A n d rew J. Pierre

N ATO at Fifty

N ew Challenges, Future Uncertainties

B r i e f l y ...

• N ATO’s Fiftieth Anniversary Summit on April 23-25, 1999, will be the largest me e ti ng of heads of state and go v e r n me nt ever held in Wa s h i ngton, with 44 count r ie s

re p re s e nt e d. 

• Despite promises of an “open door” to NATO membership and the ex p e c t a t ion that

a second tra nc he would be anno u nc e d, no ne of the curre nt nine “a s p i ra nts” are

slated to be invited, nor will a date for the second ro u nd be anno u nc e d. 

• This “no na me s, no dates” approach could cause a sig n i f ic a nt loss of mo me nt u m ,

j e o p a rd i z i ng the enlarge me nt pro c e s s. Slovenia is qua l i f ied and its accession would

keep NATO’s promise cre d i b l e. An annual re v iew of pro g ress toward me m b e r s h i p

ma de by the aspira nt states should be ins t i t u t e d.

• Crisis ma na ge me nt and peace support, known as no n - A r t icle 5 missio ns, have

b e c o me one of the primary tasks of NATO and should be ide nt i f ied as a core funct ion in the new Stra t e g ic Conc e p t .

• C o nt roversy over the need for a UN Security Council legal ma ndate for NATO peace

o p e ra t io ns should be resolved by a compromise based upon hu ma n i t a r ian law and

t he ge ne ral principles of the UN Charter.

• T he re is no support for “globalizing” NATO, nor for emphasizing the Allia nce’s “c o mmon int e re s t s.” NATO should focus on the Euro - At l a nt ic area and its periphe r y, act

on a case-specific basis, and create “c o a l i t io ns of the willing” as ne e de d.

• A senior group should exa m i ne “no first use,” inc l ud i ng a return to the 1990 lang ua ge about weapons of “last resort.” 

• N ATO should welcome the re c e nt Ang l o - F re nch initiative to give Europe an

a u t o no mous capacity in de f e ns e.

• Summit leaders will not address the hard issues about the long-term future. The y

s hould commission an inde p e nde nt report, similar to the Ha r mel Report of 1967,

to answer the question: What should be the Pa n - E u ropean political and security

a rc h i t e c t u re, and the place of the Tra ns - At l a nt ic allia nc e, in world affairs a qua r t e r

of a century from no w ?

w w w. u s i p . o rg

1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 • Washington, DC 20036-3011 • VOX 2 0 2 . 4 5 7 .1700 • FA X 2 0 2 . 4 2 9 . 6 0 6 3

The views ex p ressed in this report do not

necessarily reflect those of the United States

Institute of Pe a c e, which does not advo c a t e

specific policies.

CO N T E N T S

2 T he Enlarge me nt Conu ndr u m

5 Crisis Ma na ge me nt and Peace Support

6 A Global Role for NATO ?

6 T he Ma ndate Questio n

7 D e a l i ng with We a p o ns of Mass Destruc t io n

8 Nuclear Doctrine and No First Us e

9 D e f e nse Capabilities Initia t i v e

9 E u ropean Security and Defense Ide nt i t y

10 N ATO’s Challenge in the Balka ns

11 B e y o nd the Summit: Critical Cho ic e s

M a rch 22, 1999

AB O U T T H E RE P O R T

B e neath the celebratory rhe t o r ic at NATO’s Fiftie t h

Anniversary Summit lies a host of una ns w e re d

q u e s t io ns about the future of the At l a nt ic

A l l ia nc e. What are the prospects for cont i nu e d

e n l a rge me nt and by what benc h marks should the

p rocess move ahead? Is NATO being tra ns fo r me d

i nto an ins t i t u t ion for crisis ma na ge me nt and

peace support missio ns; under which legal ma ndate will they operate; and how “global” should it

b e c o me? Is NATO pre p a red to deal with the thre a t

of weapons of mass de s t r uc t ion? What ro l e s

s hould the European Un ion and the OSCE play in

t he future European political and security

a rc h i t e c t u re? These are the critical issues that

A ndrew J. Pie r re is addre s s i ng as Je n n i ng s

R a ndolph Fellow at the United States Institute of

Pe a c e. Dr. Pie r re, an authoritative expert on the s e

t o p ic s, is the fo r mer dire c t o r - ge ne ral of the

At l a nt ic Institute for Int e r na t io nal Affairs in Pa r i s,

served as a U.S. diplomat, and has been affilia t e d

with the Council on Fore ign Relatio ns, Carne g ie

E ndo w me nt for Int e r na t io nal Pe a c e, Bro o k i ng s

I ns t i t u t ion, Hudson Institute and Columbia and

Jo h ns Ho p k i ns Un i v e r s i t ie s.

UN I T E D STAT E S IN S T I T U T E O F PE AC E

SPECIAL REPORT
N ATO’s Fiftieth Anniversary Summit in Wa s h i ngton, DC, on April 23-25, 1999, will be

t he largest me e t i ng of heads of state and go v e r n me nt ever held in the na t ion’s capital,

with 44 count r ies re p re s e nt e d. Not only will the leaders of the Allia nce’s sixteen na t io ns

be joined by those of its three new me m b e r s, Po l a nd, Hu ng a r y, and the Czech Republic,

w h ich were fo r mally admitted in Ma rch, but also the leaders of the Euro - At l a nt ic Pa r tnership Council, (EAPC) which inc l udes an add i t io nal 25 “partner” na t io ns, will be pres e nt. Only the partic i p a t ion of the Russian leadership re ma i ns in do u b t .

T he first session will be comme mo rative and he l d, appro p r ia t e l y, in the Mellon Aud itorium whe re on April 4, 1949, the North At l a nt ic Treaty was sig ne d. Plans will be

a n no u nced for the cons t r uc t ion of a new he a d q uarters building for NATO in Brussels. This

is not only a necessity for the enlarg i ng allia nce but a fitting symbol of the confide nc e

that NATO, born to re s p o nd to a Cold War threat, will have an important future in the

new int e r na t io nal enviro n me nt of the twenty-first cent u r y. A “vision stateme nt” will be

s ig ne d, with public and parlia me ntary aud ie nces in mind, unde r l i n i ng the suc c e s s f u l

t ra ns fo r ma t ion of NATO in the past de c a de and the cont i nu i ng need for the Allia nce in

t he years to come.

The Enlargement Conundrum

T he celebratory mood being sought for this major anniversary, ho w e v e r, will mask a

number of quite diverge nt perspectives and funda me ntal issues that will re main unres o l v e d. The most sig n i f ic a nt of these is the future enlarge me nt of the Allia nce’s me mbership. At the last summit held in Ma dr id in July 1997, NATO’s leaders pro c l a i med an

“open door” polic y, affirming that the Allia nce “expects to ex t e nd further invitatio ns in

c o m i ng years to na t io ns willing and able to assume the re s p o ns i b i l i t ies of me m b e r s h i p . ”

T he widely shared pre s u m p t ion was that a second tra nc he of new invitees would be

de c ided upon at the 1999 summit. Befo re Ma dr id, 9 of NATO’s 16 members had been prep a red to inc l ude Roma n ia and Slovenia in the first tra nc he, but the Clinton adm i n i s t rat ion, conc e r ned about the upcoming Senate ra t i f ic a t ion de b a t e, insisted upon limiting

t he first gro u p i ng to the Visegrad Thre e. Ha v i ng been re a s s u red ma ny times that the

“first would not be the last,” 9 aspira nt count r ies have now ind icated their int e rest in

early membership: Albania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithua n ia, Ma c e do n ia, Roma n ia ,

S l o v a k ia, and Slovenia. In add i t ion, the 3 “ne u t ra l s ” — Au s t r ia, Finland and Swede n —

would be in ex t re mely stro ng positio ns should they opt for inc l u s ion in the Allia nc e.

A l t hough no country is now slated to be invited to begin accession talks at the Wa s hi ngton summit—an unexpected cons e nsus that has eme rged in re c e nt mo nt hs — t h i s

does not mean that count r ies do not have their chosen cand idates for inc l u s ion in the

s e c o nd tra nc he in April. Fra nce supports Roma n ia and Slovenia. Italy and Tu r ke y, with

s o me Spanish backing, wish to ex t e nd NATO to southeastern Europe and would add Bulg a r ia to Roma n ia and Slovenia. Denmark, and to a lesser ex t e nt No r w a y, would like to

see at least one of the Baltic states bro u g ht in, and the list goes on. Not surprising l y,

t he Me d i t e r ra nean members have differe nt prio r i t ies than the no r t hern European one s.

Ho w e v e r, the re is a palpable lack of ent hu s iasm for a second wave now in some of the

major capitals: London, Bonn, and, most important, Wa s h i ngton. In add i t ion, the difficulty of cre a t i ng a “packa ge” of several states that could obtain cons e nsus portends that

no na t ion will be invited to walk through the “open door” this spring. The only possible exc e p t ion is Slovenia, a small state with two million people, which most agree is

q ua l i f ied for me m b e r s h i p .

T he arg u me nt has been ma de that adm i s s ion to the Allia nce must be “perfo r ma nc e

b a s e d,” that is, aspira nts must be seen as fully complying with military and political crit e r ia. Such criteria were established with the guide l i nes adopted in the 1995 Study on

N ATO Enlargement a nd re a f f i r med at Ma dr id. They inc l ude political systems that adhe re

2

UN I T E D STAT E S IN S T I T U T EO F PE AC E

T he United States Institute of Peace is an

i nde p e nde nt, nonpartisan fede ral ins t i t u t io n

c reated by Cong ress to pro mote re s e a rc h ,

e duc a t ion, and tra i n i ng on the peaceful

re s o l u t ion of int e r na t io nal conflic t s.

E s t a b l i s hed in 1984, the Institute meets its

c o ng re s s io nal ma ndate through an array of

p ro g ra ms, inc l ud i ng re s e a rch gra nt s,

f e l l o w s h i p s, prof e s s io nal tra i n i ng pro g ra ms,

c o n f e re nces and worksho p s, library servic e s,

p u b l ic a t io ns, and other educ a t io nal activitie s.

T he Institute's Board of Directors is appoint e d

by the Pre s ide nt of the United States and

c o n f i r med by the Sena t e.

BOA R D O F DI R E C TO R S

Chester A. Cro c ke r ( C h a i r man), Research Prof e s s o r

of Diploma c y, School of Fore ign Servic e,

G e o rgetown University • Max M. Ka m p e l m a n, Esq.

( V ice Chairman), Frie d, Frank, Ha r r i s, Shriver and

Jacobson, Wa s h i ngton, D.C. • Dennis L. Bark,

S e n ior Fellow, Hoover Ins t i t u t ion on Wa r,

R e v o l u t ion and Pe a c e, Stanfo rd University •

T h e o d o re M. Hesbu rg h, Pre s ide nt Eme r i t u s,

University of No t re Dame • Seymour Martin

L i p s e t, Hazel Professor of Public Po l ic y, George Ma s o n

University • W. Scott Thompson, Prof e s s o r

of Int e r na t io nal Po l i t ic s, Fletcher School of Law

a nd Diploma c y, Tufts University • Allen We i n s t e i n,

P re s ide nt, Center for Demo c ra c y, Wa s h i ngton, D.C. •

Harriet Zimmerman, Vice Pre s ide nt, Ame r ican Is ra e l

P u b l ic Affairs Committee, Wa s h i ngton, D.C.

MEMBERS EX OFFICIO: Ralph Earle II, Deputy

D i re c t o r, U.S. Arms Cont rol and Disarma me nt

Age ncy • Phyllis Oakley, As s i s t a nt Secretary of

State for Int e l l ige nce and Research • Daniel H.

S i m p s o n, Vice Pre s ide nt, Na t io nal Defens e

University • Walter B. Slocombe, Under Secre t a r y

of Defense for Po l icy • Richard H. Solomon,

P re s ide nt, U.S. Institute of Peace (no n v o t i ng) 
to de mo c ra t ic principles and are based on the rule of law; ma r ket econo m ies and an

e n v i ro n me nt fa v o rable to fo re ign tra de and free enterprise; civilian cont rol of the military; willing ness to resolve territorial and ethnic disputes with ne ig h b o r i ng count r ie s ;

a nd an ability to unde r t a ke the military re q u i re me nts of NATO, inc l ud i ng active partic ip a t ion in the Pa r t nership for Pe a c e. An unstated but implicit cons ide ra t ion is ge o g ra p h ic

l o c a t ion, particularly proximity to Russia, a factor that would weigh heavily in the cons ide ra t ion of the Baltic states or Ukra i ne.

Me e t i ng such perfo r ma nce-based criteria is a judge me nt call with an array of pros and

c o ns re l e v a nt to prospective members (See back cover). Ma ny of the aspira nts will ne e d

a dd i t io nal time to qua l i f y. Some argue that first re q u i re me nt is a period of cons o l idat ion, allowing for the full int e g ra t ion of Po l a nd, Hu ng a r y, and the Czech Republic int o

t he comma nd and fo rce struc t u re of the Allia nc e. Po l i t ical cons ide ra t io ns, ho w e v e r, are

of still greater importance than those involving perfo r ma nce-based estima t io ns. The first

t ra nc he was in every respect the easier one. The Western na t io ns felt a deep sense of

mo ral oblig a t ion to Po l a nd, the Czech Republic, and Hu ng a r y, which was skillfully played

upon by both Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa. Germa ny’s na t io nal int e rest in bring i ng its

eastern ne ighbor into the Allia nce also was a sig n i f ic a nt fa c t o r. The NATO allia nce ne e ded to prove that it could me t a mo r p hose into an ins t i t u t ion re l e v a nt to post-Cold Wa r

E u ro p e. Furthe r mo re, Pre s ide nt Clinton saw NATO’s enlarge me nt as a key part of his fo re ign policy legacy. All these factors contributed to the mo me ntum that helped push the

first tra nc he through the door relatively easily, in spite of the ma ny doubts in Euro p e

a nd the United States about the wisdom of the polic y.

T hese doubts have now become second tho u g ht s, which while they may not block

f u r t her ex p a ns ion in the long run are cont r i b u t i ng to a pro no u nced sense of he s i t a t io n

about a sig n i f ic a nt second tra nc he at this time.

T he principal conc e r ns are as fo l l o w s :

• E x p a nd i ng the Allia nce would dilute its cohe s ion and re duce its ability to take de c isive action. A NATO of 25 count r ies would be far mo re difficult to ma na ge ins t i t ut io nally than an Allia nce of 19. This becomes even mo re re l e v a nt as NATO is called

upon to unde r t a ke no n - A r t icle 5 peace support missio ns outside its members’ terr i t o r y. At the same time, it is important to ma i ntain the cohe s ion of the Allia nc e

if it is to retain its tra d i t io nal collective de f e nse capacity.

• T he closer NATO moves toward Russia’s borde r s, the mo re difficult it is for Russia to

accept. A period of great political unc e r t a i nty and turmoil in Russia, such as is curre ntly the case, is not a pro p i t ious mo me nt to unde r t a ke actio ns that Moscow sees,

r ig htly or wro ng l y, as ant i t he t ical to its int e re s t s.

• In the United States, the ra t i f ic a t ion debate in the Senate revealed the limits of

support for early further enlarge me nt. An ame ndme nt proposed by Senator Jo h n

Wa r ner calling for a three-year pause in the enlarge me nt process received fo r t y - o ne

v o t e s, mo re than suffic ie nt to block the two-thirds majority ne e ded to ratify the

new cand ida t e s. This has reportedly been on the mind of fo r mer senator and Secretary of Defense William Cohen, who has not spoken out in support of any enlargeme nt at the Wa s h i ngton summit. Similarly, Secretary of State Ma de l e i ne Albrig ht ,

a vociferous supporter of the Visegrad Thre e, has been no t iceably silent on furthe r

e n l a rge me nt .

• T he end point of NATO’s enlarge me nt has not been tho u g ht through, nor have the

e no r mous cons e q u e nces of a vastly ex p a nded Allia nc e. Whe re does enlarge me nt

stop? At 21 states with only Roma n ia and Slovenia added? At 28 with all the curre nt aspiring count r ies? At 31 if one adds the 3 “ne u t rals”? At 44 if one inc l ude s

all the pre s e nt na t io ns of the Euro - At l a nt ic Pa r t nership Council? Despite the stateme nts about the Allia nce not exc l ud i ng any count r y, can NATO really take in

The end point of NATO ’ s

e n l a rgement has not been

thought through, nor have the

enormous consequences of a

vastly expanded Alliance.

W h e re does enlargement stop? 

3

No country is now slated to be

invited to begin accession ta l k s

—an unex p e c t e d

consensus—[and] there is a

palpable lack of enthusiasm fo r

a second wa ve.
R u s s ia, or for that matter Belarus and Ukra i ne? One must also think through ho w

N ATO would be totally altered under such scena r ios and what would be its essent ial mission and purpose. These questio ns have been pushed off as “too hard to

h a ndle”; yet the further one contemplates ex p a nd i ng the Allia nc e, the mo re pre s si ng it becomes to address the m .

“ No na me s, no dates” has re c e ntly been adopted as the ma nt ra in Brussels to de s c r i b e

ex p e c t a t io ns for the summit. Un l i ke the Ma dr id Declara t ion of two years ago, whe n

R o ma n ia and Slovenia were singled out and fa v o rable re f e re nce was ma de to the “states

in the Baltic re g ion,” no count r ies or re g ion will be ide nt i f ied as mo re pro m i s i ng fo r

membership than othe r s. No date will be given for the next ro u nd of invitatio ns to join

N ATO.

This way out would come at a cons ide rable cost. A “no na me s, no dates” appro a c h

could lead to a sig n i f ic a nt loss of mo me ntum, which would put the ent i re enlarge me nt

p rocess in jeopardy. Slovenia, as the most suitable of the aspira nt s, should be invited

to begin accession talks. Ma ny believe that, accord i ng to the 1995 guide l i ne s, Slovenia

is as politically and econo m ically qua l i f ied for membership as the 3 new me m b e r s

c o m i ng in this year. This was alre a dy true in the eyes of a majority of NATO states in

Ma dr id, and unlike Roma n ia, Slovenia is not seen as having re g ressed since then. Sloven ia would pro v ide a land corridor to Hu ng a r y, without which the latter would have no

c o nt ig uous NATO state. It mig ht have a stabilizing effect on the other parts of the fo rmer Yu go s l a v ia. The fact that Slovenia is a small country should not ma ke its adhe re nc e

to the Allia nce ins ig n i f ic a nt, as some have arg u e d, because a Wa s h i ngton de c i s ion to

a dmit Slovenia would de mo ns t rate that the enlarge me nt process is in good faith and is

b e i ng ma i nt a i ne d.

Not selecting a date to cons ider the membership of aspiring states would also contribute to a loss of mo me ntum. Thus fa r, these de c i s io ns have been left to de a l ma k i ng

at the summit level, as occurred in Ma dr id. The next NATO summit is unlikely to take

place until 2001, after the usual two-year period and after the Ame r ican pre s ide nt ia l

e l e c t ion. A new approach is ne e ded that allows for a systema t ic re v iew of the pro g re s s

A “no names, no dates”

a p p roach could lead to a

significant loss of momentum.

S l ovenia should be invited to

begin accession ta l k s.

4
ma de by the cand idate states on an annual basis; these re v iews should take place at the

fo re ign ministers’ me e t i ngs starting with the sche duled session of June 2000. Such re gularity would re a s s u re would-be members that the Allia nce is serious about its opendoor polic y. Although final de c i s io ns would cont i nue to be ma de at the summit, the

c a reful re v iew of qua l i f ic a t io ns at the ministerial level would enhance the credibility of

t he pro c e s s. It mig ht also re duce fears that selection de p e nds less on true merit than

on tra de - offs based on favorite cand idates or ge o g ra p hy.

To counter the de mo ra l i z a t ion that could set in for the aspira nt states if the Wa s hi ngton summit is seen as a step backward from Ma dr id, NATO is planning for a “Ma dr id

Plus” packa ge. At its center is an Ame r ican proposal for a Membership Ac t ion Plan. This

plan would institute a vastly int e ns i f ied dialogue with the aspira nt states on de f e ns e

p l a n n i ng and fo rce struc t u re s, a clearing house for bilateral military assistance to ide ntify sho r t falls and du p l ic a t io ns, and an inc rease in de f e nse tra ns p a re ncy between NATO

a nd its would-be me m b e r s. These actio ns would create a ro a dmap that would help the

c a nd idates meet the re q u i re me nts for membership. Ho w e v e r, they have been fo re w a r ne d

that successfully completing the Membership Ac t ion Plan does not gua ra ntee that the y

will be automa t ically admitted to the Allia nc e. Because an enhanced Pa r t nership fo r

Peace pro g ram was alre a dy adopted two years ago, this further enhanc e me nt, altho u g h

s u b s t a ntively valid, is viewed by some as essent ially a cons o l a t ion prize.

Crisis Management and Peace Support: A New Core Function for NATO ?

T he core mission of NATO has been the collective de f e nse of the member states, as

spelled out in Article 5 of the North At l a nt ic Tre a t y. This will not change. With the collapse of the Soviet Un ion, ho w e v e r, future needs for the threat or the use of military

fo rce are almost certain to be outside the ge o g ra p h ic area of NATO. This has alre a dy

o c c u r red in Bosnia and Kosovo. NATO, often with the assistance of add i t io nal count r ie s

in the Pa r t nership for Pe a c e, must now be pre p a red to use fo rce in other are a s, both

within the wider European cont i ne nt and beyond. Such no n - A r t icle 5 opera t io ns will be

t he primary military task of NATO in the uncertain world of the coming de c a de s.

T he Wa s h i ngton summit will approve a ne w, fo r w a rd - l o o k i ng Stra t e g ic Concept to

replace the one that was adopted in 1991, not long after the end of the Cold War but

b e fo re the new ge o p o l i t ical enviro n me nt had developed much clarity. One issue will be

w he t her no n - A r t icle 5 missio ns should now be specifically recognized in the Stra t e g ic

C o ncept as a new core f u nc t ion of NATO. This issue has implic a t io ns for the military

fo rces of the Allia nc e, which are expected to equip and train accord i ng to the politic a l

g u ide l i nes of the concept; ado p t i ng such a new core mission would emphasize arme d

fo rces that are highly mo b i l e, logistically supportable at a distanc e, and ge a red to an

ex p e d i t io nary ro l e.

Within the Allia nc e, views on the priority of no n - A r t icle 5 missio ns vary. The Un i t e d

States and Great Britain propose their full acceptance as a core func t ion of NATO, while

most cont i ne ntal Euro p e a ns prefer a mo re limited approach. Such missio ns are de s c r i b e d

by Ame r ic a ns as “crisis re s p o nse opera t io ns” (an activist approach), by Germa ns as

“peace support missio ns” (implying that such missio ns would only be used to support a

peace agre e me nt), and by the Fre nch as “crisis ma na ge me nt and peaceke e p i ng” ( p e a c ekeeping s u g ge s t i ng that the mission must be tied to a United Na t io ns ma ndate). The

exact word i ng and de s c r i p t ion adopted in the concept are less important than the principle that crisis ma na ge me nt and some form of peace support or peaceke e p i ng sho u l d

be widely accepted as a core func t ion of NATO, because this is what the Allia nce will be

called upon to unde r t a ke in the twenty-first cent u r y.

Non-Article 5 operations will be

the primary military task of

N ATO in the uncertain world of

the coming decades.

5

A new approach is needed

that allows for a sy s t e m a t i c

rev i ew of the pro g ress made by

the candidate states on an

annual basis.
A Global Role for NATO ?

A no t her area of diverge nce within the Allia nce is the potent ial ge o g ra p h ic scope of

p rospective NATO opera t io ns. The United States has stressed the de f e nse of the “c o mmon int e rests” of the Allia nce ra t her than only the de f e nse of its “c o m mon territory, ”

no t i ng the shared int e rests of Allies in such global matters as pre v e nt i ng the pro l i f e rat ion of nuclear weapons, de a l i ng with int e r na t io nal terrorism and ma na g i ng da nge ro u s

re g io nal conflicts as in the Pe r s ian Gulf and Southwest As ia. Ame r ican comme ntators and

a na l y s t s — f rom the RAND Corpora t ion for example—have stressed this the me. During

t he ra t i f ic a t ion de b a t e, several U.S. senators spoke of the need for NATO to support the

United States in its worldw ide role if it is to retain a suffic ie nt level of public support. 

Ma ny Euro p e a ns have voiced deep re s e r v a t io ns about this vie w, sugge s t i ng that the

United States seeks to “globalize” NATO. Their fear is that Wa s h i ngton will de ma nd that

its allies do its bidd i ng; that in a mo me nt of crisis they will be submitted to a loyalty

test with negative cons e q u e nces should they fail it. Such views are in ke e p i ng with the

c o ncern he a rd in some quarters that the United States, as the world’s only superpower,

acts at times like an int e r na t io nal R a m b o. Euro p e, it is arg u e d, should not be dra g ge d

i nto Ame r ica’s conflicts through the ins t r u me nt of NATO. 

“ Hogwash!” re s p o nded Secretary of State Albrig ht to the no t ion that the Un i t e d

States wants to globalize the Allia nc e, seeking to defuse the issue. Ne v e r t he l e s s, it

would only be appro p r iate for the United States to look to its closest allies for politic a l

a nd if need be military support at a mo me nt of crisis. The re are c o m mon int e rests at

t i me s, even if they do not always lend the mselves to a common polic y. Missile pro l i f e ra t ion in the Middle East could threaten Euro p e, as would a cut-off of ene rgy supplie s.

Most of the European allies agree that NATO has common int e rests in the Me d i t e r ra ne a n

a rea. Ma ny unde r s t a nd that the day could come when NATO may need to get involved

in such places as the Pe r s ian Gulf or even the Cauc u s e s. It is when the issues move to

As ia that the disparity in views grows de e p .

Ne v e r t he l e s s, the globalization debate re ma i ns somewhat ex i s t e nt ial. The re would be

little point in discussing this sensitive question in ge ne ral terms at the Wa s h i ngton summit or in ma k i ng it a matter of princ i p l e. Acceptable lang ua ge mig ht be fo u nd that would

e ncompass the Euro - At l a nt ic area and parts of its periphe r y, but the re is no cons e ns u s

for any t h i ng larger or for a bro a de r, U.S.-supported de f i n i t ion based on “c o m mon int e re s t s.” In re a l i t y, ho w e v e r, nineteen na t io ns will have difficulty agre e i ng on joint actio ns

in distant places, for exa m p l e, in Na go r no - Ka rabakh. The re fo re, the Allia nce’s de c i s io ns

will be case specific. When the re is cons e ns u s, as in Bosnia, the Allia nce as a whole can

be the chosen ins t r u me nt. When cons e nsus is lacking, “c o a l i t io ns of the willing” sho u l d

be put toge t he r, as was the case with Opera t ion Desert Storm. In fact, NATO is de v e lo p i ng the Combined Jo i nt Task Forces for just such a purpose.

The Mandate Question

O ne of the issues on which the re is least agre e me nt within the Allia nce is: Under what

i nt e r na t io nal legal basis can NATO threaten or use military fo rce in a no n - A r t icle 5 opera t ion? The issue of the appro p r iate ma ndate did not arise until October 1998, when NATO

t h re a t e ned to use air power in Kosovo. In Bosnia, NATO ent e red by invitation. An Article 5 mission of collective de f e nse would be covered by Article 51 of the United Na t io ns

C h a r t e r. The Fre nch and German vie w s, widely shared in Europe and stro ngly supported

by Russia, are that no n - A r t icle 5 missio ns must be authorized by the UN Security Council. Because the OSCE has been recognized as a re g io nal org a n i z a t ion under Chapter VIII

of the UN Charter, an OSCE ma ndate could substitute for a Security Council re s o l u t io n .

T he United States and some other na t io ns have rejected this vie w, basing their arg u6

The United States has stre s s e d

the defense of the “c o m m o n

i n t e re s t s.” Many Europeans have

voiced deep re s e r vations about

this view, suggesting that

the United States seeks to

“globalize” NATO. “Hogwa s h ! ”

responded Secre tary of

S tate Albright.
me nt on the evolving principles of hu ma n i t a r ian law and the da nger of a large - s c a l e

hu man tra ge dy in the case of Kosovo, and mo re ge ne rally on the legal principles in the

UN Charter re g a rd i ng the ma i nt e na nce of int e r na t io nal peace and security.

W he re each na t ion stands on this legal issue has important do me s t ic political ro o t s.

T he new Social Demo c ra t ic - G reen coalition in Germa ny is just now mo v i ng its way out

of past re j e c t ion of a German military role abro a d. Fra nce cont i nues to give pre f e re nc e

to the United Na t io ns, whe re it has a seat on the Security Council, ra t her than to NATO,

w he re it re ma i ns outside the military int e g rated comma nd. Russia cont i nues to look

s ke p t ically on NATO, in spite of its special re l a t io nship with the Allia nce through the

R u s s ia n - N ATO Pe r ma ne nt Jo i nt Council, and fears that the Allia nce could some da y

involve itself in a crisis in the fo r mer Soviet Un ion. And in the United States, the re are

members of Cong ress who abhor the no t ion that the Security Council could pre v e nt a

U.S.-supported NATO opera t ion. 

T he pra c t ical issue in the minds of Ame r ican polic y - ma kers is the risk that a no n - A r t icle 5 action could be vetoed in the UN Security Council by Russia or China. Beijing ’ s

re c e nt veto of the ex t e ns ion of the UN peaceke e p i ng fo rce in Ma c e do n ia, because of its

pique at the latter’s ex t e ns ion of diploma t ic re c o g n i t ion to Taiwan, de mo ns t rates the

p roblem. Wa s h i ngton is also mindful of the woeful re c o rd of the United Na t io ns in

B o s n ia and the inability of the Security Council to agree in re c e nt mo nt hs on a stra t egy for de a l i ng with Iraq. In the United States’ vie w, the nineteen allies cannot allow

t heir chosen course of action in a peace support crisis to be blocked by a no n me m b e r

of the Allia nc e.

Ma ny of the allies ne v e r t heless do believe that it is necessary for future no n - A r t ic l e

5 crisis ma na ge me nt and peace support opera t io ns to be covered with the basis of an

i nt e r na t io nal legal fra mework. In most cases this may be achieved through a UN Security Council re s o l u t ion, but this cannot be gua ra nteed for all ex ige nc ie s. Secre t a r y

A l b r ig ht has been rig ht to reject fo rcefully the view that all no n - A r t icle 5 missio ns automa t ically re q u i re a Security Council ma nda t e. An appro p r iate compromise will need to

be fo u nd at the Wa s h i ngton summit through careful diploma t ic word i ng. It mig ht be

stated along the lines of pre s e r v i ng NATO’s fre e dom to act while re q u i r i ng that suc h

a c t io ns be “c o ns i s t e nt with the United Na t io ns Charter’s principles and purposes. ”

Dealing with Weapons of Mass Destruction

T he United States has been vigo rously seeking to give NATO a greater role in de a l i ng

with the pro l i f e ra t ion of nuc l e a r, bio l o g ical, and che m ical weapons, which senior Clinton adm i n i s t ra t ion of f ic ials ide ntify as the greatest da nger of the twenty-first cent u r y.

Wa s h i ngton has sought to draw mo re European attent ion to the gravity of the pro b l e m

a nd the threat posed to the populatio ns, territory, and military fo rces of the allie s. As

S e c retary Albrig ht observed at NATO last December, “a ballistic missile attack using

w e a p o ns of mass de s t r uc t ion from a rogue state is every bit as much an Article 5 thre a t

to our borders as a Warsaw Pact tank was two de c a des ago.” Initia l l y, the Ame r ican proposal was compre he nsive and ambitio u s, cont a i n i ng eleme nts of an activist count e r - p rol i f e ra t ion policy that inc l uded some special comma nd arra nge me nts and pointed to the

de s i rability of a theater missile de f e ns e. This has been sig n i f ic a ntly pared down now as

a result of the allies’ re s p o ns e, and a mo re re s t ra i ned ant i - p ro l i f e ra t ion packa ge is likely to be approved at the Wa s h i ngton summit.

S i nce 1994, NATO has had a special committee, co-chaired by the United States and

a ro t a t i ng European state, that has stud ied the pro l i f e ra t ion challenge. Now the Allia nc e

will establish a special center for sharing int e l l ige nce info r ma t ion related to pro l i f e rat ion. A database will be created that will inc l ude new info r ma t ion re s u l t i ng from satellite tra c k i ng. At t e nt ion will also be given to such me a s u res as the cre a t ion of

The practical issue in the minds

of American policy-makers is

the risk that a non-Article 5

action could be ve toed in the

UN Security Council by Russia

or China.

7

The United States has been

v i g o rously seeking to give NATO

a greater role in dealing with

the pro l i f e ration of nuclear,

biological, and chemical

we a p o n s. But Euro p e a n

officials are re l u c tant to dra w

too much public attention to

these dangers, fearing

w i d e s p read apprehension and

panic within their populations.
de c o nt a m i na t ion units and the pro v i s ion of vaccine s, although most of these activitie s

will result from augme nt i ng na t io nal civil de f e nse pro g ra ms. The re is no cons e nsus on

g i v i ng theater missile de f e nse much inc reased attent ion beyond its cont i nu i ng re v ie w

by the High Level Group, which consists of experts under NATO’s Nuclear Planning Gro u p .

T he mind-set of ma ny of the European go v e r n me nts re g a rd i ng the pro l i f e ra t ion da nger is of int e rest. The long-term risk of pro l i f e ra t ion is ackno w l e dge d, although the conc e r ns are focused mo re on the potent ial missile threats coming from the nearby re g io n

of the Pe r s ian Gulf and the Middle East than on mo re distant places such as North Ko re a .

T he re is also an unde r s t a nd i ng that highly urbanized Western Europe is vulne rable to

c he m ical and bio l o g ical attacks from ide o l o g ically motivated terrorist gro u p s. But European of f ic ials are re l uc t a nt to draw too much public attent ion to these da nge r s, fearing

w ide s p read appre he ns ion and panic within their populatio ns. Clearly, they do not wish

to stir up greater public concern. For the same reason they have not taken up Wa s h i ngton’s sugge s t ion to approve a count e r - t e r rorism pro g ram at the summit; the re is no support for de c l a r i ng a “war on terrorism,” as has occurred in the United States. Euro p e a n

of f ic ials also do not want to inc rease spend i ng for such purposes at a time of de c l i n i ng

de f e nse budge t s. This contributes to their lack of int e rest in exa m i n i ng mo re closely the

p o s s i b i l i t ies for theater missile de f e ns e. European int e rest in having NATO assume a mo re

a g g ressive approach to weapons of mass de s t r uc t ion is the re fo re shallow. This pro b l e m ,

t hey arg u e, should be left to the ins t i t u t io ns ex i s t i ng for this purpose: the Int e r na t io nal At o m ic Ene rgy Age nc y, Nuclear Suppliers Group, Missile Te c h nology Cont rol Regime,

C he m ical We a p o ns Org a n i z a t ion, and Wa s s e naar Arra nge me nt. What added value, the y

ask, can NATO bring to this pro b l e m ?

Nuclear Doctrine and No First Use of Nuclear We a p o n s

T he Stra t e g ic Concept of 1991 states that “the funda me ntal purpose of the nuc l e a r

fo rces of the Allies is political: to preserve peace and pre v e nt coerc ion and any kind of

w a r. They will cont i nue to fulfill an essent ial role by ens u r i ng unc e r t a i nty in the mind

of any aggressor about the na t u re of the Allies’ re s p o nse to military aggre s s ion.” This

b a s ic tenet is unlikely to be altered at the summit. Ho w e v e r, all partic i p a nts re c o g n i z e

that the stra t e g ic enviro n me nt has been dra s t ically changed by the collapse of the

S o v iet Un ion, the disorder within the military-indu s t r ial complex in Russia, the int e r nat io nal dispersion of nuclear and missile technology and kno w l e dge, and the re s u l t i ng

attempt to further pro mote the aims of no n p ro l i f e ra t ion.

W he t her the Allia nce still needs to threaten nuclear attack against a convent io na l

t h reat is now a fair question. Recent l y, the arg u me nt has been he a rd in Wa s h i ngton that

nuclear weapons are also necessary to deter potent ial threats from che m ical and biol o g ical weapons orig i na t i ng from any w he re in the world, but this pro p o s i t ion is also

de b a t a b l e. Proposals have arisen within two NATO go v e r n me nts for ado p t i ng a policy of

“ no first use” of nuclear weapons. Un fo r t u na t e l y, the ma n ner of their eme rge nce caught

Wa s h i ngton and other NATO capitals by surprise. The re marks of Jo s c h ka Fische r, the ne w

G e r man fo re ign minister, were ma de in the cont ext of the Social Demo c ra t ic - G reen coalit ion agre e me nt and had not been carefully vetted in Bonn, while the ideas of Cana d ia n

F o re ign Minister Lloyd Axworthy had not been ade q uately discussed through diploma tic channe l s. Ac c o rd i ng l y, they received a prompt, knee-jerk negative re a c t ion in Wa s hi ngton and in the other nuclear powers of the Allia nc e, Britain and Fra nc e. 

It is unlike l y, ho w e v e r, that this issue can now be completely burie d — nor should it

b e. The cons e nsus at the December 1998 NATO ministerial me e t i ng was that the re would

be no attempt to hu r r iedly address it befo re the April summit. Yet it has become evide nt

in re c e nt mo nt hs that “no first use” is a complex and tangled issue, involving not just

N ATO fo rces but the role of nuclear weapons in the global cont ext. The re are ex i s t i ng

P roposals have arisen

within two NATO gove r n m e n t s

for adopting a policy of “no

first use” of nuclear we a p o n s. ...

It is unlikely that this issue can

n ow be completely buried—nor

should it be. The NATO summit

should there fo re appoint a

s e n i o r - l evel task fo rce to exa mine all aspects of “no first use.” 

8
A me r ican commitme nts not to use nuclear weapons against no n - nuclear parties of the

No n - P ro l i f e ra t ion Tre a t y, unless such states attack the United States in allia nce with a

nuclear weapons state. To da y, stockpiles of Ame r ican fre e - fa l l i ng nuclear bombs for dua l -

capable airc raft re main in seven NATO count r ies in Euro p e, totaling an estimated 150 to

200, whose purpose is to pro v ide a stra t e g ic “c o u p l i ng.” This reflects Cold Wa r - e ra

a s s u m p t io ns that are now of questio nable ne c e s s i t y. Furthe r mo re, the re is a gro w i ng

re c o g n i t ion that the nuclear states need to devalue the political role of nuclear weapons

if further pro g ress is to be ma de towards no n - p ro l i f e ra t ion go a l s.

T he NATO summit should the re fo re appoint a senior-level task fo rce to exa m i ne all

aspects of the “no first use” proposal, with a view to ma k i ng re c o m me nda t io ns on this

i m p o r t a nt question a year from no w. In its de l i b e ra t io ns the task fo rce should re v ie w

possible alternatives to the proposal, such as a return to the lang ua ge of the 1990 London summit communiqué that nuclear arms will only be used as weapons of “last resort.” 

Defense Capabilities Initiative

A l l ies at the summit will be asked to approve the Defense Capabilities Initia t i v e,

w h ich has been proposed by U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen. This initiative is

de s ig ned to enable NATO to take advant a ge of eme rg i ng techno l o g ies for the battlefie l d,

ma ny of which are highly innovative and based on digital info r ma t ion. The ex p e r ie nc e

in Bosnia has revealed that NATO’s tra ns fo r ma t ion from a fixe d, positio nal de f e nse to a

f l ex i b l e, mobile de f e nse is inc o m p l e t e. If the Allia nce is to operate effectively outside

its territory in peace support opera t io ns in the future, it must expect to do so witho u t

p re ex i s t i ng commu n ic a t io ns, logistic s, he a d q ua r t e r s, or other infra s t r uc t u re. 

T he initiative calls for impro v e me nts in mobility to project fo rces ra p id l y, in c o m p a tibility t h rough the effective eng a ge me nt of the armed fo rces of member na t io ns, in

sustainability with mo re tailored and effic ie nt logistics systems, and in the s u r v i v a b i l i t y

of the fo rces by better pro t e c t i ng them from che m ical, bio l o g ical, terrorist, and even

c y b e r - a t t a c k s. In pra c t ical terms, this involves a number of fo rce enhanc e me nt s, the

most sig n i f ic a nt of which may be the de v e l o p me nt and impleme nt a t ion of an int e g ra ted C3 (comma nd, cont rol, and commu n ic a t io ns) arc h i t e c t u re.

T he Ame r ican worry is that the technology gap across the At l a nt ic is wide n i ng, whic h

will ma ke it mo re difficult for the Allies to participate in joint opera t io ns. The Euro p e a ns,

on the other hand, fear that the Defense Capabilities Initiative will become a “Buy Ame rica” pro g ram, and an ex p e nsive one at that. But they do ackno w l e dge the inc re a s i ng

t e c h nology gap and are worried about its implic a t io ns. The summit is the re fo re likely to

establish a high-level group, with a sunset clause, to impleme nt the Defense Capabilit ies Initia t i v e. 

Fo r wa rd Movement on the European Security and Defense Identity

Me e t i ng in St. Malo, Fra nc e, last December, Prime Minister To ny Blair and Pre s ide nt

Jacques Chirac initiated one of the most int e re s t i ng and potent ially sig n i f ic a nt de v e lo p me nts in the landscape of European security. Po s i t i ng that the European Un ion (EU)

must now move toward playing a full role on the int e r na t io nal stage, inc l ud i ng de f e ns e,

t hey called upon the EU to acquire the “capacity for autono mous action, backed up by

c redible military fo rc e s, the me a ns to de c ide to use them, and a re a d i ness to do so, in

o rder to re s p o nd to int e r na t io nal crises.” Simu l t a neously and the re fo re ambig uo u s l y,

t heir stateme nt also spoke of the need to ma i ntain the collective de f e nse commitme nt s

of the At l a nt ic Allia nc e. Since then, Fre nch and British fo re ign and de f e nse ministrie s

have been burning the mid n ig ht oil, planning conc rete ways to move this initiative fo rw a rd without ra i s i ng inc o m p a t i b i l i t ies with NATO.

In St. Malo, To ny Blair and

Jacques Chirac initiated

one of the most intere s t i n g

and potentially significant

d evelopments in the landscape

of European security. Since

then, French and British fo re i g n

and defense ministries have

been burning the midnight

oil, planning concrete wa y s

to move this initiative

fo r wa rd without ra i s i n g

incompatibilities with NATO.

9
T he Wa s h i ngton summit will need to give this new European élan a t t e nt ion and support, which it should be able to do without compro m i s i ng the Allia nce’s int e re s t s. NATO ’ s

Berlin me e t i ng of 1996 fully accepted the concept of a European Security and Defens e

Ide ntity (ESDI) within N ATO while re c o g n i z i ng the need to be able to place Euro p e a n

fo rces under the political cont rol and opera t io nal comma nd of the Western Euro p e a n

Un ion (WEU) if the United States de c ided to stay out of a mission. Military fo rces would

be “separable but not separa t e,” allowing for inde p e nde nt European action if warra nte d. What is new and important is that Britain has dropped its fo r mer objection to

me rg i ng the WEU with the EU, a step that mig ht now be accomplished in just two to

t h ree years. At that point the EU would have the cho ice of either cre a t i ng a “fourth pillar” for security or alternatively int e g ra t i ng its new de f e nse func t ion with the Commo n

F o re ign and Security Po l icy in the EU’s “second pillar.” The devil will be in the de t a i l s :

for exa m p l e, cons o l ida t i ng the differing memberships of the fifteen-na t ion EU and the

t w e nt y - e ig ht - na t ion WEU, inc l ud i ng its associated me m b e r s, and coord i na t i ng the

de f e nse func t io ns of the EU with NATO, the two major Brussels ins t i t u t io ns that unt i l

now have appeared to live on differe nt plane t s.

W he t her this fresh initiative toward “Euro p e a n i z i ng” de f e nse will succeed whe re others have run into shoals re ma i ns to be seen. Some evide nce of diverge nt appro a c hes has

a l re a dy eme rge d. Paris stresses Europe’s political need to be able to unde r t a ke inde p e nde nt action and would have some ESDI struc t u res quite separate from NATO. London is

fo c u s i ng on a “Berlin plus” packa ge that unde r l i nes the de s i rability of “do u b l e - h a t t i ng ”

c o m ma nd and planning struc t u res with NATO. For the mo me nt Germa ny has been cont e nt to watch from the side l i ne s, no doubt ke e p i ng an eye on the Ame r ican re s p o ns e.

T he United States has ge ne rally welcomed this initia t i v e, in ke e p i ng with its mo re

supportive approach toward “Europe” in re c e nt years, although Wa s h i ngton polic y - ma kers do not always sing from the same choir book. While accepting the idea of Euro p e

b e c o m i ng mo re organized for inde p e nde nt action, the United States focuses on the

A ng l o - F re nch initiative as an opportunity for the Euro p e a ns to improve their capabilit ies for fo rce pro j e c t ion and sustaina b i l i t y. In the most direct re s p o nse to da t e, Secretary Albrig ht has spoken of the need to avoid the three D’s: decoupling of Euro p e a n

de c i s io n - ma k i ng from that of the At l a nt ic Allia nce; duplication of scarce de f e ns e

re s o u rc e s, and discrimination a g a i nst NATO members who are not EU me m b e r s. This can

be do ne and the NATO summit should give its full endo r s e me nt to this pro m i s i ng European de v e l o p me nt .

N ATO ’s Challenge in the Balka n s

P u b l ic perc e p t io ns of the credibility of NATO today are inevitably tied to its ability to

deal with the Balka ns powder keg. Too often the necessary distinc t ion is not ma de

between the political will and cohe s ion of the allie s, on the one hand, and NATO’s ability to unde r t a ke military action, on the othe r. In Bosnia - He r z e go v i na, the allies initia lly looked to the European Un ion and the United Na t io ns to resolve the situa t ion. Severa l

b l o o dy and costly years were lost in the interim, but once the political leadership coal e s c e d, the military of NATO undertook an effective air campaign that helped bring the

c o n f l ict to a halt and opened the way for the Dayton accord s. NATO was able to de p l o y

IFOR and later the thirty-na t ion SFOR fo rc e s. For the re ma i n i ng ske p t ic s, this ma de clear

t he cont i nu i ng need to ma i ntain NATO after the end of the Cold Wa r. 

To day the challenge in Kosovo is even mo re difficult and sens i t i v e. Witho u t

Yu go s l a v ia’s agre e me nt, NATO would need to enter as an int e r v e nt ion fo rc e. Mo re o v e r,

N ATO is cons ide r i ng bombing Yu go s l a v ia in order to limit its actio ns in Kosovo and try

to fo rce an agre e me nt. However achie v e d, should an agre e me nt be re a c hed between Belg ra de and the Ko s o v a r s, NATO is pre p a red to mo u nt a Kosovo Peace Impleme nt a t io n

What is new and importa n t

is that Britain has dropped its

former objection to merging the

WEU with the EU.

1 0

While accepting the idea of

E u rope becoming more

o rganized for independent

action, the United Sta t e s

focuses on the Anglo-Fre n c h

i n i t i a t i ve as an opportunity fo r

the Europeans to improve their

capabilities for fo rce pro j e c t i o n

and susta i n a b i l i t y.
F o rc e. For the first time such a fo rce would be led by a European of f icer and have a re latively small Ame r ican cont i nge nt of four tho u s a nd tro o p s. But we should be clear: what

is at stake now is not the credibility of the military of NATO but the political leade r s h i p

of the Allia nce and the Contact Group, which inc l udes Russia .

In the Balka ns, as NATO’s Secretary Gene ral Ja v ier Solana has re c e ntly no t e d, the

A l l ia nce will be called upon to do mo re than protect the peace. It must also help cre a t e

t he climate for re c o nc i l ia t ion and the cond i t io ns for re c o ns t r uc t ion. This will involve

p o l i t ical as well as econo m ic re c o ns t r uc t ion and will not be NATO’s task alone. When the

p o l i t ical cond i t io ns permit, after sig n i f ic a nt change from today’s situa t io n — a nd this will

t a ke some time — C ro a t ia, Bosnia - He r z e go v i na and the Fede ral Republic of Yu go s l a v ia

s hould be invited to join Slovenia, Ma c e do n ia, and Albania in the Pa r t nership for Pe a c e

a nd the Euro - At l a nt ic Pa r t nership Counc i l .

B eyond the Summit: Critical Choices

T he Fiftieth Anniversary Summit will be a suc c e s s, but only up to a point. The re is

much to celebra t e. The At l a nt ic Allia nce saved its members from harm and “won” the

Cold Wa r. Over the past de c a de it has successfully adapted to a new ro l e, re a c hed eastw a rds by cre a t i ng a web of cons t r uctive re l a t io nships with over two dozen na t io ns, and

in the process it has tra ns fo r med itself. Inde e d, the NATO of the past has me t a mo rp hosed into the New NATO.

T he Kosovo situa t ion may be the wild card du r i ng the summit. Yet, NATO’s availability will also serve as a re m i nder that it re ma i ns the world’s only mu l t i na t io nal, int e g ra te d, and militarily effective allia nce at the disposal of political leade r s.

But the hard q u e s t io ns will not have been addressed du r i ng the summit. How fa r

s hould NATO ex p a nd? Is it really possible to keep the “open door” open, beyond some

ge o g ra p h ical limit? How does one avoid dra w i ng a new divid i ng line across Europe? Are

t he re some alternatives that should be exa m i ne d, such as a Baltic Sea security allia nc e ?

At what point does NATO so dilute itself that it no longer re t a i ns its effectiveness and

raison d’etre? 

C o ns ide rable tho u g ht and attent ion must be given as well to the other ex i s t i ng ins t it u t io ns and the ma n ner by which all these should relate to each othe r. The Euro p e a n

Un ion is also enlarg i ng its membership, and in two or three de c a des may have a me mbership parallel to that of NATO, save for the United States and Cana da. The EU is de v e lo p i ng a security compone nt through the European Security and Defense Ide ntity with

w h ich the Western European Un ion may be me rge d. A mo re important role could be

played in the future by the larger fifty-five na t ion Org a n i z a t ion for Security and Coope ra t ion in Euro p e, which has the advant a ge of inc l ud i ng Russia and other states of the

fo r mer Soviet Un ion. Ultima t e l y, a form of variable ge o metry may eme rge with a system

of mu t ually re i n fo rc i ng ins t i t u t io ns.

G o v e r n me nts and especially int e r na t io nal ins t i t u t io ns are not good at pro duc i ng

deep, sustained tho u g ht. They deal with the imme d iate issues and act by compro m i s e.

Over three de c a des ago, at ano t her time when the re was a necessity of cho ic e, NATO

requested a report from a wise men’s group he a ded by a fo r mer Belgian fo re ign minist e r. The Ha r mel Report bro u g ht valued clarity to the funda me ntal purposes of the

At l a nt ic Allia nc e. The Fiftieth Anniversary Summit should now commission a report to

re s p o nd to today’s seminal question: What should be the Pa n - E u ropean political and

security arc h i t e c t u re, and the place of the Tra ns - At l a nt ic allia nc e, in world affairs a qua rter of a century from no w ?

1 1

But the hard questions will

not have been addre s s e d

during the summit.

The Fiftieth Anniversary Summit

should now commission a re p o r t

to respond to today’s seminal

question: What should be the

Pa n - E u ropean political and

security arc h i t e c t u re, and the

place of the Tra n s - At l a n t i c

a l l i a n c e, in world affairs a

quarter of a century from now ?
1 2

A L BA N I A: Po l i t ical turmoil, econo m ic disa r ra y, crime and organized corruption, and

military disint e g ra t ion in re c e nt years—no t

to me nt ion Kosovo—places this cand ida t e

near the end of the pack. 

B U L GA R I A: After seven lost years of selfimposed isolation, Bulgaria in 1997 began

c re a t i ng a viable political system and ma r ke t

e c o no my. Large military, but further re form is

ne e ded befo re it is re a dy for NATO int e g rat ion. A dark horse ra p idly mo v i ng up.

E S TONIA: Po l i t ically and econo m ic a l l y

well qua l i f ie d. Has begun accession talks with

E u ropean Un ion. Small na t ion, small army.

V u l ne rable ne ighbor of Russia. Finland is its

“ p a t ron” na t ion. Ho w e v e r, Estonia may no t

w a nt to join NATO at the cost of serious political conflict with Mo s c o w. 

L AT V I A: Large Russia n - s p e a k i ng mino r i t y

has been an important political and citizenship issue, exa c e r b a t i ng tens io ns with

AS P I R A N T STAT E S

Mo s c o w. Pa r l ia me ntary de mo c racy with a

de v e l o p i ng fre e - ma r ket econo my. Vulne ra b l e

ne ighbor of Russia. Probably last in the pack

a mo ng the Baltic states.

L I T H UA N I A: Po l i t ically and econo m ic a l l y

well qua l i f ie d. Seeking entry ne go t ia t io ns

with the European Un ion. Vulne rable ne ig hbor of Russia, but it has developed stable

re l a t io ns with Mo s c o w. If bro u g ht into the

A l l ia nc e, the Russian enclave of Ka l i n i ng ra d

would be surro u nded by NATO member states.

Po l a nd is a stro ng supporter. Mo v i ng up.

M AC E D O N I A: Formerly the poorest re p u bl ic in the Yu goslav fede ra t ion, Ma c e do n ia

c o nt i nues to face severe econo m ic diffic u lt ie s. Pro b l e ma t ic re l a t io ns with ne ig h b o r i ng

s t a t e s. Over stro ng objectio ns from Belgra de,

has hosted a NATO “ex t ra c t ion fo rce” available for re s c u i ng OSCE monitors in Ko s o v o .

West has empathy, but Ma c e do n ia is still a

very long sho t .

B E L A R U S: A Euro - At l a nt ic Pa r t ne r s h i p

C o u ncil na t ion. Ne v e r t he l e s s, re q u i res a funda me ntal political and econo m ic tra ns i t io n

b e fo re its membership could even be

c o ns ide re d.

R O M A N I A: Has had difficulty thro w i ng of f

t he yoke of the Ceausescu legacy after

de c a des of econo m ic misma na ge me nt and

re p ressive communism. Upturn with a mo re

re fo r m - m i nded go v e r n me nt since 1996, but

s o me re c e nt econo m ic slippage. Large but illequipped military. Stro ng Fre nch support but

less pro m i s i ng cand idate today than it was

two years ago at Ma dr id. 

S L OVA K I A: Only after the defeat of the

u nde mo c ra t ic Me c iar go v e r n me nt in 1998

could Slovakia become a serious cont e nde r.

R e c e nt econo m ic and military re form has

been impre s s i v e. Can count on stro ng support

of the Czechs. Rapidly mo v i ng up.

S L OV E N I A: Fully de mo c ra t ic political system with a successful econo my. Hig hest per

capita GDP in Cent ral and Eastern Euro p e. Ha s

begun accession talks with European Un io n .

I m p roved re l a t io ns with ne ig h b o r s. The least

p ro b l e ma t ic of the aspira nt states.

AU S T R I A: Despite its small military, a very

s t ro ng cand idate should it de c ide to opt fo r

membership. Member of European Un ion with

a he a l t hy econo my and a ma t u re de mo c ra c y.

Jo i n i ng NATO is under do me s t ic discussio n .

C u r re ntly the re is no political cons e ns u s, but

that could change with the next parlia me ntary election. 

F I N L A N D: Stro ng cand idate should it wish

to join NATO, although that re ma i ns unlike l y

for time being. Defense taken seriously with

s mall but very well equipped armed fo rc e s.

L o ng border with Russia but much ex p e r ie nc e

in prude ntly ma na g i ng that re l a t io ns h i p .

R U S S I A: The 1997 NATO - R u s s ia Found i ng

Act and the NATO - R u s s ian Pe r ma ne nt Jo i nt

C o u ncil bro u g ht Russia up to the starting line.

Pa r t ic i p a t ion in peaceke e p i ng has been valu e d. All de p e nds on the big unknown: the

f u t u re dire c t ion of Russian society and fo re ign re l a t io ns. Entry into NATO would be a

t e c t o n ic change for the Allia nc e.

“ NE U T R A L” STAT E S

MU C H FU R T H E R DOW N T H E TR AC K ...

S W E D E N: A shoo-in if it de c ides to take

t he leap. But over a century and a half of successful ne u t rality is a big psycho l o g ical hu rd l e. Not int e rested no w. Yet it could change

its mind if Finland joins. After all, Sweden did

join the European Un ion, and elite attitude s

a re chang i ng .

U K R A I N E: Early and stro ng partic i p a nt in

Pa r t nership for Peace and peaceke e p i ng in

B o s n ia. The Charter for NATO - U k ra i ne partne rship is a plus, as was nuclear disma nt l e me nt .

D i s a p p o i nt i ng econo m ic perfo r ma nce and

p o l i t ical situa t ion. Russian factor still looms

l a rge.

N ATO’s “Open ATO’s “Open Door” Derby Door” Derby