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OVERVIEW OF U.S. INTERESTS IN THE WESTERN

HEMISPHERE: OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 

THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

FEBRUARY 28, 2013

Serial No. 113–13

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

MATT SALMON, Arizona 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

TOM COTTON, Arkansas 

PAUL COOK, California 

GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

TREY RADEL, Florida 

DOUG COLLINS, Georgia 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

LUKE MESSER, Indiana 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

BRIAN HIGGINS, New York 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

ALAN GRAYSON, Florida 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

BRADLEY S. SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY III, Massachusetts 

AMI BERA, California 

ALAN S. LOWENTHAL, California 

GRACE MENG, New York 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

MATT SALMON, Arizona, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

TREY RADEL, Florida 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

ALAN GRAYSON, Florida 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

The Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western 

Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State ................................................. 12

The Honorable Mark Feierstein, Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Latin 

America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for International Development ..... 19

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

The Honorable Matt Salmon, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of Arizona, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere: Prepared statement ................................................................................................... 3

The Honorable Albio Sires, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of New Jersey: Prepared statement .................................................................... 7

The Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson: Prepared statement ................................... 15

The Honorable Mark Feierstein: Prepared statement .......................................... 21

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 54

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 55

The Honorable Jeff Duncan, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of South Carolina: Prepared statement .............................................................. 56

The Honorable Theodore E. Deutch, a Representative in Congress from the 

State of Florida: Prepared statement ................................................................. 58

Written response from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to question submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey ................................................. 59

Written responses from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Jeff Duncan ........................................ 63

Written responses from the Honorable Mark Feierstein to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Jeff Duncan ........................................ 76

(1)

OVERVIEW OF U.S. INTERESTS IN THE

WESTERN HEMISPHERE: OPPORTUNITIES 

AND CHALLENGES 

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 2013

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:30 a.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Matt Salmon (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. SALMON. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will 

come to order. 

I will start by recognizing myself and the ranking member to 

present our opening statements, then I will recognize the members 

of the subcommittee to allow them to present their opening remarks, if they have any, in order of seniority, and please keep your 

remark to 1 minute. Now I would like to yield myself as much time 

as I may consume to present my opening statement. 

Good morning, and welcome to our first hearing of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, where we will be exploring 

the opportunities and challenges the U.S. faces in the region. 

When I returned to Congress this year, I was privileged to rejoin 

the Foreign Affairs Committee and honored to have been given the 

gavel of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere. As a native 

Arizonan, I know what many of my colleagues have yet to realize: 

Our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are critical to U.S. security, energy independence, and economic prosperity. I believe that 

our strong cultural, trade, and investment relationships and demographic ties with Canada and the Americas connect the region and 

open the way to a constructive dialogue on how we can make our 

hemisphere safer and more prosperous. 

First of all, let me welcome the subcommittee’s distinguished 

new ranking member, Congressman Albio Sires, who represents 

the Eighth Congressional District of New Jersey. I look forward to 

working with you on a bipartisan basis to help foster positive results for U.S. Foreign policy in the region. 

In addition to our senior members of the committee, it is my 

pleasure to give a warm welcome to our freshman majority members. We have got Trey Radel here today from Florida. We also 

have a new freshman member, I believe will be joining us later, 

Ron DeSantis, both of whom hail from the great State of Florida. 

2

And although not new to Congress, I would like to welcome two 

new additions to the subcommittee on the minority side of the 

aisle. Theodore Deutch, and Alan Grayson are also both from the 

great State of Florida. 

It is my firm belief that we have an opportunity to positively engage our friends and neighbors in the hemisphere not only on the 

security issues as we work together to combat transnational criminal and terrorist organizations, but in strengthening bilateral and 

multilateral relationships that promote democratic values and freemarket principles. 

I am looking forward to the opportunity to take a closer look at 

the process being made under the Merida Initiative to determine 

if there are ways to make the program more effective. 

Insecurity in Mexico and throughout Central America continues 

to threaten our own security, and I believe it is in the U.S. national 

interest to promote a safer and more secure region. 

I also plan to make sure this subcommittee does everything in 

our power to foster and build upon our strong relationship with 

Canada, with whom we already maintain the world’s largest bilateral trade relationship. 

Our subcommittee will also focus attention on the incredible opportunity we have to achieve energy security and economic growth 

in North America by encouraging the administration to give its 

final approval to the Keystone XL pipeline. In addition, I will seek 

to promote energy independence and economic growth by seeking 

to promote and strengthen U.S. trade relations with Mexico and by 

supporting the U.S.-Mexico transboundary agreement that was 

signed in February of last year. 

I hope to see that the United States will reinsert its role in promoting hemispheric free trade policies, strengthening trade and investment relations in Brazil and throughout the entire region. 

Lastly, we must not forget the key economic role of travel and 

tourism in the region, especially in the Caribbean, and the importance of limiting the negative effects that transnational crime can 

have on regional economies. 

We do face some challenges. The subcommittee will continue to 

press for sound U.S. policy on Cuba, one that is committed to a real 

and meaningful democratic transition on an island that has been 

plagued by a repressive government at odds with regionally held 

values of economic and individual liberties. 

In Venezuela, we will continue to monitor Venezuelan ties with 

Iran and Hezbollah, and will encourage the Obama administration 

to continue focusing the Intelligence Community’s efforts on monitoring the threat of Iranian influence in our region. Mindful of the 

post-Chavez transition, the United States should be engaged in 

strengthening democratic institutions in Venezuela, and supporting 

free and fair elections. 

I want to thank our witnesses for agreeing to appear before the 

subcommittee today. The Honorable Roberta Jackson, Assistant 

Secretary of State for the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs; 

and The Honorable Mark Feierstein, Assistant Administrator for 

the Bureau of Latin America and the Caribbean for the U.S. Agency for International Development. We look forward to hearing your 

testimony and insights from the region. 

3

[The prepared statement of Mr. Salmon follows:]


79582c-1.eps

Opening Statement of the Honorable Matt Salmon (R-AZ) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 

Hearing on "Overview of US Interests in the Western Hemisphere: Opportunities and 

Challenges" 

February 28, 2013 

(As Prepared for Delivery) 

Good morning, and welcome to our first hearing of the Subcommittee on the Western 

Hemisphere, where we will be exploring the opportunities and challenges the U.S. faces in the 

region. When I returned to Congress this year, I was privileged to rejoin the Foreign Affairs 

Committee and honored to have been given the gavel ofthe Subcommittee on Western 

Hemisphere. As a native Arizonan, I know what many of my colleagues have yet to realize, our 

neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are critical to U.S. security, energy independence and 

economic prosperity. I believe that our strong cultural, trade and investment relationships and 

demographic ties with Canada and the Americas connect the region and open the way to 

constructive dialogue on how to make our hemisphere safer and more prosperous. 

First of all, let me welcome the Subcommittee's distinguished new Ranking Member, 

Congressman Albio Sires who represents the 8th Congressional District of New Jersey. I look 

forward to working with you on a bipartisan basis to help foster positive results for U.S. foreign 

policy in the region. 

In addition, to our returning Senior Members of the Committee, it is my pleasure to give a 

warm welcome to our Freshman Majority Members, Ron DeSantis and Trey Radel, both of 

whom hail from the great State of Florida. And although not new to Congress I would like to 

welcome two new additions to the Subcommittee on the Minority side of the aisle, Theodore 

Deutch and Alan Grayson, also both from the great State of Florida. 

It is my firm belief that we have an opportunity to positively engage our friends and neighbors 

in the hemisphere not only on security issues as we work together to combat transnational 

criminal and terrorist organizations, but in strengthening bilateral and multilateral relationships 

that promote democratic values and free market principles. 

I am looking forward to the opportunity to take a closer look at progress being made under the 

Merida Initiative to determine ifthere are ways to make the program more effective. 

Insecurity in Mexico and throughout Central America continues to threaten our own security, 

and I believe it is in the U.S. national interest to promote a safer and more secure region. 

I also plan to make sure that this Subcommittee does everything in our power to foster and 

build upon our strong relationship with Canada, with whom we already maintain the world's 
4


79582c-2.eps

largest bilateral trading relationship. Our Subcommittee will also focus attention on the 

incredible opportunity we have to achieve energy security and economic growth in North 

America by encouraging the Administration to give its final approval to the vital Keystone XL 

Pipeline. In addition, I will seek to promote energy independence and economic growth by 

seeking to strengthen u.s. trade relations with Mexico, and by supporting the u.S. - Mexico 

Transboundary Agreement that was signed in February of last year. 

I hope to see the United States reassert its role in promoting hemispheric free trade policies, 

strengthening trade and investment relations in Brazil and throughout the entire region. 

Lastly, we must not forget the key economic role of travel and tourism in the region, especially 

in the Caribbean, and the importance that limiting the negative effects that transnational crime 

can have on regional economies. 

We do face challenges. This Subcommittee will continue to press for sound U.S. policy on Cuba 

- one that is committed to a real and meaningful democratic transition on an island that has 

been plagued by a repressive government at odds with regionally held values of economic and 

individual liberties. 

In Venezuela, we will continue to monitor Venezuelan ties with Iran and Hezbollah, and will 

encourage the Obama administration to continue focusing the intelligence community's efforts 

on monitoring the threat of Iranian influence in our region. Mindful of a post-Chavez transition, 

the United States should be engaged in strengthening democratic institutions in Venezuela and 

in supporting free and fair elections. 

I want to thank our witnesses for agreeing to appear before our Subcommittee today, the 

Honorable Roberta Jacobson, Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Western 

Hemisphere Affairs, and the Honorable Mark Feierstein, Assistant Administrator for the bureau 

of Latin America and the Caribbean for the US Agency for International Development. We look 

forward to hearing your testimony and insights on the region. 

### 
5

Mr. SALMON. Now I will recognize my colleague Albio Sires, the 

ranking member, for his opening remarks. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing, 

and thank you, and thank you for the witnesses for being here 

today. 

I want to express my appreciation to you, Mr. Chairman, for 

reaching out earlier this week and meeting with me to discuss how 

we can work together. We share many of the same concerns and 

aspirations for the Western Hemisphere, and I feel encouraged by 

our similar desire to achieve meaningful results in a constructive, 

bipartisan manner. 

Additionally I commend you, Mr. Chairman, in setting the theme 

of this, our first hearing for this subcommittee, and recognizing 

that while there are many challenges facing the hemisphere, there 

are, indeed, many opportunities as well that we can capitalize on. 

And so I look forward to working with you, and the members of the 

subcommittee to address and overcome our Nation’s most pressing 

issues in the hemisphere. 

I believe it is fair to acknowledge that since 9/11, our foreign policy has focused on the crises emanating from the Middle East, 

Asia, and back again. While certainly understandable, this focus 

has come at the detriment of our policies toward the Americas. Unfortunately, we have not paid appropriate attention to an area that 

is right next door. 

Some analysts have likened our foreign policies toward Latin 

America as adrift and far too narrow in scope. I agree that as the 

problems have arisen, our responses have been reactive rather 

than proactive. And while I commend the strides that have been 

made in the areas of the democracy and development at the country level, we have yet to articulate a strategic, cohesive policy for 

the region as a whole. A patchwork of initiatives is insufficient and 

unsustainable for a region that is rapidly evolving and that is 

today second to Asia, amongst the most economically vibrant regions in the world. 

Economically the U.S. accounts for roughly 40 percent of the region’s imports and exports valued at nearly $400 billion and $450 

billion, respectively. Canada is our number one trading partner; 

Mexico a close third after China; and the rest of Latin America 

combined is fourth. Yet today China has become the largest trading 

partner for some of Latin America’s largest economies. From 2000 

to 2009, annual trade between China and Latin America grew more 

than 1,200 percent, from $10 billion to $130 billion. Russia has increased its own sales with Venezuela and now Brazil, and Iran continues to expand its influence. 

I am concerned of the Argentina’s joint truth commission with 

Iran to investigate the horrific bombing of the Jewish Community 

Center, and its continued harassment of the Falkland Islands is 

worrisome. 

I remain determined to maintain pressures on Cuba’s authoritarian regime, expose its continued human rights and press for 

freedom—and press freedoms violations, and press for the release 

of Alan Gross, a U.S. citizen. 

While I am hopeful for the day of a post-Castro Cuba, I remain 

vigilant on a possible post-Chavez Venezuela. Venezuela is our 

6

14th largest trading partner, with $56 billion in trade during 2011; 

thus, the fate of Venezuela is critically important to us. If Chavez 

dies, we must be ready to work with the allies in the region for a 

peaceful transition of power and support the citizens’ of Venezuela 

demand for democracy and constitutional accountability. 

As you know, Colombia is our strongest regional ally. I am closely following the peace talk negotiations of President Santos with 

the FARC. If successful, Colombia will free itself from a long-standing obstacle to peace and economic prosperity. I believe that we 

should continue to lend our support to Colombia now and especially 

after the fate of the negotiations. 

While overall security conditions have improved in Colombia, the 

levels of insecurity and corruption that has plagued weak Central 

America nations like Honduras and El Salvador is very troubling. 

In light of the declining foreign aid levels, I am particularly worried to ensure that money spent is simply not encouraging corrupt 

practices and acting as a rubber stamp to governments that treat 

America’s firms unfairly. 

In regards to Mexico, I am waiting to see how determined President Pena Nieto will be in combating drug trafficking. In this regard I am looking forward to discussing the result of the Merida, 

the Central America Regional Security Initiative, and the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative programs and the implications that 

imminent spending cuts may have on their effectiveness. 

Our foreign policy with the Western Hemisphere has to be both 

relevant and practical to the needs of everyday people. Geographic 

proximity alone cannot dictate the importance of our relationship 

and the relationships we have with our southern neighbors. 

The region has made significant political and economic advances; 

however, the lack of inclusive participation by all members of society in the growing economic prosperity of the region has made the 

Americas vulnerable to antidemocratic forces. I look forward to 

working with the chairman to advance these important U.S. regional interests and discussing with our witnesses how we can better address these concerns. I am hopeful that together we can work 

together to ensure these challenges do not overshadow the opportunity that lies before us. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you, Mr. Sires. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sires follows:]

7


79582d-1.eps

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 

Hearing on the 

Overview of U.S. Interests in the Western Hemisphere: Opportunities and Challenges 

Thursday February 28, 2013 

Congressman Albia Sires (D-NJ) 

Ranking Member 

Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 

OPENING STATEMENT 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing. And thank you, to the witnesses, for being here today. 

I want to express my appreciation to you, Mr. Chairman, for reaching out earlier this week and meeting with me 

to discuss how we can work together. We share many of the same concerns and aspirations for the Western 

Hemisphere. And I feel encouraged by our similar desire to achieve meaningful results in a constructive, 

bipartisan manner. Additionally, I commend you, Mr. Chairman, in setting the theme of this, our first hearing for 

this subcommittee, and recognizing that while there are many challenges facing the hemisphere, there are indeed 

many opportunities as well that we can capitalize on. And so, I look forward to working with you and the 

members of this subcommittee to address and overcome our nation's most pressing issues in the hemisphere. 

I believe it is fair to acknowledge that since 9-11, our foreign policy has focused on crises emanating from the 

Middle East, Asia, and back again. While certainly understandable, this focus has come at the detriment of our 

policy towards the Americas. Unfortunately, we have not paid appropriate attention to an area that is right next 

door. 

Some analysts have likened our foreign policy toward Latin America as adrift and far too narrow in scope. 

I agree that as problems have risen, our responses have been reactive rather than proactive. And while I 

commend the strides that have been made in the areas of democracy and development at the country level, we 

have yet to articulate a strategic, cohesive policy for the region as a whole. A patchwork of initiatives is 

insufficient and unsustainable for a region that is rapidly evolving and that is today, second to Asia, amongst the 

most economically vibrant regions in the world. 

Today, Latin American and Caribbean immigrants account for over 50 percent of the U.S. foreign-born population. 

Today all nations in the hemisphere, with the exception of Cuba, are elected democracies. Economically, the U.S. 

accounts for roughly 40 Percent of the region's imports and exports valued at nearly $400 Billion and $450 Billion 

respectively. Canada is our number one trading partner, Mexico, a close third after China, and the rest of Latin 

America combined is fourth. 

Yet today China has become the largest trading partner for some of Latin America's largest economies. From 

2000 to 2009, annual trade between China and Latin America grew more than 1,200 percent from $10 billion to 

$130 billion. There are new regional associations, such as ALBA, the Bolivarian Alliance of the Americas, and 

CELAC, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, that exclude the United States. Russia has 

increased its arms sales with Venezuela and now Brazil. And Iran continues to expand its influence. 

I am concerned of Argentina's joint truth commission with Iran to investigate the horrific 1994 bombing of the 

AMIA Jewish Community Center and its continued harassment of the Falkland Islands is worrisome. 
8


79582d-2.eps

I remain determined to maintain pressures on Cuba's authoritarian regime, expose its continued human rights 

and press freedoms violations, and press for the release of U.S. citizen, Alan Gross. While I am hopeful for the day 

of a post-Castro Cuba, I remain vigilant on a possible post-Chavez Venezuela. Venezuela is our 14th largest 

trading partner with $56 billion in total trade during 2011, thus the fate of Venezuela is critically important to us. 

If Chavez dies, we must be ready to work with allies in the region for a peaceful transition of power and support 

the citizens of Venezuela's demand for democracy and constitutional accountability. 

As you know, Colombia is our strongest regional ally. It is also a country very dear to me. I travel there annually to 

support an orphanage outside of Bogota and I recently traveled with a Congressional Delegation alongside the 

President to attend the Summit of the Americas in April. I am closely following the peace talk negotiations of 

President Santos with the FARe. If successful, Colombia will free itself of a longstanding obstacle to long term 

economic prosperity. I believe we should continue to lend our support to Colombia now and especially after the 

fate of the negotiations. 

While overall security conditions have improved in Colombia, the levels of insecurity and corruption that has 

plagued weak Central American nations like Honduras and EI Salvador is very troubling. In light of declining 

foreign aid levels, I am particularly worried to ensure that monies spent are simply not encouraging corrupt 

practices and acting as a rubber stamp to governments that treat American firms unfairly. I am also concerned 

with the balloon type effect of drug related gang violence and government corruption that has spread to the 

Caribbean, especially the Dominican Republic. 

In regards to Mexico, I am waiting to see how determined President Pena Nieto will be in combating drug 

trafficking. In this regard, I am looking forward to discussing the results of the Merida, Central American Regional 

Security Initiative, and Caribbean Basin Security Initiative programs and the implications that spending cuts may 

have on their effectiveness. 

Our foreign policy with the Western Hemisphere has to be both relevant and practical to the needs of everyday 

people. Geographic proximity alone cannot dictate the importance of the relationships we have with our 

southern neighbors. As members of this Subcommittee, I believe these relationships are amongst the most 

important for the safety and economic security of our nation. 

The region has made significant political and economic advances. However, the lack of inclusive participation by 

all members of society in the growing economic prosperity of the region has made the Americas vulnerable to 

anti-democratic forces. Additionally, weak state presence and corrupt governance has allowed drug traffickers to 

act with impunity, while economic and fiscal insecurity has dampened sustainable progress and further 

encouraged immigration into this country. 

I look forward to working with the Chairman to advance these amongst other important U.S. regional interests 

and discussing with our witnesses how we can better address these concerns. I am hopeful that, together, we can 

work to ensure that these challenges do not overshadow the opportunities that lie before us. 
9

Mr. SALMON. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Florida Mr. Radel for a 1-minute opening statement. 

Mr. RADEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Sires. 

Thank you so much. It is great to be here on the Western Hemisphere. 

In my previous life I was a journalist, so I have traveled extensively all over the Western Hemisphere, Canada, its majestic cities. 

In order to learn Spanish, I strapped on a backpack as a young 

man, traveled around Mexico, parts of Latin America, where I have 

a deep, deep affinity for. 

We do have challenges, but today in moving forward, I am really 

excited to focus on the tremendous opportunities that we have culturally, economically, all over the Western Hemisphere, Colombia 

in particular; just such a shining example of how we can work together where foreign aid plays such an important, important role. 

So it is great to be here. I just hope that we can use the information today to ensure that we in the United States have kind of a 

comprehensive strategic plan moving forward to again face those 

challenges, but, most importantly, the tremendous opportunity for 

partnership and growth. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you, Mr. Radel. 

The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from New York Mr. 

Meeks, and a heck of a traveling companion. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I am delighted to 

work with you, and look forward to working with you in the 113th 

Congress and Ranking Member Sires as we move forward on the 

Western Hemisphere. 

And I know this morning and throughout the 113th Congress, we 

are going to be talking about some issues like our great relationship with Canada, and how we move forward with them and continue that trade arrangement and agreement; that we are going to 

be dealing with hot-button issues. We will hear about the rise of 

China’s influence and developments in Cuba or the lack thereof. 

We will hear about Venezuela, and Hugo Chavez, and the status 

of that nation. We will hear about Iran’s influence, I am sure, and 

migration, and drugs, and violence, and energy, and environmental 

concerns, and trading. 

We are going to hear a lot and we are going to be able to do a 

lot, I think, on this committee. But I hope that as we go down this 

long list of important issues, we also spend a significant amount 

of time speaking about the plight of Afro descendants and indigenous communities in the region. 

I strongly believe that progress, real progress, on matters of mutual interest with regional partners, it is not possible unless we address the inequality, the violence, the disparity, and the discrimination that these often isolated and marginalized groups experience. We cannot see progress if millions in our hemisphere do not 

see a way out of abject poverty, don’t have access to quality education, and have no hope that they can move beyond the station of 

life in which they have been born. 

Our witnesses today have outlined in their written testimony 

areas of focus for the Obama administration promoting inclusive 

economic growth, increasing citizen security, promoting clean enVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:57 May 09, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00013 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_WH\022813\79582 HFA PsN: SHIRL
10

ergy and democracy. Those are indeed all critical areas of interest 

to the United States. Notably they are also areas that intersect 

with the needs of Afro descendants and indigenous communities. 

Our Nation’s objectives and the desire of nations in the region for 

greater security and economic and global advancement are all critically linked to these communities, and I have visited the remote 

areas of Colombia, for example, where drug traffickers, FARC, and 

paramilitary gangs prey on the geographically isolated Afro Colombians and indigenous communities that have little means of protection and alternatives. In nations where the situation is dire for all 

citizens, like the Honduras, for example, it is almost always more 

dire for indigenous and Afro Latino persons. 

I would like to submit, Mr. Chairman, for the record, an OAS report entitled ‘‘The Situation of People of African Descent in the 

Americas.’’ The inequalities and disparities are too many to enumerate in my opening remarks, but this report highlights the 

major obstacles in the advancement that remain. And I hope that 

with today’s hearing and as we move forward during this 113th 

Congress, that we discuss what must be done to adequately address the many issues that plague disadvantaged groups whose 

status in society is so critically linked to our own interests and our 

Nation. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. Without objection, this will be entered 

into the record. 

[NOTE: The OAS report submitted for the record, ‘‘The Situation 

of People of African Descent in the Americas,’’ is not reprinted here 

but is available in committee records or on the Internet at

http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/afro-descendants/docs/pdf/AFROSl 2011lENG.pdf. (Accessed 4/17/13.)] 

Mr. SALMON. The Chairman now recognizes the gentleman from 

American Samoa Mr. Faleomavaega. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for calling this hearing. I certainly want to commend you and our ranking 

member Mr. Sires for putting this hearing together. 

I do want to associate myself with the comments made earlier by 

our ranking member as well as my colleague from New York, Mr. 

Meeks. 

And I would like to extend a warm welcome to our witnesses this 

morning, Ms. Jacobson and also Mr. Feierstein. 

Historically, Mr. Chairman, the United States, with much success, has focused its attention on developing and strengthening 

local economies, security, energy, education, and democratic governments. However, a demographic that is continually overlooked 

in the Western Hemisphere, which includes Canada, by the way, 

is the indigenous community. 

Tens of millions of indigenous people suffer from the consequences of historic injustice, including colonization, dispossession 

of their lands and resources, oppression and discrimination, and a 

lack of autonomy. Their right to development has been largely denied by colonial and even modern states in the pursuit of economic 

growth. As a consequence, indigenous peoples often lose out to 

more powerful actors, becoming among the most impoverished 

groups throughout Latin America, as I say, which includes Canada, 

somewhat of the same challenges that were faced in our treatment 

11

of the indigenous Native Americans here in the United States. 

They live shorter lives. They have poor health care and education, 

endure higher unemployment rates, and are victims of increasing 

violent crimes and, as I said earlier, alienation of their native 

lands. The benchmark of our success in this region must include 

those who originally occupied these lands. 

I look forward to working with the members of our subcommittee, and also look forward to hearing from our witnesses if 

they by chance—and by the way, I did have a chance to review the 

statements of our witnesses, and unfortunately, I was not able to 

find anything relative to my concerns about how we are looking at 

the needs of indigenous populations throughout the Western Hemisphere. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. 

Mr. SALMON. I thank the gentleman. 

And now, pursuant to rule 7, the members of the subcommittee 

will be permitted to submit written statements to be included in 

the official hearing record. Without objection, the hearing record 

will remain open for 14 days to allow statements, questions, and 

extraneous materials for the record, subject to the length limitation 

in the rules. 

Now I would like to introduce the witnesses. First I would like 

to introduce the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson. Roberta S. 

Jacobson was sworn in as Assistant Secretary of State for Western 

Hemisphere Affairs on March 30th, 2012. Previously Ms. Jacobson 

was the Acting Assistant Secretary since July 18, 2011. She served 

as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Western Hemisphere Affairs from December 2010 until July 2011, with responsibility for regional, political, and economic issues; management and 

personnel; and regional security issues. From June 2007 until that 

date, she was Deputy Assistant Secretary for Canada, Mexico, and 

NAFTA issues in the Bureau. She served as the Director of the Office of Mexico Affairs from December 2002. From 2000 to 2002, she 

was Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Lima, Peru, 

and between 1996 and 2000, Ms. Jacobson was Director of the Office of Policy Planning and Coordination in the Bureau of Western 

Hemispheric Affairs, covering issues such as civil/military relations, human rights, foreign assistance, and counternarcotics 

throughout the hemisphere. 

Ms. Jacobson has also served as Coordinator for Cuban Affairs 

within the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs; executive assistant to the Assistant Secretary, 1993 and 1994; special assistant to 

the Assistant Secretary, 1989 to 1992; and the National Security 

Council, 1988. 

Ms. Jacobson holds a master’s of arts in law and diplomacy from 

the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy—in 1986 she got that 

degree—and a bachelor of arts from Brown University. 

I would also like to introduce the Honorable Mark Feierstein. 

Mark is Assistant Administrator for the Bureau of Latin America 

and the Caribbean. He previously served as the principal and vice 

president of the international polling firm, Greenberg Quinlan 

Rosner. He has overseen public opinion research in over 30 countries, gaining insights into the views of citizens around the world 

on a whole range of topics. 

12

Before joining Greenberg Quinlan Rosner, Feierstein served as 

Director of USAID’s Global Elections Office. He also worked in the 

State Department as a special assistant to the U.S. Ambassador to 

the Organization of the American States, where he negotiated with 

diplomats from the Americas on an array of regional issues. 

Prior to that he was director for Latin America and the Caribbean at the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 

overseeing programs to strengthen democratic institutions in developing countries. 

He is fluent in Spanish, has worked as a journalist in the United 

States and in Mexico, has published articles on international issues 

for leading major newspapers and journals. He received his B.A. 

magna cum laude from Tufts University, and his M.A. from Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. 

I would like to say that it is obvious from these terrific resumes 

that we have professionals in every sense of the word, and we are 

just thrilled to be working with you, excited. I look at my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, and I am really excited. I think 

we have got a true bipartisan group here that is more interested 

in furthering U.S. interests than in a partisan squabbling. I am 

very excited about that. I think we have got a wonderful group. I 

think we have wonderful leaders to help guide us through. 

Let me explain the lighting system real quick. I am going to explain the lighting system in front of you. I know I probably don’t 

need to, you have done it many times, but they tell me I got to do 

it, so I am going to do it. 

You will each have 5 minutes to present your oral statement. 

When you begin, the light will turn green; when you have 1 minute 

left, the light will turn yellow; and when your time is expired, the 

light will turn red. I ask you conclude your testimony when the red 

light comes on. 

After all witnesses testify, all members will have 5 minutes to 

ask questions, and I urge my colleagues to try to stick to the 5 minutes to ask questions. I would like to give everybody the opportunity to ask the questions that they have. 

So let us begin. I would like to start with Assistant Secretary 

Jacobson, and you are recognized. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF WESTERN HEMISPHERE 

AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Chairman Salmon, and Ranking 

Member Sires, and members of the committee. It is a real privilege 

to be back in front of this subcommittee, and I really look forward 

to working with all of you, old and new members. I am very grateful for this subcommittee’s abiding support for the administration’s 

efforts to take advantage of the opportunities we see in the Western Hemisphere. 

U.S. relations with our neighbors are on a positive trajectory. We 

have fulfilled President Obama’s commitment at the 2009 Summit 

of the Americas by pursuing constructive, balanced partnerships. 

We focussed on four areas: Fostering inclusive economic growth, increasing citizen security, promoting clean energy, and strengthening democracy. 

13

In the past 15 years, 56 million households in the region have 

joined the middle class. Over 40 percent of U.S. exports go to the 

Western Hemisphere, more than any other region of the world. We 

are working to increase those numbers through trade promotion 

agreements with Colombia and Panama. Last summer Canada and 

Mexico joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, which 

also include Chile and Peru. We hope to conclude these negotiations as quickly as possible. These developments translate into 

more jobs, better and cheaper goods and services, and rising prosperity on Main Streets across the United States. 

However, in some countries policy reforms are needed to accelerate economic expansion and create greater opportunity to make 

sure that prosperity is more widely shared, and that is a shorthand 

way of talking about vulnerable populations, such as Afro descendants, indigenous, women, LGBT persons. 

In order to counter the threat posed by criminal gangs and violence, we have expanded and linked our four citizen security programs, the Merida Initiative, the Central American Regional Security Initiative, the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, and the Colombia Strategic Development Initiative. Through a whole-of-government approach, we are focusing on institution and capacity 

building, while encouraging economic development. 

U.S. assistance has helped create a dramatically improved security situation in Colombia. In Mexico, our partnership with President Pena Nieto’s administration is off to a strong start, with both 

sides committed to addressing crime and violence through durable, 

long-term cooperation. We are partnering with Colombia and Mexico and others to help Central America address its security challenges. 

Today I would like to highlight three particular areas of challenge and opportunity: Energy, education, and the defense of democracy. 

The Western Hemisphere is increasingly a global supplier of energy. Companies and entrepreneurs who never focused on the region are waking up to its enormous potential. At the 2012 Summit 

of the Americas, the United States and Colombia launched Connect 

2022, a hemispheric initiative to provide universal access to affordable electricity within a decade. This complements President 

Obama’s Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas in which 

we and 33 other partners promote efficiency, encourage renewable 

energy, and support adaptation and mitigation to climate change. 

Education really underpins all of our goals in the Americas. Expanding educational opportunities is crucial to ensuring all citizens 

share in the region’s prosperity. That is why President Obama 

launched 100,000 Strong in the Americas to increase educational 

exchanges between the United States and Latin America and the 

Caribbean to 100,000 in each direction each year. To meet that goal 

we must double the current flow of students at a time when our 

own budget constraints—our own budget constrains us. So we are 

partnering with academic and private-sector institutions to meet 

that goal. 

Our commitment to true partnership and shared responsibility 

calls for an honest reexamination of areas where this hemisphere 

once led, but now falters. In some countries, populist leaders who 

14

are impatient with or even disrespectful of democracy’s processes 

are closing down and subjugating independent media and seeking 

to control courts and legislatures. The leaders of many of today’s 

democracies in the Americas were fighting for these rights not so 

long ago. 

We are working through the Origination of American States to 

protect freedom of expression. We will continue to seek out to defend strong, independent institutions of democracy. 

In sum, our policy of partnership and shared responsibility has 

produced real progress. Although positive news stories rarely make 

the front page, they abound in the Americas, where inclusive economic growth is transforming the region, and several of our partners are emerging as real players on the global stage. 

There is, of course, a great deal more to do to foster the peaceful, 

prosperous, and democratic hemisphere we all want to see and ensure everyone is part of that prosperity. But I look forward to 

working with you and other members of this committee to advance 

U.S. interests in the hemisphere. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Jacobson. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Jacobson follows:]

15


79582a-1.eps

Statement of the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson 

Assistant Secretary of State 

Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State 

Hearing Before the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the Committee on 

Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives 

Febrnary 28, 2013, 9:30 A.M. 

Thank you, Mr. Chainnan. Chainnan Salmon, Ranking Member Sires, members of the 

committee, it is a privilege to join you today. I appreciate the invitation. I have had the pleasure 

of working with many of you in the past and 1 look forward to getting to know the concerns and 

perspectives of the new members of the committee. I am grateful for this subcommittee's 

abiding support for the Administration's efforts. I would like to focus my remarks on the 

opportunities we see in the Western Hemisphere. 

Tn pursuit of our national interests abroad, foreign policy is as much about seizing opportunities 

as it is about as countering threats. We are fortunate in the Western Hemisphere to have far 

more opportunities than threats. Opportunities to achieve energy self-sufficiency and to address 

climate change. To improve education. To increase trade and create jobs. To consolidate the 

democratic gains of the last 30 years. We are working hard to take advantage of these 

opportunities. 

US. relations with our hemispheric neighbors are on a positive trajectory. We have fulfilled 

President Obama's commitment at the 2009 Summit of the Americas by pursuing flexible, 

balanced partnerships. We focus on four areas: promoting inclusive economic growth; 

increasing citizen security; promoting clean energy; and strengthening democracy 

In the past 15 years, 56 million households in the region joined the middle class. Over 40 

percent of U.S. exports go to the Western Hemisphere, more than to any other region. During 

the past three years, U. S. exports to the Americas increased by more than $250 billion, to nearly 

$700 billion in 2011. U.S.-Mexico bilateral trade alone supports nearly six million U.S. jobs. 

We are working to increase those numbers through trade promotion agreements with Colombia 

and Panama. Last summer, Canada and Mexico joined Chile and Peru in the Trans-Pacitlc 

Partnership negotiations, which we hope to conclude expeditiously. 
16


79582a-2.eps

These developments and trends all translate into more jobs, better and cheaper goods and 

services, and rising prosperity on Main Streets across the United States. That is good news. 

Admittedly, not all of the news is good. In some countries, policy reforms are needed to 

accelerate economic expansion, regional integration, and greater opportunity for prosperity to be 

more widely shared. Many countries and people in the region remain under pressure from 

criminal gangs and violence. In response, we expanded and linked our four citizen security 

programs: the Merida Initiative, the Central American Regional Security Initiative, the 

Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, and the Colombia Strategic Development Initiative. 

Through a whole-of-government approach we are focusing on institution and capacity building 

while encouraging economic development for those most at-risk. 

US. assistance has helped bring a dramatically improved security situation in Colombia, where 

the Santos administration is engaged in well-designed discussions on peace with the F ARC that 

could result in the end of the longest running insurgency in the region and the F ARC giving up 

drug trafficking. In Mexico, our partnership with President Pena Nieto's administration is off to 

a strong start with both sides committed to addressing crime and violence through durable, longterm cooperation on institution building and social development. We are partnering with 

Colombia, Mexico, and others to help Central America address its security challenges. 

I am focused on the challenges and opportunities of three key issues: energy, education, and the 

defense of human rights and democracy. 

The Western Hemisphere is increasingly a global supplier of energy. Companies and 

entrepreneurs who never focused on the region are waking up to its enormous potential. 

At the 2012 Summit of the Americas, the United States and Colombia launched Connecting the 

Americas 2022, a hemispheric initiative to provide universal access to affordable electricity 

within a decade. This complements President Obama's Enerb'Y and Climate Partnership of the 

Americas (ECPA), in which we and 33 partners promote efficiency, encourage renewable 
17


79582a-3.eps

energy, reduce the carbon footprint of heavy oils, and put Latin American cities on a more 

sustainable path. ECPA promotes adaptation and mitigation to climate change, in particular in 

the Andean Amazon and the Caribbean, where we are working to reduce net deforestation and 

greenhouse gas emissions without inhibiting economic growth and development. 

Education underpins our other goals in the Americas. We can expand the momentous economic 

gains of the past decade only if we improve education. That's why President Obama launched 

"100,000 Strong in the Americas," to increase educational exchanges between the United States 

and Latin America and the Caribbean to 100,000 in each direction each year. 

To meet that goal, we must double the current flow of students at a time when our own budget 

constrains us, so we are partnering with academic organizations and the private sector 

Our push on education complements our interest in promoting greater social inclusion. 

Expanding educational opportunity is crucial to ensuring all citizens share in the region's recent 

prosperity. 

Our commitment to true partnership and shared responsibility calls for an honest re-examination 

of areas where this hemisphere once led, but now falters 

In some countries, populist leaders who are impatient with or even disrespectful of democracy's 

processes are closing down or subjugating independent media, and seeking to control courts and 

legislatures. We understand the aversion to unwarranted interventionism. That said, this 

hemisphere has been a global leader in setting standards of what democracy looks like. The 

leaders of many oftoday's democracies in the Americas were tlghting for these rights in their 

own countries not so long ago 

Attacks on freedom of expression require a principled response. We are working through the 

Organization of American States and its Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression to 

protect these rights. We will continue to speak out to defend strong, independent institutions of 

democracy, including by using the March 22 OAS special General Assembly on the hemispheric 
18


79582a-4.eps

human rights system to voice strong support for the continued independence of the lnterAmerican Commission on Human Rights. 

In sum, our policy of partnership and shared responsibility has produced real progress. Though 

positive stories rarely make the news, they abound in the Americas, where inclusive economic 

growth is transforming the region and several of our partners are emerging as players on the 

global stage. There is of course still more to do to foster the peaceful, prosperous and 

democratic hemisphere we all want to see. 

Again, thank you Mr. Chainnan. T look forward to working with you and other members of this 

committee to advance US interests in the hemisphere 
19

Mr. SALMON. The Chair will now recognize Administrator 

Feierstein. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MARK FEIERSTEIN, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND 

THE CARIBBEAN, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, 

I am grateful for your interest in USAID and pleased to have the 

opportunity to discuss the Obama administration’s development 

policy in the Americas. 

I am also honored to be testifying with my good friend and 

former graduate school classmate Roberta Jacobson. You know, 

back in grad school when a professor posed a tough question, I 

would generally defer to Roberta. I suspect, though, that approach 

might not fly with the panel today or, for that matter, with Roberta. 

Mr. Chairman, I have submitted my full written statement for 

the record and will now share a condensed version, if I may. 

Early in his first term, President Obama reminded us that the 

purpose of development is to help countries reach the point at 

which they no longer need foreign assistance. In much of Latin 

America and the Caribbean, we are on our way to achieving our 

goal of largely graduating countries from foreign assistance by the 

year 2030. 

The days in which USAID provided direct assistance in the region are largely over. Today our principal role is to strengthen the 

capacity of countries to provide for their own people, and USAID 

is employing new approaches to accelerate this process. 

Historically USAID has hired large contractors to provide assistance. Today we are channeling more resources through institutions 

in foreign countries so that we leave behind entities equipped to 

oversee development programs on their own. 

The most important source of development funding for nearly 

every country is not donors, but internally generated revenue. That 

is why we are instituting programs to help governments raise their 

own funds for development. 

The private sector is also adding its financial muscle and business expertise to promote development. USAID is increasingly 

partnering with companies to enhance our assistance and deliver 

long-term development dividends. 

As we succeed in creating the conditions under which foreign assistance is no longer necessary, the family of donor nations will 

grow. Countries where USAID made significant investments in the 

past, such as Chile and Brazil, are now collaborating with us in 

third countries. 

Just as our approach to development has changed, the nature of 

the development challenge in the Americas has evolved as well. 

Continued economic and democratic progress is now impeded in 

many countries by violence and criminality. Reducing crime and violence requires a range of tools. The government increasingly recognizes the importance of prevention programs and investments in 

youth and communities. 

20

USAID is helping countries to draw on lessons from U.S. cities 

that have been so successful in reducing crime. Last year the 

USAID Administrator, Rajiv Shah, signed an agreement with Los 

Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to train Central American officials on methods that have worked in L.A. 

In South America, Peru and Colombia face security challenges of 

their own. In Colombia, our effort to help the government defeat 

guerilla groups and reduce drug production now includes helping 

the Santos administration implement historic land reforms and 

compensate victims of the conflict. In Peru, we are working with 

the government to expand a successful program that has helped 

coca farmers transition to legal crops. 

As violence and criminality emerge as threats to democracy, 

there are still traditional practices being employed to undermine it. 

To protect democracy we are ramping up our support for a wider 

cross-section of local civil society organizations. 

We carry out such initiatives because, as President Obama declared, ‘‘Our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf 

of those who long for freedom.’’ In the Americas nowhere is that 

longing for freedom more suppressed than in Cuba. Today in Cuba, 

the government not only imprisons Cubans who try to exercise 

basic rights. Alan Gross, a U.S. citizen, has languished in a Cuban 

jail for more than 3 years for helping people to access the Internet. 

Elsewhere in the Caribbean, hopes are rising despite considerable challenges. Haiti, where USAID invests the most resources in 

the Americas, is making progress in building back from the earthquake. Rubble has largely been cleared, the number of people living 

in tent camps has fallen substantially, and a new industrial park 

has opened. 

USAID is implementing programs to create jobs and boost the 

standard of living in Haiti. As we implement our programs, we will 

increasingly rely on Haitian institutions to carry out the work to 

help the country reach the point where it can lead and finance its 

own development. 

Haiti is particularly vulnerable to a phenomenon that threatens 

every country: Global climate change. In Haiti and elsewhere, we 

support political and business leaders to reduce and adapt to the 

effects of climate change. 

Mr. Chairman, this agenda may sound ambitious, but it is also 

achievable. Never before have governments, private-sector companies, and civil society in the region been as willing and well 

equipped to partner with us on these issues of mutual interest. 

Thank you. I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Feierstein follows:]

21


79582b-1.eps

MARK FEIERSTEIN 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, U.S. 

AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

Thursday, February 28, 2012 

"Overview of U.S. Interests in the Western Hemisphere: Opportunities and Challenges" 

Me Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the Committee: Thank you for the invitation to testify 

today. I am grateful for the Committee's interest in the U.S. Agency for International Development's 

(USATD) approach in Latin America and the Caribbean and pleased to have this opportunity to discuss 

the Obama Administration's development policy in the Americas. As always, I am eager to hear your 

advice and counsel as well. 

Early in his first term, President Obama reminded us that the purpose of development is to help 

countries reach the point at which they no longer need foreign assistance. Secretary Kerry echoed this 

sentiment last week when he noted that, "Our goal is to use assistance and development to help nations 

realize their own potential, develop their own ability to govern and become our economic partners." Tn 

much of Latin America and the Caribbean, we are well on our way to achieving the USATD goal of 

largely graduating countries in the region from foreign assistance by 2030. Thanks to sensible policies 

advanced by leaders in the region and smart investments by USATD and other donors, economies are 

growing, fewer people live in poverty, citizens are healthier and better-educated, and voters are better 

represented by their elected leaders 

The days in which USATD provided direct assistance -like vaccinations and food aid - in Latin 

America and the Caribbean are largely over. Today, our principal role is to strengthen the capacity of 

countries to provide for their own people. We serve as catalysts - for foreign governments, the private 

sector, and civil society - to deepen and improve their ability to better people's lives. Tn the Americas, 

as throughout the world, USAID is employing new approaches to accelerate this process 

Historically, USATD has hired large contractors to provide assistance or training in foreign countries. 

That model produces results, but it also can perpetuate dependence on foreign aid, rather than enhance 

the capacity of countries to drive their own development. We are therefore increasingly channeling 

resources through institutions in foreign countries so that we not only raise short-term economic and 

political standards, but leave behind entities that are better equipped to oversee development programs 
22


79582b-2.eps

on their own. Tn Guatemala, for example, local organizations rather than foreign contractors are now 

implementing our signature agricultural project Programs like these will translate into savings for 

USATD, and the American taxpayer, and more sustainable developments gains 

The most important source of development funding for nearly any country is not USATD, or any other 

donor, but internally generated revenue. Absent sufficient host country funding, donors alone will not 

produce sustained prosperity and opportunity. That is why we are initiating new programs to help 

national and local governments raise revenue. In El Salvador and Honduras, municipal governments are 

not only on the frontlines in battling gangs and drug trafficking organizations; they are also on the hook 

to pay for it We, therefore, created a competition among cities and towns to improve its revenue 

collection. Winners receive modest subsidies from USATD to finance programs to reduce crime. Tn 

Haiti, where local governments are similarly cash-strapped, we piloted a tax collection program that 

enabled a mid-sized city to improve its revenue collection by 500 percent We are now working with 

the Government of Haiti to replicate this model nationally 

To supplement tax revenue, the private sector is adding its financial muscle and business expertise to 

promote development USATD is increasingly partnering with private companies !O supplement our 

assistance, create durable local enterprises and deliver long-term development dividends. The roster of 

companiesjoining USATD efforts reads like a Who's Who of the Fortune 500 WalMart, Cisco, Coca 

Cola, Intel, Kimberly Clark, Chevron, Qualcomm al1d Microsoft, to name a rew In the Mexican cities 

of Ciudad Juarez, }vionterrey and Tijuana, Cisco and Intel are trainjng at-risk youth from tough 

neighborhoods for productive employment in the technology and construction ficlds Local private 

sector companies are stepping up as welL Two weeks ago in EI Salvador, T announced the largest 

public-private partnership with local companies in USAID history to reduce crime in 50 communities 

As we succeed in creating the conditions under \vhich foreign assistance is no longer necessary, the 

family of donor nations will grow. Countries where US AID made significant investmems in the past, 

such as Chile and Brazil, are now collaborating ,vith us in third countries. Chile is sharing its 

agricultural expertise with Paraguay and Guatemala and is exploring doing the same with the Dominican 

Republic, and Brazil is extending its agricultural innovations to Haiti, Honduras and Mozambique We 

plan to pursue similar arrangements with other countries, such as Colombia and Mexico, which have 

valuable lessons 10 share in other sectors. 

These four approaches - strengthening local capacity; mobilizing local revenue; leveraging private 

sector re~ources; and collaborating with Olher d01lOfS - were once novel. but are now simply how 

liSAID does its business. They will make us more successful, more quickly, as we advance the 

Administration's development priorities 
23


79582b-3.eps

Just as our approach to advancing development has changed, the nature of the development challenge in 

the Americas has evolved as well. Continued economic progrcs5 is no\v impeded in many countries by a 

wave of violence and criminality. Economists point to crime as a leading obstacle to economic growth, 

while advocates for democracy and human rights "'C increasingly concerned about the extent to ,vbich 

criminal groups are penetrating government institutions or threatening freedom of expresslon. At 

USAID, we have concluded that if crime and violence arc not reduced, the success of our development 

programs will be limited. 

Reducing crime and violence requires a range of tools, but governments in the region are increasingly 

recognizing tha1 prevention programs and investments in youth and communities must be a central part 

of the strategy. Countries that had tried heavy-handed mana dura, or iron fist, tactics now embrace 

programs like job training for at-risk youth, community policing, the establishment of safe urban spaces 

and juvenile justice refonn. President Porfirio "Pepe" Lobo of Honduras has declared 20\3 the Year of 

Prevention, and he and his Central American counterparts recently summoned leaders of the USAIDsupported Central American Youth Movement Against Violence to solicit their recommendations for 

fighting crime 

USAID is also helping countries in the region to draw on lessons from U.S cities that have been 

successful in reducing crime. Last year, USATO Administrator Rajiv Shah signed an agreement with 

Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to train certain Central American officials on methods that 

have worked in Los Angeles, particularly in preventing youth from joining gangs. Ot1lcials with the 

Cure Violence, formerly Cease Fire, program in the United States are also collaborating with USAID in 

the region to train outreach workers in urban areas to interrupt potential violence. 

It is early yet, but we are already seeing signs that our programs are working. In El Salvador, 

municipalities where USAID is implementing crime prevention programs are experiencing declines in 

crime. Mexican states that are transitioning to the more open and transparent oral accusatorial system 

with USAID assistance are prosecuting criminals at higher rates and reducing excessive pre-trial 

detention. In Jamaica, police attribute a dramatic drop in major crime in a particularly violent area to a 

USAID community-oriented policing program 

In South America, Peru and Colombia face their own security challenges that are curbing inclusive 

economic growth. Illegal groups engage in violence against the state and citizens, traffic in drugs, and 

market illegal timber. In Colombia, our decade long effort to help the government defeat guerrilla 

groups, reduce drug production and consolidate a civilian presence in fonner conflict zones is now also 

focused on helping the Santos Administration implement historic land reforms and compensate victims 

of the conflict If the Colombia Government reaches a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas, we 

will be prepared to help implement the accord In Peru, we are working with the government to expand 
24


79582b-4.eps

a successful regional program that has helped coca fanners transition to legal crops and effectively 

eliminate coca production in one zone of the country 

The beneficiaries of these security programs are not only in Latin America and the Caribbean USAlD's 

programs enhance security in this country. Coca grown in South America and transited as cocaine to the 

United States contributes to violence and dmg addiction in our towns and cities a.nd saps the social and 

economic vitality of our communities. Gangs operating in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean 

have bases in our communities too. 

As violence and criminality emerge as threats to democracy in the region, there are still more traditional 

practices being employed to undermine democracy, albeit in a more sophisticated manner than in the 

past. Actions that had seemingly been relegated to the history books - electoral fraud, unconstitutional 

breaches of power, intimidation of human rights defenders, harassment of civil society and restrictions 

on the press - are occurring more frequently in some countries. To empower citizens to push back 

against these encroachments, we are ramping up our support for a wider cross section oflocal civil 

society organizations. In the coming months, for example, we will launch a new program to protect 

beleaguered journalists and assist them in reaching wider audiences 

We carry out such initiatives because, as President Obama declared in his second inaugural address, 

"our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf ofthose who long for freedom." In the 

Americas, nowhere is that longing for freedom more suppressed than in Cuba. USATD continues to 

support Cubans who desire to exercise the most basic internationally recognized rights - express an 

opinion without fear of retribution; vote in a free election; infonn oneself, including via the internet. 

This program had faced administrative challenges in years past, but last month the GAO issued a report 

free ofrecommendations for USATD and noted improvements under this Administration 

Today in Cuba, the government not only imprisons Cubans who try to exercise their internationally 

recognized rights; it targets foreigners as well. Alan Gross, a U. S. citizen and resident of Maryland, has 

languished in a Cubanjail for more than three years for helping a small community of Jews on the island 

to access the internet. As nearly every country in the world races to take advantage oftechnolo;;y to 

benefit its citizens, the Government of Cuba erects barriers to progress. But those barriers cannot stand. 

Elsewhere in the Caribbean hopes are rising despite considerable challenges. Haiti, where USAID 

invests the most resources in the Americas, is making notable progress in building back from one of the 

most destructive earthquakes in history. Rubble from the quake has largely been cleared, the number of 

people living in camps has fallen substantially, and a new industrial park with the potential for 65,000 

new jobs has opened on the country's northern coast. A recent health survey shows health standards 

4 
25


79582b-5.eps

improving, with the prevalence of underweight children decreasing and the share who are fully 

vaccinated rising 

USAID is in the midst of implementing a five-year strategy designed to create jobs and boost the 

standard ofEving in Haiti. With more than 60 percent of Haiti ans reliant on agriculture for income, 

USAID will help boost the productivity and incomes of more than 100,000 small-scale farmers. To 

accelerate the job-creating potential of local small and medium enterprises, we are providing seed 

capital and financing options. To make the country more attractive to investment, we continue to invest 

in upgrades to roads and utilities 

To be sure, there is much more to do in Haiti No country, especially one of the poorest in the world, 

can rebuild in three years following an earthquake that kills more than 2 percent of its population, 

injures 3 percent, displaces 15 percent more into camps, and damages every government ministry but 

one. 

As we implement our programs, USAlD will increasingly rely on Haitian institutions to carry out the 

work. Our goal in Haiti, as it is everywhere, is to help the country reach the point where it can lead and 

finance its own development. We plan to provide fewer funds to non-Haitian NGOs to deliver services 

and invest instead in strenb1hening the capacity of key state institutions, like the Ministries of Health and 

Finance, to receive and coordinate donor assistance and provide services 

We have learned from experience that donors and the Haitian government need to be ready to manage 

unexpected obstacles to our work. Already since the earthquake, Haiti has confronted a cholera 

epidemic that has killed almost 8,000 people and devastating rains and a drought that set back 

agriculture production yields that, with USAID assistance, had risen by as much as fourt'old. Today, up 

to 3 million Haitians are at risk of hunger because ofthe destruction to farmland wrought by weatherrelated disasters coupled with rising global f'ood prices. US AID has reacted quickly, providing 

emergency food supplies, as well as agricultural inputs to thousands of farmers. 

It will be important to avoid man-made crises and manufactured obstacles to development as well As 

significant as our role and that of other donors in Haiti, creating the conditions under which businesses 

of all sizes can thrive and create jobs in the long term depends upon Haiti's leaders. Only Haitian 

politicians can form the electoral council needed to call elections to fill critical vacant positions. Only 

the Haitian government can name justices to ensure the rule of law. Only Haitian legislators can pass 

pending legislation to facilitate investment and fight money laundering. 

Haiti is particularly vulnerable to a phenomenon that threatens every country in one way or anotherglobal climate change. President Obama recently reminded us that we betray our children and future 

generations if we do not act to stem the impact of changes in climate. As he noted, "some may deny the 
26


79582b-6.eps

overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires and 

crippling droughts and more powerful storms." 

In Haiti and elsewhere in the region, we are supporting political and business leaders to reduce, and 

adapt to, the wide-ranging effects of global climate change. Powerful hurricanes in the Caribbean 

damage crucial infrastructure and wipe out food supplies; unseasonable shifts in temperature and rainfall 

damage lucrative export crops in Central and South America; and extended torrential rains in the 

Southern Cone flood farm and ranch lands and displace thousands of people. The increasing frequency 

of these events is putting greater and greater pressure on countries' already stretched budgets. 

USAID's work on global climate change in the Americas is twofold. First, we help countries that are 

significant contributors to global climate change to reduce their carbon emissions. In Mexico, Colombia 

and Guatemala we are providing advice on economic strategies that promote rapid economic growth 

while advancing industries and measures that produce fewer emissions. In countries across the region, 

we are helping to reduce the rate of deforestation, a principal cause of carbon emissions 

Second, we assist countries that are particularly vulnerable to the impact of climate change to adapt to 

the effects. In the Eastern Caribbean, we are helping local communities and authorities upgrade critical 

infrastructure to protect potable water supplies. In the Andean region where millions of people, 

agriculture and industry are dependent on glaciers for water, we are helping to counter the negati ve 

effects of glacial melt. 

Just as in the effort to enhance citizen security, we are collaborating with the private sector to address 

climate change. Together with the international reinsurance company, SwissRe Americas, we are 

designing weather-indexed crop insurance for small farmers in the Dominican Republic. To preserve 

valuable forests, offset carbon emissions, and help local communities to make a legal living, we are 

partnering with Bunge Limited, an international agribusinesses company, to support small-scale cacao 

production 

The beneficiaries of these programs include of course citizens of our own country When neighboring 

countries employ clean energy and preserve their forests, our air and rivers are cleaner. When other 

countries are able to prepare for and respond to extreme weather events, the United States is not called 

upon to provide costly reconstruction and humanitarian assistance. 

Mr. Chainnan, this USATD agenda for the Americas - enhancing citizen security to promote inclusive 

economic growth, supporting democracy, rebuilding Haiti, and reducing global climate change - may 

sound ambitious. But it is also achievable. Never before have the governments, private sector 

companies, and civil society in the region been as willing and as well-equipped to partner with us, and 

lead, on these issues of mutual interest. The day in which foreign assistance ceases to be part of the 

reb'lliar parlance of U.S.-Latin American relations should not be that far off. 

Thank you. I look forward to your questions 
27

Mr. SALMON. Thank you both very much. I would like to now 

yield myself 5 minutes to ask my questions, and then we will proceed with those that arrived in order of attendance along with seniority. 

Assistant Secretary Jacobson, you mentioned in your testimony 

that the administration hoped to conclude negotiations in the 

Trans-Pacific Partnership expeditiously, and I hope that is the 

case. Can you tell us, though, how, if at all, will the negotiations 

for our Trans-Pacific Partnership affect the rules governing 

NAFTA? Could you submit that in writing, and maybe not answer 

it right now? Maybe just submit that in writing, because I do have 

a couple of other questions maybe I would like to get to. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE MATT SALMON

The inclusion of Canada and Mexico in the TPP provides the United States with 

an opportunity to work with two of our largest trading partners to shape a new, 

high-standard trade agreement for the 21st century. We are seeking in the TPP to 

include commitments on new and emerging issues, as well as commitments that go 

beyond the NAFTA in such priority areas as labor and environment—which is one 

of the many important benefits of including Mexico and Canada in TPP. The relationship between TPP and other agreements, including NAFTA, is a subject of discussion among the TPP negotiating partners. Our goal is to ensure a trading regime 

that provides for the most favorable treatment of goods, services, and investments.

Mr. SALMON. What opportunities do you see for greater U.S.-

Mexican energy cooperation, and how might the U.S.-Mexico 

Transboundary Hydrocarbons Agreement on managing resources in 

the Gulf of Mexico advance that cooperation? And does the Obama 

administration plan to seek congressional approval of the Agreement this fiscal year? 

And then one other question: I am concerned that the administration continues to block the full construction of the Keystone XL 

pipeline when the economic benefits that would result from the 

completion of the pipeline have been very well supported and just 

really make sense intuitively. I really have not seen any overwhelming or compelling evidence that we would face catastrophic 

climate change as a result of the pipeline, but I have seen evidence 

that the project will create a lot of jobs at a time when we sure 

could use a lot of jobs. 

The State Department is heading the review of the pipeline, so 

I am wondering if you could tell the subcommittee where you are 

in the review process and whether we can expect approval of the 

project in the very near future. 

Madam Secretary. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and thank 

you for letting me off the hook on that first part of the question, 

enabling me to get back to you in writing, since I probably wouldn’t 

have done a terrific job on that one in specifics, orally anyway. 

Let me take the second part of your question on U.S.-Mexico energy relationship, which I think has enormous potential for 

progress and for exciting cooperation. 

The transboundary hydrocarbons agreement, which I was in 

Cabo San Lucas for the signing of last year, really was a breakthrough agreement; not really as much in what it may permit us 

to do, which I think is going to be very positive, but in demVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:57 May 09, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00031 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\_WH\022813\79582 HFA PsN: SHIRL
28

onstrating to both of our publics that we can work together on energy issues, including on oil issues. This is an area of the gulf that 

has long been left unexplored because there wasn’t legal certainty 

about such exploration. And what we were able to achieve with 

Mexico, I think to the benefit of both countries, is going to be incredibly important. 

So let me assure you that this will be coming in front of Congress. I hope that we can count on everyone’s support. And we hope 

to do that as expeditiously as possible. Obviously Mexico did approve the agreement last year, and so we are certainly hoping to 

do that as quickly as we can. We also think it has enormous potential. And I also think the relationship shows enormous potential in 

nontraditional nonfossil fuel renewable areas. There is more and 

more cooperation on wind energy, and cross-border wind energy 

which can supply our grid as well. 

So I think there are a lot of exciting projects going on, areas like 

biomass, solar, as well as wind, and the Mexicans have great interest in that, and I think there is a lot that we can do together on 

that front. 

Finally, on Keystone you are obviously well versed in the process. 

We are in the middle of this process. The next thing that will happen is the environmental impact statement. The supplemental environmental impact statement will be produced. I am hoping that 

that will happen very soon, and then we will proceed to the next 

stage of this process, which is the determination to be made thereafter. 

So we are hoping that that process will play itself out as soon 

as possible, but as the process is unfolding, I can’t tell you anything about the particulars of it, largely because I am not involved 

in the day-to-day of the production of the individual documents 

that will be part of the process. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you, Madam Under Secretary. 

Mr. Feierstein, one quick question regarding Haiti. With regards 

to Haiti specifically, but also in general throughout the region, 

what steps has USAID taken to mitigate the real problem of corruption when disbursing funds? Is there an effective vetting process, and how do you measure the extent to which aid is being siphoned off by corrupt governments, NGOs, or contractors? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. I 

appreciate that question. 

You know, in Haiti and throughout the hemisphere, we have 

mechanisms in place to assure that all U.S. taxpayer funds are 

managed, are administered appropriately, and we would not give 

a dime to any organization in the United States or any other country unless we are assured that they have those mechanisms in 

place. 

What we do is we do a vetting process in which we assess organizations, whether it is—or entities, whether it is a government, or 

an NGO, or the private sector. For those organizations that may 

not have the systems in place, we provide training. But we do understand that as we move toward funding or channeling resources 

through more organizations overseas, again with the goal of 

strengthening local capacity and accelerating the process of which 

they can take care of their own development, that does mean that 

29

we need to spend time putting in place those mechanisms, ensuring 

that all of these entities have the appropriate systems in place. So 

we are confident that we are doing that. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you, Mr. Feierstein. 

My time is expired. I recognize the gentleman from New Jersey, 

Mr. Sires. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

You know, as we head into a period where we are going to have 

to do more with less in some of these regions, I am concerned that 

we are going to have to rely more on the private sector going in 

and building, and promoting, and doing certain things in some of 

these countries. I am concerned about the corruption aspect of it. 

When we have American companies or American investors going 

into some of these countries and working with these governments, 

they get to a process, and then basically some of them are shaked 

down before they finish the process. 

I wonder if you could talk a little bit about the corruption in 

some of these places when you have the private sector investing in 

some of these countries. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you. I think you are reflecting, obviously, 

on a problem that we see throughout the hemisphere. It is not a 

problem that is exclusive to this hemisphere. It is obviously something that Americans and other companies confront in lots of places 

in the world. But it is an area that, along with many of our programs on security, the goal of which is to have a level playing field 

for everybody and access to justice, and to have institutions that 

are clean and not corrupt. And while we may focus on the impact 

of that on street crime, or transnational criminal organizations, in 

fact, that is critically important for private investment and for the 

private sector to do business in those countries. So that it is very 

important that we work with countries on improving their mechanisms for transparency, for openness, and for anticorruption measures. So it is a priority for us as a government, both in our assistance programs, as Mark laid out, but also in our dealings with governments on private investment and private-sector operations. 

We obviously work with American companies very aggressively 

around the hemisphere to make sure that they can have a fair shot 

at whether it is contracts or operating on a level playing field, and 

in many cases we are working with governments in the hemisphere 

to reduce corruption significantly. Countries are looking at how 

well they are doing in that area. As they look at a World Bank 

ranking for doing business or Transparency International’s ranking, they know that levels of corruption impede their own development. And so we are finding more and more partners in this fight, 

but it does not mean, obviously, that we have had complete success 

yet anywhere, even in the United States. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SIRES. Do you have anything to add? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Yes, sir, Congressman. 

I appreciate your reference to our need to do more with less, and, 

as a result, we are doing much more with the private sector and 

establishing alliances not only with the private sector in the United 

States, but also overseas. 

30

I was in El Salvador 2 weeks ago, had an opportunity to announce the largest public-private partnership in the history of 

USAID involving the local private sector. And that was with a consortium of foundations funded by the private sector in El Salvador, 

and we will be working in communities to help to reduce crime. So 

I think we are seeing both U.S. companies and countries in the region to step up. 

We are also seeing countries themselves recognizing they need to 

put more resources into development. In Honduras, for example, a 

new security tax was approved. Again, you know, these are funds 

that will be devoted to security. 

So I think that we are managing to leverage our funds in a considerable way. 

Mr. SIRES. And, of course, I could not let you go without asking 

a question about Cuba. Can you tell me where we are with Alan 

Gross? And let me ask the question, where we are with Joanne 

Chesimard? That is a big issue in New Jersey, as you know. There 

is a million-dollar bounty on her head in New Jersey. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman. And I wish I had a better story to tell you on the situation with Alan Gross. As Assistant 

Administrator Feierstein said, he remains in prison after 3 years. 

We have pushed very hard for his release. We believe his imprisonment is not warranted, and, more importantly, he has a situation 

which warrants a humanitarian gesture by the Cuban Government. 

His mother is 90 years old and has cancer. His wife lost her mother 

recently. He has been in prison while his daughter battled breast 

cancer. 

This is a story where a man should be sent home to be with his 

family, and we continue to push on that with allies and partners 

in the hemisphere on the Cuban Government, directly when we 

interact with the Cuban Government, and with others who have 

come to us and wanted to help. Unfortunately we have not seen a 

response yet from the Cuban Government. 

On Joanne Chesimard, you know that being from New Jersey I 

am very well familiar with the case, and it is an issue that we raise 

regularly with the Cuban Government. I raised it myself the last 

time I was there 2 years ago when we had migration talks, the importance we place on the return of U.S. fugitives in particular, 

those like Joanne Chesimard, William Morales, and others who 

have committed terrible crimes and should be returned to the 

United States. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. I think my time is up. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. The gentleman’s time is expired. 

The Chair will now recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr. 

Radel. 

Mr. RADEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

A question on Colombia. As I had said earlier in the opening 

statements, it is such a bright, shining example of cooperation, culturally, economically, between our countries. And the numbers are 

staggering. 

We have worked closely with Colombia to combat drug trafficking, terror activities, poverty. In about the last decade, we have 

seen achievements, such as a reduction of 90 percent in 

kidnappings and terror attacks, 45 percent reduction in homicides. 

31

Again, in about the past 12, 13 years, another positive development, the poverty and inequality have dramatically decreased. The 

population living in poverty decreased 44 percent in 2002. Again, 

huge decreases more recently as well. 

Are there any kind of lessons that we can learn about our relationship with Colombia, and apply them to other countries? One in 

particular, Mexico, we see the struggles and challenges that they 

are dealing with today. Do you see any kind of areas where we 

would be able to apply that? 

I will start with you, Ms. Jacobson. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman, and it is a great question. 

I think we do see many lessons. The issues confronting Mexico 

are in some ways structurally different than they may have been 

in Colombia. Mexico is also a Federal system, which Colombia is 

not. But there are many similarities, and there were clearly lots of 

things learned by Colombia during that period of time, things that 

work, and, frankly, things that don’t work and that you need to do 

differently. 

And I am very, very pleased that Mexico and Colombia have 

been cooperating so closely over the last number of years—frankly, 

sometimes with our help and encouragement, and lots of times 

without it—including training of police and helicopter pilots in 

terms of sharing information, because these are often organizations, as you know, that are transnational, not just into Central 

America, but on into South America. And so there is a great deal 

that can be learned. 

And I would particularly note that the Colombians have been 

doing an enormous job with Central America countries where they 

have been asked for help because of their success. And they can 

often do things better than we can, frankly, in terms of training, 

and the experiences that they have had. They have trained over 

14,000 police in 25 countries in the hemisphere. 

So we think that the investment that we made in Colombia and 

the cooperation that we develop is paying huge benefits in Colombians’ understanding how to combat some of these problems and 

continuing to work with us elsewhere in the region and in the 

world. 

Mr. RADEL. And you have to forgive me. I did have to leave for 

a second and come back. Could you produce your last name for me? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Sure, Feierstein. 

Mr. RADEL. Feierstein, got it. 

Mr. Feierstein, go ahead. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Okay, thank you. 

Well, First, it is an honor to meet a former journalist as well, a 

fellow journalist. And I also learned my Spanish in Mexico traveling through there. 

I think there are a number of lessons we can draw from Colombia. First is the importance of political will. The Colombians were 

clearly as committed as we were, obviously, to initially Plan Colombia and the programs that have succeeded since then. 

Another key has been the Colombians have put in resources 

equal to what we put in, really in many ways well beyond. And, 

for example, in the case of USAID, there are programs that we 

32

were fully funding at the beginning of this process about a dozen 

years ago, and now the Colombians have taken over. And it is really a model for us in many ways. 

I mean, also, in the context of the Colombia, you have seen very 

strong interagency cooperation within the U.S. Government. And it 

has been vital, for example, for USAID to work very closely with 

our military as well as the Colombian military to ensure coordination and collaboration as we help to extend the Colombian civilian 

presence. 

And specifically with regard to Colombia and Mexico, you know, 

I mentioned in my statement, you know, the example of Los Angeles in terms of their success in reducing crimes. But Medellin, for 

example, is an extraordinary success story, which not so long ago 

was, you know, seen as the drug capital of the world. A couple of 

weeks ago it was featured in the New York Times travel section 

as the place to go these days. 

So I think there is a lot to learn from what has been done not 

only at the national level in Colombia, but the local level as well. 

Thank you. 

Mr. RADEL. Yeah, just for the record, if I can get it in writing, 

maybe we could perhaps later focus on the growing influence of 

Iran in some of the open relationships we have seen with Venezuela in particular. We now see this so-called truth commission 

regarding the bombing of the Jewish Community Center in Argentina, that President Kirchner is now working with them. This is 

basically, in my opinion, adding insult to injury given that in 1999, 

Argentina had enough compelling evidence that INTERPOL issued 

arrest warrants for five officials tied to Tehran, just to get that in 

the record. We will get that in writing later. Thank you both for 

your time today. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE TREY RADEL

The Iranian government’s interest and engagement in this hemisphere has potentially serious implications for our security and that of our neighbors. The U.S. government continues to monitor the relationships closely, with a view to ensuring that 

violations of U.S. law or international sanctions are quickly detected and appropriate action taken. We also have an effective diplomatic strategy that has raised 

awareness and concern about Iranian activities with Western Hemisphere countries, 

and we can see the results. For example, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile voted with 

the November 2011 IAEA Board of Governors’ resolution calling on Iran to address 

the international community’s concerns regarding its nuclear program. Mexico and 

Brazil voted in favor of the creation of a U.N. Human Rights Council Special 

Rapporteur for Iran in March 2011. 

Currently, the focus of the Venezuela/Iran relationship is largely diplomatic and 

commercial. Both governments frequently discuss closer cooperation and have 

signed a number of agreements, but few of the joint initiatives and projects have 

been implemented. 

Where merited, the U.S. government has taken targeted action. In October 2008, 

the Treasury Department designated both the Export Development Bank of Iran 

and its wholly-owned subsidiary the Banco Internacional de Desarrollo for providing 

or attempting to provide financial services to Iran’s Ministry of Defense and Armed 

Forces Logistics. This designation prohibits all transactions between the designees 

and any U.S. person, and freezes any assets the designees may have under U.S. jurisdiction. 

In May 2011, the Department of State announced sanctions pursuant to the Iran 

Sanctions Act as amended by the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and 

Divestment Act (CISADA) against the Venezuelan state-owned oil company, 

33

Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) for its $50 million in sales to Iran of reformate, 

which is a gasoline blending component. The sanctions prohibit PDVSA from competing for U.S. government procurement contracts, from securing Export-Import 

Bank financing, and from obtaining U.S. export licenses for controlled items. 

Also, in February 2012, the Department of State announced the renewal of sanctions against the Venezuela Military Industries Company (CAVIM) under the Iran, 

North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act. The sanctions prohibit CAVIM from 

any U.S. government contract, assistance, military sales, or new export licenses. 

Our position on the AMIA bombing is clear and remains unchanged. For the last 

18 years, we and the international community have joined the Argentine government and victims of this horrific attack in seeking justice. 

Iran’s record of cooperation with international authorities is profoundly deficient, 

which raises doubts that its engagement on the AMIA case through the announced 

Argentina-Iran agreement will prove to be a means of achieving justice. Based on 

developments thus far, we remain skeptical that a just solution can be found by this 

mechanism. 

We understand the commission will comprise five members (two appointed by 

each country, the president via mutual agreement, and none allowed to be either 

Argentine or Iranian nationals) who will reportedly travel to Tehran to ‘‘interrogate’’ 

the seven Iranian nationals Argentina indicted for their suspected role in the bombing. The Iranian foreign ministry spokesperson said Iran had not agreed to the 

questioning of any specific government official. 

His comments directly contradicted the Argentine Foreign Minister’s repeated 

statements regarding the specific questioning of Iranian Defense Minister Ahmad 

Vahidi by an Argentine judge in Iran. 

Argentina’s Jewish community representatives—in AMIA and DAIA—stated their 

unified opposition to the agreement and their lack of confidence in Iran as a diplomatic interlocutor. On February 28, Argentina’s Congress approved the memorandum. 

A legal advisor at the Iranian foreign ministry told a major Argentine radio station that Iran’s parliament could yet reject the new Argentina-Iran memorandum, 

and appeared to indicate that the issue was not considered pressing and thus could 

well be put at the bottom of the Iranian legislature’s agenda.

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. The gentleman’s time is expired. 

I recognize the gentleman from New York Mr. Meeks. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Let me join the gentleman in saying that I, too, look at the remarkable work that has been taking place in Colombia from when 

I first got elected to Congress, when you dared not travel to Colombia, to where people are traveling to Colombia from all over the 

world. It is now you go to—Cartagena is one of the major destination vacation cities in the world. So you have to take your hat off 

to the people of Colombia when you look at their elections and 

where they are moving forward. It is just absolutely fantastic. 

The issue, though, that I do want to bring up because it was so 

successful when you look at what Medellin now is just unbelievable 

and how we have focused there, but we have changed the plan or 

Plan Colombia, agreed now to also help with making social change. 

And I am wondering can you tell us where we are with that? 

For example, you know, when I visit Colombia, not only do I visit 

Medellin, or Bogota, or Cartagena, I go to Tumaco; I go to 

Buenaventura; I go to Choco; I go to Cali, and some of these—the 

drug cartels have pushed out into some of these areas. There is—

clearly when I go, sometimes I have to take a brigade of police with 

me because for security reasons, and these people tell me that this 

is what they live with. So can you tell us where we are and how 

we are moving forward with the moneys that are now going socially 

so that we can make a difference in those areas? 

34

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman, and thank you for your 

continued commitment to Colombia. And I am going to let Assistant Administrator Feierstein answer much of this. 

But you are absolutely right. The Colombia program has to adapt 

to the reality and, indeed, much of its success, and now there are 

challenges that are different that we need to be addressing with 

the Colombian Government, which I believe President Santos has 

begun to address. 

But there is no doubt that Afro Colombian communities in the 

areas that you have mentioned still have a long way to go before 

they feel safe and before they have economic development that 

really brings them the benefits that we have seen in those macroeconomic statistics that are so positive. It is one of the reasons why 

we have a joint action plan on elimination of racism and working 

on Afro-descending communities with Colombia, trying to focus on 

small communities, how we can help with business, how we can 

help women entrepreneurs, and how we can help with protection 

issues. 

This is very much an issue that we work on with Colombia now, 

and one that I think we have to continue to commit to, as well as 

ensuring that we focus on in all of our programs—not just ones 

under the joint action plan, but in all of our programs—that we 

focus on these vulnerable communities as part of those recipients. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Thank you, Congressman. You raise some vital 

issues. In fact, our support in Colombia has evolved as the challenges there have evolved. The Santos administration is currently 

implementing some historic reforms, first in terms of land, to 

restitute land to those people who lost their land as a result of the 

conflict and have been displaced. And USAID helped to draft that 

legislation, is now helping implement that law. 

Second, with regard to victims, there is an effort to compensate 

the millions of victims in that conflict. And again, we helped to 

draft that legislation and are now helping to set up the entities 

that will carry that out. 

Specifically with regard to the challenge of Afro Colombians, we 

have a large program in Colombia. It has been ongoing for a number of years. We have just initiated a new part of that. But we recognize the special challenge that Afro Colombians face. 

You mentioned some of the places you have traveled to, Tumaco, 

Choco. I have also been to those. We would be delighted to show 

you some of our programs in those areas. 

We have very much focused on helping Afro Colombian communities to improve their governance. We provided some economic assistance to help them with their livelihood, and we have a strong 

human rights component in that program as well, because we recognize the special challenges that both Afro Colombians and indigenous people in Colombia face. 

And we are working, with regard to human rights, both with government institutions to help them to better protect Afro Colombians and others, but also with——

Mr. MEEKS. I don’t want to interrupt you, but I am running out 

of time, and I am really going to want to talk to you so we could 

follow up on that. You know, send me some of what we are doing 

in writing, but we have been working—and I know Ms. Jacobson, 

35

we have been working very closely, and so we look forward to doing 

that. 

But I just wanted to quickly raise, because I was just reading 

yesterday, a comment by—going to Haiti quickly—President 

Martelly, where he is talking about roughly 350,000 people still 

live in camps, and many others simply have moved back to the 

same shoddy-built structures that proved so deadly during the disaster; and that Martelly has said that the relief effort is uncoordinated, and projects hatched from good intentions have undermined 

his government. He said, we just don’t want the money to come to 

Haiti anymore. Stop sending money, he says. He said, let’s fix it. 

He says, referring to the international, let’s fix it. What would your 

comments be about that? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. You know, thank you, Congressman. 

One of the biggest challenges that we face in Haiti in the reconstruction effort is to find housing for the people who are living in 

tent camps, and there is some good news to report. You know, at 

the height of this, there were 1.5 million Haitians living in tent 

camps. There are now about 300,000. So there is still a ways to go. 

And USAID has done a lot in the area of housing. We are building 

some new housing. We provided some transitional shelter in the 

immediate aftermath of the quake. We have been supporting the 

government with some new mortgage-finance programs. We have 

had some housing-subsidy programs in place. 

But ultimately the real key is going to be to create jobs. And 

when we have done surveys in Haiti among those living in tent 

camps, those outside, everyone, including people living in tent 

camps, say their number one priority is jobs, not housing. And we 

can construct housing anywhere, but people won’t move to those 

places unless there are jobs, unless there are community services 

like health care and education. 

So we are putting a great effort now in trying to strengthen the 

Haitian economy. We have just helped to open a new industrial 

park in the north, which we anticipate will employ up to 65,000 

people once all the tenants are there. 

We have a very strong agricultural production program in place. 

We are reaching nearly 100,000 farmers, helping them to increase 

production, access markets both domestic and international. 

You know, certainly Haiti is challenging, but, you know, it has 

been 3 years since the earthquake, but this is a long-term challenge, and we have a long-term plan in place. And if we consider, 

you know, where Haiti was even before the earthquake and the extraordinary damage that was done, I think that the progress we 

have seen in the last 3 years has actually been quite considerable. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. The gentleman’s time is expired. 

I recognize the gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Duncan. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have got an opening 

statement I would like unanimous consent to submit for the record. 

Mr. SALMON. Without objection. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Thank you. 

I am glad Colombia was sort of the center of the focus today. I 

was down there last year to the Summit of the Americas in 

Cartagena, where I met the Secretary, I think, for the first time. 

36

And it was interesting to hear the conversation about the security, 

and FARC, and narcoterrorism. We were down there in August of 

last year as well looking at what the Air Assault Division and the 

money we talked about earlier the U.S. has helped Colombia with, 

the helos, and the helicopter training. And so I see some successes 

down there. 

But when the ranking member and I were in Cartagena, we met 

with the members of the Colombian Congress, and we asked them 

the secret of their success, because we saw prosperity, and this is 

what they said, I thought it was very interesting: Low taxes, government spending to—limiting government spending to 4 percent of 

GDP or less. Now, they have got some room for improvement there. 

I believe they could spend more on GDP. But 4 percent of GDP or 

less, and just enough government to support the free markets. That 

was what the Congressmen said in there. And I wrote it down. I 

tweeted it out that day, put it on Facebook, because that is what 

made this country great. So maybe we need to go back and take 

a lesson from Colombia. 

The area I would like to focus on is an area that was conspicuously absent in the written testimonies of Secretary Jacobson and 

Administrator Feierstein, and that is the issue of Iran’s growing influence and activity in the Western Hemisphere. 

The gentleman from Florida mentioned Argentina and the Reuters article today about Argentina’s Congress approved early on 

Thursday an agreement with Iran to investigate the 1994 bombing, 

and that is concerning me. I believe Iran is a growing threat in the 

Western Hemisphere. We have got the bill passed last year, Countering the Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act, signed by the 

President. 

So the question I have for Secretary Jacobson, have you personally been overseeing the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs’ 

implementation of the Iran strategy, and if not, who has? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman. It is nice to see you 

again. 

Let me assure you that I am overseeing that process, I think it 

is a very important process, but that our writing of the report and 

the strategy in response to that request really for me is part of an 

ongoing effort that I and the entire Bureau are making to make 

sure that we know as much as possible working with the Intelligence Community, and that we are constantly monitoring, being 

vigilant and responding to on occasion when sanctions are breached 

the Iranian activities in the hemisphere. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Okay, let me ask this: Has the State Department 

consulted with our allies in the region and other countries, and the 

partners, which I believe this is a partnership of our neighbors 

here in this hemisphere to assess this threat and counter that. So 

what are we doing with Nicaragua, and Honduras, and Argentina, 

and Paraguay, and Uruguay on this issue? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you. 

In fact, a big part of what we think is critical in responding to 

Iranian activities is working with the other countries in the hemisphere both to ensure that we can both evaluate the threats, see 

how we see it. If there are differences in how we evaluate it, if 

there is information that we can share, we can do that. That is not 

37

always possible. But also that we make sure that they understand 

our view on this, and that they understand, you know, how they, 

too, can detect and monitor, if you will, themselves, because some 

countries are concerned that they may not have the same information that we do. 

So we do have conversations with all of our partners in the hemisphere and, frankly, anyone who wishes to talk about that subject 

with us to monitor actively the Iranians’ activities. There obviously 

are also a lot of diplomatic agreements and activities that Iran 

signs in the hemisphere, most of which, I have to say, seem not to 

be coming to fruition, seem not to be delivered on. 

So we have active conversations with leaders in the hemisphere 

about this issue. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Well, I appreciate that. I look forward to the report, 

and I look forward to this committee having a hearing based on 

that report and possibly traveling down to see the implementation 

in the Western Hemisphere. 

Just one final thing, and this is for Administrator Feierstein. 

With ICE’s recent release of the detainees, how do you expect this 

action to be viewed by the South and Central American countries? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. I am sorry, can you please repeat the question? 

Mr. DUNCAN. ICE released a bunch of illegal aliens this week 

due to sequestration. So how do you think that is going to be 

viewed by our neighbors? 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. I think that issue might fall beyond the purview 

of USAID. You know, we do have a program in place in Haiti, for 

example. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Well, let me redirect, then, my time to the Secretary. 

Ms. JACOBSON. To the best of my knowledge, these were not 

criminal detainees. I don’t know how countries—I don’t think they 

have responded to that release. Obviously I think ICE as well as 

other agencies in the U.S. Government are doing everything they 

can under tough budget circumstances to ensure national security 

is maintained. But I don’t know that we have seen a formal response from countries or that they will have a strong reaction to 

it. 

Mr. DUNCAN. Thank you. I yield back. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. The gentleman’s time is expired. 

The Chair will now recognizes the gentleman from American 

Samoa Mr. Faleomavaega. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I am impressed by the fact that 40 percent of U.S. exports to the 

world goes to the Western Hemisphere. And I also want to say that 

I am impressed with all of the accomplishments, the high technology, and everything there is that is making our relationship 

with the Western Hemisphere a dynamic one. But correct me if I 

am wrong, are there about 500 million people that live in the Western Hemisphere? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think we are nearing 1 billion, including the 

United States and Canada. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. A billion. No, no, no, don’t include the U.S., 

because the U.S. alone is 320 million, so——

Ms. JACOBSON. Right. In Latin America it is over 600 million. 

38

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Alone. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Yes. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I sound somewhat simplistic in talking 

about populations. But you are suggesting the whole Western 

Hemisphere is about a billion people. And out of that number 

would it be safe for me to say that maybe perhaps 200 million are 

indigenous Indians? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I am not sure I know that. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Can you provide that for the record? I would 

deeply appreciate that. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Certainly, sir. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA

Based on estimates published by international and non-governmental organizations that focus on the region, the indigenous population in Latin America and the 

Caribbean numbers around 40 or 50 million and makes up between 8 and 11 percent of the population. Bolivia, Peru, Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, and Ecuador 

have the largest indigenous populations in Latin America. In addition, Canada’s indigenous population numbers approximately 1.2 million. 

Census information related to indigenous populations in Latin America is often 

difficult to verify due to: the lack of census surveying in areas affected by conflict 

where large proportions of Latin American indigenous people reside; varying ethnic 

or race classifications for indigenous populations; and migration into cities or 

through porous borders.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. As I said in my statement earlier in our 

hearing, all the dynamics of the success in our trade, economics, 

political, and all of this, but somehow hardly anything seems to be 

coming through and to say, ‘‘What are we doing in dealing with the 

indigenous inhabitants of this region?’’

I say this because we have a similar situation. We have 565 Indian tribes in this country that we have to deal with, 5-point-some 

million people, and of all of the different groups living in our own 

country, the worst off in education, the worst off in poverty and everything else are Native American Indians. 

And I would like to ask both of you, do we have any kind of data 

or information as it relates to how these countries in the Western 

Hemisphere treat indigenous Indians, just like my friend here who 

is looking very concerned about the treatment of Afro descendants? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman. 

I think—I am not sure that we have a report or data ourselves 

that would reflect exactly the situation of indigenous populations 

in the hemisphere. I know that other international organizations 

and development organizations do work on that and probably do 

have data. I will leave that to my colleague. 

But let me just say that I think part of what you saw at the end 

of the first term, and certainly Secretary Clinton and now Secretary Kerry are committed to this—and maybe our shorthand is 

not appropriate, maybe it is not as understandable as it should 

be—is we talk a great deal and have moved on programs for social 

inclusion, and we talk about expanding economic opportunity. Let 

me be clear that what we mean by that is to populations who have 

not had access to that prosperity before. A big part of that are indigenous communities. 

39

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. All right. I realize there may be instances, 

too, when I raised the issue, and it has always been referred to as 

a domestic, internal problem that we really don’t have much a say 

on. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Well, I don’t think we feel that way. I think we 

feel this is very much an issue of our foreign policy and the relationship we have with these countries. When we talk about the 

ability to start a small business, or working with women’s organizations, or working with groups that have been disadvantaged, we 

mean working directly with indigenous groups. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Secretary, we may be doing this, 

but I am not getting a sense, based on your statements, in really 

addressing this very thing that I am saying. If you are talking 

about 200 million indigenous people, and the worst situation, in my 

opinion, the treatment of these people among all of the countries, 

I would say basically most of the countries in Latin America has 

been poor and shameful. 

Now, you can tell me if I am wrong on this, but, please, I would 

really would like to ask if you could provide for the record exactly 

what data, what information the State Department has on how indigenous populations throughout this hemisphere have been treated. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Certainly, I would be happy to. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA

Despite laws and policies that prohibit discrimination based on ethnic origin in 

a number of Latin American and Caribbean countries, indigenous people are among 

the most marginalized groups in the Western Hemisphere. They face challenges to 

full political and economic participation and access to education. These challenges 

affect poverty rates and educational attainment. According to the UN Department 

of Economic and Social Affairs, indigenous people are two to seven times more likely 

to make up the poor or extremely poor in countries such as Paraguay, Guatemala, 

and Mexico. The Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean reported that primary school attendance rates for indigenous peoples is lower than 

non-indigenous people in both urban and rural areas. According to reports by the 

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), indigenous people and African descendants in Colombia have been more vulnerable to attacks by illegal armed 

groups and more often targeted in extrajudicial killings than other populations. In 

a separate IACHR report on Honduras, members of the indigenous community have 

been subject to threats and intimidation, and, along with African descendants, experience higher rates of poverty than the rest of the population. The Pan-American 

Health Organization noted that indigenous Peruvian women experience a maternal 

mortality rate of 489 out of 100,000 live births, more than four times the rate in 

the population as a whole. 

In the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, the Race, Ethnicity, and Social Inclusion Unit coordinates bilateral action plans to promote racial and ethnic equality 

with Brazil and Colombia, and promotes similar initiatives in the region. We engage 

indigenous communities in Bolivia as they seek greater social inclusion and integration into political processes. Programs promote interaction between U.S. Native 

Americans and indigenous peoples, as well as counter negative stereotypes of Americans and build greater support for U.S. policies among the Bolivian public. The Department sponsored exchange programs between the Choctaw, Cherokee, and Chickasaw nations and Bolivian indigenous university students, educators, and entrepreneurs. In addition, through the College Horizons Outreach Program, we offer 

English language training, academic advising, and mentoring to increase opportunities for indigenous and African descendant high school students to pursue higher 

education. 

40

We have facilitated partnerships with U.S. Historically Black Colleges and Universities that benefit indigenous people, African descendants, and women, especially 

with academic opportunities in science, technology, engineering, and math fields. 

We facilitated technical exchanges with the Minority Business Development Agency 

and seminars aimed at helping indigenous- and Afro-Brazilian-owned business to 

take advantage of economic opportunity in the upcoming World Cup and Olympic 

Games. 

Our Pathways to Prosperity initiative promotes inclusive economic growth and 

shared prosperity by ensuring the benefits of free trade are equitably shared among 

all peoples. Through this initiative, the Department of State has supported entrepreneurship programs in Colombia with indigenous and Afro-Colombian women 

business-owners in Buenaventura and Bucaramanga, to expand their access to regional cooperation on economic development and competitiveness, exchange best 

practices on labor standards, and implement measures to ensure the sustainability 

of their businesses.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Especially on the areas of education, areas 

of poverty, economics, whatever it is that they have on this, because I seem to see a similar pattern in terms of how we are having problems in our treatment of Native American Indians as well. 

And maybe Mr. Feierstein can—oh, I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, I 

think I am going over my time. But maybe Mr. Feierstein can help 

me on this; 30 seconds, 20 seconds. 

Mr. SALMON. Okay. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Well, first, Congressman, thank you very much 

for raising the issue because it is absolutely vital. And you are referring to the numbers, and the numbers overall are impressive. 

And certainly if we focus on particular countries, you know, Guatemala, for example, Peru, Bolivia, and others, the numbers are overwhelming. 

We do have a number of programs in place that are, in fact, focused on indigenous populations, they may not be advertised as 

such, but, for example, our program in Guatemala working the 

western highlands, where we are focusing on poor farmers and 

helping them to produce, to help them increase production. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. My time is up. I hate to say this, but of the 

100,000 that want to do this educational exchange or whatever it 

is, I hope you include the indigenous Indians, who have the 

same——

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Absolutely. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA [continuing]. Because I am not hearing it. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I am sorry. I didn’t mean to go over 

the time. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. I thank the gentleman. 

I recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr. DeSantis. 

Mr. DESANTIS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Thank you all for testifying. I am going to ask about Cuba. I 

don’t know if you have covered that. I have been going back and 

forth with meetings, so please indulge me. 

You know, this has obviously been a major concern for folks in 

my State for a long time. The extent to which the Castro regime 

has upset the livelihoods of people, taken their property, infringed 

their freedoms is something that is very real to a lot of people in 

my State. It is something that I care about a lot. 

Obviously we have seen transition to the brother, and then now 

with this recent announcement that the brother was going to set 

a date when he would step down, and I am very concerned. I mean, 

I think Cuba has a chance to really do well if it embraced democVerDate 0ct 09 2002 16:57 May 09, 2013 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00044 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\_WH\022813\79582 HFA PsN: SHIRL
41

racy, if it embraced human rights, if it embraced free-market economics and turned its page on, you know, this 50 years of repressive rule. But I don’t know how the dynamics are shaping up and 

whether we are going to have an opportunity to shape that in a 

positive direction. 

So, Ms. Jacobson, can you give me your thoughts on how you see 

Cuba in our policy? Well, not necessarily our policy, but what is 

going to happen in Cuba over the next 5 years? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Congressman, I wish I had that crystal ball. I 

really do. It would be useful. But I do think that when you look 

around the world, you see countries that were closed for a very 

long time, which, frankly, have succumbed, have eventually opened 

up to the global marketplace and the global pressure for democracy, human rights, political rights. 

We don’t yet see that in Cuba. My hope is that the time is coming that within that 5-year period, there will be changes on the political side, because the changes that are being made now are not 

affecting political rights. They are on the economic side. And so my 

hope is that we will see some of that change in the next 5 years 

certainly. Our goal is to do everything that we can to ensure that 

Cubans have the right to determine their own future, to make their 

own decisions. 

Mr. DESANTIS. What is your sense of—I know that our Government has been involved in promoting democratic ideals amongst 

the population. You know, how widespread? Are those ideals something that the Cuban people embrace? I would imaging that many 

of them would like a change, but do we have any sense on, if there 

was an opportunity for new leadership, whether the majority of Cubans would be supportive of a freer government? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Well, I think, as you can understand, the first 

thing I would say—and my colleague is actually a better expert on 

polling issues than I am—but I would guess that, you know, the 

data that exists or that we have is not very revealing in terms of 

what Cubans may think privately and what they may wish and 

hope for. 

But I think all citizens, you know, globally want that right to determine their own future, want that right to be able to vote freely 

for their leadership. And certainly, that is our hope for Cubans. 

But I also think that increased contact with Americans, American 

church groups, American cultural organizations, Americans there 

in educational exchanges—and I would certainly hope that Cubans 

would be allowed to come and study here, which has not always 

been the case—I would hope that that would be helpful as well in 

promoting some of the ideas that have been universally accepted 

for democracy and for human rights. 

Mr. DESANTIS. Well, thank you. And I would just say, you know, 

and I will yield back the balance of my time, I think, you know, 

to have a dictatorship like that so close to our country, it is just 

a very sad thing that it has happened after all of these years. And 

we haven’t seen positive changes from that regime. They are politically repressive. They don’t honor any type of individual freedom. 

And, you know, I yearn for the day when we get a—where we get 

a better outcome there. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

42

Mr. SALMON. I thank the gentleman. 

I recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr. Deutch. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I ask 

unanimous consent that my opening statement be inserted into the 

record. 

Mr. SALMON. Without objection. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Secretary Jacobson, I wanted to follow up on this 

discussion of Cuba and get back to the exchange earlier about Alan 

Gross, the exchange that you had with Mr. Sires. You said that at 

this point, despite all of our efforts, we haven’t seen a response 

from the Cuban Government. 

What is it that we are doing? What is it specifically that we are 

asking our allies to do, those who have closer relationships with 

the Cuban Government? What is it that we are doing, and are we 

doing as much as we can to ensure that Alan Gross can become a 

free man? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman. 

I should, I guess, be clear about the response that we seek from 

the Cuban Government, which is the release of Alan Gross. That 

is the appropriate response. We have—when we talked with our allies and partners, including with the Vatican before the Pope went 

and others outside the governmental sphere, our goal and our request is the same: Please ask the Cubans to take the humanitarian 

gesture to release Alan Gross. That really is what we are asking. 

Can you help make that a reality? 

But in addition, frankly, we are concerned about Mr. Gross’ 

health, and we have repeatedly asked for the Cuban Government 

to permit a doctor of the Gross family’s choosing to examine him. 

So we have also asked others to help us achieve that. 

Mr. DEUTCH. I am sorry, what was the response to that request? 

Ms. JACOBSON. That has not been approved. 

Mr. DEUTCH. What kind of care is he receiving? Who has been 

permitted to see him? 

Ms. JACOBSON. He has obviously been seen by Cuban doctors, 

and he has been treated or advised in Cuba. There was an American who visited him not long ago who was a medical doctor and 

also a rabbi, but he was not a doctor of the Grosses’ choosing and 

really wasn’t able to do a physical examination of the sort that the 

Gross family would like and would reassure them that he was getting adequate medical treatment. 

Mr. DEUTCH. And of all of the requests that we make—and certainly, certainly, we believe he should be released. We can’t—there 

must be some way that, working with our allies, our partners, the 

Vatican, that at least on a humanitarian basis together they can 

convince the Cuban Government to allow a physician of the family’s choosing to come in to see him, to support what they claim is 

the case that he is receiving the care that he needs. I mean, on a 

humanitarian level that is not possible? 

There are all sorts of issues around this case that are frustrating 

and that are outrageous. But how it is that we can’t—that the 

world can’t compel the Cuban Government to at least allow a doctor in to see him? I don’t understand that. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Congressman, all I can tell you is that I share 

your frustration and your outrage, and it has not been possible up 

43

to date, but it has not been for lack of trying with some very helpful and, I think, quite powerful partners. 

Mr. DEUTCH. I appreciate that. 

Just to shift gears for a second, I want to—rather dramatic—I 

want to thank the administration for making the promotion—and 

you spoke about this earlier, Madam Secretary—the promotion of 

clean energy and environmental sustainability a priority for the 

U.S. and Latin America. 

One of the region’s most overlooked challenges, though, is deforestation, particularly in the Amazon rainforest. As 50 percent of 

the world’s plants and animals can be found in the rainforest, it 

is vital that the United States be a leader in helping to protect 

these valuable resources. 

So can you tell us more about the administration’s efforts to promote environmental sustainability and to protect the rainforest in 

Latin America? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I am going to speak in sort of more general policy 

terms real quickly, and then I would like to turn to my colleague, 

if that is okay. 

Obviously the environment—the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas, or ECPA, it now has about 40 or 45 projects. 

They are relatively small-scale. All of them are designed to move 

us to both clean energy, or to look at adaptation and mitigation for 

climate change. But among those are work with countries on promoting the reduction of deforestation and maintain habitat for biodiversity. 

We have also, obviously, opened conversations with our Brazilian 

partners, with other Amazon countries, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, 

as well as others around the hemisphere, on how we can do more 

cooperatively in global fora as well as regional fora on reducing deforestation. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Chairman, if Mr. Feierstein could have just 30 

seconds to respond? 

Mr. SALMON. Sure. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Thank you, sir. 

In the area of global climate change, we work both with countries 

to help mitigate the impact to reduce their carbon emissions. We 

also work with countries to adapt to the effects. 

Particularly with regard to deforestation, we do have programs 

in place, for example, in Peru, also in Brazil. Working with indigenous people. We have carbon credit programs in place, but also 

helping to train in terms of forest management to manage this 

challenge. But I would be happy to discuss these at length with you 

at some time. 

Mr. DEUTCH. I hope you will. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. 

We have a little bit more time, and we will try to get through 

a second round of questions for each of the members. We will probably be called to vote around 11:15. I would like to just ask two 

quick questions. 

One, may I ask each of you to provide the subcommittee with a 

preview of each of your Fiscal Year 2014 budgets? We haven’t seen 

the President’s budget yet, and we would like to get an idea of 

44

what your budget priorities are. And that can be submitted later, 

obviously. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE MATT SALMON

I cannot speak to the FY14 Budget numbers at this time, as they have not been 

released, but we are happy to brief the committee on this topic at a future date.

Mr. SALMON. But also, with some of the things that have happened in the last year, especially in other parts of the globe regarding Embassy security, I would like to ask a question. How do you 

feel about the security of our Embassies in the Western Hemisphere, and what potential needs do you have that we should address ahead of the curve? Thank you. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for that question. And I want to say that I think all of us post-Benghazi, if we 

weren’t paying enough attention before, we certainly are now. 

Whether it is focus on the ARB’s recommendations and ensuring 

that those are implemented not just in the Middle East, but globally, or a review of our own situation in every country in the world, 

we take this extremely seriously. 

I think we have legitimately recognized that the Western Hemisphere happily does not face the same level or the same kind of 

threat that we do in the Middle East, but we are never complacent 

about that, and we don’t mean that there are no threats. 

So we have reviewed all of our posts, we have talked with all of 

our Ambassadors, we have ensured that they have reviewed all of 

their emergency action planning to be sure that we are on top of 

these issues, and that when threats arise, that we take none of 

them lightly. 

We are lucky enough to have in many parts of the hemisphere 

buildings that were built either to Inman standards or are even 

newer. I am going to see our new consulate in Tijuana in the next 

couple of weeks, something that was long overdue because our 

Mexican border posts did concern us at one time, but there have 

been either new buildings built or plans put in place to rectify that. 

The other thing I want to say is I am very confident that in countries of this hemisphere, we have the cooperation of the governments, the host governments. Even in places where our political relationship may not be terrific, we have found extremely good cooperation with security services in order to protect our people. So 

we have been very confident that we can work together to make 

sure that our people are always safe, because that is our number 

one priority. 

Mr. SALMON. That is great to know that we are getting very, very 

good cooperation from the member countries. Obviously, that is 

paramount. So even with some of the countries where we have 

somewhat strained relations, such as Venezuela and Nicaragua, we 

have good relations with member countries on security. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Yes, sir. I think we have been very pleased with 

the response of those countries. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. 

I am going to yield back the balance of my time. The Chair recognizes Mr. Sires. 

45

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I read a curious article yesterday, I think it was in The Washington Post, where the Hezbollah was following the Israeli vacationers in Cyprus. I will get to how this leads into South America, 

and Central America and the Western Hemisphere in a second. But 

they were tracing these tourists in Cyprus. And there is a concern 

that Hezbollah—obviously Iran is training these spies to follow the 

Israelis as they go in different places, eventually, obviously, to do 

a terrorist act. 

I know that at the end of last year, we had the Western Hemisphere Act of 2012, which basically you are supposed to give us a 

report. Iran, had to combat Iran’s influence in the Western Hemisphere, and they are a growing influence in the Western Hemisphere. Can you talk a little bit about that report? Where are you, 

and when are we going to get this report in 2013? You know, I 

haven’t seen it, so I don’t know if you gave it, or maybe I just 

missed it. But I just thought it was curious that Iran is training 

this terrorist organization, Hezbollah, to follow Israelis into Cyprus, and I am just wondering if maybe they are setting the same 

thing up in the Western Hemisphere? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Congressman, you haven’t missed anything. We 

have not submitted that report. We will do so by June. I think it 

is in June when the deadline is for submitting it, and we are working on it now. I think that it is—you know, the most important 

thing for us is to make sure that we have looked at all of the information that we possibly can, and then that we react to that information in a way that is well founded, not downplaying any threat, 

but also making sure that we have consulted with our experts in 

both the security and the Intelligence Community to be sure we 

have, frankly, looked at the most credible information we can. 

I think that in the end what we are going to hopefully provide 

you will help you know what we are doing to respond to concerns 

that we may have, and where we believe there is no evidence to 

support some of the concerns that have been mentioned publicly. 

I do believe that a good percentage of the report will be classified, 

but I know there is an unclassified part required, and we will do 

our best to convey our actions in that, because, as I say, we are 

not complacent. We saw, you know, a bus bombing in Bulgaria. 

And so these things do have to be looked at, obviously, after the 

AMIA and the Israeli Embassy bombing in Argentina. We don’t 

consider anything impossible, and the Arbabsiar case of the Saudi 

Ambassador with the person from Mexico. So we will be getting 

back to you soon. 

Mr. SIRES. All right. Thank you. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. 

The Chair recognizes Mr. Radel. 

Mr. RADEL. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

We have been kind of openly discussing the challenges that we 

have with Venezuela and sometimes the rhetoric coming out of 

President Chavez there, whose health right now is in question. 

When we look at the possibility of a post-Chavez Venezuela, is 

there a role—this is directed, by the way, to Assistant Secretary 

Jacobson—is there a role that the United States can play, that we 

46

should play, possibly can play, in terms of ensuring free, fair, and 

transparent elections in the country of Venezuela? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Congressman. And actually, if I 

could, I think it is a question for both of us. 

Mr. RADEL. Great. 

Ms. JACOBSON. USAID has terrific election programs. 

I do think there is a role for the United States. In some ways 

there has always been a role with the Venezuelan people, and 

there will continue to be. We engage actively with Venezuelans of 

all stripes and will hope to continue to do so. We will talk about 

the importance of an even playing field, commitments that all of 

us have made in the inter-American system to open, free and fair 

elections. And I am hopeful that with a small amount of foreign assistance that we have had on the books for a number of years, we 

will be able to help in more concrete ways. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Thank you, Congressman, for the question. 

In Venezuela, we do have a long-standing program in place to 

support those who are advocating and fighting on behalf of democracy and human rights in Venezuela. We support civil society. 

These are nonpartisan programs. As Roberta noted, we have had 

electoral programs in place in the past and are prepared to do so 

in the future as well; helped Venezuelan groups to monitor the 

process to encourage people to vote; and we have also been supportive of human rights groups that have documented the human 

rights situation there, and we are prepared to continue those under 

any scenario. 

Thank you. 

Mr. RADEL. Thank you. 

I yield the remainder of my time. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. 

The Chair recognizes Mr. Meeks. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I have two questions. Number one, could you give me, tell me 

what the success is or the failures or the weaknesses of CBSI; 

whether or not, you know, they are having the social impact that 

we thought that they would have; whether it is helping, you know, 

combat drugs, et cetera? So if you could give me your opinion on 

CBSI. 

And secondly, give me your thoughts and your opinion on the 

progress of the negotiations between the Colombian Government 

and the FARC that is currently taking place. 

So those two. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you very much, Congressman. 

On CBSI, I think I would say to you that the jury is still out. 

There is a lot of work still to be done. I think we are making 

progress. 

One of the things I am most pleased about is the process that 

we have undertaken to implement programs through CBSI. It was 

slow in some ways, but that was because it was incredibly collaborative, coming together with that many separate Caribbean countries to decide what the priorities were and where the programs 

were going to be carried out, which also, I think, was important for 

sustainability, for governments to be doing what they thought was 

important as well as we thought. 

47

I do think that in some places we have seen increased information sharing; increased cooperation on operations, especially maritime; and some inroads that we have begun to make in whether it 

be reduction of caseload in the judicial area, or working with prosecutors and others in areas to improve judicial responsiveness. 

We have also seen a lot of effectiveness here of the donor coordination. Our own funds are not as large as we might like, but we 

have been able to partner with both the U.K. and with Canada to 

get extra prosecutors in, and to work with them to kind of leverage 

increased cooperation and make sure we are all working on the 

same areas. 

Mark, you probably have more specifics. 

Mr. FEIERSTEIN. Sure. In the case of CBSI, USAID is, of course, 

one of the many agencies responsible for implementing our programs. We operate in three areas in particular: First, supporting 

efforts with at-risk youth; providing education, workforce development to provide alternative and positive lifestyles for youth who 

might otherwise be lured into a life of crime. 

Secondly, we are very much involved in the area of juvenile justice reform. 

And then finally, also with regard to community policing, we are 

supporting a number of countries in that area. That is probably the 

area that we have seen the most success. For example, in Jamaica, 

we have had a long-standing community-based police assistance 

program where we have seen in the areas where it has been instituted murder rates, crime rates generally have had a dramatic decline. So we are hopeful in the coming years we will see a couple 

of successes elsewhere. 

Thank you. 

Ms. JACOBSON. And let me just say, Congressman, on Colombia, 

I think you know that our position has been to strongly support the 

Santos administration’s efforts on the peace process. I know those 

efforts are ongoing, and the talks continue. We hope that they will 

prove successful, it would be enormously important for Colombia, 

and we will do all that we can to support President Santos, who 

I think, you know, himself has said that he hopes things can move 

along; that he is looking for movement. And my guess is that like 

most peace processes, there are frustrations, and there are successes and gains. And we will do everything we can to support that 

process moving ahead. 

Mr. SALMON. I thank the gentleman. 

I recognize Mr. Faleomavaega. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Am I the last of the Mohicans? Thank you, 

Mr. Chairman. 

I appreciate your willingness to work with us on this situation 

dealing with the indigenous communities throughout Latin America. 

Would it be possible for the Obama administration to announce 

about 100,000 projected exchanges in education, that some provision ought to include to seek getting indigenous scholars? Because 

I have always said that this is probably one of the most important 

aspects if we are ever going to lift the status politically, economically, and everything of indigenous peoples, and that is through 

education. And I am sure Mr. Feierstein probably has a good grasp 

48

of that in terms of how the USAID program—I know I don’t have 

the time, but if I could get that information, and I will follow up 

on that as well. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Yes, absolutely. I just want to say that we have 

begun exchanges of indigenous students with students from American Indian universities in Bolivia and elsewhere. They have been 

incredibly positive, and we want to do a lot more of them. 

[The information referred to follows:]

WRITTEN RESPONSE RECEIVED FROM THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON TO

QUESTION ASKED DURING THE HEARING BY THE HONORABLE ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA

Although the Department of State captures a student’s nationality through his 

visa application, we do not ask students to identify by ethnicity or race. As such, 

we do not have statistics on the number of indigenous students or scholars who 

study in the United States. We do know, however, that minority and indigenous 

populations are generally underrepresented in study abroad overall. 

Through 100,000 Strong in the Americas, we seek to encourage greater diversity 

in international study on all levels—more diverse students, more diverse locations 

of study, and more diverse types of degrees and academic institutions. This includes 

creating more opportunities for indigenous students from Latin America and the 

Caribbean to study in the United States, and for Native American students in the 

United States to study in the Western Hemisphere. We are reaching out to consortiums of minority serving institutions, including Historically Black Colleges and 

Universities, Hispanic-Serving Institutions, and Native American Tribal Colleges 

and Universities, to promote a more diverse profile of students who participate in 

educational exchanges.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I was in Rapa Nui. I don’t know if my colleagues know where Rapa Nui is. It was last year. It is also called 

Easter Island. I say this because these are my cousins that live 

there. I am from the Samoan Islands. I don’t know who the idiot 

was that classified us as Polynesians. But anyway, we are people 

from the islands. 

In a very similar fashion, I wanted to know if you could include 

and make sure that opportunities in education are also given. And 

I have got some real good exchanges with the leaders of Chile since 

Chile has jurisdiction over the people of Rapa Nui. 

I want to break away just with a quick question, because this 

issues is going to be tied in quite closely in terms of the situation 

of the drug cartel situation between Mexico and the United States. 

Years ago I shared with my colleagues on the committee a statement made by one of the Presidents in Latin America to the effect 

that ‘‘if you Americans would just stop your high demand for drugs, 

then maybe there would be no incentive to supply you with this serious situation,’’ which has become a multibillion-dollar industry. 

And I believe it was 2 or 3 years ago that Secretary Clinton commented on the fact that if there wasn’t so much demand from the 

United States for drugs, then maybe we wouldn’t have the cartels 

and everybody doing this, which has become, what, a $20 billion industry now? Probably even more. 

And my understanding is that 85 percent of the guns, and I suspect most of them assault weapons, found in Mexico come from the 

United States. Does that make any sense? And there are some 

thousands of firearms businesses along the Mexican-U.S. border 

selling these weapons and, unfortunately, killing the Mexicans because of these drug cartels that have been going on. 

49

What is the status of the drug cartel situation between Mexico 

and the United States? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Congressman, thank you. And I do think that it 

has been very important that we have talked openly with Secretary 

Clinton and now Secretary Kerry, and certainly the President, 

about our responsibility in this; that shared responsibility really 

does mean shared responsibility. And that is why the administration has increased the amount of money that they have put toward 

prevention and treatment. 

It is also important to note that over the last 30 years, we have 

seen dramatic decreases in drug usage in the United States, and 

we think there has been progress on the demand side, but obviously more needs to be done. And ultimately that is the answer to 

this problem. 

In the meantime the cooperation that we have had with Mexico, 

obviously the situation in terms of the level of violence has been 

horrific and is not acceptable. But the pressure that has been put 

on the cartels in Mexico is showing, is making a difference in terms 

of their ability to operate, the costs they have to incur, but we need 

to continue working on that. 

The cartels have clearly fragmented into more cartels, more 

numbers, and ultimately we want to get to a point where law enforcement in the United States and law enforcement in Mexico cooperating together can ensure not that drug groups don’t exist, but 

that we get that level of violence and the level of drugs that they 

are able to move down to something that law enforcement can prosecute and handle. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Well, it is unfortunate. You are talking 

about 60,000 Mexicans who have died as a result of the drug cartel 

situation since 2006. That is bad. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I thank our witnesses for their 

testimony. 

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. 

And just to follow up, I don’t have a question, but I want to 

thank you both for your participation. I would like to summarize 

some of the things that you all have presented as well as some of 

the priorities of this subcommittee. 

Mr. Faleomavaega, in your last statement, you raise a very real 

concern not just with the United States, but globally with the drug 

cartels and the proliferation of drugs. In our conversations over the 

last few days, I am very encouraged that we are doing more to try 

to help the countries that are actually growing the drugs—the cocaine—to transition to other kinds of crops. And those are positive 

things. I think that——

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. SALMON. Yes, absolutely. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. They are growing it in California. Do you 

believe this? 

Mr. SALMON. That is right. 

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. You don’t have to go to Mexico. They are 

growing it in California. 

Mr. SALMON. I thank the gentleman. 

But also, you know, there are major challenges throughout the 

region, but also major opportunities. As we look toward fostering 

50

a healthier relationship with each of these countries, our desire is 

to try to work more closely with those governments and institutions, the NGOs that work with those governments in some of the 

countries that are, you know, kind of teetering a little bit on their 

support of that relationship with the United States, like Ecuador 

and possibly Bolivia, and see if we can kind of turn the tide with 

enhanced diplomatic dialogue and a presence, and a willingness on 

our part to try to stave off, you know, bad blood. 

Also, as we work with countries like Brazil, who have done so 

many things right when it comes to economic development and government reforms, there is still more to be done, obviously, but let’s 

praise the good and not always just single out the bad. 

As we look at Colombia, we see a phenomenal success story. 

Amazing things have happened there in the last 10 years. In fact, 

if you would have told me when I was in Congress before that the 

Colombia of today would exist, I would have called you a liar. But 

they have done phenomenal things, and we should praise that and 

try to foster future improvement of that government and that society. 

As we look at Mexico and the new administration that is in place 

right now, we are cautiously optimistic that some of the reforms by 

the past administration will be built upon, and that the fight with 

the cartels—the war with the cartels—will ultimately eradicate 

them and all of the terrible things that go along with cartels; not 

just the drug proliferation, but also the suffering of humanity. 

I think Mr. Faleomavaega correctly points out that there are numerous deaths that have occurred in Mexico because of cartel activity. And I have got to wonder aloud, is the illegal immigration that 

is happening in the United States, much of it from Mexico, simply 

due to the desire for economic prosperity, or is it due to fear over 

some of the terrible, horrific things that are happening in the 

streets of Mexico because of these cartels? 

And we need to do a better job, I think, helping Mexico move toward reforms, rule of law, and anticorruption efforts, as well as 

helping their government provide more and better economic opportunities for their citizens so that they can feel more comfortable 

staying in their country of origin and prospering economically and 

living without fear. 

And so, these are all things that we look at as we try to grow 

our relationships in the Western Hemisphere. This is not to forget 

Canada and the phenomenal economic relationship and ties that 

we have with them, economic ties that we have with them, and the 

very symbiotic relationship that we have toward economic growth 

and prosperity. Those are all important things as we look forward 

in this committee. 

We share the concerns the gentleman from South Carolina expressed about Iran’s increased influence in the region, and, as he 

aptly pointed out, there was legislation passed last year. We look 

forward to working with you, Madam Under Secretary, toward 

finding out how we are improving that situation, and I believe we 

will have future hearings that focus on that. 

And I thank you both for your wonderful testimony. We look forward to working with you, and look forward to working on both 

51

sides of the aisle. And without anything further, I will go ahead 

and adjourn this meeting. Thank you very much. 

[Whereupon, at 11:10 a.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 

(53)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING RECORD

54

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SUBCOMMITTEE HEARIl'\G NonCE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

u.s. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515-6128 

Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 

Matt Salmon (R-AZ), Chairman 

February 20,2013 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE CO:\1MlTTEE ON FOREIG.'! AFFAIRS 

Yon are respectfully 1"equested to attend an OPIlN hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to be held 

by lhe Subcommittee on lhe Westem in Room 2172 of the Rayburn Hou&e Office Building (and 

available on the Committee website at '0L.'in'i,LQ!~1ll1E!'!.1£tl.r§4lQll§~gm·r 

DATE; Thursday, Febntary 28, 2013 

TIME: 9:30 a.m. 

SUBJECT: Overview of U.S. Interests in the Western Hemisphere: Opportunities and Challenges 

WITNESSES: The Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson 

Assistant Secretary 

Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs 

U.S. Department of State 

The Honorable Mark Feierstdn 

Assistant Administrator 

Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean 

U.S. Agency for International Development 

NOTE: Witnesses may be added. 

By Direction of the Chairman 
55

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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MINUTES OF SUBCOMMITTEE ON 1 he Wc:;(ern Hemi,~pher."e ______ _ 

Day Thllfslli1L,"_Dat. __ -"O=2-'-1'-'8'--2=-O"-I"'3'--__ Room,_~2"'J'_'7_"2'_'R",H=O",B,--_ 

SIal'ling Time _Q:ltLa.11L--Ending Time ll:11a.m 

Recesses _ ( __ lo __ iC to ,"_"lL,"" "to )( 10 " __ ,_) L. (0 " 

Presiding lVJember(s) 

Chairman SalmO!I 

Check all ojlhejollmvillg (ltal apply: 

Open Session I2J 

Exemtive (closed) Session D Televised [{] 

TiTLE OF HEARING: 

Electronically Recorded (taped) [{] 

Stcnogrllphic Record 0 

"Oven'jew of U ... ,)', Interests ill the I¥estern Hemisphere: Opportunities and Clwllenges" 

SlllCOMMITTEE MI(MBERS PRESENT: 

HEARI~G 

Ie> 

Clwirulllfl Salmon. Rep. Duncall, Rep. D(!Sal1fi.'t', Rep. Radel, Ranking Afemher Sires, Rep. 1\4t!f!ks, Rep. 

f"({leomavtlega, {lfld Rep. Deutch. 

NON~St., SCOM VJlTTEE MEMBERS PRIi:SENT: (ll4ark with un * ~l the,)' l1r(! not memlwrs vj lidl c(Jf)lI'li/fee) 

NIA 

IlK,U{ING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attaclled? Yes EJ No 0 

«((' no" please Ji:a helow and include title. agency, depurtment, ur organi::::awJII) 

STATEMJL~TS FOR THE Rli:CORD: (List al!Y 81alemenfs submitted for (he record) 

Rep. Meek. - OAS Report - "Tire Situation oj People (/fAfricw/ Desce11/ inlhl! Americas" 

Chairman Salmoll - QFR 

Rep. Dim"",. - Qfll 

Rep. Smith QFR 

Rep. Fal('ol1lllvaega - QFR 

Rep_ flrulelu - QFR 

;;"tE SCHEHULED 'fO Rt:CONVENE ___ _ 

TIYlE AJ)JOURNE]) 11:1] a.m. 
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Rep. Jeff Duncan Opening Statement for WHEM Hearing 

"Overview of U.S. Interests in the Western Hemisphere: Opportunities and 

Challenges" 

February 28, 2013 

Chairman Salmon, thank you for holding this very important hearing. I want to focus on 

an issue that was conspicuously absent in the written testimonies Secretary Jacobson and 

Administrator Feierstein provided to this subcommittee - the issue of Iran's growing influence 

and activity in the Western Hemisphere. Last year, the House of Representative and the U.S 

Senate passed HR. 3783, the Countering Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act President Obama 

signed it into law on December 28,2012 as Public Law 112-220. This law states that the policy 

of the U.S. is: 

To use a comprehensive government-wide strategy to counter Iran's growing hostile 

presence and activity in the Western Hemisphere by working together with the U.S. allies 

and partners in the region to mutually deter threats to U.S. interests by the Government of 

Iran, the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the IRGC's Qods Force, 

and Hezbollah. 

This law also calls for the Secretary of State to conduct an assessment of the threats posed by 

Iran and its proxies in the Western Hemisphere and a strategy to address Iran's activity in the 

Western Hemisphere within 180 days. 

Last Congress, many Congressional committees held several oversight hearings on the 

threats posed to the U.S. through Iran's expanding intluence in the Western Hemisphere through 

its pursuit of economic, diplomatic, and security agreements; doubling its embassies in the 
57

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region; connections with drug trafficking organizations; fundraising operations of Hezbollah and 

lRGC agents, and increasing cooperation with the ALBA countries. 

This law received widespread bipartisan support last Congress, and we understand that 

the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs is taking the lead on implementing the requirements 

of PL. 112-20. As we have heard testimony that Iran's presence and activities in Latin America 

is asymmetric, we do expect any strategy to have a developed asymmetric response. We look 

forward to working with you on this critical issue. 1 yield back, Mr. Chairman. 
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Congressman Ted Deutch Opening Statement 

Overview of u.s. Interests in the Western Hemisphere: 

Opportunities and Challenges 

February 28,2013 

Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Sires, thank you for holding our 

subcommittee's first hearing of the 113th Congress. I look forward to serving on 

this committee. 

I am encouraged by some of the positive trends we see in Latin America. 

Strong economic growth has enabled Latin America to increasingly build a free 

market economy, combat drug trafficking, and lift its populations out of poverty. 

As a representative from South Florida, I remain extremely concerned 

about Haiti. It's been more than three years since the massive earthquake that 

devastated the country. As the sequester looms, I am worried about the impact 

these cuts will have on foreign aid for the region and on Haiti's recovery. If 

sequestration takes place, approximately 34,000 Haitians could lose access to 

food aid through sequestration cuts to Title II programming. Partisan politics in 

Washington is putting lives at risk in Haiti, and that is not acceptable. 

Additionally, I would like to recognize our special relationship with Canada. 

Not only is Canada the United States' largest trading partner, but they are our ally 

and partner in international security. I specifically want to thank Prime Minister 

Harper for his continued and unwavering support of Israel and Foreign Minister 

Baird for his statement at the UN condemning the Palestinian Authority's 

unilateral attempts at statehood in November. The Canadians also deserve 

recognition for annually raising and leading the Iran Human Rights Resolution and 

bringing the world's attention to Iran's abysmal human rights record. We are 

fortunate to have such a strong partner as our neighbor, and we need to 

acknowledge it more often. 

Thank you. I look forward to discussing the region with our panel. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Chris Smith 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

Ms. Chaya Weinberger, a constituent who resides in my district in New 

Jersey, is the daughter ofMr. Jacob Ostreicher, an entrepreneur from New 

York who went to Bolivia in 2010 to manage a rice growing operation in 

which he had invested near Santa Cruz. Mr. Ostreicher proved to be an 

outstanding rice grower. His operation was on track to becoming the biggest 

rice producer in Bolivia. 

Mr. Ostreicher was arrested by the Bolivian Government in Jlme 2011 on 

suspicion - but with no evidence that he actually committed the crimes - of 

money laundering and association with criminal organizations. He was 

thrown into the infan10us Palmasola Prison in Santa Cruz, a prison run by 

hardened criminals serving life sentences, where cocaine use is rampant, 

garbage and sewage line the streets, and murders are commonplace. 

Between June 2011 and December 2012 - over 19 months - Mr. Ostreicher 

had 30 court hearings on his case. On December 18th, he finally was 

released on house arrest where he remains in Santa Cruz today. Although 

members of his family have visited him, the separation obviously is painful 

and he has not seen his grandchildren for over 20 months. Tragically, Mr. 

Ostreicher has contracted Parkinson's disease, probably due to the extreme 

and sustained stress to which he has been subjected. 

In November, it was detennined by Bolivian otIicials that he has been the 

victim of an extortion network in the Santa Cruz justice system, and 

numerous government officials have been arrested in the case and 

imprisoned. 

I have held two hearings in my subcommittee on Mr. Ostreicher's case, and 

visited him twice in Bolivia. I also met with several Bolivian government 

officials as well as officials at our embassy in La Paz. 1 am convinced that 
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Mr. Ostreicher is innocent of the charges against him, and he is, as a retired 

FBI agent who investigated his case has described it, the victim of a 

government -sponsored kidnapping. 

But my reason for raising this case today with you, Ms. Jacobson, is not to 

go into the details about the gross injustice that has been and continues to be 

perpetrated against Mr. Ostreicher by the Bolivian Government. Instead, I 

would like to express my extreme disappointment and fmstration with the 

way the US. State Department is handling the case of this US citizen. 

In a statement submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee in July 2011, 

then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated that, "the State Department has 

no greater responsibility than the protection of US. citizens overseas -

particularly when Americans find themselves in the custody of a foreign 

government, facing an unfamiliar, and at times unfair, legal system." I could 

not agree more, and yet officials of the State Department have repeatedly 

demonstrated both a disturbing lack of understanding about Mr. Ostreicher's 

case and a refusal to advocate for his human and due process rights under 

both Bolivian and international law. T will only mention a couple of 

examples here. 

You may recall that 1 sent you a letter in June of last year asking you to 

publicly and assertively raise Mr. Ostreicher's case with Bolivian officials in 

the context of your participation in the OAS General Assembly which was 

held in Cochabamba, Bolivia. Unfortunately, you did not do so, though T 

was infonned in writing that you urged Bolivian officials privately "to 

provide a rapid judicial process and adequate detention conditions." With all 

due respect, these requests were absurd, given that Mr. Ostreicher had 

already been denied judicial due process for an entire year and had been 

detained under horrendous conditions for that period of time. They certainly 

did not convey to the Bolivian official any serious concern for Mr. 

Ostreicher's welfare, and actually ignored the traumatic abuses to which he 

was being subjected. 

The other example arises from President Morales's visit to the United 

Nations in New Yorkjust last week on February 20th. During a press 

conference there, the President was asked a question about Mr. Ostreicher. 

The President responded by referencing Mr. Ostreicher's "suspicious" 

fortune, and called on him to show in court where he got all his money. 

First, Mr. Ostreicher has submitted evidence that all the money he took into 
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Bolivia went through the Bolivian central bank, and therefore could not have 

been laundered. But secondly, the President ignored Bolivian and 

intemationallaw by inferring that Mr. Ostreicher is guilty unless he proves 

himselfilIDocent. Such blatantly misleading and offensive COlllillents made 

by the Bolivian President, only a few miles from Mr. Ostreicher's home, 

should have been met with an immediate public response and clarification 

from the State Department on Mr. Ostreicher's behalf. But no response was 

made. 

Mr. Ostreicher has now been held for nearly 21 months, in violation of 

Bolivia's own law, with no evidence presented that he has committed a 

crime. The State Department needs to start fulfilling its "greatest 

responsibility" and assertively defend Mr. Ostreicher's due process and 

human rights. Ms. Jacobson, how will you and other responsible State 

Department officials do so going forward? 

Answer: 

You correctly point out that we have no higher priority than looking to 

the treatment of American citizens abroad, particularly those who encounter 

legal problems. Mr. Ostreicher's case is a matter of significant priority for 

the Department. T have repeatedly - in writing, in face-to-face 

conversations, and in telephone calls - expressed our dismay at the delays in 

the case to Bolivian officials, and urged them to either bring charges against 

Mr. Ostreicher or release him. 

Mr. Ostreicher was released on bail December 18 and is currently 

under partial house arrest. Since your visit to Bolivia in December, our 

Charge d' Affaires has met with senior Bolivian officials to discuss Mr. 

Ostreicher's case at least 17 times and has had numerous phone 
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conversations with them regarding the case. Our Charge d' Affaires and our 

Consular Agent in Santa Cruz speak with Mr. Ostreicher often, at a 

minimum weekly. Mr. Ostreicher's wife thanked them for their dedication 

and the tremendous effort they have put into his case. I assure you that we 

will continue to press Bolivian officials to bring a just conclusion to the 

case. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan (#1) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

Given that the Chavez-inspired Bolivarian Alliance (known as ALBA) has 

been the gateway for Iran into Latin America, how does the near death of 

Hugo Chavez and the impending transition of the Castro's in Cuba affect the 

considerations being made when developing the Iran strategy required by 

P.L. 112-220? Do you expect the White House to adopt a more 

confrontational or accommodating approach to Venezuela in the coming 

months? 

Answer: 

The Iranian govemment's engagement in this hemisphere has 

potentially serious implications for our security and that of our neighbors. 

Iran has serially defied the will of the intemational community and is a State 

Sponsor of Terrorism. We and our interagency partners in the intelligence 

community remain vigilant of Iranian engagement in the Westem 

Hemisphere and have in place a robust strategy to counter it. We assess that 

Iran's principal motivation in its outreach to Latin America is to overcome 

its growing intemational isolation. At best, Iran has had limited success in 

that regard, in part because it has overpromised and under-delivered, 
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particularly in terms of its official development assistance to Latin American 

countries. 

Regardless ofIran's limited success, we take Iran's presence in the 

Western Hemisphere seriously, and have a three-part strategy to address it. 

First, we use traditional bilateral and multilateral diplomacy to engage with 

governments to ensure they understand the depth and nature of our concerns. 

This has produced solid results. In 2012, Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico 

voted for the IAEA Board of Governors' resolutions calling on Iran to 

cooperate with the IAEA and address the international COlllillWlity's 

concerns regarding its nuclear program. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, 

Guatemala, and Mexico voted in favor of the creation of a UN Human 

Rights COlIDCil Special Rapporteur for Iran in April 2011 and Argentina, 

Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and Peru voted to renew the Special 

Rapporteur's mandate in March 2013. 

Second, when appropriate, we use the very effective tools provided by 

Congress to sanction or designate persons found to be working with or 

helping Iran. In May 2011, the Department announced sanctions under the 

Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act against 

the Venezuelan state-owned oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), 

for $50 million in sales to Iran of a gasoline blending component. In 
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Febmary 2013, the Department announced the renewal of sanctions against 

the Venezuela Military Industries Company under the Iran, North Korea, 

and Syria Nonproliferation Act. 

Third, we continue to regularly engage with the intelligence 

cOlllinunity to jointly monitor Iran's relationships closely, to ensure that 

violations of US. law or international sanctions are quickly detected and 

appropriate action taken. 

We assess that the focus ofthe Iran-Venezuela relationship is largely 

diplomatic and cOlllillercial. Much of it was the result of former president 

Chavez's personal relations with Iranian leaders. Both governments 

frequently discuss closer cooperation and have signed a number of 

agreements, but most of the joint initiatives and projects remain tmrealized. 

Iran's military engagement with Venezuela has also been similarly nascent. 

Venezuela purchased from Iran a limited number of unarmed surveillance 

drones and equipment for explosive-related factories. The Venezuelan stateowned airline Conviasa previously operated a Caracas-Damascus-Tehran 

route, but the Tehran leg was suspended in September 2010 and the CaracasDamascus leg in spring 2012. Joint ventures that appear to have been 

completed only include a bicycle plant, car assembly plant, a cement plant, 

and several housing projects. 
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With regard to the Iran-Cuba relationship, both governments share an 

antipathy towards the United States. Other than taking similar positions in 

international fora, there have been few concrete results from their bilateral 

engagement. 

The Department, in collaboration with interagency partners, is 

working on a mandated report of Iran's activities and presence in the region 

under the "Countering Iran in the Westem Hemisphere Act of2012," Public 

Law 112-220. The report will serve to complement our frequent briefings to 

Congress on Iranian engagement efforts in the hemisphere and provide an 

opportunity for us again to outline our comprehensive strategy to confront it. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan (#2) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

Venezuela, Belize, Cuba, Bolivia, Ecuador, and other countries in the region 

have proven to have the ability to create fraudulent identities (passports) for 

Islamic radicals. What operational security measures are being put in place 

within our U.S. consular affairs sections - in conjunction with DHS - to 

mitigate this threat? 

Answer: 

Consular sections worldwide conduct personal interviews and collect 

fingerprints in the course ofthe visa application process to establish the 

identity and bona fides of visa applicants. All consular adjudicators are 

trained to understand local conditions and to identity fraud indicators in the 

visa application and during the interview. In addition, every embassy and 

consulate in the world has a fraud prevention manager responsible for a 

post-specific fraud prevention program. Most high volume posts also have 

an Assistant Regional Security Officer - Investigator (ARSO-T) assigned to 

the consular section. The ARSO-I is a Diplomatic Security federal law 
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enforcement agent whose mandate is to conduct criminal investigations into 

visa and passport fraud. 

To support the consular officers adjudicating visas, the Department 

coordinates the global collection of intelligence on possible terrorists and 

shares that infonnation broadly through the Visas Viper process. The Visas 

Viper Program is a mechanism to prevent terrorists from entering the United 

States by entering their names and aliases routinely and consistently in the 

Department's Consular Lookout and Support System (CLASS) and other 

lookout systems such as Customs and Border Protection's (CBP) Interagency 

Border Inspection System. This information is augmented by the full range 

of intelligence shared with the Bureau of Consular Atfairs and 

operationalized via CLASS system namechecks, as well as through 

fingerprint and facial recognition checks on visa applicants. 

We also work closely with Inmrigration and Customs Enforcement 

domestically and abroad and with other domestic elements of the 

Department of Homeland Security, such as CBP's National Targeting 

Center. We collaborate to ensure that once a mala tide traveler is known to 

any agency, be it by name, face, or fingerprint, it will be known to the 

consular officer adjudicating the visa. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan (3) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

How do you expect the Sequester to affect our ability to have a sustained 

and persistent presence with Latin American countries as a whole and to 

actively compete with bad actors (such as Iran)? Would you clarifY what 

exactly the political-military strategy for the region is? 

Answer: 

Our political-military strategy in Latin America seeks to strengthen 

the capacity of partner military personnel to control their sovereign territory, 

and participate in peacekeeping and coalition operations, while upholding 

the highest professional standards, including protecting civilian populations 

and human rights of all citizens. In some countries, we work with military 

institutions that are temporarily supporting domestic law enforcement, 

judicial actors, cOlllinunities, and civil society as they build strong 

democratic institutions that respond to the needs of citizens, prevent crime, 

prosecute criminals effectively, and maintain the peace. 
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The sequester will indiscriminately cut across the broad spectmm of 

the Department's budget. It will impact every appropriations account and 

program. Similarly, our partner agencies such as the Departments of 

Defense, Justice, and Homeland Security are finding their international 

engagement programs and operations must be curtailed or scaled back. 

However, the Department and its partners across the government are 

committed to mitigating operational risks, while sustaining our core national 

security, diplomacy, and development missions. Nor will we lose our focus 

on closely monitoring Iran's activities in the region, which is primarily a 

function on intelligence liaison. 

While we do not yet have details on specitlc sequester related 

reductions for Latin American and Caribbean foreign assistance resources, 

we are concerned about the potential impact of drastic cuts in many areas of 

our political-military engagement in the Americas. These include our ability 

to detect and interdict U.S.-bolmd dmg shipments and our ability to train and 

build relationships with law enforcement and military personnel, among 

many other areas. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan #4 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

T understand there is legislation in the Brazilian Parliament that is similar to 

the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-132) 

that was signed by President Clinton. I understand that the Brazilians are 

having some troubling implementing this law and could use U.S. advice and 

assistance. Can you explain what the United States is doing to provide help? 

Answer: 

We are not aware of any Brazilian legislation that closely resembles 

P.L. 104-132. In recent years the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies considered 

two counterterrorism bills pending in committee; one would deny visas to 

persons convicted or accused of a terrorist act in another country, and the 

other would provide the authority to investigate and prosecute terrorist 

organizations and prevent them from infiltrating Brazil. Tfthe Brazilian 

legislature passes this legislation, the United States will offer 

imp I ementati on assistance. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan (#5) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

There are currently 37 cOlmtries participating in the Visa Waiver Program 

(VWP). However, none of these countries are in the Western Hemisphere. 

Has the State Department been in discussions with the Department of 

Homeland Security to consider if any countries in the Western Hemisphere 

meet the requirements for VWP? 

Answer: 

The VWP is administered by the Department of Homeland Security 

(DHS), in consultation with the Department of State. Both agencies work 

closely together to assess whether a cOlmtry meets the statutory requirements 

ofthe VWP. DHS and State are engaging the Government of Chile on the 

program Although it has made progress, Chile does not currently meet the 

program's requirements, including not issuing e-passports. DHS and State 

have discussed the VWP criteria with the Governments of Brazil and 

Uruguay. While Brazil does not meet the statutory VWP requirements, we 

expressed a desire to continue to meet annually to discuss these issues on an 

ad hoc basis. Umguay does not yet meet the statutory requirements for 

VWP, but continues ad hoc discussions with DHS and State regarding its 
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efforts to meet VWP requirements. DRS and State look forward to other 

countries' participation in the program once they meet the requirements 

established through U.S. law and regulation. 
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Question: 

Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Secretary Roberta Jacobson by 

Representative Jeff Duncan (#6) 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

February 28, 2013 

Have you had discussions with DHS to expand the U.S. Custom and Border 

Protection's Global Entry and Trusted Traveler Programs to more countries 

in the Western Hemisphere? What responses have you received from DHS 

and/or any interested countries in the Western Hemisphere? 

Answer: 

The President's January 19,2012, Executive Order 13597 -

Establishing Visa and Foreign Visitor Processing Goals and the Task Force 

on Travel and Competitiveness, made expansion oftmsted traveler programs 

such as Global Entry a priority for the United States government DHS 

administers Global Entry, and we refer you to DHS for specific information 

on its efforts to expand it to other countries in the Hemisphere. We have 

worked with other governments in the region to include their citizens in 

Global Entry and to develop their domestic tmsted traveler capabilities. 

Mexican citizens, who have long been eligible for DHS's SENTRT tmsted 

traveler program on the land border, are eligible for Global Entry. The 
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Department of State, through Embassy Mexico City, has provided 

approximately $4 million in hardware and software to help Mexico establish 

its own trusted traveler program, which it calls Viajero Confiable. Viajero 

Confiable's systems are comparable with Global Entry, and ifthe U.S. and 

Mexican governments can resolve legal issues and establish data sharing 

protocols, the Global Entry and Viajero Confiable systems could work 

together to facilitate travel for citizens of both countries as they travel back 

and forth. 
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Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean Mark Feierstein by 

Representative Jeffrey D. Duncan 

Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations 

Committee on Appropriations 

February 28, 2013 

Question: 

How do you expect the Sequester to affect our ability to have a 

sustained and persistent presence with Latin American countries as a 

whole and to actively compete with bad actors (such as Iran)? Would 

you clarify what exactly the political-military strategy for the region is? 

Answer: 

As the President and Secretary KelTY have said, the sequester will 

dramatically affect our ability to advance peace, security, and stability 

around the world. EvelY appropriations accOlmt and progran1 will be 

impacted, and Latin America will not be spared. Sequestration could limit 

our ability to increase job-creating opportunities for American business, 

invest in global health, fight hlmgcr, reduce the threats of climate change, 

prevent conflict, and provide life-saving humanitarian assistance. 

While the impact of sequestration on programs and operations is 

unavoidable, the Department of State and USAID are conmlitted to 

mitigating operational risks, minimizing impacts on our workforce, and 

sustaining our core national security, diplomacy, and development missions. 
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Tn the Americas, this means we will continue to prioritize resources for 

reconstruction and development in Haiti, citizen security programming 

through the Central America Regional Security Initiative and the Caribbean 

Basin Security Initiative, and environment programs that help countries 

reduce their carbon emissions and mitigate the effects of climate change 

We defer to the State Department with respect to the questions of 

political-military strategy and Iran.