all Syrians is threalened 

and will be in jeopardy in a post ai-Assad Syria. The indiscriminate use of military force and 

sectarian tactics of the aI-Assad regime, govcL'tllllcnt proxies, and some non-state actors seeking 

the regime's overthrow are creating deep sectarian tlssmes among Syria's diverse religious 

communities, These cleavages will not be easily overcome, and the threat of religiouslymotivated reprisal attacks in a post ai-Assad Syria is real. The llllmanitarian disaster, including 

thc vast number of TDPs and refugees, and the scarce resources available to Syrians will [ufther 

exacerbate scctarian divides. 

U,S. leadership is essential to ensllI'ing the full transition to representative democratic rule, 

ending human rights violations, and advancing religious ll'eedol1l and the l'llle of law in Syria, 

U,S, goverllll1cnt efforts in coordinating diplomatic actions of regional allies-particularly 

Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar will be critical to provide Syrian leaders with inccntives to 

ensllI'e that political reforms protect human rights and religious freedoms for all. The escalating 

conflict provides openings for terrorists to operate in Syria, and anti-goveJ'llment elements may 

splinter along religious and secular lines after ai-Assad steps down or is removed. The United 

States should take steps to ensure that the post-ai-Assad Syrian government does not harbor 

violent religious extremists, and suppmts religious li'cedoms and international human rights 

standards, To ensme an orderly transition of power, all perpetrators of human rights violations 

should be held accountable, whether Syrian forces, non-state actors aftlliated with the regime, or 

anti-government elements. 

T, Promoting Protection of Religiolls Freedom in Syria 

The U,S, government should: 

• prioritize human rigilts, induding freedom ofrcligioll or belief, ill any required dealings with 

the ai-Assad regime, and increase U,S. government advocacy on the need for the regime to 

protect civilians affected by the armed connict; and 

consider designating Syfia a cpe, ifthe tinited States concludes that thc Syrian gove1'llment 

is engaged in or tolerating pmticnlarly severe violations 01' religious ll'eedom, and modify 

existing targeted sanctions to reference religious ll'eedum violations, 

The U,S, government should urge, and where appropriate assist, the Syrian Opposition Coalition 

(SOC) and filture post-a I-Assad government to: 

• provide security to protect likely targets of sectarian or religiol1sly-motivated violence, 

including areas wnel'e l'eiigious or minority communities live 01' congregate, such as 

neighborhoods, religious sites, and places o('worship; 

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• provide technical training and supporl to local coullcils, COUtts, lawyers and judges on 

domestic laws and international standards relating to human rights and religious Ileedom; 

• undertake prompt, transparent, and eITective invesligations of all incidents of sectarian 01' 

religiously, motivated violence and bring the perpetrators to justice consistent with due 

Pl'Ocess of law, regardless of whether they are former regime agents or members of the 

opposition; 

ensure that they neither directly nor indirectly support any militia, nOlHlate actor, or other 

organization credibly charged with involvement in seetal'ian or religiously-motivated 

violence; 

• work to see a futme constitution that respects freedom of religion or belief in full, not just 

freedom of worship, as well as minority rights, women's rights, and fi'eedom of expression; 

II- include religious minorities in key leadership positions and work to see religious rnil101'ities 

represented in parliament, either through theil' prominent inclusion on party lists andior by 

establishing reserved seats in their parliament; and 

work wHh Syda's diverse religious commullities; including the smallest minority 

communities and their political and civic representatives, to help them reach agreement on 

what measures arc needed to ensure religious fi'eedom and security for all communities in the 

country. 

II. Prioritizing Hnman Rights, including FreetIo", of Religion or Belief, in U.S. 

Relations with the "Friends of Syria" Croup 

The U.S. government should: 

work with like-minded partners among the Friends of Syria to fund and develop efforts to 

promote intra- and inter-religious tolerance and respect for religious fi'eedom and related 

rights, and ensure that all international cooperation with the SOC emphasizes the importance 

of ensuring the rights to freedom of religion or belief and freedom of opinion and expression, 

as well as protection of minority religions communities; 

create a working group among the Friends of Syria to focus on protecting religious and 

ethnic minorities in a post-Assad Syria and constructing a new constitution and legal system 

that protects fi'eedolll of rei igion or belief and associated human rights for all Syrians; 

engage regional partners, such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, on their vision for a post-aI-Assad 

Syria to reach and implement a mutually-agreed plan 011 how the international community 

will iut1ucnee the direction of 11 new gove1'l1ment and its system of law; and 

urge regional partners, such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, not to support armed gmlljlS or 

proxies promoting a religious ideology andlor a [arm of government that would violate 

religious ii'ccdom and other internationally-guaranteed human rights. 

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III. Promoting Freedom of Religion 01' Belief through U.S. Programs 

The U.S. governmenl should: 

direct U.S. officials and recipients of U.S. grants to prioritize projecls lhal promole multireligious and multi-ethnic efforts to encourage religious tolerance and understanding, foster 

knowledge of and respcct for univcrsal human rights standards, and develop the political 

ahility or religiOL[S minorities to organize themselves and convey their concerns effectively; 

and 

ensure that U.S. development assistance prioritizes areas where Syria's smallest religious 

minority communities aJ'e concentratcd, and that thc usc of such funding is determined in 

consultation with these communities' political and civic leaders. 

IV. Addressing the Sitnation ofIntel'llally Displaced Persuns "lid Refugees 

The U.S. governmcnt should: 

establish a refugee resettlement program for Syrian refugees fleeing targeled religious 

persecution f!'Om Syrian government forccs, affiliatcd militias, 01' nOll-state actors opposed to 

the ai-Assad regime; 

• continue to provide significant funding to the UN, humanitarian organizations, host nations, 

and host communities to provide essential humanitarian aid to vulncrable Syrian internally 

displaced pcrsolls and refugees, and encourage other countries to do likewisc; 

encourage UNHCR to make preparations for increased refugee flows of religious minorities, 

to develop a pl'Otection program to cnsure thciL' satety in refugee camps frolll reprisal attacks 

along seclarian lincs, and to sponsor interfaith dialogues among the various refugce 

communities; 

• increasc its clforts to process Iraqi refugees deferred fOI' resettlcmcnt to the Unitcd States, 

including by moving applicants to neighboring countrics or interviewing applicants by 

videoconferellce hI locations \vhere in-person interviews -cannot be conducted for security 

reasons; and 

ensure that Iraqi and Syrian rei"ugees scheduled to be resettled to the lJnited States arc not 

delayed unnecessarily by providing adequate persollnel to conduct backgroulld screenillg and 

enfoi'eing propel' application of the existing waiver of the material support bar to individuals 

forced to provide support to terrorists under duress. 

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DISSENTING STATEMENT OF COMMISSIONERS AZIZAH AL,HIBRI, MARY ANN 

GLENDON AND WILLIAM SHAW: 

'Ve have strong and deep feelings [or the suffel'ings CUt'fenUy being endured by the people of Syria. ¥le 

dissent from the report, however, because the facts about and the relation between jS~\lIes of rel1g10LIs 

1}eedom and the pulitical dymllllics of the armed slruggle thete are not sLlrficiently clear 10 enable llS to 

dta\\!' conc1m.iotls Or' make recommendations regarding matters that He outside USCIRF~s mandate to 

monitor violations ofreligiolls freedom. 

A broadening of the informational emd interpretive h(lsc::;' regarding events in the country may help 

provide grounds for clearer (llId more accurate analysis and hence judgments. 

Continued monitoring of Syria should be done. Report findings should stand on the strength of the fUcts 

uncovered and not be influenced by descriptive wordsl phrases which can be interpretod as prejudicial. 

The complete version of this report can be access here: 

http://www.llscirf.gov/images!SyriaReportApril2013(J).pdf 
127

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY JOHN EIBNER, PH.D., CHIEF EXECUTIVE

OFFICER, CHRISTIAN SOLIDARITY INTERNATIONAL, USA


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Anti-government rebels have cleansed several locales in Syria of their religious minority 

populations, most notably Horns, Syria's third-largest city, where nearly the entire Christian 

population of 80,000 was forcibly expelled, but also Qusayr. al-Burj al-Qastal. and some rural 

area~ in ldlib and Latakia province. At lea~t 14 minority places of worship acro~s Syria. 

including Chri~tian churches, Shia Muslim mosques and ~hrine~ and a Jewish Synagogue, have 

been deliberately attacked or destroyed. Car bomb attacks targeting Chlistian and Alawite 

neighborhoods of Damascus have killed scores of civilians and prompted many to t1ee. 

According to one particularly disturbing report from February 2013, rebels in Aleppo shot and 

killed an Armenian Christian man after checking the identity paper~ of all the pa~sengers on 

board a bus and noting that his ~U111ame ~ounded Armenian. Two Chri"tian priest" travehng 011 a 

bu~ in Aleppo province were ~imilarly singled out and abducted by rebeb in the ~ame month. 

Sources inside CSI have reported that several Christians in Raqqa City were murdered by Jubhat 

al-Nusra after the group seized the city from regime forces in March 2013. The UN Independent 

Commission of Inquiry on Syria reported in December 2012 that, "upon capturing Government 

forces," one FSA battalion in Latakia province imprisoned its Sunni captives, "while Alawites 

were immediately executed." 

Abductions by rebel groups, gang~ or common criminals, are a ubiquitou~ phenomenon in Syria 

and disproportionately affect religious minorities. In January 2013. some 50 people were 

abducted from Ha~ake province in northea~t Syria. half of them Chrhtian~. A CSI ~ource in 

Aleppo reports that abductions occur almost daily, "mainly of Christians, as they are thought to 

be the group that can pay the most for ransom." A Druze leader reported in March 2013, "Our 

people get stopped at checkpoints and are asked which sect they belong to. Once the militias hear 

that they are from Swaida [a province where 90% of the population is Druzel. our men 

disappear." A Sunni anti-regime activif-t explained the targeting of Swaida's Druze, despite their 

con~iderable ~upport for Sunnh under government as~au1t in neighboring Daraa province. this 

way: "Jubhat al-Nusra ~ee~ the Druze a~ infideh, therefore they ~ee attacking and kidnapping 

them as justilied." 

Religious minorities in Syria have also been victimized by regime violence. Many Syrian 

Christian refugees in Lebanon were forced to flee by the regime's indiscriminate attack~ on 

civllian areaf-. Regime forces murdered Basel Shahade, a young Chrif-tian political activist, in 

Hams in May 2012. Bishop Yohanna lbrallim of the Syrian Orthodox Church was kidnapped in 

April 2013 after criticizing the regime in public: the regime and the opposition traded blame for 

the abduction of the bishop, who remains in captivity. The SYlian opposition has also blamed the 

car bomb massacres in the Christian-Druze Damascus suburb of Jaramana on regime intelligence 

service~, The regime has contributed significantly to the sectarian nature of the conflict by 

aggre%ively recruiting Christians, Alawite~ and Shiites il1to pro-gove111ment militia .. , The A~sad 

regime has historically tried to suppress non-Arab Christian identities. such as that of the 

Assyrian Christian population. 

Between 200,000 and 300,000 Christians have fled SYlia since the beginning of the war, 

accounting for nearly one-fifth of the total SYlian refugee population. though Christians 

con~tituted only one-tenth of Syria's prewar population, Chri~tial1 refugees in Turkey rep011 that 

they are unable to stay in refugee camp~ set up by the Turki~h government. a~ Jubhat a1-Nu~ra 

and other rebel groups often impress young men from the camps into fighting against the regime. 
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There it-. precedent for elimination of minority religious groups in Syria's modem history: 

following the establishment of the state ofIsrael in 1948, Syria's small Jewish population was 

subjected to repeated pogromt-. and syt-.tematic pert-.ecution by the t-.tate. leading to the slow 

exodut-. of nearly the entire community from the country. 

Call 5 for genocide agaln'>t rehglou~ mlnorltle~ from rebelleader~ in Syria are numerous and 

frequent. The chant "Alawites to the grave, Christians to Beirut!" has been reported at antigovemment demonstrations since the earliest days of the revolution. In early 2013. a YouTube 

video surfaced of a young Sunni Syrian boy singing to a cheering crowd, "We will slaughter the 

Shiites in the towns of Kfariya and Fua" (two isolated Shia towns in Idlib province. which would 

later become the ~lte of a mass abduction of Shla clvlhan,». Tn July 2012, a Sunnl rebel 

commander posted a video on YouTube threatening to kill any Sunni who traded with Shia 

Muslims, "even if it is a single grain of wheat." Many Free Syrian Anny battaliont-. have named 

thelmelves after Ibn Taymiyya. a 14th century Sunni Muslim scholar who called for the 

extermination of Alawite~. Following the religious c1eant-.ing of Alawitet-. from the village of 

Jamaliyya in December 2012. a Jubhat al-Nusra fighter ~aid. "We are defending our religion 

This is what our revolution is about." In July 2012, a Sunni rebel fighter declared, "All Alawites 

must be slaughtered." 

Christian Solidarity International calls on the intemational community to act now to prevent the 

genocide of Syria's religious minorities 
130


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14 I OPINION It)eltfMljbtgMtlimt!ll 

i'Il'ffl T'U Ii! II nil Til Ill! U!i!fflr_ iii ~ UI1 

MONDAY, AUGUST 6, 2012 

_ J Ii liT "if,::lIIT II! 

1Il10DlEEAST 

Islamic extremists threaten 

Syria's Christians 

Obama must not ignore sacrifice of religious minorities 

By.lolJnEibner 

More than. year hn, elap;ed ,Illce 

the Unl",t~tates aligned itself with S;'ia~ Slmnj,dominated 

OPI""iOOn .nd the Middle EMf' 

Sunni poW"~ to avertfu:ow the i.-egtme 

of.Bashar Assad. "Wlcile the United 5tate5i 

pursues this goalln the Th'1llle of the Syrian 

poop!e~ it .i$ tkat that its ultitnate!:trategic 

obiectnll3 t·; to render Syrl~ ShUte Inm's 

rt!ost lmpol'tmi regiunal ally! u,'ie!es,.., m il~ 

struggle fur m""'ery ofthe Mlddle East To ochicve its goo], the UlrlJ"IIS!aresis 

employlnge<.:Ooomic Sl\lJctions. p<iliti<a1 

backlngforihe Syrian oppm;\tion and lethal 

military support lathe Fn,e Syrian AmI:Y ' and other SUIUlhlolllinated llJ:ll:Iedgmups, 

channeled through Saudi Aothl1, Qll!aT and 

1\nkoy - ali Amerkan allies with ""'lmer- able dcrnncr.1ic delicits, especially in the 

realmofre!igious andelhnic roin<lrtty 'ig!1tl;, 

A. the Syrians!ate has degmded thepeople 

ofSyriahave"'1"'n."ccd an _of death, 

di<lplaccment rum destruction. The United 

&.tes' ''':th",upport fur r<gjmJ; dWlg< in Syria 

ina sI@laledan """,cille scrnmble fur power 

and inffuence, a." neighboring _ and rerroristgroups ,'l.lcl1 

asal~\ictOrashareofthe 

co!laprungstate.'lheSy,ttn civil _ has beC<>n1<'.in lbe words 

ofDefunscSccretru'y Loon 

E.l'anetta, "a>ltUatiDn1;hatis 

ropid;"y spinning out of i;ontrQl" 

. DuringSyriasslow-motion 

1lescent inro chaos, the State 

DepatlmeI1l bllS vigorously 

j1\lblicized and "OlJd""""d , arrocilicsroll1tl1i!tedbyfur"", 

inyol ml""'~enl A<SOd, 1M SyriMl OJ)fJOSition ibrces increa~ 

lngly motcll tha Assad regime's dlidaln fur1;ha 

fuJI'S aud Iihcrty of IlteSytttn peopk.especiaJJy 

Christians and othor non-S1mnis, who const\-

tute about :/5 percent of Syria's population. 

, Bumanrighrsnlonitm.anddmrcb QJftcials b..we reported C3S(,S of'the armed 

, opposition kidnapping; tnrturlng. dL'lpmC' 

ing. mut:dering and using ctvilians ss ilum<nl 

shiclds.. Such cri.mes often are accompanied 

by """" of''AIlcbu Akbar; "Death 10 unbelievers" and other ",!,ressions oflslamk jihad 

the oppositinn 

""denV'Christialls tf! Beirut. Alawiresto 

thecoffm;' 

became 

a refrain 

atpublk 

",,,,.,,,,(The 

Alawlteshe, 

long an offi;hoot 

!k'-'t ofTsJrtmaud 

are semI as heretics by nIDStSunrm. 'fht, 

A".d{,mily and umt 

of its top lieutenantS 

are Alawir.J WithiM 

year, lsbmist rebels and religiously deanse4"91} 

percent of tIm Chri'1tians from 

Homs. and they reportedly are 

Mlding 200 ",hostage!< This 

lOOnth, the Cba1dean Bishop of 

!IkpPP",!,rfSsedfear 

that the ",me futeawmts 

the Christian com- munity in his besieg"li 

Sloe and in Datuar;;cus. 

AJuly 31 artid" in The \\<lli;hlngnm TImes 

told thestoryof as,,,,, ia.'1 Alawite man whQ 

attempted to joirta rebel 

group in Lattakia, <mil' to be 

r<hutfud byrt>hcls wM.,.d, 'We 

dun'l needAlawi pigs wiih U:;:' 

The United Natims.ecretaltl'- general's special ruhi.:;erson the 

p'e"mtion of genocide and on the "'''1'''osiblliryto protect warned last month this with "deepenlng ",ctarian tensions (in Syrial tbr 

risk Qfiurthennass atrodlycrimes'iShigh:' 

Tn );uruary ZOll, fonner President Amine 

Ge~ oflebaoon llrobr a(>boo of the in- ter:natior~ conununity when.he dedaroothar 

lslRroicextremists v.ere committing "genocide" 

ag<rlnst: theCbristlans of tbeh:liddle :&1sLPrtsl-

<lent Nicolai! Sarlrozy ofF!:a!lc< soon iiJn"wed suit by <h:riblngthis genocide pr<lC£S$a5 

"reJlgiousdean:;lng:' Syri.' has sur- iheepic_r of 

ca!;lStrophe, 

lnProsiden! 

Obarua's May ZOll 

J<ldre$ on tire AT •• uprisings, 

hepledged 

todelend 

"uniwtsal 

righls"inihe 

Mldd1eF~st 

-indllding 

religiousfreeoom-with"aIl 

aftho diplomatic. 

ecoilCmicand 

strategicttlO1sat 

our dispusal," '11le 

UnitedStatesmust 

lose no more time 

ll'ilIlSlatingt.1;"" fine 

words into a roncrexe. 

im~CJr'· 

, should unveil wkhcut dd.y a pollcy response to the UN. secretary-generafs 

special advisers' appeal fur "inunediate. 

dcc:.isivc a~tio'ul1 to "protectpopulatiolls 

at risk of further atrocity crimes in Syria.'" 

\\tushington must not sacrifiee the 

,e!igious min<:l!'itie. of Syria !nits ef- fofts to build a Sunnt Islamist bloc against the regional ambilions .fShiite 

Jran, Failure of the United States and lUi allies tuguaranree the bumantights 

of religiQUS minorities will only t..a.n5e these communitie$. to ding tighter to the 

Assad regi.me tor pmredion and thereby 

deepen and prolong the civil war. 

Tolm EUmer is CliO ofChri,<tian So.clarity 

lruematimla1. 
132


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The President 

The 'White House 

I 1iO() Pennsylvania i\ venue, NW 

Washington, D.C. 205110 

Dear Mr. Pre"lident, 

December 24, 2012 

"Israel must be wiped off the map!" - proclaims the President of the Islamic Republic ofIran, 

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Thi" threat of genocide, combined with the development of Iran's nuclear capacIty, is 

rightly taken seriously by the United States. Throughout your presidency you have made it clear that the United 

Statc~ is cOlllmitted to preventing the eradication of the people of IsraeL 

There i"l, however, another threat of genocide in the Middle I-<:a"t - one which neither you, nor Secretary 

of State Hillary Clinton. have publidy acknO\vledged. It is the religiou~ cleansing of Chri~lian~ and other 

religious minorities from the Sunni-dOlninatcd Middle East. 

Ah'cady, last year, ronner Lebanese President Amine Gernaycl and rrench President Nicholas Sarkozy 

drew the attention of the international community respectively to acts of "genocide", and "a perverse program 

of religious cleansing" directed at Middle Eastern Christian communities. 

Today, the crisis of rcligious clcansing is particularly acutc in Syria. The general chaos and confusion of 

c1"il war harms all Sytian" irre"pective of religion. Hut members of religious minorities - roughly 25 t7r: of the 

population - are targeted for mun.ler. abduction. displacement and humiliaLion with increasing [requent:y and 

ferocity. Religious cleansing proceeds apace under the publicly proclaimed slogan, "Alawites to the grave, and 

Christians to Beirut!" - a proclamation, like President Ahmadinejad's, of genocidal intent 

Some of the inciter" and perpetrators of religious cleansing in Sytia are driven by fanatical adherence to 

a genocidal ideology of jihad. Others find inspiration in a widespread and deep-seated culture of Sunni Muslim 

supremat:ism. They repre~ent the most powerful elements within the Sunni-dominaLed rebel fort:e~. extending 

far beyond the recently sanctioned al-Nusra rront militia. These Tslamist militia", with the non-lethal backing of 

the United States and the lethal support of our countly's closest regional Sunni allies - in particular Saudi 

Arabia, Qatar and Turkey - strive to overthrow the secular dictatorship of Bashar al Assad and replace it with a 

Sunni Islamic state to serve as a barrier to ShiiLe Iran. 

It is a tragic irony that Sytian religiou" minotitie" feel compelled to cling to the btUtal Assad 

dictator"hip - not out of love for the regime. but for survival in the face of religious cleansing from the side of 

American-supported lslarnists. The failure of the Syrian anned opposition and its patrons in the "Friends of 

Syria" international contact group to gain the conlident:e of minoriLies ha~ prolonged the life or the A~sad 

regime and has inflicted more death and desttUction on the Syrian people. 

In a letter dated Augu~t 1, 2012, I urged you to act decisively to fore~tall genocide in Syria. Since then. 

the religious cleansing of Christians and other religious minorities in Syria has gained momentum. 

In the meantime. others have i"sued their own genocide warnings regarding Sytia. Speaking recently at 

113 

Christian Solidarity r'"'ternatlOnal (CSI-USA) 

870 Hamps!lire SUite Wesr!<JKe Village, CA 91361 

(8ClS) 777 - tel; 7771508 - fax 
133


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the U.S. I Ioloeaust Memorial Museum, former Ambassador Peter W. Clalbraith - the bearer of impressive antigenocide credential, - declared: "The next genocide in the world will likely be against the Alawites in Syria" 

Simon Adams. Executive Director of the Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect. elaborated on 

Ambassador Galbraith's observation, stating on the 15th of November 2012 in a New York Times article entiLled 

"The World's Next Genocide": 

"Growing numbers of foreign Sunni extremist fighters are battling not just to tid Syria of Mr. 

A,sad. but to religiously cleanse it. As a re,ult. many Syrian Chri,tian, now fear that their fate will 

mirror that of Iraqi Chri~tians. \vho were largely forced out of Iraq by war and secLarian terrori~m. 

The dLy of Horns was once horne to 80,000 ChrisLians: there are now reporLeilly fewer than 400. 

Mr. Adams' reference to the near destruction of the Iraqi Christian community during the US-led 

Operation Iraqi Freedom i~ a sobering reminder of Lhe grisly fmc Lhat await~ Lhe non-Sunni religious minoritie~ 

of Sytia a'l the institutions and infrastructure of the state are degraded and Sunni supremacist armies expand 

their control of territory. 

Only this week. the UN Independent International Commi"""ion of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic 

is~ued an alanning reporL. confirming that the revolution in Syria "has become overtly sectarian." The 

Commission concludes: 

"Entire communities are at risk of being forced out of the country or of being killed inside the 

country. With communiLies believing - not \vithout cause - that Lhey face an existenLial threat. 

the need for a negotiated settlement is more urgent than ever." 

The prospect foreseen by the l TN Commission corre~ponds to the definition of genocide as found in the 

Convention for Lhe Prevention and PunishmenL of the Crime of Genocide. to which the l Tnited States is a 

signatory. 

What power, Mr. President. is going to undet1ake re..,ponsibility forthe prevention of genocide and the 

restoration of security for the terrorized people of Syria as the war there becomes more brutal and sectarian? 

\Vhi1c the currcnt crisis of religious cleansing is most acute in Sytia, we now see in Egypt - ruled by a 

new US-backed Islamist dictatorship - an up,urge in anti-Chri,tian hate 'peech. pogroms against Chri,tians, 

and the religiou~ cleansing of the pyramid village of Dah~hour. Conditions for anti-Christian acts of genocide 

currently exist in Egypt. 

Employing the refrain "Never again!," you pledged on the 23"\ of April at the U.S. IIolocaust Memorial 

Museum to use the many instruments at your disposal to prevent genocide. You furthermore announced the 

establishment of a new instrument - the interagency Atrocities Prevention Board. headed by Samantha Power 

- and revealed the impo~iLion of Lough U.S. sanctions against the Syrian and Iranian regimes. 

In your Holocaust Museum ,peeeh you also declared: 

"I will always be there for Israel.. "When faced with a regime that threatens global security and 

denics the Ilolocaust and threatens to destroy Israel, the United States will do everything in our 

power to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons." 

But there was no such undertaking then, or subsequently, to "always be there" for the existentially 

lhreaLened religiou~ minorities of the Islamic Middle East. Nor was there a commitment to "do everything in 

2/3 
134

f


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our power to prevent" potential perpetrators of genocide from having the means to eradieate them. Meanwhile, 

the death and di<.;placement toll mount<.;. 

CSI urges you act to prevent genocide in Syria and elsewhere in the Middle East before it is too late. You 

can do so by commis~ioning Samamha Power aTIlI the ne\v Atrocitie~ Prevemion Board to prepare a genocide 

prevention policy based on: 

I.Ctisis management in cooperation with Russia and other Permanent Members of the UN SecUtity 

Council. 

2. Constructive participation at the Swiss-proposed intemalional conference in Geneva in early 2013 wilh 

a view to reaching agreement on the employment of all international instruments for the prevention of 

genocide and the protection of endangered peoples in Syria. as called for on June 14 by the UN SecretaryGeneral's Special Advisors on the Prevention of Genocide and on the Responsibility to Protect 

3. The extension of the United States' punitive anti-Assad sanctions to all Syrian opposition armed forces 

- and their financiers and weapon~ supplier~ - who incite and/or wage a religiou~ly supremat:ist jihad. 

4. Vigorous and open encouragement of the "Friends of Syria" and the armed Syrian opposition to 

provide genuine bruarantees for the survival and freedom of Syria's religious minority communities, and to 

work to achieve a negotiated settlement that encompas<.;es all the Syrian people. 

5. Redut:Lion of military aid to Egypt's Islamist regime until ~uch Lime a~ a consLiLutional consen~us i~ 

reached for the defense of personal freedom and minority tights. 

6. An international campaign to combat the genocidal ideology of jihad and the region's culture of 

religious supremacism. 

Announcing this policy next monlh in your SLate of the Union address would send a powerful message to 

those who are now threatening the survival of the Middle East's oldest religious communities 

AL the Holocaust Museum, Mr. PresidenL, you repeated a LYulh of which American policy-maker~ musL 

never lose sight: "Preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest and a core moral 

responsibility of the United State of America." 

This Chrisunas Eve. CSI urges you to serve lhe United Stmes' interests and fulfill her moral 

responsibilities by making a firm commitment to prevent the religious cleansing of Christians and other 

religious minOlitics from lhe Middle EasL. 

Respectfully, 

Dr. John Eibner 

CEO 

3/3 
135

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY MS. NINA SHEA, DIRECTOR, CENTER FOR

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, HUDSON INSTITUTE


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The suffering ofthe Yezidis in Syria is going from bad to worse, which is very tragic when there 

are velY limited choices: Convert to Islam/Kurdish culture, Die or Leave! 

As the Yezidis and minority- they (Yezidis) are subjected to fierce attack by Islamic forces 

(Infidel Terrorist). Where those forces have entered many ofthe Yezidi villages; the killing of 

hundreds of Yezidis, looting oftheir properties and other possessions; raping of the Yezidi 

women, forced to convert to Islam or leave the country. 

Those forces, which identifY themselves as "Free Syrian Army attacked the Azaz village in 

Qamishly region, which the Yezidis lost more than 20 members, their possessions were looted 

and the remaining villagers had no choice but to leave their village and flee with their children in 

and out of Syria. And thousands of the Yezidis in Ras al-Ayin region in the province of 

Hassakeh already left their agricultural lands, farms, possessions and other businesses and fled to 

Turkey for their lives safety. And same thing is happening in most of the Yezidis villages and 

towns in the Aleppo province. That's how the lives ofthe Yezidis been in all cases for the past 

two years. And on the other hand the Kurds are doing the same thing by imposing Kurdish 

culture on the Yezidis and to obscure the Yezidi Nation's identity and their geographical regions. 

This does not have the option to either waive hislher religion or nationality his properties or 

lands. Those forces (Exh'emists, Radicals and terrorist groups do not accept anything but 

emigrate the Yezidis to abroad, this is what happening and what we see today. Many of the 

asylum Yezidis to migrate to European countries in strayed risk their lives and serpents of 

children and women in h'avelling thousands of miles, crossing rivers; mountains, bear hunger, 

thirst, bear the shadow of fear and darkness at the hands of smugglers and the Mafia, which 

displays the men killed and women subjected to rape in order to reach saluting liberty and 

maintain their privacy and religious nationalism. 

Since what matters the Yezidi people. An ambitious one and completed all the affairs of our 

lives; the privacy gap ofthe Yezidi people in nationality, religion, race and social habit and 

tradition In privacy away from the pressures of the violations and abuses ofIslam and Muslims 

against the non-Muslim religious and ethnic minorities in Middle East countries such as the Iraq, 

Syt'ia, Egypt, etc. 

We are hoping that the Intemational Communities do mal<e the same mistal<e as they did in Iraq 

and Egypt, where the minorities' "Rights and Freedom" almost have been destroyed. And we 

are also asking the Intemational co1111llunities to take an immediate action to guarantee the 

minorities rights in Middle East before it is too late. 

Best Regards, 

Mirza Ismail 

Chairman 

Yezidi Human Rights Organization-Intemational 
137


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REPORT ON THE SITUATION OF 

SYRIAC CHRISTIANS IN SYRIA 

2013 

Syriac National Council of Syria (SSNC) - 2013 
138


81692k-3.eps

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS IN SYRIA 

The Mesopotamian Civilization has been marked with the significant and vital developments 

of Syriac people created during the centuries. Syria has witnessed to these changes from the 

first Even the name of Syria derived from the Syriac origin, which means homeland of 

Syriacs Greeks used the name also before Christ during Assyrian Empire. The name of Syria 

was used as a geographic by Persians, Roma, Arabs and Ottomans and arrived until today 

Syria has been the homeland of Syriac people and thus they lived there during the history and 

they developed civilizations. Consequently, Syriac people are the oldest and indigenous 

people of Syria. 

During the First World War, Syria and Lebanon entered under the French sovereignty. In 

1920 with the international treaty Syria became a mandate of France. Lebanon has significant 

Syriac population which belong to Antioch East Maronites Church. Lebanon had been 

separated from Syria on 01 September 1920. Because of this separation, a new split occurred 

between Syriacs of Syria and those of Lebanon. In the Syria, followers of Antioch Greek 

Orthodox Church, Antioch Greek Catholic Church and Antioch Syriac Orthodox Church are 

the dominant 

During the 1915 Genocide and later great migration flues took place to Syria and Lebanon 

from Turabdin, Diyarbalm and Urfa regions. Under the French mandate, Syriac people took 

their places at the improvement of Syria at economic, educational, cultural, military and in 

political domains without any privileged status. At the aftermath of 1933 Simele Massacres in 

Iraq, tens of thousands of Assyrian-Syriac people had been transferred around Habur region 

under the French authority. By the objecti ve to create an ally at the region from SyriacAssyrian people, French authorities set up military units under the name of "AssyrianChaldean battalions". The Antioch Syriac Orthodox Patriarch, which had been exiled from 

Turkey, had been installed at the Homs city by French authorities 

After the departure of French and English hegemony on 1946 from Syria and Lebanon, Syriac 

people played their roles at the development and at the administration of these countries. The 

Arab Baath Party, established on 07 April 1947, marked the history and policy of Syria after 

1950s. 

Syriac people are deprived from any constitutional, ethnic and cultural rights. The cause is 

that the dominant ideology and policy nourish from Arab nationalism. Consequently the 

dominance of Arab nationalism is characteristic at the all spheres of the life. The churches of 

Syriac people are accepted and viewed as the churches of Christians of Syria. Syriac people 

can open private schools, but at these schools the lessons and programmes are organised and 

prepared by the state. At the primary schools the religion lesson is instructed with Syriac 

language. In Syria, Syriac language is accepted as the language of a church rather than being 

accepted as the language of a people. At the field of culture Syriacs has important works. 

During history Syriac people individually had played important role at the development and at 

the construction of the Syria. Despite this true fact, Syriac people remained deprived from 

their most fundamental rights within Syria. 
139


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PRESENT SITUATION OF SYRIAC CHRISTIANS IN SYRIA 

In order to represent Syriac people in all platforms and demand their fundamental rights "The 

Syriac National Council of Syria*" had been established on September 08, 2012 and 

working for a democratic, civil, pluralistic and multi-ethnic Syria, that is a country based on 

citizenship, where all citizen, regardless of their ethnic, religion or sectarian background have 

equal rights and equal responsibilities. 

As the opposition groups are now being right to discussion about a possible post Assad 

regime, the Syriacs and other minority groups are not being included in a discussion. There is 

no authentic representation of the Syriacs and other minorities in the Syrian National 

Coalition. There is known an eHort in discussions and dialogue of expanding the Syrian 

National Coalition; we are not being consulted, although we have gone and met many times 

with the leadership of the SOC and presented our case. They have admitted to the fact that 

they need to represent the Syriacs but they have failed to do this. And it seems that they 

continue to Ignore us. 

The Islamist-Radicals have been taken an increasing share the power. There is overrepresentation of lslamist-radical groups. The lslamist-Radicals dominate the Syrian National 

Coalition and there is actually a competition between difIerent elements of Islam and a total 

ignorance of other minorities. Syria does not want to go the route of Afghanistan, Iraq and 

Egypt with a new constitution based on Sharia. 

Syrian Christians have played the key role in expanding democratic culture in Syria; they 

have played the key role in basic documents of Damascus Spring and many Syrian Christians 

are well-know Opposition figures long before the revolution started. Members of the Syriac 

community were tighting for human rights, for democratic reforms and a pluralistic Syria. 

Syriac Christians have been almost caught in the fights between the Assad forces and the 

Islamist-Radicals. Each one wants to claim, that he is the protector of the Christians. 

The Syriacs long have realized that their aspirations to live in peace and dignity can be best 

achieved through a democratic, civil, pluralistic Syria. This is why the Syriacs have aligned 

themselves with other Syrian minorities in a very diverse country to seek a Syria that is based 

on citizenship and that guarantees equal rights to all Syrians. 

Syriac people seek a future in Syria, which is based on citizenship, democracy and respect of 

religious freedom. 
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GENERAL DEMANDS 

1. Drafting of a democratic constitution. 

2. Creating new decentralised system of legislation and enforcing local administration. 

3. Drafting new political parties' legislation and passing to multi-party system. 

4. Giving back all political, cultural, economic, educational, religious and national rights. 

5. Taking away all obstacles before the expression of thought and media tools. 

6. Re-organisation of all institutions with the democratic principles. 

7. Issuing a general amnesty. 

8. Providing humanitarian aid to Syrian people. 

9. Re-organisation of Syrian administration, which represent all groups 

10. Maintaining all necessary measures for the damages and compensate the yictims. 

*Independent opposition figures of Syriac National Council of Syria: 

Bassam Ishak 

Rimon Majoun 

• Aydin Said 

"Member organizations and institutions ofSyriac National Council of Syria: 

Syriac Union Party of Syria 

Syriac Cultural Association in Syria 

Ciyjj Society in Syria 

Syriac Movement 

• European Syriac Union 

Suryoyo (Syriac) American Association 

• Bethnahrin Women Union