Mendenhall Glacier near Juneau. The

spectacular scenery of mountains and

glaciers in coastal regions of Alaska

shaped early European and later

American perceptions of available

resources and potential avenues of

scientific inquiry through the modern

era of professional forestry in

Alaska. (Farr collection)

with responsibility tor forest research in Alaska as well as Oregon and Washington,42 the stage

was set for Portland to become the administrative center of research in Alaska. This proposal did

not become a practical reality for another four decades, but from 1924 through 1948, forest

researchers who focused on Alaska did their field work in locations far removed from the administrative centers of the Research Branch and in close proximity to Regional Foresters on whom

they often depended for logistical support. In the first two decades of forest research in Alaska

after 1924, this administrative and geographic reality reinforced existing priorities in forest research aimed at addressing questions directly relating to the economic development of forest

resources. It also contributed to the tendency common among many early scientists in Alaska to

view themselves as rugged pioneers isolated on the distant periphery of the Research Branch of

the Forest Service in other areas of the United States.43

The scientists who laid the foundation for subsequent research in Alaska developed a common outlook, or community culture, that in many ways survives into the modern era among

personnel at Anchorage, Fairbanks, and Juneau. This community culture included positive features that sustained several generations of scientists in Alaska, but it also raised potential points of

concern for Forest Service leaders in offices outside Alaska. Through the 1 980s, administrators at

PNW Station recognized the need to maintain open lines of communication with personnel who

seemed to "go Alaskan"44 very soon after their arrival in northern latitudes, while scientists in

42Cowlin, "Federal Forest Research," 48-50.

43This outlook permeates the writings ol" Ray Taylor, whose early involvment in forest research in Alaska

is detailed in the next chapter.

44This phase c ame up in many conversations between the author and PNW staff in Alaska and in

Portland. Typically. Ihe phrase carried no judgmental implications but, rather, indicated an adjustment

or acclimation to the regional lifestyle and cultural outlook of more long-term residents of Alaska. As

such, it is a tacit recognition that personnel in Alaska faced unique challenges. Former PNW Station

Director Robert Lthington recalls that the process of recruiting personnel for assignment in Alaska

required exceptional tare and attention to family needs, personal dispositions, and leisure-time interests.

Interview with Robert Ethingtor 12 July 1995; interview with Robert Buckman 13 July 1995; interview

with Robert Tarrant 11 July 1995. Interviews with Bill Farr, Bill Meehan, Tom Hanley, Doug Swanston,

Al Harris, Mary Lewis, Carl Hegg, and Tom Laurent, 22 December 1992; Interview with Ken Wright, 13

July 1993

20

This file was created by scanning the printed publication. 

Text errors identified by the software have been corrected; 

however, some errors may remain. 
Alaska frequently emphasized their physical detachment from PNW Station and their difficulties

in conveying to administrators in Portland and elsewhere the unique problems of conducting

research operations in Alaska.45 Regional Foresters in Alaska, by contrast, were fellow Alaska

residents who understood local conditions and could marshal the resources needed to work

under those conditions. In this context, the relatively recent (1915) creation of the Branch of

Research as an independent administrative entity in the Forest Service did not immediately translate into independent scientific research in Alaska. Administrative networks and personnel already in place in Alaska shaped the early course of forest research and influenced the scientific

traditions that emerged among the community of forest researchers recruited to Alaska over the

next four decades.

45One researcher stationed in Alaska indicated in correspondence with the author in 1993 that in 17

years of work in Alaska for the PNW Station, he had never been to the Portland Office. Personal

communic alion from Vic Van Ballenbergh to author, 1993. Interview with Bill Farr, Bill Meehan, Tom

Hanley, Doug Swanston, Al Harris, Mary Lewis, Carl Hegg, and Tom Laurent, 22 December 1992.

Interview with Robert Buckman. 13 July 1995; interview with Robert Tarrant, 11 July 1995; interview

with Robert Ethington, 12 July 1995.
CHAPTER TWO:

The Foundations of

Modern Forest Research

in Alaska, 1924-48

Utilitarian priorities and problems of logistical

support continued to dominate the concerns

of those who set the agenda for forest research

in Alaska during the years between the end of World War

One and the end of World War Two. Alaska remained

a territory of the United States throughout this period,

and administration over the territories was centered in

Washington, D.C. The Pacific Northwest Forest Experiment Station, organized in Portland under Thornton

Munger in 1924, initially assumed responsibility for

forest research in Alaska, but Congress came close to

establishing independent forest research in Alaska in

the late 1920s, when a national frenzy of speculative

investments in corporate stocks revived optimistic forecasts that a pulpwood industry would soon develop

on the Tongass National Forest. This eventuality
prompted demands for growth and yield studies, and Congress responded with legislation authorizing a forest experiment station in Alaska. The legislation, however, failed to provide funding, and the

idea was abandoned during the Great Depression. Forest research over the next two decades, consequently, depended heavily on logistical support from forest managers in Alaska with concerns about

the quantity and marketability of timber in the region.1

Forest research priorities at PNW Station during the late 1920s were formulated in cooperation with a Forest Advisory Council appointed by Calvin Coolidge's Secretary of Agriculture,

William Jardine, and headed by C.S. Chapman, chief forester for Weyerhauser Timber Co., who

was elected chairman at the first meeting of the council. Thornton Munger served as secretary,

and other members of the council included leaders from the timber industry, public and private

professional foresters, faculty from the forestry schools at the state agricultural colleges of Oregon

and Washington, and state and federal foresters.2

Munger emphasized the need for utilitarian research in his first year as director of the PNW

Station. His 1924 address before delegates to the Annual Meeting of the Western Forestry and

Conservation Association in Vancouver, British Columbia, amounted to a pledge to keep the

interests of private landholders and the timber industry on an equal footing with the interests of

National Forest administrators, arguing that "Governmental forest research is not conducted primarily for application on publicly owned land. It is undertaken quite as much for the benefit of

the private land owner as for the National Forest administration."3

Munger also called for more cooperation with state foresters and forestry schools, and he

warned that forest research must focus on matters of practical utility:

We have no time now for research for research's sake; for delving into incidental

trifles of mere academic interest; for working on questions, the answers to which

have no application in current affairs. I believe we have no justification now in

working with our less important tree species or in the non-commercial forest

types. For the present our major activities must lie in the important timber belts,

where the extensive lumbering operations lie and where there are great areas

whose future may be either devastation or reforestation. The selection of projects

for study will depend on their economic importance.4

1Covvlin, 49a-53; Rakestraw, 93-94; Ray F. Taylor, "Forest Research and the State of Alaska's Forests"

(Dummy copy and preliminary manuscript labeled Station Raper 11, Alaska Forest Research Center, U.S.

Departmenl of Agriculture, Forest Service, Juneau, Alaska, Jan 1959, located in storage room, Juneau

Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service), 3-4; Taylor, "Early Forest Research in Alaska," 14-27.

Thornton T. Munger. "Recollections of My Thirty-Eight years in the Forest Service, 1908-1946." Timberlines: Thirty-Year Club Region Six U.S. Forest Service. Supplement to Vol. XVI (December 1962), 1 7.

2Cowlin, 58-61.

3

Thornton T. Munger, "Governmental Forest Research: A Paper Concerning the Work of the Pacific

Northwest Forest Experiment Station for the Annual Meeting of the Western Forestry and Conservation

Association, Vancouver, B.C., December 3, 1924," (Typescript located in the storage room, Juneau

Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service), 2.

4Munger, "Governmental Forest Research", 4.

24
Jim Walley and Thornton Munger, Director of the

Pacific Northwest Forest and Range Experiment Station,

tour Alaska waters aboard the Forest Supervisor's boat

in 1927. (Taylor m.s., p. 79)

Munger gave top priority to growth and yield

studies, particularly for second-growth stands of

Douglas-fir in Oregon and Washington, but also

for spruce-hemlock in forests extending from

Oregon through Washington, British Columbia,

and into Alaska. In an address to the Pacific

Logging Conference in Portland, Munger urged

industry leaders to shift from exploitative practices to "timber farming." He warned that the

country had outgrown the "wild crop" methods

of its frontier youth, observing that "It may be

presumptuous to say that man can improve on

Nature, but he certainly can if he goes about it.

Under proper management man can produce

more wood per acre than Nature has in the wild

stands."5

In his joint capacity as director of the PNW Station and secretary for the Advisory Council,

Munger embarked in 1927 on a 6-week tour of the "principal logging regions" in Alaska (from

Ketchikan to Juneau and Sitka, with special attention to Prince of Wales Island) to explore the

silvical problems of southeastern Alaska and to suggest methods of cutting that should be used.

Various Forest Service workers then in Alaska, including a young man named Ray Taylor, accompanied Munger on his tour. Munger's report reiterated his earlier call for studies of growth, yield,

and reproduction in the spruce-hemlock forests of Alaska. He encouraged coordination with

Canada, and he argued that these studies must be completed before any pulp operations could

begin in Alaska.6

Munger's recommendation for expanded research was consistent with the political culture

and economic outlook in the Nation as a whole and in Alaska during the administrations of

Presidents Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge. The business boom of the late 1920s was

peaking, the national economy had apparently recovered from the post-war depression, and

construction of the government-owned and government-operated Alaska Railroad by 1924 had

stimulated an investment and economic development boom from Seward north through Anchorage, Fairbanks, and surrounding regions. In addition to providing jobs and transportation access,

the railway encouraged the growth of communities that provided local markets for constructiongrade timber.7 All of these developments increased the pressure on Forest Service administrators

5Munger, "Governmental Forest Research", 6 1/2; Thornton T. Munger, "The Objectives of the New

Federal Forest Experiment Station: Address read at Pacific Logging Congress, Portland, Oregon, October

22, 1924."(Typescript located in the storage room, Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest

Service), 1-9.

6Taylor, "Early Forest Research," ii; Munger. "Recollections of My Thirty-Eight Years," 1 7, Thornton T.

Munger, "A Research Reconnaissance of Southeast Alaska," RS Cooperation District 8, 30 July 1 927.

7Naske, Alaska, 96-97.

25
"Steen, The U.S. Forest Service, 140-42.

''William C. Robbins, American Forestry: A History of National, State, and Private Cooperation (Lincoln:

University of Nebraska Press, 1985), 84-86, 92-93; Steen, 184-187.

26

to monitor and explore options for timber management on

National Forests in Alaska, even as the business-oriented

administrations of Harding and Coolidge forged a coalition

of congressmen and private interests who supported an expanded role for Research in the Forest Service to encourage

and promote economic development on forested lands.8

Forest research gained a powerful boost in the mid 1 920s

when Congress expanded federal assistance to the states for

fire protection and provided matching funds to establish

nurseries. New York Congressman John D. Clarke introduced legislation in 1923 dealing primarily with the need

for cooperative fire control efforts among local, state, and

federal governments. Oregon Senator Charles McNary, who

served as chairman of the Select Committee on Reforestation, sponsored similar legislation in the Senate and scheduled hearings that solicited input from a variety of industry

leaders and professional foresters, prominently including

representatives from the National Lumber Manufacturers

Association. Most of those who were invited to testify

before the committee downplayed the need for regulation and stressed the need for cooperation

between public and private foresters. The Clarke-McNary Act that emerged from this process in

1924 not only called for cooperative fire protection and replanting assistance to private forest-land

owners, it also authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to fund studies on the effects of tax laws on

forest practices and methods of forest perpetuation, and to cooperate with state and other agencies to

investigate and write tax laws that would encourage timber production.9 This measure significantly

expanded the role of Forest Service Research to include private as well as public lands.

Earl H. Clapp, who directed the Branch of Research during the 1920s, worked with the industry-based National Forestry Program Committee and the American Forestry Association to draft a

proposal designed to secure independent funding for the Forest Products Laboratory, the various

experiment stations, a national inventory of forest resources, and a study of grazing in relation to

forest lands. Ohio Congressman John R. McSweeney introduced Clapp's proposal before Congress in 1927, gained the support of Senator McNary, and managed to secure passage for the bill

in 1928. The McSweeney-McNary Act, in addition to securing a $3 million budget that essentially enacted the proposals generated by Clapp and the National Forestry Program Committee,

Ray Taylor absorbed the frontier spirit of

Alaska during his summers as a seasonal

worker with the District Forester's office

in the mid 1920s. Here, he poses in front

of his rustic quarters in Wrangell. (Taylor

m.s., p. 25)
secured the position of Research "on a par" with other forestry activities, and formalized the

basic framework for the organization of regional forest experiment stations. Among other provisions, McSweeney-McNary named and described broad fields of study organized into discrete

sections or areas of research: forest diseases; forest insects; forest animals, birds, and wildlife;

forest fire and weather; forest range and watershed; forest products; forest survey; and forest

reforestation and economic studies.10 In this climate of government cooperation with private

industry, researchers in the Forest Service began to focus more directly on timber resources in

Alaska, and much of their energy was directed toward identifying the extent and quantity of those

resources.

Early Forest Research on the Tongass and Chugach National Forests

Forest researchers in the Territory of Alaska labored through the interwar period and World

War Two with limited human and fiscal resources, despite the rising status of research within the

Forest Service. Relatively isolated scientists worked with the Forest Service in Alaska and struggled

to compile baseline data in cooperation with administrators of District 8 (headquartered in

Juneau after 1921) at the request of public and private groups interested in forest resources and in

relative isolation from the research community at the PNW and other experiment stations. These

early scientists cultivated a self image of practical innovation, cooperation, adaptation, and

accommodation inspired by the remote, isolated, and wild conditions of frontier Alaska. This

self-styled tradition of "frontiersmanship" had a powerful, formative influence on the community

culture that developed in later years among the Research staff in Alaska.11 It tended to emphasize

male camaraderie and individual initiative in coping with the remote, isolated, and unique conditions of research in Alaska, and it often tended to neglect the contributions of office clerical

10Covvlin, 67-68; Steen, 141, 194.

11As an example of how this tradition of frontiersmanship, or "seat of the pants" research prevailed until

relatively recent years, Austin Helmers recalls how Dan Bishop mapped the location of wood debris and

changes in streambed topography for salmon habitat studies on Prince of Wales Island. Near the end of

one project, Bishop used aerial photographs taken with a surplus K-20 camera from a Hi Her 12E

helicopter equipped with floats. Bishop first calculated the number of seconds between film exposures

required to obtain a 60-percent end-lap for stereo coverage with the photos at a given altitude and

speed. Assistants then lashed Bishop to planks attached to the floats on the helicopter. As the aircraft

flew the stream courses, an assistant with a stopwatch sat with his feet astraddle Bishop on the float and

jabbed him in the back to indicate each photo interval. In another example, Helmers recalls that he and

Bishop examined landslides on the Maybeso Experimental Forest and elsewhere in southeast Alaska by

struggling up the slopes with nothing but a surveying chain for a rope: "...every night when we got

down to the main camp down there, you know, he'd say, 'you know, that was pretty foolish, what we did

today!' but it just kept happening day after day after day! llaughsl" Austin Helmers, interviewed by Max

Ceier in Palmer, Alaska, 13 July 1993. Helmers recalls, however, that it was a "tooth and toenail

struggle" to climb the slopes, and they soon acquired climbing ropes for ascents with prussik slings and

descents by rappelling techniques. Correspondence from Austin Helmers to Cindy Miner, 10 March

1 995. For other examples of how early forest researchers cultivated a self-image of frontiersmanship and

for descriptions of the conditions of forest work in the 1920s, see Ray Taylor, "Early Forest Research in

Alaska," (Typescript and notes located in storage room, Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA

Forest Service), 1 -1 2; and "History Compiled by R.F. Taylor," (Looseleaf collection of notes and

documents located in storage room, Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service), n.p.

27
Taylor spent his first summers in Alaska

working as a log sealer tor the District

foiesler's office. (Tavlor m.v, p. 25)

workers and, especially, women.12 The people who helped

shape this self-image of frontiersmanship in the remote wilderness of Alaska, ironically, were themselves closely tied to

the academic traditions of professional forestry and the culture of private institutions of higher education at the center of

power in the northeastern United States, and they worked with

evangelical fervor to demonstrate that scientific forestry would

yield practical, economic benefits.13

District Forester Charles Flory and his assistant district forester for timber management, B.F. (Frank) Heintzleman (who

later became Governor of the Territory of Alaska), were graduates of the Yale School of Forestry, and Flory allowed

Heintzleman to use timber management funds to initiate a

research program tailored to suit the needs of his office during the early 1920s. Heintzleman brought in Forest Examiner

James M. Walley and Forest Assistant Harold J. Lutz in 1924

to study forest reproduction on small, cutover areas on the Tongass National Forest, and to compile local volume tables from timber felled for milling and pilings. Ray Taylor, a senior in the

College of Forestry at the University of Washington who had worked as a sealer on theTongass in

the summer of 1924, replaced Lutz on the Tongass in 1925, and Lutz transferred to the Chugach

National Forest. Shortly after they began working in Alaska under the direction of Heintzleman,

both Lutz and Taylor were accepted into the graduate program at their boss' alma mater, the Yale

School of Forestry in New Haven, Connecticut, and they left Alaska to begin their studies at Yale

in 1926.14 Taylor returned to Alaska for summer work under Walley in 1927, and he soon found

himself the senior researcher on the scene when Walley, who had recently married and fathered

a child, transferred from Ketchikan to the Lake States Station for family reasons.15

Taylor, who later directed the Alaska Forest Research Center in Juneau during the first two

decades of its existence, played a significant role in shaping the course of research in Alaska in a

period spanning more than three decades after 1928. Taylor's graduate study at Yale exposed him

14In fairness, this neglect was partly a reaction against forest managers and field workers who reportedly

viewed researchers as somewhat effete, and Ray Taylor, for one, apparently felt the pressure to prove

himself in the field. See, for example, Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 14-16, 32-3.3, and 76-77. A group

photograph of personnel at Juneau in 1935, found on page 111 in Taylor's manuscript, is instructive on

attitudes toward women affiliated with the Forest Service. Of the 28 people pictured, Taylor provides

names for 20. All 8 of the people who appear in the photo without names are women (I I of the people

in the piclure appear to be women, but Henrietta Sell, Sally Shafer, and Tina Glass are the only women

lor whom names are supplied).

15For an example of how this evangelical fervor carried over into later years, see Taylor, "Forest Research

and the State of Alaska's Forests", 3-9.

16Havlor made the overland trip from Seattle to New Haven by Model T Ford with his friend from the

U.W. Al Thompson. Ray Tavlor, "Forest Research," in Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 93-94, Taylor,

"Earl\ Forest Research," 14, 72.

17Tavlor, "Earlv Forest Research," 74.

28
to the ideas of an influential group of established

scientists and future leaders in forest research.

By his own account, Taylor spent much of his

time at Yale working on a "deep study" of the

pulp industry under the direction of a faculty

headed by the former chief of the Forest Service,

Henry Graves. Taylor's autobiographical account

lists, among other distinguished faculty of note

during his time at Yale, Herman H. Chapman,

Ralph Hawley, and Sam Record. A future Dean

of the Yale school, George Garratt, was a graduate

student in the doctoral program when Taylor and

Lutz arrived in 1926, and his fellow graduate

students included Svend Heiberg, a Scandinavian

immigrant who eventually joined the faculty at

Syracuse as professor of forestry. Lutz joined the Connecticut Agricultural Station and eventually

joined the faculty at Yale as a professor of silviculture who conducted a series of studies in the

1940s and 1 950s exploring, among other things, the effects of fires, soil conditions, and animal

effects on forests of interior Alaska.16

Family and alma mater were important considerations for forest researchers in Alaska during

this period. Taylor suggests that Walley was pressured into leaving Alaska because Heintzleman

(a life-long bachelor) was unwilling to accommodate Walley's efforts to spend time with his new

family. Taylor notes that his own wife "went south" during the field season, "...thus not interfering with my work," and Taylor argues that he enjoyed a more amicable relationship with

Heintzleman and Flory because "...we were both 'Yale men."17 Heintzleman, as the chief forester in charge of timber sales, was also a strong advocate for starting a pulp mill in Alaska, and it

was more than coincidental that he selected his fellow Yale man and student of the pulp industry,

Junior Forester Ray Taylor, to head a research effort in Juneau in 1928 that focused on obtaining

basic information for developing methods of timber management most appropriate for pulpwood

production.18

Taylor headed a two-person research program in Juneau in 1928 as a Junior Forester on the

Tongass National Forest at about the time the McSweeny-McNary Act mandated a Forest Service

inventory of forest lands and resources. The U.S. Navy began a program of aerial photography in

17Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 72; H.j. Lutz, Early Forest Conditions in the Alaska Interior: An

Historical Account With Original Sources (Juneau: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service,

Northern Forest Experiment Station, 1963), 1.

18Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 74-75.

19Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 75. Annual lumber production in the United States dropped from

36 billion board feet in 1928 to 26 billion in 1930 and 1 0 billion in 1932. Robbins, American Forestry,

122-23.

29

Alaska was an adventure for young forestry students in

1926, and these early experiences shaped later

perceptions of the assignment to Alaska. Here, Taylor

and his friend Allen Thompson make camp with their

Model-T Ford, enroute to graduate school at Yale from

their summer work in Alaska. The trip took 17 days.

(Taylor m.s., p. 81)
Taylor initiated reproduction studies in 1928 with

support from frank Heintzleman in the District

Forester's office. This site was logged in 1924, and

Taylor is shown measuring growth in 1928. (Taylor

m.s., p. 39)

southeast Alaska in 1927 that laid the groundwork for later innovations in remote sensing by

researchers with the forest survey program in

Alaska, but Forest Service plans for a systematic

and comprehensive survey of forest resources

in 1 928 were derailed by the Great Depression.

Heintzleman's commitment to the research program in Juneau, meanwhile, faltered when the

bottom fell out of the timber industry between

1928 and 1932, and the anticipated pulp mill

industry failed to materialize on theTongass National Forest. Taylor left Alaska in 1929 and returned to Yale for advanced graduate study, but

he returned regularly over the next four years

for summer field work, while also researching his dissertation topic, "Available Nitrogen as a

Factor Influencing the Occurrence of Sitka Spruce and Western Hemlock Seedlings in Forests of

Southeastern Alaska." Taylor also compiled a pocket guide to Alaska trees that was published in

1929 as a U.S. Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication, and he completed his

dissertation in 1 934. That year, Heintzleman transferred to a new assignment in the Washington

Office, and Taylor soon joined him in the capital as assistant chief of the Division of Silvics.19

Taylor's field work in Alaska spanned nearly a decade by the time he brought his practical

experience and Yale degrees to the Division of Silvics in Washington, D.C. During his time in

Alaska, Taylor had worked closely with several scientists and forest managers in developing growth

and yield tables and volume tables for tree species deemed most valuable for utilitarian strategies

of forest management. He had been supported in those efforts by district administrators like

Heintzleman and Flory, and he had drawn on the expertise of established scientists of the Yale

School of Forestry. He was a product of the political hierarchy of a profession that had emerged

during the Republican progressive era of Theodore Roosevelt and had consolidated its influence

during the business-oriented, Republican administrations of Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and

Herbert Hoover. By the time Taylor arrived in Washington, however, the Democratic presidency

of Franklin D. Roosevelt was in the process of an administrative reorganization that filtered down

to the Forest Service, including a proposal to establish work camps on the National Forests for the

dual purpose of creating jobs and promoting conservation efforts.20 Taylor gained exposure to

19Tavior observes that his goal in transferring to Washington was to "...keep an eye on research jobs at

the various stations and perhaps grab one later..."Cowlin, 73; Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 75-76; 85-

86; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 94-95.

20Franklin Roosevelt had a particular interest in forestry as former chair of the New York legislature's

committee on forestry and as manager of his estate at Hyde Park. His election campaign of 1 932

included a demand for the creation of more National Forests to provide forestry-related work for the

unemployed. Robbins, American Forestry, 138-39

30
The Forest Service administered the

Civilian Conservation Corps in Alaska

during the Great Depression of the

7 9305, and the average age of CCC

recruits in Alaska was higher than in the

rest of the United States. Few were

college educated, and Yale graduate

Ray Taylor did not consider them

suitable material for research assistants.

This camp was located at Cooper's

Landing in the Kenai Division. (Taylor

m.s., p. 118)

the administrative center during this period of ferment and re-examination of the Forest Service,

its mission, and its place in the federal bureaucracy. He expanded his personal network of

professional colleagues, gained greater insight into the inner workings of the central administration, and parleyed that exposure into an assignment to assist in establishing a new Forest Research Station at Fort Collins, Colorado, in 1935.2I Thirteen years later, he put that experience to

use as the first administrator of the newly organized Alaska Forest Research Center in Juneau.

Taylor's networks with the higher administration and the world of academia increased the

visibility of forest research in Alaska, but his efforts also depended on close working relations

with field personnel and other scientists in Alaska. Jake Anderson, a botanist from Iowa State

College who operated a greenhouse in Juneau during the 1920s and 1930s, helped Taylor make

preliminary identifications of plants before official identifications made their way back from the

Washington Office. Taylor credits Anderson, who later published his own book on the plants of

Alaska through Iowa State College, with identifying three different varieties of birch (Western,

Alaska, and Kenai) that Taylor used in his reports.22

Other researchers pursued their work independent of Taylor during the same period. Harold

Lutz published his "Observations on the invasion of newly formed glacial moraines by trees," in

1930 (Ecology 11:562-567), and Robert F. Griggs published several articles on forest ecology and

soils in 1933 and 1934.23 Another researcher, L.J. Markwardt, studied the distribution and

21Taylor spent less than 2 years in the Washington Office before transferring to the Rocky Mountain

Forest and Range Experiment Station in Ft. Collins. Austin Helmers, who worked with Taylor in Juneau

for a lew years between 1957 and 1960, also spent 2 years in the Washington Office from 1955 to 1957

before transferring out, and Helmers recalls that the experience of working in the nation's capital "...sure

gives you a different view of the organization...when you get out, all those inspectors who come out,

you knew 'cm all...no matter where you went, you knew somebody..." Both Helmers and Taylor

described their transfers as an "escape" from Washington. Author's interview with Austin Helmers,

Palmer, Alaska, 5 August 1993; Austin Helmers Professional Biography File, Central History Files,

Portland Office, PNW Station; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 95; Taylor, "Early Forest Research,"

116.

22Taylor, 'Early Forest Research," 86-87.

23R.F. Griggs, "Edge of the forest in Alaska and the reasons for its position," Ecology 15 (1934), 80-96;

R.F. Griggs, "The colonization of the Katmai ash, a new and inorganic "soil," American lournal of Botany

20 (1933), 92-113.

31
Taylor's work in the 1920s laid the groundwork for later

efforts after the Forest Servie established the Alaska

forest Research Center in 1948. This photo, taken in

1953 by Dick Codman, shows Lawrence Zach at Plot

I, established by Taylor at Virgin Ray in 1926.

'luneau 334)

mechanical properties of Alaska woods, with

estimates of total forested areas and volumes in

Alaska and on theTongass and Chugach National

Forests (16.5 million acres on the Tongass and

4.8 million acres on the Chugach) published in

USDA Technical Bulletin 226 in 1931.

Research on wildlife and rangelands during

this period included work by Lawrence J. Palmer,

who investigated the progress of reindeer grazing in USDA Departmental Bulletin 1423, published in 1926, and he conducted a range reconnaissance of moose on the Kenai Peninsula

in 1933.24 Forest Examiner J.P. Williams worked

on the Kenai Peninsula and the Tongass National Forest during the 1920s and 1930s, and he

gained a reputation as the wildlife specialist in the regional office with his work on the bear

management plan and bear census conducted by the Forest Service during the 1930s.25 Frank

Dufresne produced a report through the Regional Office in Juneau entitled "Alaska's animals and

fishes," that was published by A.S. Barnes of New York in 1946. Heintzleman also produced a

report in 1936 for the Forest Service that outlined the area, climate, and forest conditions of

coastal Alaska and the interior and included a summary of existing and potential agricultural

areas, domesticated livestock, and range herds of caribou and reindeer. Heintzleman noted the

threat of overgrazing, and he emphasized the need for fire protection, grazing controls, management of predatory animals, game management areas, and wildlife refuges. He also called for the

formal establishment of a forest and range experiment station.26

Natural and human-caused disasters often have provided the impetus for research in Alaska,

and one such disaster apparently encouraged Heintzleman to initiate a wildlife study on Admiralty Island. Forest Ranger Jack Thayer was killed by a bear while cruising timber on the island in

October 1929. Thayer's death caused a sensation in area newspapers and led to a review of

Forest Service safety precautions in the region. Within a few months, Heintzleman had established a refuge for brown bear on the island, and he recruited Forest Examiner Jay P. Williams to

conduct a study of brown bear and their behavior along Pack Creek. In the wake of Thayer's

death, Forest Service employees in Alaska were required to travel in pairs and carry a rifle to ward

off bear attacks.27

24M.inuy ript located in the luneau FSL Library.

25Rakestraw. Forest Service in Alaska, 112; Taylor, "History," (Loose-leaf collection of notes and

addenda located in the storage room, luneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service).

26B.F. I lemt/leman, "Alaska" in The Western Range—a Great But Neglected Natural Resource (U.S

Department ol Agriculture, Forest Service, Senate Document 199—Separate 17, 1936).

27Taylor. Notes and addenda located in the storage room, Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA

Forest Serviec; Tavlor, "Early Forest Research," 100-107.

32
Bear sightings were part ot the job tor field

workers in Alaska. (Schmiege collection)

The bear attack on Jack

Thayer prompted many early

studies of bear. This "bear

observatory" was at Pack

Creek on Admiralty Island.

(Farr collection)

Transportation and Conditions of Early Research Efforts

Thayer's death graphically illustrates the isolation and potential hazards of forest research in

remote regions of Alaska where ranger boats were the primary means of transportation in the

interwar period of the 1920s and 1930s. The bear attacked Thayer about 2 p.m. on 1 6 October

1 929 and inflicted more than 100 wounds. Thayer's assistant, Fred Herring, rushed back to their

boat, the Weepoose, in search of help, reached the boat in about an hour, and returned to Thayer

with the other member of their crew, Carl Collins, at about dusk. Collins and Herring packed

Thayer's wounds with flour and blankets from the boat, but they found his condition so bad, they

were unable to move him, tried to make him comfortable, and watched him die by 10:30 p.m.

They then tried to carry his body out, but could manage only 1/2 mile, before they were forced to

leave him behind. They returned to the Weepoose and sailed to a cannery on Pybus Harbor seeking

additional help, returned with 5 men at 11:30 p.m. on October 18, carried Thayer to the Weepoose,

and finally arrived back at juneau at 8:30 p.m. on October 1 9 after "running all night."28

Herring's struggle to bring Thayer out of the woods was a grueling ordeal spanning three days

and six hours between the time Thayer was first attacked and the time his body finally reached a

port with medical facilities. Prompt medical care may not have saved Thayer, given the nature of

his reported injuries, but this incident clearly shows the risk associated with field work and the

limitations of conducting research in remote areas in an era when Forest Service scientists depended on boats for transportation and spent extended hours in virtual isolation and beyond the

reach of emergency assistance. Taylor, for example, worked from the Weepoose and another

boat, the Ranger 10, in 1 929 along the west coast of Prince of Wales Island and the west side of

Admiralty Island, with plots at Chaik Bay, Hood Bay, Kanalku, and Mitchell Bay, and he recounts

several confrontations with brown bear on Admiralty Island just before the attack on Thayer.29

28"From the log ot the Weepoose as quoted in Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 92; Taylor, "Early

Forest Research," 108-109.

29"Tavlor, Early Forest Research," 97-102.

33
The logistics of travel by boat often defined the nature, locale, and focus of forest research in

Alaska, and it further isolated field workers from each other and from their colleagues in other

regions of the Forest Service. Boats were the primary means of transportation for researchers and

forest managers in Alaska long after trucks and automobiles replaced the horses that were more

common in other Western districts of the Forest Service.50 Aircraft were not readily available

until World War Two, and most areas were inaccessible by roads or railways. These conditions

reinforced the self-image of researchers in Alaska as a "breed apart" and promoted an esprit de

corps closely aligned with timber managers facing similar conditions in the region.

Al Harris, shown here examining a Sitka

spruce at Saginaw Bay in May 1966,

began his work in Alaska with field crews

in the Taylor years and eventually rose to

the rank ot Research Forester. Note the

rifle, which scientists routinely carried in

the field to meet Forest Service

regulations adopted in response to the

hear attack on Thayer. (luneau 4035)

Navigation at night in the waters of southeast Alaska

brought home the isolation and danger of early research.

This view of the M/V Forester in the Hollis ice pack was

taken in February 1951. (Fair collection)

Railroad service to

Fairbanks introduced a

corridor of industrial

development in the

interior and lires often

broke out near the

railroad, as this example

of fire damage in the

interior at Nenana Bridge

shows. (Photo taken in

1964, luneau 1592)

30Forest Service workers in many ofher districts outside Alaska were already heavily dependent on trucks

and automobiles by this time, even in relatively remote areas. Austin Helmers, for example, grew up as

a ''Forest Service brat" in remote regions of Montana, where his father maintained Forest Service roads,

working out of an army truck or World War One vintage to support a household with his wife and child

in a steel-wheeled wagon hitched behind the truck. The family lived in this mobile household until

Helmers' father gained appointment as a Ranger. Helmers recalls, "...mother was the cook, and we

roamed around over some of those mountain roads there in Montana...! was an awfully small guy then, I

wasn't even in school." Helmers interview, 5 Aug 1993; Correspondence from Austin Helmers to Ken

Wright and Cindy Miner 27 November 1995.

34
Forest Fires as an Impetus for Research

The Alaska Railroad from Seward to Fairbanks improved access and indirectly promoted the

need for forest research in the interior because sparks from the engines regularly ignited forest

fires. The railroad opened the region for commercial developments that pressured the Forest

Service to fulfill its forest protection and survey mandates on the Chugach National Forest between Seward and Anchorage. Other lands along the route from Anchorage to Fairbanks primarily fell under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Land Management, another federal agency concerned with fire control and stewardship of public lands. Fires in these areas also opened large,

cleared areas that facilitated regeneration studies, and railroad construction disrupted the permafrost and created conditions that promoted the growth of weeds along the railroad bed. These

weeds dried out during the summer and posed an extreme fire hazard. In 1923 alone, 58 fires

broke out along the railroad right-of-way. Taylor visited the Kenai Lake district between 1931 and

1934 and observed the problem of fires breaking out along the railroad. He bunked with standby

fire crews while studying regeneration and growth on cut-over and burned-over stands on the

Chugach National Forest. Fire crews followed the trains to put out any fires that sprang up along

the tracks, and Taylor periodically found himself drafted into the fire crews when the situation got

out of hand. One legacy of these fires, however, was a virtual laboratory for studies of regeneration, fire effects, and succession, all within relatively easy reach of a central transportation corridor in the interior of Alaska.31

As the depression continued, fire control gained prominence as a job well suited to the administrative structure and makeup of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), initially known as

Emergency Conservation Work (ECW). The CCC in Alaska differed from administration of the

program in other jurisdictions of the United States. The Forest Service, rather than the army,

directed CCC camps in Alaska and eliminated age limits for recruits, accepting middle-aged

men, as opposed to the youth-oriented program in place elsewhere in the system. In addition to

fighting forest fires, CCC crews built forest roads, trails, bridges, warehouses, recreation cabins,

small-boat facilities, hatcheries, docks and small boat harbors, and landing fields across Alaska.

This work expanded the existing infrastructure, promoted public awareness of forest resources in

Alaska, and encouraged a renewed emphasis on conservation efforts.32

Several infrastructure improvements undertaken by the Forest Service during this period later

became particularly important to forest-related research efforts in southeast Alaska. In Juneau,

Warehouse No. 1 on the waterfront was razed in 1936 and replaced with a new building, and a

crewhouse, garage, warehouse, filling station, and machine shed were constructed to support

Forest Service CCC operations in the region. At Little Port Walter, Forest Service CCC crews

constructed a 15-room biological laboratory and residence in 1938, along with a dock and a

31Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 109-111; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 111-113

32Naske, Alaska, 110-111; Robbins, American Forestry, 139-143; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska,

95-97, 112-113.

35
steel-reinforced salmon weir that supported fisheries research by other federal agencies at the

site. These facilities and those at Juneau also served as staging areas for later Forest Service

researchers in southeast Alaska, and the CCC crewhouse was renovated as the Alaska Forest

Research Center in 1948.33

Research efforts rapidly lost support as the emphasis on forest protection, emergency conservation work, and infrastructure development captured the attention of Forest Service adminstrators

and served the interests of the federal government. The CCC helped ease the unemployment

crisis of the 1930s, and it also enabled the Forest Service to continue its cooperative fire protection program mandated under Clark-McNary in a period when other sources of funding were

stagnant or eroding. Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes reinforced this tendency when he

expressed outrage at the extent of devastation by fire that he witnessed during a visit to Alaska in

1938. Ickes concluded his visit in a meeting with Heintzleman that eventually led to the establishment of a fire protection program for the interior of Alaska. Conservation efforts in Alaska

became a relatively inexpensive but exotic showpiece for New Deal programs, and the chronically underfunded forest administration gained an infusion of capital and manpower (a CCC

quota of 325 men for 1933 was raised to 600 men by 1938) that was intended to employ undereducated, unemployed workers at hand labor. This policy conflicted, however, with the interests

of university-trained researchers who sought educated research assistants, often with college backgrounds and considerable technical expertise.34

The emphasis on emergency conservation work during the early years of the depression also

coincided with a series of administrative realignments in the Forest Service that disrupted the

coordinating framework and support systems necessary for conducting effective field research in

Alaska. Forest Service Districts were reorganized as Regions in 1930, and a terse general inspection of Alaska that year was highlighted by severely strained relations between the inspector and

local forest administrators. This inspection and the generally hostile report were quickly followed

by the establishment of a new system of five field divisions to replace the old framework of an

administration built around ranger districts for each National Forest. New divisional headquarters were established at Ketchikan, Petersburg, Juneau, Anchorage, and Cordova, thus diffusing

the administrative power previously wielded by forest administrators and eroding the basis for

centralized coordination of research efforts on each National Forest. In 1934, Region 8 became

Region 10 in a re-numbering of the various regions of the Forest Service. Research-oriented

administrators and scientists like Heintzleman, Taylor, and Wendell Moran, Taylor's assistant at

Juneau, left Alaska by 1935 in the wake of these changes and as CCC work increasingly domi33Taylor, Notes and addenda located in storage room files, Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA

Forest Service.

34Taylor, for example, was seldom satisfied with the quality of his assistants, and expected them to have

a solid background in professional forestry techniques before they began working for him. His narrative

is filled with comments about assistants who were not capable of work expected of sophomore forestry

students. See, for example, Taylor, "Early Forest Research," 76-78; Taylor, Notes and addenda located in

storage room files, )uneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service; Robbins, American

Forestry, 143-149; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 90-91.

36
nated the Forest Service agenda. Heintzleman, however, returned to Alaska in 1937 to succeed

Charles H. Flory as regional forester, and he held that position until he became Territorial Governor in 1953.35

World War Two and Military Spending

If CCC projects begun during the depression improved the physical infrastructure for forest

research in Alaska, military procurement policies and practices in Alaska during World War Two

set the stage for a surge of interest in forest resources and the need for research in the postwar era.

It also expanded the range of options and extent of transportation facilities and introduced new

technology that facilitated later forest inventory work out of Juneau. As early as 1935, Congress

identified Alaska as one of six strategic areas for siting an Army air corps base. Alaska's Territorial

delegate to Congress lobbied for an appropriation to build the base, and construction of a coldweather testing station for airplanes finally began in 1940 near Fairbanks. In 1941, the U.S. Navy

began constructing Naval air stations at Sitka and Kodiak, and the Army acquired funding to

construct a military base near Anchorage. By September 1941, Kodiak and Dutch Harbor had

been commissioned as Naval air stations. In December 1941, the Japanese attacked American

military bases in the Pacific, and on 2 June 1942, a Japanese carrier force hit Dutch Harbor with

an aircraft attack, and then landed troops on the Aleutian Islands of Kiska and Attu. Alaska

suddenly became an active theater of the war.36

Less than six months after the Japanese attack in the Aleutians, U.S. Army engineers completed the Alaska-Canada Military Highway, and convoys of trucks headed north with supplies

for the Alaskan command and the Soviet Union. Between September 1942 and fall 1945, nearly

8,000 aircraft were delivered in Fairbanks to Soviet pilots who flew them to Nome and Siberia,

and more than 152,000 members of the U.S. armed forces were stationed in Alaska by 1943.

Between 1941 and 1945, the federal government spent more than one billion dollars in Alaska

with improvements to the Alaska Railroad; expansion of airfields; construction of roads, docks,

and wharves; and support services for military personnel. The sudden crush of construction

activity associated with the military buildup in Alaska caused a surge in timber sales, and logging

operations escalated on the Chugach National Forest.37

Heavy demand for spruce wood needed for building plywood bombers in the early years of

the war also stimulated timber production in Alaska under the Alaska Spruce Log Program (ASLP)

established in June 1942 and administered by the Forest Service with financing from the Commodity

36Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 90-91; Taylor, (Notes and addenda located in storage room,

Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory, USDA Forest Service). The historical files in the storeroom at

Juneau contain a file of letters from several different Forest Service personnel submitted shortly after the

visit, formally complaining that the inspector, E.W. Loveridge, was unnecessarily confrontational and

abrasive in his dealings with Alaska staff members and questioning whether his conclusions could be

trusted as a result. Most notably, they complained he did not allow for oral explanations of written

documents. See, for example, the criticisms of Melvin Merritt and CM. Archbold.

37Naske. Alaska, 121-123.

38Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 120; Naske, Alaska, 126-131.

37
The Alaska Spruce Log Program of World War Two

created large areas of open laboratories for

regeneration studies. This photo, taken by Al Harris in

May I963, shows Austin Helmets (white hat) on a

plank logging road at Coning Inlet, surrounded by trees

that regenerated in the 20 years since the area was

logged. Note the 20-year-old "plank" timbers still in

place. Uuneau 96)

The short-lived spruce log program and military interest in securing construction materials for

operations in Alaska reawakened interest in timber resources from the two National Forests, brought

several professional foresters into the region, and rejuvenated interest in forest research after the

war. Little in the way of forest research was accomplished during the war, but the U.S. Army

initiated tree-planting efforts in the Aleutians in 1942 in an effort to strengthen morale and improve conditions for troops stationed on the treeless islands. Officers of the 151st Engineers

solicited support from the Forest Service office in Juneau, and Forest Service personnel worked

with the 42nd Engineers in Juneau to furnish the Army with seedlings of European ash, red alder,

and spruce. David Bruce, a graduate of Yale University with a B.S. in plant science, an M.F. in

forest management, and experience with the Southern Experiment Station of the Forest Service

before the war, served with the Army in Alaska from 1940 to 1945 and participated in the treeplanting program.39

General Simon Buckner with the Alaska Department of the U.S. Army initiated a more systematic program of tree planting in 1944, and Bruce was assigned full-time responsibilities with

the project. Bruce corresponded with Lutz at the Yale School of Forestry seeking suggestions, and

Lutz provided suggestions and advice. Bruce worked from mid May through mid September in

1944 digging soil samples, observing plantations established in earlier years, and selecting potential sites for planting the trees. Locations scheduled for tree-planting in 1944 included Cold

38Rakestrnw, Forest Service in Alaska, 121-122.

39Professional Biography Files, Central History Files, Portland Office, PNW Station; PNW News, 9 May

1977; David Bruce, "History of Tree Planting on the Aleutian Islands," in J. Alden, et al., Forest

Development in Cold Climates (New York: Plenum Press, 1993), 412-413; correspondence from David

Bruce to Ken Wright 1 1 March 1 995.

38

Credit Corporation. Heintzleman headed the

program as regional forester, and managed it with

a goal of producing 100 million board feet of

aircraft-grade timber per year. Logging operations centered around field headquarters at Edna

Bay on Kosciusko Island west of Prince of Wales

Island, and the first raft of logs (900,000 board

feet) reached Anacortes, Washington, in March

1943. The spruce log program officially ended

in March 1944 as the War Production Board

phased out production of wood planes, but 38.5

million board feet of spruce was shipped south

under the program and another 45 million board

feet of lower grade spruce and hemlock went to

Alaska mills from Edna Bay during the short period of operations.38
This plank road at Coning Inlet on Long Island was

constructed in 1941 to facilitate logging operations,

(Juneau 1241)

Logging operations and log truck on plank road at

Coning Inlet in 1941. (Juneau 1240)

Bay, Umnak, Adak, Amchitka, Shemya, and Attu. Buckner left Alaska in June 1944, however, and

support for the program dissipated by that fall. Relatively few trees (about 10,000) were actually

planted under the program, and Bruce returned to his work for the Forest Service at the Southern

Experiment Station after the war. He moved to the Pacific Northwest in 1960 to join the new

division of forest fire research at the Portland office of the Pacific Northwest Forest and Range

Experiment Station, and he served as project leader for mensuration research from 1966 until his

retirement in 1977. This project did provide useful information, however, for spruce genetics

studies and plantings by John Alden, Ken Wright, and the Juneau Forestry Sciences Laboratory,

beginning in 1986 in cooperation with the U.S. Army.40

Tension between the United States and the Soviet Union after World War Two continued the

military presence in Alaska and ensured a continued emphasis on developing forest resources

during the late 1 940s, but earlier conflicts over the allocation of resources re-emerged during the

postwar years. Postwar construction of the largest airfield in the world, Eielson Air Force Base, 26

miles south of Fairbanks, and other defense facilities near Anchorage, Fort Greely, Kodiak, Shemya,

and Adak generated a boom in Alaska's construction trades and boosted demand for developing

local timber resources. This emphasis on resource development in Alaska ran counter to national

trends in forestry, where concerns about the effects of destructive logging during the war encouraged a re-evaluation of the mission of the Forest Service by the mid 1940s. Over the previous two

decades, and especially during the war years, "sustained yield" had come to mean continuous

production of lumber, and "conservation" had come to mean conserving the industry by providing continuous supplies of raw material. These ideas had gained formal expression in the 1944

40PNW News, 9 May I 977; Bruce, "History of Tree Planting," 413-414; correspondence from David

Bruce to Ken Wright 11 March 1 995; Interview with John Alden in Fairbanks, Alaska 1 7 December

1992.

39
Ray Taylor's long association with Frank Heintzleman meant

Research had friends in high places through the 1950s. Shown here

in 1955, Heintzleman was Governor of the Territory ot Alaska.

(Taylor m.s., p. 119)

Sustained-Yield Forest Management

Act, sponsored by McNary, which

reserved National Forest timber in a

given geographic area for use by

operators in that economy and permitted long-term guarantees of public timber to private mills without

competitive bidding. Concerned

about the postwar impact of this philosophy, an aging Pinchot met with

Roosevelt to urge a re-evaluation of

conservation as "the greatest good of

the greatest number for the longest

time," and called for a global inventory of natural resources. Immediately after the war, Forest Service Chief Lyle Watts sounded a similar note as he pressed for a

reappraisal of the status of the Nation's forests and recommended for corrective measures.41

Allocation of forest resources in Alaska in the postwar era was complicated by Native claims

on the Tongass National Forest and the role of the Forest Service as a manager of public lands in

previous decades. Areas occupied by Natives before creation of the Tongass National Forest and

then abandoned, could be reopened for entry at a later date. In areas where the Forest Service

had allowed development for other purposes, this allowance often led to conflicts between Native and non-Native claimants. By the 1930s, the Alaska Native Brotherhood was pressing through

political and other channels for civil and political rights for Indians. Alaska's Territorial Delegate

to Congress, Anthony Dimond, took a strong interest in Indian affairs, statehood proposals, and

land issues from 1933 to 1944, and he came on the scene in Washington, D.C., just as his

Democratic Party colleagues in the House and Senate, and in Roosevelt's administration, orchestrated a series of sweeping reforms known as the Indian New Deal. This combination of factors

brought national attention to Native claims on the Tongass. A supportive ruling from Secretary of

the Interior Ickes in July 1945 entitled Indians to sue in the courts for any claims they might have

against the United States. Heintzleman protested that the Native claims filed in the wake of that

decision threatened the viability of management plans to develop the National Forests in Alaska,

and Congress responded with the Tongass Timber Act in July 1 947, sponsored by Senator Warren

Magnuson of Washington state.42

41Naske. Alaska, 151-132; Steen, The U.S. Forest Service, 250-251, 255-256.

42Naske. Alaska, 110-111,1 42-43; Rakestraw, Forest Service in Alaska, 1 25-127.

40 CONTINUED