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##  Stereotypes of Asian American Students. ERIC Digest.                         

In 1995, 268,000 of the 720,000 new immigrants that came to the                 United States were from Asia and the Pacific Islands. The Asian                 American population doubled between 1980 and 1990, and it will                  double again between 1990 and 2020. "Asian American" as a racial                group represents 29 distinct ethnic categories (Atkinson, Morten, &             Sue, 1993). Further, there is considerable social and economic                  variation between recent Asian immigrants and Asian American                    communities that have been in the United States for generations. The            number of Asian American school age children and youth increased                from 212,900 in 1980 to almost 1.3 million in 1990, creating a                  significant influx in many of the nation's public school systems,               especially cities along the East and West coasts. 
This digest                 discusses the various negative and positive Asian American                      stereotypes. It also explores how school practices and individual               educators--consciously or unconsciously--may reinforce them. Doing              so has important negative social, political, and economic                       ramifications for Asian Americans. Indeed, while Asian Americans are            often characterized as the "model minority" (Lee, 1997, p. 442),                many have serious psychological and emotional concerns which are not            being addressed. GENERAL STEREOTYPESThe various stereotypes               assigned to Asian American students cause them emotional distress               and create conflicts with their peers, both those of different races            and those in their own racial group. Even more important,                       stereotyping limits students' opportunities and access to                       resources (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; S. Lee, 1996). Indeed,              Fisher et al. (2000) found higher levels of distress from peer                  discrimination (being threatened, called racially insulting names,              and excluded from activities) in Chinese and Korean students than in            African Americans, Hispanics, and whites. 
S. Lee (1996) reported              that high- and low-achieving Asian-identified students experienced              anxiety to uphold the expectations of the model minority                        stereotypes. The students who were unable to perform well                       academically felt depressed and were embarrassed to seek help.                  Moreover, dispelling the Asian American universal academic success              myth, the Educational Testing Service (1997) found that twelfth                 grade students from six major ethnic groups (Chinese, Japanese,                 Korean, Filipino, South Asian, and Southeast Asian) had significant             variations in their educational backgrounds and achievement. ETS                also demonstrated how stereotyping has led to the neglect of the                development of student services and support for the many Asian                  American students who are undereducated and have low socioeconomic              status. 
Some of the educational stereotypes identify Asian                    Americans as "geniuses," "overachievers," "nerdy," "great in math or            science," "competitive," "uninterested in fun," and "4.0 GPAs" (S.              Lee, 1996). Some personality and behavior stereotypes assert that               Asians                                                                          are "submissive," "humble," "passive," "quiet," "compliant,"                    "obedient," "stoic," "devious," "sneaky,"  "sly," "tend to hang out             in groups," "stay with their own race," "condescend to other races,"            and are "racist," "not willing to mesh with American culture," "try             to be like Americans," "want to be Caucasian," and "act                         F.O.B. [fresh off the boat]" (S. Lee, 1994; 1996; Yeh, 2001). The               physical appearance and mannerism stereotypes                                   include "short," "slanted eyes," "eyeglass wearing," "poor or                   non-English speaking," and "poor communicators" (S. Lee, 1996; Siu,             1996). Stereotypes related to the socioeconomic status of Asian                 Americans and their attitudes about money identify them                         as "stingy," "greedy," "rich," "poor," "grocery store owners," "dry             cleaners," "restaurant owners," and "chefs" (S. Lee, 1996; Yin,                 2000). MODEL MINORITY STEREOTYPESThe model minority                       stereotypes attribute educational and economic success to all Asian             Americans, with the danger that they ignore the between- and                    within-group differences of assimilation/acculturation, social,                 political, economic, and education backgrounds (Educational Testing             Service, 1997; E. Lee, 1997; Siu, 1996; Yin, 2000). By focusing on              exceptional "success stories" and generalizing to all Asian                     Americans, the model minority myth does not take into consideration             the large number of Asian American students and their families who              suffer from poverty and illiteracy (Educational Testing Service,                1997; Siu, 1996; Yin, 2000). For example, while only 5.6 percent of             Japanese Americans have only an elementary education or less, 61                percent of the Hmong Americans fall into this category (Siu, 1996).             Further, although the poverty rates for Japanese and Filipino                   Americans are 3.4 percent and 5.2 percent respectively, 24 percent              of Vietnamese, 42 percent of Cambodians, and 62 percent of Hmong                Americans live below the poverty line (Yin, 2000). 
Within a group,            Chinese American parents, for example, who are well-educated,                   English-speaking, wealthy professionals from Hong Kong will have                different experiences and needs for their children in the United                States than will a poorly-educated, non-English speaking,                       financially-troubled laborer from the countryside in China (Siu,                1996). In addition, Southeast Asian (Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian,            and Hmong) students and their families--whose backgrounds may                   include war trauma, relocation experiences, family separation, and              education disruptions--will have different psychological and                    academic needs from East Asian (Chinese, Filipino, Koreans, and                 Japanese) students and their families (Boehnlein, Leung, & Kinzie,              1997; E. Lee, 1996; S. Lee, 1994; 1996; Leung, Boehnlein, & Kinzie,             1997; Moore, Keopraseuth, Leung, & Chao, 1997; Siu, 1996). SOCIAL             AND PSYCHOLOGICAL CONCERNSThe model minority stereotype that                Asian American students are "whiz kids" (Brand, 1987) and immune                from behavioral or psychological distresses prevents them from                  acknowledging academic and emotional problems and seeking help. S.              Lee (1996) reports on a Cambodian student named Ming who was failing            his classes but refused to seek help for his academic difficulties,             believing that admitting his academic failure would cause his family            to lose face (be ashamed). He was trying to live within the                     boundaries of the model minority stereotype, and as a result was                perpetuating his academic problems, leaving him feeling isolated and            depressed. 
Whether the Asian American students are excelling                  academically or having problems, it is essential to recognize and               acknowledge that they experience school, social, and familial                   stresses to uphold their "model minority" image (Chung, 1997; Fisher            et. al, 2000; Huang, 1997; S. Lee, 1996; Siu, 1996). In fact, a                 study (Lorenzo, Frost, & Reinherz, 2000) found that although Asian              American students did better academically and had fewer delinquent              behaviors than Caucasian Americans, the Asian American youth                    reported more depressive symptoms, withdrawn behavior, and social               problems. They also had poorer self-images and reported more                    dissatisfaction with their social support. 
In addition, Asian                 American students have reported experiencing racial and ethnic                  discrimination by their peers (Fisher et al., 2000; Kohatsu et al.,             2000; Phinney & Chavira, 1995; Siu, 1996). Siu's (1996) study of                literate Asian American students at risk demonstrates the social and            psychological struggles resulting from the model minority                       stereotypes that foster discrimination and anti-Asian sentiments                from their peers. The review found that a large proportion (63                  percent) of Vietnamese, Hmong, and Korean elementary and secondary              students reported that American students were "mean" to them. Being             insulted or laughed at by classmates were cited as reasons for not              liking school and lacking friends. In addition, commonly mentioned              concerns of Vietnamese, Chinese, and Cambodian refugee school age               children were physical altercations with peers in school and in                 social interactions. 
S. Lee (1996) discusses how Korean students              distanced themselves from Southeast Asian students because they did             not want to be associated and be perceived as "welfare sponges." It             was, further, found by Siu that the proportion of suspensions for               fighting was much higher for Filipino and Southeast Asian students              than for all other ethnic groups, including whites, Latinos, and                African Americans. These fights were attributed to cultural barriers            and prejudice against Asians, especially Southeast Asians. Such                 racial tensions and a hostile school environment may divert                     students' focus from their studies to less productive or even                   destructive activities, and spur some Asian American youths to join             gangs for their own protection and for a sense of belonging (Siu,               1996). 
The increase in the number of Asian American students in               schools highlights the importance of understanding how Asian                    American stereotypes are reinforced in the school context and                   contribute to a biased and limited perspective of Asian Americans               that does not reflect their within group heterogeneity. In order to             serve the social, psychological, and educational needs of Asian                 American students, teachers, counselors, and administrators must be             able to address their own assumptions about this growing group,                 understand how those assumptions shape their interactions with the              students, and effectively communicate that they care and want to                help. REFERENCESAtkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D.                    W. (Eds.). (1993). Counseling American minorities: A cross-cultural             perspective (4th ed.). Madison, WI: W.C. Brown &                                Benchmark. 
Boehnlein, J.K., Leung, P.K., & Kinzie, J.D. (1997).               Cambodian American families. In E. Lee (Ed.), Working with Asian                Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp. 37-45). New York:                        Guilford. 
Brand, D. (1987, August 31). The new whiz kids: Why                 Asian Americans are doing so well and what it costs them. Time, 130,            p. 42-46. 
Chung, W. (1997). Asian American children. In E.                    Lee (Ed.), Working with Asian Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp.            165-174). New York: Guilford. 
Educational Testing Service. (1997,             March 14). Stereotyping shortchanges Asian American students.                   Available: http://modelminority.com/academia/ets.html 
Fisher,                 C.B., Wallace, S.A., & Fenton, R.E. (2000, December). Discrimination            distress during adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence,                  29(6), 679-695. 
Huang, L.N. (1997). Asian American adolescents. In            E. Lee (Ed.), Working with Asian Americans: A guide for                         clinicians (pp. 175-195). New York: Guilford. 
Kim, S.C. (1997).               Korean American families. In E. Lee (Ed.), Working with Asian                   Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp. 125-135). New York:                      Guilford. 
Kohatsu, E.L., Dulay, M., Lam, C., Concepcion, W.,                  Perez, P., Lopez, C., & Euler, J. (2000, Summer). Using racial                  identity theory to explore racial mistrust and interracial contact              among Asian Americans. Journal of Counseling & Development, 78(3),              334-342. 
Lee, E. (1997). Chinese American families. In E.                     Lee (Ed.), Working with Asian Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp.            46-78). New York: Guilford. 
Lee, E. (1996). Asian American                    families: An overview. In M. McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & J.K.                    Pearce (Eds.), Ethnicity and family therapy (2nd ed., pp. 227-248).             New York: Guilford. 
Lee, S.J. (1994, December). Behind the                    model-minority stereotype: Voices of high- and low-achieving Asian              American students. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 25(4),                   413-429. 
Lee, S.J. (1996). Unraveling the "model minority"                    stereotype: Listening to Asian American youth. New York: Teachers               College Press. 
Leung, P.K., Boehnlein, J.K., & Kinzie,                        J.D. (1997). Vietnamese American families. In E. Lee (Ed.), Working             with Asian Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp. 153-162). New                 York: Guilford. 
Lorenzo, M.K., Frost, A.K., & Reinherz,                       H.Z. (2000, August). Social and emotional functioning of older Asian            American adolescents. Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal, 17(4),            289-304. 
Moore, L.J., Keopraseuth, K.-O., Leung, P.K., & Chao,                L.H. (1997). Laotian American families. In E. Lee (Ed.), Working                with Asian Americans: A guide for clinicians (pp. 136-152). New                 York: Guilford. 
Phinney, J.S., & Chavira, V. (1995). Parental                 ethnic socialization and adolescent coping with problems related to             ethnicity. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 5(1), 31-53. (EJ 498             126) 
Siu, S.-F. (1996, December). Asian American students at risk:            A literature review. Report No. 8. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins                 University, Center for Research on the Education of Students Placed             At Risk. (ED 404 406) 
Yeh, C.J. (2001, June). An exploratory study            of school counselors' experiences with and perceptions of                       Asian-American students. Professional School Counseling, 4(5),                  349-356. 
Yin, X.H. (2000, May 7). The two sides of                            America's "model minority." Los Angeles Times, Part M, p.                       1. 
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This Digest was developed by the ERIC Clearinghouse on             Urban Education, with funding from the Office of Educational                    Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, under                   contract no. ED-99-CO-0035. The opinions in this Digest do not                  necessarily reflect the position or policies of OERI or the                     Department of Education.                                                     **Title:** Stereotypes of Asian American Students. ERIC Digest.                         **Note:** Digest number 172.                                                           **Document Type:** Information Analyses---ERIC Information Analysis Products (IAPs) (071); Information Analyses---ERIC Digests (Selected) in Full Text (073); **Available From:** ERIC Clearinghouse on Urban Education, Institute for Urban and                  Minority Education, Box 40, Teachers College, Columbia University,              New York, NY 10027. Tel: 800-601-4868 (Toll Free); Web site:                    http://www.eric-web.tc.columbia.edu.                                         **Descriptors:** Academic Achievement,  Asian American Students, Elementary Secondary            Education,  Ethnic Stereotypes                                               **Identifiers:** ERIC Digests, Psychosocial Factors                                           
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