Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Algeria, March 2006 

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COUNTRY PROFILE: ALGERIA 

March 2006 

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COUNTRY 

Formal Name: People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria 

(Al Jumhuriyah al Jazairiyah ad Dimuqratiyah ash Shabiyah). 

Short Form: Algeria (Al Jazair). 

Term for Citizen(s): Algerian(s). 

Capital: Algiers, with a population of about 1.7 million, or 3 million including suburbs. 

Major Cities: After Algiers, the most populous cities are Oran, Constantine, and Annaba. 

According to 2004 estimates, Oran has a population of 700,000; Constantine, 350,000; and 

Annaba, 235,000. 

Independence: Algeria celebrates independence from France on July 5, 1962. 

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Public Holidays: Official holidays include New Year’s (January 1); Feast of the Sacrifice 

(January 11, 2006*); Islamic New Year (January 31, 2006*); Ashoura (February 9, 2006*); Birth 

of Muhammad (April 11, 2006*); Labor Day (May 1); Ben Bella’s Overthrow (June 19); 

Independence Day (July 5); Ascension of Muhammad (August 22, 2006*); Beginning of 

Ramadan (September 24, 2006*); End of Ramadan (October 24, 2006*); and Anniversary of the 

Revolution (November 1). Dates marked with an asterisk vary from year to year according to the 

Islamic calendar. 

Flag: Algeria’s flag features a red crescent and a red five-pointed star 

against two equal vertical bands of green and white in the background. 

The crescent, the star, and the color green symbolize Islam, the state 

religion. 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 

Prehistory of Central North Africa: Early inhabitants of the central Maghrib (also seen as 

Maghreb; designates North Africa west of Egypt) left behind significant remains including 

remnants of hominid occupation from ca. 200,000 B.C. found near Saïda. Neolithic civilization 

(marked by animal domestication and subsistence agriculture) developed in the Saharan and 

Mediterranean Maghrib between 6000 and 2000 B.C. This type of economy, so richly depicted 

in the Tassili-n-Ajjer cave paintings in southeastern Algeria, predominated in the Maghrib until 

the classical period. The amalgam of peoples of North Africa coalesced eventually into a distinct 

native population that came to be called Berbers. Distinguished primarily by cultural and 
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linguistic attributes, the Berbers lacked a written language and hence tended to be overlooked or 

marginalized in historical accounts. 

North Africa During the Classical Period: Phoenician traders arrived on the North African 

coast around 900 B.C. and established Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) around 800 B.C. During 

the classical period, Berber civilization was already at a stage in which agriculture, 

manufacturing, trade, and political organization supported several states. Trade links between 

Carthage and the Berbers in the interior grew, but territorial expansion also brought about the 

enslavement or military recruitment of some Berbers and the extraction of tribute from others. 

The Carthaginian state declined because of successive defeats by the Romans in the Punic Wars, 

and in 146 B.C. the city of Carthage was destroyed. As Carthaginian power waned, the influence 

of Berber leaders in the hinterland grew. By the second century B.C., several large but loosely 

administered Berber kingdoms had emerged. 

Berber territory was annexed to the Roman Empire in A.D. 24. Increases in urbanization and in 

the area under cultivation during Roman rule caused wholesale dislocations of Berber society, 

and Berber opposition to the Roman presence was nearly constant. The prosperity of most towns 

depended on agriculture, and the region was known as the “granary of the empire.” Christianity 

arrived in the second century. By the end of the fourth century, the settled areas had become 

Christianized, and some Berber tribes had converted en masse. 

Islam and the Arabs: The first Arab military expeditions into the Maghrib, between 642 and 

669, resulted in the spread of Islam. The Umayyads (a Muslim dynasty based in Damascus from 

661 to 750) recognized that the strategic necessity of dominating the Mediterranean dictated a 

concerted military effort on the North African front. By 711 Umayyad forces, helped by Berber 

converts to Islam, had conquered all of North Africa. In 750 the Abbasids succeeded the 

Umayyads as Muslim rulers and moved the caliphate to Baghdad. Under the Abbasids, the 

Rustumid imamate (761–909) actually ruled most of the central Maghrib from Tahirt, southwest 

of Algiers. The imams gained a reputation for honesty, piety, and justice, and the court of Tahirt 

was noted for its support of scholarship. The Rustumid imams failed, however, to organize a 

reliable standing army, which opened the way for Tahirt’s demise under the assault of the 

Fatimid dynasty. With their interest focused primarily on Egypt and Muslim lands beyond, the 

Fatimids left the rule of most of Algeria to the Zirids (972–1148), a Berber dynasty that centered 

significant local power in Algeria for the first time. This period was marked by constant conflict, 

political instability, and economic decline. Following a large incursion of Arab bedouin from 

Egypt beginning in the first half of the eleventh century, the use of Arabic spread to the 

countryside, and sedentary Berbers were gradually Arabized. 

The Almoravid (“those who have made a religious retreat”) movement developed early in the 

eleventh century among the Sanhaja Berbers of the western Sahara. The movement’s initial 

impetus was religious, an attempt by a tribal leader to impose moral discipline and strict 

adherence to Islamic principles on followers. But the Almoravid movement shifted to engaging 

in military conquest after 1054. By 1106 the Almoravids had conquered Morocco, the Maghrib 

as far east as Algiers, and Spain up to the Ebro River. 
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Like the Almoravids, the Almohads (“unitarians”) found their inspiration in Islamic reform. The 

Almohads took control of Morocco by 1146, captured Algiers around 1151, and by 1160 had 

completed the conquest of the central Maghrib. The zenith of Almohad power occurred between 

1163 and 1199. For the first time, the Maghrib was united under a local regime, but the 

continuing wars in Spain overtaxed the resources of the Almohads, and in the Maghrib their 

position was compromised by factional strife and a renewal of tribal warfare. In the central 

Maghrib, the Zayanids founded a dynasty at Tlemcen in Algeria. For more than 300 years, until 

the region came under Ottoman suzerainty in the sixteenth century, the Zayanids kept a tenuous 

hold in the central Maghrib. Many coastal cities asserted their autonomy as municipal republics 

governed by merchant oligarchies, tribal chieftains from the surrounding countryside, or the 

privateers who operated out of their ports. Nonetheless, Tlemcen, the “pearl of the Maghrib,” 

prospered as a commercial center. 

The final triumph of the 700-year Christian reconquest of Spain was marked by the fall of 

Granada in 1492. Christian Spain imposed its influence on the Maghrib coast by constructing 

fortified outposts and collecting tribute. But Spain never sought to extend its North African 

conquests much beyond a few modest enclaves. 

Privateering was an age-old practice in the Mediterranean, and North African rulers engaged in it 

increasingly in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries because it was so lucrative. 

Algeria became the privateering city-state par excellence, and two privateer brothers were 

instrumental in extending Ottoman influence in Algeria. At about the time Spain was 

establishing its presidios in the Maghrib, the Muslim privateer brothers Aruj and Khair ad Din—

the latter known to Europeans as Barbarossa, or Red Beard—were operating successfully off 

Tunisia. In 1516 Aruj moved his base of operations to Algiers but was killed in 1518. Khair ad 

Din succeeded him as military commander of Algiers, and the Ottoman sultan gave him the title 

of beylerbey (provincial governor). Under Khair ad Din’s regency, Algiers became the center of 

Ottoman authority in the Maghrib. Subsequently, with the institution of a regular Ottoman 

administration, governors with the title of pasha ruled. Turkish was the official language, and 

Arabs and Berbers were excluded from government posts. In 1671 a new leader assumed power, 

adopting the title of dey. In 1710 the dey persuaded the sultan to recognize him and his 

successors as regent, replacing the pasha in that role. Although Algiers remained a part of the 

Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman government ceased to have effective influence there. 

European maritime powers paid the tribute exacted by the rulers of the privateering states of 

North Africa (Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco) to prevent attacks on their shipping. The 

Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century diverted the attention of the maritime powers 

from suppressing what they derogatorily called piracy. But when peace was restored to Europe in 

1815, Algiers found itself at war with Spain, the Netherlands, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, and 

Naples. In March of that year, the U.S. Congress also authorized naval action against the socalled Barbary States. 

France in Algeria: As a result of what the French considered an insult to the French consul in 

Algiers by the dey in 1827, France blockaded Algiers for three years. France then used the 

failure of the blockade as a reason for a military expedition against Algiers in 1830. By 1848 

nearly all of northern Algeria was under French control, and the new government of the Second 
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Republic declared the occupied lands an integral part of France. Three "civil territories"—

Algiers, Oran, and Constantine—were organized as French départements (local administrative 

units) under a civilian government. 

Colons (colonists), or, more popularly, pieds noirs (literally, black feet) dominated the 

government and controlled the bulk of Algeria’s wealth. Throughout the colonial era, they 

continued to block or delay all attempts to implement even the most modest reforms. But from 

1933 to 1936, mounting social, political, and economic crises in Algeria induced the indigenous 

population to engage in numerous acts of political protest. The government responded with more 

restrictive laws governing public order and security. Algerian Muslims rallied to the French side 

at the start of World War II as they had done in World War I. But the colons were generally 

sympathetic to the collaborationist Vichy regime established following France’s defeat by Nazi 

Germany. After the fall of the Vichy regime in Algeria, the Free French commander in chief in 

North Africa slowly rescinded repressive Vichy laws, despite opposition by colon extremists. 

In March 1943, Muslim leader Ferhat Abbas presented the French administration with the 

Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by 56 Algerian nationalist and international leaders. 

The manifesto demanded an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective 

political participation and legal equality for Muslims. Instead, the French administration in 1944 

instituted a reform package based on the 1936 Viollette Plan that granted full French citizenship 

only to certain categories of "meritorious" Algerian Muslims, who numbered about 60,000. The 

tensions between the Muslim and colon communities exploded on May 8, 1945, V-E Day. When 

a Muslim march was met with violence, marchers rampaged. The army and police responded by 

conducting a prolonged and systematic ratissage (literally, raking over) of suspected centers of 

dissidence. According to official French figures, 1,500 Muslims died as a result of these 

countermeasures. Other estimates vary from 6,000 to as high as 45,000 killed. 

In August 1947, the French National Assembly approved the government-proposed Organic 

Statute of Algeria. This law called for the creation of an Algerian Assembly with one house 

representing Europeans and "meritorious" Muslims and the other representing the remaining 8 

million or more Muslims. Muslim and colon deputies alike abstained or voted against the statute 

but for diametrically opposed reasons: the Muslims because it fell short of their expectations and 

the colons because it went too far. 

War of Independence: In the early morning hours of November 1, 1954, the National 

Liberation Front (Front de Libération Nationale—FLN) launched attacks throughout Algeria in 

the opening salvo of a war of independence. An important watershed in this war was the 

massacre of civilians by the FLN near the town of Philippeville in August 1955. The government 

claimed it killed 1,273 guerrillas in retaliation; according to the FLN, 12,000 Muslims perished 

in an orgy of bloodletting by the armed forces and police, as well as colon gangs. After 

Philippeville, all-out war began in Algeria. 

From its origins in 1954 as ragtag maquisards numbering in the hundreds and armed with a 

motley assortment of weapons, the National Liberation Army (Armée de Libération Nationale—

ALN), the military wing of the FLN, had evolved by 1957 into a disciplined fighting force of 

nearly 40,000 that successfully applied hit-and-run guerrilla warfare tactics. By 1956 France had 
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committed more than 400,000 troops to Algeria. In 1958–59 the French army had won military 

control in Algeria, but political developments had already overtaken the French army's 

successes. During that period in France, opposition to the conflict was growing, and international 

pressure was also building on France to grant Algeria independence. 

When Charles De Gaulle became premier of France in June 1958, he was given carte blanche to 

deal with Algeria. De Gaulle appointed a committee to draft a new constitution for France's Fifth 

Republic, with which Algeria would be associated but of which it would not form an integral 

part. Muslims, including women, were registered for the first time with Europeans on a common 

electoral roll to participate in a referendum to be held on the new constitution in September 

1958. Despite threats of reprisal by the FLN, 80 percent of the Muslim electorate turned out to 

vote in September, and of these 96 percent approved the constitution. In February 1959, de 

Gaulle was elected president of the new Fifth Republic. 

Then, in a September 1959 statement, de Gaulle uttered the words "self-determination," which he 

envisioned as leading to majority rule in an Algeria formally associated with France. Claiming 

that de Gaulle had betrayed them, the colons, backed by units of the army, staged an insurrection 

in Algiers in January 1960 that won mass support in Europe. In Paris de Gaulle called on the 

army to remain loyal and rallied popular support for his Algeria policy in a televised address. 

Most of the army heeded his call, and French forces defused the insurrection. However, in April 

1961 important elements of the French army joined in another unsuccessful insurrection intended 

to seize control of Algeria as well as topple the de Gaulle regime. This coup marked the turning 

point in the official attitude toward the Algerian war. De Gaulle was now prepared to abandon 

the colons, the group that no previous French government could have written off. 

Talks with the FLN reopened at Evian in May 1961. In their final form, the Evian Accords 

allowed the colons equal legal protection with Algerians over a three-year period. At the end of 

that period, however, Europeans would be obliged to become Algerian citizens or be classified as 

aliens with the attendant loss of rights. The French electorate approved the Evian Accords by an 

overwhelming 91 percent vote in a referendum held in June 1962. On July 1, 1962, some 6 

million of a total Algerian electorate of 6.5 million cast their ballots in the referendum on 

independence. The affirmative vote was a nearly unanimous mandate. 

Independent Algeria, 1962–present: The creation of the People’s Democratic Republic of 

Algeria was formally proclaimed on September 25, 1962. The following day, after being named 

premier, Ahmed Ben Bella formed a cabinet that linked the leadership of the three power 

bases—the army, the party, and the government. However, Ben Bella's ambitions and 

authoritarian tendencies ultimately led the triumvirate to unravel and provoked increasing 

discontent among Algerians. 

The war of national liberation and its aftermath had severely disrupted Algeria's society and 

economy. In addition to the physical destruction, the exodus of the colons deprived the country 

of most of its managers, civil servants, engineers, teachers, physicians, and skilled workers. The 

homeless and displaced numbered in the hundreds of thousands, many suffering from illness, and 

some 70 percent of the work force was unemployed. The months immediately following 

independence had witnessed the pell-mell rush of Algerians, their government, and its officials to 
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claim the property and jobs left behind by the Europeans. In the 1963 March Decrees, Ben Bella 

declared that all agricultural, industrial, and commercial properties previously owned and 

operated by Europeans were vacant, thereby legalizing confiscation by the state. 

A new constitution drawn up under close FLN supervision was approved by nationwide 

referendum in September 1963, and Ben Bella was confirmed as the party's choice to lead the 

country for a five-year term. Under the new constitution, Ben Bella as president combined the 

functions of chief of state and head of government with those of supreme commander of the 

armed forces. He formed his government with no need for legislative approval and was solely 

responsible for the definition and direction of its policies. Essentially, he had no effective 

institutional check on his powers. 

Opposition leader Hosine Ait-Ahmed quit the National Assembly in 1963 to protest the 

increasingly dictatorial tendencies of the regime and formed a clandestine resistance movement, 

the Front of Socialist Forces (Front des Forces Socialistes—FFS) dedicated to overthrowing the 

Ben Bella regime by force. Late summer 1963 saw sporadic incidents attributed to the FFS. 

More serious fighting broke out a year later. The army moved quickly and in force to crush the 

rebellion. As minister of defense, Houari Boumediene had no qualms about sending the army to 

put down regional uprisings because he felt they posed a threat to the state. However, when Ben 

Bella attempted to co-opt allies from among some of those regionalists, tensions increased 

between Boumediene and Ben Bella. On June 19, 1965, Boumediene deposed Ben Bella in a 

military coup d'état that was both swift and bloodless. 

Boumediene immediately dissolved the National Assembly and suspended the 1963 constitution. 

Political power resided in the Council of the Revolution, a predominantly military body intended 

to foster cooperation among various factions in the army and the party. Boumediene’s position as 

head of government and of state was not secure initially, partly because of his lack of a 

significant power base outside the armed forces. This situation may have accounted for his 

deference to collegial rule. But following attempted coups and a failed assassination attempt in 

1967–68, Boumediene succeeded in consolidating power. Eleven years after he took power and 

after much public debate, a long-promised new constitution was promulgated in November 1976, 

and Boumediene was elected president with a 95 percent majority. 

Boumediene’s death on December 27, 1978, set off a struggle within the FLN to choose a 

successor. As a compromise to break a deadlock between two other candidates, Colonel Chadli 

Bendjedid, a moderate who had collaborated with Boumediene in deposing Ben Bella, was 

sworn in on February 9, 1979 (and subsequently reelected in 1984 and 1988). In June 1980, he 

summoned an extraordinary FLN Party Congress to produce a five-year plan to liberalize the 

economy and break up unwieldy state corporations. However, reform efforts failed to end high 

unemployment and other economic hardship, all of which fueled Islamist activism. Incidents 

indicating social unrest increased as the economy foundered from 1985 to 1988. The alienation 

and anger of the population were fanned by the widespread perception that the government had 

become corrupt and aloof. The waves of discontent crested in October 1988, when a series of 

strikes and walkouts by students and workers in Algiers degenerated into rioting. In response, the 

government declared a state of emergency and used force to quell the unrest. 
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The stringent measures used to put down the riots of “Black October” engendered a groundswell 

of outrage. In response, Benjedid conducted a house cleaning of senior officials and drew up a 

program of political reform. A new constitution, approved overwhelmingly in February 1989, 

dropped the word socialist from the official description of the country; guaranteed freedoms of 

expression, association, and meeting; and withdrew the guarantees of women’s rights that had 

appeared in the 1976 constitution. The FLN was not mentioned in the document at all, and the 

army was discussed only in the context of national defense. The new laws reinvigorated politics. 

Newspapers became the liveliest and freest in the Arab world, while political parties of nearly 

every stripe vied for members and a voice. In February 1989, the Islamic Salvation Front (Front 

Islamique du Salut—FIS) was founded. 

Algeria’s leaders were stunned in December 1991 when FIS candidates won absolute majorities 

in 188 of 430 electoral districts, far ahead of the FLN’s 15 seats, in the first round of legislative 

elections. Faced with the possibility of a complete FIS takeover and under pressure from the 

military leadership, Benjadid dissolved parliament and then resigned in January 1992. He was 

succeeded by the five-member High Council of State, which canceled the second round of 

elections. The FIS, as well as the FLN, clamored for a return of the electoral process, but police 

and troops countered with massive arrests. In February 1992, violent demonstrations erupted in 

many cities. The government declared a one-year state of emergency and banned the FIS. The 

voiding of the 1991 election results led to a period of civil conflict that cost the lives of as many 

as 150,000 people. Periodic negotiations between the military government and Islamist rebels 

failed to produce a settlement. 

In 1996 a referendum passed that introduced changes to the constitution enhancing presidential 

powers and banning Islamist parties. Presidential elections were held in April 1999. Although 

seven candidates qualified for election, all but Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who appeared to have the 

support of the military as well as the FLN, withdrew on the eve of the election amid charges of 

electoral fraud. Bouteflika went on to win 70 percent of the votes. Following his election to a 

five-year term, Bouteflika concentrated on restoring security and stability to the strife-ridden 

country. As part of his endeavor, he successfully campaigned to grant amnesty to thousands of 

members of the banned FIS. The so-called Civil Concord was approved in a nationwide 

referendum in September 2000. The reconciliation by no means ended all violence, but it 

reduced violence to manageable levels. An estimated 80 percent of those fighting the regime 

accepted the amnesty offer. The president also formed national commissions to study reforms of 

the education system, judiciary, and state bureaucracy. President Bouteflika was rewarded for his 

efforts at stabilizing the country when he was elected to another five-year term in April 2004, in 

an election contested by six candidates without military interference. In September 2005, another 

referendum—this one to consider a proposed Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation—

passed by an overwhelming margin. The charter coupled another amnesty offer to all but the 

most violent participants in the Islamist uprising with an implicit pardon for security forces 

accused of abuses in fighting the rebels. 
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GEOGRAPHY 

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Location: Algeria is located in northwestern Africa, bordering the 

Mediterranean Sea between Morocco and Tunisia.

Size: Algeria has an area of almost 2.4 million square kilometers, 

more than four-fifths of which is desert. Nearly 3.5 times the size 

of Texas, Algeria is the tenth largest country in the world and the 

second largest in Africa. 

Land Boundaries: Algeria shares borders with Morocco 

(1,559 kilometers), Mali (1,376 kilometers), Libya (982 kilometers), Tunisia (965 kilometers), 

Niger (956 kilometers), Mauritania (463 kilometers), and Western Sahara (42 kilometers). 

Disputed Territory: Algeria has border disputes with Morocco and Libya. Disagreements 

between Algeria and Morocco concern smuggling activities along the border, jurisdiction over 

territory in southeastern Morocco, and Morocco’s claim to Western Sahara. Libya claims 32,000 

square kilometers of southeastern Algeria. 

Length of Coastline: Algeria’s 998-kilometer northern border stretches along the southern edge 

of the Mediterranean Sea from Morocco in the west to Tunisia in the east. 

Maritime Claims: Algeria claims a territorial sea of 12 nautical miles and an exclusive fishing 

zone of 32–52 nautical miles. 

Topography: A sharp contrast exists between the relatively fertile, mountainous, 

topographically fragmented north, dominated by parallel ranges of the Atlas Mountains, and the 

vast expanse of the Sahara Desert in the south. The fertile Tell region in the north, extending 

eastward from the Moroccan border, is the country's heartland, containing most of its cities and 

population. The Tell is made up of the hills and plains of the narrow coastal region, several Tell 

Atlas mountain ranges, and intermediate valleys and basins. South of the Tell, the High Plateaus 

region stretches more than 600 kilometers eastward from the Moroccan border. This region 

consists of undulating, steppe-like plains lying between the Tell Atlas Mountains to the north and 

the Saharan Atlas mountains to the south. The High Plateaus region averages between 1,100 and 

1,300 meters in elevation in the west, dropping to 400 meters in the east. Northeastern Algeria 

consists of a massif area extensively dissected into mountains, plains, and basins. It differs from 

the western portion of the country in that its prominent topographic features do not parallel the 

coast. The Algerian portion of the Sahara extends south of the Saharan Atlas for 1,500 

kilometers to the borders with Niger and Mali. The desert is an otherworldly place, scarcely 

considered an integral part of the country. Far from being covered wholly by sweeps of sand, it is 

a region of great diversity. Immense areas of sand dunes occupy about one-quarter of the 

territory. Much of the remainder of the desert is covered by rocky platforms, and almost the 

entire southeastern quarter is taken up by highlands. 

Principal Rivers: Algeria’s largest river, the Chelif, flows 725 kilometers from the Tell Atlas 

into the Mediterranean Sea. 
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Climate: The coastal lowlands and mountain valleys are characterized by a Mediterranean 

climate, mild winters, and moderate rainfall. In this densely populated region, temperatures 

average between 21° C and 24° C in the summer and drop to 10° C to 12° C in the winter. 

Average temperatures and precipitation are lower in the intermountain High Plateaus. The desert 

is hot and arid. Most of the country experiences little seasonal change but considerable diurnal 

variation in temperature. Rainfall is fairly abundant along the coastal part of the Tell, ranging 

from 400 to 670 millimeters annually, the amount of precipitation increasing from west to east. 

Precipitation is heaviest in the northern part of eastern Algeria, where it reaches as much as 

1,000 millimeters in some years. Farther inland the rainfall is less plentiful. 

Natural Resources: Algeria’s natural resources consist of petroleum, natural gas, iron ore, 

phosphates, uranium, lead, and zinc. Algeria has proven oil reserves of 11.8 billion barrels, a 

relatively modest amount. Proven natural gas reserves are estimated at 160 trillion cubic feet, the 

eighth largest in the world. 

Land Use: In 2001 Algeria’s land use was as follows: 3.22 percent, arable; 0.25 percent, 

permanent crops; and 96.56 percent, other. More than four-fifths of Algeria’s territory is desert. 

Environmental Factors: A disturbing environmental trend is the encroachment of the Sahara 

Desert on the fertile coastal and highland Tell and inland Saharan Atlas regions. Poor farming 

practices and overgrazing have led to soil erosion. The dumping of sewage and waste from the 

petrochemical industry has damaged the Mediterranean coast. Water is scarce, so a premium is 

placed on conservation and desalination. For centuries desert nomads have relied on creative 

irrigation techniques, including the use of underground water tunnels and palm fronds to draw 

moisture. In June 2005, General Electric announced plans to build Africa’s largest seawater 

desalination plant in Algeria. 

Time Zone: Algeria’s time zone is Central European Time (Greenwich Mean Time plus 1 hour). 

SOCIETY 

Population: As of January 1, 2005, Algeria’s population was estimated to total 32.6 million. The 

population was growing at an annual rate of 1.2 percent. More than 90 percent of the country’s 

population is concentrated along the Mediterranean coast, which constitutes only 12 percent of 

the country’s land area. Therefore, the overall population density of 13.6 people per square 

kilometer is deceptive. About 59 percent of Algeria’s population is urban. Drought conditions 

have led to an internal migration of farmers and herdsmen to the cities to seek other employment. 

High unemployment encourages emigration. In 2005 Algeria’s net migration rate was estimated 

at –0.37 migrants per 1,000 people. Algeria also hosts more than 100,000 Sahrawi refugees from 

Western Sahara, who began taking refuge in Algeria in the 1970s following Spain’s withdrawal 

and the eruption of a struggle for control of the territory. Most live in desert areas of western 

Algeria and depend on the United Nations and other relief agencies for their survival. 

Demography: In 2005 population distribution by age was as follows: 0–14 years: 29 percent; 

15–39 years: 47 percent; 40–64 years: 19 percent; and 65 years and older: 5 percent. As this 
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distribution indicates, Algeria has a very young population, a fact that poses a challenge for the 

labor market and the education system. According to the World Health Organization, in 2003 life 

expectancy was 70 years (69 years for men and 72 years for women). Based on this information, 

Algeria ranked 116 out of 224 countries in life expectancy. According to the Algerian Statistical 

Office, in 2004 the birthrate was nearly 20.7 per 1,000 people, and the death rate was nearly 4.4 

per 1,000 people. The infant mortality rate was 30.4 per 1,000 live births according to official 

statistics but 38 per 1,000 live births according to some independent observers. The fertility rate 

was 1.9 children born per woman. Some 1.05 males were born for every female. 

Ethnic Group(s): An estimated 99 percent of the population is Arab-Berber, combining Islamic 

faith with North African Berber cultural identification. Europeans constitute the remaining 1 

percent. Unrest persists in the Kabylie region in the northeast in response to restrictions on 

Berber ethnic, cultural, and linguistic rights. 

Languages: The official language is Arabic. French is the language of business, and Berber 

(Tamazight) is also spoken. In October 2001, the government recognized Berber as a national 

language but not as an official language. As a result, the language issue remains contentious. 

Religion: Sunni Islam is the state religion, and Muslims constitute 99 percent of the population. 

The remaining 1 percent of the population is Christian, mostly Roman Catholic but also 

Methodist and Evangelical Christian. Algeria’s Jewish population is barely a trace of its former 

presence, reportedly numbering only about 60 persons. The government imposes restrictions on 

religious freedom (not all of which are strictly enforced in practice), including prohibition of 

proselytizing by non-Muslims, controls on imported religious materials (both Muslim and nonMuslim), and limits on public assembly by non-Muslims without a license. The government 

provides financial support for mosques, imams, and the study of Islam in public schools. As part 

of its regulation of the practice of Islam, the government prohibits the dissemination of Muslim 

literature promoting violence and monitors teaching in religious schools and preaching by imams 

in order to prevent extremism. 

Education and Literacy: In 2003 Algeria’s literacy rate was 70 percent, subpar by international 

standards. The breakdown by gender was 79 percent for males and 61 percent for females. A lag 

persists for women despite progress since independence in 1962. Education consumes onequarter of the national budget. Algeria’s education system faces the challenge of accommodating 

a sharp rise in the number of eligible children and young adults. Education is free and officially 

compulsory for Algerians aged 6–15, but actual enrollment falls far short of 100 percent. 

Enrollment drops off sharply from primary to secondary school. In fact, only about half the 

eligible population is enrolled in secondary school, which consists of two three-year cycles 

beginning at age 12. In addition, Algeria has 10 universities, seven university centers (centres 

universitaires), and several technical colleges. The primary language of school instruction is 

Arabic, but Berber-language instruction has been permitted since 2003, in part to ease reliance 

on foreign teachers but also in response to complaints about Arabization. 

Health: According to the latest available information, Algeria has inadequate numbers of 

physicians (one per 1,000 people) and hospital beds (2.1 per 1,000 people), as well as poor 

access to water (87 percent of the population) and sanitation (92 percent of the population). 
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11

Given Algeria’s young population, policy favors preventive health care and clinics over 

hospitals. In keeping with this policy, the government maintains an immunization program. 

However, poor sanitation and unclean water still cause tuberculosis, hepatitis, measles, typhoid 

fever, cholera, and dysentery. In 2003 about 0.10 percent of the population aged 15–49 was 

living with human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS). 

The poor generally receive health care free of charge, but the wealthy pay for care according to a 

sliding scale. Access to health care is enhanced by the requirement that doctors and dentists work 

in public health for at least five years. However, doctors are more easily found in the cities of the 

north than in the southern Sahara region. 

Welfare: In 2003 Algeria ranked 103 out of 177 countries in the United Nations’ human 

development index, a measure of overall well-being. Approximately half the Algerian population 

lives below the poverty line. About 45 percent of wealth is concentrated in the hands of the top 5 

percent of the population, a phenomenon that is partly the result of collusion among 

businessmen, public officials, and military officers. 

ECONOMY 

Overview: Algeria’s economy is in the midst of a difficult and halting transition from state 

control to an open market. The economy depends heavily on the hydrocarbons industry, which is 

highly cyclical. In the current high price environment for oil and natural gas, Algeria’s economy 

is experiencing an upswing, and hydrocarbons account for about 66 percent of revenues, 35 

percent of gross domestic product (GDP), and 95 percent of exports. However, the International 

Monetary Fund (IMF) is encouraging Algeria to diversify its economy, in part to reduce the 

country’s high rate of unemployment (24 percent as of the end of 2003) but also to promote 

stability and assist in the transition to a market economy. Under the leadership of President 

Abdelaziz Bouteflika (1999– ), the government is pursuing an economic reform program that 

embraces not just diversification but also other IMF initiatives such as deregulation, banking 

reform, and trade liberalization. However, the program is expected to encounter bureaucratic 

resistance, particularly in the area of privatization. Much improvement is needed; in a 2005 

survey of business conditions in 155 countries, the World Bank ranked Algeria 128 for ease of 

doing business. 

Gross Domestic Product (GDP): In 2003 Algeria’s GDP was US$65.2 billion, or US$1,986 per 

capita. Using purchasing power parity, per capita GDP was US$5,016. The average annual GDP 

growth rate over the past 10 years was 3.6 percent. In 2004 industry accounted for 57.4 percent 

of GDP, services constituted 32.3 percent, and agriculture provided the remaining 10.3 percent. 

Even though industry is a much larger part of the economy than agriculture, agriculture employs 

more people (27 percent of the workforce) than industry (less than 9 percent of the workforce). 

One of the reasons for this disparity is that the energy sector is very capital-intensive. 

Government Budget: In 2003 government revenues of US$26.6 billion exceeded expenditures 

of US$24.4 billion. Receipts from the hydrocarbons industry accounted for almost 66 percent of 

revenues, and taxes on goods and services accounted for an additional 12.5 percent. The US$2.2 

billion surplus represented about 3.2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). 
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Inflation: In 2004 the average inflation rate was 4.6 percent, a relatively low rate that was 

attributable to import competition. 

Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing: Algeria’s agricultural sector, which constitutes about 10 

percent of gross domestic product (GDP) but employs 27 percent of the workforce, is unable to 

meet the food needs of the country’s population. As a result, some 45 percent of food is 

imported. The primary crops are wheat, barley, and potatoes. Farmers also have had success 

growing dates for export. Cultivation is concentrated in the fertile coastal plain of the Tell 

region, which represents just a slice of Algeria’s total territory. Altogether, only about 3 percent 

of Algerian territory is arable. Even in the Tell, rainfall variability has a significant impact on 

production. Government efforts to stimulate farming in the less arable steppe and desert regions 

have met with limited success. However, herdsmen maintain livestock, specifically goats, cattle, 

and sheep, in the High Plateaus. In 2002 livestock farmers produced 551,500 tons of meat. 

Algeria’s climate and periodic fires are not conducive to a thriving forestry industry. However, 

Algeria is a producer of cork and Aleppo pine. 

Algeria’s fishing industry does not take full advantage of the Mediterranean coast, in part 

because fishing is generally done from small family-owned boats instead of large commercial 

fishing trawlers. However, the government is attempting to boost the relatively small catch—

slightly more than 100,000 tons in 2001—by modernizing fishing ports, permitting foreigners to 

fish in Algerian waters, and subsidizing fishing-related projects. 

Mining and Minerals: Algeria’s Ministry of Energy and Mines is responsible for overseeing the 

nation’s mineral production. State-owned steel and gold production companies were privatized in 

2001–2. In 2003 the major products of Algeria’s mining sector (listed by metric tonnage) were as 

follows: crude petroleum (580,000 tons); nitrogen (578,200 tons); pozzolan, an admixture for 

concrete (500,000 tons); salt (191,017 tons); natural gas (137,634 tons); methanol (115,690 

tons); crushed marble (105,249 tons); and hydraulic lime (100,000 tons). 

Industry and Manufacturing: In 2004 industry accounted for 57.4 percent of gross domestic 

product (GDP), but most of that amount (about 40 percent of GDP) was attributable to the 

hydrocarbons sector. By contrast, manufacturing’s share of GDP was only about 9 percent, and 

the trend line was downward. In fact, manufacturing output declined each year from 2001 

through 2003. The main drag on manufacturing is inefficient state-owned enterprises, which 

constitute about three-quarters of the sector and are operating at only about 40 percent of 

capacity. Some of Algeria’s top manufactured products are cement, footwear, pig iron, steel 

ingots, and trucks. 

Energy: A member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, Algeria exports 

both crude oil and natural gas, and elevated energy prices in recent years have led to an 

improvement in the country’s budget, external debt, and foreign currency reserves. Algeria has 

proven oil reserves, as of March 2005, of 11.8 billion barrels, a relatively modest amount. Proven 

natural gas reserves are estimated at 160 trillion cubic feet, the eighth largest in the world, and 

natural gas production has exceeded oil production since 1997. The European Union and the 

United States are Algeria’s top natural gas customers. Out of more than 1.9 million barrels of oil, 
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condensate, and natural gas produced per day in 2004, nearly 1.7 million barrels were exported. 

Algeria’s largest oil field, Hassi Messaoud in the Sahara Desert, contributed 400,000 barrels per 

day. The energy and mining minister is optimistic that crude oil production, which averaged 1.2 

million barrels per day in 2004, can rise to 2 million barrels per day by 2010, partly as a result of 

foreign investment. A hydrocarbons law passed in April 2005 removes many restrictions on 

foreign energy companies. In 2003 Algeria’s electricity production was 27 billion kilowatthours, slightly exceeding electricity consumption of 25 billion kilowatt-hours. 

Services: In 2004 Algeria’s services sector accounted for 32.3 percent of gross domestic product 

(GDP) but employed the majority of the workforce. The services sector expanded at an average 

annual rate of 1.9 percent in 1990–2002, by 2.0 percent in 2001, and by 2.5 percent in 2002. The 

services sector is undergoing deregulation and is being opened to private and foreign 

competition. Insurance, banking, air transportation, and air courier services already have been 

deregulated. However, most banks are still public, and the capital markets are severely 

underdeveloped. Tourism is weak, reflecting the low quality of accommodations and the fear of 

insurgency-related terrorism. 

Banking and Finance: Algeria’s banking sector is dominated by public banks, which suffer 

from high levels of non-performing loans to state-owned enterprises (SOEs). As of year-end 

2004, public banks still controlled 90 percent of financial assets, even though 15 private banks 

had been licensed since 1998. Each year from 1991 to 2002, public banks’ losses associated with 

non-performing loans equated to an average of 4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). 

However, several reforms proposed by the International Monetary Fund are being implemented, 

including replacing bank credits to SOEs with government subsidies; boosting bank supervision, 

accountability, and transparency; and modernizing the payments system. Only a few companies 

are listed on the underdeveloped and relatively opaque Algiers stock exchange. 

Tourism: Algeria receives only about 200,000 tourists and visitors annually. In 2001 the top two 

countries of origin for tourists were France (36 percent) and Tunisia (17 percent). Other 

countries of origin in order of popularity were Mali, Italy, Libya, Germany, Spain, and Morocco. 

The modest level of tourism is attributable to a combination of poor hotel accommodations and 

the threat of terrorism. Despite the relatively weak tourism sector, the Algerian government has 

set the goal of boosting the number of foreign visitors, including tourists, to 1.2 million by 2010. 

Labor: At the end of 2003, the unemployment rate was about 24 percent, but the rate among 

those under the age of 25 was twice as high. New entrants to the workforce and the lack of 

emigration options make unemployment a chronic problem and an important challenge to the 

government. In 2003 about 18 percent of the workforce was unionized. 

Foreign Economic Relations: In its foreign economic relations, Algeria is seeking more trade 

and foreign investment. For example, Algeria’s hydrocarbons law passed in April 2005 is 

designed to encourage foreign investment in energy exploration. Increased production could 

raise Algeria’s profile as a member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. In 

keeping with its pro-trade agenda, Algeria is on the verge of gaining association status with the 

European Union (EU). This status will enable Algeria to export goods to the EU tariff-free, while 

it gradually lifts tariffs on imports from the EU. Algeria has signed bilateral investment 
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agreements with 20 different nations, including many European countries, China, Egypt, 

Malaysia, and Yemen. In July 2001, the United States and Algeria agreed on a framework for 

discussions leading to such an agreement, but a final treaty has not yet been negotiated. 

Ultimately, trade liberalization, customs modernization, deregulation, and banking reform are 

designed to improve the country’s negotiating position as it seeks accession to the World Trade 

Organization. 

Imports: In 2003 Algerian imports totaled US$13.3 billion. The principal imports were capital 

goods (US$5.0 billion), food (US$2.7 billion), semi-finished goods (US$2.4 billion), and 

consumer goods (US$2.2 billion). The top suppliers were France (32.9 percent), Italy (10.2 

percent), Spain (6.5 percent), and Germany (6.1 percent). 

Exports: In 2003 Algeria exported US$26.0 billion, nearly twice as much as it imported. 

Exports accounted for 38 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). Hydrocarbon products 

constituted at least 95 percent of exports. These products included crude oil (US$11.6 billion), 

natural gas (US$6.1 billion), condensate (US$4.2 billion), refined products (US$3.3 billion), and 

liquefied petroleum gas (US$2.6 billion). The top export recipients were Italy (18.9 percent), the 

United States (17.9 percent), France (13.2 percent), and Spain (10.9 percent). 

Trade Balance: In 2003 Algeria posted a positive merchandise trade balance of US$12.7 billion. 

Balance of Payments: In 2003 Algeria achieved a positive current account balance of US$9.0 

billion, corresponding to 13.8 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). Estimates for the current 

account balance in 2004 range from US$10.9 billion (according to Algeria’s central bank) to 

US$12.7 billion (according to the International Monetary Fund). High prices for Algeria’s 

energy exports are the main driver for the improvement in Algeria’s current account balance. 

External Debt: Reflecting strong oil export revenues, external debt is on a downward trajectory. 

For example, these revenues facilitated early repayments of US$900 million in loans from the 

African Development Bank and Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, the external debt to gross domestic 

product (GDP) ratio was expected to decline to 25 percent in 2005, down from 35 percent in 

2003. In 2004 external debt was estimated at US$21.9 billion. 

Foreign Investment: In 2004 foreign direct investment (FDI) in Algeria totaled US$3.5 billion, 

most of which for the first time was directed at non-oil sectors such as telecommunications. FDI 

into the oil sector may rise as a result of a hydrocarbons law, approved in April 2005, that creates 

a more even playing field for foreign oil companies to compete with Algeria’s state-owned oil 

company, Sonatrach, for exploration and production contracts. Algeria also is seeking foreign 

investment in power and water systems. 

Foreign Aid: As of mid-2005, cumulative World Bank assistance to Algeria totaled US$5.9 

billion, encompassing 72 projects. Currently, the World Bank is pursuing nine projects, including 

budget, finance, and mortgage systems, earthquake recovery, energy and mining, rural 

employment, telecommunications, and transportation. In 2004 economic assistance to Algeria 

from the United States amounted to US$1.5 million, most of which was attributable to the 

Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI) and the remainder to International Military Education 
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and Training (IMET). MEPI encourages economic, political, and educational reform in the 

Middle East. IMET provides U.S. military training to foreign troops. During 1995–2003, the 

European Union (EU) contributed US$71.4 billion out of a total commitment of US$417.1 

billion to Algeria’s economic development under the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. In 2003 

the EU contributed US$14.5 billion out of a total commitment of US$49.5 billion. The disparity 

between payments and pledges is attributable to the threat of terrorism, which prevented the EU 

from maintaining its original schedule. 

Currency and Exchange Rate: Algeria’s currency is the dinar (DZD). The dinar is loosely 

linked to the U.S. dollar in a managed float. Algeria’s main export, crude oil, is priced in dollars, 

while most of Algeria’s imports are priced in euros. Therefore, the government endeavors to 

manage fluctuations in the value of the dinar. As of mid-March 2006, US$1 was equivalent to 

about DZD73. 

Algeria’s foreign currency reserves have grown rapidly since 2000, reflecting rising prices for 

exported oil. By the end of the third quarter of 2005, foreign reserves totaled US$37 billion, up 

from US$12 billion in 2000 and the equivalent of almost two years of imports. 

Fiscal Year: Calendar year. 

TRANSPORTATION AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS 

Overview: Since independence in 1962, Algeria’s transportation system has been neglected. The 

country has a very limited road system and an antiquated rail network that is oriented more 

toward cargo than passenger traffic. Port activity revolves around the export of hydrocarbons. A 

state-owned airline faces diminished private competition. Algeria’s telecommunications system 

is also underdeveloped, particularly in rural areas. 

Roads: Algeria has 104,000 kilometers of roads, two-thirds of which, or 71,656 kilometers, are 

paved. About 640 kilometers are regarded as expressways. 

Railroads: Algerian National Railways (Société Nationale des Transports Ferroviaires—SNTF) 

manages Algeria’s 4,200-kilometer rail network, which suffers from mostly antiquated rolling 

stock and poor signaling equipment. In 2001 SNTF purchased 15 new locomotives from General 

Motors. At most 300 kilometers of broad-gauge track, dedicated to cargo traffic between iron-ore 

mines and the port of Annaba, are electrified. Rail lines service Algiers, major cities along the 

Mediterranean coast, and the border with Tunisia. Terrorism against the rail system led to a 

decline in the number of passengers carried, the distance traveled by passengers, and the amount 

of freight carried during the late 1990s. In Algiers a 26.5-kilometer metro line has been under 

construction since 1991 and is scheduled to open beginning in 2008. 

Ports: Algeria has the following Mediterranean ports: Algiers, Annaba, Arzew, Bejaïa, 

Djendjene, Jijel, Mostaganem, Oran, and Skikda. The busiest port by far is Arzew, which 

handles about 40 million tons of cargo annually and is responsible for the largest share of 

Algerian crude oil exports; Skikda has the second largest share. Algiers, Annaba, Oran, and 
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Bejaïa also handle crude oil exports. Algeria plans to expand the petrochemical facilities at 

Arzew. 

Inland Waterways: Algeria has no navigable inland waterways. 

Civil Aviation and Airports: Algeria has 124 airports, of which 53 have permanent surfaces. 

The country’s principal international airport is Algiers Houari Boumediene International Airport, 

with an annual capacity of 2 million passengers. In early 2006, the new Algeria International 

Airport is scheduled to open in Algiers with three times the capacity of the existing airport. 

Services will be transferred to the new facility by mid-2006. Algeria’s primary airline is stateowned Air Algérie, which dominates the sector in spite of competition from eight private 

airlines, notably including Khalifa Airways. However, in 2003 Khalifa Airways began to 

experience severe financial difficulties. 

Pipelines: The state-owned Algerian oil company, Sonatrach, manages more than 2,400 

kilometers of crude oil pipelines. The longest pipeline carries oil 805 kilometers from the Hassi 

Messaoud oil field to the port of Arzew. Sonatrach is building a parallel pipeline to more than 

double capacity. The only oil pipeline that crosses into another country runs 257 kilometers from 

the In Amenas oil field to the Tunisian export terminal at La Skhira. A network of natural gas 

pipelines emanates from the Hassi R’Mel natural gas field. Two pipelines carry natural gas from 

Algeria to Europe: the 1,078-kilometer Trans-Mediterranean pipeline to Italy and the 1,609-

kilometer Maghreb-Europe Gas pipeline to Spain. Additional natural gas pipelines to Europe are 

planned. 

Telecommunications: Outside of the urban north, Algeria’s telecommunications network is 

underdeveloped, and in general ownership of telephones, computers, televisions, and radios is 

very limited. According to the World Bank, it takes an average of 174 days to secure a telephone 

line in Algeria, the second longest time among 51 developing countries surveyed. However, the 

telecommunications sector has begun to expand since the government authorized the 

privatization of the sector in 2000. In accordance with this policy, Algérie Télécom, a new joint 

stock company, assumed control of fixed-line and mobile telephone service from the Ministry of 

Posts and Telecommunications, which will be responsible for regulating the sector. 

In 2001 Algeria had an average of 146 telephone mainlines and 110 mobile phones per 1,000 

people. Telephone service is better in the north, particularly in urban areas, than in the rural 

south, where it is sparse. In 2001 Algeria had 292 television sets and 346 radios per 1,000 

people. In 1999 there were 46 television broadcast stations, plus 216 repeaters, as well as 25 AM, 

one FM, and eight shortwave radio stations. In 2001 Algeria had 28.1 personal computers per 

1,000 people, and Internet users totaled about 69 million. In 2004 the country had 897 Internet 

hosts. 
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GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS 

Government Overview: The Algerian government is a multi-party republic with a constitution 

and a strong presidency. In 1992 Algeria’s military-led government cancelled the second round 

of national legislative elections following the overwhelming success of an Islamist party in the 

first round. This action led to a popular revolt that ultimately cost the lives of as many as 150,000 

people. In the early 2000s, the government offered amnesty to the rebels; violence has since 

abated, but a state of emergency continues. The overwhelming re-election of President Abdelaziz 

Bouteflika in April 2004 reflects his success in restoring relative stability to the country 

following a period of bloody civil strife. 

Branches of Government: Algeria observes a separation of powers among the executive, 

legislative, and judicial branches of government. In general, the president and the executive 

branch implement the law, the parliament passes legislation, and the courts decide on civil and 

criminal cases. The president is the head of state and has wide-ranging powers, including the 

ability to appoint and dismiss the prime minister, who serves as head of government. The 

president is also commander in chief of the armed forces, and the current president presently 

serves as minister of national defense. The president is elected to a five-year term and may be reelected once. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was elected to a second term in April 2004, 

reportedly with 85 percent of the vote. Although the prime minister appoints the Council of 

Ministers, the president heads both the Council of Ministers and the High Security Council, 

which advises the president on national security issues. 

Algeria has a bicameral parliament. The lower chamber is the 389-member National People’s 

Assembly (Assemblée Populaire Nationale—APN), and the upper chamber is the 144-member 

Council of the Nation. Members of the APN are popularly elected for five-year terms. The last 

elections for the APN were held in May 2002. Regional and local authorities elect two-thirds of 

the Council of the Nation, while the president appoints the remaining members. The members 

serve six-year terms; half stand for election or appointment every three years. The Council of the 

Nation was last constituted according to this procedure in 2003. Legislation may originate with 

either of the chambers or with the president. 

Although Algeria’s constitution mandates an independent judiciary, the executive branch 

exercises some influence over its operations. Ordinary courts have initial jurisdiction over civil 

proceedings. Each of the 48 provinces has a court of appeal that reviews initial court decisions. 

The Supreme Court has the highest jurisdiction. Administrative courts have jurisdiction over 

minor disputes. The State Council, which was established in 1998, regulates the administrative 

courts. The Court of Auditors oversees public spending and services. The nine-member 

Constitutional Council ensures that legislation is consistent with the constitution and supervises 

elections. The High Islamic Council promotes Islamic case law. Military courts have jurisdiction 

over cases involving security- or terrorism-related charges brought against both military 

personnel and civilians. 

Constitution: Algeria’s constitution was adopted on November 19, 1976. It was subsequently 

modified in 1979 and amended in 1988, 1989, and 1996. The constitution mandates a multi-party 
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state, but the Ministry of Interior must approve all parties. Article 2 designates Islam as the state 

religion. 

Administrative Divisions: Algeria is divided into 48 provinces (wilayas; sing., wilaya): Adrar, 

Aïn Defla, Aïn Temouchent, Alger, Annaba, Batna, Bechar, Bejaïa, Biskra, Blida, Bordj Bou 

Arreridj, Bouira, Boumerdes, Chelif, Constantine, Djelfa, El Bayadh, El Oued, El Tarf, 

Ghardaïa, Guelma, Illizi, Jijel, Khenchela, Laghouat, Mascara, Médéa, Mila, Mostaganem, 

M'Sila, Naama, Oran, Ouargla, Oum el Bouaghi, Relizane, Saïda, Sétif, Sidi Bel Abbes, Skikda, 

Souk Ahras, Tamanghasset, Tébessa, Tiaret, Tindouf, Tipaza, Tissemsilt, Tizi Ouzou, and 

Tlemcen. Provinces are further divided into communes. 

Provincial and Local Government: A governor (walis), appointed by the president and 

subordinate to the Ministry of Interior, heads each of Algeria’s 48 provinces. Elected assemblies 

govern each province and commune, the next lower administrative division. In November 2005, 

the government held special regional elections to address under-representation of Berber 

interests in regional and local assemblies. 

Judicial and Legal System: The top three sources of Algerian law are treaties or conventions 

ratified by the president, the legal code, and Islamic law. French jurisprudence has not been 

observed since 1975. According to the constitution, defendants are entitled to a public trial, 

during which they are presumed innocent, they may confront witnesses, and they may present 

evidence. They also have the right to appeal the verdict. Despite these constitutional protections, 

defendants, particularly women, are sometimes denied due process, including the opportunity to 

examine government evidence, according to the U.S. Department of State. 

Electoral System: Universal suffrage applies at age 18. Presidential elections, which are held 

every five years, are next scheduled for April 2009. Legislative elections, also held every five 

years, are scheduled for May 2007. 

Politics and Political Parties: The Ministry of Interior must approve all political parties, and, 

according to the constitution, membership may not be “based on differences in religion, 

language, race, gender, or region.” The most influential political party is the National Liberation 

Front (Front de Libération Nationale—FLN), which holds 52 percent of the seats in the National 

People’s Assembly. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika does not officially belong to any political 

party, but he is honorary chairman of the FLN. In February 2005, the FLN voted to support 

Bouteflika after a dissident faction agreed to drop opposition to his policies. Other major parties 

are the Front of Socialist Forces, the Movement for National Reform, the Movement of Society 

for Peace, and the National Rally for Democracy. In 1992 the government outlawed the Islamic 

Salvation Front. Altogether, Algeria has about 40 political parties. 

Mass Media: Algeria has more than 45 independent French-language and Arabic-language 

publications as well as four government-owned newspapers (two published in French and two in 

Arabic), but the government controls all printing presses and advertising. The newspapers with 

the largest circulations are El-Khabar (530,000), Quotidien d’Oran (195,000), and Liberté

(120,000); all three are employee-owned. The government also owns all radio and television 
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outlets, which provide pro-government programming. In 2004 and 2005, the government 

increased the access of Berber language and culture to both print and broadcast media. 

In general, the state exercises considerable control over Algeria’s mass media, and harassment of 

the press increased following President Bouteflika’s re-election in April 2004. The print media 

practice self-censorship to avoid various forms of government pressure, including defamation 

lawsuits and the potential withholding of state-controlled advertising. In 2004 two newspapers 

were closed or suspended over debts owed the state-owned printing company. In one notable 

defamation case, the managing editor of Le Matin began to serve a two-year prison term for libel 

in June 2004. During the civil strife from 1993 to 1997, mostly Islamist factions murdered some 

57 journalists. 

Foreign Relations: Algeria maintains diplomatic relations with more than 100 countries. From 

January 2004 until December 2005, Algeria held a non-permanent, rotating seat on the United 

Nations Security Council. Algeria and the United States have a somewhat ambivalent 

relationship, but the two countries formed strategic ties in the battle against radical Islam 

following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States. Relations between 

Algeria and France also are ambivalent because of the mixed legacy of French colonialism. 

However, the French language remains influential, France is a major trading partner for Algeria, 

and the two nations were in the process of pursuing a friendship treaty in 2005. In Africa, 

Algeria’s diplomatic initiatives include hosting peace talks between Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2000, 

cooperating with Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, and South Africa on the New Partnership for Africa’s 

Development (an African Union development initiative), and promoting the Arab Maghreb 

Union (an economic bloc encompassing Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia). 

Algeria supports the Polisario, a Western Sahara independence movement, by providing it with 

sanctuary in southwestern Algeria. The border region between Morocco and Algeria has been the 

site of terrorist violence. Although Morocco lifted visa requirements for Algerians in 2004, 

Algeria has declined to reciprocate. In the Middle East, Algeria advocates the Palestinian cause. 

Membership in International Organizations: Algeria belongs to the following international 

organizations: African Development Bank, African Union, Arab Bank for Economic 

Development in Africa, Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development, Arab Maghreb 

Union, Arab Monetary Fund, Bank for International Settlements, Food and Agriculture 

Organization, Group of 15, Group of 24, Group of 77, International Atomic Energy Agency, 

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), International Chamber of 

Commerce, International Civil Aviation Organization, International Confederation of Free Trade 

Unions, International Criminal Court (signatory), International Criminal Police Organization, 

International Development Association, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent 

Societies, International Finance Corporation, International Fund for Agricultural Development,

International Hydrographic Organization, International Labour Organization, International 

Maritime Organization, International Monetary Fund, International Olympic Committee, 

International Organization for Migration, International Organization for Standardization, 

International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, International Telecommunication Union,

Islamic Development Bank, League of Arab States, Multilateral Investment Geographic 

Agency, Nonaligned Movement, Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons,

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (partner), Organization of American States 
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20

(observer), Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries, Organization of the Islamic 

Conference, Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, United Nations, United 

Nations Conference on Trade and Development, United Nations Educational, Scientific and 

Cultural Organization, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, United Nations 

Industrial Development Organization, Universal Postal Union, World Customs Organization,

World Health Organization, World Intellectual Property Organization, World Meteorological 

Organization, World Tourism Organization, and World Trade Organization (observer). 

Major International Treaties: In the area of arms control, Algeria is a party to the following 

conventions: Biological Weapons, Chemical Weapons, Nuclear Nonproliferation, and Partial 

Test Ban. Algeria has signed, but not ratified, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Geneva 

Protocol. Regarding the environment, Algeria is a party to the following conventions: 

Biodiversity, Climate Change, Desertification, Endangered Species, Environmental 

Modification, Law of the Sea, Ozone Layer Protection, Ship Pollution, and Wetlands. In the area 

of counterterrorism, Algeria is a party to the following conventions: Suppression of the 

Financing of Terrorism, Suppression of Terrorist Bombings, Marking of Plastic Explosives for 

the Purpose of Detection, Against the Taking of Hostages, Offences and Certain Other Acts 

Committed on Board Aircraft, Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, Suppression of 

Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, Protocol on the Suppression of Unlawful 

Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, Suppression of Unlawful Acts 

against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, and Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against 

Internationally Protected Persons, including Diplomatic Agents. 

NATIONAL SECURITY 

Armed Forces Overview: Algeria’s military, paramilitary, and police forces are more 

concerned about an internal threat from Islamic extremists than a definable external threat. The 

military is credited with controlling the internal threat through operational and surveillance 

activities. Russia has supplied most of the military’s equipment. 

Foreign Military Relations: Algeria’s leading arms supplier is Russia, and the second most 

important supplier is China. The United States has been reluctant to provide Algeria with arms, 

although the two nations began a dialogue on military relations in 2004. The United States trains 

Algerian troops under the International Military Education and Training (IMET) program. In 

2004 France and Algeria began talks that could lead to a mutual defense treaty. 

External Threat: Algeria does not face a clearly defined external threat. Theoretically, Algeria 

could become embroiled in a serious dispute with neighboring Morocco over Algeria’s support 

for the Polisario Front, a Western Saharan independence movement. 

Defense Budget: In 2004 Algeria’s defense expenditures totaled about US$2.5 billion, 

corresponding to more than 3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). 

Major Military Units: Algeria’s active-duty military consists of 110,000 in the army (including 

75,000 conscripts), 7,500 in the navy and coast guard, and 10,000 in the air force. In addition to 
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active-duty personnel, Algeria has about 150,000 military reserves assigned to the army. The 

army is organized in six military regions. Reorganization into a divisional structure is under 

consideration. Major army units include two armored divisions, two mechanized divisions, one 

airborne division, one independent armored brigade, and four independent mechanized infantry 

brigades. Additional battalions are as follows: 20 independent infantry, two artillery, one air 

defense, and six antiaircraft artillery. The air force is organized in three fighter/ground attack 

squadrons, five fighter squadrons, two reconnaissance squadrons, two surveillance/signals 

intelligence squadrons, two maritime reconnaissance squadrons, two transport squadrons, and 

five training squadrons. The navy and coast guard have bases at Mers el Kebir, Algiers, Annaba, 

and Jijel. 

Major Military Equipment: Algeria’s army has the following equipment: 1,000 main battle 

tanks, 124 reconnaissance vehicles, 989 armored infantry fighting vehicles, 630 armored 

personnel carriers, 406 towed artillery, 370 self-propelled artillery, 144 multiple rocket 

launchers, 330 mortars, an unspecified number of antitank guided weapons, 178 recoilless 

launchers, 246 antitank guns, about 900 air defense guns, and an unspecified number of surfaceto-air missiles. The navy has two submarines, three principal surface combatants, 25 patrol and 

coastal combatants, three amphibious craft, and three support and miscellaneous craft. The air 

force has 175 combat aircraft and 91 armed helicopters. 

Military Service: Military service is compulsory for males aged 19–30. The term of service is 

18 months, consisting of 6 months of basic training and 12 months of civil projects. 

Paramilitary Forces: Algeria’s paramilitary forces include the 60,000-member Gendarmerie 

Nationale, which is subordinate to the Ministry of National Defense; the 1,200-member 

Republican Guard, an elite corps of the Gendarmerie Nationale; and an estimated 20,000 

national security forces in the General Directorate of National Security under the Ministry of 

Interior. 

Foreign Military Forces: No foreign forces are based in Algeria. 

Military Forces Abroad: Algeria has deployed observers with the United Nations (UN) Mission 

in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea. 

Police: Responsibility for maintaining law and order is shared by the 60,000-member 

Gendarmerie Nationale, under the Ministry of National Defense, and the 30,000-member Sûreté 

Nationale, or national police force, under the Ministry of Interior. The Gendarmerie Nationale is 

mainly active in rural and remote areas of the country, while the Sûreté Nationale is primarily an 

urban police force. Algeria’s various security forces have been involved in counterterrorism 

operations and have been accused of excesses in the battle against Islamist groups. They also 

face complaints of harassing journalists. 

Internal Threat: Algeria faces a threat from domestic Islamist radical groups. These groups rose 

up in rebellion in 1992 after the government halted a national election that would have given 

power to the militant Islamic Salvation Front. Related terrorism, which cost the lives of as many 

as 150,000 people, has abated since the government began to offer amnesty to rebels. Berber 
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22

unrest also remains a concern and periodically manifests itself in the form of demonstrations to 

protest restrictions on ethnic, cultural, and linguistic rights. 

Terrorism: Algeria has a tradition of Islamist-inspired terrorism, spurred by two groups that 

have competed for influence: the Armed Islamic Group (Groupe Islamique Armé—GIA) and the 

Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat—

GSPC). Al Qaeda was instrumental in establishing the GSPC as an alternative to the GIA, which 

continues to operate in a diminished form. In 1996 Osama bin Laden encouraged the GSPC to 

break away from the GIA because he disapproved of the GIA’s extremely unpopular policy of 

massacring Muslim civilians who were not jihadists. Bin Laden shares the GSPC’s Salafist 

beliefs, which advocate a restoration of the stringent form of Sunni Islam practiced by 

companions of the Prophet Muhammad. Although avoiding wanton violence against civilians, 

the GSPC targets the security services of Algeria’s secular government. In one notorious incident 

in 2003, the GSPC seized European tourists visiting the Sahara Desert. Fourteen of the hostages 

were released after more than five months in exchange for ransom paid by the German 

government; the fifteenth hostage died while in custody. 

After 1992 terrorism flared when the government canceled the second round of elections in 

which an Islamist party, the Islamic Salvation Front, held a substantial lead after the first round. 

Ensuing civil strife led to the death of as many as 150,000 people. In the early 2000s, the 

government offered amnesty to the rebels; violence has since abated, but a state of emergency 

continues. President Bouteflika, who was re-elected in April 2004, enjoys broad support because 

of the success of his amnesty programs in ushering in a period of relative stability. In September 

2005, Bouteflika’s approach was once again endorsed when a popular referendum on the Charter 

for Peace and National Reconciliation passed by an overwhelming margin. The charter provides 

for a continuing amnesty program for all but the most violent insurgents, exoneration of the 

security services for alleged misdeeds in fighting the insurgency, and compensation for the 

victims of violence. 

Human Rights: In its annual country report on human rights practices released March 2006, the 

U.S. Department of State noted the persistence of a number of human rights problems in Algeria 

but credited the government with having taken several significant steps to strengthen human 

rights in 2005. Continuing problems listed in the report include failure to account for past 

disappearances, alleged incidences of abuse and torture of detainees, impunity, arbitrary arrest 

and prolonged pretrial detention, denial of due process, restrictions on civil liberties and freedom 

of religion, corruption, and discrimination against women and minorities. Improvements cited in 

the report include a significant reduction in the incidence of abuse, torture, and arbitrary arrest by 

security forces; a crackdown on government (including judicial) corruption; the strengthening of 

equal rights protections for women in the Family Code and Nationality Code; and an attempt to 

address under-representation of Berber interests in the Kabylie by holding special regional 

elections in November 2005.