JPRS 70249

30 November 19 77

TRANSLATIONS ON PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

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JPRS 70249

30 November 1977

TRANSLATIONS ON PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

No.. 405

CONTENTS PAGE

POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL

Hong Kong Paper Comments on Changes in Chinese Leadership

(Editorial; MING PAO, 11 Nov 77) 1

"Gang of Four's" Fallacy on Class Relations Criticized

(JEN-MIN JIH-PAO, 27 Oct 77) 3

Complete Eradication of Evil of "Gang of Four" Urged

(JEN-MIN JIH-PAO, 2 Nov 77) 6

"Gang of Four's" Conspiracy in Literature, Art Reviewed

(Liu Tsai-fu, Yang Chih-chieh; KUANG-MING JIH-PAO,

8 Oct 77) 8

Criticism of Bourgeois Rights by "Gang of Four" Examined

(Wu Ching-lien, Chou Shu-lien; LI-SHIH YEN-CHIU, Aug 77). 16

PRC Sports Commission Holds Meeting To Criticize Gang

(TIYU PAO, 21 Oct 77) 18

Peking Sports Paper Calls for Continued Struggle

(Li Ping; TIYU PAO, 21 Oct 77) 20

'NANFANG DAILY' on Criticizing the "Gang of Four"

(Editorial; Kwangtung Provincial Service,

31 Oct 77) ..A . 21

'ANHWEI DAILY' Commentator's Article on Criticism of "Gang of

Four"

(Anhwei Provincial Service, 2 Nov 77) 23

Commentary on Exposure, Criticism of "Gang of Four"

(Shanghai City Service, 4 Nov 77) 25

-a - [III - CC - 80 S & T]
CONTENTS (Continued) PaS

e

Newspaper Denounces Use of Films by "Gang of Four"

(KUANG-MING JIH-PAO, 4 Nov 77) 27

Cadre Policy of "Gang of Four" Scored

(KUANG-MING JIH-PAO, 6 Nov 77) 30

'HUPEH DAILY' Urges Criticizing "Gang of Four"

(Editorial; Hupeh Provincial Service, 8 Nov 77) 32

'HUNAN DAILY" Editorial on Criticism of "Gang of Four"

(Editorial; Hunan Provincial Service, 8 Nov 77) 34

'NANFANG DAILY' on Mobilizing Socialist Enthusiasm

(Editorial; Kwangtung Provincial Service, 8 Nov 77)... 36

'KWANGSI DAILY' on Ideological Mobilization Work

(Kwangsi Regional Service, 31 Oct 77) 39

'SZECHWAN DAILY' Urges Advancing Criticism Movement

(Editorial; Szechwan Provincial Service, 31 Oct 77) .. 40

Liang Hsiao Scored by Historical Journal

(Chen Shih-Chih; LI-SHIH YEN-CHIU, 20 Aug 77) 42

One of Chang's Tricks Criticized

(Wang Yung-an; JEN-MIN JIH-PAO, 5 Nov 77) 44

'YUNNAN DAILY' on Conducting "Three Great Publicities"

(Yunnan Provincial Service, 2 Nov 77) 45

'KIANGSI DAILY' Editorial Criticizing Gang

(Editorial; Kiangsi Provincial Service, 9 Nov 77) .... 47

Briefs

Honan Municipalities Criticize Gang 49

Kwangsi's Education Team 49

ECONOMIC

Briefs

New Tractor Developed 50

Increase in Savings Deposits 50

Hydroelectric Power Stations 50

Industrial Output 50

Electric Power in Wuchou 50

Industrial Output in Wuchou 51

Industrial Output in Pose 51

- b -
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL

HONG KONG PAPER COMMENTS ON CHANGES IN CHINESE LEADERSHIP

Hong Kong MING PAO in Chinese 11 Nov 77 P 5 HK

[MING PAO English translation of its 9 November editorial: "National People's

Congress in Session Next Spring"]

[Text] Party congress meetings of provincial level are being held or about

to be held in various parts of China. The meetings in Hunan and Tibet have

just wound up their business and elected new provincial party committees.

Following provincial party congress meetings, provincial people's congress

meetings will be held towards the end of this year to elect new revolutionary

committees of the provinces as part of the preparations for the convocation

of the National People's Congress early next year. The National People's

Congress is to elect a new standing committee of the NPC and appoint a new

State Council. It is expected that the struggle against the "gang of four"

will come to an official end when the NPC draws to a close. The nation will

then enter a new stage of production and reconstruction. However, followers

of the "gang of four" will still have difficult days ahead.

Among the eight officials elected to the new Hunan party committee, Wan Ta

and Sun Kuo-che were provincial party secretaries in I966, and Chang Li-hsien

had been a political cadre of divisional-level before the cultural revolution.

The remaining five embers had been secretaries of Hsien (county) or district

party committees. Of the five, Chao Tzu-chi and Wang Tze-kuo once served as

secretaries of the Hsiangtan District Party Committee, both being "junior

brothers" to Hua Kuo-feng. The newly elected members are all between 50 and

55, about the same age as Hua Kuo-feng, and joined the Chinese Communist

Party during the anti-Japanese war.

New leaders of other provinces have not yet been announced. Among the more

active ones in various provinces, many are younger cadres who have been promoted from district party committee members. Among senior cadres in the

Party's Central Committee and the State Council, many are of the age group

between 50 to 60. These cadres who joined the party during the anti-Japanese

war are playing an increasingly important role. The most notable among this

group are Politburo members Hua Kuo-feng, Chi Teng-kwei, Chao Tse-yang, Chen

Mu-hua and Peng Chung.
The readjustment of organization and the transfer of cadres indicate a

process of metabolism in the Communist leadership in China. The "37 cadres"

who joined the party during the anti-Japanese war will assume a very important position in 5 or 10 years. This should be viewed as a natural process

with the advance of time rather than the result of factional struggles.

Purges within the party are going ahead unabated. Ups and downs in the

struggles were reported in several provinces including Szechuan, Honan,

Hupei, KLrin and Kiangsi. The group formed by reinstated cadres are continuing the purge of remnant followers of Lin Piao and Chiang Ching, some

of whom are members of the 11th Central Committee. The lin and Chiang

cliques had many followers in the army and among senior party and government

officials. The purge is likely to continue for some time. The people's

daily in an article by its commentator not long ago told cadres "to have

deep hatred towards the cliques and factions that had brought havoc to the

nation and the people."

lin Piao has since long been disgraced, but the purge against his followers

had not been carried out seriously before the fall of the "gang of four."

lin Piao and Chiang Ching were close collaborators during the cultural revolution. The purge of lin should have been directed at Chiang Ching as well,

but it was not for obvious reasons. Obstruction to the purge has now been

removed and the day of reckoning for the two has finally arrived.

CSO: U005
"GANG OF FOUR'S" FALLACY ON CLASS RELATIONS CRITICIZED

Peking JEN-MIN JIH-PAO in Chinese 27 Oct 77 p 2 HK

[NONA Report: "Severely Criticize the 'Gang of Four's' Fallacy on 'New

Changes in Class Relations'"]

[Summary] "More than 1,^+00 advanced producers, advanced workers, old heroes,

old labor models and representatives of advanced collectives attending the

Taiyuan Municipal Conference on Learning From Taching in Industry have, in

light of the reality of the struggle between the two classes, and the two

lines in Shansi Province and Taiyuan Municipality, angrily criticized the

counterrevolutionary political program of the 'gang of four,' set right the

relationship between the enemies and ourselves turned upside down by them,

'united with our real friends in order to attack our real enemies' and

advanced courageously toward the great goal of four modernizations."

When our esteemed and beloved Premier Chou passed away in February 1976, the

"gang of four" pounced on the party and the people. They cast forth the

counterrevolutionary political program claiming that "old cadres are 'democrats' and 'democrats' are 'capitalist-roaders'." Chang Tieh-sheng, the new

counterrevolutionary raised by the "gang of four," went to Shensi and uttered

drivel in Hsiyang County and Taiyuan Municipality, wantonly distorting the

basic line of the party throughout the historical period of socialism.^ He

advertised the reactionary fallacy of "new changes in class relations" and

nonsensically said that "over 70 percent of the old cadres are guilty of

mistakes of the revisionist line," and "there have appeared among them many

capitalist-roaders, sinister gangsters, bourgois elements and capitulationists." The clamors made by this counterrevolutionary were resolutely rebuffed

by the Shansi Provincial CCP Committee, the poor and lower-middle peasants of

Hysiyang and the people of the whole province. The provincial party committee

decided not to transmit the speech of Chang Tieh-sheng and not to release his

recorded broadcast, but to lock them up and report the matter to the Central

Committee.

"Looking back on this alarming struggle, the delegates attending the Taiyuan

Municipal Conference on Learning From Taching in Industry saw more clearly

the malice hidden in this counterrevolutionary political program of the 'gang

of four,' and more profoundly comprehended the far-reaching significance of
the call that 'we must carry the great struggle to expose and criticize

the 'gang of four' through to the end' sounded by Chairman Hua at the 11th

Party Congress. The delegates used a huge number of facts to repudiate

point by point the counterrevolutionary fallacies spread by the 'gang of

four.' They point out:

I. "The allegation made by the 'gang of four' that over 70 percent of the

old cadres were 'democrats' and 'present targets of the revolution' is a

malicious distortion, and shameless slander of our party history, and an

out-and-out ultra-right fallacy opposing communism, the people and the

revolution." Based on this reactionary theory, the henchmen of the "gang

of four" in Shansi Province and Taiyan Municipality cried: "All cadres

over 50 are democrats"; "All those who earn more than 100 yuan are capitalist-roaders"; "Those who worked as cadres before the great cultural

revolution are restorationists"; "Those who implemented policies and

arranged work in 1975 belong to the verdict-reversing faction." They

called for grasping capitalist roaders from among those with the halos of

old cadres, old revolutionaries, old heroes and old labor models around

their heads.

II. "The 'gang of four' and their henchmen vilified the old cadres, who

devoted their whole lives to socialist revolution and socialist construction, as capitalist-roaders 'immersed in economic construction, in grain

production and in intellectual education,' and 'imbeciles' who 'cared only

about grain, cotton and oil but paid no attention to distinguishing enemies from friends'. This was not only a deliberate slander of the broad

masses of old cadres, but also a sinister conspiracy to topple China's

socialist economy and disintegrate the material base of the dictatorship

of the proletariat."

III. "The 'gang of four' and their henchmen uttered nonsense, saying that

'people holding power will turn revisionist, and the oppressed are most

revolutionary, and that directing the spearhead at the higher level is

always justified." This was how they openly instigated the target of the

dictatorship of the proletariat to rebel against the dictatorship of the

proletariat, and to seize power from the proletariat in a vain attempt to

bring about a rightist epoch-making change."

IV. "The 'gang of four' and their henchmen frenziedly clamored that they

must adopt the 'iron fist' toward the revolutionary old cadres, 'carry out

a major surgical operation' on the leading body at various levels, and eliminate so-called 'muddled ideas' in 'ideology, theory and line'. Everybody

pointed out that in the past few years, under the influence "of the counterrevolutionary public opinion of the 'gang of four', the thinking of the

people had been confused and the line of distinction between right and wrong

upside down. We can never underestimate their pernicious poison and influence."
"A year has elapsed since the smashing of the 'gang of four', but why is

the struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four' developing so slowly

in some localities? Why is the bourgeois factional network in some localities still not destroyed? Why is it that the fine tradition and work style

of the party cannot be quickly restored? Why is it that even now management

work in some enterprises has not improved, and labor discipline is slack and

production cannot rise? The fundamental problem is that the struggle to

expose and criticize the 'gang of four' has not been properly grasped, the

ultra-right counterrevolutionary revisionist line of the 'gang of four' has

not been thoroughly exposed and criticized, and its pernicious influence has

not been eliminated. In response to the great call of Chairman Hua and the

party Central Committee, we must concentrate our forces to fight a people's

war to eliminate the pernicious influence of the 'gang of four', criticize

their counterrevolutionary political program, and eliminate the poison and

influence of their revisionist line in the fields of philosophy, political

economy and scientific socialism. We must keep on raising our consciousness

to the Marxist-Leninist level and implementing Chairman Mao's revolutionary

line in the struggle, and fight with unflagging effort for the realization

of the line of the 11th Party Congress."

CSO: U005
COMPLETE ERADICATION OF EVIL OF "GANG OF FOUR" URGED

Peking JEN-MIN JIH-PAO in Chinese 2 Nov 77 p 1 HK

[Short commentary: "The Evil Must Be Completely Eradicated"]

[Summary] The Ministry of the Metallurgical Industry has achieved initial

success in grasping the key link in running the country well. The bourgeois

factional network of the confidants of the "gang of four" in the Ministry of

the Metallurgical industry has been destroyed and the production of steel,

which had been interferred with and sabotaged by the "gang of four" and

which had been stagnating and even declining, is now increasing. This is

a great victory won by the masses of staff and workers on the metallurgical

front in determinedly responding to the call of wise leader Chairman Hua to

grasp the key link in exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four'."

"The 'gang of four' were a most evil counterrevolutionary conspiratorial

clique. Our struggle against them is a continuation of the protracted

struggle waged by the masses of revolutionary people under the leadership

of the communist party against the Kuomintang reactionaries. We can never

show the slightest mercy toward these new and old counterrevolutionaries

who are evil and baneful. Experience shows that exposure and criticism of

the bourgeois factional network of the 'gang of four' and their remnant

followers is impossible without the determination to completely eradicate

this evil."

"The determination to completely eradicate this evil is necessary for winning

complete victory in the political revolution to expose and criticize the 'gang

of four.' The 'gang of four' extended their sinister tentacles into many

localities and units throughout the country. They arranged posts for their

confidants in these localities and units. They recruited followers and

created a complicated bourgeois factional network. For a long time, the

'gang' had taken the place of the party in these localities and units, and

falsehood was looked upon as truth, Chairman Mao's revolutionary line could

not be implemented, stability and unity could not be realized and production

could not be increased. If we do not completely destroy the bourgeois factional network of the 'gang of four' and their remnant followers, the class

alignment cannot be correctly distinguished, the question of right and wrong
in line cannot be correctly oriented, and the initiative of the masses of

cadres and people cannot be brought into full play. What is even more

serious is that if we cannot completely eradicate the evil, the backbone

factional elements who participated in the 'gang of four's' counterrevolutionary conspiratorial activities to usurp party and state power will be

able to change their tactics and create an "earthquake" beneath our feet.

The 'gang of four' lost the confidence of the people, and it is impossible

for them to make a comeback. However, if we do not completely destroy

their bourgeois factional network, then it is not impossible for them to

resurrect themselves in a new guise and with a new look in some units.

We can never be negligent in this regard."

"The party Central Committee headed by Chairman Hua calls for achieving

initial success in grasping the key link in running the country before the

end of this year. There are only 2 months left. Investigation work should

be completed by stages and in groups before the end of the year or shortly

afterwards."

CSO: k)05
"GANG OF FOUR'S" CONSPIRACY IN LITERATURE, ART REVIEWED

Peking KUANG-MING JIH-PAO in Chinese 8 Oct 77 p 2

[Article by Liu Tsai-fu [0491 0375 5958] and Yang Chih-chieh [2799 1807

2638]: "The Ins and Outs of the Conspirational Literature and Art of

the 'Gang of Four'"]

[Text] In the later stages of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, our

Party was locked in a life-and-death struggle with the "gang of four,"

a struggle between two classes and two lines. With a fanatical vengeance,

the "gang of four" put up a desperate fight against the proletariat by

resorting to all kinds of maneuvers, including the use of conspiratorial

literature and art of the most sinister and anti-Party nature.

The "gang of four's" conspiratorial literature and art attacked and defamed

the Party's leading cadres in a most unbridled way, closely linked up with

the "gang of four's" counterrevolutionary steps to usurp the Party and

seize power. The emergence, growth and extinction of this kind of literature and art were an ugly history serving as a typical example in mirroring

the extremely ferocious and teacherous tricks and reactionary features of

the "gang of four" who were a batch of bourgeois careerists and conspirators. This history also recorded the entire course in which this

counterrevolutionary sinister gang launched frenzied attacks against our

Party, pressed us step after step, made a last desperate effort in an

open onslaught, and eventually was punished by the Party and the people.

Fanning Up the Counterrevolutionary Sinister Wind

In order to alter the Party's correct line and hit at leading cadres at

various levels in our Party, the "gang of four" who had originally been in

league with the Lin Piao company, had, since the Party's Tenth National

Congress cooked up anti-Party literary works such as "Spring Sprouts"

"portraying the struggle against capitalist roaders." However, it was in

the eventful spring of 1976 that they fanned up in a programmed and planned

way the counterrevolutionary sinister wind of "portraying the struggle

against capitalist roaders."
The first to raise the slogan of "portraying capitalist roaders" were

Chiang Ch'ing and Chang Ch'un-ch'iao, the two arch conspirators. Two

days before Chang Ch'un-ch'iao wrote the infamous poem "Thoughts on

February 3," namely, on February 1, 1976, Chiang Ch'ing, called her

confidents Yu Hui-yung and others whom she had planted in the Ministry

of Culture for a secret meeting. Chiang said to them: "Right now plays

staged by the model performing troupes are all out-of-date. They

seldom deal with topics of the socialist period and none of them has a

content of struggling against capitalist roaders." "You must quickly

assign the various performing troupes to adapt the films "Split," "Spring

Sprouts," "The Second Spring" and "Fight at the Building Berth" into

Peking operas." Finally she disclosed to them her cards, saying: "I

have talked with Ch'un-ch'iao. These are all films portraying the struggle

against capitalist roaders and can fit in with the current struggle."

The so-called "fitting in with the current struggle" was but to fit in

with the "gang of four's" conspiracy of stepping up their efforts to

usurp the Party and seize power.

The great leader and teacher Chairman Mao had long been aware of the

"gang of four's" conspiracy to usurp the Party and seize power and had

waged a tit-for-tat struggle against them. After the demise of Premier

Chou, Chairman Mao personally made the proposal, which was also approved

by the Central Committee Politburo, to appoint Comrade Hua Kuo-feng acting

premier of the State Council in charge of work at the Center. This wise

decision of Chairman Mao struck a powerful blow against the "gang of four's"

conspiracy to usurp the Party and seize power. Refusing to take their

defeat lying down, the "gang of four" launched a frenzied counterattack,

openly dishing up the counterrevolutionary political program that "all

old cadres are democrats, and democrats are but capitalist roaders" in

a vain attempt to usurp the top authority of the Party and state. To

achieve this purpose, various kinds of mass media under the control of

the "gang of four" began attacking on all fronts to wantonly create

counterrevolutionary public opinion. The conspiratorial literature of

"portraying capitalist roaders" was a natural product of the counterrevolutionary, political program set forth by the "gang of four," and

was closely coordinated with the counterrevolutionary arrangements

which the "gang of four" had made in their attack against the Party.

According to the counterrevolutionary, political program of the "gang of

four," the major targets of their attack were the so-called "democrats

in the past and capitalist roaders today." Flagrantly they spread the

notion that "at present the targets of revolution are those democrats

who had eaten bran in the old society, been wounded during the AntiJapanese War, fought in the Liberation War and crossed the Ya-lu River

during the struggle to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea." Those who

had to be knocked out now were "capitalist roaders who had climbed the

snowcapped mountains and crossed the grasslands." In accordance with

the demands set forth in this counterrevolutionary, political program

of the "gang of four," Chang Ch'un-ch'iao held on February 6 another secret
talk with Yu Hui-yung and raised the theoretical issue of how to "depict

capitalist roaders" so that the sinister program of "portraying capitalist

roaders" in literature could be more closely geared to their sinister and

counterrevolutionary, political program.

The question Chang Ch'un-ch'iao raised was about the depth in literary

works "portraying capitalist roaders." Said he: "Right now there is

much need to assign literature and art circles to write in-depth plays

depicting the struggle against capitalist roaders. This can be regarded

as a need stemming from the current struggle and also the central theme

in the entire socialist period." And he added: "At present works which

genuinely deal with such themes are very rare. Probably "Spring Sprouts"

is the first one of this kind, isn't it? But it only depicts a commune

medical center. There is not much breadth in what it epitomizes nor much

depth in terms of ideology. They should write about an area, a municipality,

a province, or even a ministry, and that will play a much greater role."

The "depth" which Chang Ch'un-ch'iao referred to comprised two important

aspects: First, they should write about the so-called "capitalist roaders"

of even higher ranks. When implementing Chang's sinister instruction, Yu

Hui-yung had this to say: "There is more depth if capitalist roaders of

higher job ranks are depicted." In order to make clear his intention,

Chang Ch'un-ch'iao cited an example: "The Shanghai 'Feng-ch'ing Ship

Incident' is a subject worthy of depicting. It is a typical case in the

struggle against the capitalist roaders." To make a typical example of

the case was for the purpose of hitting at leading cadres at the central

level. Second, they should portray the essentials and characteristics of

the so-called "capitalist roaders." Said Chang Ch'un-ch'iao: "In portraying

the capitalist roaders it is necessary to depict the characteristics of

their stubbornness and deceitfulness." In compliance with Chang's instruction, Yu Hui-yung set up in the Ministry of Culture a "theoretical

studies group" to make a special study on the issue, delving into this

kind of "essentials and characteristics." In a parrot-cry, Yu said to the

functionaries concerned: "The most important question regarding works

portraying the capitalist roaders is, after all, how to grasp the essentials

and characteristics embodying the law and salient features of current

struggle." He stressed the need to depict the "stubbornness," "reactionary

character," "perilousness," and "deceitfulness" of the capitalist roaders.

What does it refer to when the above qualities are to be made concrete

and applied to the practice of creation? A remnant member of the "gang of

four" in Shanghai has become a rather "incisive" epitome of this. He said:

This means that we must portray the kind of capitalist roaders "who are

diligently engaged in grasping production," "who have no defects in terms

of personal character and are capitalist roaders with a clean slate," "who

joined the revolution early and did not betray the Party, who are capitalist

roaders with an invulnerable background." However, it was not allowed to

portray "capitalist roaders who are corrupt and degenerate, indulging in

eating and drinking," and "capitalist roaders who are not only renegades

10
and secret agents but also take to the capitalist road." They (the "gang

of four") argued that these two kinds of capitalist roaders were void of

the "significance of type," that is, they did not conform to the "essentials

and characteristics" of those who took to the capitalist road. In the

eyes of this batch of counterrevolutionary, sinister gangsters, the diligence

displayed by our Party's cadres, their quiet hard work, wholehearted

devotion to public duty, as well as the meritorious service they rendered

to the revolution were exactly the "deceitfulness" and "perilousness" they

posed, their adherence to the Party's excellent tradition and work style

was nothing but their "stubbornness," and their persistence in following

the socialist road and Chairman Mao's revolutionary line was precisely

their "reactionary character." Only when all these "qualities" were

portrayed in accordance with the "gang of four's" stand and point of view,

and thus "exposed" and "criticized," were the works regarded as having

depicted the "essentials and characteristics" and having "depth." This

fully proves that the so-called "depth" of theirs was an attempt to attack

and defame through literary works those fine cadres of our Party and army

in accordance with the requirement of the "gang of four's" counterrevolutionary, political program. What they wanted to do was exactly to have our

Party and army totally destroyed. They launched a vindicative counterattack

not only against socialist revolution but also against democratic revolution.

It is right through this kind of conspiratorial literature and art that

the "gang of four" spoke aloud the minds of the overthrown landlord and

bourgeoisie classes who yearn for vengeance and resurrection.

Guided by Chang Ch'un-ch'iao's theory of "depth in literature and art,"

there appeared a batch of anti-Party, conspiratorial literary works having

extremely wicked and sinister contents. The Joyous Little Liang River,

for instance, even concocts a deputy chief Hsia, a character who is

supposedly equipped with the "essentials and characteristics of the capitalist roader." In light of the tone set by the remnant member of the

"gang of four," this deputy chief Hsia "had a family background of hired

farm hands for three generations," "joined the army in 1938 and fought

with the Japanese soldiers in bayonet charges. He participated in the

three big battles of Liao-shen, Peking-Tientsin and Huaihai. He shed

blood when fighting Chiang Kai-shek and dripped with sweat when carrying

land reform." "None of his friends and relatives are capitalists. As

for himself, he does not embezzle money or corrupt, nor has he ever had

a drink or a bite at a landlord's house..." Diligently and conscientiously,

he devotes himself to work; nevertheless, he, as luck would have it,

"knows nothing about socialist revolution," and his clean slate is but

his "deceitfulness." Therefore there is all the more reason to have him

overthrown. No wonder the remnant member of the "gang of four"

maliciously lectured comrades who held different opinions: "We just

want to create capitalist roaders of this type. They have good family

backgrounds and have rendered meritorious service to the revolution. On

the surface they do not corrupt and are not degenerate, but politically

they are reactionary. Only thus can we achieve depth and the significance

of type." Not long after the "gang of four" set forth the sinister program

11
of "portraying capitalist roaders" in literature and art and during the

period when The Joyous Little Liang River was in the process of being

cooked up, Chang Ch'un-ch'iao personally wrote a letter to assign authors

and subject matter, demanding that "works of even greater depth" be

produced. The big poisonous weed The Judgment of History, which has

not yet come out into the open, is exactly the product of this sinister

letter by Chang Ch'un-ch'iao. This "masterpiece" of "portraying capitalist roaders" cooked up in keeping with Chang's idea about "depth

in literature" has as its protagonist an old cadre who had joined the

revolution when she was only 15 years of age. In the past she risked

her life for the revolution, today she still "works diligently" and keeps

close ties with the masses, maintaining the work style of the war time.

However, such a concoction in the story is only for the purpose of

illustrating her "deceitfulness." The more important the capitalist

roader, the more reason to have him or her knocked out. Consequently,

the story allows its "hero" to point out its theme by uttering the

nonsense: those who have "brought landlords and capitalists to the

bar of justice," if they "move against the trend of history," they will

be "ruthlessly judged by history like all other reactionaries." This

is the most typical example of "depth" as defined by the "gang of four."

It means the entire historical mission of the "gang of four" and their

conspiratorial literature and art was to put China's proletariat and its

vanguard the Chinese Communist Party, who had formerly passed judgment

on the landlords and capitalists, into a historical position of being

judged. This is nothing short of a reversal of heaven and earth by

turning the proletarian dictatorship into bourgeois dictatorship. What

insanity'. What an out-and-out restoration'. Isn't this kind of literature

and art completely restoration oriented, the kind of reactionary literature

and art of the landlords and capitalists? Aren't they the through-andthrough literature and art of the "home-going legions?" Can the Chinese

people pardon such a ferocious arch enemy who even dared to "try" our

Party?

Moving Toward the Climax of Insanity

As class struggle was intensifying, the conspiratorial literature and art

of the "gang of four" also became more and more fierce in nature.

On 7 April 1976, Chairman Mao personally made the proposal, which was

approved by the Central Committee Politburo, to appoint Comrade Hua Kuofeng first vice chairman of the Central Committee and premier of the State

Council. This was another heavy blow dealt against the "gang of four's"

conspiracy to usurp the Party and seize power. Not long after, Chairman

Mao's illness took a turn for the worse. At this juncture, the "gang of

four" calculated that they had arrived at an opportune time and frantically

pushed to a new climax their conspiratorial efforts to usurp the top

leadership of the Party and state. As the political conspiracy of the

"gang of four" moved forward, the conspiratorial literature and art also

12
dove to a new "depth." This new "depth" was manifested most sharply in

the following two aspects:

1. The "capitalist roaders" they desired to portray were "capitalist

roaders" of even higher ranks and whose faults were beyond remedy. Such

"capitalist roaders," upwardly, were in direct contact with the Party

Center, and downwardly, were "in league with" the "counterrevolutionary

organizations" in society. They used the Center as their behind-thescenes boss, while they themselves served as the "sinister behind-thescenes bosses" for all the landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries

and bad elements in society.

2. Shamelessly these works overtly chanted the praises of the "gang of

four" themselves and their major confidants, and glorified their life

and virtues so as to prepare for them "political assets" in their efforts

to take over the country belonging to the proletariat.

During this period, representative works of the conspiratorial literature

and art like Counterattack and A Gala Festival all strongly displayed

these two features .

In the process of creation, the official post held by the negative protagonist Han Ling in Counterattack was raised step by step in accordance

with the "gang of four's" political needs in that period. At first they

planned to write Han Ling as secretary of a university Party committee.

Later his role was changed to that of head of the Bureau of Education and

secretary in chargeof culture and education in a provincial Party committee. Finally it was decided to portray Han as the "first secretary

of a provincial Party committee who refuses to mend his ways." Through

the lips of this first secretary, the film refers to the "Center" with an

ulterior motive to attack and slander the leading comrades in the Center.

The "Four Modernizations" were put forward by Chairman Mao and made

public by Premier Chou at the Fourth National People's Congress. However,

the film uses the "Four Modernizations" as the code name for a "counterrevolutionary organization," deliberately directing its spearhead Premier

Chou. With premeditation, the film describes the first secretary as having

become the behind-the-scenes boss for a "counterrevolutionary organization"

and having ganged together with counterrevolutionaries to engineer counterrevolutionary incidents. This is a most vicious plot designed to completely

turn upside down the role of the major leading cadres from our Party's

Center down to localities, depicting them as counterrevolutionaries who

were totally opposed to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus the

ferocious "gang of four" could find a good excuse to suppress the old

generation of proletarian revolutionaries and major leading cadres at

various levels. Ch'ih Ch'un, one of the sinister lieutenants of the

"gang of four" said with his teeth gnashing: "We should arrest a few

such people and execute them. It is a pity China does not have such a

law yet." The deliberate portrayal by the "gang of four's" conspiratorial

literature and art of the so-called "capitalist roaders" ganging up with

13
counterrevolutionary organizations was utilizing literature to create a

theoretical basis for enforcing a fascist law when the "gang of four"

took power, a theoretical basis for bringing down the entire set of

cadres in our Party and army. In their wishful thinking, they calculated

that when the right moment came and they were able to project these antiParty films on the screen, they would stage a bloody massacre and frenzied

repression against the cadres of our Party, plunging the fine sons and

daughters of our Party into a bloodbath.

The "major heroic characters" in the conspiratorial literature and art

at this time also greatly escalated. They were no longer such people

as barefoot doctors, women leaders of production teams or deputy chiefs

figures in "Spring Sprouts" or The Joyous Little Liang River. The "heroes"

then were bourgeois careerists such as the "gang of four" themselves and

their major confidants. In Counterattack both Chiang Ch'ing and Ch'ih Ch'un

were praised as the most lofty "heroes." And in A Gala Festival Wang Hungwen was portrayed as a "lofty and consummate leader" of the working class,

while Chang Ch'un-ch'iao was glorified as its "saviour." Precisely because

this batch was prepared to immediately stage a coup in a conspiracy to

usurp the top power of the Party and state, they brooked no delay in trying

to present themselves on the screen as "protagonists" and "heroes"

beforehand.

In this way the "gang of four's" conspiratorial literature and art came

to their anti-Party, anti-people and counterrevolutionary zenith, and

became the undisguised political declaration of the "gang of four" for an

all round seizure of the Party and power.

The Short-Lived Conspiratorial Literature and Art

Things turn into their opposites when reaching their extremes. In conjunction with the "gang of four's" activities to usurp the Party and seize

power, the conspiratorial literature and art of the "gang of four" also

reached its climax. At a time when the "gang of four" wanted to bombard

the proletariat with works of conspiratorial literature and art as heavy

bombs one after another, the proletariat had no choice but to sweep away

this handful of pests and tolled their death knell.

From the start of concocting the short-lived conspiratorial literature

and art to their complete collapse was a history in which we see the

hatred that this batch of sinister counterrevolutionaries of the "gang

of four" harbored against the Chinese Communist Party and to what a frenzied

extent it developed. We see how step by step they implemented their

counterrevolutionary program in an increasingly brutal effort to cope

with our Party and destroy the elite of our Party. The entire history

of the conspiratorial literature and art tells us that this counterrevolutionary clique which Chairman Mao had described as the "gang of

four" was the most ferocious enemy of our Party, our army and our people.

14
Chairman Mao pointed out: "Making use of novels for anti-Party activities

is a big invention." Revisionist chieftains like Kao Kang, Liu Shao-ch'i

and Lin Piao all used literature and art for activities in anti-Party

conspiracies. However, the "gang of four" step by step placed the entire

literature and art work under their control in a well-programmed,

well-planned, and well-organized way, reducing them to literature and art

monopolized by their gang and also tools to be used for their anti-Party

conspiracy. Such an evolution has no precedent in the history of our

Party and in the history of our country's cultural development. It is

unprecedented in terms of their width of scope, the violence of their

onslaught, the venomousness in the stratagems they resorted to as well as

the meanness of their objective.

As the "gang of four" frantically cooked up conspiratorial literature

and art and pressed on with the counterrevolutionary revisionist line,

an unheard of strange phenomenon surfaced in literature and art circles.

The entire department of literature and art, including the various

forms of movies, dramas, novels, prose, poetry, serial pictorial story,

even children's literature, was only allowed to write about one subject:

"the struggle against the capitalist roader;" to depict one kind of

"hero," that is, bourgeois careerists who struggle against the so-called

"capitalist roaders;" to portray one type of circumstance, namely, the

layer after layer of rule under the capitalist roaders' "sinister line."

Literature and art were only allowed to travel along one path--the blind

alley of creation geared to the service of the "gang of four's" conspiracy

to usurp the Party and seize power. Its objective was to turn our Party

into a revisionist party, to change the color of our state and alter the

nature of our literature and art. The extreme serious nature of the

conspiratorial literature and art warrants our attention. There is no

construction without destruction, no flow without damming and no motion

without rest. In the political arena we have uprooted the batch of

bourgeois careerists and conspirators of the "gang of four." Likewise,

in the field of literature and art we should also resolutely smash this

kind of reactionary literature and art which has injured the country and

brought calamity to the people. We must be firm in liquidating all their

pernicious influence so as to enable the socialist literature and art in

our country to radiate with an even more youthful brilliance.

9138

CSO: 4005

15
CRITICISM OF BOURGEOIS RIGHTS BY "GANG OF FOUR" EXAMINED

Peking LI-SHIH YEN-CHIU (Historical Research) in Chinese No 4 20 Aug 77

pp 2^-36 HK

[Article by Wu Ching-lien and Chou Shu-lien: "A Historical Examination of

the Theories of Bourgeois Rights"]

[Excerpts] In order to usurp party and state power and restore capitalism,

the "gang of four" made it their purpose to mystify Marxist theory and to

confuse the people's thinking. The problem of "bourgeois rights" under the

socialist system is one about -which they have created great confusion.

The "gang of four" often styled themselves experts in "abolishing bourgeois

rights," posing as the most devoted critics of bourgeois rights. Was their

"criticism" of bourgeois rights made from a proletarian standpoint, from

the high level of communism? Absolutely not. They took over the mantle of

feudal socialism in a vain attempt to replace bourgeois rights with fedual

rights. On the one hand, they "criticized" bourgeois rights and, on the

other, vigorously advocated the legalism of our feudal society, styling

themselves "modern legalists." What is the legalist "law?" It is common

knowledge that this is nothing but the rights system or concept of feudal

despotism. The "gang of four" lauded such a rights system or concept to

the skies, using such superlatives as "progressive," "advantageous to the

people," "giving peasants the power to take care of themselves," etc. They

also claimed that "legalists love the people," and that those states following the legalist policy "provide the people with relief supplies" and "are

mindful of the hardships of the people," and "the people look up to those

above." Out of gratitude to feudal emperors, what a beautiful picture they

drew of a fairyland "free from such defects as bourgeois rights." The "gang

of four" not only had supreme respect for the bourgeois rights of the landlord class, but energetically sought their revival in the China of today.

They vigorously promoted the gradation system.and privileges, in a vain

attempt to turn the emancipated laboring masses into their slaves.

A study of historical literature on bourgeois rights enables us to see more

clearly what the social essence is of the "socialism" promoted by the "gang

of four." They shouted the slogan of "abolition of bourgeois rights" with

a cry that resounded to the skies. In fact, what they wanted to "abolish"

16
were such rights as "labor equality" and "distribution equality" paid for

by the working class' blood over a long period. For their part, they wanted

to extend bourgeois rights to the area of ownership of the means of production, in a vain attempt to swallow the state economy and the collective

economy of the people's commune which have already become the common property

of the laboring people. If their plot to usurp party and state power had

succeeded, they would have turned our socialist system of public ownership

into the state monoply captialist system of ownership of the "gang of four's

version of a fascist state. Besides, the "gang of four" were not satisfied

with just the general restoration of bourgeois rights. They wanted to

create a certain kind of "communism" under the reign of "an empress" so that

they could lord it over the 800 million people of the whole country and do

as they please. Therefore, if it can be called socialism, theirs is a

socialism of the feudal emperor kind.

The debate on the problem of bourgeois rights has continued since the early

days of contemporary history. Since the victory of the October Revolution

and the founding of the first socialist state, a heated debate has revolved

around how to treat the problem of bourgeois rights under the socialist system. This is nothing strange, because different classes have different

theories of rights. As far as this problem is concerned, the "gang of four"

played a most disgraceful role. Running entirely counter to Marxism-leninismMao Tse-tung thought, they picked up the shopworn bourgeois and feudal theories on rights to rabidly attack the socialist system. They did this to promote their counterrevolutionary revisionist line, which could not have been

more to the right, to subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore

capitalism. Therefore, we must penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang

of four," thoroughly smash their counterrevolutionary revisionist line,

clarify the confusion they created in regard to bourgeois rights and safeguard Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought and the dictatorship of the

proletariat.

CSO: U005

17
PRC SPORTS COMMISSION HOLDS MEETING TO CRITICIZE GANG

Peking TIYU PAO (Physical Culture) in Chinese 21 Oct 77 p 1 HK

[Report by Tiyu Pao correspondent: "The State Physical Culture and Sports

Commission Calls a General Meeting to Expose and Criticize the "gang of four"

antiparty clique and their remnant followers"]

[Summary] On the afternoon of 19 October, the State Physical Culture and

Sports Commission called a general meeting in Peking to expose and criticize

the crimes of the "gang of four" antiparty clique and their remnant followers

in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission. Attending the meeting

were responsible comrades of the state physical culture and sports commission

and of departments concerned and the cadres and the masses of the State

Physical Culture and Sports Commission. Representatives of the Peking Municipal Physical Culture and Sports Committee System and the Physical Culture

and Sports units of the PLA in Peking also participated. Over 10,000 persons

attended.

Facts and concrete evidence cited at the meeting further exposed the counterrevolutionary crimes and reactionary features of the ringleader and backbone

members of the bourgeois factional network formed by the remnant followers of

the "gang of four" in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission and

marked the total collapse of this reactionary factional network. "The ringleader of this bourgeois factional network was a remnant follower of the

"gang of four" directly linked with the gang in seizing party and state power

in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission. The No 2 man was a socalled old cadre who had political ambitions and attached himself to the "gang

of four." On the instructions of the "gang of four," he promoted another set

of rules in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission and played a

decisive role in conducting criminal activities to usurp party and state power.

Another ringleader was the "returning mountain tigress" who was directly linked

with the "gang of four." She was the most capable accomplice among the gang's

remnant followers and their vanguard in negating everything, overthrowing

everything and pushing a counterrevolutionary revisionist line. They recruited a group of confidants to form a backbone force to act in collusion. It was

18
under the direct command of the "gang of four" and ganged up with the sworn

followers and remnant followers of the gang. In the 11th line struggle within the party, they practiced revisionism and splitism, engaged in intrigues

and conspiracies and conducted various criminal activities in usurping party

and state power."

After comrades made speeches criticizing the remnant followers of the "gang

of four" and their bourgeois factional network in the State Physical Culture

and Sports Commission, the principal responsible comrade of the commission

made a speech. He said, "We have achieved much in our struggle, but we

should be sober enough to see that the State Physical Culture and Sports

Commission is one of the units seriously jeopardized by the deeply entrenched

"gang of four" and is a 'seriously affected disaster zone.' The bourgeois

factional network in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission has not

been thoroughly, wholly and completely destroyed, the task of investigation

has not been completed, and the job of eliminating the remnant poison of the

"gang of four's" counterrevolutionary revisionist line is most formidable.

Our combat task is still very heavy and in no way can we slacken our fighting

spirit or give up halfway. We must resolutely implement the instructions of

Chairman Hua and the Party Central Committee, carry forward the spirit of

pursuing the tottering foe with power and to spare, launch a new and more

fierce attack against the "gang of four" and their bourgeois factional network in the State Physical Culture and Sports Commission, whip up a new

upsurge in the movement to expose and criticize the "gang of four" and strive

to win complete victory in this great struggle."

The responsible comrade said in conclusion that "under the leadership of the

Party Central Committee headed by wise leader Chairman Hua, our physical

culture front must resolutely implement the line of the 11th National CCP

Congress, hold high the great banner of Chairman Mao, resolutely adhere to

the party's basic line, grasp the key link in running the country well,

continue the revolution, vow to carry through to the end the great struggle

to expose and criticize the "gang of four," seize the hour, go all out to

make rapid headway, promote our socialist physical culture cause as fast as

possible and fight hard to build a modern and powerful socialist country."

CSO: U005

19
PEKING SPORTS PAPER CALLS FOR CONTINUED STRUGGLE

Peking TIYU PAO (PHYSICAL CULTURE) in Chinese 21 Oct 77 p 1 HK

[Article by Li Ping: "In the Manner of Hitting Foreign Devils and Chiang

Kai-shek"]

[Summary] The major victory won by the State Physical Culture and Sports

Commission in exposing and criticizing the "gang of four" is a heart-stirring

event on the physical culture front.

But the "gang of four's" remnant followers, lieutenants and flunkeys will not

docilely lay down their arms and surrender for some time to come. "We must

fight a long battle to thoroughly eliminate their remnant poison in regard

to line, theory and ideology."

The struggle has educated us. "To be kind to the enemy is to be cruel to

the people. If we don't fight resolutely, there will be no end of trouble."

Termites which wormed their way into the revolutionary camp, the "gang of

four" rabidly sabotaged socialist revolution and construction in all fields.

"If we don't completely eliminate these pests, there will be a great retrogression in the history of China, capitalism will be restored and the revolutionary people will suffer."

In the manner of hitting foreign devils and Chiang Kai-shek in former years,

we must continue our fierce attack against the bourgeois factional network

of the "gang of four" and their remnant followers and "smash it to smithereens."

In the manner of hitting foreign devils and Chiang Kai-shek in former years

and with deep class hatred, we must expose, criticize and denounce their towering crimes in usurping party and state power, uncover the persons and events

connected with the "gang of four's"-conspiratorial activities and shatter

their ultrarightist counterrevolutionary revisionist line.

In the manner of hitting foreign devils and Chiang Kai-shek in former years,

we must have the determination and courage to fight to the end. "We must not

only thoroughly smash them organizationally, but must also penetratingly and

completely criticize and discredit them in regard to line, theory and ideology,

clean up the mess they left behind and fight the third battle well."

CSO: 1+005 20
'NANFANG DAILY' ON CRITICIZING THE "GANG OF FOUR"

Canton Kwangtung Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 31 Oct 77 HK

[NANFANG DAILY Editorial: "Continue the Triumphant Advance, Do a Good Job

of Fighting the Third Round of the Battle of Exposing and Criticizing the

'gang of four'," date not given]

[Summary] We must immediately take action and whip up a new upsurge throughout the province in energetically exposing and criticizing the "gang of four."

"We have won great victories in the struggle to expose and criticize the

'gang of four.' In the past year, in accordance with the plan of the party

Central Committee and in connection with the reality of our province, we

have launched a great mass movement to expose and criticize the 'gang of

four.'' We have fought two battles, namely, the battle to expose and criticize the 'gang's' plot to usurp party and state power, and the battle to

expose and criticize the 'gang's' counterrevolutionary criminal history.

In fighting these two battles, we also investigated every person and matter

connected with the .'gang's' plot to usurp party and state power. Thus we

have consolidated and developed the victorious fruits of smashing the 'gang

of four' in the fields of politics, ideology, and organization."

"The third round of the battle of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four'

is aimed at defending Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing the revolution

under the dictatorship of the proletariat. This battle is an important battle

which is aimed at exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four' in the fields of

line, ideology and theory, and thoroughly eradicating their pernicious influence ."

"The 'gang of four' fanatically opposed Chairman Mao's revolutionary line,

spread rumors and attacked the party Central Committee headed by Chairman

Mao, and directed their spearhead against our great leader Chairman Mao, our

esteemed and beloved Premier Chou, Comrade Hua Kuo-feng and other leading

comrades of the central authorities. They smeared and made false accusations

against Comrade Teng Hsiao-ping and went in for revisionism, splittism,

schemes and intrigues in a big way. We have criticized the 'gang's' crimes

mentioned above. However, the criticism is not systematized enough, nor is

21
it penetrating enough. In particular, we have not done a good job of exposing and criticizing the 'gang's' crimes in connection with the reality of

one's own front and unit. We have not done a good job of conscientiouslydistinguishing between right and wrong in line and of restoring order."

"The 'gang of four's' interference and sabotage on the agricultural front,

and especially the 'gang's' crimes in adopting various methods to disrupt

the movement to learn from Tachai in agriculture, and disrupt the party's

various policies in the rural areas have not yet been thoroughly examined

and repudiated. Therefore, the pernicious influence of the 'gang's' fallacies is far from being eradicated. During the third round of the battle

of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four,' we must act in accordance

with the spirit of the party Central Committee's directive, emphatically

expose and criticize the 'gang's' counterrevolutionary political program,

and thoroughly expose their counterrevolutionary vicious intention and

their hazard to our country's revolution and construction. In connection

with the reality of every area and unit, we must correct, one after another,

the right and wrong in line, ideology and theory which was turned upside

down by the 'gang of four.'"

"We must continue to firmly grasp the investigation work and thoroughly

investigate every person and matter connected with the 'gang of four's'

plot to usurp party and state power. We must smash the 'gang of four's'

and their remnants' bourgeois factionalist network, and smash the bourgeois

factionalist activities of the 'gang's' handful of close followers, black

ace generals and black accomplices in our province. These are the important

contents of the third round of the battle of exposing and criticizing the

'gang of four.' The investigation work concerns the purity of our party and

our revolutionary ranks, and concerns the consolidation of the victorious

fruits of the 11th line struggle. We have won great success in the investigation work. However, this task is still very arduous. If we do not carry

the investigation through to the end, we cannot thoroughly smash the 'gang's'

and their remnants' factionalist network, and a latent danger will continue

to exist. Whenever they see the chance, they will create earthquakes again.

Thus we must firmly grasp the investigation work, carry out the work in a

careful and deep-going way. We must not show mercy and must not gloss over

things. We must closely integrate the great criticism with the investigation,

and use the criticism to promote the investigation so as to deepen the investigation work."

"In order to do a good job of fighting the third round of the battle of

exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four/ party committees at all levels

must further mobilize the masses and strengthen leadership over the movement."

"let us mobilize, plunge into the battle, do a good job of fighting the third

round of the battle, eradicate the 'gang of four's pernicious influence and

win still greater victories in the great struggle to expose and criticize

the 'gang of four.'"

CSO: ^005

22
'ANHWEI DAILY' COMMENTATOR'S ARTICLE ON CRITICISM OF "GANG OF FOUR"

Hofei Anhwei Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 2 Nov 77 HK

[ANHWEI DAILY commentator's article: "Fight Well the Third Battle of Exposing and Criticizing the 'Gang of Four',--date not given]

[Summary] In the great struggle to penetratingly expose and criticize the

"gang of four," Chairman Hua and the party Central Committee have issued a

new battle call. The third vigorous battle of exposing and criticizing the

"gang of four" is being waged throughout the province. "This is the continuation and deepgoing development of the previous two battles and a key battle

of this great political revolution. With high fighting spirit, party committees at all levels must lead the cadres and masses to actively plunge into

this struggle. We must fight hard and win new victory in exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four.'"

"To fight the third battle of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four'

well, we must grasp the vulnerable point of the counterrevolutionary political

program, dished up by the 'gang of four,' of equating veteran cadres with

democrats and democrats with capitalist-roaders. We must penetratingly expose

and thoroughly criticize it in politics, ideology, organization and line. We

must fully expose and criticize the serious crimes perpetrated by the 'gang

of four' in frantically pushing through this counterrevolutionary political

program in various spheres. We must fully expose and criticize various reactionary fallacies dished up and preached by the 'gang of four' for the purposes of pushing through this counterrevolutionary political program. On

this basis, we must penetratingly expose and vehemently criticize the true

ultra-rightist nature of the 'gang of four's' counterrevolutionary revisionist line and their manifestations in all aspects. We must also criticize the

'gang of four' in the theory of philosophy, political economics and scientific

socialism. We must put in order the right and wrong reversed by the 'gang of

four' in line, ideology and theory. We must thoroughly eliminate their remnant poison and influence and implement still better the line of the 11th

Party Congress."

"To fight the third battle of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four'

well, we must link it closely with the reality of Anhwei. The former principal leader of the provincial CCP committee who closely followed the 'gang

23
for four' did his utmost to completely push through the 'gang of four's'

counterrevolutionary political program and their ultra-rightist line. He

caused great harm to all fronts throughout the province in politics, organization, ideology and style of work. In the 8 months or so between the smashing of the 'gang of four' and the party Central Committee sending down its

instruction on solution of the leadership problem of the Arihwei Provincial

CCP committee antagonized the struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of

four' and did his utmost to cover himeself. He seriously interferred with

and sabotaged the first and second battles of exposing and criticizing the

'gang of four' in our province. Fighting the third battle of exposing and

criticizing the 'gang of four' well is therefore especially important in

our province. Our struggle tasks are especially arduous. We must not

underestimate this problem."

The key to fighting this battle well lies in leadership. leading comrades

of party committees at all levels must further heighten their awareness of

the line struggle and clearly understand the serious harm caused by the "gang

of four" and by the former principal leader of the provincial CCP committee.

Party committees at all levels must take a firm and clear-cut stand, further

give free rein to the masses, and fight a people's war in a big way. Meanwhile, they must thoroughly track down people involved in and events connected

with the "gang of four's" conspiratorial activities of usurping party and

state power.

In the course of the third battle, we must continue to assiduously study

Marxist-Leninist and Chairman Mao's relevant Party Congress and the instructions of Chairman Hua and the party Central Committee. We must completely

and correctly understand and apply the system of Mao Tse-tung thought and

implement Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line.

CSO: U005

24
COMMENTARY ON EXPOSURE, CRITICISM OF "GANG OF FOUR"

Shanghai City Service in Mandarin 0000 GMT 4 Nov 77 OW

[Excerpts of k November LIBERATION DAILY commentator's article: "What

Should Be Exposed and Criticized First?"]

[Text] In the third battle to expose and criticize the "gang of four," we

must penetratingly expose and criticize the ultrarightist essence of the

"gang's" counterrevolutionary revisionist line and the various manifestations

of this line in all fields. We must also criticize this line in the fields

of philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism. Our tasks are

arduous and complex. What should we grasp first? The practice of many units

is to concentrate their efforts in exposing and criticizing the counterrevolutionary political program of the "gang of four." This practice is correct,

and it is compatible with the guidelines given by the central authorities.

The counterrevolutionary political program of the "gang of four" represented

by the "gang's" slogan: "Veteran cadres are democrats and democrats are

capitalist roaders" is a counterrevolutionary sinister banner under which

the '''gang" engaged in various criminal activities to usurp party and state

leadership. It deeply reflected the ultrarightist essence of the "gang's"

counterrevolutionary revisionist line, and also represented the basic interests of the landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries and bad elements,

as well as the newborn bourgeoisie at home, and of the imperialists, revisionists and reactionaries abroad. It spoke for all the reactionary classes whom

our party had overthrown in the democratic revolution and socialist revolution,

and who were always looking for an opportunity to gain revenge and stage a

comeback. It served the "gang's" counterrevolutionary political objective of

overthrowing a large number of leading party, government and army cadres,

destroying our party and army, subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat

and restoring capitalism.

If we concentrate our efforts on exposing and criticizing the counterrevolutionary political program of the "gang of four," we will be able to grasp

the essence of the "gang's" conspiratorial activities against Chairman Mao's

revolutionary line, and to see through the ultrarightist essence of the counterrevoltuionary revisionist line peddled by the "gang of four." Thus, we

will be able to thoroughly expose the "gang's" counterrevolutionary schemes

and the serious damage they have done to the revolution in our country.

25
The counterrevolutionary political program of the "gang of four" had fundamentally tampered with Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, totally reversed the

relations between the enemy and ourselves, and changed the class line of the

party in the entire historical period of socialism as formulated by Chairman

Mao. Over a long period of time, the "gang of four" also put the news media

under their control and created tremendous ideological and theoretical confusion. If we concentrate our efforts in exposing and criticizing the "gang's"

counterrevolutionary political program, we will be able to safeguard the purity of Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing the revolution under the

dictatorship of the proletariat, distinguish right and wrong in the realm of

ideology, and correctly and fully understand Mao Tse-tung thought.

To penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang's" counterrevolutionary political program, we must study well Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing

the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the political report

delivered by Chairman Hua at the 11th National CCP Congress, the report delivered by Vice Chairman Yeh on the revision of the party constitution, and Vice

Chairman Teng's closing speech. By using them as our ideological weapons, we

will be able to penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang's" counterrevolutionary political program, and to understand how reactionary and absurd the

"gang's" counterrevolutionary political program is.

To penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang's" counterrevolutionary

political program, we must also maintain close touch with reality. If we

do not penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang's" political program in

close connection with the actual conditions in all circles, departments and

units, and on all the fronts, we will not be able to eliminate its pernicious

influence.

To penetratingly expose and criticize the "gang's" counterrevolutionary

political program, we must do a good job in carrying out investigations.

In fighting the third battle to expose and criticize the "gang of four,"

the party committees at all levels must continue to strengthen their investigative work. We must thoroughly destroy the bourgeois factionalist set-up

formed by the "gang of four" and their followers, and go into every person

and matter implicated in the "gang's" conspiratorial activities in usurping

party and state leadership. We must not become soft-hearted and give up

halfway.

CSO: U005

26
NEWSPAPER DENOUNCES USE OF FILMS BY "GANG OF FOUR"

Peking KUANG-MING JIH-PAO in Chinese 4 Nov 77 p 2 HK

[Article by the Mass Criticism Group of the Cinematography Bureau of the

Ministry of Culture: "Revealing the Inside Story of Conspiratorial Films

Concocted by the 'Gang of Four"']

[Summary] "Lenin pointed out that films were the most important of all art

forms. Every class must invariably use films to make propaganda about its

own political views." "In I969, before the production of feature films had

resumed, Chang Chun-chiao bellowed: 'We must concentrate on films.' In

197*4-, Chiang Ching burst out in hysterics: 'After all these years, I cannot

stand it any longer.' Hence they assigned that arrogant and filthy henchman

who knew nothing about films to tightly control the film industry of our

country. Exploiting this important mass media, they frenziedly pushed their

counterrevolutionary political program which equated veteran cadres with

'democrats' and 'democrats' with 'capitalist roaders,' thus turning proletarian films into conspiratorial films serving their usurpation of party and

state power."

Between 1973 and 1976, the "gang of four" concocted large numbers of poisonous films, including "counterattack," "The Grand Festival" and "Spring Shoots."

These films recreated the images of "capitalist roaders" in different periods

(before, in the early days of and after the cultural revolution). "A feature

common to these 'capitalist roaders' was that they were all veteran cadres

with a revolutionary past." The "gang of four" equated these veteran cadres

with "capitalist roaders" and made them the targets of the socialist revolution. After these films were dished up, they set in motion all organs of

propaganda under their control to sing their praises.

"In February 1975, when the 'gang of four' were launching rabid attacks on

the party amid counterrevolutionary outcries for 'replacing the old talisman

of the new year with a new one,' they successively issued three sinister

instructions on 'writing about the struggle with the capitalist roaders' in

a short span of half a month." On 1 February, Chiang Ching told Yu Hui-yung

and other henchmen in the Ministry of Culture: "Hurry up and arrange several

Peking Opera troupes to adapt the films 'Spring Shoot,' 'The second Spring'

and 'battle in the shipyard' as Peking operas, I have talked this over with

Chun-chiao. These plays are all about the struggle with the capitalist

27
roaders and can work in close coordination with the current struggle." On

6 February, Chang Chun-chiao summoned Yu Hui-yung and said: "We must make

arrangements for the literature and art circles to write plays with both

scope and profundity about the struggle with the capitalist roaders. This

is necessary for the current struggle." On 16 February, Chiang Ching again

hurriedly came out into the open to comment on an article which sang the

praises of 'The preluded and called for adapting some of its works into

films and plays. These sinister instructions were mobilization orders for

making conspiratorial films. Dancing to the baton of their masters, Yu

Hui-yung and other henchmen of the 'gang of four' in the Ministry of Culture

successively convened meetings to make arrangements for "writing about the

struggle with the capitalist roaders." Followers of the 'gang' in other

departments and localities also made the greatest effort to grasp film making.

"In this way, conspiratorial films became an integral part of an organized,

planned and programmatic attack against our party."

Coerced by the "gang of four," the film studios all added "the struggle with

the capitalist roaders" to their scenarios, with themes set in the period of

the socialist revolution. "Statistics show that of the 36 feature films

planned for 1976, 32 (89 percent) were about 'the struggle with the capitalist roaders.' Of the scenarios being written and intended for shooting in

1977, a greater percentage is about 'capitalist roaders.'"

"In order to achieve their counterrevolutionary aim of usurping party and

state power, the 'gang of four' incited people to ferret out 'democrats' and

'capitalist roaders' at all levels. They wanted to throw the whole country

into chaos, so as to fish in troubled waters and seize power. But their

spearhead was still directed against 'a layer of persons,' i. e., revolutionary leading cadres holding important posts in the party, government and army,

the party Central Committee headed by Chairman Mao in particular. This

criminal intention was most sharply manifested in the conspiratorial films

which they dished up. When Chang Chun-chiao issued his counterrevolutionary

mobilization order for concocting 'works with themes on the struggle with the

capitalist roaders,' he also raised the issue of 'profundity.' In carrying

out Chang's sinister instructions, Yu Hui-yung categorically stated: 'The

higher the ranks of the capitalist roaders we write about, the better.' 'We

can write about not only a province or a ministry but also about the vice

premiers.'"

The "gang of four" resorted to all kinds of dirty and underhand tricks in

concocting conspiratorial films. One of the tricks was insinuation. For

example, in naming a counterrevolutionary organization the "four modernizations," as announced at the Fourth NPC, they directed their spearhead at

Chairman Mao and Premier Chou. Their second trick was to accuse others by

name. When they instructed their henchmen in the Ministry of Culture to

make a film "On the Subject of Railroads," they explicitly called for portraying the minister of railroads. In some of their films they even invented

stories and accused Comrade Teng Hsiao-ping by name. Their third trick was

to use the blacklist information they collected as "subject matter" for

writing scenarios.

28
"In addition, in the conspiratorial films they concocted the 'gang of four'

and their henchmen also did their best to glorify themselves and to prepare

public opinion for their installation as 'empress,' 'chairman of the NPC

standing committee' and 'premier.' This was the case with big poisonous

antiparty weeds such as the film 'counterattack.'"

"Like the 'gang of four' on China's historical stage, conspiratorial films

also overran the film industry for some time. But following the complete

collapse of the counterrevolutionary clique of the 'gang of four,' they too

died a 'natural death.' However, people will never forget this historical

lesson because it is rare teaching material by negative example for the

revolutionary people. What deserves our attention is that the revisionist

germs spread by the 'gang of four' when they concocted the conspiratorial

films have still not been eliminated, and we cannot underestimate their

pernicious influence on film making. The masses of film workers must

actively respond to Chairman Hua's call, make further efforts to thoroughly

criticize the 'gang of four's' counterrevolutionary revisionist line in

literature and art, and rectify, one by one, all those things the gang turned

upside down, with regard to questions of right and wrong in line, in ideology

and in theory, so that our socialist film industry can develop soundly and

victoriously along the road indicated by Chairman Mao."

CSO: J+005

29
CADRE POLICY OF "GANG OF FOUR" SCORED

Peking KUANG-MING JIH-PAO in Chinese 6 Nov 77 pp 1, 3 HK

[Article by the Mass Criticism Group of the Organization Department of the

Fukien Provincial CCP Committee: "Thoroughly Criticize the 'Gang of Four's'

Cadre Line of Appointing People According to the Needs of the 'Gang'"]

[Summary] "Our great leader Chairman Mao pointed out: 'Throughout our

national history there have been two sharply contrasting lines on the subject

of the use of cadres, one being to 'appoint people on their merit,' and the

other to 'appoint people by favoritism.' The former is the honest and the

latter the dishonest way.' In order to rig up a counterrevolutionary bourgeois factional network, and to usurp supreme party and state power, the

Wang-Chang-Chiang-Yao 'gang of four' did their utmost to push a counterrevolutionary revisionist line on cadres, i. e., appointing people by favoritism

and according to the needs of the 'gang.' Those who obeyed them prospered,

and those who defied them perished." When we repudiate the towering crimes

of the "gang of four," we must thoroughly criticize the ultrarightist nature

of their line on cadres.

The "gang of four" racked their brains to work out a set of criteria for

selecting cadres. In addition to Chang Chun-chiao's three notorious criteria,

i.e., that one must be "familiar with the leaders, supported by the masses

and capable in work," they also took over revolutionary slogans and inserted

counterrevolutionary contraband into them. Let's see how they used revolutionary slogans to serve their ulterior purpose.

First, they bellowed about "selecting those who have a high political awareness of the line." What they had in mind here were those "who followed them

in 'overthrowing everything' and provoking 'all-round civil war' during the

Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution; those who followed them in 'firing

three arrows simultaneously in criticizing Lin Piao, Confucius and the Duke

of Chou' during the struggle to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius; and those

who followed them in frantically attacking and making false charges against

Vice Premier Teng in 1976." The "Gang of Four's" pawn in our province even

openly shouted: "We'd rather have Kuomintang members who have a high political awareness of the line than communists with a low political awareness of

the line."

30
Second, they peddled "the present criterion for cadres is that they must be

rebels." The "gang of four" were typical representatives of the bourgeoisie

and of the Chiang Kai-shek Kuomintang inside our party. "To them, 'to rebel'

was to engage in counterrevolutionary activities and practice capitalist

restoration. In order to gather 'rebels' of this kind, they, like Lin Piao,

resorted to 'enticement with offices, emoluments and favors; and preached

the fallacy that 'rebellion is justified and those who rise in rebellion are

eligible for party membership and should get an official post.'" The pawn

of the "gang of four" in our province brazenly vaunted: "We are wasting our

efforts if we can't get an official post after rising in rebellion." These

kinds of "rebels" were out-and-out counterrevolutionaries.

Third, they talked about "having the courage to go against the tide." The

"gang of four" "deliberately obliterated the class content of going against

the tide, and actually regarded 'directing the spearhead upwards against the

leadership' as the criteria of 'going against the tide.' They wanted people

to oppose the tide of revolution and to oppose party leadership." Vice Chairman Yeh said in his report on the revision of the party constitution: "By

going against the tide, Chairman Mao meant going against the adverse tide of

revisionism, splittism and conspiracy." However, what the 'gang of four'

meant by going against the tide was to whip up one counterrevolutionary

adverse current after another. This was most sharply manifested in their

practice of counterposing "going against the tide" to the observance of party

discipline. Their pawn in our province maliciously attacked party discipline

as "restrictions and fetters" and slandered the party members and cadres who

observed discipline as "little lambs" and "weak-kneed fellows." The reason

why they were so against party discipline was that they wanted to oppose the

party's revolutionary line.

Fourth, they preached that "everything must be based on need." Wang Hung-wen

said: "In times of need, even appalling political records don't matter any

more. Everything must be based on need." These words explained why there

were so many monsters and freaks in the bourgeois factional network of the

'gang of four.' The line on cadres is determined by the political line. The

"gang of four" frenziedly pushed their counterrevolutionary line on cadres

precisely for the purpose of satisfying the "needs" of their counterrevolutionary revisionist political line.

"We must relentlessly criticize the 'gang of four's' counterrevolutionary

revisionist cadre line of 'appointing people according to the needs of the

'gang,' foster and select cadres according to Chairman Mao's five requirements for successors, and make sure that leadership at all levels is firmly

in the hands of those who hold high the great banner of Chairman Mao, who

are loyal to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and who resolutely obey the

party Central Committee headed by Chairman Hua. We must carry on the great

struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four' and carry through to the

end the proletarian revolutionary cause pioneered by Chairman Mao."

CSO: 1+005

31
'HUPEH DAILY' URGES CRITICIZING "GANG OF FOUR"

Whuhan Hupeh Provincial Service in Mandarin 1300 GMT 8 Nov 77 HK

[HUPEH DAILY 8 November Editorial: "Do a Good Job of Integration and

Criticize and Work Hard in a Big Way"]

[Summary] In his political report at the 11th National CCP Congress, wise

leader Chairman Hua pointed out: "We must integrate still more closely the

struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four' with the mass movements

to learn from Taching and Tachai and unfold them in a still more penetrating

fashion."

At present, the third battle to expose and criticize the "gang of four" has

begun. The party committees at all levels must follow Chairman Hua's instructions, draw up plans concerning the struggle to expose and criticize the "gang

of four" and the movements to learn from Taching and Tachai, design fine

arrangements and organically integrate them.

"It should be pointed out here that among the leadership at all levels, some

comrades have had a correct understanding of the exposure and criticism of

the 'gang of four,' learning from Taching and Tachai and the internal relationship between them, and they have done a good job in integrating them in

their practical work. Yet there are some comrades who have verbally shouted

about integrating, but no integration has come about in their actual work.

They have even put the two things in opposition and are confused by the

complicated matters. Very often, they end up not being able to attend to

everything at once, and not being able to do a good job in firmly grasping

either of them. It is./necessary for these comrades to solve for themselves,

in understanding and practice, the questions of why there should be integration, whether it is possible to have integration and how to carry out integration .

The struggle to expose and criticize the "gang of four" and the movements to

learn from Taching and Tachai can and must be integrated. This is because

the principal contradictions they want to solve are identical."

32
At present, the principal contradiction we face is the contradiction between

our party and the "gang of four." "At present, therefore, in learning from

Taching and Tachai, we must grasp the center of exposing and criticizing the

'gang of four' and deepend the struggles between two classes, roads and lines

on the industry and agriculturefronts. Otherwise, we shall lose the key link

in learning from Taching and Tachai."

In order to do a good job in integrating the two, the most fundamental thing

is to enhance the spontaneity to grasp the key link. "At present, we must

grasp the counterrevolutionary political program dished up by the 'gang of

four,' penetratingly expose and criticize the ultrarightist nature of their

counterrevolutionary revisionist line and its expressions in various aspects,

and do a good job in fighting the third battle. In order to do a good job

in integrating the two, the key link lies in solving the question of connecting with reality. We must closely connect exposing and criticizing the 'gang

of four' with solving the question of the class struggle in the localities

and the local units and the question of orientation and road of developing

industry and agriculture."

All localities and units must obtain a clear picture of what remnant poison

and influence the "gang of four" has in their places. They must divide the

questions into (?various sections), list special topics, and mobilize the

masses to expose and criticize the questions one by one, distinguish between

right and wrong in line on the questions, one by one, and eliminate the remnant poison in various aspects one by one.

"The production struggle and the class struggle cannot be separated. We must

grasp the three great revolutionary movements simultaneously and integrate

the struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four' with the movements

to learn from Taching and Tachai. In this way, we shall be able to mobilize

in a still better way the socialist activism of the masses, and guide and

organize them in a timely fashion to develop socialism in a big way.

"We will certainly boost our enthusiasm, go all out, roll up our sleeves and

work hard in a big way. We will certainly struggle to fulfill and overfulfill this year's tasks and build one-third of the enterprises in Hupeh into

Taching-type enterprises, and over one-third of the counties in Hupeh into

Tachai-type counties by I98O.

CSO: U005

33
'HUNAN DAILY' EDITORIAL ON CRITICISM OF "GANG OF FOUR"

Changsha Hunan Provincial Service in Mandarin 2330 GMT 8 Nov 77 HK

[Excertps of HUNAN DAILY- Editorial: "Resolutely Fight Well the Third Battle

of Exposing and Criticizing the 'Gang of Four'," date not given]

[Summary] Fighting well the third battle of exposing and criticizing the

"gang of four" is the battle call which the party Central Committee headed

by wise leader, Chairman Hua has issued to the whole party, the whole army

and the people of the whole country, and is the major important political

task facing party organizations at all levels, the armymen and people throughout the province. Since the "gang of four" was smashed, under the leadership

of the provincial CCP committee, in compliance with the unified arrangements,

and in close connection with the reality of Hunan, the armymen and people have

fought.the first battle of exposing and criticizing the conspiracy of the "gang

of four" to usurp party and state power, and fought the second battle of exposing and criticizing the "gang of four's" counterrevolutionary activities and

criminal history. They have scored brilliant achievements.

"Facing victory, we must by no means relax our fighting spirit. We must

clearly see the seriousness of the 'gang of four's' interference and sabotage,

and the acuteness and complexity of the struggle to expose and criticize the

'gang of four.' We must thoroughly track down the people involved in, and

events connected with, the 'gang of four's' conspiratorial activities of

usurping party and state power. We must thoroughly destroy the bourgeois

factional network of the 'gang of four' and their remnants. We still have

a great deal of work to perform. Penetratingly,exposing and thoroughly

criticizing the 'gang of four' in line and theory, and thoroughly eliminating their remnant poison and influence are still arduous and protracted

tasks. In compliance with Chairman Hua's instruction, we must, at present

and for some time in the future, firmly grasp the key link of exposing and

criticizing the 'gang of four,' seriously sum up the experiences in fighting

the first two battles, further strengthen party leadership, give free rein

to the masses, carefully organize and resolutely fight well the third battle

of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four'."

34
"The main tasks and orientation of the third battle are to penetratingly

expose and vehemently criticize the true ultrarightist nature of the 'gang'

of four's' counterrevolutionary revisionist line and their manifestations

in all aspects. We must also conduct criticism in philosophy, political

economics and scientific socialism." For a long time, the "gang of four"

waved the Marxist banner, wore the cloak of revolution and pushed through

the ultrarightist counterrevolutionary revisionist line. They had tampered

extensively with Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing the revolution

under the dictatorship of the proletariat. They dished up the counterrevolutionary political program of equating veteran cadres with democrats and

democrats with capitalist-roaders. They attempted in vain to topple a large

number of revolutionary cadres of the party, army and government, destroy

our party and our army, overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and

restore capitalism.

"The third battle of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four' is the

continuation and deepgoing development of the first two battles, and the

crucial battle in winning complete victory in the great political revolution

of exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four.' Only by fighting this battle

well can we eliminate the remnant poison and influence of the 'gang of four's'

counterrevolutionary revisionist line in all aspects, guarantee the complete

and correct implementation of Chairman Mao's revolutionary line, effectively

heighten the cadres' and masses' awareness of the class struggle line struggle,

and continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and

impel our socialist cause to move ahead with greater, faster, better and more

economical results."

The black hand which the "gang of four" stretched into Hunan and a small

number of people whom the bourgeois careerists and conspirators recruited

were a gang of most vicious vermin. We must be determined to destroy evil,

leaving no chance for its revival. Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing

the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and the important

documents of the 11th Party Congress are our powerful ideological weapons

for fighting the 3rd battle well. We must closely link study and criticism,

completely and accurately grasp the system of Mao Tse-tung thought, profoundly

understand the basic spirit of the political report made by Chairman Hua at

the 11th Party Congress, penetratingly criticize the "gang of four's" counterrevolutionary political program and thoroughly smash the theoretical foundation

of their counterrevolutionary revisionist line.

In the third battle, we must strictly distinguish between and correctly handle

two different kinds of contradictions. We must help more people by educating

them and narrow the target of attack. We must save all people who have made

mistakes, including serious mistakes, and who are willing to correct themselves.

We must isolate and strike blows at the "gang of four" and their faithful followers whose crimes were serious and who are not willing to correct themselves

and to repent.

CSO: J+005

35
'NANFANG DAILY' ON MOBILIZING SOCIALIST ENTHUSIASM

Canton Kwangtung Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 8 Nov 77 HK

[NANFANG DAILY Editorial: "Fully Mobilize the Socialist Enthusiasm of the

Masses of Cadres and People", date not given]

[Summary] Under the guidance of the line of the 11th National Party Congress,

all areas in this province are energetically fighting the emancipation battle

of agriculture. This year's late rice is growing well, and we are hopeful of

a bumper late rice harvest. In this excellent situation, the people want to

know the decisive factor in doing a good job of fighting the emancipation

battle of agriculture.

"Our great leader and teacher Chairman Mao said: 'The revolutionary war is

a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them.' To do a good job of fighting the emancipation battle of agriculture, we must organize tens of millions of grassroots cadres and the masses

of peasants throughout this province, and under the guidance of the line of

the 11th Party Congress, and in accordance with the demand on building the

great socialist agriculture, fight a people's war against the natural world.

We should mobilize and rely on tens of millions of grassroots cadres and the

masses of peasants in this province and mobilize their great latent socialist

enthusiasm, thus enabling them to use the high initiative spirit for going in

for socialism in a big way. For party committees at all levels, grasping the

issue of mobilizing the enthusiasm of the cadres and people means grasping

the decisive factor in doing a good job of fighting the emancipation battle

of agriculture."

The "gang of four's" serious interference and sabotage suppressed and hurt

the socialist enthusiasm of cadres and people. Thus we should firmly grasp

the key link of exposing and criticizing the "gang of four" and successfully

solve the problems concerning line, policy and style of work.

In order to eradicate the "gang of four's" pernicious influence, the rural

area's communes and production brigades should launch the "three publicities"

like Taching has done.

"In order to fully mobilize the socialist enthusiasm of the cadres and people,

it is imperative to use the exposure and criticism of the 'gang of four' as

36
motive force, and launch an all-round attack against urban and rural capitalist forces. In his political report to the 11th Party Congress, our

wise leader Chairman Hua pointed out: 'To safeguard socialist public ownership and smash the attacks of urban and rural capitalist forces involves

intense struggle.' The 'gang of four' are the chief representatives of

landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries and bad elements, and are

also the chief representatives of urban and rural capitalist forces. With

the support and connivance of the 'gang of four,' capitalist forces in town

and country mounted fierce attacks thus causing serious harm. Therefore we

must closely integrate the great struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang

of four' with hitting hard at capitalist forces. We must relentlessly hit

hard at sabotage activities of class enemies, hit hard at embezzlers, grafters and speculators, criticize capitalist forces and smash the 'gang of

four's' social basis. All areas must strengthen the concrete leadership

over the struggle to hit hard at capitalist forces in town and country, and

must grasp the struggle firmly."

The conducting of education in the party's basic line is just aimed at penetratingly criticizing capitalism and going in for socialism in a big way.

However, the "gang of four" fanatically opposed education in the party's

basic line and described the criticism of capitalism as suppressing the masses.

All areas in the province are facing a problem of missing the point in criticizing capitalism in varying degrees, which is due to the interference and

sabotage of the "gang of four." It is imperative to conscientiously solve

this problem. How can we criticize capitalism thoroughly and relentlessly?

To do so, we must connect the criticism with the realities of the rural area,

and clearly understand two things, namely, the nature of capitalism and the

way to criticize capitalism. We must not criticize those activities which

safeguard socialist public ownership and the state plan, and must not criticize those activities which are in conformity with the party policy. We must

criticize those activities which weaken and disrupt socialist public ownership

and the state plan, and must criticize those activities which violate the

party policy.

"How to criticize? It is imperative to strictly distinguish contradiction

among the people from contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and

handle both correctly. The spearhead of struggle must be directed against

a handful of class enemies who engage in sabotage activities. It is imperative to direct the spearhead against embezzlers, grafters and speculators."

"We must use the democratic, persuasive and educative measures to solve the

problem of capitalist tendencies among the people."

We must conscientiously solve the various problems of policy in the rural

areas in accordance with the 60 articles of the people's commune.

"Due to the interference and sabotage of the 'gang of four,' quite a few

areas are facing quite a few problems in handling the relationship among

37
the state, the collective and the individual. For instance, some areas do

not take concrete measures to insure the fulfillment of the policy of purchasing agricultural and side-line products. Quite a few production teams'

burdens are too heavy. Also, they do not appropriately handle the relationship between accumulation and consumption."

The "gang of four" denied the collective sideline production in the rural

area and denied the appropriate domestic side-occupations of commune members.

They babbled that these place money in command.

"The 'gang of four' disrupted the normal circulation of commodities. On the

basis of conscientiously making investigations and studies, we must solve all

these problems of policy as quickly as possible and one by one."

To fully mobilize the socialist enthusiasm of the cadres and people, we must

revive and promote our party's fine tradition and fine style of work in the

great struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four.' We must emphatically revive and carry forward the style of seeking truth from facts, and the

style of mass line. We must resolutely oppose subjectivism and the style of

divorcing ourselves from the masses. It is imperative to revive the party's

democratic centralism and oppose the practice of "what I say counts." It is

imperative to revive the style of modesty, prudence, plain living and hard

work and oppose arrogance, impetuosity and love of personal comfort. We can

surely mobilize tens of millions of peasants and win great victories in the

emancipation battle of agriculture, so long as leading comrades at all levels

and the masses of cadres have a good style of work, go deep among the masses,

take the lead in energetically criticizing capitalism, and take the lead in

going in for socialism in a big way.

CSO: lj-005

38
'KWANGSI DAILY' ON IDEOLOGICAL MOBILIZATION WORK

Naming Kwangsi Regional Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 31 Oct 77 HK

[KWANGSI DAILY short commentary: "Conduct Careful Ideological Mobilization

Work," date not given]

[Text] Chairman Mao taught us: "The revolutionary war is a war of the .

masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them."

Deeply exposing and criticizing the "gang of four," and thoroughly eradicating their pernicious influence on all fronts are now the pivot of the

struggle between the two classes and the two roads, and will be so for some

time to come. They are protracted and arduous tasks. It is imperative to

extensively mobilize the masses and energetically wage a people's war to

deeply expose and criticize the "gang of four." Only by doing so, can we

win victories. The "gang's" pernicious influence is very great. Every unit

and every person is affected by the influence in varying degrees, thus their

attitudes towards and concepts of criticizing the "gang of four" and unfolding the three publications are different. Theredore, in conducting ideological mobilization work and in light of the various concepts, we must adopt

the method of opening different locks with different keys. Only by doing so,

can we work well on every person and can we mobilize 95 percent of the cadres

and masses to participate in the three publicities. Only by doing so, can we

realize the goal of eradicating the pernicious influence and. of correcting the

right and wrong in line which was turned upside down by the "gang of four."

CSO: 14-005

39
'SZECHWAN DAILY' URGES ADVANCING CRITICISM MOVEMENT

Chengtu Szechwan Provincial Service in Mandarin 21^0 GMT 31 Oct 77 HK

[SZECHWAN DAILY Editorial: "Advance Victoriously and Fight Well the Third

Campaign in Exposing and Criticizing the 'Gang of Four,'" date not given]

[Summary] Szechwan has victoriously conducted two campaigns in exposing

and criticizing the "gang of four" and gained initial success in grasping

the key link in running Szechwan well. Under the guidance of the line of

the 11th Party Congress, we must grasp well investigation work, the implementation of policies, and in particular mass criticism, and whip up a new

upsurge of exposing and criticizing the line of the "gang of four". We

must make a thorough success of fighting the third campaign.

We must expose and criticize the ultra-rightist essence of the "gang of

four's" counterrevolutionary revisionist line and its expressions in all

aspects. "The idea of 'the movement is almost completed' and tendencies

to relax are wrong and harmful." We must criticize their fallacies and

crimes in tampering with Chairman Mao's theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, tampering with the party's

basic line, dishing up a counterrevolutionary political program, inciting

people to drag out "capitalist roaders," and attempting in vain to overthrow

a large number of leading cadres of the party, government and army, and so

on. Exposure and criticism must be closely linked with reality in our own

areas, departments and units.

"We must combine criticism with rectifying the party's style of work,

straightening out the enterprises and the communes and brigades, and achieving the revolutionization of the organs. We must destroy the sinister winds

of capitalism, anarchism, bourgeois factionalism and sectarianism stirred up

by the "gang of four," and establish our party's fine traditions and style

of work, so that the activism and creativity of the cadres and masses can be

brought Into full play and a lively and vivid political situation can rapidly

form."

We must, at present, seriously study Chairman Mao's great theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and the documents

of the 11th Party Congress, so as to guide our criticism. Leaders at all

40
levels must take the lead in study and also train backbone elements, and

rectify and build the force of theorists.

We must do a thoroughly good job of investigation work. Unless this is

done thoroughly, we cannot fully expose the crimes of the "gang of four"

and their followers or completely destroy the bourgeois factional network.

CSO: 1+005

41
LIANG HSIAO SCORED BY HISTORICAL JOURNAL

Peking 1I-SRTH YEN-CHIU (Historical Research) in Chinese No 4 20 Aug 77

pp 3-11 HK

[Article by Chen Shih-Chih: "Commenting on Liang Hsiao, Spokesman of the

'Gang of Four"']

[Summary] Using many pseudonyms and calling himself an absolutely "correct"

"Marxist" theoretician, Liang Hsiao dominated the mass media from the winter

of 1973 to the "gang of four's" downfall in October 1976. During this period

he wrote over 200 articles. Out of the l8l published items, no fewer than 36

were picked by Chiang Ching and Yao Wen-yuan.

With the "gang of four's" number one spokesman playing a prominent role in

academic, political and economic spheres, during those 3 years Liang Hsiao's

fallacies and absurdities spread far and wide to undermine the revolutionary

cause and to usurp party and state power. With Chairman Mao, Premier Chou

and later Chairman Hua and Vice Chairman Teng as implicit targets, Liang

Hsiao, a leading member of the "mass criticism group of Peking and Tsinghua

Universities," vigoriously carried out sinister activities under Chiang

Ching's explicit instructions.

Under the pretext of criticizing Lin Piao and Confucius, Liang Hsiao moved

into Lin Piao's former residence to compile dossiers and to withhold materials unfavorable to Lin and those implicitly connecting Chiang Ching with

him. In the article "Confucius the Man," which was cleared by Chiang Ching,

Chang Chun-chiao and Yao Wen-yuan, Premier Chou was singled out for the "gang

of four's" venomous attacks. The article on Confucius contained unmistakable

allusions to Premier Chou, such as phrases "bedridden at the age of 71," "a

hypocritical and crafty political swindler" and "expounding his views but

publishing no writings at all."

Liang Hsiao published another article attacking Premier Chou in general, and

PLA regional commanders in particular, entitled: "Read 'the Debate on Salt

and Iron'--A Big Controversy Between Confucian and Legalist Schools During

the Western Han Period." Taking the cue from Yao Wen-yuan, Liang Hsiao

likened the reshuffling of army commanders in early 197^, a move decided

42
upon by Chairman Mao himself, to feudal secession in Chinese history. The

article thus threatened the unified central leadership of the state. Another

antiarmy article written in the same vein was published in RED FLAG Wo 3 of

I97I4. and entitled "What Was the Decisive Factor For Chin To Unify the Six

States?"

Harboring ulterior motives and pleading ignorance of historical facts, Liang

Hsiao equated the wars between the Han central government and tribal chieftains with those between "China" and "foreign countries" and between "aggression and counter-aggression." He did this to find an excuse for Soviet inroads into China and to brand others as "traitors," so that he could present

the "gang of four" and their followers as "patriots."

In June I97U, Chiang Ching specifically instructed Liang Hsiao to ferret out

a "big contemporary Confucian" and to embellish Empress Lu and Wu Tzu-tien

in a vain attempt to topple Premier Chou and have him replaced.

Liang Hsiao contributed two articles to RED FLAG No 10 of 197^, one attacking,

"Following the Routine" and another criticizing, "'Small States Should Follow

the Examples of Big States." In the first article, he equated the "legalists"

with "Marxist revolutionaries." In terms of internal and external policies,

these two articles were clearly directed at Premier Chou and other leading

central comrades.

The "gang of four's" plot to "form a cabinet" was foiled by Chairman Mao in

a timely way. This occurred in November 197^, prior to the convocation of

the Fourth NPC, thus upsetting the "gang's" plan to topple Premier Chou.

In RED FLAG No 3 of 1975, the same article "Following the Routine" took a

new title: "Criticize Following the Routine and Persist in Continuing the

Revolution." In that article the "gang of four," their plot to "form a

cabinet" having been thwarted, maliciously attacked Premier Chou on issues

regarding "extending bourgeois rights" and "undermining stability and unity."

The concluding part of the article revealed the "gang of four's" reluctance

to reconcile themselves to their defeat.

In short, what Liang Hsiao did during those 3 years as the "gang of four's"

mouthpiece serves as concrete evidence of his total betrayal of MarxismLeninism-Mao Tse-tung thought and of the party's basic line in the historical stage of socialism.

CSO: U005

43
ONE OF CHANG'S TRICKS CRITICIZED

Peking JEN-MIN JIH-PAO in Chinese 5 Nov 77 p 2 HK

[Article by Wang Yung-an of the logistics department of the Kunming PIA

units: "Denouncing 'Be 30 Percent to the "Left" in Everything'"]

[Text] Chang Chun-chiao once told his confederates about the counterrevolutionary trick, "Be 30 percent to the 'left' in everything." The cunning

of this counterrevolutionary double-dealer was revealed in this one phrase.

This was what Chang Chun-chiao actually did.

Chang Chun-chiao said: "As long as class struggle is grasped, it doesn't

matter if the land yields no crops." "We prefer uncultured laborers to

spiritual aristocrats with culture." He also screamed: "Run factories

without rules and regulations," etc., how strangely "left"'.

Benin pointed out that when truth goes a step further it becomes fallacy.

Aside from covering up his ultrarightist features, Chang Chun-chiao's trick

was also an important way for him to revise Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tse-tung

thought. This is a significant aspect of the rampant metaphysics under the

"gang of four."

CSO: U005

44
:'YUNNAN DAILY' ON CONDUCTING "THREE GREAT PUBLICITIES"

Kunming Yunnan Provincial Service in Mandarin Ü-00 GMT 2 Nov 77 HK

[Text of YUNNAN DAILY commentator's article: "The 'Three Great Publicities'

Is a Good Way To Wash Away the Remnant Poison of the 'Gang of Four,'" date

not given]

[Summary] "A number of districts and units in our province have learned

from the experiences of (Peiho) oil field and the Ministry of Petrochemical

Industry and have extensively conducted the mass activities of 'three great

publicities.' They have further deepened the struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four.' Practice has proven that the 'three great publicities' is a good way to give free rein to the masses, closely connect with

the reality, penetratingly expose and criticize the 'gang of four' and wash

away the 'gang of four's' remnant poison."

"In the activities of the 'three great publicities,' cadres and masses can

connect with the reality of their own units. They can greatly publicize

the fact that the party, the country, the units and the people suffered

during the time the 'gang of four' were running rampant. They can also

publicize their experiences in waging a tit-for-tat struggle against the

'gang of four.' With a well-defined objective in mind, it is essential to

actively and specifically mobilize the masses to draw a clear line between

Marxism and revisionism, and to correct the right and wrong reversed by the

'gang of four.' It is necessary to eliminate the 'gang of four's' remnant

poison and influence in line, ideology and theory."

"Various districts and units must conduct the mass activities of the 'three

great activities' and vigorously wage a people's war of washing away the 'gang

of four's' remnant poison. The practices of the earlier period indicate that

to conduct the mass activities of the 'three great publicities' and to score

the necessary achievements, we must deeply and carefully do a lot of ideological and organizational work. It is imperative to have a correct understanding. There are still some districts and units which have not conducted the

activities of the 'three great publicities,' or have conducted the activities

but with no great achievements. An important factor is that some people in

those districts and units are worried that this means having everyone pass

the test, directing the spearhead downward, and punishing the masses. We

45
must correctly understand this issue. Our party's consistent tradition and

style is that both cadres and masses must continuously undertake selfeducation and raise their level of Marxism and awareness of class struggle

and of the struggle between the two lines. Through undertaking criticism

and self-criticism, they must help one another and march forward together.

Slandering self-education as having everyone pass the test, and stupidly

describing cadres and masses undertaking normal criticism and self-criticism as directing the spearhead downwards and punishing the masses is a

vicious attack by the 'gang of four' against our party's fine tradition and

style. It also serves the 'gang of four's' conspiratorial purpose of usurping party and state power, subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat

and restoring capitalism. Today, the 'gang of four' has been overthrown.

However, their remnant poison and influence still work in the minds of a

number of cadres. The above understanding is the reflection of the remnant

poison and influence."

"The key link to doing a good job in the 'three great publicities' lies in

the leaders, particularly in the number one and two men. leading cadres

at all levels must be like the leaders of the Taching oilfield and the

Ministry of Petro-Chemical Industry. With profound hatred against the 'gang

of four.' The comrades who have unswervingly withstood and struggled against

the 'gang of four's' counterrevolutionary revisionist line must take the lead

in learning and publicizing. Those comrades who have not completely withstood

the 'gang of four' because they were afraid of being scolded when the 'gang

of four' were running rampant, and when the pressure was very great, and those

who have said the wrong thing and committed mistakes must all the more take

the lead in learning and publicizing. This is the party's demand and the

masses' hope."

"The starting point to conduct the activities of the 'three great publicities' is penetratingly exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four' and washing away their remnant poison and influence. In these activities, it is

imperative to seriously implement the party's policy and strictly differentiate and correctly handle the two different kinds of contradictions. The

spearhead of the struggle must be consistently directed against the 'gang

of four' and their handful of close followers. In the 'three great publicities,' we must thoroughly expose the ugly counterrevolutionary features

of the 'gang of four' and their company, the ultrarightist essence of their

counterrevolutionary revisionist line and their serious threat against the

party, revolution and people. It is necessary to penetratingly and thoroughly criticize their various reactionary fallacies."

CSO: U005

46
'KIANGSI DAILY' EDITORIAL CRITICIZING GANG

Nanching Klangsi Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 9 Nov 77 HK

[KIANGSI DAILY Editorial: "Resolutely Fight Well the Third Battle of the

Struggle To Expose and Criticize the 'Gang of Four,'" date not given]

[Summary] The third battle of exposing and criticizing the "gang of four"

has begun. "The main tasks of this battle include taking as guidance Chairman Hua's political report at the 11th National Congress of the party, the

constitution of the CCP, Vice Chairman Yeh's report on revision of the constitution of the party, and Vice Chairman Teng's closing speech, penetratingly exposing and vehemently criticizing the true ultrarightist nature of the

"gang of four's" counterrevolutionary revisionist line and their manifestations in all aspects, conducting criticism in the theory of philosophy,

political economics and scientific socialism and eliminating the remnant

poison and influence of the "gang of four" in all aspects."

In the previous stage, in accordance with the strategic plan of the party

Central Committee and under the leadership of the Kiangsi Provincial CCP

Committee, the cadres and masses in our province concentrated the forces

to fight the first battle of exposing and criticizing the conspiracy of

the "gang of four" and their confederates in Kiangsi to usurp party and

state power. Subsequently, they fought the second battle of exposing and

criticizing the "gang of four's" counterrevolutionary political appearance

and their criminal history. They scored very geat achievements. "The third

battle is the continuation of the first and second battles, and the crucial

battle in winning complete victory in the struggle to expose and criticize

the "gang of four." Whether or not we can fight this battle well has a

bearing on whether or not we can hold high Chairman Mao's great banner and

persist in continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, on whether or not we can consolidate and expand the fruits of the first

and second battles and consolidate and develop the great victory in the 11th

line struggle, and on whether or not we can thoroughly eliminate the "gang

of four's" remnant poison and influence, and closely follow wise leader Chairman Hua to win great victory in grasping the key link in running the country

well."

47
"Penetratingly exposing and criticizing the 'gang of four' in line is the

basic major event of combating and preventing revisionism, consolidating

the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing restoration of capitalism

and building socialism, and is a great movement of education in MarxismLeninism-Mao Tse-tung thought to enhance the cadres' and masses' awareness

of the class struggle, line struggle, and continuing the revolution under

the dictatorship of the proletariat. We must fully understand the great

and farreaching significance of this battle. We must be determined and

exert our greatest energy to fight the third battle well. Meanwhile, we

must do a good job in tracking down work and win complete victory in the

struggle to expose and criticize the 'gang of four.'"

To fight the third battle well, it is essential to continue to mobilize the

masses to expose and criticize the "gang of four," so that everyone criticizes the four pests and eliminates the remnant poison. Nos 1 and 2 men of

party committees at all levels must especially grasp exposing and criticizing the "gang of four." We must see: "The struggle to expose and criticize

the 'gang of four' in our province has not progressed very evenly. The common point of the places and units which have not carried out the struggle

well is that leadership has lagged behind the masses, leading cadres of a

very small number of places and units have even covered themselves up, suppressed the masses and protected the mountain strongholds and themselves.

This phenomenon must be quickly changed. Leading cadres at all levels must

stand in the frontline of the struggle. We must continue to carry out trackdown work and basically complete the tracking down task this year or shortly

thereafter.

CSO: ii-005

48
BRIEFS

HONAN MUNICIPALITIES CRITICIZE ' GANG—After the holding of the enlarged

meeting of the standing committee of the Honan Provincial CCP Committee,

the people in Chengchow, Loyang, Kaifeng, Pingtingshan, Hsinhsiang, Anyang,

Chiaotso and Hopi municipalities held rallies to transmit and implement the

spirit of the enlarged meeting. They all vowed to support the important

instructions of Chairman Hua and the party Central Committee on the Honan

problems, to implement the spirit of the enlarged meeting, and to continue

to expose and criticize the "gang of four" and their followers in Honan.

CCP committees of these municipalities also vowed to fully mobilize the

people to expose and criticize the "gang of four," to strengthen leadership

over the movement and to grasp revolution and promote production. [Chengchow

Honan Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 29 Oct 77 HK]

KWANGSI'S EDUCATION TEAM--Kwangsi's eighth work team of education in the

party's basic line went to Tungnan, laipin, Napo, Chinghsi, Tahsin, Lungchou,

Ningming counties and Tunghsing Autonomous County as well as 20 factories,

mines and enterprises on 26 September to propagate the documents of the 11th

Rational Party Congress, implement the line of the congress and conduct education on the party's basic line. The work team comprised 2,100 people. On

16 September, the autonomous regional party committee held a mobilization

rally of members of the work team in Nanning. Responsible comrades of the

regional party committee Chiao Hsiao-kuang, Liu Chung-kuei, Tu I and Hsiao

Han listened to a report by the head of the work team and issued important

directives. [Nanning Kwangsi Regional Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 28 Sep 77

HK]

CS0: 4005

49
ECONOMIC

BRIEFS

NEW TRACTOR DEVELOPED--Kirin has succeeded in building a 36-horsepower

tractor of Tung-fang-hung brand. This success was achieved through the

collaboration of many units, including Changchun tractor plant, Yushu diesel

engine plant, Kirin oil pump plant, Kirin farm machine research institute

and Kirin rural electric power experimental station. This tractor will play

an important role in bringing about mechanized farming in Kirin. It is

noted for its great power, smooth operation, lack of vibration, easy-tostart engine, high productivity and fuel conservation. It can be used for

sowing, weeding, plowing, field transportation and other jobs'. [Changchun

Kirin Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 22 Oct 77]

INCREASE IN SAVINGS DEPOSITS--During the first 9 months of 1977, cities and

towns of Liaoning Province increased their total savings deposits in banks

by 14.7 percent over that of the corresponding period of 1976, achieving

the highest level since the founding of the People's Republic. In the past

few years, members of the 4th company of the first battalion of PLA unit

No 81850 have continually increased their savings deposits in banks.

[Shenyang Liaoning Provincial Service in Mandarin 1100 GMT 2 Oct 77]

HYDROELECTRIC POWER STATIONS--Kannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture has

scored achievements in building small hydroelectric power stations. By

the end of 1976, 119 such stations had been built with a total capacity

of 13,994 kw and generating 17.89 million kwh per year. Eighty percent of

its communes now have electricity. [Peking NCNA Domestic Service in Chinese

0119 GMT 23 Oct 77 OW]

INDUSTRIAL 0UTPUT--By the end of September, the value of the total industrial

output of Ichang Municipality increased by 27 percent compared with the same

period last year. The amount of profits the municipality submitted to the

state went up by 127 percent over the corresponsing period last year.

[Wuhan Hupeh Provincial Service in Mandarin 1300 GMT 24 Oct 77 HK]

ELECTRIC POWER IN WUCHOU--Wuchou Prefecture in Kwangsi has increased electric power generating capacity by more than 11,000 kw annually in the past

11 years. [Peking Domestic Service in Mandarin 2230 GMT 28 Oct 77 OW]

50
INDUSTRIAL OUTPUT IN WUCHOU--In Wuchou Prefecture, 13 factories and mines

have fulfilled this year's production quotas or value of production. By the

end of September, the whole prefecture fulfilled 74.5 percent of the annual

plan of the total industrial output value, an increase of 18.5 percent compared with the same period last year. [Nanning Kwangsi Regional Service in

Mandarin 1100 GMT 24 Oct 77 HK]

INDUSTRIAL OUTPUT IN POSE--Between January and September, the value of the

total industrial output in Pose Prefecture increased by 19.4 percent compared

with the same period last year. [Nanning Kwangsi Regional Service in

Mandarin 1100 GMT 24 Oct 77 HK]

CSO: 4006 END

51