United States

Department of

Agriculture

Forest Service

Pacific Northwest

Research Station

General Technical 

Report

PNW-GTR-449

May 1999

Watershed Restoration,

Jobs-in-the-Woods, and

Community Assistance:

Redwood National Park and

the Northwest Forest Plan

Christopher E. DeForest
Author CHRISTOPHER E. DeFOREST is the Executive Director of the Inland Northwest Land

Trust, 315 W. Mission Ave., Suite 5A, Spokane, WA 99201. He was an economist at

the Pacific Northwest Research Station when the work was done.
DeForest, Christopher E. 1999. Watershed restoration, jobs-in-the woods, and community assistance: Redwood National Park and the Northwest Forest Plan. Gen.

Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-449. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest

Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. 31 p.

There are many parallels between the 1978 legislation to expand Redwood National

Park and the Northwest Forest Plan, which together with the Northwest Economic

Adjustment Initiative formed the 1993 Pacific Northwest Initiative. In both situations,

the Federal Government sought to promote retraining for displaced workers, to undertake watershed assessment and restoration work, and to assist communities with

economic planning, grants, and transitions. Both of these efforts point out the inherent conflicts between the economic and ecological objectives of watershed restoration. No one wants to have to choose between reducing sediment and reducing

unemployment in coastal forests.

Keywords: Watershed restoration, community assistance, Redwood National Park.

Abstract
Contents 1 Introduction

1 Redwood National Park Expansion

1 Genesis

3 Mechanisms

3 Redwood National Park Legislation

3 Legislative Purpose

6 Results

6 Redwood Employee Protection Plan

9 Community Assistance and Transitions

12 Watershed Restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program

13 Effects on Timber Supplies

13 Conclusion

13 Redwood National Park Expansion Legislation

15 Northwest Forest Plan

15 Genesis

16 Mechanisms

16 Forest Management and Economic Development

18 Watershed Restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program

19 Watershed Restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program—

Southwest Washington Province

20 Results

20 Watershed Restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program

20 The Effects of the Redwood National Park Experience on Watershed 

Restoration Techniques

24 Worker Retraining and Community Assistance

24 Conclusions

26 Literature Cited
There are many parallels between the 1978 legislation to expand Redwood

National Park (RNP) and the Northwest Forest Plan (NWFP), which together with the

Northwest Economic Adjustment Initiative formed the 1993 Pacific Northwest Initiative.

Though 15 years apart, both tried to remedy localized reductions in timber harvests

and dislocation of woods workers. In both situations, the Federal Government sought

to promote retraining for displaced workers, to undertake watershed assessment and

restoration work, and to assist communities with economic planning, grants, and transitions. In both cases, the legislation or executive orders sought to rescue both human

communities and degraded and imperiled ecosystems. Under the RNP legislation, the

ecosystem focus was on old-growth redwood forests—restoring damage and protecting the ancient stands from drowning by sediments and flooding. Under NWFP, the

ecosystem focus was on old-growth forests and the northern spotted owl (Strix occidentalis caurina), and increasingly, on salmon (The Oregonian 1997).

This study distills the legacies of the RNP expansion legislation and compares them

with the NWFP. The two situations involved different agencies, agendas, and philosophies about the scope of government. This study also highlights information gaps

about the efficacy of watershed restoration, worker retraining, and community redevelopment funding—all are difficult to target, conduct, and evaluate over any period. This

study compares the economic assistance approach used in the RNP and NWFP, and

tracks lessons in watershed restoration learned from the RNP effort now used and

advocated in watershed restoration in the NWFP. Increasingly, watershed restoration

involves political and social expectations, as well as economic and ecological criteria.

Congress authorized a major expansion of RNP in 1978 with passage of Public Law

95-250, which involved the purchase of 48,000 acres of timberland contiguous to the

park, 75 percent of it cutover and with over 300 miles of logging roads (see fig.1 for

general location of RNP). Congress also earmarked $33 million for watershed restoration work on the lands to be acquired for the park, with the work to be done by displaced timber workers to the extent possible. Another section of the law titled the

“Redwood Employee Protection Plan” (REPP) was authorized to receive $25 million.

All of the park expansion, and most of the economic assistance, was in Humboldt and

Del Norte Counties in coastal northern California.

Schrepfer (1983) chronicles the political events that led to creation of the 28,000-acre

RNP in 1968, and then to the expansion a decade later. Dissatisfied with the protection of RNP afforded by the original legislation, the Sierra Club, Save-the-RedwoodsLeague, and other powerful environmental groups immediately began pressing to

expand the park. The struggle quickly became a national one, and several interest

groups testified at House and Senate hearings on the costs and benefits of expanding the park. The Society of American Foresters opposed the loss of private timberlands and timber harvests, and argued that environmental problems could be solved

by more professional management of private timberland near the park (Craig 1977,

Craig 1978).

Introduction

Redwood National

Park Expansion

Genesis

1
Hudson (1979) provides a summary of the legal battles that forced the National Park

Service to take stronger measures to protect the park. As in the spotted owl debate

during the 1980s and 1990s, a Federal court found that the Federal agency responsible had failed to uphold the public trust by failing to provide the park with the necessary level of protection. Redwood National Park was threatened by upstream and

upslope logging and sedimentation, just as the Forest Service and U.S. Department

of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management (BLM) were found to have inadequate

plans and protections for the endangered northern spotted owl in northern California,

Oregon, and Washington.

Claire Dedrick (in Pincetl 1990), the late 1970s Secretary of Resources for the State

of California, describes the genesis of the legislative language that broke the deadlock over how much additional acreage to purchase. Congressman Philip Burton had

introduced park expansion bills for several Congresses, but they had languished

because of opposition from labor, the timber industry, and local governments. In an

interview, Dedrick said “So I thought . . . let’s put together a program; we’ll have a

rehabilitation program, a jobs program, and a park acquisition program. Let’s start

putting the act together.” Dedrick prepared a legislative proposal for Congressman

Leo Ryan’s committee, and recommended the following: “expansion of Park boundaries around the worm [the Tall Trees Grove], regulation of new logging and reduction

in upstream erosion sources, and a program to provide full employment to Humboldt

County.” Congressman Burton bought into the plan, and as the bill picked up support

in Congress, the timber industry relaxed its opposition and sought to steer revisions

of the legislation.

2

Figure 1—General location of Redwood National Park, Del Norte and Humboldt Counties.

Del Norte

Humboldt
The machinations of crafting and passing the legislation are a study in building coalitions, winning key supporters, and making promises generous enough to win over

enough opponents. The upshot is Public Law 95-250; a section by section summary

follows. President Carter sounded a cautionary note about the labor provisions of the

bill as he signed it into law on March 7, 1978 (Carter 1978). After applauding the

environmental benefits of the legislation, he added:

At the same time, however, I must express my serious concerns with the extraordinary worker protection provisions contained in HR 3813. During the consideration of this bill, this administration repeatedly stated its firm resolve to ensure

that the full range of existing Federal assistance benefits would be made available to individuals and communities adversely affected by the park expansion. I

believe that in the absence of overriding national policy considerations, all workers who have lost jobs through no fault of their own should be treated equally by

the Federal Government. While I am signing HR 3813 for the purpose of providing needed protection for Redwood National Park, this action in no way constitutes an endorsement by this administration of special worker benefits programs

in future legislation.

It seems from the House Minority Report (House Committee on Interior and Insular

Affairs 1978, p. 53) that the Administration never testified on Title II, the Redwood

Employee Protection Act. Title II was developed after the hearings had already

been completed.

“Public Law 95-250: An Act to amend the Act of October 2, 1968 (Public Law 90-545),

an Act to establish a Redwood National Park in the State of California, and for other

purposes” is the legislation that set forth several programs to achieve the multiple purposes of the legislation. In brief, the effect of the law was to expand the park, protect

more old-growth adjacent to “the worm,” restore cutover watersheds, retrain displaced

loggers and millworkers, employ exloggers as RNP workers on restoration, and provide funds to Del Norte and Humboldt Counties. The law sought to revive and sustain

the human communities in the region, and to rescue degraded and imperiled redwood ecosystems.

Section 101 of Public Law 95-250 describes the park protection and expansion intents

of the legislation:

In order to protect existing irreplaceable Redwood National Park resources from

damaging upslope and upstream land uses, to provide a land base sufficient to

ensure preservation of significant examples of the coastal redwood in accordance with the original intent of Congress, and to establish a more meaningful

Redwood National Park for the use and enjoyment of visitors.

The statute outlines land acquisition methods, land rehabilitation contracts, and cooperative agreements. It also directs the Secretary of the Interior to provide employment

opportunities to people affected by the taking of land, and to contribute to the economic

revival of Del Norte and Humboldt Counties in northern California.

Mechanisms

Redwood National Park

Legislation

Legislative Purpose

3
Section 102—Economic Impacts—directs the Secretary of the Interior, in consultation

with the Secretaries of Labor, Commerce, and Agriculture, to analyze appropriate

Federal actions that may be necessary or desirable to mitigate any adverse impacts

to public and private segments of the local economy. The Secretaries are urged to

pursue any available ways to mitigate local employment impacts. This includes a

directive to the Secretary of Agriculture to study timber harvest scheduling alternatives [increases] on the nearby Six Rivers National Forest (USDA Forest Service

1979). This section was included to offer hope of offsetting timber tied up in the park

expansion. Yet there was great leeway: “In developing the Alternatives, the Secretary

shall take into consideration economic, silvicultural, environmental, and social factors.”

Section 103—Preferential Hiring—directs the Secretary of the Interior to create some

60 new staff positions at RNP, and to fill them with people displaced by the legislation. All other Federal agencies operating in Del Norte, Humboldt, or adjacent counties were ordered to give preference in hiring to affected workers as well, and to use

contractors who hired affected workers.

Section 104—Annual Reports—requires annual reports for 10 years on the status of

land acquisition, watershed rehabilitation, mitigation of adverse economic impacts,

National Park Service hiring of affected workers, and the overall management plan for

the park. These reports document the effectiveness in meeting congressional intent

and will be reviewed at greater length below. Curiously, only the first seven annual

reports are in the archives. Reports 8-11 have never been released to the public, and

reports 9-11 were never cleared by the Department of the Interior to be sent on to

Congress (Redwood National Park 1979-85).

Section 105 appropriates $33 million to carry out the rehabilitation provisions of the

act. Sections 106-109 are technical provisions.

Title II covers the REPP. The sections in this title lay out the program and define

affected employer and affected employee, for purposes of benefits under the

REPP. The broadness of these definitions is addressed below in the U.S. General

Accounting Office (GAO) reviews of the REPP (GAO 1980, 1993). Section 203 states

that the total or partial layoff of a covered employee is conclusively presumed to be

attributable to the expansion of RNP, over a specified period. Sections 204-208 state

the formula for the duration of the protection period, amount of severance pay and

weekly layoff benefits, and creditable service. Section 210 covers worker retraining

at government expense, job search allowances, relocation allowances, and moving

expense benefits for affected workers.

Agee (1980) tallied the major legislative options that were considered in Congress,

covering the issues of economic impacts, land acquisition, watershed rehabilitation,

and protection from economic impacts (table 1). He also compiled contemporary

estimates of the net job losses of the RNP expansion (table 2) and concluded that

the law seemed to be neither creating nor solving as many problems as predicted by

advocates on both sides of the issue.

4
Table 1—Summary of major legislative options for Redwood National Park expansion

* Options incorporated in Public Law 95-250.

a NPS = National Park Service.

Source: Agee 1980.

Table 2—Comparative estimates of job losses because of Redwood National

Park expansion

a McKillop, W. 1977. Agee note: “McKillop’s 48,000-acre option was a slightly different area. His figures

were adjusted here to conform to the estimated timber volume in the final proposal, but using the same

assumptions otherwise.”

b Greenacres Consulting Corporation 1977.

c Redwoods Interagency Task Force 1977.

d U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service 1977.

e QRC Research Corporation 1978.

Source: Agee 1980.

5

Land acquisition

1. No acquisition

2. 21,500 acres (1976 

NPSa proposed min

imum)

3. 37,000 acres (no.

2 plus tributary

watersheds)

4. 48,000 acres (A)

(from 1975 NPSa

environmental

assessment)

*5. 48,000 acres

(boundaries modified from no. 4)

6. 57,000 acres ( no.

2 plus tributary

watersheds)

7. 74,000 acres (Rep.

Philip Burton bill)

Direct impact

(employees)

1. No assistance

*2. Direct subsidies of

salaries and benefits

plus retraining

opportunities

Indirect impact 

(community)

1. No assistance

2. Legislate increased

public timber cut

*3. Provide funds for

economic diversification and tax reimbursements

Watershed 

rehabilitation

1. None

2. Rehabilitate park

lands only

3. Watershed-wide

rehabilitation ($12

million level)

*4. Watershed-wide

rehabilitation ($33

million level)

Protection from adjacent forest practices

1. Rely on state forest

practices regulation

2. Cooperative agreements with major

industry, plus (1)

*3. Authorization to

acquire land near

park if (1) and (2)

fail to solve a specific problem

4. Federal regulation

of private forest

practices over entire

watershed if (1)

insufficient.

Economic impacts

Analysis conponents McKillopa Greenacresb Task forcec NPSd QRCe QRCe

Date of estimation April 1977 June 1977 June 1977 Oct. 1977 Feb. 1978 Feb. 1978

Impact timeframe 20 years 20 years First 2 years First 2 years 10 years 15 years

Direct jobs (annual) 695 715 894 921 1,328 888

Indirect jobs (annual) 279 653 815 not est. 581 388

Total jobs (annual) 974 1,368 1,709 not est. 1,909 1,276
Results

Redwood Employee

Protection Plan

In a 1980 report to Congress, the GAO found many faults in the design and administration of the REPP. The GAO found that “workers whose layoffs are not related to the

park expansion also qualify for the benefits” because the law presumed that any layoffs within a specified period were related to the park expansion. Consequently,

“about 88 percent more employees than originally estimated have established program eligibility during the first 18 months of the program.” The GAO also found that

“the program’s exceptional benefits reduce incentives to work, and the Department

of Labor’s (DOL’s) poor management creates problems in program operations.” The

GAO recommended that Congress delete the “presumptive layoff” provision and disqualify workers who did not fit the tightened criterion. The GAO estimated that 30

percent or more of the employees who had established REPP eligibility had done

so through temporary work curtailments such as maintenance shutdowns, adverse

weather, and temporary road closures—all reasons not related to park expansion.

The GAO also faulted California Employment Development Department procedures

that delayed health insurance, pension payments, and retraining programs for 18

months or longer after passage of Public Law 95-250.

The DOL and the California Employment Development Department acknowledged

problems in administrating the REPP but noted that the statutory language was

clear as far as Congress’ intent for the program. The DOL lacked authority to tighten

the eligibility requirements or the payout formulas. The GAO compared the benefits

provided under REPP to those from other instances where the Federal Government

provided special compensation to workers affected by legislation. The comparison is

shown in table 3.

Several articles in journals and in the business press complained that the REPP was

excessively generous. They argued from the standpoint that the Federal Government

had no special obligation to the timber workers. They also said the REPP was inefficient at bestowing benefits and that it was inequitable in creating a special class of

the unemployed who received exceptional benefits. The Vice President of Resource

Management for Simpson Timber Company severely criticized the REPP, saying that

the RNP expansion law had understated the social costs of the park expansion and

loss of timberland, overestimated the social benefits from the park expansion, and

had created “an expensive new entitlement program to defuse the opposition of labor”

(Walker 1984). Walker stated that the work disincentives embodied in REPP were

enormous and that it was impossible to distinguish between employees who lost their

jobs from the park expansion from people laid off from an early 1980s recession that

severely affected the entire U.S. timber industry.

Kroger (1979) described the REPP as having a too-generous benefits formula, and

being too broad in who qualified as an affected employee. He said that the RNP

expansion law approved by Congress had been a liberal benefits payoff for laid-off

loggers, and in describing the spate of special interest groups receiving targeted

Federal payments, said, “Never have so many given so much for so few.” In signing

the conference report on HR 3813, Senator Mark Hatfield said he had agreed to the

compromise legislation and signed the report with reservations about including Title II

in the bill (House Report 95-931 1977). Senator Henry Jackson of Washington,

Congressman Phillip Burton of California, and Congressman Morris Udall of Utah

were also among the 10 conferees.

6
7

Health, welfare, 

pension payments

Yes, during protection period

Yes

No

No

Training

Yes

No

Yes

No

Job search

allowance

Yes; 80 percent

of allowable

cost with $500

maximum

No

Yes; 80 percent

of allowable

cost with $500

maximum

No

Relocation

allowance

Yes; reasonable

expenses

Yes

Yes; 80 percent of

reasonable cost,

and lump sum

equivalent to three

times weekly average with $500

maximum

Yes; reasonable

cost

a In addition to these targeted programs, as of 1980 there were three other programs that provided compensation to unemployed workers. These

were (1) the unemployment insurance program established in 1915 as part of the Federal-state employment security program; (2) unemployment

compensation programs for Federal civilian employees and veterans; and (3) disaster unemployment assistance for people whose employment was

terminated because of a natural disaster.

b Monetary benefits generally are reduced by the full amount of unemployment compensation and a percentage of any earnings during the period

benefits are paid. Redwood and Rail Act payments are reduced by estimated Federal-state income taxes. Redwood benefits are further reduced by

applicable Social Security taxes, and Rail benefits are reduced by contributions to the Railroad Retirement fund.

Source: U.S. Government Accounting Office 1980.

Table 3—Comparison of Federal programs for worker assistancea

Program

Redwood Employee

Protection Act. Public Law

95-250

Regional Rail

Reorganization Act of

1973. Public Law 93-236

Trade Act of 1974. Public

Law 93-618

Airline Deregulation Act of

1978. Public Law 95-504

Monetary benefitsb

Weekly benefit equivalent to

100 percent of previous earnings with no dollar maximum;

or lump sum equivalent to

weekly benefit times length

of creditable service not to

exceed 72 weeks (no dollar

maximum)

Monthly allowance based on

previous 12-month gross

average ($2,500 monthly

maximum), or a lump sum

separation allowance not

>$20,000. Provides termination allowance for employees

with <3 years service

Weekly allowance equal to 70

percent of average gross

weekly wage previously

reported

Secy. of Labor to determine

monthly amounts for each

class and craft through regs.

Proposed regs. indicate

monthly assistance equivalent to 70 percent of average

monthly wage, with $1,200

maximum

Duration of benefits

Weekly for up to 11 years if

affected employee reaches

age 60 on or before 9/30/84.

Lump sum terminates benefits for certain employee categories but not for all

employees

Monthly allowance until age

65 for employees with 5+

years continues for a period

equal to the prior years of

service. All other benefits

cease with taking of lumpsum severance payment

Weekly allowance for 52

weeks except workers who

reach age 60 when affected

or workers in an approved

training program are eligible

for 26 additional weeks (78

week maximum)

Monthly until recipient obtains

employment, but no longer

than 6 years
Millen (1979) provided a more impartial appraisal of the various job protection mechanisms and layoff aid for displaced workers, while advocating a more informed weighing of the economic, social, and political costs of those benefits. Millen notes, in referring to the RNP legislation and similar legislation affecting transportation workers, that

“the recent record indicates that the Congress is sympathetic to the special needs of

the claimants for extraordinary relief as the quid pro quo necessary to gain support

for necessary legislation.” Burton and Alpert (1982) sympathize with the redwood

communities and advocate Federal assistance beyond what was provided in the legislation, including the REPP, economic aid to communities, and hiring mandates to

Federal agencies. They question choosing more efficient capital-intensive restoration

work over labor-intensive methods, and recommend benign neglect on enforcing laws

against the marijuana industry. Socioecological planning is seen as the appropriate

cure for the “cultural schizophrenia” of the conversion from a frontier culture to one of

conservation and management.

Finally, the increases in timber flows from the adjacent National Forests mentioned in

Section 102 never really materialized (see fig. 2), although there was an increase in

the sales programs of both the Six Rivers and Klamath National Forests during the

late 1970s. After that period, sales programs fell during the early 1980s recession

and did not recover until the late 1980s before falling again during the northern

spotted owl controversy.

8

1968 1971 1974 1977 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995

Year

0

200

400

600

800

Million board feet

Cut Sold

Figure 2—Total volume of timber cut and sold from Klamath and Six Rivers National Forests (no data available for 1977). Million board feet
In 1993, the GAO briefed House Republicans Robert Michel, Newt Gingrich, Don

Young, and others on the long-term effects of the Redwood Employment Training

Programs. Michel and his colleagues had requested the information as a way to

evaluate President Clinton’s proposals for a Northwest Forest Plan, containing as it

did parallels in timberland withdrawals and dislocation of timber workers and economic

impacts on their communities. The GAO reported on the effects of the RNP expansion

legislation on the workers who received assistance, and how the affected communities had changed. The legislation had provided affected workers with weekly or lump

sum wage replacement payments, continuation of health and pension benefits, and

retraining and employment assistance. Other forms of assistance included economic

development loans to communities, a promise of preferential hiring in RNP, and study

of increased timber harvests in the Six Rivers National Forest (GAO 1993). The

GAOs results (in brief) and lessons learned seem to be well reasoned and substantiated, and are presented below.

Workers—The benefits provided to workers under REPP were generous. As of

December 1988, REPP had spent about $104 million on 3,500 individuals. Some

workers received as much as $45,000 in severance payments. However, less than 13

percent of these individuals enrolled in retraining. Of those workers who participated

in retraining, officials estimate that about 95 percent completed their training and 25

percent of those relocated. Because program records were no longer available, however, we could not determine what happened to individual workers after they received

benefits or retraining.

The assistance provided to workers dislocated by the expansion of RNP was extensive, but few workers enrolled in retraining programs. Many workers received wage

replacement benefits or severance payments, but these benefits were not tied to

retraining. In addition, because DOL regulations for retraining were delayed until 14

months after program implementation, educational service providers were reluctant to

develop retraining programs, and officials lost contact with many of the dislocated

workers before they could be provided with retraining.

Communities—Although we cannot identify what happened to the individual workers,

we were able to analyze some changes in the affected communities during the period

of the park’s expansion. It seems that Humboldt County remained relatively stable

during the transition, whereas Del Norte County experienced more fluctuations. For

example, per capita income dropped dramatically in both counties, but the decline

was deeper and longer in Del Norte County. Further, average new housing values

fluctuated more severely in Del Norte County.

We could not measure the impact of Federal assistance on either community (or

county), however, because other factors also affected these communities during this

period. For instance, officials in Humboldt County said that a recent influx of retirees

to the area helped stabilize property values and retail sales. Likewise, officials in Del

Norte County said that the state prison built in September 1989, created 1,800 direct

and indirect jobs in Del Norte County.

Community Assistance

and Transitions

9
Lessons learned—The GAO (1993) investigators pointed up REPP issues relevant

to assisting dislocated timber workers in the 1990s:

If the program is to assist workers in obtaining new skills so they can reenter the workforce, receipt of benefits needs to be closely tied to participation in training.

Efforts to provide retraining and income support cannot sustain workers or the communities in which they live without the creation of new job opportunities. Del Norte

County’s economy did not stabilize until the state prison was built.

Helping dislocated workers before or at the time of job loss increases the likelihood

that they will participate in assistance programs, which in turn facilitates their transition to new employment. Unless retraining programs are implemented quickly, program officials may lose contact with dislocated workers.

Other economic assistance—The GAO also found that the U.S. Economic

Development Administration (EDA) gave community agencies about $13.4 million for

high-risk business loans and infrastructure development that, according to local officials, created over 600 jobs. In addition, RNP was required to give preferential hiring

to dislocated workers wherever possible. Park advocates projected that 2 million

annual visitors to the park would stimulate the growth of tourism-related jobs, but few

dislocated workers qualified for long-term park jobs, and the number of annual visitors

was below original estimates. The government also designated Six Rivers National

Forest as an alternative timber harvest area, but one county official said that the harvest had been reduced significantly because of environmental restrictions (see fig. 2).

General Accounting Office’s findings are borne out by an analysis of the RNP annual

reports, though the final four reports were not available. The reports show that RNP

was successful in spending watershed restoration contract money on local firms, who

in turn gave “full consideration” to hiring affected woods workers though the park published no data on how many were actually hired. As of the 1984 annual report, there

were only four permanent RNP employees who had been affected woods workers,

plus several workers hired into temporary positions. From 1978 to 1984, in no year

were there more than 13 RNP positions (temporary, term, or permanent) filled by

affected workers. The USDA Forest Service hired “a number” of displaced woods

workers for seasonal work in the Humboldt nursery, but again, the park reports no

numbers. Timber harvests from the Six Rivers rose briefly but plummeted as USDA

FS officials scaled harvests down to protect habitat for the spotted owl and marbled

murrelet (Brachyramphus marmoratus). On the nearby Klamath National Forest, the

350,000-acre Happy Camp district harvest went from 50 million board feet annually in

the mid-1980s to 8 million as of 1993, leading to headlines such as “the slow death of

Happy Camp” (Paddock 1995). As described above, the expansion legislation made

possible scientific advances in doing watershed restoration work, but the benefits to

affected workers and communities were limited.

Figures 3 and 4 show aggregate measures for income and employment in Del Norte

and Humboldt Counties. The economic impacts were more severe for Del Norte

County, and Humboldt County recovered more quickly. The Humboldt County economy was more diversified, and its residents were more highly educated (McGinnis and

10
11

1969 1972 1975 1978 1981 1984 1987 1990 1993

Year

10,000

12,000

14,000

16,000

18,000

20,000

22,000

1990 dollars

California Del Norte Humboldt

Figure 3—Per capita income for the State of California, Del Norte and Humboldt Counties.

1968 1971 1974 1977 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995

Year

0

50

100

150

200

Employment (1969 = 100)

California Del Norte Humboldt

Figure 4—Employment index of total employment. 1990 dollars Employment (1969 = 100)
others 1996). Timber harvests from private lands rebounded more quickly and more

strongly in Humboldt County. The size of the Del Norte government sector (including

the state prison employment and income) is double the state average, and agriculture

is a relatively large sector, whereas manufacturing and trade and finance are small.

As of 1993, Del Norte County ranked last in the state for per capita income, whereas

Humboldt was 34th of the 58 California counties.

The GAO showed that in both counties, the number of timber industry workers declined

from 1978 to 1992 even as the rest of the county economy grew, so the timber shrank

in absolute and relative size. In Humboldt County, 6,700 timber industry workers were

17 percent of all workers in 1978; by 1992 there were 4,200 timber workers comprising less than 10 percent of the workforce. In Del Norte County, 1,475 timber industry

workers were almost 25 percent of the 1978 work force; by 1992, there were 350 timber industry workers comprising under 5 percent of the work force.

As with the McGinnis and GAO findings, an assessment of California’s forests and

rangelands by the California Department of Forestry (1988) does not isolate strictly

the effects of the RNP expansion on the north coast economy. It chronicled several

long-term trends in the timber industry, including declining mills, increasing efficiency

in conversion, and concentration in terms of scale, location, and type of product. The

analysis points up the dynamic nature of local and regional economies, and the difficulty of attributing change to a specific factor (such as RNP acquisition of 48,000

acres of timberland, most of which was cutover) against a changing baseline. Thus

it is difficult if not impossible to say whose economic forecasts (Agee 1980) were

closest to the mark.

Redwood National Park scientists quickly found, and confirmed through subsequent

studies, that hiring dozens of former mill workers and saw hands to do manual labor

restoring roads and streams was problematic and inefficient. Because Congress had

granted generous unemployment benefits to a broad class of displaced workers, with

no requirement for seeking or accepting work (GAO 1980, 1993), it proved difficult to

recruit enough labor for the work crews, and more skilled jobs within the park failed to

materialize. It is not clear how well the Jobs-in-the-Woods (JITW) Program worked,

because the state DOL did not track displaced timber workers long term to see if

retraining, relocation money, and hiring on at the National Park Service had worked.

The RNP scientists discovered that using heavy equipment (large excavators, bulldozers, and dump trucks) to restore sideslope roadbeds and fix major stream drainage

problems was far less expensive (in dollars per cubic yard of sediment avoided) and

far more effective than hand labor crews at preventing erosion and keeping sediment

out of streams (Spreiter 1992). They found that reclaiming original stream channels,

restoring hillslope morphology, and recovering sidecasted topsoil were the most costeffective ways to achieve the objectives of reducing management-related erosion and

encouraging natural patterns of revegetation; “these treatments are permanent, long

term, and maintenance free” (Steenson and Spreiter 1992). Between 1977 and 1990,

about $10 million was spent on site-specific watershed rehabilitation, and 175 miles

of road were treated.

12

Watershed Restoration and

Jobs-in-the-Woods Program
The RNP scientists concentrated their efforts on the ecosystem restoration aspects of

the park expansion—protecting the old-growth redwoods from upslope and upstream

erosion, through retiring roads and revegetating cutover lands. The mandate to retrain

and employ laid-off loggers was much weaker. The Watershed Restoration Manual

(Spreiter 1992) states that in the erosion-control work, “cost effectiveness is determined

by considering cost per cubic yard of sediment saved from entering the stream system.”

This is the same criterion recommended currently by the Pacific Rivers Council, as discussed below. The NWFP attempts to prevent sediment and create jobs. Information on

erosion control treatments and rehabilitation costs is in tables 4 and 5.

After some 15 years of trying out watershed restoration techniques in coastal northern California, RNP scientists have expanded their work to cover watersheds farther

north along the coast. Two of the RNP scientists formed a consulting firm, Pacific

Watershed Associates (PWA), in Arcata. Their firm has done watershed restoration

work for state and Federal agencies, for private forest land owners, tribes, and nonprofits such as the Pacific Rivers Council. The most current findings are described in

the “Forest Management and Economic Development—Mechanisms” and “Watershed

Restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program—Mechanisms” sections.

The effect of RNP expansion on timber supplies and prices is beyond the scope of this

paper. Timber resource statistics are available from the Pacific Northwest Research

Station of the USDA Forest Service. Current reports include Waddell and Bassett (1996),

Bolsinger and Waddell (1993), and Beardsley and Warbington (1996). Oswald’s (1978)

report on sharply declining prospects for sawtimber output from California’s north coast

(1975-2000) was sharply criticized by timber industry economists who disagreed with

the timber supply trends (e.g., McKillop 1977). Loggers in a convoy of logging trucks

protested the draft legislation and Oswald’s forecast, in a demonstration in Washington,

DC, in 1977 (Craig 1977). Olson and others (1988) addressed the stumpage price

effects of the legislation on old-growth redwood, and found that “significant price

enhancement occurred, somewhat in advance of passage of the authorizing legislation” as the park expansion “reduced the existing merchantable stock of old-growth

redwood by 15 percent.”

According to the literature, GAO reviews, and the park’s own annual reports, the legislation was a clear success in adding acreage and protecting the redwoods, albeit at

a much higher cost than had been anticipated. The legislation was successful in funding watershed restoration work; resultant improved restoration methods in ways that

are now in use across western Oregon and Washington in areas affected by the NWFP,

and on state and private lands. The track record on mitigating economic effects on

workers and communities is mixed. The RNP experience provided information about

what does and does not work in watershed assessment and restoration techniques,

what different techniques cost, and yield in sediment reductions. The experience

served as an early model for the JITW program for displaced timber workers, albeit a

flawed model, illustrating the effects of poorly anticipated (Congress) or operated

(California Employment Department) programs and incentives.

13

Effects on Timber Supplies

Conclusion

Redwood National Park

Expansion Legislation
14

Treatment Average cost Cost-effectiveness range

Dollars Dollar/yd3 “saved”a

Correction of stream diversions 125-4,000 eachb 0.1-0.5c

Excavation of haul road stream crossings:d

Under 750 cubic yards About 2,000 each 1-10

750-1,000 cubic yards 3,000-3,500 each 1-10

Endhauling required About 4,000 each 1-10

Excavationd of skid-trail stream crossings 125-1,350 each 1-10

Road outsloping 2,500-9,500 per mile 1-10e

Removal of perched debris from perimeter of yarder pads 1,000-5,000 each 1-10

Large landslide excavationsf 20,000-30,000 each 1-10

Decompaction 350-450 per mile unquantifiedh

Construction of cross-road drainsg 1,000-3,000 per mile unquantifiedh

Waterbar construction:

Equipment construction 5-50 eachi unquantifiedh

Hand-labor construction 30-300 eachj unquantifiedh

a Goal is to minimize sediment production and yield (i.e., to “save” soil from entering the stream system).

Complete loss of the excavated material is anticipated in a period of 10 to 100 years. Cost-effectiveness

assumes total loss without reference to time.

b Cost of diversion correction is associated with stream crossing excavations at the point of diversion.

c Assumes diverted flow would continue to cause erosion and had not yet created a stable, noneroding

channel.

d Excavations usually performed by bulldozer and hydraulic excavator combination.

e Assumes erosion would have occurred had the work not been performed, and it would have been translated

into sediment yield in adjacent stream channels. Benefits from the prevention of diversions and associated

gully erosion are not accounted for.

f Treatment increases success of revegetation and decreases surface runoff. There is an unquantifiable

decrease in road surface, ditch, gully, and downslope stream channel erosion.

g Drains are constructed every 50 to 150 feet.

h Treatment results in reduced concentration of surface runoff, which produces an unquantifiable decrease

in road surface, ditch, gully, and downslope erosion.

i Range in cost is related to accessibility of work site.

j Average cost is $60 each; range in cost is dependent on length and substrate hardness.

Source: Steenson and Spreiter 1992.

Table 4—Cost-effectiveness of primary erosion-control treatments used to minimize sediment yield in Redwood National Park
A series of injunctions and litigation against Forest Service and BLM timber harvests

within the range of the northern spotted owl led President Clinton to convene a Forest

Summit in Portland, Oregon, on April 2, 1993. In July 1993, he released the Administration’s “Forest Plan for a Sustainable Economy and Sustainable Environment,” better

known as the Northwest Forest Plan. The following sections and information are drawn

largely from the Tuchmann and others (1996) interim report on the Northwest Forest

Plan, and from other agency and administration documents (e.g., Lyons 1996, 1997;

Rheiner and others 1996).

Administration officials were careful to prepare a NWFP that would meet judicial muster

on forest management and endangered species grounds, and have economic development and agency coordination angles to make the transition to lower Federal timber harvests less painful. The GAO “Lessons Learned from the Redwood Employment

Training Programs” may have been in mind. It is clear from the summary report, and

from interim documents, that the NWFP sought to target assistance to workers and

communities that needed help, while meeting a handful of other objectives including

“ecosystems investments” such as watershed restoration.

15

General description of treatmenta Range typical cost per mile

Dollars per mile

Small road, gentle terrain, few stream crossings 10-20,000b

Medium sized road, frequent small to medium sized stream crossings 20-40,000b

Major, mid-slope road, frequent large stream crossings 40-70,000b

Major road, low on slope, frequent large stream crossings, unstable terrain 100-250,000b

Rock quarriesc 1-2,000 per acreb

Straw application at 63 bales per acre 600-950 per acred

Tree planting, about 400 per acre 300-1,200 per acred

a A standard array of treatments is as follows:

1. Outsloping (fill against cutback) averages $10,000 per mile or $1 per cubic yard along a 30-foot

wide, 8-foot deep cut along the outboard edge, finished slopes of 3:1, that removes 1.7 cubic yards

per linear foot of road.

2. Exported outsloping (fill moved some distance to a stable fill site) averages $1.50 cubic yard but differs

with distance to fill site.

3. Decompaction (to a 2-foot depth) averages $800 per mile or $0.15 per linear foot for a 30-foot wider area.

4. Cross road drains (large waterbars) average $1 per linear foot of drain.

5. Skid trail stream crossings average $2 per cubic yard (includes 20 percent for gaining access to sites).

6. Haul road stream crossings vary with size, amount of organic debris, amount of stream flow, fill saturation, et. cetera. Relative straight forward crossings average $1 to $2 per cubic yard.

7. Truck endhauling, if required for exported outslopes or stream crossings, ranges from $3 to $5 per

cubic yard for hauling distances up to 2 miles.

b Cost range is for heavy equipment only.

c Includes mineral materials and common borrow.

d Cost variation is related to density of application and how remote the site is.

Source: Steenson and Spreiter 1992.

Table 5—Summary of rehabilitation costs in Redwood National Park

Northwest Forest Plan

Genesis
Mechanisms

Forest Management and

Economic Development

The NWFP has three main components: forest management, economic development,

and agency coordination. To address the forest management component, Clinton

formed a Forest Ecosystem Management Assessment Team (FEMAT 1993), headed

by Jack Ward Thomas. The task of FEMAT was to “identify [forest] management alternatives that attain the greatest economic and social contribution from the forests of

the region and meet the requirements of the applicable laws and regulations.” Forest

Ecosystem Management Assessment Team produced 10 options; Clinton chose Option

Nine, which formed the basis of the forest management component. Information on

the FEMAT findings and background is in the supplemental environmental impact

statement (USDA and USDI BLM 1994a), in the FEMAT report titled “Forest Ecosystem

Management: An Ecological, Economic, and Social Assessment” (1993), and in the

Forest Service’s final environmental impact statement (EIS) on management for the

northern spotted owl in the National Forests. The 1994 Record of Decision (USDA and

USDI BLM 1994b) amends the planning documents for 19 National Forests and 7

Bureau of Land Management Districts to redesignate land into late-successional

reserves, adaptive management areas, managed late-successional areas, administratively withdrawn areas, riparian reserves, and matrix lands.

The economic development component involved another administration team, including

representatives from the Council of Economic Advisors; Office of Management and

Budget; Domestic Policy Council; the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Interior,

and Labor; and the Environmental Protection Agency and the Small Business Administration. A director of the National Economic Council chaired the team, which consulted

with the Washington, California, and Oregon Governors’ offices, non-Federal elected

officials, tribes, and the public to develop assistance programs. The economic assistance program focused on providing financial and technical assistance to workers, businesses, and communities that had been affected by reductions in Federal timber supply,

and recommended ways of forming Federal, state, and local partnerships.

The NWFP operated through many Federal agencies and existing and new programs,

with an overlay of coordination through Community Economic Revitalization Teams

(RCERTs 1996) and the Office of Forestry and Economic Development.

Tuchmann and others (1996) provide an explanation of the NWFP mechanisms and

funding amounts (tables 12, 14-19 in Tuchmann and others 1996) for the various

assistance programs. Assistance came through various Federal agencies, through

existing and new mechanisms. Total Federal funds spent in the region totaled $126.6

million in fiscal year 1994, $217.8 million in fiscal year 1995, and $215.8 million in fiscal year 1996. Tables 6-8 show the funding by initiative: ecosystem investment, communities and infrastructure, business and industry, and workers and families.

16
17

Funds spent in the region

Program by category of assistance FY 1994 FY 1995 FY 1996

Ecosystem investment 31,999,000 33,536,664 31,510,000

Communities and infrastructure 47,404,000 115,283,653 108,200,000

Workers and families 8,400,000 19,200,000 12,970,000

Business and industry 38,801,900 49,823,827 63,150,000

Total 126,604,500 217,844,144 215,830,000

Source: Tuchmann and others 1996.

Funds spent in the region

Department FY 1994 FY 1995 FY 1996

Forest Service 20,000,000 12,145,100 13,510,000

Bureau of Land Management 10,869,305 5,000,000 7,580,000

Fish and Wildlife Service 3,264,978 1,000,000 2,100,000

Bureau of Indian Affairs 2,988,281 1,000,000 3,000,000

Total 37,122,564 19,145,100 26,190,000

Source: Tuchmann and others 1996.

Funds spent in the region

Program FY 1994 FY 1995 FY 1996

Watershed restoration/Jobs-in-the-Woods 20,000,000 12,145,100 13,510,000

Old-growth diversification 4,800,000 6,348,000 2,890,000

Community assistance 9,306,977 9,598,000 10,900,000

Total 34,106,977 28,091,100 27,300,000

Source: Tuchmann and others 1996.

Table 7—Agency spending on watershed restoration/Jobs-in-the-Woods under

the Northwest Economic Adjustment Initiative

Table 8—USDA Forest Service spending on the Northwest Economic

Adjustment Initiative, by program

Table 6—Northwest Forest Plan expenditures in California, Oregon and Washington

under the Northwest Economic Adjustment Initiative fiscal year 1994-96
The Final Supplemental EIS (USDA Forest Service and USDI BLM 1994a) describes

what the Administration had in mind for ecological investments, as far as marrying ecological restoration with worker retraining, including the Jobs-in-the-Woods Program:

Ecological investments—Short-term ecological investments are expected to focus

on existing or proposed “off the shelf” restoration projects that can be quickly

implemented. Intermediate efforts will focus on watershed restoration by the

BLM, Forest Service, Fish and Wildlife Service, and the Environmental Protection Agency to provide family wage jobs with local hiring preferences. Included

in this effort will be expansion of the Forest Service’s stewardship projects and

coordination with the Oregon resource trust. Restoration through watershed

maintenance, ecosystem restoration and research, environmental monitoring,

and forest stewardship will improve the condition of the region’s ecosystems,

create jobs in timber-dependent areas, improve water quality, and increase

salmon stocks to avoid salmon listings and improve commercial fishing.

The standards and guidelines in the EIS (1994b) emphasized that watershed restoration

will be a way to recover fish habitat, riparian habitat, and water quality, and that restoration will be based on watershed analysis. The purpose of the watershed-level analysis

was “to identify areas of greatest benefit to cost relationships for restoration opportunities

and greatest likelihood of success.” The nine Aquatic Conservation Strategy objectives

do not include an objective of retraining or employing timber workers.

Despite the Administration’s desire to solve the coastal Northwest’s ecological, economic, and social problems simultaneously, the appropriations language for the Jobsin-the-Woods Program targets watershed restoration, and gave specific watershed

restoration guidelines coming from FEMAT’s Aquatic Conservation Strategy (as highlighted in Tarnow 1995):

• an interagency preliminary watershed analysis will be completed before any project

is undertaken.

• an interagency-interdisciplinary scientific review team should be established to

review and approve projects.

• projects which help secure key watersheds will have the highest priority, particularly

those watersheds where more indepth analyses and planning have been done.

• funds are to be used for both road projects (closure, obliteration, revegetation, and

drainage) and watershed projects (riparian revegetation, erosion control, and slide

stabilization).

• projects selected should be those with the greatest impact on factors limiting salmon,

and those favoring long- over short-term impacts.

The Administration’s subsequent desire to maximize ecological restoration and maximize employment of displaced workers is borne out in internal and public documents.

Opinions differ, then and now, on which objective took priority. Agency officials openly admitted to tensions between the objectives, and kept stating that the program

would accomplish all objectives. For example, a Regional Ecosystem Office “White

18

Watershed Restoration and

Jobs-in-the-Woods

Program
Paper” (Ochs 1995) observes that “Since the creation of the watershed restoration/

Jobs-in-the-Woods Program in fiscal year 1994, there has been variety of interpretations as to the intent and focus of this program .... The program should not be

viewed as restoration or jobs but rather as restoration and jobs.” The Administration

developed procedures for setting priorities for restoration work, based on improvements

to fish and riparian habitat and water quality; it developed another set of procedures

for the Jobs-in-the-Woods Program, based on levels of unemployment, available skills,

diversity of industry, and several other nonecological criteria. Statements for “linking

economic strategy with restoration priorities” gave no real guidance on how to rank

projects, beyond the idea of creating separate economic and ecological indices and

summing them to rank projects. Ochs observes that “Clearly the intent is to do the

most ecologically sound projects . . . . [but] In some cases projects are being selected

based on financial capability rather than ecological merit.” There was also the issue

that some felt that different agencies had differing purposes and goals regarding

ecosystem restoration and training.

The Ecosystem Investment Team’s 1996-98 Action Plan shows the same eagerness

to assert that ecosystem stewardship and work force training are being equally well

accomplished. Many goals, objectives, and action items are enumerated and assigned.

The objectives are lofty, but there is little mention that yards of sediment avoided do

not necessarily equate to numbers of new permanent family wage jobs. Objective A

under goal 1 is an example: “Design and package projects in a way that leads to

long-term employment with family wages and benefits, logical career paths, sustainable communities, healthy ecosystems, and viable businesses.”

The tension between those two objectives also surfaced in late 1995 and early 1996

on the Advisory Committee to the southwest Washington province, which consisted

primarily of the Gifford Pinchot National Forest. The Forest Supervisor, Ted Stubblefield,

presented the advisory committee with a ranked list of ecosystem restoration projects

and a half-million dollar budget. The committee included representatives of industry,

environmental groups, utilities, and local government. Everyone took turns commenting on how they would choose among the projects. Some people wanted to select

projects that provided the greatest number of jobs; others wanted such projects as

restored trout fishing areas, road work, and improved campgrounds. The guidance

given by Stubblefield was to go with how his staff had initially ranked projects, and the

advisory committee eventually agreed with all his recommendations, with a couple of

minor rerankings and expressing a desire to allocate money for monitoring. Stubblefield

did not explain how his staff arrived at their rankings, except that these were all

“do-able” projects that were ready to go. During the same period, $17 million came

to the forest to repair flood-damaged roads, yet the advisory committee was told they

had no say over how the money was spent—some wanted to decommission roads,

others to divert the money to stream restoration work, and still others to fund nurseries and hatcheries.

19

Watershed Restoration 

and Jobs-in-the-Woods

Program—Southwest

Washington Province
The Effects of the

Redwood National Park

Experience on Watershed

Restoration Techniques

The Pacific Rivers Council has long been involved in promoting watershed restoration

to benefit native fish species. The Pacific Rivers Council commissioned a first-year

review of the Jobs-in-the-Woods Program. Tarnow (1995) found that the program was

falling far short of ensuring that the rural communities and forest ecosystems got the

greatest possible benefit from the program, and she made several general as well as

specific recommendations. Tarnow noted that the selection process for restoration

projects was supposed to include a preliminary watershed analysis, local interagency

team review, and a provincial team review; and that this process was supposed to

ensure that projects had high ecological value and fit the priority restoration needs of

the basin as a whole. Instead, she found that most projects were “shelf stock” from

before FEMAT, and so were likely to fall short of addressing the Aquatic Conservation

Strategy’s goals. That strategy was a key part of FEMAT and the NWFP, and Judge

Dwyer’s ongoing approval hinged on it being carried out. Further, Tarnow found that it

was not feasible to evaluate the ecological merits of the restoration projects that had

been undertaken.

Tarnow reviewed the employment aspects of the Jobs-in-the-Woods Program and found

good success in directing contract money to target counties, thanks to waivers of competitive bidding requirements. The program failed to provide significant employment

opportunities for dislocated workers, “creating frustration and pessimism among

community leaders and those hoping to gain from the program.” Specific roadblocks

to program success were:

• There was no certainty that the local dislocated workers would be hired or paid

family wages.

• There were no incentives for employers to train the workers and contribute to workforce development.

• The lack of consideration given to employment opportunities when drafting contracts

made it unlikely that much success would be achieved in creating longer term, stable

employment for the workers.

• Program funding was tied to congressional appropriations and hence was limited

and unstable.

• The contracting waiver was also subject to congressional whims.

Tarnow and the Pacific Rivers Council recommended that the project move to multiobjective, multiyear, stewardship contracts as a way to meet both ecological and

employment objectives. With respect to smoothing the economic transition for dislocated timber workers, she said that the program had been oversold, that in reality

there was no way that the program could replace all the jobs that had been lost in the

timber industry.

The field of restoration ecology is “aggrading,” in that it is building on lessons learned

over the past several decades. One such thread extends from the hydrologists, geologists, and other scientists who worked on RNP restoration, to a modern-day consulting firm, (Pacific Watershed Associates [PWA] 1993), and to the Pacific Rivers

Council. Pacific Watershed Associates has developed several papers on watershed

20

Results

Watershed Restoration and

Jobs-in-the-Woods

Program
assessments, road closure techniques, and methods for choosing and implementing

watershed restoration1 2 (Weaver and Hagans 1996) in coastal forests. Pacific Watershed Associates has also contributed to a series of technical reports published by the

Pacific Rivers Council (Bradbury and others 1994, Pacific Rivers Council 1996) as

guides to restoration of watersheds and native fish in the West.

Chapter four of the 1996 Pacific Rivers Council handbook is by Weaver and Hagans,

covering watershed restoration with a focus on roads and sediments. Their findings on

road treatments are reproduced in table 9, drawing on National Park Service data and

their own work as consultants to private and public land owners. They conclude that:

It is now generally recognized that if upper watershed areas are managed properly, and managed for sediment control, streams will eventually recover to a selfsustaining, productive condition. In combination with protective management of

the watershed, other risk reducing actions can be implemented to lessen the

21

1 Weaver, William; Hagans, Danny. [n.d.] Techniques and costs for

effective road closure. Unpublished report. On file with: Redwood

National Park, 1125 16th Street, Arcata, CA 95521.

2 Weaver, William; Hagans, Danny. [n.d.] Watershed assessments

and drainage basin restoration to protect and restore fisheries. On file

with: Redwood National Park, 1125 16th Street, Arcata, CA 95521.

Table 9—Sample techniques and costs for decommissioning forest roads

Treatment Typical use of application General costa

Ripping or decompaction Improve infiltration; decrease $500-1,600 per mile

runoff; assist revegetation

Construction of cross-road drains Drain springs; drain insloped $1 per foot ($25-$50 each)

roads; drain landings

Partial outsloping (local spoil site; Remove minor unstable fills; $1 per cubic yard;

fill against the cutbank) disperse cutbank seeps and runoff $2,500-9,500 per mile

Complete outsloping (local spoil Used for removing unstable fill Averages $10,000+ 

site; fill against cutbank) material where nearby per mile ($1 /yd3)

cutbank is dry and stable

Exported outsloping (fill pushed Used for removing unstable $1-$4 per cubic yard,

away and stored down-road) road fills where cutbanks depending on push 

have springs and cannot be buried distance

Landing excavations Used to remove unstable material $1-$2 per cubic yard; high 

(with local spoil storage) around landing perimeter organics can increase cost

Stream crossing excavations Complete removal of stream crossing Averages $1.50-$3.50 per 

(with local spoil storage) fills (not just culvert removal) cubic yard but can vary 

considerably

Truck endhauling (dump truck) Hauling excavated spoil to stable, $3-$5 per cubic yard on top 

permanent storage location where of basic excavation work

it will not discharge to a stream

a There are direct treatment costs for equipment working at a site. They do not include transportation,

moving from site to site, overhead, supervision, layout, or any other costs. Costs will differ from site to site

and watershed to watershed. Heavy equipment treatments performed by using D-7 and D-8 size tractors

and hydraulic excavators with average 2 cubic yards bucket size. Costs will differ with equipment types

and operator experience. Data from PWA and NPS (1992).

Source: Pacific Rivers Council 1996.
threat from existing and potential sources of erosion and sedimentation. These

include road decommissioning and road upgrading, as well as changes in current land management practices.

In looking back at the RNP experience, the Pacific Rivers Council noted advances in

watershed restoration techniques, as well as shortcomings:

In general, the effective techniques in RNP were found to be a careful survey and

assessment of road drainage and diversion problems, obliteration of problem road

surfaces and fills, “deconstruction” of road crossings, and recontouring of disturbed

slopes, by using heavy equipment. The use of techniques such as removing culverts,

recontouring disturbed slopes, and elimination of fill by using heavy equipment

addressed the largest potential sources of sediment in the basin (exclusion of large,

natural landslides, which are difficult to control). A range of other techniques that

focused on treatment of the more visually troubling sources of erosion such as surface

and rill erosion and ravel of exposed soil surfaces, were judged to be more cosmetic

than ecologically significant, at least in terms of overall sediment input into the basin.

The Redwood Creek program was a major step forward in that it addressed causal

processes on a large scale. Nevertheless, it suffered from drawbacks. The strategy

focused on the goal of reducing sediment yield park-wide, but did not provide a rationale to focus restoration activities in parts of the watershed that play crucial ecological

roles, such as, refugia for native fish and other aquatic organisms. The expanded

park boundaries did not include the headwater portions of Redwood Creek, and logging and other development of private lands in the upper basin have continued even

as millions of dollars were spent on restoration of the lower basin. “The result . . . has

been that the new effects of logging the upper basin appear to have offset the gains

made by restoration made within the park” (Pacific Rivers Council 1996).

The solution advocated by the Pacific Rivers Council is summed up in the phrase

“Protect the best, then restore and reconnect the rest.” The report outlines planning

and assessment processes (such as in fig. 5 for riparian-stream ecosystems), along

with findings about how to set priorities, carry out the work, and monitor the results. It

is important to note that the Pacific Rivers Council priority is restoring native fish;

employment or retraining of displaced woods workers, or reviving timber-dependent

communities, are distant considerations.

In terms of watershed assessments that are advocated as part of watershed restoration, they have turned out to be voluminous, technical documents. One example is the

watershed assessment conducted by PWA. The 1993 report, “Budd Creek and Vicinity

Watershed Assessment Report: An Erosion Inventory and Plan of Action for Erosion

Prevention and Erosion Control in the Budd Creek Watershed, and Vicinity, Umpqua

National Forest, Oregon,” identified the most important sediment sources, ranked the

most cost-effective control projects, and analyzed the effects of past and current land

management practices. The favored solution is “erosion-proofing” unneeded logging

roads, as opposed to just closing and abandoning them. The consultants recommended a 2- to 3-week slate of projects using heavy equipment, specifically an excavator

and D-7 tractor, plus some hand labor for seeding and mulching.

22
What is clear from these recommendations is that the most effective way of protecting

and restoring watersheds is not to employ armies of unskilled laborers. Pacific Watershed Associates does not discuss establishing training programs to teach unemployed

woods workers new skills; the PWA makes site-specific recommendations on how to

do the best possible job, and concludes that skilled heavy equipment operators and

their expensive machines are the most cost-effective way to do it. It may be worth

repeating that the principals in PWA were scientists on the RNP payroll for many

years who had worked on restoration projects.

The timber industry also has undertaken its own versions of watershed analysis,

ecosystem restoration, and habitat conservation. By and large the industry has focused

on stabilizing forest roads, and ensuring that landowners retain as much flexibility as

possible in their on-the-ground forest management. The National Council of the Pulp

and Paper Industry for Air and Stream Improvement (NCASI), in Corvallis, Oregon,

has been a clearinghouse for information on forestry nonpoint source control, and

has formed a forest watershed task group, held symposia (NCASI 1995, 1996), and

called on hydrology and forestry experts. Professional foresters have been active in

23

Natural Dynamic

Ecosystem

Ecosystem composition and

structure that existed before

EuroAmerican settlement

Active Restoration

Restoring ecosystem processes,

structure, and composition

through active manipulation

New Ecosystem Equilibrium

Composition and structure of the 

ecosystem is influenced by continued

disruptions of other ecological processes

Passive Restoration

Ecosystem prosecces restored

Potential Natural

Community

Natural ecosystem function similar to

that in which the landscape evolved

Desired Future Condition

Degraded 

Ecosystem

Declines in biological diversity,

ecosystem productivity, and

altered ecosystem processes

Human-Caused Disruption 

of Ecolocial Processes

Alteration of hydrological cycles,

channellization, exotics, overgrazing,

alteration of fire cyclas, etc.

Removal of

Human-Caused

Perturbations

Continued presence of

ecosystem limitations

that retard recovery

Manipulations that further degrade

ecosystem characteristics

Figure 5—Conceptual approaches for the ecological restoration of western North America riparian-stream

ecosystems. Source is Pacific Rivers Council Healing the Watershed Workbook II.
Worker Retraining and

Community Assistance

promoting new methods of analysis and management (Haak 1995, O’Hara 1996,

Phillips 1994, Toth 1996). The literature on watershed restoration has expanded greatly

(e.g., Harr and Nichols 1993, Megahan and King 1985)3 as has the related study of

road closing, decommissioning, and obliteration (Moll 1996) and riparian area management (Phillips 1995).

The whole story is not in on the effectiveness of the NWFP in meeting the Administration’s goals to ease the transitions for workers, businesses, and communities within

the area covered by the plan. There are interim reports on the Northwest Economic

Adjustment Initiative, on the CERTS and regional CERT, on payments to counties,

and assistance to small business (Tuchmann and others 1996, USDA 1995, USDA

Forest Service 1996a, 1996b). Tuchmann headed the Administration’s western office

overseeing the NWFP. He asserts successes and opportunities in ecosystem-based

forest management and in moving toward a new equilibrium between the economy

and the environment (Tuchmann and others 1996). He also notes that implementation has been slower than expected, and that “making decisions that attempt to integrate economic objectives is difficult and controversial.” Finally, he acknowledges that

the plan’s benefits and challenges will devolve over time, and assessing the plan’s

effects will require long-term study.

Christensen and others (1994, 1995) are undertaking a study of just how the Economic

Adjustment Initiative is playing out, in terms of effects on social and economic indicators. This work is needed to evaluate, and isolate, how effective the plan actually is in

aiding timber workers and communities. As seen earlier in retrospectives on RNP

programs, it is difficult to determine direct effects given the dynamic nature of the

economy. Christensen’s report will better answer the questions concerning the effectiveness of plan spending than can this report, which has focused on observations

from the RNP experience on watershed restoration and worker assistance.

Watershed restoration and employing displaced workers in “Jobs-in-the-Woods” program have benefited from the RNP experience but in different and differently quantifiable ways. The two objectives, though twinned in the NWFP, still are at odds.

Watershed restoration techniques have improved, as knowledge has accumulated

and the frameworks for conducting restoration have expanded. Methods for treating

roads, crossings, riparian and upland areas, and choosing equipment and labor substitution, have been refined. The purposes also have expanded beyond RNPs

straightforward mandate to prevent sediment from choking the old-growth groves.

Modern issues include agency or landowner desires to restrict or assure human

access, revegetate roads, employ out of work loggers and millhands, and channel

Federal funds into local communities and contractors. These were incorporated in the

RNP legislation but given little attention compared to the NWFP efforts.

24

3 Personal communication. 1996. Walt Megahan, scientist-consultant, National Council of the Paper Industry for Air and Stream

Improvement, Inc., 615 W Street, Port Townsend, WA 98368.

Conclusions
The Federal Government also has improved the efficiency of targeting aid to displaced

workers and affected communities. It has streamlined administrative roadblocks and

provided a coordinated approach to doing ecosystem-based forest management and

economic assistance in the wake of spotted owl rulings and forest plan revisions.

Studies are in place to track the social and economic effects of the NWFP, in contrast

to the REPP, where GAO found it could not discern the effectiveness of the program

once it was in place.

No one has resolved the conflicts between the economic and ecological objectives of

watershed restoration, however, no matter how many times the phrase “watershed

restoration” or “ecosystem restoration” is catenated to the phrase “Jobs-in-the-Woods.”

The evidence is that the choice of project location and method depends on whether

the objective is to restore salmon runs, stop sediment, employ the greatest number

of exloggers for the shortest period, or to set people up in restoration businesses.

Advocates for native fish (such as the Pacific Rivers Council or Oregon Trout) want to

maximize habitat restoration and protect remaining runs. Because fish neither vote

nor attend advisory council meetings (though they have their advocates in interest

groups and the courts), watershed restoration money often is allocated on economic

rather than ecological criteria. This is not necessarily a bad thing, but it highlights that

it may simply not be possible to maximize every objective simultaneously. Alternatively,

no one wants to have to choose between reducing sediment and reducing employment

in coastal forests.

The various Jobs-in-the-Woods programs were never meant to be sufficient to employ

all of the unemployed timber workers. They were meant to ease the transition of workers

and to demonstrate the possibility of one type of restoration activity.

One reason why the National Park Service emphasized restoration over employment

lies in the agency’s mission, and in the Public Law 95-250 mandates. Redwood

National Park has no mandate or tradition of worrying about transitions for affected

communities, whereas the Forest Service and BLM have an institutional mythology

around “timber-dependent communities.” Redwood National Park got money to

expand the park and repair damage to the land, whereas employment responsibilities

were largely delegated to the state. In contrast, President Clinton held a high profile

“Forest Summit” and urged his executive branch to work cooperatively, coordinately,

and swiftly to reduce all the downsides of scaling back Federal timber harvests to

protect the spotted owl. Clinton created a “Western White House” to keep a high

profile; Redwood National Park wrote annual reports, which got little attention and

were not widely circulated.

Finally, the NWFP is doing a much better job of targeting economic assistance, coordinating Federal efforts, and at least wrestling with the conflicts between watershed

restoration and Jobs-in-the-Woods Program. Some of this attention is probably due to

a watchful Congress, which ordered the 1993 GAO review of the RNP programs, and

has compelled Administration officials to document and justify Federal spending on

25
Literature Cited

the NWFP (e.g., Lyons 1995, 1996). It is also true that the NWFP covers an area, and

an economy, that is orders of magnitude larger than was impacted by the 48,000-acre

RNP expansion in 1978. The effectiveness of the NWFP will be told in reports from

the Pacific Northwest Research Station; the popularity will be seen in electoral results.

The sufficiency of the watershed restoration will take longer to be known, and will

likely be decided in the courts. Parallel dramas about watershed restoration, affected communities, and endangered species are taking place with the Oregon and

Washington salmon recovery efforts, and on the Forest Service-BLM EIS for the interior Columbia basin.

Agee, James K. 1980. Issues and impacts of Redwood National Park expansion.

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29
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Northwest Research Station. 253 p.

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economic and social impacts resulting from expansion of Redwood National Park.

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Department of Agriculture, Forest Servcie. 30 p.

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in the Woods annual report for fiscal year 1995 (preliminary report of 1-20-96).

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Bureau of Land Management. 1994a. Final Supplemental Environmental Impact

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related species within the range of the northern spotted owl. Portland, OR: U.S.

Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station.

[Irregular pagination]. Vols. 1 and 2.

U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service; U.S. Department of the Interior,

Bureau of Land Management. 1994b. Record of Decision for amendments to

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Attachment A: standards and guidelines].

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Department of Agriculture, Office of Forestry and Economic Assistance. 29 p.

30
U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service. 1977. Immediate direct

employment impacts associated with 48,000 acre expansion of Redwood National

Park. U.S. Senate Publication 95-85. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing

Office. 43 p.

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Report to the Congress HRD-80-63. 61 p. [plus appendices].

U.S. General Accounting Office. 1993. Dislocated workers: a look back at the redwood employment training programs; briefing report to congressional requesters

GAO/HRD-94-16BR. 25 p.

U.S. Laws and Statutes, etc; Public Law 90-545. 1968. An act to establish a Redwood

National Park in the State of California, and for other purposes. 82 Stat. 931-934.

Approved October 2, 1968.

U.S. Laws and Statutes, etc; Public Law 95-250. 1978. An act to amend the act 

of October 2, 1968, an act to establish a Redwood National Park in the State of

California, and for other purposes. 92 Stat 163-182. Approved March 27, 1978.

Waddell, Karen L.; Bassett, Patricia M. 1996. Timber resource statistics for the

north coast resource area of California, 1994. Resour. Bull. PNW-RB-214. Portland,

OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research

Station. 50 p.

Walker, John L. 1984. Tall trees, people, and politics: the opportunity cost of the Red

wood National Park. Contemporary Policy Issues. 5: 22-29.

Weaver, Bill; Hagans, Danny. 1996. Sediment treatments and road restoration: protecting and restoring watersheds from sediment-related impacts. In: Healing the

watershed: a guide to the restoration of watersheds and native fish in the west. 2d

ed. Eugene, OR: Pacific Rivers Council: 105-134. Chapter 4.

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DeForest, Christopher E. 1999. Watershed restoration, jobs-in-the woods, and community

assistance: Redwood National Park and the Northwest Forest Plan. Gen. Tech. Rep. PNWGTR-449. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest

Research Station. 31 p.

There are many parallels between the 1978 legislation to expand Redwood National Park and

the Northwest Forest Plan, which together with the Northwest Economic Adjustment Initiative

formed the 1993 Pacific Northwest Initiative. In both situations, the Federal Government

sought to promote retraining for displaced workers, to undertake watershed assessment and

restoration work, and to assist communities with economic planning, grants, and transitions.

Both of these efforts point out the inherent conflicts between the economic and ecological

objectives of watershed restoration. No one wants to have to choose between reducing sediment and reducing unemployment in coastal forests.

Keywords: Watershed restoration, community assistance, Redwood National Park.

The Forest Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture

is dedicated to the principle of multiple use management of

the Nation’s forest resources for sustained yields of wood,

water, forage, wildlife, and recreation. Through forestry

research, cooperation with the States and private forest

owners, and management of the National Forests and

National Grasslands, it strives–as directed by Congress–to

provide increasingly greater Service to a growing Nation.

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its programs and activities on the

basis of race, color, national origin, gender, religion, age,

disability, political beliefs, sexual orientation, or marital or

family status. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.)

Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for

communication of program information (Braille, large print,

audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at

(202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD).

To file a complaint of discrimination, write USDA, Director,

Office of Civil Rights, Room 326-W, Whitten Building, 14th

and Independence Avenue, SW, Washington, DC 20250-

9410 or call (202) 720-5964 (voice and TDD). USDA is an

equal opportunity provider and employer.

Pacific Northwest Research Station 

333 S.W. First Avenue 

P.O. Box 3890 

Portland, Oregon 97208-3890
U.S. Department of Agriculture

Pacific Northwest Research Station

333 S.W. First Avenue

P.O. Box 3890

Portland, Oregon 97208-3890

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