Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Cuba, September 2006 

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COUNTRY PROFILE: CUBA 

September 2006 

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COUNTRY 

Formal Name: Republic of Cuba (República de Cuba). 

Short Form: Cuba. 

Term for Citizen(s): Cuban(s). 

Capital: La Habana (Havana). Term for residents: Habaneros (males), Habaneras (females). 

Major Cities: Cuba’s six largest cities (more than 200,000 inhabitants) in order of population 

(2005 estimates, not including urban agglomerations) are Havana (2,201,610), Santiago de Cuba 

(423,392), Camagüey (301,574), Holguín (269,618), Santa Clara (210,220), and Guantánamo 

(208,145). 

Independence: Cuba attained its independence on May 20, 1902. It became independent from 

Spain on December 10, 1898, but was administered by the United States from 1898 to 1902. 

Public Holidays: Fixed official holidays are Liberation Day (January 1); Victory of the Armed 

Forces (January 2); International Workers’ Day (May 1); Eve of Revolution Day (July 25); 

Anniversary of the Moncada Barracks Attack Day, Revolution Day (July 26); Revolution Day, 

2nd Day (July 27); Commencement of Wars of Independence Day (October 10); Independence 

Day (December 10); and Christmas Day (December 25). 

Flag: The Cuban flag has five equal horizontal bands of blue (top, center, 

and bottom) alternating with white; a red equilateral triangle based on the 

hoist side bears a white, five-pointed star in the center. 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 

Colonial Rule: The history of Cuba began with the arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492 and 

the subsequent invasion of the island by the Spaniards. Aboriginal groups—the Guanahatabey, 

Ciboney, and Taíno—inhabited the island but were soon eliminated or died as a result of diseases 

or the shock of conquest. Thus, the impact of indigenous groups on subsequent Cuban society 

was limited, and Spanish culture, institutions, language, and religion prevailed. Colonial society 

developed slowly after Spain colonized the island in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; 

pastoral pursuits and agriculture served as the basis of the economy. For the first three centuries 

after the conquest, the island remained a neglected stopping point for the Spanish fleet, which 

visited the New World and returned to Spain with the mineral wealth of continental America. 

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Cuba awakened dramatically in the nineteenth century. The growth of the United States as an 

independent nation, the collapse of Haiti as a sugar-producing colony, Spanish protective 

policies, and the ingenuity of Cuba’s Creole business class all converged to produce a sugar 

revolution on the island. In a scant few years, Cuba was transformed from a sleepy, unimportant 

island into the major sugar producer in the world. Slaves arrived in increasing numbers; large 

estates squeezed out smaller ones; sugar supplanted tobacco, agriculture, and cattle as the main 

occupation; prosperity replaced poverty; and Spain’s attention replaced neglect. These factors, 

especially the latter two, delayed a move toward independence in the early nineteenth century. 

While most of Latin America was breaking with Spain, Cuba remained loyal. 

The Independence Struggle and Beginning of U.S. Hegemony: Toward the end of the 

nineteenth century, Cuban loyalty began to change as a result of Creole rivalry with Spaniards 

for the governing of the island, increased Spanish despotism and taxation, and the growth of 

Cuban nationalism. These developments combined to produce a prolonged and bloody war, the 

Ten Years’ War against Spain (1868–78), but it failed to win independence for Cuba. At the 

outset of the second independence war (1895–98), Cuban independence leader José Martí was 

killed. As a result of increasingly strained relations between Spain and the United States, the 

Americans entered the conflict in 1898. Already concerned about its economic interests on the 

island and its strategic interest in a future Panama Canal, the United States was aroused by an 

alarmist “yellow” press after the USS Maine sank in Havana Harbor on February 15 as the result 

of an explosion of undetermined origin. In December 1898, with the Treaty of Paris, the United 

States emerged as the victorious power in the Spanish-American War, thereby ensuring the 

expulsion of Spain and U.S. tutelage over Cuban affairs. 

On May 20, 1902, after almost five years of U.S. military occupation, Cuba launched into 

nationhood with fewer problems than most Latin American nations. Prosperity increased during 

the early years. Militarism seemed curtailed. Social tensions were not profound. Yet corruption, 

violence, and political irresponsibility grew. Invoking the 1901 Platt Amendment, which was 

named after Senator Orville H. Platt and stipulated the right of the United States to intervene in 

Cuba’s internal affairs and to lease an area for a naval base in Cuba, the United States intervened 

militarily in Cuba in 1906–9, 1917, and 1921. U.S. economic involvement also weakened the 

growth of Cuba as a nation and made the island more dependent on its northern neighbor. 

Rising Authoritarianism, 1901–1930s: The 1930s saw a major attempt at revolution. Prompted 

by the cruel dictatorship of Gerardo Machado y Morales (president, 1925–33), the economic 

hardships of the world depression, and the growing control of their economy by Spaniards and 

North Americans, a group of Cubans led by students and intellectuals sought radical reforms and 

a profound transformation of Cuban society. Following several small army revolts, Machado was 

forced to resign and flee the country on August 12, 1933. Sergeant Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar, 

unhappy with proposed reductions of pay and restrictions of promotions, joined forces with the 

militant students on September 4 and overthrew the U.S.-backed regime of Carlos Manuel de 

Céspedes (the younger). By making the military part of the government and allowing Batista to 

emerge as self-appointed chief of the armed forces, the Sergeants’ Revolt marked a turning point 

in Cuba’s history. On January 14, 1934, Army Chief Batista also brought to an end the shortlived provisional presidency of Ramón Grau San Martín (president, 1933–34) by forcing him to 

resign. Although the reformers attained power five months later and Machado’s overthrow was 
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supposed to mark the beginning of an era of reform, their revolution failed. Batista (president, 

1940–44; dictator, 1952–59) and the military emerged as the arbiters of Cuba’s politics, first 

through de facto ruling and finally with the election of Batista to the presidency in 1940. 

The end of the early Batista era during World War II was followed by an era of democratic 

government, respect for human rights, and accelerated prosperity under the inheritors of the 1933 

revolution—Grau San Martín (president, 1944–48) and Carlos Prío Socarrás (president, 1948–

52). Yet political violence and corruption increased. Many saw these administrations of the 

Cuban Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Cubano—PRC), more commonly known as 

the Authentic Party (Partido Auténtico), as having failed to live up to the ideals of the revolution. 

Others still supported the Auténticos and hoped for new leadership that could correct the vices of 

the past. A few conspired to take power by force. 

The Rise of Fidel Castro: Batista’s coup d’état on March 10, 1952, had a profound effect on 

Cuban society, leading to doubts about the ability of the Cubans to govern themselves. It also 

began a brutal right-wing dictatorship that resulted in the polarization of society, civil war, the 

overthrow of Batista, and the destruction of the military and most other Cuban institutions. Fidel 

Castro Ruz, a charismatic, anti-U.S. revolutionary, seized power on January 1, 1959, following 

his successful revolt against the U.S.-backed Batista government. As the Castro regime 

expropriated U.S. properties and investments and began, officially, on April 16, 1961, to convert 

Cuba into a one-party communist system, relations between the United States and Cuba 

deteriorated rapidly. The United States imposed an embargo on Cuba on October 19,1960, and 

broke diplomatic relations on January 3, 1961, in response to Castro’s expropriations without 

compensation and other provocations, such as arrests of U.S. citizens. The failure of the Central 

Intelligence Agency (CIA)–sponsored invasion by Cuban exiles in April 1961 (the infamous Bay 

of Pigs invasion) allowed the Castro regime to destroy the entire Cuban underground and to 

emerge strengthened and consolidated, basking in the huge propaganda value of having defeated 

the “Yankees.” 

The Cold War Period: Tensions between the two governments peaked during the Cuban 

Missile Crisis of October 1962 after the United States revealed the presence of Soviet missiles in 

Cuba. Following the imposition of a U.S. naval blockade, the weapons were withdrawn and the 

missile bases dismantled, thus resolving one of the most serious international crises since World 

War II. A U.S.-Soviet agreement that ended the Cuban Missile Crisis assured Cuba’s protection 

from military attack by the United States. 

Cuba’s alliance with the Soviets provided a protective umbrella that propelled Castro onto the 

international scene. Cuba’s support of anti-U.S. guerrilla and terrorist groups in Latin America 

and other countries of the developing world, military intervention in Africa, and unrestricted 

Soviet weapons deliveries to Cuba suddenly made Castro an important international contender. 

Cuba’s role in bringing to power a Marxist regime in Angola in 1975 and in supporting the 

Sandinista overthrow of the dictatorship of Nicaragua’s Anastasio Somoza Debayle in July 1979 

perhaps stand out as Castro’s most significant accomplishments in foreign policy. In the 1980s, 

the U.S. military expulsion of the Cubans from Grenada, the electoral defeat of the Sandinistas in 

Nicaragua, and the peace accords in El Salvador and Central America showed the limits of 
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Cuba’s influence and “internationalism” (Cuban missions to support governments or 

insurgencies in the developing world). 

A Continuing Cuban-U.S. Cold War: The collapse of communism in the early 1990s had a 

profound effect on Cuba. Soviet economic subsidies to Cuba ended as of January 1, 1991. 

Without Soviet support, Cuba was submerged in a major economic crisis. The gross national 

product contracted by as much as one-half between 1989 and 1993, exports fell by 79 percent 

and imports by 75 percent, the budget deficit tripled, and the standard of living of the population 

declined sharply. The Cuban government refers to the economic crisis of the 1990s and the 

austerity measures put in place to try to overcome it euphemistically as the “special period in 

peacetime.” Minor adjustments, such as more liberalized foreign investment laws and the 

opening of private (but highly regulated) small businesses and agricultural stands, were 

introduced. Yet the regime continued to cling to an outdated Marxist and caudillista (dictatorial) 

system, refusing to open the political process or the economy. 

The traditional Cold War hostility between Cuba and the United States continued unabated 

during the 1990s, and illegal Cuban immigration to the United States and human rights violations 

in Cuba remained sensitive issues. As the post-Soviet Cuban economy imploded for lack of 

once-generous Soviet subsidies, illegal emigration became a growing problem. The 1994 balsero

crisis (named after the makeshift rafts or other unseaworthy vessels used by thousands of 

Cubans) constituted the most significant wave of Cuban illegal emigrants since the Mariel 

Boatlift of 1980, when 125,000 left the island. A Cuban-U.S. agreement to limit illegal 

emigration had the unintended effect of making alien smuggling of Cubans into the United States 

a major business. 

In 1996 the U.S. Congress passed the so-called Helms–Burton law, introducing tougher rules for 

U.S. dealings with Cuba and deepening economic sanctions. The most controversial part of this 

law, which led to international condemnation of U.S. policy toward Cuba, involved sanctions 

against third-party nations, corporations, or individuals that trade with Cuba. The U.S. stance 

toward Cuba became progressively more hard-line, as demonstrated by the appointment of 

several prominent Cuban-Americans to the administration of George W. Bush. Nevertheless, as a 

result of pressure from European countries, particularly Spain, the Bush administration continued 

the Clinton administration’s policy of suspending a provision in the Helms–Burton Act that 

would allow U.S. citizens and companies to sue foreign firms using property confiscated from 

them in Cuba during the 1959 Revolution. Instead, the Bush administration sought to increase 

pressure on the Castro regime through increased support for domestic dissidents and new efforts 

to broadcast pro-U.S. messages to Cubans and to bypass Cuba’s jamming of U.S. television and 

radio broadcasts to Cuba. 

Several incidents in 2000–1 involving Cuban spies also underscored the continuing Cuban-U.S. 

cold war. In addition, in early 2002 the Bush administration began to make a concerted effort to 

isolate Cuba from traditionally sympathetic Latin American countries such as Mexico, but Cuba 

has continued to have diplomatic and trade relations with Latin America. Although the 

successful visit to Havana in May 2002 by former U.S. president Jimmy Carter brought renewed 

efforts in Congress to lift the embargo, President Bush reaffirmed his support for it and sought to 

more strictly enforce the U.S. ban on travel by Americans to Cuba. In January 2004, he canceled 
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immigration talks with Havana that had been held biannually for a decade. In May 2004, he 

endorsed new proposals to reduce the amount of remittances émigrés can send back to Cuba and 

further restrict the number of visits Cubans living in the United States can make to their 

homeland. Cuba responded by cultivating closer relations with China and North Korea. 

Internal Political Developments: A crack opened in the Cuban system in May 2002, when a 

petition with 11,000 signatures—part of an unusual dissident initiative known as the Varela 

Project—was submitted to the National Assembly of Popular Power (hereafter, National 

Assembly). Started by Oswaldo José Payá Sadinas, now Cuba’s most prominent dissident leader, 

the Varela Project called for a referendum on basic civil and political liberties and a new 

electoral law. In the following month, however, the government responded by initiating a drive 

to mobilize popular support for an amendment to the constitution, subsequently adopted 

unanimously by the National Assembly, declaring the socialist system to be “untouchable,” 

permanent, and “irrevocable.” 

In recent years, Cuban politics have been dominated by a government campaign targeting 

negative characteristics of the socialist system, such as “indiscipline” (for example, theft of 

public and private property, absenteeism, and delinquency), corruption, and negligence. Under 

the campaign, unspecified indiscipline-related charges were brought against a member of the 

Cuban Communist Party and its Political Bureau, resulting in his dismissal from these positions 

in April 2006. 

One of the world’s last unyielding communist bulwarks, Castro, hospitalized by an illness, 

transferred power provisionally to his brother, General Raúl Castro Ruz, first vice president of 

the Council of State and Council of Ministers and minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces 

on July 31, 2006. Fidel Castro’s unprecedented transfer of power and his prolonged recovery 

appeared to augur the end of the Castro era. 

GEOGRAPHY 

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Location: Cuba is located between the Caribbean Sea and the 

North Atlantic Ocean. It is the westernmost island of the Greater 

Antilles and the largest country in the Caribbean. Its nearest 

Caribbean neighbors, listed clockwise, are The Bahamas, Haiti 

(separated from Cuba by the Windward Passage), Jamaica, and 

the Cayman Islands. Cuba is separated from the southern tip of 

Florida by the Strait of Florida and from the easternmost tip of Mexico by the Yucatan Channel. 

Size: Cuba is slightly smaller than Pennsylvania. Its land area is 110,860 square kilometers, 

including Isla de Cuba (104,945 square kilometers), Isla de la Juventud (2,200 square 

kilometers), and adjacent keys (3,715 square kilometers). The island extends about 1,225 

kilometers from Cabo de San Antonio to Cabo Mais, the western and eastern extremities, 

respectively. The average width is about 80 kilometers, with extremes ranging from 35 to 251 

kilometers. 
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Land Boundaries: Cuba has a total land boundary of 29 kilometers bordering the U.S. naval 

base at Guantánamo Bay. 

Disputed Territory: The United States has leased the Guantánamo Bay naval base area from 

Cuba since 1903, but the Castro regime has never recognized the legitimacy of the leasing 

arrangement. Although the 1901 Platt Amendment was repealed in 1934, the 1903 lease 

agreement has continued as a result of the Treaty of Relations signed by the United States and 

Cuba in 1934. 

Length of Coastline: Cuba, with more than 4,000 coves and inlets, has an irregular coastline 

that is 3,209 kilometers on its northern side and 2,537 kilometers on its southern side, for a total 

of 5,746 kilometers. The coastline of Isla de La Juventud is 327 kilometers long. 

Maritime Claims: As a signatory to the Law of the Sea Treaty, Cuba claims a 12-nautical-mile 

territorial sea and a 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone. 

Topography: Cuba is a long but relatively narrow island. About two-thirds of its land surface is 

covered with fertile plains suitable for cultivation; three principal, heavily forested mountain 

ranges cover the rest of the country. The Sierra de los Órganos, which rises to a maximum 

elevation of about 686 meters, lies to the west of Havana. Toward the center of the island is the 

Sierra de Trinidad, which reaches a maximum elevation of 1,006 meters and together with the 

Sierra de Sancti Spíritus constitutes the Sierra de Escambray. Still farther east lies the island’s 

highest and most rugged mountain range, the Sierra Maestra, which encircles the city of Santiago 

de Cuba and includes Cuba’s highest peak, the Pico Real del Turquino (1,974 meters). Large 

tracts of mangrove swamp are particularly prevalent in the south and southwest, whereas the 

northern coastline is steep and rocky. 

Principal Rivers: Cuba has 30 south-flowing and 11 north-flowing rivers with a total length of 

3,932 kilometers. The average length of Cuba’s major rivers, none of which are navigable to any 

significant extent, is 93 kilometers. The island’s longest river is the 370-kilometer Cauto, which 

flows from the eastern mountains to the southern coast and is navigable for about 80 kilometers. 

Cuba’s most important hydrographic basins are the Cauto, Zaza, and Sagua la Grande. 

Climate: Cuba’s climate is subtropical, warm, and humid; annual mean temperatures average 

25o C. The hottest month in Havana (24 meters above sea level) is August, with an average 

monthly minimum of 24o C to 32° C; the coldest months are January and February, averaging 

18o C to 27° C (with occasional freezing temperatures in mountainous areas). Cuba’s average 

annual rainfall is 1,400 millimeters, but the annual amount varies greatly from year to year. The 

driest months are February and March, averaging 46 millimeters of rainfall. The wettest month is 

October, with average rainfall of 173 millimeters. Most of Cuba experiences a rainy season from 

May to October. The country averages about one hurricane every other year. The most frequent 

storms occur in September and October, but hurricane season generally runs from June to 

November (from August to November on the east coast). Heavy rains may cause landslides in 

hills and mountain slopes in the highlands. 
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Natural Resources: In addition to arable land, Cuba’s natural resources include chromium, 

cobalt, copper, iron ore, manganese, natural gas, nickel (the world’s second largest reserves), 

petroleum, salt silica, and timber. Although generally considered to be poorly endowed with 

energy resources, Cuba is one of only three countries in the Caribbean with significant oil and 

gas reserves; proven hydrocarbon reserves in 2005 totaled 750 million barrels of oil and 2.5 

billion cubic feet of natural gas. In 2005 Cuba announced its first new discovery of oil since 

1999—a reserve of 100 million barrels located 54 kilometers from Havana. The U.S. Geological 

Survey has estimated that Cuban territorial waters in the Gulf of Mexico could contain at least 

4.6 billion barrels of oil and 9.8 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. 

Land Use: Two-thirds of Cuba, or about 6,686,700 hectares, is covered with fertile plains 

suitable for cultivation; at least 3,701,400 hectares, and as much as 60 percent of the total arable 

land, are cultivated for agriculture. About 12 percent of agricultural land contains highly 

productive, deep, and permeable soils; about a fifth of the land is marginal for agriculture and is 

kept as meadows and pastures. The state controls about one-quarter of agricultural land and the 

nonstate sector, about three-quarters. Of the country’s remaining uncultivated land, about a fifth 

is pasture or fallow and about a quarter forested. Human settlements account for 6.3 percent (or 

694,000 hectares). 

Environmental Factors: Water contamination with raw sewage, industrial waste, and 

agricultural run-off is the country’s most significant environmental problem. Cuba has avoided 

some ecological calamities, such as beach erosion, while managing to partially reverse others, 

such as deforestation. Nevertheless, deforestation is becoming an increasingly important 

environmental issue in Cuba. In addition to combating this problem and biodiversity loss through 

reforestation and preservation programs, another important component of the government’s 

strategy is prevention of forest fires, a leading cause of the forest destruction in Cuba. Frequent 

drought-like conditions have affected agriculture and resulted in more forest fires. Overhunting 

is also threatening the wildlife populations. The sugar industry has been the biggest source of 

industrial pollution, followed by the nickel refining industry. Cement factories in several cities 

including Havana are also a source of air pollution. Cuba’s water supplies have been generally 

abundant, but water reserves were exceptionally low at the end of 2005 following several years 

of low rainfall, particularly in the eastern provinces. 

Time Zone: Cuba is in the Standard Time zone, five hours behind Greenwich Mean Time 

(GMT–5) or four hours behind GMT from the last Sunday of March to the last Sunday of 

October, when daylight saving time is in effect. 

SOCIETY 

Population: According to Cuba’s third post-1959 Population and Housing Census conducted in 

2002, the island’s permanent residents numbered 11,177,743, an increase of 1,454,138 

inhabitants since the previous census in 1981. Cuba’s estimated population in mid-2005 was 

11,346,670. During 1990–2003, Cuba’s annual population growth averaged less than 0.5 percent 

per year, well below the Latin American average of 1.6 percent. However, the population growth 

rate in 2002 and 2003 was 2.8 percent and 2.6 percent, respectively. According to the 2002 
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census, 75.9 percent of the total population was living in urban areas in cities ranging from 

20,000 inhabitants to 100,000 or more. The provinces with at least 1 million estimated 

inhabitants in 2004 were Ciudad de La Habana (City of Havana), with 2.8 million; Holguín, 1 

million; and Santiago de Cuba, 1 million. The country’s official population density in 2003 was 

101.3 inhabitants per square kilometer, but that figure had risen to an estimated 102.4 inhabitants 

per square kilometer by 2006, ranking Cuba number 72 of 238 in a list of countries with the 

densest populations. 

Demography: Demographic indicators in 2006 included the following: a total fertility rate of an 

estimated 1.66 children born per woman, an estimated birthrate of 11.9 births per 1,000 

population, a general mortality rate of 6.22 per 1,000 population, a death rate of an estimated 7.2 

deaths per 1,000 population, and an infant mortality rate of 6.2 deaths per 1,000 live births.

Deaths among children under five years of age (1.7 percent of all deaths) totaled 8.0 per 1,000 

live births in 2003. Life expectancy at birth in 2006 was an estimated 77.4 years: 75.1 years for 

men and 79.8 years for women. After two decades of sustained declines in fertility and mortality 

rates, in 2003 the country was showing a process of aging: 14.7 percent of inhabitants were aged 

60 or older, and persons under 15 years of age constituted only about 22 percent of the 

population. The average age of the population was 35.1. According to the 2002 census, the 

population is about equally divided between males and females. 

Ethnic Groups and Languages: A multiracial society, Cuba has a population of mainly Spanish 

and African origins; a majority of inhabitants, 51 percent, are mulatto or mestizo; 37 percent, 

white; and 11 percent, black. A small Chinese minority constitutes less than 1 percent of the total 

population. Cuba has two living languages. Spanish (Español) is the official and dominant 

language. Lucumí is an ethnic language with Niger–Congo, Atlantic–Congo, Volta–Congo, 

Benue–Congo, Defoid, Yoruboid, and Edekiri roots. 

Religion: Cuba has no official religion and is officially a secular state. In 1991 the Communist 

Party of Cuba (Partido Comunista de Cuba—PCC) lifted its prohibition against religious 

believers seeking membership, and a year later the constitution was amended to characterize the 

state as secular rather than atheist. Nevertheless, the government, through the Ministry of 

Interior’s Office of Religious Affairs, restricts religious freedom. Although state restrictions 

apply to the independent Roman Catholic Church, they are enforced mainly against unregistered 

religious groups. 

About 85 percent of the population was nominally Roman Catholic before Fidel Castro seized 

power. Although Roman Catholicism continues to be the largest organized religion, after more 

than four decades of an atheist regime, most young people are not religious, nor do they have any 

religious training. At the time of the Revolution, there were also small Protestant minorities, and 

Evangelical Protestant denominations have continued to grow rapidly. A small and dwindling 

Jewish community remains as well. Afro-Christian rites are widely practiced by Cubans of all 

races, but primarily blacks and mulattoes. The Lucumí rite, or Santería, is a religion originating 

in West African Yoruba culture. It remains widespread in Cuba regardless of people’s nominal 

religious affiliation and state efforts to suppress it. 
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Education and Literacy: Public education in Cuba is universal and free through the university 

level. It is based on Marxist-Leninist principles and combines study with manual labor. Day 

nurseries are available for all children after their forty-fifth day, and national schools at the 

preprimary level are operated by the state for children of five years of age. Primary education 

from six to 11 years of age—or until the ninth grade—is compulsory, and secondary education 

lasts from 12 to 17 years of age, comprising two cycles of three years each. All elementary and 

secondary school students receive obligatory ideological indoctrination. During the 2004–5 

school year, primary-school enrollment totaled 99.4 percent and secondary-school enrollment, 

93.1 percent. In 2002–3 an estimated 192,000 students were enrolled in higher education. 

Workers attending university courses receive a state subsidy to provide for their dependents. 

Courses at intermediate and higher levels emphasize technology, agriculture, and teacher 

training. In 2002 budgetary expenditures on education represented 16.4 percent of total 

government spending. Education spending increased to more than 11 percent of gross domestic 

product (GDP) in 2004, up from 6.3 percent of GDP in 1998. By the 2004–5 educational year, 

there were 23 education professionals per 1,000 inhabitants, up from 20 in 2001–2. 

Health: Cuba has a single, unified National Health System (Sistema Nacional de Salud—SNS). 

For the most part, the SNS is administered locally through an aggressive neighborhood health 

promotion program that makes heavy use of a network of easy-access institutions offering 

primary and secondary health-care services. At the national level, the Ministry of Public Health 

provides oversight. In 2004, 6.8 percent of Cuban medical facilities, including five hospitals and 

several dozen institutes, were subordinate to the Ministry of Public Health; most of Cuba’s 

medical facilities (93.2 percent), including 279 hospitals, 436 polyclinics, and many other 

medical facilities, were subordinate to provincial and municipal administrative councils. The 

total amount spent on public health increased 59 percent between 1994 and 2000, an average 

annual increase of 9.6 percent. In 2004 Cuba spent a total of 6.2 percent of gross domestic 

product on health care. The total per capita expenditure on health at an average exchange rate in 

2002 was US$197. In 2004 Cuba had 69,713 doctors, theoretically giving the country a ratio of 

about one doctor per 161 residents, as compared with one doctor per 188 residents in the United 

States; in theory, family doctors covered 99.4 percent of the population. 

The health profile of the Cuban population is more like that of a developed country than a 

developing one, with low infant mortality, low fertility, low rates of infectious disease, and high 

cancer and cardiovascular disease rates. Despite Cuba’s relatively meager resources, the primary 

health care system is still able to provide almost universal coverage and to ensure the 

continuance of low mortality among those less than 65 years of age even in the face of rising 

health threats. More than 95 percent of pregnant women receive prenatal care, and 98 to 99 

percent of newborns are delivered in hospitals, factors that contribute to low infant and maternal 

mortality. Cuba also has high vaccination rates for childhood diseases, plus children up to age 

seven receive additional food rations through the ration card system. 

The leading causes of death in 2000 were chronic noncommunicable diseases. Diseases of the 

heart, malignant neoplasms, and cerebrovascular diseases accounted for 60 percent of all deaths. 

In 2000 the most frequent communicable diseases were acute diarrheal diseases and acute 

respiratory infections. Dengue fever is also prevalent. Between 1986 and 2000, 3,231 individuals 

tested positive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/acquired immune deficiency syndrome 
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(AIDS); 1,194 of these developed AIDS, and 840 died of the condition. Between 1995 and 2000, 

839 cases of AIDS were reported, 50 percent of them in Havana; 76 percent of those affected 

were males. The HIV/AIDS prevalence rate among the adult population aged 15 to 49 in 2001 

was 0.1 percent. The most frequent route of transmission is sexual (98 percent). All HIV-infected 

persons and AIDS patients receive treatment free of charge. The association of HIV infection 

with tuberculosis occurred in 7 percent of cases during 1986–99. 

In 2000 mortality in urban areas was 755 per 100,000, 1.4 times greater than in rural areas. 

Reports suggest that accidents involving motor vehicles are the leading cause of accidental death 

in Cuba; many accidents involve motorists striking pedestrians or bicyclists. Suicide deaths were 

16.4 per 100,000 population. Next to crime, lack of adequate housing is widely considered to be 

one of the two principal social problems affecting the health of Cubans. Overcrowding has 

greatly worsened during the past 15 years as a result of deteriorating housing conditions and lack 

of new housing construction, creating risks to both physical and mental health from stress and 

despair, as evidenced by a high suicide rate and emigration. 

Despite the well-organized medical system and impressive health indicators, Cuba’s overall 

medical capabilities are below U.S. standards. Cuban medical professionals are generally 

competent, but many health facilities face shortages of medical supplies and bed space. While 

the Cuban ruling elite and medical tourists enjoy high-quality medical care, medicines as 

common as aspirin are often unavailable to the general public. The Cuban government is trying 

to make the country self-sufficient in the production of pharmaceuticals. As of 2004, it claimed 

to produce 579 out of 804 basic drugs needed for the nation's welfare. Drug shortages are forcing 

the state heath care system to focus more on preventive medicine. 

Moreover, despite Cuba’s impressive physicians-per-population ratio many Cuban doctors have 

been working abroad on Cuban medical missions for significantly more official pay than they 

could earn in Cuba. Cuban doctors and nurses have long worked overseas in humanitarian 

missions. Over the last four decades, Cuba has loaned more than 52,000 medical workers to 95 

countries in the developing world. Venezuela has been the primary destination for Cuban doctors 

since November 2001, when Cuba and Venezuela signed a barter agreement. By 2005 about 

20,000 Cuban medical workers, including more than 14,000 doctors (approximately one-fifth of 

Cuba’s doctors) were practicing in Venezuela in exchange for Venezuelan oil. A total of 30,000 

Cuban health-care professionals were scheduled to be working in Venezuela in 2006–7. More 

than 1,000 Cuban medical workers also were serving in Bolivia (700), Haiti, and East Timor. 

With so many Cuban doctors serving abroad, the actual number of family doctors in Cuba was 

reported to be only 31,530. Consequently, Cubans increasingly complain that not enough doctors 

have remained in Cuba to take care of Cubans; they especially resent the absence of 

neighborhood physicians once provided free of charge. 

Welfare: Despite the almost subsistence-level wages of most Cubans, they are generally much 

better off than citizens of many other developing countries because their meager salaries are 

supplemented with free education, subsidized medical care, housing, and some subsidized food. 

In terms of the Human Development Report’s human poverty index (HPI), which focuses on the 

proportion of people below a threshold level in basic dimensions of human development—living 
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Cuba, September 2006 

11

a long and healthy life, having access to education, and a decent standard of living—Cuba 

ranked an impressive fifth in Latin America and the Caribbean in 2003. 

Nevertheless, because government financial resources have contracted dramatically, the 

extensive and generous social safety net developed by socialist Cuba is currently incapable of 

providing the protection for which it was designed. Cuba can no longer afford to provide the 

extremely liberal social and economic benefits that, in addition to full employment, traditionally 

included generous social entitlements such as early retirement (at age 60 for men, 55 for women) 

and a broad array of partially or wholly subsidized social services, such as public transportation 

and meals in government-owned cafeterias. Demographic trends further aggravate the erosion of 

the safety net. With a rapidly aging population, the demands placed on the social safety net have 

multiplied as the number of elderly has increased. 

As much as 99 percent of the population (or at least 95 percent of the urban population and 78 

percent of the rural population) is reported to have access to safe water, one of the highest figures 

in Latin America. Cuba’s potable water is derived primarily (72 percent) from underground 

sources. Of the water supplied, 94 percent receives treatment. In 2000 an estimated 38 percent of 

the population had access to sewerage systems and 55 percent to septic tanks and latrines. At the 

end of 2005, the country’s water distribution and sanitation systems reportedly were in dire need 

of repair.

ECONOMY

Overview: Cuba has a state-controlled economy with the exception of a tiny and shrinking openmarket sector. Since Fidel Castro seized power, a vast and cumbersome bureaucracy not 

conducive to innovation, productivity, and efficiency has managed Cuban affairs. Since its 

collapse in the 1990s following the abrupt withdrawal of Soviet funding, the Cuban economy has 

been recovering slowly and remains feeble. The sugar industry, traditionally the economy’s 

mainstay, is in decline, and the country now relies more on the nickel and tourism industries, as 

well as a barter arrangement with Venezuela under which Cuba supplies doctors and teachers in 

exchange for crude oil and petroleum products at a discounted rate. In the absence of large 

amounts of capital and access to markets and in the face of continued U.S. trade sanctions, 

Cuba’s economic situation is unlikely to improve substantially. During 2005, however, the surge 

in the availability of foreign exchange—as a result of new financing from China, trade 

agreements with Venezuela, and the continued strong growth of international tourism—enabled 

the government to increase state investment in projects such as repairing the critically dilapidated 

infrastructure and to increase wages and benefits. 

In addition to the formal economy, Cuba has a large informal, or second, economy. Informal 

economic activities include agriculture, where private farmers control a portion of the land; the 

sale of certain personal services; and, beginning in the early 1990s, farmers’ markets and artisan 

markets. Currently, about 300 farmers’ markets reportedly operate in Cuba. Other economic 

activities outside of state control include illegal activities such as black-market operations and 

unauthorized use of government resources. For example, there are extensive informal markets in 

the exchange of homes, which are often secured by making illegal payments through 
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12

intermediaries; and building materials often are stolen (mainly by insiders) from building 

projects or warehouses. 

Gross Domestic Product (GDP): GDP per capita totaled US$3,224 in 2005, based on an 

estimated GDP of US$36.2 billion, and US$3,531 in 2006, based on a forecast GDP of US$39.7 

billion. Real GDP, buoyed by expansion of services, especially in health and education, reached 

a record level in 2005. Using its official methodology, which differs from standard international 

measures by including public services at market value rather than cost, the Castro government 

estimated GDP growth for 2005 at 11.8 percent and forecast 10 percent growth for 2006. 

According to the standard definitions of GDP, however, real GDP growth totaled an estimated 

4.2 percent in 2004 and 8 percent in 2005. A growth rate of about 6 percent has been forecast for 

2006 and 10 percent for 2007. In 2005 the estimated origins of GDP were agriculture and 

fisheries, 5.4 percent; construction, 7.0 percent; electricity, gas, and water supply, 1.9 percent; 

manufacturing, 15.4 percent; mining, 1.4 percent; and services, 68.9 percent. 

Government Budget: Cuba had large budget deficits throughout the 1990s. By 2002 the budget 

deficit totaled approximately US$1 billion. As a result of sharply increased government spending 

and income, the nominal fiscal deficit widened in 2005 to 4.8 percent of gross domestic product 

(GDP)—up from 4.2 percent in 2004. The fiscal deficit was expected to decline to just below 4 

percent of GDP in 2006–7. 

Inflation: Consumer price inflation in Cuba is determined by price fluctuations in both the 

domestic market of Cuban pesos (CuPs) and the official market of convertible pesos (CUCs), 

which are used in hard-currency retail outlets. Neither official nor unofficial exchange rates, 

which vary widely, are close to a purchasing power parity level, but the two domestic currencies 

reportedly are to be brought gradually into closer alignment by the end of 2007, by which time 

inflation is expected to moderate. Consumer price inflation averaged 1.3 percent in 2004 and 7.0 

percent in 2005; estimates for 2006 and 2007 were for 5.9 percent and 5.0 percent, respectively. 

Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing: Agriculture and fisheries accounted for 5.4 percent of the 

gross domestic product (GDP) in 2005 and an expected 5.2 percent in 2006. After sugar output 

diminished dramatically during the 1990s, the restructuring of the sugar industry, formerly 

Cuba’s leading industry, began in 2002. The crisis in the industry deepened with the 2004–5 

sugar harvest (January–May), which was only 1.3 million tons (a record low) following a twoyear drought, as compared with a 1990 level of 8 million tons. From gross agricultural 

production growth of 0.2 percent in 2004, the figure plummeted to –11.6 percent in 2005 but was 

expected to reach 3.8 percent in 2006 and 10 percent in 2007. The depressed agricultural output 

in 2005 was reflected in the sharp increase in import spending on agricultural goods that year 

(from US$1.2 billion in 2004 to more than US$1.5 billion in 2005), as well as in food-price 

increases in domestic agricultural markets. This situation appears to have given rise to a debate 

within the government itself about the fate of the sugar industry, some voicing concern about the 

government’s decision announced in September 2005 to accelerate restructuring. As of April 

2006 when international sugar prices were rising, Cuba was seeking foreign investment in the 

sugar industry for the first time and also planning to increase harvests. 
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13

As a result of a reforestation program, forests covered 21 percent of Cuban territory by the mid1990s, as compared with only 18 percent in 1987. By 2005, the figure had reached 24 percent, 

and a new reforestation program was under way with a target of increasing coverage to 29 

percent by 2015. The forestry programs expand the tree-covered area by 50,000 hectares each 

year. In comparison, the tree-covered area is expanded by less than 20,000 hectares per year 

when logging is used. Roundwood production in 2000 amounted to 3.3 million cubic meters and 

sawn wood to 146,000 cubic meters. Official Cuban figures show that the country’s forests in 

2006 held more than 130 million cubic meters of usable lumber and had the potential to grow 7.5 

million cubic meters annually. However, reforestation in general has suffered from funding and 

other resource shortages since the 1990s. 

Although Cuba’s annual fish catch was approximately 130,000 tons before the economic crisis of 

the 1990s, the total dropped by about two-thirds between 1990 and 1994 as a result of a lack of 

investment, fuel, and operating capital, and the fishing industry has yet to recover. There had 

been some potential for making up part of the shortfall in the 1990s by developing fish farming. 

By 1998 the fisheries of Cuba’s man-made reservoirs, totaling an estimated 148,000 hectares, 

had become the main source of fish for domestic consumers, with production totaling more than 

70,000 tons, as compared with only 7,000 tons in 1980. By 2004, however, the output of fish 

farms and production (for export) of lobster and shrimp from coastal fisheries had shrunk to 

below the 1993 level (less than 20,000 tons), apparently as a result of an aging fishing fleet, 

increasingly expensive fuel, and fuel shortages. 

Mining and Minerals: Mining accounted for 1.4 percent of the gross domestic product in 2005. 

Cuba is now the world’s fifth-largest nickel and cobalt producer. Production of Cuba’s primary 

mineral, nickel, was estimated to reach about 77,000 tons in 2005, an increase of more than 6 

percent over 2004. The country’s mineral resources are mined mostly by Canadian, Spanish, and 

other European companies. 

Cuban oil production is currently limited to the coastal region in the northwest of the country. 

Cuba’s crude is very heavy and has a high sulphur content. Nevertheless, high world oil prices 

have stimulated foreign interest in Cuban territorial waters in the Gulf of Mexico. In 1999 Cuba 

opened 112,000 square kilometers of its waters to foreign exploration. As of 2006, companies 

from Canada, China, India, Norway, and Spain have invested in drilling ventures in these waters. 

Industry and Manufacturing: Industry in general accounted for about 25 percent of gross 

domestic product (GDP) in 2005 and was expected to increase slightly to 26.9 percent in 2006. 

Industrial production growth totaled 3.3 percent in 2004 and 5.1 percent in 2005 and was 

forecast to reach 13 percent in 2006 and 7.8 percent in 2007. Manufacturing accounted for 15.4 

percent of GDP and construction for 7.0 percent in 2005. Power cuts and the contraction of 

sugar-related industries have hampered growth in the manufacturing sector except for a few 

industries, such as production of nickel and steel, neither of which is dependent on the electricity 

grid, and construction, which has benefited from the government’s housing program and 

improvements to hospitals and schools. Growth in the construction sector reached 19 percent in 

2005. The government’s housing program that was approved in September 2005 envisaged the 

construction of 150,000 new homes by the end of 2006 and an additional 100,000 in 2007, 

representing the fastest pace of building since 1959. The actual totals may be somewhat lower. 
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14

Cuba currently has a national housing deficit of 500,000 units, especially in Havana, home to 2.8 

million of Cuba’s estimated 11.3 million people; 46 percent of Havana’s 556,000 existing homes 

reportedly are in need of repairs. 

Energy: Cuba depends primarily on petroleum to meet its modest energy requirements. Since 

the country’s Soviet oil supply ended in the early 1990s, domestic oil production has increased 

significantly, but Cuba still relies on imported oil to meet its domestic needs. The price of these 

imports is therefore a major determinant of Cuba’s terms of trade. Cuban petroleum production 

in 2005 was reportedly at least 65,000 barrels per day (bpd) of heavy crude with a high sulphur 

content, but possibly as much as 72,000 bpd (compared with only 16,000 bpd in 1984). Most of 

Cuba’s oil production occurs in northern Matanzas Province, producing a heavy, sour crude that 

requires special processing at the country’s refineries. Once remodeling work is completed on 

the Cienfuegos refinery in late 2007, the plan is to undertake a deep conversion project that will 

allow the Cuban refinery to double its capacity to refine Cuban and Venezuelan crude oil to 

120,000 bpd. Almost all of Cuba’s heavy crude oil production is used directly as boiler fuel in 

the electric power, cement, and nickel industries. Cuba has an annual deficit of approximately 

100,000 bpd of crude oil/petroleum products in order to meet the minimum internal demand 

estimated to be around 170,000 bpd. Since reaching an agreement in November 2001, Venezuela 

has filled Cuba’s petroleum-deficit requirement, supplying about half of Cuba’s domestic oil 

consumption on preferential terms in exchange for medical and sports services. 

Cuba consumes all of the natural gas that it produces (704 million cubic meters in 2004) and has 

no natural gas imports. The low volume of the country’s rivers limits hydroelectric capacity. The 

country’s 180 hydroelectric installations generate about 57 megawatts of electricity and mostly 

supply small rural communities. 

In addition to having low generating capacity, the electricity sector has suffered from chronic 

system failures. Consumers experienced almost daily power cuts during the early 1990s. Despite 

some improvements in the second half of the decade, drastic action to reorganize and strengthen 

this sector was needed by mid-2004. Total electricity generation in 2005 declined by 2 percent. 

In a stopgap effort to ensure continuity of supply, the state electricity company spent about 

US$800 million in 2005 purchasing electric-power generating equipment from countries such as 

South Korea and Germany. In recent years, Cuba also has modernized and improved its 

electricity distribution network. As of mid-2006, newly installed electricity generation stations 

linked to the national grid had increased total national generation capacity by more than 1,000 

MW, almost half of the generation needs for peak demand; by October 2006, capacity was 

planned to reach 1,400 MW. Nevertheless, in August 2006 a defect in the national electricity grid 

caused a major blackout in Havana and the provinces of Havana and Pinar del Río. 

Services: In real terms, the services sector’s output increased at an average rate of 4.4 percent 

per year during 1996–2002. Sectoral output increased by 2.4 percent in 2003 and by 10.8 percent 

in 2005. The services sector accounted for 68.9 percent of the gross domestic product in 2005. 

This share was expected to decline slightly to 67.9 percent in 2006. Receipts from tourism, a 

leading economic activity, totaled US$2.1 billion in 2004 and were expected to rise to US$2.6 

billion in 2005. Agreements with Venezuela involving the employment of Cuban health care and 

education professionals in Venezuela and funding for medical treatment provided in Cuba for 

patients from Latin America and the Caribbean also account for the sharp rise in services 
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earnings from around US$100 million in 1993 to US$3.1 billion in 2004 and approximately 

US$4.1 billion in 2005. 

Banking and Finance: Since 1995 Cuba has been attempting to restructure its long nationalized 

banking system to accommodate a more market-oriented economy, hoping to attract foreign 

investment in the energy and mining sectors in particular. Relatively new commercial banks 

include the Banco Financiero Internacional and the Banco de Inversiones (for investment), 

Banco Metropolitano (offering foreign currency and deposit account facilities), Banco de Crédito 

y Comercio, Banco Internacional de Crédito, and Banco Nacional de Cuba. Cuba also has an 

older savings bank, the Banco Nacional de Ahorro, and 13 foreign banks (most of which are 

European). New rules issued since 2004 have enhanced the ability of the Central Bank of Cuba 

to monitor and control hard-currency credit creation in the country’s monetary system. With the 

allocation of financial resources continuing to shift from the central planning authorities toward 

the banking system, the Central Bank is expected to play an increasingly important role in 

macroeconomic management, although the large informal economy’s differing markets and 

divergent prices complicate monetary management. Cuba’s financing requirement is expected to 

double in 2006 to about US$1 billion. 

Labor: The labor force totaled at least 4.6 million people in 2004 and 4.7 million in 2005 but 

possibly as many as 6.7 million in both years and in 2006. Before the Revolution, women 

constituted less than 20 percent of the labor force. By the end of the century, however, that figure 

had risen to 44 percent, and the health sector alone employed 73.2 percent of women in the 

workforce. Although agriculture (including hunting, forestry, and fishing) employed 40 percent 

of the population in 1960, by 2002 it employed only about 26 percent of the economically active 

population. In 2002 the manufacturing industry employed 14 percent of the workforce (an 

increase of only 1 percent since 1960) and the services sector about 53 percent. Although the 

state sector accounted for 95.4 percent of total civilian employment in 1989, by 2003 this 

percentage had declined to 73.2 percent as a result of the economic reforms of the 1990s. About 

one-third of the employees in the state sector are engaged in providing community, social, and 

personal services, especially in health and education. The remainder of the labor force is made 

up mainly of private or cooperative farmers or the self-employed. Investment in universal 

education after 1959 has produced a well-educated workforce. Thus, it is a source of great 

frustration for many professionals that authorized self-employment opportunities are minimal; 

this category plus those employed by family businesses accounted for only 3.5 percent of the 

working population by 2003. The unemployment rate in 2004–5 was 1.9 percent, down from 3 

percent in 2003, and was expected to remain at that level in 2006. 

The minimum monthly wage varies by occupation; in 2005 it amounted to about US$9, allowing 

the typical worker and family to earn only enough for a minimal standard of living. Less than 1 

percent of the labor force is occupied in much-coveted jobs in the new foreign sector. Foreign 

companies pay the government as much as US$500 to US$600 per worker per month, but 

workers receive only 5 percent of this amount because the government, which actually pays the 

wages of the Cuban workers employed by foreign companies, makes payments in Cuban pesos 

(CuP), which are not convertible to foreign currencies. Cuban state workers receive a portion of 

their wages in convertible pesos (CUC), but all other workers are paid only in Cuban pesos, even 

though many living expenses must be paid in convertible pesos. 
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16

Foreign Economic Relations: Prior to the Cuban Revolution, Cuba traded mostly with the 

United States. Since the United States imposed an economic embargo against the Castro regime 

in October 1960, U.S. trade sanctions against Cuba have remained in effect. From the early 

1970s until the collapse of trade with the former Soviet bloc in 1990–91, more than 80 percent of 

Cuban trade was with Eastern Europe, mostly in nonconvertible-currency accounts (in effect, a 

barter arrangement). As Cuba sought to develop trade relations with the rest of the world after 

1991, it began to conduct bilateral trade with Eastern Europe, including Russia, at world market 

prices. Although Cuba has signed some trade agreements with Russia since 2001, Cuban 

diplomatic efforts are more focused on deepening links with other potential trade partners such 

as China. The visit to Cuba of Chinese president Hu Jintao in November 2004 resulted in a set of 

trade agreements, including one to export 4,400 tons of nickel per year to China. China has been 

particularly interested in investing in Cuban infrastructure projects and in a major nickel mine in 

the east of the country. In 2005 China was Cuba’s second most important trading partner (10 

percent), mainly because of China’s sugar imports. 

The European Union (EU) accounts for about half of Cuba’s external trade, and tourism from 

Europe has become an important currency earner, especially since Cuba began to accept the euro 

as exchange currency in 1999. Formal Cuban-EU relations remain cool, however, because by 

1996 EU states had adopted a “common position” that is staunchly critical of the lack of progress 

on human rights and democratization in Cuba. The EU has prevented Cuba’s accession to the 

Cotonou Accord, the mechanism through which it channels most developing country assistance 

and trade concessions. Nevertheless, the EU reopened diplomatic relations with Cuba in early 

2005, acknowledging the ineffectiveness of EU sanctions imposed on Cuba in June 2003. 

After Cuba lost support from the former Soviet bloc in 1990–91, the United States tightened 

economic sanctions against the island with the adoption in 1992 of the Torricelli Law. In 1996 

the U.S. Congress passed the Libertad (Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity) Act, also 

known as the Helms–Burton Law, which strengthened U.S. economic sanctions by threatening 

penalties for businesses known to have dealings with Cuba. After 1996 mounting pressure in the 

United States to relax sanctions led to some concessions, including permission for CubanAmericans to send remittances of up to US$1,200 a year to relatives and, finally, in 2000 the 

legalization of food and medicine sales to Cuba beginning in January 2002. Under the George 

W. Bush administration, U.S. trade sanctions against Cuba intensified. On May 18, 2001, 

President Bush affirmed that his administration would “oppose any attempt to weaken sanctions 

against Cuba’s government...until this regime frees its political prisoners, holds democratic, free 

elections, and allows for free speech.” 

Cuba’s three most important regional trading partners are Canada, Mexico, and Venezuela—all 

three outspoken opponents of the U.S. economic embargo. In 2004 oil-rich Venezuela became 

Cuba’s main source of imports (21.3 percent) but only its third most important export destination 

(10.2 percent). The bilateral trade is based on the oil-for-doctors program, which reportedly 

provides health coverage for 17 million Venezuelans in return for oil. Venezuela began paying 

Cuba in 2005 for the approximately 20,000 doctors and other health-care professionals working 

in Venezuela, as well as for the tens of thousands of eye surgeries and other medical operations 

that Cuban hospitals provide Venezuelans. As a result of the People’s Trade Agreement signed 
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in Havana among Cuba, Bolivia, and Venezuela on April 29, 2006, Cuba will import Bolivian 

coca leaves for “legal consumption,” as well as Bolivian soybeans and quinoa. 

Cuba has actively participated in regional trade organizations not subject to a U.S. veto. It was a 

founding member of the Association of Caribbean States in 1995; joined the Latin American 

Integration Association in 1999 and the Caribbean Forum of African, Caribbean and Pacific 

States (Cariforum) as a full member in 2001; completed a trade and economic cooperation 

agreement with the Caribbean Community in 2002; belongs to the Caribbean Tourism 

Organization; and has indicated a desire to negotiate with the Common Market of the South 

(Mercado Común del Sur—Mercosur) and the Andean Community. Fidel Castro attended the 

Mercosur summit in Argentina in July 2006. 

Imports: Cuba’s imports dropped by 73 percent between 1990 and 1993 in the absence of export 

earnings and access to financing. However, import capacity, led by tourism revenue, has 

improved over the past decade. Imports of goods free on board totaled US$7 billion in 2005 and 

were projected to total US$7.9 billion in 2006 and US$8.5 billion in 2007. Principal imports in 

2005 included foodstuffs (US$1.6 billion), fuels (US$1.8 billion), and machinery and equipment 

(US$1.7 billion). Other imported goods include chemicals (US$531 million in 2004). 

In 2004 Venezuela was the leading source of imports, accounting for 21.3 percent of the total, 

followed by Spain (12 percent), China (11 percent), the United States (9.8 percent), Italy (5.1 

percent), and Canada (4.9 percent). Estimated imports from Venezuela in 2005 totaled about 

US$1.4 billion, US$1.1 billion of which was oil (about 90,000 barrels per day) and US$300 

million, food and other products. The estimate for 2006 was US$2 billion. Imports from China in 

2005 also surged, to about US$560 million, making China Cuba’s second-largest trading partner 

that year. After U.S. agricultural restrictions on exports to Cuba were partially lifted in 2001, 

one-way trade with the United States resumed in 2002 and totaled more than US$900 million 

during 2002–4 (no Cuban exports to the United States are allowed). However, the growth of this 

trade subsequently ended and began to decline after payment rules were tightened in early 2005. 

Exports: Exports of goods free on board totaled US$2.7 billion in 2005 and were projected to 

total US$2.8 billion in 2006 and US$3.3 billion in 2007. Cuba’s main exports in 2005 included 

nickel (US$1.2 billion), sugar and its by-products (US$168 million), and tobacco products 

(US$243 million). Other export products include medicines (US$130 million in 2004), seafood, 

citrus and tropical fruits, and coffee. Despite its decline, sugar remains an important export 

earner, second only to nickel as a commodity export, and is expected to earn about US$250 

million in 2006. Although volume varies from year to year, Cuba’s main export destinations in 

2004 were the Netherlands (29.4 percent, a figure that includes goods shipped to the Netherlands 

for onward shipment to other European Union countries), Canada (22.4 percent), Venezuela 

(10.2 percent), Spain (8 percent), China (7.8 percent), and Russia (7.3 percent). Russia’s 

purchases in 2004 represented a steady decline since 1999, when it purchased 22.2 percent of 

Cuba’s exports. 

Trade Balance: Trade figures for 2005–7 project continuing deficits in goods trading: US$4.3 

billion in 2005, US$5.1 billion in 2006, and US$5.2 billion in 2007. However, the services 

balance improved from close to zero in 1990 to an estimated surplus of US$2.6 billion in 2005 
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18

and a projected surplus of US$2.8 billion in 2006. Tourism and the provision of health-care 

services to Venezuela account for most of the increase in services earnings. 

Balance of Payments: Until 1990 the Soviet trading bloc, the Council for Mutual Economic 

Assistance (CMEA), financed Cuba’s current account deficit. During 1992–2003, Cuba’s 

restricted access to international capital kept the country’s current account deficit under 2 percent 

of gross domestic product (GDP). After deficits in the current account of US$653 million in 

2001, US$276 million in 2002, and US$136 million in 2003, the country’s balance of payments 

enjoyed a surplus of US$134 million in 2004 and US$143 million in 2005, or about 0.2 percent 

of GDP in 2004 and 0.1 percent in 2005. The positive current account balance in 2004–5 was 

due primarily to Cuba’s almost regular annual surpluses in the services balance, mainly as a 

result of strong revenues from international tourism and other services (such as health and 

education services exported to Venezuela in exchange for cheap oil), as well as new sources of 

financing from China and high nickel prices. The current account deficit was expected to be a 

relatively low US$374 million in 2006 (0.9 percent of GDP) and US$358 million in 2007 (0.8 

percent of GDP). 

On the capital account ledger, long-term capital (net) in 2004 totaled US$462 million; net direct 

investments, US$200 million; net other long-term capital inflows, US$670 million; other capital, 

US$922 million; and variation in reserves, –US$1.5 million. The country’s estimated hardcurrency international reserves reached US$2.1 billion in 2004, US$2.2 billion in 2005, and an 

estimated US$2.4 billion in 2006. The increase since 2003, when reserves totaled only US$638 

million, has been attributed in part to Fidel Castro’s ban in November 2004 on the use of U.S. 

dollars on the island. 

External Debt: Although it still owes the Russian Federation more than US$20 billion, Cuba 

reportedly has agreed to make repayments in the form of goods, such as fuel and sugar. It 

remains unconfirmed how much external hard-currency debt grew in 2004, but the increase was 

about US$500 million according to one estimate. In 2005 the island’s hard-currency debt, on 

which Cuba defaulted in 1986, was owed mainly to European and Latin American governments 

and totaled about US$12.5 billion, or approximately 35 percent of gross domestic product 

(GDP). External debt was expected to reach US$13.2 billion in 2006. Debt service in 2005 

amounted to just over US$1 billion, and the due debt-service ratio was 13.9 percent. Official debt 

is almost all bilateral, such as with Japanese and European creditors, because Cuba has no access 

to the major multilateral financial institutions. 

Foreign Investment: Under Cuba’s 1995 Foreign Investment Act, all sectors are open to foreign 

capital except defense, public health care, and education. Foreign investors can freely repatriate 

profits and dividends. U.S. investors are barred from Cuba by U.S. legislation. The unresolved 

issue of U.S. property claims also has deterred investors from other countries. Most foreign 

investments to date have been in nickel mining, oil, tourism, and telecommunications. Net direct 

foreign investment flows totaled US$200 million in 2004 and US$500 million in 2005 and a 

projected US$620 million in 2006 and US$630 million in 2007. Major new trade agreements, 

investment commitments, and credit lines from China and Venezuela provided a significant 

boost in 2005 and were expected to continue to do so in 2006–7. 
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Foreign Aid: During the 1960–90 period, socialist countries provided nearly all of the 

substantial development financing received by Cuba. Originating primarily from the former 

Soviet Union and amounting to more than US$65 billion, the aid covered a wide range of 

economic activities, mostly taking the form of loans repayable at very low interest rates.

Approximately 40 percent of the flow of resources (about US$25.7 billion) took the form of 

repayable loans (development credits, 13 percent; and credits to finance trade deficits, 27 

percent); nonrepayable price subsidies accounted for the remaining 60 percent (US$39.4 billion). 

Cuba receives little multilateral agency development assistance because it is barred from 

membership in the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Inter-American 

Development Bank. Its main sources of multilateral assistance are European Union emergency 

relief and United Nations agencies, such as the World Food Programme, the United Nations 

Development Programme, the United Nations Regular Programme of Technical Assistance, and 

the United Nations Children’s Fund. The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries has 

cofinanced a development loan for the energy sector. In recent years, Latin American countries 

such as Venezuela also have provided some aid. Total multilateral aid amounted to only about 

US$20 million in 2004, whereas bilateral aid totaled US$69 million that year. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: Cuban currency has no official value outside the country. Cuba 

has two domestic official currencies in circulation: the Cuban peso (CuP) and the convertible 

peso (CUC), both of which are equivalent to 100 centavos. As of November 8, 2004, Cuban 

authorities eliminated the circulation of U.S. dollars and any other “convertible currency” in the 

country, at least officially. Tourists and foreign business visitors are required to exchange their 

currency into convertible pesos on arrival because the Cuban government now requires the use of 

convertible pesos for all transactions other than the most basic street-vendor-type purchases, for 

which the Cuban peso is used. Retail stores that had been selling goods in U.S. dollars now can 

accept only convertible pesos, which are considered the equivalent of tourist dollars. The 

convertible peso is used for luxury products available in tourist boutiques known as “dollar 

shops” or for tourist-related services. In addition, Cubans must use convertible pesos to pay rents 

or make major purchases, even though most workers are paid in Cuban pesos rather than 

convertible pesos. As of September 27, 2006, the exchange rates for the two Cuban currencies 

were: US$1=22.22 Cuban pesos (floating domestic rate); and US$1=CUC0.93 (a fixed rate). The 

exchange of U.S. dollars for convertible pesos also bears a 10 percent tax that is not applied to 

other foreign currencies. 

Fiscal Year: Cuba’s fiscal year coincides with the calendar year. 

TRANSPORTATION AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS 

Overview: Cuba’s transportation infrastructure consists of an integrated network of roads, 

railroads, airfields, ports, and inland waterways. Cuba has good transportation facilities and 

networks in the western and central portions of the island; the eastern portion of the island is less 

developed. Roads, railroads, and air and maritime transportation services provide access to 

almost every location on the island. The infrastructure of ports, airports, and warehouses 

supports extensive foreign trade. Land transportation has been severely affected by the economic 

crisis. Lack of spare parts for the bus and truck fleet has reduced significantly the number of 
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20

vehicles in operation. Moreover, fuel shortages have forced cutbacks in the number of routes and 

their frequency. Transportation bottlenecks have affected labor productivity because workers are 

unable to get to their jobs on time or have to spend an inordinately long period of time 

commuting to their jobs. 

Roads: By 2000 Cuba had an estimated 112,998 kilometers of roads, including at least 26,000 

kilometers of paved roads (but more likely 29,820) and about 84,000 kilometers of unpaved 

roads, constituting one of the most developed road systems in the Caribbean. For five decades, 

the main highway was the Central Highway, mostly a two-lane road running for 1,200 kilometers 

from Pinar del Río in the west to Santiago de Cuba in the east. In the late 1970s, construction 

began on a new eight-lane National Expressway (commonly known as “Ocho Vías,” or Eight 

Lanes), which was supposed to run the length of Cuba from Pinar del Río to Santiago de Cuba. 

However, the Ocho Vías, which lacks lights and is variously reported as in poor to good 

condition, extends only two-thirds of the way from Havana to the eastern tip of the island; 

moreover, washed-out sections and giant potholes limit traveling speeds. In addition, the Vía 

Blanca links Havana with Varadero, and the Vía Mulata links Baracoa and Santiago de Cuba in 

Cuba’s southeast with the rest of the island. Although the main highways of Havana are 

generally well maintained, secondary streets usually are not. 

Railroads: Despite being much more energy efficient than truck transport, particularly in 

transporting sugarcane or ore, railroad transportation has been neglected since 1959 in favor of 

truck transport. Although half of the rolling stock is in a dilapidated state, the country has an 

extensive rail network running the length of the island and connecting the large urban areas, 

industrial centers, and major and secondary ports, either directly or through branches. In 2004 

the rail network for transporting passengers and general freight included 4,226 kilometers of 

1.435-meter standard-gauge track and about 150 kilometers of electrified 0.914-meter narrowgauge track. In addition, the island’s sugar factories and plantations were served in 2004 by 

7,742 kilometers of private track, about 65 percent standard gauge and the rest narrow gauge. 

The total volume of rail transport reportedly increased by 13 percent in 2005 with the aid of trade 

and agreements with China that allowed for repair of locomotives and purchases of new 

equipment. 

Ports and Shipping: Cuba’s ports are in generally good condition but in need of modernization 

and dredging. Cuba has 11 main ports capable of handling general export and import cargoes, 

including major deep-water ports at Cienfuegos, Havana, Mariel (the Free Trade Zone), 

Matanzas, Nipe, Nuevitas, and Santiago de Cuba. In addition, Cuba has eight bulk sugar-loading 

terminals and several other smaller import facilities, as well as specialized port facilities for the 

fishing fleet. Of the country’s most used ports (Cienfuegos, Havana, Mariel, Matanzas, and 

Santiago de Cuba), Havana is the country’s largest and most frequently accessed, with three 

main general cargo facilities that handle container vessels and roll-on/off vessels. During the 

1990s, a new pier for cruise ships was built, and in 2001 various cruise ships from British, 

Canadian, Italian, and Spanish companies began to make Havana a port of call. Number one in 

sugar exports, the port of Cienfuegos is capable of handling one-third of Cuba’s sugar production 

through its bulk sugar terminal. Its pier for handling oil and oil byproducts allows the berthing of 

ships up to 50,000 tons. Matanzas, located on the north coast, has a supertanker terminal with an 
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oil pipeline that crosses to the Cienfuegos refinery on the south coast. The Cuban Mercantile 

Marine consists of 18 ships (of 1,000 tons or more) with a total tonnage of 89,091. 

Inland Waterways: Cuba has 240 kilometers of navigable inland waterways, most of which are 

near the mouths of rivers. 

Civil Aviation and Airports: In part because of the fast-growing tourism industry, Cuba has 

made considerable investments in upgrading and expanding its well-developed air transport 

infrastructure since the late 1990s. Ten of the civilian airports can now handle international 

flights, and nine of them are linked to the nine largest tourist resorts. Of Cuba’s 170 airports in 

2005, 78 had paved runways and 92, unpaved. Cuba’s main international airports include 

Camagüey, Ciego de Ávila, Cienfuegos, Havana, Matanzas, Santiago de Cuba, and Varadero. 

Inaugurated in mid-1998, the new terminal at Havana’s José Martí International Airport 

expanded the airport’s capacity to 3 million people per year. The main national airports that 

handle primarily domestic flights include Baracoa, Bayamo, Cayo Largo, Guantánamo, Holguín, 

Manzanillo, Moa, Nicaro, Nueva Gerona, and Santa Clara. 

The Cuban Aviation Company (Cubana de Aviación—Cubana) moves about half of the 

international tourists into Cuba and manages all of the main civilian airports. In addition to a 

comprehensive domestic service, Cubana operates—with the help of Canadian and Irish pilots—

international services to various regional and international destinations. Latin American, 

Canadian, Czech, German, Mexican, Russian, and Spanish airlines also serve Cuba. 

Pipelines: In 2004 Cuba’s gas pipelines totaled 49 kilometers and its oil pipelines 230 

kilometers. 

Telecommunications: Most of the telecommunications infrastructure dates to the period before 

the 1959 Revolution and uses technology that has outlived its life cycle many times over. Newer 

facilities were installed during the 1990s with the assistance of foreign telecommunications 

services partners. A Cuban-Italian joint venture completed work on a national fiber-optic system 

in 2004, and 85 percent of its switches were already digitized by the end of the year. 

Nevertheless, telephone line density remains low, at 10 per 100 inhabitants. By 2004 Cuba had 

844,000 telephone subscribers, or 7.45 per 100 inhabitants, according to the Geneva-based 

International Telecommunication Union. According to the official Cuban Web site, however, the 

country had only 520,865 main telephone lines, or 4.7 telephone lines per 100 inhabitants, with a 

41 percent call-completion rate. Approximately 45 percent of Cuba’s telephone lines serve 

residents within Havana’s metropolitan area. 

Cuba’s national infrastructure supports national and international telecommunications services 

utilizing wired and wireless facilities. Teléfonos Celulares de Cuba, S.A. (Cubacel) provides 

mobile telephone coverage around most towns. Initially, the main subscribers, numbering 2,900 

in 2001, were mostly government officials, diplomats, and company employees in the Havana 

area. However, during 1999–2004 cellular phone subscribers increased by 71.3 percent, reaching 

a rate of 0.67 per 100 inhabitants in 2004 and accounting for 9 percent of total telephone 

subscribers. By the end of 2005, Cuba had 80,000 mobile subscribers. 
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A relatively small proportion of the Cuban population has access to the Internet, since the cost is 

prohibitive for most Cubans. Those who do have Internet access are mostly people with 

institutional e-mail accounts, diplomats, or foreign businesspeople. In 2004 Cuba had 1,712 

Internet hosts (1.51 per 10,000 inhabitants) and about 150,000 Internet users (only 1.32 users per 

100 inhabitants). The number of personal computers (PCs) totaled about 420,000 in 2005, or 3.7 

per 100 inhabitants; another 200,000 PCs were expected to be in use in 2006. Cuba’s Internet 

usage figures reflect a growth of 150 percent during 2000–5. Presently, Cuba accounts for 3.5 

percent of Internet users in Latin America. 

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

Overview: Since 1965 Cuba has been governed by a highly centralized system headed by the 

Communist Party of Cuba (Partido Comunista de Cuba—PCC), which is the only authorized 

political party and rules as “the highest leading force of society and the State,” according to the 

constitution. The Council of State of the National Assembly of Popular Power is the state’s 

highest decision-making body, and the Council of Ministers is the highest executive and 

administrative authority. Beginning on December 2, 1976, Castro assumed the functions of 

president of the Council of State and Council of Ministers. A People’s Supreme Court, 

accountable to the National Assembly, oversees a system of regional courts. Municipal, regional, 

and provincial assemblies also have been established. 

On July 31, 2006, Cuban news media reported an official “proclamation” that Fidel Castro, the 

long-time chief of state and head of government as president of the Council of State and Council 

of Ministers, first secretary of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PCC, and 

commander in chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias—

FAR), had undergone emergency intestinal surgery and consequently had transferred power and 

all of his principal government and party positions provisionally—for the first time in his 47-year 

rule—to his brother and long-time designated successor, Raúl Castro. Raúl Castro already had 

been serving equally as long as minister of the FAR, first vice president of the Council of State 

and Council of Ministers, and second secretary of the PCC’s Political Bureau. 

In addition, Fidel Castro transferred his functions as principal coordinator of the National and 

International Program of Public Health to José Ramón Balaguer Cabrera, a member of the 

Political Bureau and minister of public health; his functions as principal coordinator of the 

National and International Education Program to two Political Bureau members, José Ramón 

Machado Ventura and Esteban Lazo Hernández; and his functions as principal coordinator of the 

National Program of the Energy Revolution in Cuba to Carlos Lage Dávila, a member of the 

Political Bureau and secretary of the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers. Fidel 

Castro also transferred his personal control of funding for these health, education, and energy 

programs to a funding committee consisting of Lage Dávila; Francisco Soberón Valdés, 

minister-president of the Central Bank of Cuba; and Felipe Pérez Roque, minister of foreign 

relations. 

On August 13, on the occasion of Fidel Castro’s eightieth birthday and a visit by Venezuelan 

President Hugo Chávez Frías, Raúl Castro made his first public appearance as provisional 

president by greeting Chávez at the Havana airport. The following day, the electronic version of 
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23

Granma, the official communist party newspaper, published photos of Castro being visited in his 

hospital room on his birthday by his brother and President Chávez. Despite Castro’s apparent 

improvement, in late September there was no indication that he would be resuming the full roster 

of his previous powers anytime soon, if at all. The temporary transfer of power, described by 

some observers as a dress rehearsal for a post-Castro transition, appeared more likely to become 

the actual succession. Nor was there any clear evidence that the leadership transition would 

evolve toward democratization, despite the assertion of opposition leader Osvaldo José Payá 

Sadinas that fidelismo would not survive Fidel and that Raúl Castro’s assumption of power 

would mean the country had entered a stage of substantial democratic opening. In the shorter 

term, according to some outside experts, a likely scenario is for Raúl Castro to serve as a 

pragmatic but low-profile chairman of a collective leadership until elections are held for the 

Council of State president and first secretary of the PCC. 

Likely key leaders include the aforementioned younger-generation leaders, but particularly Lage 

Dávila and Pérez Roque, along with National Assembly President Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada, 

who is Cuba’s most experienced diplomat. Although Raúl Castro apparently retains strong 

support within the FAR for his competent management of one of Cuba’s strongest institutions as 

well as for his successful command of the FAR during three overseas wars, his leadership of a 

post–Fidel Castro administration would itself likely be transitional because of his age—he turned 

75 on June 3, 2006, reportedly poor health, and lack of his brother’s charisma and national and 

international stature. Interior Minister and Army Corps General Abelardo Colomé Ibarra, who is 

next in the hierarchy of power after Raúl Castro, would be another likely transitional candidate; 

as a revolutionary comrade of the Castro brothers, Colomé would likely advocate a continued 

strong military role in government. 

Executive Branch: The 31-member Council of State, whose members and president are elected 

by the National Assembly of Popular Power to serve as the Assembly’s permanent organ, is, in 

effect, the highest decision-making representative of the state because the National Assembly 

meets only twice a year for a few days each time. The president of the Council of State is also 

president of the Council of Ministers, in which executive and administrative authority is vested, 

and thus serves as both chief of state and head of government. In mid-2006, the Council of 

Ministers had 28 ministry posts (two of which were vacant), including the minister without 

portfolio. The constitution empowers the Council of Ministers, as the highest executive and 

administrative organ, to issue regulations to administer laws and decrees and to authorize 

exceptions to state ownership of the means of production. The ministers are responsible 

principally to the Council’s nine-member Executive Committee, which includes its president, 

first vice president, and five other vice presidents. The Executive Committee is the decisionmaking body of the Council of Ministers, and one of its main functions is to oversee the 

administration of the economy. The Council of Ministers answers to the National Assembly and 

to the Council of State. The president and vice presidents of the Council of State and the 

National Assembly elect ministers for a term of five years. Elections were last held in March 

2003 and are next scheduled for 2008. 

The 24-member Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba 

(Partido Comunista de Cuba—PCC) is the party’s leading decision-making institution and 

Cuba’s most important decision-making entity. The PCC monopolizes all government positions, 
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24

including judicial offices, and approves candidates for any elected office. The PCC’s highest 

authority is the Party Congress, which elects a Central Committee (150 members in 2005) to 

supervise the party’s work. To direct its policy, the Central Committee elects a Politburo (24 

members in 2005). 

Legislative Branch: As amended in July 1992, the 1976 constitution vests all formal legislative 

powers (including the powers to amend the constitution) in the National Assembly of Popular 

Power (Asamblea Nacional de Poder Popular—ANPP). The National Assembly is the supreme 

organ of state and the sole legislative authority. Prior to 1976, the Council of Ministers had 

exercised both executive and legislative functions. The National Assembly elects 31 of its 

members to form the Council of State, the Assembly’s permanent organ. The National Assembly 

has the formal power, among others, to approve the budget and the national economic plan; elect 

the members of the Supreme Court; and generally oversee the rule-making activities and 

electoral processes of the provincial assemblies and municipal assemblies. The 609 National 

Assembly deputies are elected by direct popular vote for five-year terms. 

Judicial Branch: The constitution explicitly subordinates the judiciary to the National Assembly 

and the Council of State. The Cuban court system consists of a People’s Supreme Court, 

provincial courts, municipal courts, and military courts. The People’s Supreme Court, the highest 

judicial body, is organized into five chambers: criminal, civil and administrative, labor, state 

security, and military. Its members are nominated by the minister of justice and confirmed by the 

National Assembly with two exceptions: First, its president and vice president are nominated by 

the president of the Council of State; second, the members of the military chamber are nominated 

jointly by the minister of justice and the minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. The 

minister of justice exercises administrative control over all the courts, including the People’s 

Supreme Court, which has no authority to declare a law unconstitutional. Judges are appointed 

for a term, not for life, and they can be removed from office if proper cause is shown. As a result, 

the courts show considerable deference to executive authority and are marked by political 

timidity. The Office of the State Prosecutor is subordinate to the National Assembly, which 

formally elects the prosecutor. This office has wide latitude to review the past conduct and 

prospective actions of all organs of state power. The prosecutor has specific oversight over all 

law enforcement and a rank equal to a Supreme Court justice. The prosecutor is directly 

responsible for cases of treason or corruption. 

Administrative Divisions: In 1976 the Council of Ministers divided Cuba into 14 provinces and 

169 municipalities. Listed from west to east, Cuba’s provinces are Pinar del Río, La Habana, 

Ciudad de La Habana, Matanzas, Villa Clara, Cienfuegos, Sancti Spíritus, Ciego de Ávila, 

Camagüey, Las Tunas, Granma, Holguín, Santiago de Cuba, and Guantánamo. The Isla de la 

Juventud (Isle of Youth), the Cuban archipelago’s second-largest island, is a special 

municipality. 

Provincial and Local Government: The central government directly oversees the provincial 

and local governments through a hierarchical network of assemblies and committees. Each of 

Cuba’s 14 provinces is formally governed by a provincial assembly, which elects a provincial 

committee. The president of the provincial committee functions as the provincial governor. A 

provincial assembly must have at least 75 members, and they serve for five years. Each of the 
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country’s 169 municipalities is governed by a municipal assembly, which elects a municipal 

committee, whose president functions as mayor. Municipal assembly delegates serve for two and 

one-half years. Nominations for municipal assembly elections come from regional assemblies at 

the precinct level. 

Judicial and Legal System: A civil law state, Cuba has a legal system that is based on Spanish 

and American law but influenced by communist legal theory. Cuba’s inquisitorial system of 

criminal procedure emphasizes written codes rather than precedent as the source of law. There 

are no jury trials, and most trials are public. The courts are key institutions in law enforcement 

and also seek to educate the population about their rights and obligations. The provincial courts 

exercise jurisdiction over crimes for which punishment will not exceed eight years; about threequarters of all crimes fall within their realm. Municipal courts serve as trial courts at the lowest 

level, and they have jurisdiction over minor crimes that typically carry a penalty of imprisonment 

for less than one year or small fines. They are also the courts of first instance in civil and labor 

cases. Municipal trials are always held before a panel of three judges. All of Cuba’s courts have 

both professional and lay judges. Professional judges are selected through a competitive 

examination administered by the Ministry of Justice. About half of Cuba’s judges are members 

of the Cuban Communist Party, and an even higher proportion of party members is evident in the 

Supreme Court. Cuban courts are very harsh in their treatment of the political opposition. Cubans 

can be jailed for speaking ill of their rulers or for organizing groups to contest political power. 

Electoral System: Elections for the National Assembly are held in multimember districts. 

Voters have three choices: vote for the single official slate, vote for some of the candidates on 

the official slate (but never for opposition party candidates), or cast a blank ballot. To be elected, 

a candidate has to receive more than half of the valid votes cast. Elections to the National 

Assembly take place every five years. No candidate failed to be elected in the 1993 and 1998 

National Assembly elections. The last elections for the National Assembly and provincial 

assemblies were held in January 2003; the next elections are slated for January 2008. Municipal 

elections were last held in April 2005 and are next due in October 2007. 

Political Parties and Politics: The Cuban Communist Party (Partido Comunista de Cuba—

PCC) has governed Cuba since 1965. The PCC is the only legal political party and exercises de 

facto control over government policies. Major issues are debated at periodic party congresses, 

the fifth of which was held in October 1997. These congresses adopt the party’s statutes and 

programs and choose the membership of the Central Committee and Political Bureau. Key issues 

are discussed more regularly in meetings of the Political Bureau, which includes Cuba’s most 

powerful leaders. The Central Committee, a much larger entity, meets annually and includes 

many key intermediate-level leaders. 

Mass Media: In the absence of any freedoms of speech and press, domestic media must operate 

under party guidelines and reflect government views. The state owns and operates all mass 

media except for publications of the Roman Catholic Church. The Cuban government and 

Communist Party of Cuba (Partido Comunista de Cuba—PCC) strictly censor news, information, 

and commentary and restrict dissemination of foreign publications to tourist hotels. Laws against 

disseminating antigovernment propaganda, graffiti, and disrespect of officials carry prison 

penalties. 
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Cuba has several dozen online regional newspapers. The only national daily paper is Granma, 

the official organ of the PCC. A weekly version, Granma International, is published in English, 

Spanish, French, Portuguese, and German plus is available online. Havana residents also have 

their own weekly, Havana-oriented paper, Tribuna de La Habana. The weekly Juventud Rebelde

is the official organ of the Communist Youth Union. The biweekly Bohemia is the country’s only 

general-interest newsmagazine. Cuba’s official news agency is Prensa Latina, which publishes 

several magazines, including Cuba Internacional, directed at the foreign audience. 

In 2005 Cubans had at least 3.9 million radio receivers and 3 million television sets, and the 

country had 169 AM, 55 FM, and 58 TV broadcasting stations. The Cuban Institute of Radio and 

Television serves as the government’s administrative outlet for broadcasting. Of the six national 

FM radio stations, the top three are Radio Progreso, Radio Reloj, and Radio Rebelde, in that 

order. Two other national radio networks that also provide news and entertainment are Radio 

Musical Nacional (CMBF) and Radio Enciclopedia. Another station, Radio Taíno, promotes 

tourism. The Cuban government also operates Radio Havana, the official Cuban international 

short-wave radio service. The Cuban television system is made up of two networks: Cubavisión 

and Tele Rebelde. Cuba’s restriction of foreign broadcast media is one reason the U.S. 

government has sponsored radio and television broadcasting into Cuba through Radio and TV 

Martí, much of which is jammed. 

Internet access is restricted by prohibitive cost, by very limited accessibility, by the relatively 

small (albeit rapidly expanding) number of personal computers, and by government efforts to 

control information access. Local post offices provide public access to e-mail, but many facilities 

do not provide international access. Access to the World Wide Web is mainly restricted to 

government offices, research and educational institutes, and large companies. 

Foreign Relations: With the demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, Cuba 

ended its long-time efforts to export Marxist revolution and adopted a pragmatic foreign policy 

that is designed to expand Cuba’s international relations and trade, as well as tourism and 

investment in Cuba. Cuba is no longer the major diplomatic player in the developing world that 

it was during the Cold War, when it was able to send troops to support revolutionary movements 

or regimes. Nevertheless, it still has the largest diplomatic representation of any Latin American 

country: 177 embassies and three consulates worldwide, and it continues to play an active role in 

its relations with the developing world, serving as host for the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) 

Summit on September 11–16, 2006, and taking over chairmanship of the NAM from Malaysia. 

Cuban relations with Russia remain cautious. Cuba’s diplomatic efforts are more focused on 

deepening links with major trade partners, namely China and Venezuela. Cuba also has sought 

closer ties with Vietnam and North Korea. As its trade ties with China and Venezuela have 

increased, Cuba has shown declining interest in wooing the European Union (EU), which, 

despite being an outspoken critic of the U.S. embargo on Cuba, is divided about cooperating with 

Cuba because of the island’s poor human rights record and lack of democracy. Cuba has 

continued to cultivate relations with individual EU member countries. 

In the Americas, Cuba has used the election of a series of left-leaning presidents in countries 

such as Brazil, Bolivia, and Venezuela to develop relations with those countries and the region in 

general. Cuba also has continued to foster close political and commercial ties with Mexico and 
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Canada, both of which have been strong critics of the U.S. economic embargo. However, 

diplomatic relations between Cuba and Mexico have been strained since 2001 over Cuba’s 

human rights record and reached their lowest point in more than a century in April 2004, when 

Mexico voted against Cuba for the third time at the United Nations Human Rights Commission. 

Mexico sent a new ambassador to Cuba in September 2005 after seven months without 

diplomatic representation. Cuba’s relations with its Caribbean neighbors have improved slowly 

since 1991, and Fidel Castro has made several state visits throughout the Caribbean region. 

Relations between Jamaica and Cuba, which have direct air links, are now fairly good. 

Cuba and the United States have not had formal diplomatic relations since 1961, but each 

country maintains an Interests Section in the other’s capital. Bilateral Cuban-U.S. relations have 

remained highly antagonistic since the communist government of Fidel Castro came to power. 

Progress in this area has been severely constrained by the enduring rigidities of the communist 

regime and the inflexible U.S. policy stance. The U.S. government has sought to further tighten 

the implementation of economic sanctions, despite lack of congressional support for such a 

move. In a rare instance of Cuban-U.S. collaboration, Cuban and U.S. doctors worked together 

for the first time in May 2005 during a seven-day visit to Honduras by a Cuban Medical Brigade. 

Prospects for an improvement in Cuban-U.S. relations and lifting of the Cold War–era U.S. trade 

embargo remain poor until the Castro era ends, the country opens to democratization, and the 

politically powerful émigré community in the United States drops its traditional opposition to 

any rapprochement. 

Membership in International Organizations: Cuba is excluded from hemispheric 

organizations subject to the U.S. veto, including the Americas Summit, the Organization of 

American States, the Inter-American Development Bank, and negotiations over the Free-Trade 

Area of the Americas. Cuba has been accepted as a full member of the African, Caribbean, and 

Pacific (ACP) group of countries associated with the European Union (EU), although it is not a 

beneficiary of ACP–EU trade agreements. Cuba is a member of all United Nations (UN) 

agencies, including the regional body and the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and 

the Caribbean. Cuba is also a member of the Customs Co-operation Council, Food and 

Agriculture Organization, Group of 77, International Atomic Energy Agency, International Civil 

Aviation Organization, International Criminal Police Organization, International Fund for 

Agricultural Development, International Hydrographic Organization, International Labour 

Organisation, International Maritime Organization, International Maritime Satellite 

Organization, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, International Olympic 

Committee, International Organization for Standardization, International Telecommunication 

Union, International Telecommunications Satellite Organization (nonsignatory user), Latin 

American Economic System, Non-Aligned Movement, Permanent Court of Arbitration, 

Universal Postal Union, World Confederation of Labor, World Federation of Trade Unions, 

World Health Organization, World Intellectual Property Organization, World Meteorological 

Organization, World Tourism Organization, and World Trade Organization. 

Major International Treaties: In the area of counternarcotics, Cuba is a party to the 1988 

United Nations Drug Convention, the 1971 United Nations Convention on Psychotropic 

Substances, and the 1961 United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, as amended by 

the 1972 Protocol. The Cuban government has not signed the Agreement Concerning Co-
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operation in Suppressing Illicit Maritime and Air Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic 

Substances in the Caribbean Area (Caribbean Regional Maritime Agreement), despite its 

participation in the agreement negotiations. Cuba has signed, but not ratified, the United Nations 

Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Cuba maintains bilateral narcotics 

agreements with 33 countries and less formal agreements with 16 others. 

Cuba is a signatory of the following environmental treaties or protocols, among others: 

Antarctic, Convention for the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment of the 

Wider Caribbean Region, Convention on Biological Diversity, Convention on Nature Protection 

and Wildlife Preservation in the Western Hemisphere, Desertification, Development of the 

Marine Environment of the Wider Caribbean Region, Endangered Species, Environmental 

Modification, Hazardous Wastes, Marine Dumping, Ozone Layer Protection, Ship Pollution, and 

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It has signed but not ratified the Protocol on 

Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty, the Convention on Climate Change and Kyoto 

Protocol, and Marine Life Conservation. 

In 1995 Cuba signed the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the 

Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco), a Latin American regional nonproliferation regime, but 

declined to ratify the treaty and bring it into force until October 2002. Cuba submitted its 

ratification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in November 2002. 

NATIONAL SECURITY 

Armed Forces Overview: The Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas 

Revolucionarias—FAR) was one of the largest and most formidable militaries in the Latin 

American region if not in the entire developing world in the mid-1980s, when it still received 

substantial Soviet aid, but it declined greatly during the post-Soviet years of the 1990s. It 

remains the most powerful military force in the Caribbean area. Numbering an estimated 49,000 

active members in 2006, the FAR consists of the 38,000-member Revolutionary Army (Ejército 

Revolucionario), the 3,000-member (including 500 marines) Revolutionary Navy (Marina de 

Guerra Revolucionaria—MGR), and the 8,000-member Antiaircraft Defense and Revolutionary 

Air Force (Defensa Antiaérea y Fuerza Aérea Revolucionaria—DAAFAR). In addition, the FAR 

has 39,000 reservists. Today the FAR has a primarily defensive and deterrent orientation. The 

army remains both well equipped and professional and is one of the strongest defensive military 

forces in Latin America, capable of offering strong resistance to an invading power. 

Traditionally a well-trained and professional force, the DAAFAR has been hobbled by a chronic 

lack of fuel and replacement parts and as a result has continued to decline in effectiveness. The 

MGR has been reduced to basically a coast guard. 

The Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (Ministerio de las Fuerzas Armadas 

Revolucionarias—MINFAR) commands the FAR. As president of the Council of State and 

Council of Ministers, General Fidel Castro Ruz had been commander in chief of the FAR, until 

July 31, 2006, when, for health reasons, he provisionally transferred these functions to his 

brother, Raúl Castro Ruz, who is also minister for the FAR and chief of the Joint General Staff. 

The army, navy, and air force each have a general staff under the control of the Joint General 
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Staff. The Cuban military is divided into three major geographical commands: Western 

(headquartered in Havana), covering the capital and the provinces of Ciudad de La Habana and 

Pinar del Río; Central (headquartered in Matanzas), covering the provinces of Matanzas, Villa 

Clara, Cienfuegos, and Sancti Spíritus; and Eastern (headquartered in Santiago de Cuba), 

covering the provinces of Santiago de Cuba, Guantánamo, Granma, Holguín, Las Tunas, 

Camagüey, and Ciego de Ávila. Each of the three regional army commands and the Isle of Youth 

Autonomous Military Region has its own staff organization and reports to Raúl Castro. 

Foreign Military Relations: The Cuban military has long maintained contact with the armed 

forces of developing world nations that are considered nonaligned or at least not ideologically 

hostile to the Castro regime. It was able to mitigate its post-Soviet isolation by developing closer 

ties with fellow military officers in Latin America and Europe, and its post–Cold War efforts to 

build contacts with foreign militaries were aided by Fidel Castro’s 1992 declaration that Cuba 

would no longer support revolutionary movements abroad. 

Russia still has a December 2000 agreement with Cuba to modernize Soviet-built Cuban military 

equipment, but there is little evidence that Cuba’s inventory is being modernized. Perhaps the 

most important tie with a foreign military force to develop since the Soviet Union’s demise has 

been the relationship with the Chinese Popular Liberation Army. In early 2001, China and Cuba 

concluded an agreement to increase military cooperation. However, the Chinese-Cuban military 

relationship, which appears to be more of a business arrangement, does not compare with Cuba’s 

former military dependency on the Soviet Union. 

External Threat: No neighboring Latin American or Caribbean countries pose a military threat 

to Cuba. The only country with a history of military intervention in Cuba since the expulsion of 

Spain in 1898 is the United States, which maintains the U.S. naval base at Guantánamo Bay, 

consisting of 1,600 army, 510 naval, 80 marine, and 65 air force personnel in 2004. The Castro 

government has always portrayed the United States in Cuban media as a potential military threat 

to Cuba, often using as an historical example the disastrous landing of an army of Cuban exiles 

organized by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency on Playa Girón in the Bay of Pigs on the 

south-central Cuban coast on April 17, 1961. U.S. economic warfare against the island has 

always been a reality for the Castro government, which also portrays the U.S. threat as taking the 

form of support for internal subversion, human rights activism, and political interference. On 

August 1, 2006, claiming the country was “under threat” of U.S. aggression, Acting President 

Raúl Castro ordered a military mobilization of tens of thousands of reservists and militia 

members and the Special Troops as per plans that Fidel Castro “approved and signed on January 

13, 2005.” 

Defense Budget: Cuba’s defense budget shrank from 9.6 percent of gross domestic product 

(GDP) in 1985 to 2.8 percent of GDP in 1995. Over the past decade, it has remained under 4 

percent of GDP. Cuba does not make public its defense spending, but expenditures on defense 

and internal security for 2005 were estimated at US$1.7 billion, compared with US$1.1 billion in 

2003, US$900 million in 2002, US$789 million in 2001, and US$720 million in 1997. The 2003 

estimate of US$1.1 billion was the equivalent of US$97 per head of population and US$23,157 

per member of the armed forces. The army has become more self-reliant through greater 
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30

involvement in the economy, particularly in agricultural food production, transport, and tourism 

(through the military-linked Gaviota Tourism Group, S.A.). 

Major Military Units: The full establishment of a mobilized Cuban infantry division is 5,900 

members; a mechanized division, 8,200; and an armored division, 6,200. A Cuban infantry 

regiment numbers 1,010 personnel, and each of its two battalions numbers 349 soldiers. Armored 

regiments consist of 720 personnel; each of their three tank battalions has about 110 soldiers and 

21 tanks; artillery regiments have about 975 personnel. In early 2006, the army had four or five 

armored brigades, nine mechanized brigades, one airborne brigade, and one artillery group. In 

addition, the army included between 12 and 14 reserve infantry brigades. It was deployed 

regionally in the Western Army, Central Army, and Eastern Army. In addition, the Isla de la 

Juventud Military Region was garrisoned by forces equivalent to an infantry brigade. The 

Revolutionary Army Command included an airborne brigade and an artillery division. The 

Western Army included two mixed security regiments: one consisted of four divisions (brigade 

equivalents); the other, called the 2nd Pinar del Río Army Corps, consisted of three infantry 

divisions (brigades). The Central Army comprised three mixed security regiments, four infantry 

divisions (brigades), and the 4th Las Villas Army Corps, which consisted of three infantry 

brigades. The Eastern Army included 10 divisions (brigades), the Guantánamo Frontier Guard 

Brigade (comprising two infantry regiments), the 5th Holguín Army Corps (comprising one 

mechanized and four infantry divisions/brigades), and the 6th Camagüey Army Corps (consisting 

of one mechanized brigade and three infantry brigades). 

Major military units of the rest of the armed forces also are divided into the western, central, and 

eastern regions. The three main territorial divisions of the air force and their responsible brigades 

are the Western Air Zone (the Bay Of Pigs Guard Brigade), the Central Air Zone (the Batalla de 

Santa Clara Guard Brigade), and the Eastern Air Zone (the Cuartel Moncada Guard Brigade). 

The nearly nonoperational navy, which is divided into the Western Naval District and the 

Eastern Naval District, has naval bases in Cabañas, Nicaro, Cienfuegos, Havana, Santiago de 

Cuba, and Banes. 

Major Military Equipment: Although the army is well stocked with Russian equipment, much 

of it is obsolete or aging, and there is a critical shortage of spare parts. Most of Cuba’s equipment 

came from the former Soviet Union and its East European allies, primarily Czechoslovakia and 

Poland. Under a 2000 accord, Russia is supposed to assist Cuba in modernizing its inventory. In 

the meantime, China has become Cuba’s main supplier of arms. 

Cuba reportedly has about 1,500 to 1,700 armored military vehicles in service. In 2005 the army 

inventory included an estimated 900 main battle tanks, including 400 T–62s (200 in service) and 

1,100 T–54/55s (500 in service). Other armored vehicles included 50 PT–76 amphibious light 

tanks (30 in service), 100 BRDM–1/–2 reconnaissance vehicles (about 90 in service), 400 BMP–

1 armored infantry fighting vehicles (about 150 in service), and 700 BTR–40/–50/–60/–152 

armored personnel carriers (300 in service). The army’s artillery included 37 self-propelled 

howitzers, 500 towed pieces, and about 175 BM–14 and BM–21 multiple rocket launchers. In 

addition, the army had 1,000 mortars. 
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31

The air force still has a sizable inventory, but it, too, suffers from obsolescence and critical 

shortages of spare parts. In 2006 the air force had 127 combat aircraft of Russian make, only 

about 25 of which were operational. The air force also had 87 Russian-made helicopters of 

various types. Air defense weapons included 300 low- to medium-altitude SAMs (surface-to-air 

missiles) of various types and antiaircraft guns of unknown quantities. As of 2006, the inventory 

included two new mobile versions of the Soviet-era S–75 (SA–2 Guideline) and S–125 (SA–3 

Goa). Army aviation had about 65 Mi-type attack, utility, and antisubmarine warfare helicopters, 

about 63 of which were in service. Naval aviation included 18 Russian helicopters of unknown 

operational status. The navy also had a substantial but increasingly obsolescent inventory of 

equipment, which included about seven coastal patrol craft, four missile craft, six mine 

countermeasures craft, and one hydrographic survey vessel. Coastal defense equipment included 

the truck-mounted SS–N–2B Styx and various artillery pieces. Naval spare parts were in critical 

shortage. 

Military Service: Since 1963 all male citizens between the ages of 16 and 45 have been liable 

for military service. The initial period of military training originally lasted three years, between 

the ages of 17 and 20. In 1991 active duty was reduced to a two-year tour. Reservists serve 45 

days per year. 

Paramilitary Forces: Active paramilitary forces totaled 26,500 in 2006. Paramilitary forces in 

general include a civil defense force of 50,000 and the Youth Labor Army (Ejército Juvenil de 

Trabajo—EJT). The EJT’s membership ranges from 65,000 to 100,000, depending on the source 

but was approximately 70,000 in 2006. Primarily an organized labor force under the control of 

the Joint General Staff, the EJT has military training and equipment. By far the largest 

paramilitary force is the Territorial Troops Militia (Milicia de Tropas Territoriales—MTT), 

which is often described as having 1 million reservists. The MTT is organized into about 200 

regiments comprising approximately 1,000 battalions. Primarily an infantry force, the MTT 

includes mounted units and some artillery and antiaircraft elements. The 6,500-member Border 

Guard Troops (Tropas de Guardafronteras—TGF) may also qualify as a paramilitary force. 

Foreign Military Forces: Since 2000 the Chinese reportedly have operated two signals 

intelligence (SIGINT) facilities, located at Santiago de Cuba and Bejucal, for the purpose of 

monitoring military communications networks within the United States. All Russian combat 

troops have been withdrawn from Cuba, but some SIGINT troops and military advisers 

reportedly remain. The last major Russian presence on the island was the Lourdes SIGINT 

station; its announced closure in October 2001 deprived the Castro government of as much as 

US$200 million in annual rent. 

Military Forces Abroad: The Cuban military does not participate in peace support operations 

and is not known to have any forces abroad, other than an unknown number of advisers in 

Venezuela. Since the mid-1990s, Cuba has sent Special Forces officers to Vietnam for training. 

Cuba reportedly considered a request from the government of the Solomon Islands in May 2000 

for Cuban intervention in the interethnic civil war that was engulfing the islands. Cuba initially 

indicated a willingness to provide aid and support measures to help alleviate the fighting in 

return for diplomatic recognition and involvement in exploitation of the Pacific nation’s mineral 

assets, but nothing came of the talks after regional diplomatic protests. 
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32

Security Forces: Civilian authorities control the security forces through the Ministry of Interior. 

However, most key positions in the ministry are held by officers of the Revolutionary Armed 

Forces. The security forces include the 20,000-member Department of State Security 

(Departamento de Seguridad del Estado—DSE), the Border Guard Troops (Tropas de 

Guardafronteras—TGF), and the 15,000-member National Revolutionary Police (Policía 

Nacional Revolucionaria—PRN). Reorganized in 1998, the PRN is known to be effective in its 

primary civil police role. Political control is exercised mainly through the DSE, which is 

supported by neighborhood block committees—Committees for the Defense of the Revolution 

(CDRs). The CDRs constitute a network of police informers and armed vigilantes that can be 

mobilized to intimidate opposition elements as well as to prevent crime. This network is headed 

by the national CDR, a component of the PRN. In addition, the Special Forces of the Ministry of 

Interior control Cuba’s elite rapid-intervention force, consisting of two battalions of Special 

Troops (Tropas Especiales) that have a combined total strength of about 1,500. Highly trained 

and motivated, they appear to be extremely effective within the limitations of their small 

numbers. They are equipped with the best personal and close-support weapons available to the 

Cuban armed forces. 

Internal Threats: The Castro regime’s highly efficient secret services keep close control over 

public gatherings, are quick to quash any dissent, and closely monitor opposition groups. As a 

result, the Castro regime remains firmly in power and faces no serious internal threat to its power 

or stability or any signs of unrest resulting from the provisional transfer of power to Raúl Castro. 

That could change, however, if Raúl Castro, lacking his brother’s charisma and stature, is unable 

to govern effectively in a post–Fidel Castro situation and is confronted by a power struggle. 

Currently, the only internal security threats are posed by street crime, organized crime, and 

illegal emigration. Although street crime has been rising, the crime rate is still lower than in 

other Latin American states, and the authorities have been making significant efforts to ensure 

that incidents do not adversely affect tourism. Nevertheless, some Cuban-American gangs 

reportedly are actively rebuilding their contacts in Cuba, and Cuba reportedly has a strong 

potential for a resurgence of organized crime, mainly related to drug trafficking, money 

laundering, and prostitution. Other transnational criminal networks including Russia-based 

groups have been establishing a presence on the island. The Italian police have reported that 

Sicilian organized crime is interested in developing operations in Cuba, seeking to use new 

construction projects related to the tourism industry to launder money. All forms of trafficking in 

persons are crimes in Cuba. Despite the absence of reports of human trafficking in Cuba in 2005, 

trafficking for underage prostitution and forced labor did occur. 

Drug smuggling and illegal emigration are currently Cuba’s principal maritime threats. Although 

Cuban policy is to prevent, intercept, and destroy drug contraband, the country’s geographical 

position and limited coastal enforcement have not discouraged drug traffickers from transiting 

Cuban territorial water and airspace. Cuba aggressively pursues an internal narcotics 

enforcement, investigation, and prevention program and attempts to cooperate with the United 

States in narcotics enforcement areas. Nevertheless, Cuba is already an important trafficking 

transshipment point for drugs from Latin America and is unable to control its waters and airspace 

effectively. Most confiscations along the Cuban coastline come from the recovery of washed-up 

narcotics thrown overboard. Uncertainty regarding Fidel Castro’s illness in early August 2006 
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33

prompted some U.S. concern over the threat of a new flood of illegal immigration to Florida in 

the wake of Castro’s death, but no changes in U.S. immigration policy had resulted by midSeptember. 

Terrorism: According to the U.S. Department of State’s annual terrorism report for 2005, Cuba 

continues “to embrace terrorism as an instrument of policy.” Cuba has been on the department’s 

list of states that sponsor terrorism since 1982, citing Fidel Castro’s training and arming of 

communist rebels in Africa and Latin America. Since 1992, however, the regime appears to have 

ceased active military support of revolutionary groups in the absence of subsidies and other 

support from the former Soviet Union. Nevertheless, Cuba was the only nation that failed to 

condemn terrorism at the United Nations General Assembly session on November 16, 2001, and 

Cuba has continued to actively oppose the U.S.-led “war on terrorism” by taking a stance that 

“acts by legitimate national liberation movements cannot be defined as terrorism.” Cuba has 

provided “limited support” to designated foreign terrorist organizations as well as haven for 

some terrorists such as members of the Basque terrorist group Fatherland and Freedom. 

In past decades, Cuba was the target of anti-Castro terrorism by Florida-based Cuban exile 

groups. For example, Cuban exiles were linked to the firebombing of a Cubana airlines DC–8 

jetliner that crashed off the coast of Barbados, killing all 73 persons aboard on October 6, 1976. 

Throughout the 1990s, Cuban-American exiles boasted of paramilitary raids into Cuba, including 

a series of hotel bombings in Havana in 1997. In 1999 two Salvadoran nationals were convicted 

of terrorism and sentenced to death for a string of hotel bombings carried out in 1997, in which 

one foreign tourist was killed. According to prosecutors, both the Salvadorans were acting on 

behalf of anti-Castro exiles trying to sabotage Cuba’s tourism industry. 

Human Rights: As a communist dictatorship, the Castro regime has a long record of disrespect 

for human rights, such as its draconian crackdown on dissidents in March–April 2003. The harsh 

prison sentences ranging from six to 28 years that were meted out to 75 human rights activists, 

independent journalists, and opposition figures set back the regime’s efforts to win international 

and U.S. support for an end to economic and political sanctions. By the end of 2005, at least 333 

Cuban political prisoners and detainees continued to be held in Cuba, according to the U.S. 

Department of State, but there were no known politically motivated killings or “disappearances.” 

To legally repress dissent and restrict freedom of speech under the guise of protecting state 

security, the Castro regime relies on its Criminal Code, which criminalizes enemy propaganda, 

the spreading of “unauthorized news,” and insults to patriotic symbols. Conditions in Cuba’s 

overcrowded prisons continued to be harsh and life-threatening in 2005. Prison authorities 

frequently beat, neglected, isolated, and denied medical treatment to detainees and prisoners, 

particularly those convicted of political crimes or those who persisted in expressing their 

oppositional views. Authorities also often denied family visitation, adequate nutrition, exposure 

to natural light, pay for work, and the right to petition the prison director.