activities.34 In 1696, the H.M.S. Hady, a frigate
belonging to the Royal Navy, became grounded
between Roanoke and Currituck Inlets. The local
denizens then proceeded to abscond with
everything they could get their hands upon.

When not stealing, the Bankers would take what the
sea willingly offered. Whales and flotsam from
shipwrecks provided many individuals with a means
to make money. The term progging, meaning
picking up on the beach whatever jetsam might be
washed upon it, came into colloquial use.

Before Lamb died in 1690, he sold half of his
remaining half of Roanoke Island to another
Bostonian, George Pordage. Heirs of Pordage and
Lamb still maintained domiciles on the island as late
as 1729. However, in 1723, the Lords Proprietors of
Virginia gave title of Roanoke Island to John Lovick.
Details become a little murky at this point
concerning land ownership. It was proposed to
establish a town in the middle of the island where
the Sanderson family retained the title. By the late
1600s, land covering the northern island was
parceled out among a number of individuals, many
of whom clearly had no title to their property. The
absence of land deeds for Currituck County from
before 1700 and for almost half of the eighteenth
century compound the problems of the historian. 35

The Outer Banks and Roanoke Island became im-
portant to both the British and the colonists who
were seeking their independence. The Royal Navy
commanded the Atlantic and it was relatively easy to
keep the approaches to ports such as Boston, Provi-
dence, New York, Baltimore, and Charleston, under
its domination and control. However, the Outer
Banks off the North Carolina coast presented a for-
midable obstacle to the British blockade. The shal-
low depth of the surrounding water and frequent
storms made the blockade dangerous and problem-
atical, at best. Urgently needed supplies flowed
through this porous region to the Continental armies
of Washington and his generals. While wintering at
Valley Forge, most of Washington’s supplies came to
him by way of the Outer Banks. The British were as
vigilant as possible and inhabitants of Roanoke

Island were among those who petitioned the North
Carolina Council to exempt Barikers from serving
outside their region in the Patriot forces. The British
sent raiding parties ashore to destroy the cattle and
homes of the individuals that they considered rebels.
Within a span of a few years following the war, there
was little evidence of conflict except for the bleached
bones of dead animals and the wrecked hulks of
vessels destroyed during the war3®

After the Revolution, wrecks continued to claim
unwary vessels along the coast. There were so many
wrecks that the coast was divided into districts and a
“vendue master” was appointed to dispose of any
wreckage that came ashore at public auction.
However, it was not unusual for the Bankers to
reach the wreck site before the vendue master was
even aware of the tragedy and abscond with
anything of value prior to his arrival. It then became
virtually impossible to determine who had taken
what.7 Progging, as it was known, occasionally
indeed could be profitable.

Lighthouses were authorized by the Federal
government in 1794, but lack of funding prevented
their construction for several years. None was ever
constructed on Roanoke Island. However, plans
were developed in 1837 for a lighthouse on Pea
Island, but because of local agitation over the
location, one was built at Bodie Island further north
in 1838, Later that year, a lighthouse was
constructed at Pea Island because of a major storm
that created Oregon Inlet. Pea Island would become
a major factor in how the history of Roanoke Island
developed over the next century3®

Little is recorded concerning the history of Roanoke
Island in the decades following the Revolution. It
must be presumed that progging, subsistence
farming, fishing, and the grazing of domestic
animals constituted the principal activities of the
inhabitants. Since the literacy rate was undoubtedly
low and these activities were considered rather
mundane, virtually no one provided much in the
way of written accounts of the island’s daily
activities

34. Banker is a generic term used by the inhabitants of Roanoke Island and the other Outer Banks Islands to identify

themselves.
35. Powell, Paradise Preserved, 18-23.

36. David Stick, The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 1584-1958 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958), 44-71.
-

37, Ibid., 76.
38. Ibid., 77, 89.

0 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


OOO SOOTDHOHOHHOSHOHHOOHOHHOSOOOO

the last minute, Etheridge became the first black
man in the nation to bea keeper of a U.S. Lifesaving
Station. The Pea Island Lifesaving Station remained
manned by an all black crew from 1880 until it
closed in 1947.39

The appointment of Richard Etheridge as keeper
was without precedent and was especially unusual
for the South. Although it was Newcomb’s idea,
Shoemaker concurred because not only was he was
exceptionally impressed by Etheridge’s bearing but
also by his ability to both read and write, which
were, aside from political considerations, the two
most important requirements of the position. The
recommendation was forwarded to Kimball, who
unexpectedly approved it. However, he waffled
over making the final decision. When Kimball
finally acceded, Etheridge became the keeper of
Lifesaving Station Number 17 at Pea Island on
February 1, 1880.'4°

As might be expected, the appointment of Richard
Etheridge as keeper at Pea Island created
resentment among the white surfmen assigned
there, especially Jesse Etheridge, who as number
one surfman would, under normal circumstances,
have become the keeper. Exacerbating the situation
was that Jesse’s family had formerly owned Richard
Etheridge. If possible, even more animosity was
directed against Newcomb, who as a Northerner,
was held responsible for upsetting the “natural
order” of things.'4"

The extent of discontent over the appointment of
Richard Etheridge was manifested in a fire of
suspicious origins that broke out in the Pea Island
Lifesaving Station on the night of May 29, 1880. The
fire burned the facility to the ground, leaving only a
charred chimney and some other non- flammables
in its wake. Richard went through the remnants of
the station and secured the few salvageable items
that survived. Joseph Etheridge, the 6TM District
superintendent, communicated to his superiors in
Washington that he believed the fire was the result
of arson. Etheridge had gleaned information from
some local inhabitants that arson was the cause,
although he was initially disinclined to believe it.

Initially, the superintendent could not believe that
any individual would commit such an atrocious act.
However, after an investigation, the superintendent
was forced to admit that arson was the only
possibility.

Personnel actions were quite often punitive in the
Lifesaving Service. On November 29, 1880,
Superintendent J.W. Etheridge of the 6" Lifesaving
District instructed Keeper Richard Etheridge to
terminate Surfman Dailey O’Neal for failing to keep
his appointed rounds on the night of October 2 and
never to employ him again. The keeper in each
station in the district was to read this judgment to
the assembled crew. It was further directed that any
surfman remiss in his responsibilities would be
summarily discharged from the Lifesaving
Service.'4? A new and much greater degree of
professionalism was emerging throughout the
service.

The exploits of the U.S. Lifesaving Service Station 17
located on Pea Island have been well- documented
by David Wright and David Zoby in their book Fire
on the Beach. However, there were numerous other
lifesaving stations located in the vicinity of Roanoke
Island. Many members of lifesaving crews lived on
Roanoke Island at different times during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It has
been documented that the entire Pea Island Crew
lived on Roanoke Island for decades. It should also
be kept in mind that during the era the majority of
the individuals living in the Outer Banks lived on the
west side of Roanoke Island, because it provided the
greatest amount of protection from the elements.
Rather than parse who lived where and when, for
the purpose of this study, the activities of the various
lifesaving stations adjacent to Roanoke Island will
be covered in varying degrees of detail. Drawing
firm conclusions from data is made more difficult
because most families were interrelated. The
preponderance of names such as Etheridge,
Midgett, Pugh, Dough, and Tillet indicates the
difficulties. Additionally, the records of the
Lifesaving Stations are often the only records of life
on Roanoke Island and the Outer Banks that have
withstood the ravages of time. However, this study

139. Noble, That Others Might Live, 51.
140. Ibid., 166, 168-69.
141. Ibid., 169-170. :

142. Pea Island Lifesaving Correspondence, 1880-1883, Uncataloged Pea Island LSS Correspondence (Incl. Forms and Circulars)
Box 1 of 2, J.W. Etheridge to Richard Etheridge, Dated: November 29, 1880, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo,

North Carolina.

National Park Service 31


YT ILL IVILriIyrIistirvistrivirriririrriyiryirirty

decried the distance between the lifesaving stations
because this compromised the safety of those who
used the waterways. Sherman specifically
requested, among other things, that the number of
lifesaving stations on the North Carolina coast be
increased, their crews enlarged from six to eight,
and that the stations be manned from September 1
until May 1 of each season."7

President Rutherford B. Hayes signed legislation on
June 18, 1878, making the Lifesaving Service a :
separate agency within the Treasury Department
and providing Kimball with an increased measure of
autonomy to take steps necessary for improvements
in the service."® Some of the more immediate
improvements made by Kimball were the creation
of a dual chain of command, the formalization of
regulations governing professional conduct, adding
a seventh man to the crew, the establishment of 37
new stations, and lengthening the working season
for surfmen, as they were known, from September 1
until May 1."9 North Carolina was extremely
fortunate when it came to the establishment of new
stations. Out of the 37 new stations authorized, 13
were located on the shores of North Carolina.

The 6" District Superintendent, Julius J. Guthrie,
was clearly unhappy with conditions at the Nags
Head Lifesaving Station and made it apparent in a
letter he wrote to the keeper, Benjamin Franklin
Meekins, on February 3, 1876. He reminded him
that it was his duty to preserve life and property on
the coast around his station. Guthrie instructed the
individual to establish “a more definite and uniform
system than I found practiced on my last visit.”
Guthrie then provided Meekins detailed
instructions on what he expected. He wanted the
patrols recorded, and specified how they were to be
conducted. Patrolling surfmen were to meet and
acknowledge each other in order to prove they
made and completed their appointed rounds.'?°

Improvements were made throughout the
Lifesaving Service system in North Carolina.
During the 1877- 1878 season, the War Department
constructed a telegraph line that spanned from
Cape Henry to Cape Hatteras. There was also a
telephone line established connecting Cape Henry
and Kitty Hawk. Lifeboat construction became
standardized. One of the most important and long-
lasting changes was the adoption of the Lyle gun
developed by Lt. David A. Lyle. In essence, this was
a mortar capable of firing a projectile several
hundred yards to the rigging of a vessel in danger.
Then, a breeches buoy could be connected and
those.individuals on the vessel could make their way
to land.'*" This was done when it was deemed too
dangerous to attempt a rescue in a lifeboat.

Although the Lyle gun and the breeches buoy, along
with the McClellan wagon and the lifeboat in which
the surfmen rode out to save lives of shipwreck
victims, there is one other item that needs mention.
The Coston maritime signal flare, also known as the
Coston light, was an invaluable tool in locating and
assisting vessels in distress. Martha Coston
developed this flare based on a pattern designed by
her late husband. She also developed a system of
colors that stood for specific meanings that made
both ship- to- ship and ship- to- shore
communication possible. She sold her invention to
the United States Navy prior to the Civil War and it
was later adapted by such nations as France, Italy,
and the Netherlands.

The U.S. Army and Navy developed a pistol to fire
these flares. Later, surfmen would carry these
“Coston lights” on their person while making their
appointed rounds. Upon locating a ship in distress
they would fire the flare, thereby notifying the rest
of the crew to prepare for a rescue mission. The
Coston light remained part of the equipment of
surfmen well into the twentieth century.'2?

117. 45" Congress, 2" Session, Executive Document No. 31, Dated: February 18, 1878.

118. Ibid., 26-32.

119. Robert F. Bennett, Sand Pounders: An Interpretation of the History of the U.S. Life-Saving Service, Based on Its Annual
Reports for the Years 1870 through 1914 (Washington, D.C.:'U.S. Coast Guard, 1998), 7.

120. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard. Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 1,
Guthrie to Meekins, Dated: February 3, 1876, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

12

and be hauled back to the safety of land.
12:

N

(2001).

A breeches buoy derived its name because it resembled a pair of breeches. An individual would put his legs into them

Denise E. Pilato, “Martha Coston: A Woman, a War, and a Signal to the World,” International Journal of Naval History

National Park Service 27


determined the cost of each item. However,
uniforms were to be procured at individual
expense.'©4 The uniforms were an additional effort
to instill a sense of pride in the service.

It was minor calamities, rather than major
shipwrecks, like the Huron or the Metropolis, that
occupied the majority of the Life Saving Service’s
time. On October 24, 1889, the schooner Lizzie B.
Haynes was drifting toward the beach in Oregon
Inlet. Keeper S.I. Poyner of the Oregon Inlet Station
telephoned Keeper Etheridge of Pea Island in order
to launch a coordinated rescue attempt. The Lyle °
gun was fired into the rigging but the ship’s masts
were carried away, ig three of the crew. An
attempt to recover the dead crewmen’s bodies took
several hours, but was to no avail. Further attempts
the next day also met with negative results. In all,
five lives were lost in this tragedy.!65

In December 1889, Richard Etheridge received a
communication from the Uniforming and Control

- Department of Wanamaker and Brinn of
Philadelphia. Etheridge was informed that the
company had shipped some uniforms but without
the “knitted Guernsey’s,” as they had none available
in stock. However, Wanamaker informed Etheridge
that he could wait and sign for the entire order once
it was complete.' One wonders whether the other
Lifesaving Stations encountered this problem or if it
was restricted to the personnel serving on Pea
Island.

The argument that the Pea Island Station had
exceptional discipline is given credence by an entry
made on the first day of the season at the Oregon.
Inlet Station. Surfman J.M. Wise was not being
taken back as a result of his disciplinary problems.
These included “willful neglect of duty” as well as
intoxication and indecent acts with alady. Wise was

apparently awaiting some judicial charges as a result
of his actions."°7

Even experienced sailors ran afoul of the
treacherous waters off the Outer Banks. One could
never let down one’s guard and take anything for
granted among the shifting sandbars. On the
evening of March 14, 1891, the U.S. Mail Boat was
traveling from Chicamicomico to Manteo when it
became stuck on a sandbar about two and- a- half
miles from Oregon Inlet. Two surfmen from Pea
Island went to the boat’s assistance and rescued the
captain anda small boy. They also had the presence
of mind to take the mailbag with them to Roanoke
Island. The surfmen then returned to the mail boat
and floated her off the sand.'®* All ina day’s work of
an Outer Banks surfman.

Discipline problems continued to plague the New
Inlet Lifesaving Station. Keeper L.S. Payne
discharged Surfman C.G. Daniels. Daniels
previously had caused disturbances and had not
properly performed his patrolling duties. Payne
informed Daniels that he was being discharged and
that E.R. Burgess was being hired as his
replacement.'© It appears that the Pea Island crew
had higher turn- over among its personnel than any
other LSS in the area.

On June ny, 1891, the body of a “colored” boy,
identified as Herman Maleas, washed ashore in the
vicinity of Oregon Inlet. The assistance of Pea
Island was requested, perhaps because it hada black
crew. As typical with bodies that washed ashore,
Maleas was buried “in the best place could be
found.”'7°

In 1890, the North Carolina Business Directory
published some interesting details concerning Dare
County and Roanoke Island. The 270- square- mile

164. 1889 Department No. 80 Dated: August 5, 1889, Circulars, Life Saving Service from the Treasury Department, 1883-1896,
Pea Island Box 1 of 2, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo, North Carolina.

165. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Oregon Inlet, Box 3, Dated: October 24-35 1889,
National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

166. Pea Island LSS Correspondence, 1887-1890, C.E. Corey to Richard Etheridge, Dated: December 28, 1889, Box 1 of 2, Fort
Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo, N.C.

167. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Records, Oregon Inlet, Box 4,
Dated: May 1, 1890, National Archives and Records Administration , Atlanta, GA.

168. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Oregon Inlet, Box
4, Dated: March 15, 1891, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta Georgia

169, Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, New Inlet, Box 4,
Dated: April 1, 1891, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

170. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Service Logbooks, Oregon Inlet, Box 4,
Dated: June 11, 1981, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

36 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


commenced to reconnoiter and explore their
surroundings. The Roanoke voyages constituted
the first serious attempt by the English to explore
and settle the mainland of North America. While
Barlowe and his men were exploring the
surrounding area, a silver cup was stolen and the
Indians were blamed. Amadas and Barlowe
demanded the return of the cup, and when it was
not forthcoming, had their men burn the Indians’
corn and homes in the village of Aquascogoc.'° This
was the beginning of a pattern that would affect
relations with the Native Americans and would
result in tragic consequences for later colonists.

Upon returning to England, Amadas and Barlowe
proceeded to describe, in radiant detail, the great
bounty of the new land. Although they failed to
discover gold, other riches, or the fabled Northwest
Passage, they reported that there were numerous
vines filled with grapes, plenty of lumber, and vast
quantities of fish in the waters surrounding the
island. However, Amadas and Barlowe failed to take
into account that their visit was made in summer
when game and flora were plentiful. They failed to
make adequate allowances for the winter months
when this would not be the case. They noted how
friendly the natives were. This misleading report,
which ignored the consequences of burning the
Indian village, would adversely affect later voyages.
They also brought two natives with them, Manteo
and Wanchese, after whom were named the two
major towns on Roanoke Island." The attempts of
these early chroniclers to make Roanoke appear to
be a veritable paradise ended up backfiring.
Colonists who returned to the mother country
related stories of deprivation that surely must have
discouraged many future colonists. Later, those
seeking to encourage colonization would realize
that a realistic and accurate portrayal of the
conditions facing colonists was a far better course of
action.

Buttressed by the overly positive reports provided
by Captains Amadas and Barlowe, Raleigh dis-
patched the men that would comprise the first Eng-
lish colony in the New World. A group of 108 men
set sail on April 9, 1585, from Plymouth destined to

become the first English colonists in America. Most
of these individuals were veterans of numerous
European wars and could be counted upon to def-
end the colony against any depredations of either
the Spanish or natives. The little fleet consisted of
seven vessels commanded by Sir Richard Grenville.
Among those who set sail were two individuals who
would provide a detailed visual and written record
of what they observed when they reached the newly
discovered land: the scientist Thomas Hariot and
the artist John White. Also aboard was Ralph Lane,
who was to be the colony’s lieutenant governor, and
Philip Amadas, now an admiral.’

Despite the glowing reports concerning the flora
and fauna of Roanoke Island, the Chesapeake Bay
region was far better suited for colonization.
However, the Spanish had already explored the
Chesapeake area and this augured against its
selection as a site for the colony. One of the
principal reasons that the English wished to
establish a colony in America was to have a base
from which privateers could operate. English ships
had been attacking treasure- laden Spanish galleons
for years as they returned from the New World. The
proximity of Roanoke Island to the West Indies and
Spanish sailing routes made it an ideal location from
which to prey upon unsuspecting Spanish treasure
ships, although it was not realized, at that time, that
the surrounding waters were too shallow to allow
larger vessels into the sounds. The Outer Banks also
provided both cover and camouflage for the English
activities on Roanoke Island."3

A secondary reason for colonization was to discover
what Richard Hakluyt identified in his Discourse
Concerning Western Planting, written in 1584, as
“merchantable commodities.” These were natural
items that were abundant in the New World and
marketable in Europe. Over time, fish, timber, furs,
and other items would constitute the basic
commodities for export back to Europe. These
items were relatively scarce in Europe and were in
enough demand to make them profitable.'4

Lane’s group arrived at the Outer Banks on June 26,
1585. Although the English vessels were quite small

10. Ibid., 70.

11. William S. Powell, Paradise Preserved (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), 3-5.

12. Ibid., 5.

13. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Savage, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1984), 13, 15. See also

Quinn Set Fair for Roanoke: 53.

14. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill & Wang), 20.

4 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


the early settlers. Eden was honored to pay homage
to the celebration3°4 No mention was made of
either the Revolutionary War or the War of 1812.

A humorous observation was made on the success
of The Lost Colony the following year in The New
York Times. The primary occupations before the
coming of the anniversary celebration had either
been fishing or serving with one of the numerous
lighthouses or lifesaving stations located in the
region. However, the influx of tourists had created a
problem of sorts. There was a shortage of bathtubs.
Two individuals, Bud Quidley and Homer Austin,
had become the installers of bathtubs, although the
article stated that neither of them had ever used one
for “conventional use.” Bud Quidley did not
understand that there were only so many homes
that could be outfitted with such a modern
convenience. Interestingly, his father, who was a
fisherman, resisted any attempt by Bud to introduce
a bathtub into his own home, presenting him with
one less opportunity to demonstrate his skills at his
newly acquired profession and earn some additional
income3°>

In retrospect, the Great Depression was more
beneficial to the development of Roanoke Island
than harmful. Four agencies became very involved
in the overall development of both the island and
Paul Green’s The Lost Colony play during the 1930s.
These were the National Park Service, the U. S. Fish
and Wildlife Service, the Civilian Conservation
Corps, and the Works Progress Administration.
These four agencies pumped untold millions of
dollars into the local economy during the 1930s and
1940s. The only two agencies still in existence, the
National Park Service and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service, still provide jobs to inhabitants of the
island.

The Civilian Conservation Corps was not the
original name of this large group of mainly young
men from across the nation who engaged in labor-
intensive work throughout the nation. It was
initially called Emergency Conservation Work.
Although Franklin D. Roosevelt received credit for

being the architect of the program, the basic concept
dates back to 1912 when Harvard philosopher
William James published “The Moral Equivalent of
War,” calling for youth conscription to work the
land. Roosevelt later claimed never to have read the
essay but thought the idea was “interesting”3> The
majority of historians concur that the CCC became
one of FDR’s most favorite projects.

Aside from declaring a “Bank Holiday” immediately
after his inauguration in order to stabilize a faltering
banking system, Roosevelt faced the daunting task
of getting the nation back on it economic feet by
devising other immediate steps necessary to aid the
nation’s recovery. He met with the Secretaries of
War, Interior, Agriculture, and Labor on March 15,
1933, and presented them an outline of his proposed
agency for America’s youth3®7 Congress atypically
rushed through the approval process, making only
three amendments to the initial proposal. One was
that applicants would not be discriminated against
by virtue of race, color, or creed. In practice, it was
difficult to enforce, especially since the director,
Robert Fechner, was a Southerner and was loathe to
interfere with the status quo in that region of the
country. On March 31, 1933, FDR signed legislation
creating the new agency. Congress actually
provided Roosevelt with greater latitude than he
requested to make the program a success. The case
has been made that the reason the CCC made it
through the legislative process so rapidly was that
there were more important events taking place
nationally and internationally upon which the
public’s attention was focused3°8 Japan’s actions in
the Far East and Hitler’s rise in Germany, along with
Fascist Italy in Europe, were the primary culprits.

Upon assuming the office of the president, FDR
faced innumerable problems, including what to do
with the vast numbers of unemployed American
youths in both urban and rural environments.
Roosevelt was multi- faceted and he was particularly
astute in solving two problems with a single
solution. America’s youth and land were both being
wasted3°? There was a vast amount of work that
America needed accomplished both in its

304, New York Times, August 19, 1937.
305. New York Times, July 10, 1938.

306. John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study (Durham, N.C.: Duke University

Press, 1967), 4-5. -
307. Ibid., 11.
308. Ibid., 24-25.
309. Ibid., 4.

64 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

©9OOOHOOHO1DOHHOHEHHOOHHOOHOHHOHHCOHHOHSHOOOO


The mosquitoes must have been especially
bothersome. Cleveland Abbe was making
preparations for a visit to Roanoke Island and
informed Fessenden of what he intended to bring
with him. He mentioned various foodstuffs and that
he was bringing “a generous supply of quinine.”
Malaria was a disease endemic to the region and
Abbe was taking the proper precautions to protect
himself and his family. Abbe also was going to
transport “that other thing which goes so nicely
with mint”—an obvious reference to alcoholic
beverages which apparently both he and Fessenden
at least occasionally enjoyed imbibing in.?°9

The actual facility where Fessenden conducted his
experiments was located on the western portion of
the island known as Weir’s Point, where the present
US. Highway 64 intersects with the bridge
connecting the mainland. Today, the greater portion
of that site is under water. It was leased from
Charles P. Meekins for $50 for a period of 15 months,
with the government having an option, upon its
expiration, to renew the lease at original terms.?!°
Early each morning, Fessenden would depart the
hotel with some sandwiches for lunch, make the
four- mile trek by foot or carriage, and return that
evening. He then would spend several hours during
the evening catching up on his correspondence.
Fessenden more than earned the $3,000 per year
that the Weather Bureau paid for his services, which
was a tidy sum of money for the time. However,
financial remuneration was not the only criteria for
job satisfaction. Unfortunately, over time, irritants
and issues continued to arise and this began to
adversely affect Fessenden and his attitude toward
the Weather Bureau and especially its Chief, Willis
Moore.

There was at least one inhabitant other than the
owner of the Hotel Roanoke who benefited from
the largesse of Fessenden and his associates.
Fessenden was able to contract for a carriage to

transport himself, Mr. Thiessen, and Mr. Hesse to
work each morning and to pick them up at the end
of their workday. This would cost $1.50 a day."
Considering the depressed economic state of the
island at this time, whoever obtained this
employment must have considered it a godsend.

The New York Times first took notice of what-was
transpiring on Roanoke Island on March 13, 1901. In
asmall article, The Times reported that the Secretary
of Agriculture James Wilson was involved in
wireless telegraphy being conducted under the
supervision of Willis L. Moore, the Chief of the
Weather Bureau. The article briefly described the
project but made no mention of Fessenden.”

Washington monitored the progress made by
Fessenden while he worked at Manteo on Roanoke
Island. Moore sent C.F. Marvin, Professor in
Charge of the Instrument Division, to personally
report on Fessenden’s activities. Marvin was
impressed by the progress being made by Fessenden
but commented that employing a professional
instrument maker to fabricate components would
undoubtedly result in much better transmission and
reception quality of the radio signals. However,
Marvin was unable to recommend any individual
who might possess the ability to perform such
technically exacting work. Marvin praised
Fessenden for the purely scientific aspects of his
work. He understood the complexity and the
challenging nature of this largely uncharted field of
science. Marvin also stated that Fessenden’s
approach of using careful investigation was superior
to that of others working in the field.?3 This was an
obvious jab at Marconi who was making spectacular
newspaper headlines but little actual progress in
wireless communications. Marconi used
improvisation and expediency and not scientific
analysis to arrive at his conclusions. When
something worked, Marconi really did not

209. North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina, Manuscript Division, Fessenden Material Prior to 1905, MARS.

167.1, Abbe to Fessenden, Dated: May 18, 1900.

210. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received R.A.
Fessenden, 1901-1903, Weather Bureau and Individuals, Box 3, Entry 51, Fessenden to Moore, Dated: January 23, 1901.

NARA, College Park, MD.

211. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received R.A.
Fessenden, 1901-1903, Weather Bureau and Other Individuals, Box 3, Entry 51, Fessenden to Moore, Dated: January 29,

1901. NARA, College Park, MD.
212. New York Times, March 13, 1901.

213. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Special File on Fessenden, Box 1418, Entry 47, Marvin to Moore, Dated: October 11, 1901. NARA,

College Park, MD.

46 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


Reginald Aubrey Fessenden was born in 1866 in East
Bolton, Canada, near the Vermont border.
Fessenden was an excellent student but left college
in 1884, just a few credits shy of degree completion.
After a short tenure as a headmaster of a school in
Bermuda, he sought employment in New York City
with Thomas Edison. Over time, he developed a
close and intimate relationship with the “Wizard of
Menlo Park.” Edison took a liking to the young
man, referring to him as “Fezzy.” In 1890, Fessenden
began the groundwork for wireless
communications—five years before the Italian
Gugliemo Marconi riveted the world’s attention
with his own contributions to wireless
communications.!98

In 1892, Fessenden received an appointment to a
professorship in electrical engineering at Purdue
University in Indiana. Two years later, in 1894,
Fessenden moved to Pittsburgh to become
Chairman of the Electrical Engineering Department
at the Western University of Pennsylvania (now
known as the University of Pittsburgh). He
remained in that position until 1900.'9 At this time,
Fessenden commenced his affiliation with the U:
Department of Agriculture’s Weather Bureau. This
would eventually prove to be a major crossroads in
his mercurial career. Later, he would regret having
left Pittsburgh prior to completing his experiments.

The Weather Bureau became interested in
Fessenden in late 1899. The Bureau Chief, Willis
Moore, instructed Professor Cleveland Abbe to
determine the feasibility of Fessenden’s work.?°°
The Bureau’s existing extensive network of weather
stations would provide an excellent platform to
support Fessenden’s experiments. The Weather
Bureau, in return, expected to make use of
Fessenden’s work without charge should his
concepts prove viable. In January 1900, Moore

contacted Fessenden and proposed that Fessenden
work for the Weather Bureau. Moore stipulated that
Fessenden would have complete freedom to
conduct his experiments without interference from
the Weather Bureau. The Weather Bureau would
not only provide Fessenden with a staff but also
funds and supplies necessary to conduct his
experiments.*”' On the surface, it appeared to be a
very generous offer. However, the Bureau’s interest
was not philanthropic. Should Fessenden succeed,
the Weather Bureau would be able to provide the
nation with timely weather forecasts that would not
be dependent upon wires that could be interrupted
by storms, shifting sands, and other adverse
conditions. Moore and the Weather Bureau would
receive much positive publicity, increased stature,
and undoubtedly an increase in Federal funding for
its annual budget.

It is interesting to note that Moore had misgivings
about obtaining any “pecuniary interest” in
Fessenden’s experiments by July 1900. Moore made
this perfectly clear in correspondence with
Fessenden. It is obvious why Fessenden believed
that later, Moore was trying to dupe him by claiming
a half interest in his patents.7°? From the
perspective of this writer, Fessenden appears to
have had a legitimate grievance against Moore.

There also seems to have been a bit of pressure on
Moore from the Secretary of Agriculture, his
immediate superior. Secretary James Wilson was
aware that the Marconi system was at that time not
capable of achieving the range required by the
Weather Bureau. Should Fessenden’s system prove
viable, there would be tremendous commercial
advantages. Ships at sea could avoid storms, and
millions of dollars, along with untold lives, could be
saved. Wilson reasoned that the Weather Service
expended vast sums of money yearly for telegraph

197. Hugh G. J. Aitken, The Continuous Wave: Technology and American Radio, 1900-1932 (Princeton: Princeton University

Press, 1985), 40.
19%

&

Society, 1999), 110-11

. Frederick Seitz, The Cosmic Inventor: Reginald Aubrey Fessenden (1866-1932) (Philadelphia: American Philosophical

199. Michael Lewis Everette, “Reginald Aubrey Fessenden: American Communications Pioneer,” unpublished M.A. Thesis,

University of North Carolina at Raleigh, 1972, 6.

200. Abbe was the Bureau's Editor of Review. He was also a celebrated astronomer and known as the “Father of the Weather

Bureau.”

201. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Box 1417, Entry 47, Moore to Abbe, Dated: December 19, 1899. NARA, College, Park, MD.

202. North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina, Manuscript Collection, Fessenden Material Prior to 1905, MARS.
167.1, Moore to Fessenden, Dated: July 30, 1900. Moore apparently also informed Fessenden that he had to pay for his
own patents since the Weather Bureau could not legally pay for them, and as a result, they were to be his property. See
Everette, Reginald Aubrey Fessenden, 16. Unfortunately, this missive is not to be found in any Fessenden Papers

44 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


of North Carolina was “not giving or seeking to give
the negro [sic] in the public schools more than
instruction in the mere rudiments of learning.” It
further stated that “the opponents of negro [sic]
education contend that the sort of education that
the negro [sic] has been receiving in the public
schools has put false notions into his head, has
turned him away from work...” 734 While plainly
addressing the problem, the author seemed to
excuse the situation. Later, the report noted that “it
is my conviction, also that the best training and
education for the masses of negroes [sic] in the
South {italics added] is agricultural.’*35 There was
also concern that the best blacks would leave the
state and complicate the labor problem and leave
behind “only the indolent, worthless, and criminal
part of the negro [sic] population”?3° These racial
attitudes obviously permeated the state and also
Dare County and Roanoke Island, regardless of how
good many felt the state of race relations might have
been at that time.

Although modern technical advances made sailing
in the Outer Banks a much safer proposition in the
early twentieth century, it still could be fraught with
danger for the either unwary or unlucky mariner.
On January 20, 1915, the schooner George H. Reed
was lost in a storm in the vicinity of Pea Island
despite efforts of the U.S. Lifesaving Service to save
the vessel. On January 25, 1915, less than a week
later, the schooner’s former master, H.M. Bell, filed
papers in the county court in Manteo claiming that
the loss was due to nature and not because the ship
was poorly maintained or constructed. Bell also
stated that the George H. Reed met all the
requirements for safe operation at sea.737

All things must come to an end, and this was the
case of the U.S. Lifesaving Service. The Secretary of
Commerce and Labor, Charles Nagel, believed that
it would be a good idea to combine the Lifesaving
Service, Revenue Service, and Lighthouse Service.
Although the Secretary of the Treasury, Franklin
MacVeagh, initially opposed the concept, he later

went along with it. On January 20, 1915, the House
of Representatives voted 212 to 79 to create the U.S.
Coast Guard.?38

Even after the U.S. Lifesaving Service ceased to
exist, its successor, the U.S. Coast Guard had many
traits of its predecessor. In 1915, the Captain
Commandant, Ellsworth P. Bertholf, had a circular
distributed throughout the command. In it he
stated that for many years, the Blue Anchor Society
had furnished the numerous stations of the Coast
Guard with clothing and other supplies necessary to
alleviate the suffering of shipwrecked mariners.
When these supplies were distributed, he reminded
keepers that they needed to requisition more. They
were further reminded to keep sufficient quantities
on hand and protect them from any damage.739

By 1916, Dare County had a significant drop in its
population, based on the 1910 census. There were
only 4,841 individuals living in the county, although
the population was listed as 7,550 in the North
Carolina Yearbook in 1909. This could be the result
of faulty recording, or possibly the decline in fishing
was having a calamitous effect on the county.
However, Manteo’s population increased to
approximately 1,600 and the town’s real estate was
valued at $79,280.

On April 19, 1917, the United States was on the verge
of entering World War I (WWI). An indication of
how the times were becoming unsettled was a
phone message sent by the district superintendent
to the stations on the North Carolina Coast. Any
individual who was not an American citizen and
who was born in Austria was to be discharged
immediately from the U.S. Coast Guard.
Additionally, any serviceman who was a naturalized
citizen but whose parents lived in Austria was to be
discharged. Paragraph 1F, Article 132, was to be cited
and annotated on the discharge certificate: “Not
recommended for reenlistment.”*4° Mass hysteria
was about to sweep the nation.

234. Ibid., 57.
235. Ibid., 60.
236. Ibid., 61.

237. Protest of H.M Bell, Master, for the Total Loss of the Three Mast Schooner George H. Reed, Near Pea Island Life-Saving
Station, North Carolina, January 20, 1915, C.R. 031,928.2, Shipping and Fishing Records, North Carolina State Archives,

Raleigh, North Carolina.
238. Noble, That Others Might Live, 151-53.

239. Treasury Department, U.S. Coast Guard Headquarters Circular Letter No. 6, Dated: March 6, 1915 in New York Auxiliary
Women’s National Relief Association, Women’s National Relief Association, Blue Anchor Society Correspondence, Pea
Island LSS Correspondence 1887-1899, 1915, Box 1 of 2, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo, N.C.

50 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940



send one to his friend’s wife in Washington stating
“Daddy will see baby to- morrow [sic] morning.
Love and Kisses, Frank.” The young lady must have
thought that Frank was philandering, totally
unaware of the reason that Mr. Stick had sent both
messages to two different locations and to two
different women!?5°

One way of obtaining hard currency in the 1920s
was by raising ponies. At that time ponies and other
animals ran free after being branded. Only when it
was realized the damage these animals did to grasses
and shrubs was the practice discontinued. They
were hardy animals and generally able to care for
themselves. When they were rounded up to be
saddle broken, they had to be taught to eat corn.
This was generally accomplished by stabling a pony
with another used to having corn in its diet.
Unfortunately for many Bankers, the increased use
of the automobile reduced the demand for ponies.
Whereas they used to sell for $100, they were now
going for between $40- $50. Inhabitants of Roanoke
Island claimed that if the ponies were not penned
after they first arrived, then they would attempt to
swim the six- odd miles back to their original
homes.759

By 1926, celebrating the birth of Virginia Dare at
Fort Raleigh was already a major event. There were
6,000 visitors projected to arrive on Roanoke Island
on August 18. A number of steamers from Elizabeth
City, Currituck, and even Norfolk were scheduled to
carry the anticipated assemblage of humanity that
far exceeded the population of the island. The
Coast Guard provided several vessels for the
occasion. Also expected to attend were such
notables as Congressman Lindsay C. Warren, R-
Adm. Robert E. Coontz of the United States Navy,
along with former Secretary of the Navy Josephus
Daniels.?6°

The keynote speaker for the occasion was Sir Esme
Howard, the British Ambassador to the United
States. In his remarks, Howard stressed the
commonality of the United States and Great Britain.
He was careful to state that he was not proud of all

the things the British did to build their empire, but
that “the establishment of civilized life as a
substitute for uncivilized life was justified.”26"

An indication of the racial attitudes of the era was
expressed in an article concerning a Coast Guard
demonstration being provided by the members of
the Coast Guard Station located on Pea Island. It
stated that Pea Island was the “only Negro Coast
Guard station in the world” and that “its crew has.
often been sought out for negro celebrations.”
Commander Price of the Seventh District stated, “I
am right proud of these boys.” Price went on to
state how good this crew was and that it was “a
model of order and cleanliness.”

Another article in the same vein was printed in The
Independent a little over a month later. The article
was about how the crab industry in Manteo had
been shut down by “colored Baptists” who were
attending their annual religious revival. It stated that
although most of the crabs were caught by “white
men,” black women were the primary workers in
Manteo’s two crab factories and in a smaller third
one at Wanchese. The article states how picking the
crabmeat was done by “skilled” labor and that their
presence at this revival was having an adverse effect
upon the industry.2%

In 1927, some conservation efforts continued in the
region. The US. Biological Survey wanted to have
additional restrictions placed upon the killing of
migratory birds. A shorter season was proposed,
and attempts were made to limit the number of wild
ducks and geese that could be bagged.
Congressman Lindsay C. Warren was going to take
part in the discussions that were expected to prove
rancorous, as many sportsmen’s groups had made
plans to travel to Washington to protest the
proposed changes.764 Regardless, Congress
eventually did pass a Migratory Bird Act in the 1920s
which placed severe limits on this activity.

On November 16, 1927, Surfman W.M. Simmons
accidentally shot himself in the foot while on liberty.
Surfmen Gray and Mackey took him to Dr. W.H.

258. Elizabeth City Independent, April 16, 1927.
259. New York Times, September 5, 1926.

260. Elizabeth City Independent, August 13, 1926.
261. New York Times, August 19, .1926.

262. Elizabeth City Independent, July 22, 1927.
263. Elizabeth City Independent, August 26, 1927.
264, Elizabeth City Independent, January 14, 1927.

54 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


ruins of the old fort. The New York Times cited the
location as “one of the most historic spots in the
United States.” The article went on to say that the
original fort had been “carefully surveyed” and “laid
off by skilled engineers.”8° This was a rather
startling statement, as the early records made no
mention of any engineers among the colonists.

As sturdy as the patrol clocks were that monitored
the coming and going of the surfmen, there were
occasional malfunctions. On October 2, 1894,
Surfman E.L. Gray reported to the keeper at New
Inlet Station that the clock was not operating
correctly. As soon as there was enough light, Keeper
Westcott went to ascertain the situation. He opened
the clock and removed the sand that had built up
inside which caused the mechanism to cease
working. When he placed the clock back together, it
began to work in the proper manner.'®7

The next month Keeper Westcott noted in his
logbook a situation that had developed at New Inlet.
The entry demonstrated the “peculiar” nature of
some Bankers. It seemed that Joseph and S.P.
Midgett had placed a “no trespassing” sign on the
land surrounding the Lifesaving Service Station,
probably in an attempt to obtain money for the
surfmen. Westcott informed these individuals that
this was government property and they should
cease and desist their actions. They in turn told
Westcott that they would not.'88

Even in the late- nineteenth century, the waters
surrounding Roanoke Island could be hazardous to
sailors despite the relative shelter provided by the
Outer Banks. In February 1895, a steamer out of
Baltimore was caught in a storm and sank. The
passengers and crew took to the lifeboats and made
it to Roanoke Island. The Times speculated that the
Secretary of the Navy would be requested to
provide a revenue cutter to succor those stranded
individuals to return them to Baltimore.'®9

At the dawn of the twentieth century, “Jim Crow”
laws were still the norm throughout the South. This
puts the following in perspective. In an editorial on
May 21, 1897, The Economist bemoaned that Dare
County officials had the audacity to postpone an
educational celebration for white children to make
way for a “negro minstrel show.” The editorial went
on to question how this remnant of Republican
repression could take place at this time. It also
questioned the judgment of the officials who
allowed such a travesty to occur. Clearly, the black
individuals in Dare County were relegated to the
status of second- class citizens.

In 1899, Manteo became the county seat of Dare
County when the North Carolina General Assembly
ratified its charter on February 16. However,
according to Manteo’s historian, April Khoury,
Manteo was chosen as a matter of expediency
rather than because it was a population center or
had any political influence. Manteo was basically
the geographical center of the Outer Banks along
with the important consideration of having the fine
harbor of Shallowbag Bay.'9°

An era came to an end on May 8, 1900. Keeper
Richard Etheridge of Pea Island passed away. His
demise was recorded rather succinctly in the Pea
Island Logbook with the notation, “Keeper Richard
Etheridge dide [sic] at this station at 20 minutes to 7
A.M. today.” He obviously had been sick for some
time because surfman B,J. Bowser had been signing
the log as acting keeper since January.'"

After the death of Keeper Richard Etheridge,
Benjamin J. Bowser, his number one surfman for
fourteen years, moved into the keeper’s position.
On June 27, 1900, Theo Meekins, Clerk of the Dare
County Superior Court, administered Bowser the
oath of office. Unfortunately, Bowser would not
hold the position he undoubtedly desired in his
heart so very long. In a little over two months after
assuming the duties of keeper, he died of illness. As
with his predecessor, his demise was duly and

186. New York Times, November 13, 1895.

187. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S} Coast Guard, Norfolk District N.V., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, New Inlet, Box 4,

Dated: October 2, 1894, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

188. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, New Inlet, Box 4,

Dated: November 19, 1894, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
189. New York Times, February 16, 1895.

190. Angel Ellis Khoury, Manteo: A Roanoke Island Town (Virginia Beach, VA: Donning Publishers, 1999), 21-22.
191. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Box 7, Pea Island,
Dated: May 8, 1900, National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Atlanta, GA.

42 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


with great approbation by.abolitionists throughout
the Union.49

Both the Union Navy and the forces of the
Confederacy realized that the Outer Banks and
Roanoke Island were not only the key to any initial _
penetration of the Southern defenses in North
Carolina but also the back door to the strategic naval
base at Norfolk, Virginia5° Additionally, Roanoke
was at the epicenter of the Pamlico.and Albemarle
Sounds and a key to the inland waterway traffic.
Initially, the Confederacy was able to have a number
of its warships, blockade- runners, and privateers
sally forth from the Outer Banks area. Vitally
needed goods flowed into the Confederacy through
the porous North Carolina coastline. Confederate
forces also managed to capture several Union prizes
before the superior strength of the Union Navy was
brought to bear. Consequently, the Confederacy
massed men and equipment to defend the Outer
Banks and Roanoke Island while Union forces
concentrated for their first major naval offensive of:
the war.

North Carolina Gov. John W. Ellis and his successor,
Henry T. Clark, renovated and established a number
of coastal fortifications, including some on Roanoke
Island, and increased the Confederate military
presence in the area. On Roanoke Island itself there
were three turf and sand forts: Forts Huger,
Blanchard, and Bartow, mounting a total of 25
guns.' However, Confederate Gen. Henry A. Wise
understood that his forces were totally inadequate
for the task before them. They were ill- equipped,
poorly trained, and in insufficient numbers to repel
the anticipated Union assault. The capture of
Hatteras by Union forces in August 1861 increased
the importance of Roanoke Island to the
Confederacy.» Still, the Confederates, with their
meager resources, could only marshal a limited
amount of men and materiel for the defense of
Roanoke Island. ,

Initially, the commander of Confederate forces in
the Roanoke area was Brig. Gen. R.C. Gatlin, who

was responsible for the Department of Norfolk.
Shortly afterward, he was replaced by Brig. Gen. D.
H. Hill, from Virginia, who immediately began
reorganizing the defenses of Roanoke Island.
Initially, the Confederates positioned soldiers from
the North Carolina 17'" Regiment, who had escaped
the Hatteras debacle, on Roanoke Island, but later
added men from Virginia and Georgia to
supplement them. Hill concluded that Roanoke
Island and Fort Macon, located approximately 35
miles southeast of New Bern, were the two weakest
points in the district and that they were the key to
almost one- third of the state of North Carolina. He
had earthworks constructed across the narrow of
Roanoke Island and requested that an additional
four regiments be sent to Roanoke before Gen.
Joseph E. Johnston recalled him to Virginia. Only
one additional regiment was sent to Roanoke Island,
the North Carolina 8" Regiment, which was under
the command of Col. Henry M. Shaw who, himself,
was a transplanted New Englander.3

While many individuals throughout North Carolina
actively supported the Confederate cause, this was
not necessarily the case in the Outer Banks,
especially on Roanoke Island. The people of
Roanoke Island were described as “rather
indifferent” concerning the war.54 They wished to
be merely left alone, even though some owned a
considerable number of slaves. This may, to some
degree, explain the written accounts of how they
treated the invading Union soldiers in 1862.

The Union forces first had to secure a base on the
Outer Banks prior to commencing their assault
upon Roanoke Island. Hatteras was one of North
Carolina’s busiest seaports; it conducted more trade
than Beaufort, and was almost equal to Wilmington
in 1861.55 This, combined with the Confederate
privateers operating out of the area, made Hatteras
an important objective that the forces of the Union
needed to either neutralize or control. On August
28- 29, 1861, Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler attacked
Forts Clark and Hatteras in the first major
amphibious assault ever launched by the U.S.

49. Ibid., 172.

50. J. Thomas Scharf, History of the Confederate States Navy (New York: Rogers & Sherwood, 1887), 370.
51. John G. Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), 73.
52. Patricia C. Click, Time Full of Trial: The Roanoke Island Freedmen’s Colony, 1862-1867 (Chapel Hill: The University of North

Carolina Press, 2000), 20-21.
53. Mallison, The Civil War on the Outer Banks, 51.

54. Kenneth E. Burke, The History of Portsmouth, North Carolina, Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Richmond, 1974, 63.

55. John Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina, 33

14 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

OOO OOOOH OSHHSOHHHHHHHHHOHHOHESHOOOOHHHOHOCHO


should in no manner be construed as a history of
the Lifesaving Service, but merely an attempt to
reconstruct life during the period.

The surviving newspaper item of local interest for
1880 was the marriage of L.C. Hassell and Amelia
Lane. They were joined in matrimony at the home
of the bride’s father. A number of people attended
the ceremony and reception that followed. The

amount of food served was copious and enjoyed by
all.143

Superintendent J.W. Etheridge of the 6” District in
Manteo put out a circular on August 31, 1880,
concerning the lights carried by surfmen. It seems
that some ships at sea were mistaking them for the
lighthouses in the area, creating a dangerous
situation. Etheridge instructed the keepers to have
the surfmen discontinue carrying lights except at
night or during stormy weather. Additionally, he
saw no use for the lights on clear or moonlit
nights.'44

In November 1882, a ship’s boat was discovered
drifting about five miles north of Oregon Inlet.
“Sitizen” Jacob O’Neal described the boat as about

24’ 9” in length and her stern plate inscribed with
“Rotterdam.” It had life tanks and its color was
white. According to O’Neal, the boat had been in
the water several days. As a native Banker, O’Neal
would have known how to describe boats. Such
discoveries appear to be common on the Outer
Banks as no further search for this vessel was
recorded in the station’s logbook.'45

In December 1882, Pea Island Lifesaving Station was
authorized the use of a horse to be kept on hand
from December 1, 1882, until April 1, 1883, using a
rental rate of $5.00 per month. The horse’s use was
dictated as “on occasions where it may be
advantageous.”4° This horse must have been a
welcome addition for the surfmen who previously
had to manhandle the McClellan wagon to the edge

of the water, an exhausting task, before a drill or
actual rescue commenced. It is interesting to note
that the authorization is dated three weeks after the
effective date.

The Lifesaving Station at Chicamicomico took part
in a rescue that was recorded in exacting detail by
Keeper L.B. Midgett. At approximately 0830 on
October 22, 1881, Substitute Surfman B.W. O” Neal
observed that the Thomas B. Lancaster had run
aground. The crew then proceeded to hitch the
horses to the cart and raced to the beach near the
wreck site. The horses were exhausted by this
effort. The crew fired the Lyle gun into the rigging
and on the fourth attempt caught the jib boom area.
They crew also launched the surfboat to reach the
passengers. Despite being warned, two crewman
jumped to reach the surfboat and were drowned.
The Chicamicomico crew was assisted by Richard
Etheridge and his crew from Pea Island. When the
surfmen reached the wreck, they managed to pull
off five individuals, including one child. Upon
reaching land, the victims were provided brandy
and wine. Unfortunately, the master and his child
died shortly afterward. Two other of his children
had been swept off the wreck in addition to the two
crewmen who attempted to reach the surfboat.'47

Apart from employment on lifesaving crews, mullet
fishing was the predominant form of employment
for Bankers from Roanoke and other parts of the
Outer Banks. The price of mullet fluctuated
between $2.75 and $3.50 a barrel. Once again, lack of
specie made an impact on the Banks. The barter
system had an unusual variant that evolved
throughout the region. Schooner captains plying
the waters between the Banks and the mainland
would load fish before departing the Banks and
trade it for corn from farmers on the mainland.
Although there were market fluctuations, a barrel of
fish generally was exchanged for five bushels of corn
and the schooner captain received one- fifth of the
corn as his commission, '48

143. Elizabeth City Economist, February 24, 1880.

144. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C. Lifesaving Station Log Books, Bodie Island , Box
2, Dated: August 31, 1880, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

145. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Oregon Inlet, Box
2, Dated: November 8, 1882, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.,

146. Pea Island Lifesaving Correspondence 1800-1883, Uncataloged Pea Island LSS Correspondence (Incl. Forms and Circulars)
Box 1 of 2, J.W. Etheridge to Richard Etheridge, Dated: December 22, 1882, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo,

North Carolina.

147. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico, Book 3,
Dated: October 22, 1881, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

148. Stick, The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 218-19.

32 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

0000603000 CSSECOHOOOSOHOOCOHOHOOOOSEHCOOLOE



COLO OLOOOOHOHOHESOOOHO HCOOH OOE OOOOH HHOOOOO

previously received national recognition for their
early colonization while Roanoke Island had all but
been ignored.?99

The Richmond Times- Dispatch ran a piece covering
Roanoke Island in June. The article provided a brief
history of the island and detailed the efforts of the
Roanoke Island Historical Association to obtain
recognition for the historical importance of Fort
Raleigh to the United States. It also reported that
Virginia’s Governor Peery was cooperating with
North Carolina to make the occasion a success and
recounted the problems that the National Park
Service had with the authenticity of the
reconstructed buildings at the Fort Raleigh site.

The announcement that FDR would attend the
festivities was the “crowning achievement” for the
efforts of all involved. The article went on to
express concerns that the “picaresque” and
“quaint” qualities of the town might be lost because
of the expected boom in tourism. Manteo
reminded one of a New England fishing village.
However, it was noted, with “tongue in cheek,” that
bathrooms in private dwellings were still considered
anovelty on Roanoke Island. Retold was a story
about a New York City woman who married a local
man who installed a bathroom in their home upon
her arrival. A relative said, “you shouldn’t spoil her
so. Ain’t the sound good enough?” Water still was
drawn from brackish wells or from rain barrels, and
many homes still used kerosene lamps for lighting.

The article concluded by describing the Fort
Raleigh site and The Lost Colony play. Although the
authenticity of the buildings was suspect, “reputable
geologists” certified the rocks that formed the
fireplace in the chapel “as being part of the ballast
carried by the first colony.” Frank Stick, former
illustrator turned Realtor, designed the chapel: It
was hoped that thousands of people would flock to
Roanoke Island that summer and observe all the
activities3°° This was a very positive piece that

undoubtedly influenced many individuals to see
first- hand what Roanoke Island was like.

Three days before the Virginia Dare birthday
celebration, the Daily Capital in Topeka, Kansas, ran
an article about Roanoke Island. Although not very
long, it covered the major facts concerning the
island’s history and the festivities in progress. It
made the observation many other papers did not
that this was a colonization project and not merely a
forward base for piracy, which was not exactly
accurate3° The article was a little too late to have
people make plans for that.year, but must have
provided “food for thought” when it came to the
future vacation plans of its readership affluent
enough to be able to afford a vacation during the
Great Depression.

Roosevelt’s speech of August 18 had decidedly
partisan overtones, to put it mildly. After initially
speaking about the significance of Roanoke Island,
the president’s address shifted into a political
statement. Even members of his own party saw the
speech as a direct challenge to the opposition of
FDR’s attempt to “pack” the Supreme Court with
judges favorable to his New Deal programs and
other legislation Roosevelt was attempting to push
through Congress. Many viewed the speech as an
attempt to purge the Democratic Party of any
opponents to FDR’s New Deal policies. Several
individuals highly objected to a reference FDR
made to a speech made by British Lord Macaulay in
which Macaulay predicted the downfall of
American democracy. Others faulted FDR for, as
usual, speaking in generalities rather then
addressing specifics3°? Roosevelt’s attempt to add
two more justices to the Supreme Court failed
miserably and wound up alienating many of his
former supporters3°3

British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden sent a
message, read by Lindsay C. Warren, that conveyed
the pride Great Britain had in founding the United
States. It went on to talk of the pioneering spirit of

299. Atlanta Constitution, April 25, 1937.
300. Richmond Times-Dispatch, June 6, 1937.

301, Topeka Daily Capital, August 15, 1937. Initially, Roanoke Island was to be a base from which the English could attack
Spanish treasure ships. The earliest colonization efforts involved men only, which supports this thesis. Later, the “Lost
Colony” included women, which suggested a serious attempt at colonization and not merely plunder.

302. New York Times, August 20, 1937.

303, Initially, FOR wanted to add as many as six justices to “aid” justices who were over seventy years of age and who were
slowing down the court’s calendar. However, by the time he tried to compromise the number down to two additional
justices, the initial uproar he caused made any compromise impossible.

National Park Service 63


Signature Page

Special History Study, Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

2004

a i:
Approved by: Dew ete. &- f fit:

je cafes

Superintendent, Capé Hatteras Group 7 Ddte
Recommended byy ] -lO- oD
Chief, Cultural Resource Division Date
Southeast Region

Recommended by: st il we —_ 22, [ol4- GS
Associate Regional Diréttor, Cultural Resource* Date
Stewardship and Partnership, Southeast Region

Approved by: bes pilh pe 2X A i
Regional Director, Southeast Region "Date


and amateurish journalistic attempt, but it served a
purpose. It informed its members of transfers of
personnel as well as newcomers to the unit. This
publication also provided information concerning
boxing matches, which were the highlight of
virtually every camp’s life. Worship services were
posted along with the times they were held. Local
businesses advertised in The Log. A single copy was
five cents and a monthly subscription ran ten cents.
Unfortunately, there is not enough available
information to determine how often The Log was
published.3?

In 1936, the company published a much more
professional looking magazine entitled the High
Tide. Unlike its predecessor, The Log, which was
composed on a typewriter and had no pictures, the
High Tide provided the reader with pictures and was
produced on a printing press. This was an annual
publication that provided a history of the unit, along
with various other information about both the camp
and its personnel. Boxing was still a “hot button”
issue, but there was more diversity in the overall
contents. Educational opportunities were covered,
as was the availability of the canteen, and it included
a number of pictures of the camp staff and CCC
members. There was also a page dedicated toa
Hermon Horne, an individual who passed away in
1935. There was no indication of how he died but he
was in his early twenties and one can only assume it
was either an accident or an illness that led to his
demise. Local businesses placed a number of
advertisements in both publications in order to
attract customers from the company.'3

It is interesting to note the remarks made
concerning the camp’s sanitation. The water supply
and drainage were deemed satisfactory and the
garbage was removed on a daily basis. However, the
inspection revealed that the camp possessed “flush
type latrines.” The town of Manteo did not even get
the Works Progress Administration to construct a
sewage system until 19423'4 As previously stated,

the CCC was living at a level better than that of
many other Americans of the period.

A later inspection of the camp conducted in
October 1939 was not nearly as flattering or
complimentary. The mess facilities were only rated
fair while the barracks were considered poor. The
inspector noted that there was an excessive number
of desertions. He attributed these to the
combination of individuals being unsuited to camp
life along with camp officers either being
inexperienced or overbearing. The inspector
indicated that the problem with the officers had
been corrected but did not indicate what corrective
measures were taken. He also stated that he
believed there had been improvements in the quality
of CCC selectees3'5

The report of the last inspection available is also
informative. This inspection was conducted in
March 1942, shortly after the outbreak of WWII.
The inspector commented on the neatness and
cleanliness of the personnel assigned to the
company. The buildings, although old, were being
maintained in the best manner possible. The
desertion rate was high, but the inspector chose to
make no special note of it other than the actual
statistics, and the camp discipline and its
administration were deemed satisfactory. The
inspector’s comment of the camp being in an “area
of considerable importance for National Defense” is
noteworthy3"© The previous July, a Federal
appropriation had been made for an airfield on
Roanoke Island, in the amount of $100,000. Over
the years, the importance of shipping in the Outer
Banks region still was essential to the United States
government and the nation’s overall economic
recovery.

In 1935, there was some concern that the CCC might
relocate Camp Virginia Dare on Roanoke Island
because of a “selfish few.” It appeared that while the
great majority of the islanders appreciated the
efforts made to eliminate mosquitoes and prevent

312. The Log, June 22, 1935, Uncatalogued Recently Received Material, Outer Banks History Center, Manteo, North Carolina.
313. High Tide, 1936 (Camp Annual Staff: Camp Virginia Dare, N. C.), Uncataloged Material, Outer Banks History Center,

Manteo, N.C.
314, Record Group 35, Records of the Ci

jan Conservation Corps, Entry 115, Inspection of Camp P-63, CCC Co. 436, Manteo,

N.C, Dated: February 28, 1936, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

315, Record Group 35, Records of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Entry 115, Camp Inspection Report, Dated: October 12,
1939, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

316. Record Group 35, Records of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Entry 115, Camp Inspection Report, Dated: March 9, 1942,
National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

66 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

SOSH OHOHHODSHHHSSHHSHHDHHOHSHHHHHSHHHOHOHOOOO


infrastructure and undeveloped areas. Roads,
parks, schools, and other things needed either
upgrading or initial construction. Author Leslie
Alexander Lacy states that the CCC “was the
greatest blessing ever to come to the forest, soil, and
water of America.”3'° Vast areas of public land
needed protection from erosion, forests needed
work, and wetlands needed improvements so
Americans from all walks of life could enjoy them.
Although machinery was at a premium, labor was
exceptionally cheap. The CCC enrolled mainly
young men, although there were a number of WWI
veterans (approximately 10 percent), into the
program. They were provided with uniforms that
were military in appearance, to the chagrin of many,
fed, and received $30 a month, most of which went
home to their families. There were many who
complained and those individuals generally did not
last, but for many others, the CCC provided work
experience and income for their families which they
were otherwise unable to obtain during a time of
massive unemployment throughout the nation. One
must take into consideration that unemployment
was running at approximately 25 percent across the
nation, with some areas reaching as high as 80
percent.

Virtually everybody was involved in manual labor
and the one thing consistent in the CCC was the
type of food it provided to the young men.
Although the quality of food that was provided
might have varied from camp to camp, it was
generally wholesome and the average individual in
the CCC ate far better than the family members he
left behind or his “civilian” counterpart. Although
the camps were segregated (designated “W” for
whites and “C” for colored), the type of food served
both white and black members was the same,
although high in fat and cholesterol by today’s
standards.

A typical breakfast consisted of eggs, sausage or
bacon, bread and butter, fruit, milk, and coffee.
Lunch might include stew, potatoes, bread and
butter, vegetables, fruit, and coffee. The typical
evening meal might include beef or chicken,
potatoes, vegetables, more fruit, bread and butter,
along with milk. Coffee generally was not served

with the evening meal3" The heavy physical
demands made on CCC members burned off these
calories. There are numerous pictures of CCC
members, especially unit photographs, that were
taken, and the vast majority of CCC members were a
far cry from being overweight, despite the large
number of calories they consumed on a daily basis.

Like the military units they were compared to, CCC
companies were subject to inspection. The
company commander, along with the cadre of
supply and mess sergeants, was drawn from the
regular or reserve armed forces and were
responsible for the overall welfare of their charges,
although the actual work these individuals
performed was done under civilian supervision.
Occasionally, there were naval or marine officers
assigned to either command or serve in CCC
companies, but this was the exception rather than
the norm. As they were under military supervision,
certain standards were expected to be adhered to by -
CCC members. Individuals were to have access to
weekly religious services and this was always the
first item of inspection. Recreational activities were
provided and consisted of sports, reading material,
radio, movies, and occasional dances and trips.

Educational opportunities were also an item that
was reported on during these inspections. In
addition to reading, mathematics, and writing, other
subjects were also taught. Citizenship, general
science, and journalism, in addition to
woodworking and auto mechanics, were also
available to the Corps members. At most of the
camps, such as Company 426 at Camp Virginia
Dare, the appearance of the mess hall and buildings
was rated either good or excellent and the camp
received an overall rating of excellent in this area.
However, the morale and spirit rating for this camp
was deemed only fair. This may be due in part to the
seven AWOL’s (absent without leave) and thirty-
one discharges for other reasons out of a total
strength of one hundred and seventy individuals
assigned to the company.

CCC Company 436 also had its own newspaper, The
Log, which reported information considered of
value to its members. The Log was a rather primitive

310. Leslie Alexander Lacy, The Soil Soldiers: The Civilian Conservation Corps and the Great Depression (Radnor, PA: Chilton

Book Co., 1976), 175.

311. Record Group 35, Records of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Entry 115, N.C. P-63, Dare County, Dated: May 6-11, 1936,
National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

National Park Service 65


cleanup, which helped prevent the spread of
disease. The work of the members of CCC
Company 436 was highly appreciated by the citizens
of Manteo and local newspapers praised the efforts
of the individuals who participated in these
efforts3?? It might also be noted that several of the
individuals serving in the company were local boys
and had a vested interest in preserving their
hometown. Compliments bandied back and forth
were mutually beneficial. It was good press for the
CCC and it might possibly keep Federal dollars
flowing onto the island.

The boys of CCC Company 436 were also involved
in a first for the National Park system. Beginning in
1933, members of the CCC began work on a number
of projects in the Cape Hatteras region. The region
had been devastated by a massive hurricane that
August which packed winds of up to 130 miles per
hour. There was a distinct possibility that Cape
Hatteras would be ruined if conservation efforts
failed, The CCC worked on restoring the beach and
sand dunes that had been eroded severely by wind
and rain. They placed fences in the dunes to
stabilize them and then planted vegetation behind
them to stabilize the soil. On August 17, 1937, Cape
Hatteras National Seashore became the flagship of
what was to become a system of national seashores
under the auspices of the National Park Service3?3

In early May 1935, there was criticism concerning
the manner in which the Emergency Recovery Act
(ERA) was being run in Dare County. There was
discord about the Fisherman’s Cooperative and the
cold storage plant that was necessary for the area’s
fishing industry. Presently, there was a glut of fish
and no market for them. Thousands of pounds of
fish were either being used as fertilizer or just
thrown away. Cold storage would keep the fish from
spoiling until the market fluctuations made their
sale worthwhile, Also advocated was putting fish on
the menu of the armed forces once or twice a week.
The article questioned why surplus items such as

sugar, meat, cheese, and rice were purchased by the
government, and fish was not374

The very next month, work began on a plant to keep
fish on ice in Manteo, and this was announced by
John H. Sikes, the public relations director of the
NCERA. The facility would service Dare, Hyde,
and Currituck Counties. This plant would be part
of a system of plants for the storage of edible fish,
with others located at Belhaven and Lockport, along
with a freezing facility at Morehead City. It was
hoped that this system of coolers and freezers
would ease the plight of fishermen inthe area by
absorbing the glut of fish and keeping them until the
market recovered enough to restore their
profitability325

However, there were those who complained about
the $15,000 expenditure of public funds. I.P. Davis,
the Associate Editor of the Elizabeth City
Independent railed against these individuals in an
editorial. He stated these individuals were
shortsighted. For a mere $15,000, Dare County
eventually would be able to realize a profit on
hundreds of thousands of pounds of fish that
otherwise would have been thrown away. Dare
County needed the venture to succeed for the
betterment of all its citizens.3*6

Although tourism was becoming the economic
backbone of Roanoke Island, not every tourist was
welcome. While in an obviously intoxicated
condition, some tourists thought it was humorous to
remove the cross from the chapel located at Fort
Raleigh. A local resident, Jule Modlin, observed the
cross mounted on the automobile of those tourists
as they stopped to make a purchase. He informed
the Nags Head Coast Guard Station, which
recovered the cross. The speculation was that if
these individuals had been returned to the island
that night, “they likely would have received a good
sound thrashing and then some tar and feathers.”

The local inhabitants were not going to tolerate such -

vandalism and wanton acts on their island3?7

322. Record Group 22, Records of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. Unk to Coordinator CCC, Dated November 27, 1939,
National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

323. John C. Paige, The Civilian Conservation Corps and the National Park Service, 1933-1942: An Administrative History
(National Park Service: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1985), 123. See also Daniel C. Couch, “Civilian Conservation Corps

Changed the Islands,” Looking Back (Summer 2003):, 40.

324. Elizabeth City Independent, May 3, 1935.

325. Elizabeth City Independent, June 28, 1935.
326. Elizabeth City Independent, July 26, 1935.
327. Elizabeth City Independent, June 14, 1938.

68 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

SHOHDHOSCHHHOHSSSHSHDHSHSHHHHSHOSHSHHHHHHSHHHOHHHOSOE


SOSOHSHHOHSHHSTFOHHOSHOHSOHODHSCHHOOCHOHOCOO

Chapter Three: Post-
Reconstruction and the U.S.

Lifesaving Service

In the aftermath of the Civil War and
Reconstruction, the Outer Banks way of life
underwent a radical transformation. By 1871, the”
Freedmen’s Colony, with its 3,000 inhabitants, was
gone, leaving approximately 950 individuals of all
races on Roanoke Island. The area surrounding
Shallowbag Bay was fairly well populated with an
influx of new inhabitants, and Manteo would soon
be the seat of the newly formed Dare County,
named in honor of the first English child born in
America. However, the same source also claims that
by the early 1870s, Roanoke Island had a population
of 500 people while the rest of the Outer Banks had
an additional 500. It is quite apparent that the Outer
Banks and Roanoke Island were in a state of flux
with precise population figures hard to
determine.'°9

It was during the 1870s that native Roanoke Island
shipwright George Washington Creef perfected
what became known as Creef or shad boats.
Shipbuilding had always been an important facet of
life on the Outer Banks. Initially, “kunners” or
split- log canoes were predominant. Later, the
periauger, which was similar in many ways to the
“kunner” but larger, possibly decked, and double-
masted, dominated the fishing industry. The shad
boat built by Creef possessed a round bottom, wide
midsection, tapered bow, and was made originally

of natural juniper. Creef had shipbuilding facilities
in both Manteo and Wanchese. His descendants
continued to construct boats into the 1930s. Today,
the facility in Manteo has been converted into a
museum. Creef’s design was so popular that other
shipwrights all along the North Carolina coast soon
began to imitate it."° It appears that imitation is
indeed the sincerest form of flattery. In 1978; the
shad boat was designated as the official boat of
North Carolina.

Shad had already begun to disappear from the local
waters by the late 1870s. Although the local
fishermen had commenced their work for the 1877
fishing season, the shad were not cooperating."
This could have a severe economic impact on the
inhabitants if the fish failed to appear. Such were
the vagaries of life on the Outer Banks.

One individual who learned about how tough life
was on the Outer Banks was Capt. I. Kain of
Roanoke Island. In 1879, he became convinced that
he could establish a profitable menhaden
processing plant on Roanoke Island. His venture
failed because, unfortunately for him, the
menhaden failed to run that year through Oregon
Inlet. He attempted one more time the next year
but failed once again.'*

109. David Wright and David Zoby, Fire on the Beach: Recovering the Lost Story of Richard Etheridge and the Pea Island
Lifesavers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000),121, 123, 126. These figures have some apparent conflict in them.
A photostatic copy of the 1870 Census maintained in the North Carolina Archives indicates 1,000 individuals living in all

of Dare County.

110. Rodney Barfield, Seasoned By Salt: A Historical Album of the Outer Banks (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,

1995), 164-182.
111. Elizabeth City Economist, February 14, 1877.

112. Harden F. Taylor, Survey of the Fisheries of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 187.

National Park Service 25


Chapter Iwo: The Nineteenth
Century, Antebellum Outer Banks,
the Civil War, and Reconstruction

As during the Revolution, the Outer Banks once
again provided a haven for privateers and provided
protection against British raids on the mainland of
North Carolina during the War of 1812, but Roanoke
Island itself did not specifically figure in this
conflict. There is a gap of several years following
that conflict before any significant recorded event.
In 1819, President James Monroe became the first
president to visit Roanoke Island while touring the
Southern part of the nation, identifying locations
for possible internal improvements to the region’s
infrastructure and inspecting the defenses of North
Carolina. He traveled aboard the steamboat
Albemarle, along with some of the area’s more
prominent citizens, to check into the possibility of
opening a new inlet so that large vessels might have
access to the port of Edenton and other cities along
the North Carolina coast. During the evening of
April 6, the Albemarle anchored off the northern tip
of Roanoke Island. Early the next morning,
President Monroe visited the site where the ruins of
the old fort were still distinctly visible39

In 1820, an engineer named Hamilton Fulton
mapped the Croatoan and Roanoke Sounds. His
map displays the names of a number of the island’s
more prominent residents, such as Baum, Dough,
and Etheridge. These names have been and still
remain dominant names on the island to this day.
Additionally, the U.S. Census taken in 1790 indicated
these names and also the Midgetts, although
Midgett has various ways of being spelled. The
claims to the land during this period were as

muddled as they had been in the previous
centuries.4°

North Carolina’s Outer Banks were not suited for
plantation agriculture, and as a result, the “peculiar
institution” of slavery evolved in a manner quite
dissimilar from areas of the South dominated by
plantations. Slaves became adept fishermen in the
Outer Banks region, greatly increasing their value to
their masters while at the same time providing them
with a degree of freedom not enjoyed by their
counterparts working on plantations. Asa result,
social interactions between the races evolved quite
differently than on the North Carolina mainland.

Although not specifically written by slaves living on
or about Roanoke Island, A Brief History of the Slave
Life of London R. Ferebee (1882), Narrative of the Life
of Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in the United States of
America (1842), and The Experiences of Thomas H.
Jones, Who was a Slave for Forty- Three Years (1854)
present the reader with what can be presumed to be
an accurate description of the life and tribulations
of slaves living along the North Carolina coast.
Many of the slaves initially taken from Africa came
from areas geographically similar to that of the
Tidewater region of North Carolina. After the
Tuscarora War (1711- 1713), a society emerged on the
coast that was composed of blacks, whites, and
Indians that was surprisingly homogenous. The
commonality of their poor economic state and
intermarriage broke down many of the social mores
established throughout the rest of the country.

39. William S. Powell, Paradise Preserved (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), 23. Present scholarship
questions what the president and his party actually saw although it was definitely part of the settlement.

40. Ibid., 25.

National Park Service 11


OOOO OSOH OH THHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHOHTHHOOHHHHOOCOD

ammunition, and equipment failed to arrive. © His
soldiers were expected to repel a vastly larger
Federal force that was well equipped, better trained,
and highly motivated. The prospects for a
successful Confederate defense of Roanoke Island
were bleak indeed.

The New York Times reported that a number of
contrabands had escaped Roanoke Island in
December and that the Confederates had heavily
entrenched the island. While attempting their
escape, the contrabands had been fired upon by
Confederate soldiers. The newspaper also stated
that the contrabands indicated there was
considerable hardship and privation amongst the
inhabitants. The Times also stated that Union
soldiers had commenced educating the poor
unfortunates and that a Patrick Kelly of the United
States Artillery was supervising their education.©7

On January u, 1862, after innumerable delays, the
Union flotilla, transporting more than 10,000
soldiers, departed Fortress Monroe in Virginia en
route to the Outer Banks. One can rest assured that
the Confederates knew that the Union fleet had
departed and what its ultimate destination was.
However, there was precious little more the
Confederates could do to prepare because of their
precarious logistical situation. On the way, a storm
scattered the Union ships en route to the anticipated
invasion of Roanoke Island, but by February 4, all
the ships had rendezvoused off Cape Hatteras.
When the time came, the soldiers aboard the ships
were more than eager to disembark and get their
feet on dry land. The Union warships commenced
shelling Roanoke Island on February 7 and later that
day began putting soldiers ashore at Ashby’s
Harbor.®® The Mosquito Fleet was unable to
prevent the Union advance and lost several ships in
the process of preventing that landing.

The Times reported the movement of Burnside’s
expedition during the first week of February.
Warships were congregating at Hatteras Inlet for the
expected invasion of Roanoke Island and one vessel,
the steamer Ericsson, had been halted by being

unable to cross the sandbar. Several Union ships
were lost at sea awaiting the assault of Roanoke
Island. The Union forces were unable to convince
local sailors to pilot their vessels over the
treacherous shoals also colloquially known as the
“Swash”69 Consequently, the City of New York was
a total loss with her cargo of ordnance and supplies,
the gunboat Zouave was lost, and the Pocahontas
sank with most of the horses she was transporting.
However, there was reportedly panic in both
Richmond and Norfolk because of Burnside’s
expected invasion of Roanoke Island. Two days
later, The New York Times reported a heavy volume
of artillery fire in the direction of Roanoke Island
that was presumed to be a prelude to any expected
Union assault7° The Times, albeit somewhat tardy,
was absolutely correct in its assessment of the
military situation.

Upon reaching land at Ashby’s Harbor, the Union
soldiers proceeded to fan out across the island and
engage the Confederates defending the island. The
next morning, the Federal troops came upon the
Confederate strongpoint on the corduroy road that
went down the middle of the island. The position,
known as Suple’s Hill, was flanked by what many
believed an impassable swamp.” The Union army
brought up its own artillery and began to lay an
artillery barrage on the Confederate position while
the infantry slogged trough the marsh. The 9'" New
York finally charged the Confederate position with
fixed bayonets and the survivors fled for their lives.
This action essentially broke the will to resist of the
rest of the island’s defenders. Colonel Shaw had no
viable option left other than unconditional
surrender. Shaw later was severely castigated by his
peers for the poor performance of his troops in the
defense of Roanoke Island. Knowledge of his
Northern roots no doubt factored into the criticism.

Roanoke Island was captured by Burnside at a very
modest cost in casualties to his men. Official Union
losses were given as 37 killed, 214 wounded, and 13
missing. Confederate losses were only 22 killed and
58 wounded. However, 2,500 Confederate soldiers
surrendered, which indicates they did not put up a

66. Mallison, The Civil War on the Outer Banks, 63.
67. New York Times, January 12, 1862.

68. “And Three Rousing Cheers for the Privates: A Dairy of the 1862 Roanoke Island Expedition.” Mary Seaton Dix, ed. North
Carolina Historical Review Vol. 71 No.1 (January 1994): 62-63.
69. William Marvel, Burnside (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 45.

70. New York Times, February 2, 4, 1862.

71. Marvel, Burnside, 57. See also Mallison, The Civil War on the Outer Banks, 70-71.

National Park Service 17


O00 OS OCHO OHSHSHSHHHOHHOHOHHHHEHSEOHHOOOSHOOOCOS

he disposed of in Baltimore for $350. This huge
profit soon led to the depletion and almost
extinction of the terrapins in the Outer Banks
region.44

Also influencing the development of Roanoke
Island were the canals built from the 1790s until just
prior to the Civil War. The Dismal Swamp Canal
was chartered in 1787, work commenced in 1793, and
was completed in 1805 to connect the Albemarle
Sound with Norfolk on the Chesapeake Bay.45
Begun in 1855, the Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal
opened in 1859 and used the south branch of the
Elizabeth River to connect Albemarle Sound.and
the Chesapeake. By 1861, over 2,500 vessels
traversed this canal in a single year. Construction of
both canals involved vast numbers of blacks, both
free and slave.4¢

The U.S. Census, between 1790 and 1840, was
conducted in a manner that makes it impossible to
determine with any degree of certainty the exact
composition of the population of Roanoke Island.
However, in 1850, the format of the census changed.
The United States Census of 1850 breaks the
population of Roanoke Island down as follows: 442
residents and 168 slaves for a total of 610 living on
the island. This was the lowest free- to- slave ratio
on the entire Outer Banks as there were only a total
of 503 slaves in the entire Outer Banks region.47
This figure may mislead some to think that there
was considerable affluence among the island’s
residents. However, a relatively few families owned
most of the slaves while the rest of the island’s
inhabitants were subsistence fishermen.

The Civil War resulted in a number of radical
changes throughout the United States. Not only was
the countryside of the South in ruins, but so was its
economic infrastructure. The primary means of
production, the slave, was no longer property. The
destiny of the freed slaves became the most hotly
debated issue of the era. Although Reconstruction
would end in 1877, it would not be until the Spanish-

American War in 1898 that Americans would once
again believe themselves to be truly a nation. The
gains black people made in the South during
Reconstruction were gradually eroded in the last
two decades of the nineteenth century by Jim Crow
laws. It would require a new movement for civil
rights following World War I] to begin placing the
races on any sort of level resembling parity.

The outbreak of the Civil War did not initially affect
the Bankers living on Roanoke Island. Isolated
physically by water from the mainland, and psycho-
logically away from the mainstream of Southern
society, the Bankers continued on with their lives in
a large measure oblivious to what was tearing apart
the vitals of the rest of the country. However, the
Union’s blockade of the South, which was in effect a
variation of Gen. Winfield Scott’s “Anaconda Plan,”
would see its formative stages implemented on the
North Carolina coastal region, bringing this sense of
unawareness to an abrupt halt.48

One of the initial issues facing the Union forces
during the war was the disposition of escaped slaves.
There was no uniform Federal policy towards slaves
who absconded from their previous owners in the
seceded states. Early in the war, Union Gen. Don
Carlos Buell in Kentucky returned escaped slaves in
Union territory to their owners. President Lincoln
vacillated on what course of action to pursue
regarding the matter and was severely castigated by
many abolitionists. As a result of this lack of official
policy emanating from Washington early on in the
war on the treatment of escaped slaves, the
disposition of escaped slaves varied from command
to command.

On May 13, 1862, the United States Congress in
Washington finally approved a new Article of War
prohibiting Union military personnel from return-
ing escaped slaves to Confederate control and sub-
jecting such individuals to court- martial for violat-
ing this order. This was the first legal step on the
road to the eradication of slavery. It was viewed

44. David Stick, The History of the Outer Banks (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1958), 221-23.
45. Gary S. Dunbar, Historical Geography of the North Carolina Outer Banks (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,

1955), 25.

46. Fred M. Mallison, The Civil War on the Outer Banks: A History of the Late Rebellion Along the Coast of North Carolina
from Carteret to Currituck, with Comments on Prewar Conditions and an Account of the Postwar Recovery (London:

McFarland & Company, 1998), 16.

47. David Stick, The Outer Banks of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958), 89.

48. The Anaconda Pian called for the slow strangulation of the Confederaty’s trade by a blockade of its ports. It was initially
unpopular because virtually everyone believed the war would be over within three months. Only after the Union's initial
reverses did its leaders understand the plan's merits and recognize that the struggle would be a prolonged one.

National Park Service 13


Manteo was becoming a minor commercial
metropolis. Capt. J.W. Etheridge completed a model
of anew steamer that he intended to construct at
Manteo. A new building was under construction
and this was intended to house another grocery and
liquor store. Despite the lack of specie, there was an
apparent demand for spirits in excess of the
availability on the small island. Although blue fish
were running, there was no market for them."3

Being out of the mainstream of North Carolina
society had its decided disadvantages. There was no
local newspaper and during this period, the news
emanated from The Economist, which was published
in Elizabeth City on the mainland. Dare County
usually received a few lines, at most, covering
anything considered newsworthy. For example, on
June 6, 1878, the Elizabeth City Economist reported
that the body of a Miss Smith washed ashore at
Hatteras Light House with her neck broken and a
hole in her side. No additional information was
provided. It was also reported that “Etheridge
Daniel, a respected citizen of Roanoke Island, has
been dangerously ill, for some time.” Last, there was
a meeting of the people of Dare County held at
Manteo for the purpose of working closer with the
Democratic Party.''4 The Republicans were already
losing their hold in the South.

One of the greatest impacts on life on the Outer
Banks and Roanoke Island in the nineteenth
century was the establishment of the U.S. Lifesaving
Service Stations. Although the Federal government
made its initial efforts to protect ships and sailors
plying the American coastline in 1848 with an
appropriation of $10,000 for lifesaving equipment
on the New Jersey coast between Sandy Hook and
Egg Harbor, the scope of its activities was extremely
limited. This money was appropriated through a
rider to the lighthouse appropriation bill. This
legislation tasked the U.S. Revenue Marine to
provide overall supervision for the construction of
lifesaving stations."5 In 1870, the Federal
government established the U.S. Lifesaving Service
in response to the disasters then occurring with
greater frequency along the shores of the United
States. In 1871, Sumner Increase Kimball, a veteran

Treasury Department employee, was named to head
the newly created-U.S. Lifesaving Service. In a large
measure it was due to Kimball’s singular efforts that
the U.S. Lifesaving Service became a first- rate
organization dedicated to saving lives at sea."®
Initially established in New England, the Life Saving
Service began to expand down the Eastern
Seaboard. Prior to Kimball taking the reins of the
organization, volunteers manned the scattered
stations of the Lifesaving Service. Kimball would
transform this ragtag organization into one of the
most respected appendages of the United States
government. The two most immediately daunting
tasks facing Kimball were to convince Congress that
the United States needed a professional lifesaving
service and that he was the individual best capable
of accomplishing that mission.

In 1874, the Lifesaving Service expanded northward
to Maine and south to include the Outer Banks of
North Carolina. However, a number of disasters
pointed out the glaring deficiencies in a system that
was rife with political patronage. An internal
inspection conducted by Capt. John Faunce of the
United States Revenue Marine noted evident
deficiencies in both facilities and equipment.
Stations were located too far apart to accomplish
their mission and their physical condition was
deplorable. Many individuals, who largely owed
their positions to patronage, were either
incompetent or too old for the physical demands
and rigors of the job. In part because of Faunce’s
report, Kimball was able to wrangle a Congressional
appropriation of $200,000 on April 20, 1871, to
overhaul the system. Kimball’s task received an
additional impetus as a result of the Huron and
Metropolis disasters, which will be covered later.

Kimball was an astute Washington political insider.
He was probably the driving force behind Secretary
of the Treasury John Sherman’s letter to the Senate
on February 18, 1878, although it was nominally a
reply toa resolution dated February 6, right on the
heels of the Metropolis disaster. In his missive,
Sherman complimented the Lifesaving Service
Stations on the North Carolina coast for their
devotion to duty and efficiency. However, he

113. Elizabeth City Economist, June 6, 1877.
114. Elizabeth City Economist, May 28, 1878.

115. Dennis L. Noble, That Others Might Live: The U.S. Life-Saving Service, 1878-1915 (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press,

1994), 21.
116. Dennis L. Noble, That Others Might Live, 155.

26 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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English child born in America, would have to
remain behind. Additionally, he was worried about
accusations that might arise in England about his
leaving the colonists. At length, White acceded to
the wishes of the majority. White left behind several
chests that contained his personal belongings,
which indicates he expected to return immediately
after obtaining the necessary supplies for the colony.
The Indians, Manteo and Towaye, also remained
with the colonists. It was understood that should
the colonists encounter any trouble they were to
carve the word “Croatoan” on a tree with a Maltese
cross and depart for that island. It was the intention
of the colonists to eventually relocate the colony to a
better site, possibly in the Chesapeake Bay area.
Because of unforeseen events taking place in
Europe, it would be several years before John White
would be able return to Roanoke Island. During
White's absence of three years, the colonists
disappeared and were never seen again.

Upon White’s arrival back in England in November
1587, despite numerous tribulations, he feverishly
made preparations to return with the urgently
needed supplies and reunite with his family.
However, a combination of bad luck and
international events intervened and kept him from
achieving his desired goal. By the time the
preparations were completed for a relief expedition,
the Privy Council issued an edict on March 31, 1588,
preventing any vessels from leaving port in
anticipation of the attack by Spain’s Armada.

In April, White was able to secure permission for
two small pinnaces, the Roe and the Brave, to sail to
succor the stranded colonists. The Roe, on which
White was travelling, was bested by a French vessel
and forced to return to England shortly afterward
and White and the crew were lucky to arrive with
the clothes on their backs.

Finally, in 1590 White was able to return to the
Roanoke Colony. He sailed aboard the Hopewell,
the flagship of a privateering squadron commanded
by John Watts. In August of that year, the Hopewell
accompanied by another ship, the Moonlight, made
land off Roanoke Island. As it was late, they waited

until the next day to land. A fire they observed on
the island buoyed their spirits and they sang songs
to announce their presence. However, upon
coming ashore they found the settlement deserted.
The colonists had left behind some cannon and
heavy metal bars, but little else. Later, they
discovered what was left of White’s personal
belongings. The colonists had apparently buried
them prior to their departure but the chests had
been dug up by the Indians and the contents strewn
about and the weather had ruined what they had left
behind. White was disappointed but not at this
point overly concerned about the plight of the
colonists. He observed the “CRO” for Croatoan
carved on a tree but without the prearranged signal
of distress, the Maltese cross. White initially
assumed that the colonists had moved as had been
part of the previous plans. He wanted to continue
the search but once again, it was late in the season
and the crew desired to return to England. A fierce
storm forced the Hopewell to cut three of her four
anchors, settling the issue of any attempt to travel to
Croatoan.?7 From this point, the English investors
slowly lost interest in the colony, although White
continued for years to hold out hope against all
odds for the safety of his daughter and
granddaughter. In February 1593, White sent a letter
to Richard Halkyut postmarked from Ireland. He
recounts the chain of events leading to the Roanoke
colonists’ disappearance and commends them to
God. After this missive, John White, like the lost
colonists, disappears from history.?8

A recently published book makes the case that the
demise of the Roanoke Colony was not merely a
comedy of errors but a deliberate plot. Sir Francis
Walsingham was Queen Elizabeth’s Principal
Secretary and Secretary of State. He was aman who
rose from fairly humble beginnings. He believed
that the end justified the means and was the
principal agent responsible for the execution of
Mary, Queen of Scots, Lee Miller speculates that
Walsingham rescued Simon Fernandes from the
gibbet and that Walsingham was responsible for
Fernandes being the pilot on the expeditions to
Roanoke.?9 It was all a Machiavellian plot to
eliminate Raleigh from the position of power

27. Miller, Roanoke: Solving the Mystery of the Lost Colony, 17.
28. Ibid., 204.

29. The noted author on the early English exploration and the Roanoke Colony David Beers Quinn also writes about how
Walsingham saved Fernandes from execution as a pirate and the dependence that Fernandes had upon Walsingham. See

Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 22.

8 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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erosion of the beaches, some landowners were
being less than cooperative. For example, an
individual named Lewis who hailed from Roslyn,
Long Island, was stifling conservation attempts by
the CCC. Unless Lewis began to display a spirit of
communal cooperation, The Independent advocated
that the county commissioners take over the
oceanfront property owned by Lewis and any
others who impeded the improvements necessary
for the well- being of the majority of the citizens of
Dare County. Although the ostensible purpose of
the article was the possible loss of the CCC camp,
the fact that Lewis was an outsider from New York
must have factored into the process in way3'7

While discussing inspections, it might be interesting,
to mention that there was concern about the state of
the CCC Camp prior to President Roosevelt’s visit
to Roanoke Island for the 350th anniversary
celebrations. Keep in mind the CCC was one of the
president’s favorite projects during the New Deal
era. National Park Director Arno B. Cammerer
wrote to the Acting Assistant Director of the
National Park Service concerning the state of the
camp located in Manteo. Cammerer had received a
report that the camp was in poor shape and wanted
it clearly understood that it should not be in that
condition if President Roosevelt visited the camp as
expected. The individual stated, “if a little
whitewash could be applied to the fences and
buildings it would avoid a bad showing before the
President”3® Cammerer closed by emphasizing
that he expected the Acting Assistant Director to
follow- up and make sure that the camp would not
embarrass him or the National Park Service3'9

The USS. Fish and Wildlife Service Civilian
Conservation Corps Camp NC FWS- 2 was
headquartered in Manteo. Early in its history, the
company had been designated P- 63 because of the
work it did at Fort Raleigh National Park
reconstructing the fort and replicating many of the
original structures for the National Park Service.
This is often confusing to many individuals when

looking at the surviving records, which are often

, spotty at best. The company’s numerical

designation within the CCC was 436 and it was
stationed initially at Durham, North Carolina.
Later, some individuals were assigned to a site-

camp located on Pea Island, the former site of the

only U.S. Lifesaving Service Station manned by an
all- black crew, which later became part of the U.S.
Coast Guard. The facilities, by that time in a state of
disrepair, were deemed salvageable. There also was
to be a concession stand operated by a certain Mr.
Tillett, who was obviously a native of the area. He
had been granted permission to do so but the
building he was to use was later determined to be
actually property of the U.S. Government. Since he
had already moved the structure, it was advised that
rapid consideration be given to the amendment of
his contract.*° This camp was still operational in
May 1942, after the outbreak of WWII although
many others had been closed by this time and
dismantled.

The opening of this additional camp was
announced by the chairman of the Coastal
Development Committee, Frank Stick, in May 1935.
According to Stick, the new camp was to be located
in the vicinity of Oregon Inlet. The camp’s main
tasks were to concentrate on forestry, although it
was anticipated that there would also be some work
done about mosquito control. Mr. Stick expected
that work on the new camp would commence on
about June 1. Stick also speculated that the National
Park Service would establish a National Park within
the vicinity of Hatteras in the near future?"

Many of the man- hours of the CCC Company 436,
in Manteo, were spent fighting fires. In addition to
putting out forest and peat fires, these individuals
also assisted in putting out a major fire in Manteo
during September 1939, that caused $250,000 worth
of damage to the business district. Aside from
fighting the actual fire, the CCC boys also secured
both government and personal property from
pilferage. Additionally, they also aided in the

317. Elizabeth City Independent, April 12, 1935.

318. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, J.M. McGee to Cammerer, Dated: August 10, 1937.

319. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Cammerer to Johnston, Dated: August 12, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration,

College Park, MD.

320. Record Group 22, Records of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Bureau, A.C. Elmer to James Silver Entry 192, Box 48, Dated:
August 8, 1941, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

32

. Elizabeth City Independent, May 31, 1935.

National Park Service 67


In February 1922, Pruden managed to overstay his
liberty and was let off with a stern warning not to
repeat this again.248 This rebuke might have been
tempered because of what was awaiting him the
following month.

Pruden must have been a magnet for trouble. In
March 1922, Pruden received a Deck Court from the
District Superintendent for having left his post
without being “properly relieved” on November 15,
1921. Pruden decided to plead guilty to the charges
and was fined $15.17 and was to be “confined not to
exceed 20 days.”*49

During the early years of the 1920s, aviation was still
in its infancy and Lindbergh had not yet made his
famous trans- Atlantic flight. In September 1923, a
Curtis biplane crashed approximately five miles
south of the Pea Island Station. It had been en route
from Langley Field in Virginia to Cape Hatteras.
The crew’s liberty was cancelled for the day and
they went to assist in recovery operations. Other
than noting that the crew returned at 5:15 P.M., there
is no indication as to whether there were any
survivors.75°

In any case, the anticipated rapid development
apparently did not take place. It was 1927 before
there was any mention of a bridge to connect
Roanoke Island with the mainland. The Dare
County Commissioners sent the former Clerk of
Dare County, Theodore S. Meekins, to meet with
the War Department about permission to begin
construction on such a bridge. Dare County already
had invested $7,000 in the construction of
approaches to the proposed bridge. A dredge was
digging up the sound and making a roadbed. In the
meantime, a ferry was being proposed to serve the -
citizens of Dare County all the way to Hatteras from
Oregon Inlet.?5'

There was apparently no consensus on what should
be done with reference to bridge construction.
Later that month, The Independent reported that

Currituck County officials wanted time to consider
the economic ramifications of building such a
bridge in their county. However, the paper reported
that Dare County was going ahead with
construction with or without assistance from
Currituck County. There was discussion
concerning the possibility of floating a bond issue in
the amount of $25,000 in order to establish ferry
service between Point Harbor and Roanoke
Island.?5?

A unique perspective on the proposed bridge comes
from the undated papers of WJ. Overman Sr., a Civil
Engineer in his Currituck Bridge and Development
Co. He believed that such a bridge would provide
“an outlet to the outside world”—a rather
distinctive way to phrase it. Such a bridge, in his
opinion, would accommodate sportsmen and
tourists alike who disliked the inconvenience of
taking an expensive ferry for several uncomfortable
hours. Overman indicated that the U.S. Coastal
Geodetic Survey found the depth of Currituck
Sound to be no more than seven feet, making the
construction challenges negligible and concluded
that the “construction of a bridge at this place will
bea very simple matter.”

Overman also provides the reader a glimpse of what
the area was like during the later 1920s and early
19308. At that time, Nags Head consisted of
approximately 100 cottages, and Virginia Dare
Shores was under development, with only a few
buildings and a dancing pavilion in place. Kitty
Hawk had a school with six teachers but the access
roads were in terrible shape. However, Overman
states that the 12 miles of roads on Roanoke Island
itself were in good shape and were a combination of
both gravel and blacktop. Overman indicated that
the biggest variable would be the tourist industry
which would take off after the bridge’s
completion.53

There was at least one respected citizen of Manteo
who believed that a bridge would be impracticable.

248. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 16,

Dated: February 5, 1922, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

249. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 16,

Dated: March 18, 1922, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

250. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 17,

Dated: September 4, 1923, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
251. Elizabeth City Independent, January 14, 1927.
252. Elizabeth City Independent, January 28, 1927.

253. Currituck Bridge and Development Co., from the undated personal papers of W.J. Overman Sr. Elizabeth City, N.C., (1902-
1979), Civil Engineer, File 33 BOK-0-8058, Outer Banks History Center, Manteo, N.C.

52. Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


viii Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


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Johnson to explain his views. What transpired
during this presentation has been lost to
posterity.'°° However, Johnson’s restoration of
former rebel property eliminated the Freedmen’s
Bureau’s income. In August 1865, Johnson overruled
Gen. 0.0. Howard, head of the Freedmen’s Bureau,
and ordered restoration of property and land to
Southerners whom he had pardoned.’ It is
obvious that the entreaties made by James had less
than no impact on Johnson’s policies to the former
Confederate states. Last, while James was in Wash-
ington, he met with Howard, who attempted to
persuade him to take charge of the Bureau’s affairs
for the entire state of North Carolina. Howard was
not able to convince James to accept the position.'°?

Although Howard was unable to prevail with James,
he did manage to find a suitable alternate to handle
North Carolina’s freedmen’s affairs. Like James,
Col. Eliphalet Whittlesey was a New Englander and
a Congregationalist minister. Before the war, he
taught at Bowdoin College, and after the war broke
out, was the chaplain of the 19" Maine Volunteers.
Initially, Assistant Commissioner Whittlesey leaned
upon James for guidance until he grew accustomed
to his new position.'°3 It was Whittlesey who
accepted James’ resignation from the Freedman’s
Bureau on December 4, 1865, although James
remained affiliated with the bureau in an unpaid
civilian status.'04

However, even Whittlesey was unable to stem the e-
ventual decline of the Freedmen’s Colony on Roan-
oke Island. He even expressed concern that some
individuals capable of working were receiving sup-
port from the Federal government. A contract sys-
tem was established in an attempt to initiate a free
labor system in the state. Unfortunately, neither the
freedmen nor the whites felt at ease with the new
system.'°5

The first admission by James that his concept about
the Freedmen’s Colony was impractical was made in
a letter he forwarded to The Congregationalist on
December 18, 1865. Part of the problem was the
mistaken impression among the freedmen that the
government had promised them each a 4o- acre
tract of land. This, combined with misconceptions
held by both blacks and whites concerning free
labor, presented an insurmountable obstacle. James
ended up managing two plantations, Avon and
Yankee Hall on the North Carolina mainland, to try
and prove how well free labor could work in the
South.'°° This would eventually lead to his
undoing. The result would be a court- martial for
Whittesley and James in September 1866 in
connection with the shooting death of a black that
was an accused felon. James and Whittesley were
both ultimately exonerated by court martial.

Although the Republicans were initially able to
dominate North Carolina politics in the aftermath
of the Civil War, their control was extremely short-
lived. By 1870, the Republicans lost control of both
houses of the North Carolina state legislature.'°7 It
was in 1870 that Manteo became the county seat of
the newly formed Dare County, and three years
later, in 1873, a post office and a courthouse opened
their doors in the town for business. Recovery
proceeded slowly after the Civil War in the
Southern states because the economic
infrastructure of the former Confederacy was in
shambles and Northerners were wary of investing in
the region. The West, with vast areas of land for the
taking and where railroads attracted investors and
speculators, was where intelligent investors placed
their capital. The Outer Banks and Roanoke Island
would revert to a sleepy backwater and take decades
to become productive.'°%

99. William Cohen, “Black Immobility and Free Labor: The Freedmen’s Bureau and the Relocation of Black Labor, 1865-1868,"
in Donald G. Nieman, ed., African American Life in the Post-Emancipation South, 1861-1900: A Twelve-Volume Anthology

of Scholarly Articles (New York; Garland, 1994), 2:94.

100. Reilly, “Reconstruction Through Regeneration, “ 89-91. See also Oliver Otis Howard, Autobiography of Oliver Otis
Howard: Major General, United States Army (New York: Baker & Taylor, 1907), 2:208-209.
101. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), 190.

102. Reilly, "Reconstruction Through Regeneration,” 91
103. Ibid., 92-94.

104. Ibi

105.
106. Ibid., 116-117.

107. Frenise A. Logan, The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1964), 8.

108. Mallison, The Civil War in the Outer Banks, 177.

National Park Service 23


OOO SOCOHOOOOOHHHOOOOOHHOH8HOHHHOOOHHHOHODOD

from the South to receive both national and
international recognition for his work. What was
seminal about his work was that Green had
formulated a new dramatic art form that is now
known as symphonic drama, which combined
historical circumstances along with music, dance,
and dialogue. His works attracted prominent stars
/of the era, such as Bette Davis and Will Rogers, to
perform parts in them. Andy Griffith, star of
Matlock and the classic Andy Griffith Show, both
long- running television series, along with the silver
screen hit, No Time for Sergeants to his credit, played
the part of Sir Walter Raleigh for seven seasons
during the 1940s and early 1950s, prior to achieving
national prominence. It takes relatively little
imagination to realize the benefit of involving Green
in the contemplated production for the 350th
anniversary celebrations—his abilities combined
with national recognition made the Production a
preordained success.

The Lost Colony was initially presented under the
joint sponsorship of the Works Progress
Administration (WPA) and the Carolina Playmakers
of the University of North Carolina. The
production was directed by Professor Samuel
Selden of the University of North Carolina, while
Dr. Frederick H. Koch, director of the Carolina
Players, was the supervising director. The principal
actors were from the Works Progress
Administration Federal Theater.?°!

It was obvious that the date for the grand opening of
the The Lost Colony in 1937 was not selected at
random. The Fourth of July, America’s birthday, was
the day of the initial performance of a play that is
now over sixty- five years old and the longest
running outdoor stage show in American history.
New York Times drama critic Brooks Atkinson
attended the show’s opening performance and
wrote, “Paul Green has written a history with a
compassion that turns its characters into
unconscious symbols of a brave new world.” A
review such as that, having a national exposure,
could not help but attract an audience far beyond
the limited boundaries of Dare County and North
Carolina:

The Civilian Conservation Corps, over the years,
provided numerous “extras” or supporting actors
for the performances. These individuals acted as
both Indians and colonists. This not only kept
production costs down but also gave the members
of the CCC additional insight into colonial
American history. Even as late as 1941, the Manteo
camp provided 42 individuals to assist in the cast.25?

The commemoration of the 350th anniversary of the
birth of Virginia Dare in 1937 was a significant event
whose impact is still being felt today on the island’s
economy. It was observed, by many at the time, that
the 350th year celebration was an unusual time
frame to have such an event instead of, say, the 300th
or 4ooth year. However, the 1930s were a very
unusual period in American history. The nation was
in the throes of a depression, the likes of which the
nation had never experienced before. People were
grasping at anything that could provide them a ray
of hope for a better future. For many people living
on the Outer Banks and Roanoke Island, celebrating
the birth of Virginia Dare was potentially the magic
elixir that would help by not only placing Roanoke
Island in the national spotlight, but also by
providing desperately needed jobs for a section of
North Carolina that had traditionally lagged
economically behind other sections of the state.

Initially, the leading citizens of Roanoke Island
wanted to have'1934, the 350th anniversary of the
landing of Captains Phillip Amadas and Arthur
Barlowe, as the year for their projected celebrations
and festivities. The Roanoke Island Historical
Association planned to have the Sesquitercentennial .
that year. They formulated a plan that included
financing, publicity, and inducing the Federal
government to finance a monument and building
construction. When these ideas were being
conceptualized, these individuals mistakenly
believed that financing would be the LEAST of their
concerns! They intended to sell souvenirs and have
each child bring a dime to school to get the financial
campaign started. Moreover, the Association noted
that celebrating the Sesquitercentennial was not
unusual and that both Philadelphia and St. Louis
had already had commemorations for theirs.®3

281. New York Times, July 11, 1937.

282. Record Group 22, Records of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Entry 192, Box 48, Wilfred J. Gregson, Regional CCC
Inspector to Director U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Dated: August 6, 1941, National Archives and Records Administration,

College Park, MD.

283. RIHA (Roanoke Island Historical Association), General Manager I. Extrinsic Records, Executive Files, Roanoke Island
Historical Committee, 1931-1934, Undated, Outer Banks History Center, Manteo, N.C.

National Park Service 59


the birth of Virginia Dare, when hopefully, the
economic atmosphere of the nation would be more
conducive to the acquisition of the necessary
funding.

However, how to go about changing the dates did
not go unchallenged by opposing ideas. Some
individuals still wanted to mount a large celebration
in 1934 commemorating the initial landing of
Amadas and Barlowe. However, many individuals
believed that mounting any sort of major
celebration in 1934 would “take the edge” off the
projected 1937 celebrations.?% In the end, a
consensus was arrived at for the 1937 date, with only
local celebrations being held in 1934.

W.O. Saunders, President of the Roanoke Island
Historical Association, announced that the
celebration would be held in 1937. He pointed out
that the unavailability of state or Federal funding in
1934 was a major factor in the decision. The opinion
of the executive committee of the Roanoke Island
Historical Association was that “the unsettled
conditions in America and the rest of the world will
be well behind us in another year or two.”
Additionally, there were expected to be better roads
connecting Roanoke Island with the mainland and
the bridge tolls were expected to be eliminated by
that time.?97

There were two interesting aspects of the Roanoke
Island Commemoration that took place on the
national level. The first was that the United States
Post Office decided to issue a commemorative
stamp depicting Virginia Dare as its central theme.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt was an avid
philatelist and believed that the event was worthy of
a commemorative stamp to be issued to honor the
occasion. Not only did Roosevelt contact James A.
Farley, the Postmaster General and his political
confidant, about his desire for a postage stamp to be
commissioned; he also took a keen interest in the
design of this stamp. Roosevelt “suggested” that the
stamp be square in shape and this was the first time
an American postage stamp was square.
Additionally, Roosevelt indicated he would like the
color to be “baby blue” and sketched a design that
contained a man with a musket in his hands,

standing in front of a log cabin, along with a woman
holding her baby, Virginia Dare, in her arms. The
Post Office Department printed 20,000,000 copies
of these stamps and sold numerous first day issues
from the Manteo Post Office on August 18, 1937, the
350th anniversary of the birth of Virginia Dare. One
odd feature of this stamp was that it sold for five
cents. The cost of mailing a first class letter at the
time was only three cents, limiting the usefulness of
the Dare stamp.

The commemoration of Virginia Dare’s birth also
attracted international interest. British Guiana and
Newfoundland issued postage stamps celebrating
the occasion. These stamps had the likeness of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Queen
Elizabeth I. Raleigh had stopped in British Guiana
during his travels and later penned “The Discovery
of Guiana” recalling his exploits. Sir Humphrey
Gilbert had traveled to Newfoundland, although he
never established a permanent colony on the
island.?9%3

The story behind the fifty- cent commemorative
coin issued by the United States Mint is also quite
unusual. Despite the desperate economic plight of
the majority of American citizens, there were a vast
number of commemorative coins issued by the U.S.
Mint during the 1930s celebrating virtually
everybody and everything. The obverse, or front of
the Roanoke Island 350th anniversary coin, depicts
Sir Walter Raleigh; the actor Errol Flynn was the
model for his likeness. However, the correct
spelling of “Ralegh,” which had been used for
hundreds of years, was not used. Since Congress
authorized “Raleigh,” that was how the name
appeared on the coin. The reverse, or backside of
the coin, had the likeness of Eleanor Dare holding
her daughter, Virginia. In an unusual move,
Congress authorized a minimum number of coins to
be struck rather than a maximum. Congressman
Lindsay C. Warren presented the first coin struck to
President Roosevelt.794

Initial sales were brisk; so after the first 25,000 were
struck, another 25,000 were minted. Each coin cost
$1.65, of which fifteen cents went for postage.
However, the public interest began to wane as

291. Elizabeth City Independent, May 5, 1933
292. Elizabeth City Independent, May 10, 1933.
293. New York Times, May 30, 1937.

294, Dare County Times , April 2, 1937.

National Park Service 61


Americans finally developed “fatigue” from the
proliferation of commemorative coins being sold
during the era and sales stagnated. Almost 30,000
were returned to the mint and melted down. Some
coins were still available to the public as late as 1940.
The Roanoke Island Historical Association had a
small supply that could be purchased at the Fort
Raleigh Museum or by contacting C.S. Meekins,
who was the treasurer of the RIHA.?95 Today, one of
these coins fetches between $200- $300 each.

A particularly interesting side story concerns
Margalene Thomas, who proudly proclaims her
Midgett ancestry. Over the years, this lady has
played every female role in the “Lost Colony”
production. Asa very young girl, she was paid for
her part in the production with several of these
commemorative coins. As times were tough during
the period, most ended up being used to pay for
family expenses. However, she still has one
remaining coin, that she still wears proudly around
her neck as a reminder of he early childhood days in
the “Lost Colony.”

National interest in the projected celebrations
began in earnest during May 1937. The event was
going to be sponsored by both the state of North
Carolina and the Federal government. Expected to
make appearances were Josephus Daniels, at that
time Ambassador to Mexico and former Secretary
of the Navy, North Carolina Gov. Clyde R. Hoey,
and former Gov. J.C.B. Ehringhaus, North Carolina
Senators Josiah W. Bailey and Robert E. Reynolds,
North Carolina Representative Lindsey C. Warren,
and Orville Wright. The centerpiece of the festivities
would be Paul Green’s The Lost Colony, which was
to be presented numerous times during the
merriment of that summer. However, there was no
mention of Josephus Daniels attending the 350th
anniversary commemoration in any newspapers.
This was strange because of his close personal
relationship with Roosevelt. FDR was his Assistant
Secretary of the Navy during WW I, following in the
footsteps of his cousin Teddy. Daniels was also the
only individual able to continue to address FDR as
“Franklin” when he became president, without

incurring the wrath of Roosevelt. In turn, Roosevelt
always referred to Daniels as “Chief”

The open- air amphitheater was expected to have a
10,000- seat capacity (either an obvious
exaggeration or typographical error on the part of
The Times). Today, there are 1,600 available for the
audience. Most of the 120 actors would be locals,
and professionals from throughout the country
would perform only the major parts (over time, all
the parts would be played by the local inhabitants).
Newly discovered drawings of John White were
transported from Great Britain, along with
numerous other artifacts, and placed on display.
Even a number of Indian crops such as maize,
tobacco, squash, and pumpkins were planted to
provide an aura of authenticity to the occasion. 79°
Later, national interest would soar geometrically
after the press announced that President Roosevelt
would attend the ceremonies commemorating the
birth of Virginia Dare on August 18. This was just
the sort of “shot in the arm” that the backers of this
event needed to give the anniversary national
attention.

Although administration insiders knew in May that
Roosevelt planned to visit Roanoke Island and
attend The Lost Colony, the American public did not
receive the news until late July.?97 The New York
Times reported that FDR intended to travel by train
to Elizabeth City and from there the Coast Guard
would transport him to Roanoke Island. Not only
was Roosevelt going to attend the play but was going
to be the keynote speaker on August 18, However,
The Times added the caveat that the president’s
attendance was contingent upon the “legislative and
foreign situation at the time”298

The collective efforts of those who wanted Roanoke
Island on the map began to pay off in 1937. .
Newspapers all along the East Coast and, at least as
far west as Kansas, printed articles concerning the
upcoming festivities and the restoration of Fort
Raleigh. In April, the Atlanta Constitution ran an
article on the WPA’s efforts to restore the site. The
article also noted that Plymouth and Jamestown

295. New York Times, August 25, 1940.
296. New York Times, May 23, 1937.

297. An internal WPA memorandum indicates that Roosevelt made a decision at least as early as April 1937 that he would
attend the festivities. See RG-69, Works Progress Administration, Division of Information, Records Concerning the
Restoration of Historic Shrines, 1937-1938, North Carolina to Ohio, Entry 74, Box 9, George W. Coan Jr. to James R.

Branson, Dated: May 5, 1937.
298. New York Times, July 28, 1937.

62 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

©O9SOSOOHHDHDOHOHHHHHHHHOHOHHHOHHHOOHEHO8HOHOO



James wrote that the combined steam engine and
saw mill that he obtained:-from New England
possessed 70- horsepower and was not only capable
of operating several circular saws but also a grist
mill. James had a grandiose vision of the future for
the Freedmen’s Colony. Some individuals could be
employed in domestic manufacturing. Others could
earn a living as coopers fabricating barrels for the
turpentine trade, which was a major industry in
North Carolina. Fishing could be a gainful
occupation for a large number of others. The
women could earn money by spinning and weav-
ing.°4 Unfortunately, James’ vision of the future of
the Freedmen’s Colony on Roanoke Island was
merely a chimera. There were an insufficient num-
ber of trees on the island to make economical use of
the mill. Later, there also would be additional prob-
lems when the former owners of the land returned
and found their property denuded of timber.

An important facet of what James accomplished
during his tenure on Roanoke Island was education.
James believed that education was the key to
uplifting the former slaves and improving their lot in
life. Accordingly, he worked, hand in glove,
primarily with the AMA to educate the freedmen on
Roanoke Island, although other groups and
individuals such as the National Freedmen’s Relief
Association contributed to the collective effort.
Much information about the accomplishments
made on Roanoke Island during this time is the
result of correspondence maintained by
missionaries who taught on the island.

The vast majority of the missionaries who came to
Roanoke Island were women, including Elizabeth
James who was the cousin of Horace James. Their
average pay was about $15 dollars a month or about
half of what their male counterparts might be
expected to earn. Their ages ran the gamut from
twenty- one to seventy. To state that these
individuals were dedicated to the task would-be an
understatement. Aside from their teaching respon-
sibilities they also acted as counselors, medical
caregivers, and dispensed food and other supplies.85

The students of these missionaries varied greatly in
age and innumerable other factors. The influx of

new arrivals would disrupt the program. Obtaining
suitable buildings from the army could prove chal-
lenging. Classrooms were located at several loca-
tions throughout the island. The vast majority of the
students proved to be thirsting for knowledge. The
missionaries used their experience in New England
as their blueprint for organizing their activities,
focusing on the three “R”s—reading writing, and
arithmetic. Discipline was generally not a problem.
Of course, religion was a basic theme intertwined
with education. One criticism leveled against them
was that they continued to perpetrate a white form
of dominance over the freedmen.®¢

It appears that many of the Union soldiers often
mistreated the freedmen just as their former masters
had done despite orders from their officers to
refrain from doing so. In spring 1862, soldiers from
the 9" New York Zouaves, Col. Rush Hawkins’
men, cut the hair of several former slaves for a
minstrel show. Many officers absconded with the
freedmen’s wages when they were reassigned.
Supplies that were intended for distribution to the
freedmen were either used for other purposes or
sold rather than given to them. It makes one wonder
why the freedmen fought for the Union at all. There
were also concerns voiced that children were being
taken from their parents to work in slave- like
conditions in other parts of the country. In fact,
Holland Streeter, James’ assistant, was convicted of
corruption and sentenced to three months
confinement and a $500 fine.67

A prelude to the problems that the future would
bring when it came to both land and trees can be
seen in a letter dating from August 1864. In a letter
to Capt. R.C. Webster of the office of the Chief of
the Virginia and North Carolina District, a 1°' Lt.
Stuart Barnes presented his side of the story with
respect to a complaint made by one W.H. Sutton.
Barnes stated that no timber had been cut either
from enclosed fields or from land belonging to any
Union citizen. There was one instance where some
trees had been taken down on the property of a
Captain Hays, but once the error was discovered,
the work was ceased immediately. Barnes further
stated that in May, Sutton had come to his office and
sought information on how to seek compensation

84, James, Annual Report, 26-27.
85. Click, Time Full of Trial, 80-82.
86. Ibid., 105-124.
87. Ibid., 125-147.

20 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

© OG OSOOOSSOHOOHHEHODHHOOHHOOHHHOODOOSHHOOOS


unconscious symbols of a brave new world.” The
comments were nothing less than effusive in praise
of Green. 343

By 1941, the State of North Carolina realized the
importance of The Lost Colony play to both the
economy of Roanoke Island and the state itself. For
its fifth year of production, the state legislature
voted to allocate $10,000 to underwrite the
production. This funding was to be reviewed ona
yearly basis. Additionally, the Federal government
instructed the National Park Service to “make it
possible for The Lost Colony to reach an ever-
increasing number of American people.” There
were to be five performances each week during the
running season44 One can only speculate whether
the invisible hand of Roosevelt was the guiding force
behind the announcement concerning the National
Park Service’s decision to extend this cooperation.

Just before Christmas 1938, The Dare County Times
reported that Josephus Daniels had been invited to
speak at the dedication of the formal opening of the
new community center in early January 1939.
Daniels had already planned to spend his Christmas
holiday in Raleigh and would try to adjust his
schedule to make a dedication speech. Daniels was
formerly editor of the News and Observer in Raleigh
and had family ties to Roanoke Island. The WPA
spent $20,000 on the facility that would have a
kitchen, house the public library, and provide office
space for several Federal agencies, including the
WPA. This article is interesting because no mention
of Daniels was made for the 350th anniversary press
coverage of Virginia Dare, although he was a
confidant of President Roosevelt and a vice-
president of the Roanoke Island Historical
Association245 There must have been some
important political developments in Mexico to keep
him away from such an occasion.

In the same issue, The Dare County Times reported
that the statewide reductions affecting the WPA
payroll should have little effect upon Dare County.
The arrival of the new year would mean that
approximately 1,000 WPA jobs would be lost a week
for a seven week period. That translated to about 70

jobs lost in each county in North Carolina.
However, according to I. P. Davis, the Dare County
Superintendent of Welfare and WPA Certifying
Agent, since the fishing season commenced
concurrently, the effect in Dare County was
expected to be minimal. Davis also stated that “we
certainly will not have to cut off anyone who is in
dire need”346

Agitation for a water and sewer system for Manteo
was already in progress during summer 1935. The
argument was put forth that Manteo needed a
“sewer and water works as much as any town we
know.” Not only would this provide people with an
incentive to build homes in the town, but it would
lower the fire insurance premiums for the
downtown district. The combination would add
substantially to the number of citizens along with an
added tax base. The only stipulation was that the
system needed to generate enough income to cover
costs.347

In 1939, there were only 547 year- round residents
living in Manteo. It must have taken a great deal of
political clout for the state’s legislators to get the
Works Progress Administration to appropriate
$100,000 to install a sewer system in the town. The
Dare County Times reported that Manteo voters
overwhelmingly approved two bond issues totaling
$37,000 to construct a water and sewage system to
complement the Federal funds. Since the booming
tourist economy began, the sanitary and water
facilities had been taxed to the limit during the
summer seasons. The Federal government would
provide an additional $100,200 for the project.
Manteo received 13,000 feet of sewer lines, 17,500
feet of water mains, and 300 water and sewer
connections. There also were projected to be a
75,000 gallon steel water tank, a 200,000 gallon
concrete storage tank, plus 27 fire hydrants, a pump
house, and other equipment. At that time, raw
sewage was being pumped into Dough’s Creek,
creating an unhealthful situation, especially during
the summer tourist season. The project was
expected to commence shortly34° In fact, it was
1942 before the actual installation of the sewer
system commenced.349

343. New York Times, August 15, 1939.

344, New York Times, March 24, 1941.

345. Dare County Times, December 23, 1938.
346. Ibid.,

347. Elizabeth City Independent, July'5, 1935.
348. Dare County Times, June 28, 1940.;

72 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

SPOHSOHOSHHHOHSOHHSHHHHHHHHOSHHHHSHHSHHHOHOHSHOCOHO


Contents
FOreWword 2.2... cnc teeter ee cence eee cee e tence need vii
Chapter One: Introduction . 10.00.00... 00. c cece cece eet eceet eee ene eee 1

Chapter Two: The Nineteenth Century, Antebellum Outer Banks,
the Civil War, and Reconstruction .................. 000 e cece eee 1

Chapter Three: Post-Reconstruction and the U.S. Lifesaving Service .............. 25

Chapter Four: +The Dawn of the Twentieth Century and a Changing
Roanoke Island Prior to the Great Depression.................... 41

Chapter Five: The Modern Era—Expansion, the Great Depression,
and The Lost Colony ........06 0.0. c cece cece cent eeee 57

Bibliography ....... 0.0... eee eet 75

National Park Service v


iv Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940



SPOHOSSHOSSHOHSSHSHSSHHHSHHHSHHHHHHHHHHOHHSHOOOEOS

because Elizabeth presented Raleigh with the
estates of Anthony Babington who was executed as a
traitor for being in league with Mary, Queen of
Scots. Walsingham controlled a vast spy network
throughout Europe and had counted on Babington’s
estate to maintain this extensive and expensive
network while increasing his own wealth.
Unknown to Raleigh, he became the target of
Walsingham’s wrath. If Walsingham could discredit
Raleigh, not only might he obtain the coveted
estates but also obtain the Queen’s patent held by
Raleigh for the colonization of North America. To
achieve this end, the colonists at Roanoke had to be
sacrificed. 3°

When the English first arrived in North America,
various Amer- Indian groups inhabited it. Indians
of the Algonquian language group were preeminent
in what is now North Carolina. The Roanoke
Indians belonged to this group. One individual who
stands out is Manteo, who was a member of a ruling
family of the Roanoke Indians. He adapted rapidly
to the ways of the English, learned their language,
traveled to England, and eventually was rewarded
with a title for his efforts on their behalf3' Today,
the major town on the island of Roanoke bears his
name. However, noted Outer Banks historian David
Stick believes that Wanchese should be remembered
as a hero for resisting English efforts to take Native-
American land. He further postulates that Manteo
was a traitor for his collaboration with the English.

The Europeans also introduced various diseases to -
the indigenous populations of North America. Like
the Spanish, the English brought with them small-
pox, measles, and influenza. Indians had not devel-
oped resistance to these specific pathogens and
their numbers were drastically reduced by them.

'
After the failure of the Lost Colony, English
colonization efforts became focused on the
Jamestown settlement in Virginia. Jamestown, in
1607, became the first permanent English settlement
in North America and is far more recognized than -
the Roanoke Colony. Although interest in the lost
colonists had waned, Raleigh did send an
expedition commanded by Samuel Mace in 1602.
He previously traveled twice to the Virginia area,

and in March of that year, reached the Outer Banks.
However, once again, weather curtailed efforts and
no trace was discovered of the missing colonists.
After Jamestown became established, Captain John
Smith sent a small expedition led by Michael
Sicklemore in 1608. But Sicklemore failed also in his
quest to learn of the colonists’ fate. Throughout the
years, rumors persisted that some of the colonists
had survived a massacre by the Indian chief
Powhattan and that the survivors had intermarried
with the Indians2* However, this story, intriguing as
itis, has never been verified.

In1649, William Bullock wrote about Roanoke in
glowing terms, leaving out any details of its storied
past. In 1653, an expedition of fur traders went to
Roanoke Island. The local Indians showed them the
ruins of the old fort and the visitors supposedly
convinced the Indians to relinquish the island to
them. Samuel Stephens of Virginia was the earliest
recorded owner of Roanoke Island and was author-
ized to appoint a sheriff for the island on October 9,
1662. This indicates at least some degree of inhabi-
tation at this time. There is no evidence that Steph-
ens was one of the inhabitants. Stephens became
Governor of Virginia on October 8, 1667, and died in
office on March 7, 1670. His widow, Frances Cul-
pepper Stephens, then married William Berkeley in
June 1670 and he came into possession of Roanoke
Island by marriage. On April 17, 1676, Sir William.

- Berkeley, the Royal Governor of Virginia, sold half of

his half of Roanoke Island to Joshua Lamb of
Massachusetts for £100 sterling. Joshua Lamb, ob-
viously the proverbial Yankee businessman, then sold
half of Roanoke Island to Nicholas Paige of Boston
on September 19, 1677, for £150 sterling and made
himself a handsome profit on his initial investment33

In 1663, what is present- day Collington Island was
deeded to Sir John Colleton. The Outer Banks area
was suitable for grazing domesticated animals. On
Roanoke Island and the Barrier Islands, fences were
not necessary, and hogs, cattle, sheep, and horses
were left alone to graze without the worry of their
wandering off. Other than animal grazing, the Outer
Banks area appeared initially suitable only for
pirates such as Blackbeard. Indeed Bankers gained
an unsavory reputation because of their nefarious

30. Ibid., 168-84.

31. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 232.
32. Powell, Paradise Preserved, 13-14.
33. Ibid., 16-18.

National Park Service 9


SOOO OHSHHOSSOOSSHOHOOSOOOHHOHOSHSOOSOSOHOOOSS

Foreword

We are pleased to make available this special history study of Roanoke Island in the period following the
Civil War. This study was undertaken to help Fort Raleigh National Historic Site interpret the histories of all
the people of Roanoke Island through more than 400 years. We wish to extend thanks to Cape Hatteras
Group Superintendent Larry Belli and his staff, particularly Doug Stover and Steve Harrison, who were of
great assistance to the author and editor of this study. James Womack III prepared the map and designed the
cover for the study. We hope it will prove useful to managers and interpreters at Fort Raleigh National
Historic Site.

Dan Scheidt

Chief, Cultural Resources Division
Southeast Regional Office

January 2005

National Park Service vii


During the war, NAAS Manteo added an additional _ war, 10 servicemen died as a result of accidents, but
runway and located the seaplane ramp on Croatan there are no recorded combat fatalities. Such were
Sound. During 1944, almost 150 officers and 1,250 the contributions of Roanoke Island during the
enlisted men were stationed at Manteo. Duringthe | Second World War353

353, MLL. Shettle Jr., United States Naval Air Stations of World War Ii, Vol |, Eastern States (Bowersville, GA.: Shaertel
Publishers, 1995), 125. -

74 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

ea


09080 O8OO

As the nation’s principal conservation agency,
the Department of the Interior has responsibility
for most of our nationally owned public lands
and natural resources. This includes fostering
sound use of our land and water resources;
protecting our fish, wildlife, and biological
diversity; preserving the environmental and
cultural values of our national parks and
historical places; and providing for the enjoyment
of life through outdoor recreation. The
department assesses our energy and mineral
resources and works to ensure that their
development is in the best interests of all our
people by encouraging stewardship and citizen
participation in their care. The department also
has a major responsibility for American Indian
reservation communities and for people who live
in island territories under U.S. administration.

NPS D- 433 January 1997
p30


Army5® Neither was an extensive military
fortification and they were located close to the
beach. Fort Clark was an approximately two- acre
enclosure made of sand that was held in place by
wood and covered with turf. Fort Clark mounted
five 32- poundartillery pieces and two smaller ones.
Fort Hatteras was the principal fortification and was
situated inland approximately one- eighth mile from
the Hatteras Inlet set back a distance behind the
beach. Fort Hatteras was approximately 250 feet
across and constructed similarly to Fort Clark. The
primary armament of Fort Hatteras was 12 32-
pound artillery pieces.” :

The. Union Naval squadron, commanded by Flag
Officer Silas H. Stringham, bombarded these forts
on August 28, and the next day, a landing force of
2,000 men from the New York gth and 20"
Volunteer Regiments launched their amphibious
assault. Fort Clark, commanded by Col. J.C. Lamb,
expended all its artillery ammunition by midday.
Lamb then proceeded to spike his guns as best he
could and then retreated with his men to Fort
Hatteras. The Confederates attempted to use
vessels from their Mosquito Fleet to interdict the
Federal assault but were repulsed5® The
Confederate forces at Hatteras proposed surrender
terms but were notified that only their
unconditional surrender would be accepted. The
Confederate forces, consisting of approximately 700
men, commanded by Col. William F. Martin, were
forced to accept the terms. They were then placed
aboard Union vessels and transported to New York.
The entire operation cost the Union forces only 3
casualties. The Union now had a secure base of
operations from which to attack Roanoke Island,
interdict blockade runners, and prepare for an
assault upon the mainland of North Carolina and
the Confederacy5?

There were severe recriminations throughout the
South for failing to prevent the Union forces from
taking Forts Hatteras and Clark. Variously, the
engineers were blamed for the poor state of the
fortifications, the ordnance officials for lack of

suitable artillery to beat off the Union assault, and
last, the defenders themselves for drunkenness,
inability, and even cowardice in the face of the
enemy. The very faith of the South in itself was
shaken while, conversely, the Union forces gained a
monumental boost in morale. As a result of the loss
at Hatteras, the Confederates abandoned Forts
Oregon and Ocracoke without firing a shot,
deeming them untenable, With the inlets to both
Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds under Union
control, the entire seaboard of North Carolina was
exposed to a Union attack that the Confederacy
knew would be inevitable once the Union forces
had regrouped and consolidated their hold on the
Outer Banks.

With the fall of Hatteras, all eyes now focused on
Roanoke Island. The Confederacy rushed to fortify
Roanoke Island with the meager resources at its
disposal, while the Union proceeded to marshal
enough men and equipment to launch an assault
and wrest control of it. During the interim, both
sides sought to contain and exploit the other’s
possible weaknesses. The Union forces were
convinced that the Confederates on Roanoke were
fortifying the island as a prelude to offensive
operations in the area. Consequently, on September
18, 1861, Lt. James G. Maxwell of the United States
Navy led a raid upon the abandoned Confederate
position at Fort Ocracoke. He discovered 18 large-
caliber cannon with only their wooden carriages
burned. Maxwell, realizing that it would take only a
little effort to make them once more operational,
then proceeded to spike the cannon and retired.
The Confederacy could have used these guns for the
defense of Roanoke Island, but their hasty retreat
without a fight precluded taking these pieces with
them. This was one of a number of missteps
committed by the Confederate forces defending
North Carolina during this campaign.©°

On the Confederate side, Roanoke Island’s senior

Confederate officer, Col. A.R. Wright, contemplated
the capture of a Union vessel in order to gain vitally
needed intelligence.®' The senior Confederate naval

56. Ibid., 67.
57. Ibid., 39.

58. This is a derogatory term to describe an inadequate naval force only capable of “stinging” the opposing force and

otherwise being merely an annoyance.

59. Ibid., 40-45. See The New York Times, September 2, 1862 for a complete description of the engagement.

60. Ibid., 48-49.

61. It was these preparations that Union officers mistakenly viewed as a prelude for an assault on the Outer Banks. See

Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina, 49.

National Park Service 15


National Park Service
U.S. Department of the Interior

Fort Raleigh National Historic Site
North Carolina

Roanoke Island

Special Resource Study

. re Cultural Resources
Color Scans eel Southeast Region

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1893, referencing “Articles washed ashore from
vessels sailing from infected ports, with infectious
diseases. The Superintended stated that such
vessels should not be directed to Elizabeth City, as
usual, but rather to the nearest quarantine station.”
There was a particular concern about the spread of
yellow fever, a disease prevalent in the Caribbean.
This is exceptionally interesting because in less than
six months, the United States would be engaged ina
war with Spain, with the major theater of operations
being Cuba, where there was a high incidence of
yellow fever.'76

Despite being very near to each other, it could be
exceptionally difficult for a surfman to makes his
appointed rounds, as Surfman E.F. Gray learned in
October 1897. He was unable to return to New Inlet
because the surf was pounding the beach so hard.
He attempted to travel to Chicamicomico Station
but was only able to proceed a short distance.
Conditions were so dangerous that the 3:00 A.M.
patrol was cancelled at New Inlet and there was
three feet of water in that station.'77

Several differences are apparent between the 1890
and 1897 issues of the North Carolina Business
Directory. Branson now listed Dare County as only
encompassing 160 square miles. Manteo, while still
listed as having 175 souls, now had 500 individuals
within the borders of its Post Office, and the
Wanchese Post Office served an additional 500
people. The information concerning fishing did not
change one iota and was printed exactly as it had
been seven years earlier. There were three churches
in Manteo, and two had “colored” congregations.
The denominations were Baptist, Disciples,
Episcopal, and Methodist, and these were served by
anumber of ministers. With more congregations
than churches there must have been some shared
use of facilities. At this time, the Tranquil House

was the only place that visitors traveling to the island _

could stay overnight. Manteo even had a lawyer
residing within its limits, one R.L. Blount, who
undoubtedly found being in the county seat an
immeasurable advantage for his business.

Boat building underwent a geometric expansion in
the number of firms. There were eight individuals
listed in that profession in Manteo alone. Three of
them were Creefs: George Washington Sr., George
Washington, and B.H. Creef. There was also a
Daniels and Daugh listed. Strangely, there was no
boat construction in Wanchese in 1887 (there had
been in 1880). This might be related to a dramatic
plunge in the fishing yields the following year.

There appears to have been increased competition
for the limited number of customers on Roanoke
Island. Manteo had four general stores while
‘Wanchese and Skyco each had one. Four of the six
had a Daniels or Evans listed as either the sole
owner or co- owners. The 500- odd person
increase in population triggered an increase in both
business and services available to the inhabitants of
Roanoke Island.

The number of individuals who described
themselves as farmers skyrocketed to 47, up from 15,
seven years'prior. Only one of these was described
as “colored.” Incidentally, there was now one
colored school in addition to four more white
schools.'78

The landmass of Dare County seems to have been
transformed again in 1906, with its area now being
described as 975 square miles. Additionally, by 1906,
the Raleigh News and Observer was publishing the
North Carolina Yearbook.'79 Now, the yearbook
contained more precise information concerning
Dare County, which provided additional insight into
both Manteo and other parts of Roanoke Island.
The majority of the county officers lived in either
Manteo or Wanchese, with the rest spread out
throughout the county. There were now three post
offices on the island located at Manteo, Wanchese,
and Skyco with 60 miles of public roads connecting
the various parts of the county.

Manteo’s population at this time was made up of 812
whites and African- Americans. The town now had
a high school, with the great majority of teachers on

176. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C,. Lifesaving Log Books, Oregon Inlet, Box 6,
Dated: October 23, 1897, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.
177. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk, District, N.C, New Inlet, Box 5, Dated: October 25, 1897,

National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.
178. Branson's North Carolina Business Directory, 1897, 224-227.

179. There are, as with many other publications in North Carolina, only a limited number editions that have survived over the
years. Some publications were found in East Carolina University while others were located in the State Archives in

Raleigh.

38 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

000 OFHHHHTOHHHOHOHHOHOHHHHOOOHHCHHHHSHOHOOOCOO



FIGURE 1. Roanoke Island, NC, and vicinity.

Roanoke Island derives its name from the shell
beads the Indians called roanoke, also known by
many as wampum} This name also describes the
Native American inhabitants known as the Roanoke
Indians. Early settlers described the soil on
Roanoke Island as fertile but, over the years, its
quality declined markedly.4. The Roanoke Indians,
who initially inhabited the island, were able to
fertilize the soil by burying alewives in it.) By the
time of the Civil War, the soil quality became so
depleted that it was able to provide only subsistence
level farming for the island’s inhabitants.

The English were late entrants into the scramble to
explore and obtain colonies throughout the world

during the sixteenth century. The Portuguese,
under the direction of Prince Henry the Navigator,
led the way in both exploration and improved
technology in areas, such as cartography, that
greatly facilitated what now is known as the “Age of
Exploration.” Portuguese efforts in West Africa
eventually led to the colonization of Brazil.© King
Ferdinand of Spain and his queen, Isabella, were the
patrons of Christopher Columbus, who attempted
to discover a new route to the Indies and wound up
“discovering” what became known as the “New
World” in 1492. Although the English, along with
the Spanish, French, and Portuguese, were sending
numerous vessels to fish off the Grand Banks by

1. Alton Emmett Baum, Dare County: Economic and Social, Unpublished college paper 1939, 5-6 located in the Outer Banks

History Center, Manteo, North Carolina OBHC 33 MSS-0-44. .
2. John Hope Franklin, The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943), 5.
“Spanish Colonization Literature, Powhattan Geographies, and English Perceptions of

3. April Lee Hatfield,

Tsenacommacah,” The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 69, No. 2 (May 2003): 252.
4. David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,

1985), 216.

5. Alewives are a fish from the herring family that American Indians all along the East Coast used to fertilize the soil.
6. In 1494, Pope Alexander VI divided up the New World with the Treaty of Tordesillas between Portugal and Spain and
excluding Protestant European nations such as the English and the Dutch.

2 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


Chapter One: Introduction

This study will focus on the history of Roanoke
Island from the period of the Civil War until the
Second World War. During this time frame, there
were significant changes to the island’s life.
However, an understanding of the physical setting
of Roanoke Island itself combined with some
aspects of its social, political, and economic
development prior to the 1860s is an essential
prerequisite to understanding the island’s later
history. The first two chapters will lay the necessary
foundation, making it easier for readers to
understand the primary thrust of this report.

The unique physical setting of Roanoke Island,
sheltered by the barrier islands of North Carolina,
has had a profound influence on its history and
development. A series of barrier islands run in an
arc from the Virginia/North Carolina border south
some 250 miles to Cape Lookout. In back of the
barrier islands are large shallow sounds, fed by the
Chowan, Pamlico, and Neuse Rivers. South of Cape
Lookout, the barrier islands are much closer to the
shore, forming much narrower sounds. Just south of
Wilmington, the coastline alters from a north/south
to an east/west orientation at Cape Fear. This
foreboding name was given by early explorers in
tribute to the fierce storms, treacherous currents,
and dangerous shoals of this region.

The barrier islands along the northern part of the
coast are known as the Outer Banks. They include,
from north to south, Bodie Island, Pea Island,
Hatteras Island, and Ocracoke Island. These Outer
Bank islands are separated by narrow, shallow
inlets. The locations of the inlets do not stay fixed;
hurricanes and severe storms move the sand
around, obliterating inlets and creating new ones.
Because of the constant action of wind and water,
the configuration of the islands and sounds are
different than they were in the colonial period. The
waters off the Outer Banks have.long been known as

the “Graveyard of the Atlantic,” in tribute to the
many ships that have gone down there.

Roanoke Island lies west of Bodie Island, between
the Outer Banks and the mainland. Albemarle
Sound is north of Roanoke Island, with Pamlico
Sound to the south. The waters between Roanoke
Island and the Outer Banks are known as Roanoke
Sound; Croatan Sound separates the island from the
mainland. Roanoke Island is 12 miles long and 3
miles wide at its widest point

Its soil is sandy and is generally only one or two feet
above sea level. Numerous parts of Roanoke Island
are swampy. Temperatures average around 60/%2-
63% Farenheit and an average growing season is in
the range of 220 days.' These physical attributes,
combined with the fact that over the years, fishing
has been a major part of the lives of the island’s
inhabitants, are, in a large measure, the raison d’étre
for the insular qualities of the islanders. For years
they did not partake in mainstream America and
neither did they have a meaningful position in
contemporary North Carolina society. There is,
remarkably, very little written concerning the Outer
Banks until the Civil War. Although the infamous
“Graveyard of the Atlantic” was well- known, early
histories of North Carolina virtually exclude any
mention of the region. The isolation and limited
population were certainly factors in this omission.
These geographical features also prevented the
development of a major port city, such as
Charleston, that thrived on trade. The topography
of North Carolina provides one of America’s best
examples of how geography plays a role in econom-
ic development.” Living on an island not only
separates one physically but also psychologically.

National Park Service 1


The next day, another telephone message emanated
from the district superintendent’s office. It stated
that any individual who desired to should report
immediately to the Customs House, after which
they would be assigned to a Coast Guard Station.
All individuals between 18 and 25 who elected not to
volunteer would be drafted into the military*4' For
many, service in the Coast Guard would have been
infinitely more appealing than serving in the
trenches of France, along with the concomitant
appalling loss of life of the combatants.

Tragedy struck the nascent Coast Guard in October
1917. Surfman Theo Meekins of Pea Island and
Surfman C.C. Miller of a neighboring station were
reported overdue from liberty. They were known to
have departed from Manteo in a power boat and
then disappeared. A search was organized of
Oregon Inlet, but it revealed no trace of either the
men or the boat. It was assumed that they drowned
en route back to the station.24?

Although the former Lifesaving Service
undoubtedly had a drill protocol for years, the
United States Coast Guard put the Beach-
Apparatus Drill into a manual in 1918. This manual
specified that a drill was to be conducted as if the
crew was working on an actual wreck. When the
season commenced, drills were to be conducted
twice weekly for the first month and weekly
thereafter. Each member of the crew had to recite
his duties as the drill was in progress. There were
also specific commands given and to be followed
such as, “forward,” “halt,” and “action.”*43

George E. Pruden, the number one surfman, who
would eventually rise to become the keeper at Pea
Island, initially had a somewhat checkered career.
In August 1919, the keeper, W.H. Irving, recorded the
first of what were to be many of Pruden’s

punishments in the station log. Pruden had been
disobedient and used “language not in keeping with
the best discipline and integrity of the service.” This
resulted in loss of liberty for a period of 20 days.744

Although the state of medicine had made
tremendous advances since the Civil War, this did
not necessarily mean it reached the Outer Banks.
The LSS might have provided a great deal of medical
care; but that did not always translate into the best.
Substitute surfman Henry Simmons became ill with
“chills and ague.” George Pruden recorded that he
was treated with six ounces of whiskey, three
capsules of quinine, and two barbiturate pills.45
Pruden obviously did not know that alcohol and
barbiturates could be a deadly mixture. However,
Simmons lived through the experience and should
be considered lucky that he survived his “medical”
treatment.

In August 1920, work was proceeding at a rapid pace
on the Currituck Sound Bridge. A half- mile of
pilings had already been driven and that part of the
project was expected to be completed in a few
weeks. The project aroused local enthusiasm since
there were assurances that there was going to be a
hard- surface road all the way to Roanoke Island.
Real estate agents were already contemplating
developing the area with an eye on making some
serious profits.24°

Once again, in October 1920, Bosun’s Mate ist Class
George E. Pruden incurred the wrath of Keeper
Irving. Once again, Pruden failed to follow orders
and once again paid the price. His punishment was
another 20 days deprivation of liberty plus he was
required to perform extra duties.*47 Pruden
appears to have been lucky to retain his position as
number one surfman. In today’s military, his career
certainly would have been shortened.

240. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C. Lifesaving Saving Station Logbooks,,Pea Island,

Box 13, Dated April 19, 1917, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

241. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Records of the Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea

Island, Box 13, Dated: April 20, 1917, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

242. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 14,
Dated: October 30, 1917 and November 1, 1917, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

243. United States Coast Guard, Beach Drill Apparatus (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1918).

244. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 15,

Dated: August 2, 1919, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

245. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 15,

Dated: February 23, 1920, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
246. Elizabeth City Independent, August 30, 1920.

247. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 15,

Dated: October 21, 1920, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

National Park Service 51


of the Nags Head station. He had no identification
papers in his clothes and it could not be determined
where he came from. The surfmen buried him on
the beach where they found him.'5®

An indication of the development and maturation of
the Lifesaving Service can be found in a missive
from the Maritime Association of the Port of New
York addressed to all the keepers from Portland,
Maine, to Cape Hatteras. It informed the keepers
that Sumner Kimball had implemented the
following procedures to be implemented upon the
discovery of a vessel in distress. Immediately after
obtaining knowledge of a ship in distress the
information was to be transmitted by telegraph, if
possible, to the New York Maritime Exchange with
particulars such as the vessel’s nationality, the nature
of its cargo, and whether the crew and passengers
had been rescued. If all the information was not
available, what was known was to be sent and then
additional follow- up reports filed as needed. Most
important from the governmnent’s perspective, the
Exchange would pay the telegraph fees.'57

The endless tedium and monotony of daily drills
and maintenance were broken up by a minor drama
that began unfolding off Nags Head Life Saving
Station on January 2, 1887. Surfman S. T. Fosbee,
while making his rounds on the beach, observed a
schooner flying the American flag upside down at
half- mast on the mizzenmast at approximately 4
P.M. The vessel “wich proved to be the Joseph
Barymore” was bound from Charleston, South
Carolina, to Philadelphia with a cargo of lumber. By
use of signal flags, the ship’s captain conveyed to the
surfman that his vessel was taking on water and was
in need of assistance. The ship’s captain feared that
if he stayed too far out at sea this would cause his
ship to “sink and role over,” placing his crew and
himself in grave jeopardy. The roughness of the surf
prevented the launching of the surfboat.

Over the next few days the sea conditions prevented
the safe launching of the surfboat to assist the Joseph

Barymore. However, on January 4, a telegram was
sent to the Maritime Exchange in New York City
apprising that institution of the situation. On
January 5, conditions eased up sufficiently to enable
launching of the surfboat, but it was unable to make
its way past the sandbar. Finally, on January 6, the
schooner hoisted a signal stating “Send for Cutter”
and the station relayed this message to Kitty Hawk.

The next morning at about 7:00 A.M.., a flag was
noticed flying from the mizzenmast with the word
“MUTINY.” Once more, an attempt was made to
launch the surfboat to ascertain the'situation aboard
the schooner, and once more the attempt ended in
failure. At 11:00 A.M., the signal was observed being
taken down and the schooner’s sails being hoisted.
The vessel slipped her chains at noon, leaving her
anchor, and then proceeded in the direction of
Hatteras. A message was then sent to the telegraph
office conveying what had just transpired.'585 No
further action was noted.

During April 1887, a modern technical advance
made itself felt in the Lifesaving Service on the
Outer Banks. The Pea Island crew had been
engaged in the construction of a telephone line
under the guidance of Sgt. W.M. Balton of the U.S.
Signal Service. On April 21, 1887, telephone service
was established, greatly facilitating the mission of
the Lifesaving Service. Additionally that day, two
horses were “exchanged by order of the
inspector.”!59

On June 10, 1887, Keeper Van Buren Etheridge
recorded that Col. B.S. Pardee, a correspondent for
the New Haven Palladi, the Baltimore
Manufacturer’s Record, the New York Commercial
Advertiser, and “other newspapers,” paid a visit to
the Nags Head station. His purpose was to write an
article about the Lifesaving Service and specifically
conditions at the Nags Head Station. He hoped to
“{nfluence public opinion” enough to have the
Congressional appropriation for the service

156. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 3,
Dated: April 16, 1886, National Archives and records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

157. Pea Island LSS Correspondence “re-Reporting Wrecks,” 1883-1887, 1889-1891, 1893-1894, 1896, 1899, Maritime
Association of the Port of New York to Keepers of LSS, Dated: December 6, 1884, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site,

Manteo, North Carolina.

158. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 3, Dated
January 2-7, 1887, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

159. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 2,
Dated: April 21, 1887, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

34 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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SPHOHSHSHHHHHSHSHOHSHSHHHSHSHHHKSHHO HOHOOSHHOOOHOS

Bibliography

PRIMARY SOURCES

39" Congress, 1 Session, Senate Executive Document
No. 27. Summary report of North Carolina
Freedmen’s Bureau- Colonel E. Whittlesey, Assistant
Commissioner: 159- 166.

Emmerton, James A. A Record of the Twenty- Third
Regiment Mass. Vol. Infantry in the War of the
Rebellion, 1861- 1865, with Alphabetical Roster;
Company Rolls; Portraits; Maps; etc. Boston: William
Ware & Co., 1886.

Howard, Oliver Otis. Autobiography of Oliver Otis
Howard, Vol. 2. New York: Baker & Taylor, 1907.

James, Horace. Annual report of the Superintendent of
Negro Affairs in North Carolina, 1864. Boston: W.F.
Brown & Co., 1865.

North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina.

Pea Island Lifesaving Station Correspondence, 2 boxes,
Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Manteo, North
Carolina.

Putnam, Samuel H. The Story of Company A, Twenty-
Fifth Regiment, Mass. Vols., in the War of the Rebellion.
Worcester, MA.: Putnam, Davis & Co, 1886.

Record Group 22, Records of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service, National Archives, College Park, MD.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard,
National Archives, Atlanta, GA.

Record Group 27, Records of the U.S. Weather Bureau,
National Archives, College Park, MD.

Tate, Suzanne, as told by Cora Mae Basnight. Memories of
Manteo and Roanoke Island, N.C. Nags Head, N.C.
Nags Head Art, 1988.

United States Coast Guard. Beach- Drill Apparatus.
Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1918.

Newspapers

Dare County Times.

Elizabeth City Daily Advance.
Elizabeth City Economist.

Elizabeth City Fisherman and Farmer.

Elizabeth City Independent.

New York Times.

Richmond Times- Dispatch.

Periodicals

Branson’s, North Carolina Business Directory, 1890, 1897.

Frank Leslie’s, Illustrated Newspaper.

Raleigh News and Observer, North Carolina Business
Directory, 1906, 1909, 1916.

SECONDARY SOURCES

Books

Aitken, Hugh G. The Continuous Wave: Technology and
American Radio, 1900- 1932. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1985.

Alexander, Roberta Sue. North Carolina Faces the
Freedmen: Race Relations During Presidential
Reconstruction, 1865- 1867. Durham, N.C.: Duke
University Press, 1985.

Barfield, Rodney. Seasoned by Salt: A Historical Album of
the Outer Banks. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1995.

Barrett, John G. The Civil War in North Carolina. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1963.

Bennett, Robert F. Sand Pounders: An Interpretation of the
History of the U.S. Lifesaving Service, Based on its
Annual Reports for the Years 1870 through 1914.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Coast Guard, 1998.

Bowser, Arvilla Tillett, and Lindsey Bowser. Roanoke
Island: The Forgotten Colony. Chesapeake, VA.:
Maximilian Press, 2002.

Boyer, Paul S., cd. The Oxford Companion to United States
History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Cecelski, Davis S. The Waterman's Song: Slavery and
Freedom in Maritime North Carolina. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

Charles, Searle F. Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and
the Depression. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press,
1966.

Click, Patricia C. Time Full of Trial: The Roanoke Island
Freedmen’s Colony, 1862- 1867. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

National Park Service 75


ever, despite his wife’s ministrations, Johnson was
orthographically challenged like many otherwise
educated men of the era. Johnson worked as a tailor
to support his growing family. His natural skills at
tailoring and work ethic made him prosper and over
time he had his own assistants for an increasing
workload.

Later, Johnson went on to attend Greeneville
College where he studied under Sam Milligan, who
would play a important role in forming his political
views and became a lifelong confidant. Johnson
would develop republican concepts that would
question why wealth alone, and not ability, should
shape a man’s destiny. These beliefs, combined with
his abject poverty in childhood, made Johnson
mistrustful of the motives of others to the point of
paranoia.95

It was Johnson’s desire for recognition that
motivated him to enter the political arena. Initially
an alderman, Johnson had a brusque oratorical style
that appealed to Tennessee frontier types who
harbored a mistrust of mainstream American
politics. Johnson’s exclusion from the inner
sanctum of his party’s political decision- making
made him a palatable alternative choice to these
individuals. By 1843, Johnson was a Congressman
but still an outsider and next became governor of
the state of Tennessee. The deepening chasm
between the North and the South over both states’
rights and the divisive issue of slavery would
eventually propel Johnson onto the national
political stage in a manner which few individuals
could imagine.

Johnson ran for and won a Senate seat in 1857, at a
time when the nation was perilously close to
fracturing.%® However, like his idol Andrew
Jackson, Johnson was a staunch pro- Unionist ina
state destined to join the Confederacy. John
Brown’s attack on the Federal arsenal at Harper’s
Ferry in 1859 brought the nation to the point of
fissure. Johnson believed that slavery was legal and
he personally owned some slaves, but he wanted the
nation to remain whole—not a popular sentiment in
Tennessee on the verge of a fratricidal civil war.

Once the war was in progress, Johnson gave up the
safety of Washington, D.C., and became military
governor of Tennessee. This position placed him in
personal danger, as many individuals in his state
considered him a traitor to the Confederacy.97 In
part, as a reward for his successful performance in
Tennessee and partly because Hannibal Hamlin was
too intense of a Radical Republican, clashing with
Lincoln’s moderate views, Johnson became Lin-
coln’s running mate in 1864. Hence, as a result of
that fateful evening at Ford’s Theater, Andrew
Johnson, a Southern Democrat, became president
during the beginning of the period known as Re-
construction amid a Congress filled with Radical
Republicans from the North. Johnson, like Lincoln,
wished for a policy of reconciliation—not retribu-
tion. However, the office of the presidency did not
have the stature it possesses today, although certain
individuals, such as Washington and Lincoln, rose
to the occasion and wielded exceptional power.

Despite presidential limitations, Johnson was able to
impact the Radical Republican agenda negatively in
North Carolina. Brig. Gen. Joseph R. Hawley was an
abolitionist who commanded Union troops in
Wilmington, North Carolina. Hawley had the
church of an unrepentant Southern minister
converted to a military hospital because of his
activities. In June 1865, Johnson replaced Hawley
with an officer more palatable to the unremorseful
former rebels. A bedrock of both support and
influence was taken from James at a critical time.9®
This would be one of the many actions committed
by Johnson for which the Radical Republicans
would effect their retribution.

Responsibility for James revolved around different
sections of the War Department until May 12, 1865,
when Mgj. Gen. Oliver Otis Howard was assigned as
Commissioner of the Bureau of Refugees,
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (commonly
known as the Freedmen’s Bureau). Like James,
Howard was also both a Congregationalist and an
abolitionist. It was Howard’s view that the
Freedmen’s Bureau was neither an énormous
employment or relocation agency.99 In June, James
managed to obtain an interview with President

95. Ibid., 27-28.

96. Although Johnson disdained mainstream politics, it should be remembered that popular election of U.S. Senators was not

accomplished until the twentieth century by the 17" amendment in 1913.
97. Eric L. McKitrick, Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 90.

98. Reilly, “Reconstruction Through Regeneration,” 84-85.

22 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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the island living within the town’s limits. The
number of merchants had increased exponentially
over the past few years. There are listings for
blacksmiths, carriage- makers, shoe stores, a
confectionery, millinery and fancy goods, and even
a plumber. However, only 141 individuals were
registered voters in Manteo and none was black,
while in the county overall there were 1,001
registered white voters and 576 black voters.'8°

Consistent with the increase in the county’s area,
there was an increase in population. The
population was now 7,550, broken down as follows:
white males, 4,000; white females, 3,000: Negro
males 300; Negro females, 250; and “foreign born”
accounting for a mere 100. The value of real estate
was given as $459,183 and that of personal property
$220,000. However, there is an unequal distribution
of the property. The value of the land owned by

whites was $652,100 as compared to $16,932 by
blacks.

There were numerous other changes on Roanoke
Island, especially with reference to the business
community. The surge in population necessitated a
greater infrastructure to provide for the needs of
these “genteel” people. Manteo was a bustling and
thriving community with a population of 850. There
was now the Hotel Roanoke in addition to the
Tranquil House, providing shelter to the additional
influx of visitors. The Bank of Manteo, four
doctors, three department stores, insurance agents,
real estate agents, and even an undertaker, now
served the people of Manteo.'*! Still, there appears
to be a firmly entrenched “color line.” Wealth,
schools, and neighborhoods were still segregated as
in the whole South, with the majority of black
citizens on Roanoke Island congregating in a section

that came to be known as “California.”®?

180. North Carolina Yearbook and Business Directory, 1906 (Raleigh News and Observer), 209-210.

181. North Carolina Business Directory, 1909, 171-173.

182. Nobody is really sure how this name was arrived at. Some ascribe it to the fact that California was a “free” state, while
others believe that it was the sunny weather of California that provided the inspiration for the name.

National Park Service 39


for timber removed from his property. At that time,
he failed to indicate any timber had already been
removed.88 Later, many others would make similar
claims concerning their property. One should not
forget that the mill that James constructed needed to
get its timber from someplace relatively nearby.

The return of land to its former owners began as a
trickle and became a veritable torrent by 1865. The
“Ironclad Oath” made it reasonably easy for any
former Confederate to swear allegiance to the
United States and regain ownership of his .
confiscated property. On December 16, 1866, Walter
Dough regained possession of 60 acres, George
Wescott, 25 acres, and Jessie Dough, 11 acres. On
January 14, 1867, Sarah Dough managed to reclaim
190 acres, John Etheridge Jr. got 50 acres back on
January 24, Tart Etheridge regained possession of
another 50 acres on March 12, and 85 acres reverted
to Thomas Dough.*9 A great deal of land went toa
few people on this small island. It should also be
remembered that going back some years prior, proof
of land ownership was a rather tenuous thing to say
the least. One must wonder how these individuals
managed to prove the land was in fact theirs.

Patricia Click, author of Time Full of Trial, places a
great deal of emphasis upon the interaction of James
with the American Missionary Association. James
was a Congregationalist, like the majority of AMA
members. They also provided James with funds to.
purchase the steam engine along with a great deal of
clothing for his wards. However, there is no men-
tion of either James or Roanoke Island in a history

_of the AMA from 1861 until 1890.%° Prior to the Civil

War, the AMA was active in North Carolina, but
once again, there was no mention of either Roanoke
Island or the Outer Banks from 1846- 1861."

In November 1863, Gen. Benjamin Butler took
command of the Department of Virginia and North
Carolina. He took an intense interest concerning the
welfare of the families of his black soldiers. Butler
also sought to have the black colonists eventually

receive permanent title to the land on Roanoke
Island. Butler was aligned with the Radical
Republicans, which would later place him at odds
with both the.newly created Freedmen’s Bureau and
President Andrew Johnson.”

With the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in Ford’s
Theater on April 14, 1865, Andrew Johnson assumed
the mantle of the presidency. It would be an
understatement to write that this was a period of
extreme uncertainty throughout the United States.
Not only were there many unanswered questions
concerning Lincoln’s assassination, but many
individuals in government also harbored doubts
about Andrew Johnson’s true loyalties, especially
since he was a Southerner. The confluence of his
own personality and the ideas of the Radical
Republicans in Congress created a tumultuous
period in the history of the United States. It was this
conflict between Johnson and Congress that to a
large degree shaped how Reconstruction
progressed in its early years. Johnson's inability to
compromise, intolerance, and obduracy at a time
when discretion and flexibility should have been
paramount made conflict with the Radical
Republicans in Congress inevitable.93

Johnson’s early life shaped his outlook throughout
all his years and especially his presidency. His
parents were illiterate poor whites from North
Carolina. Johnson’s father died when he was young
and his mother was forced to apprentice him out to
a tailor in order to make ends meet. After awhile,
Johnson ran away because the man mistreated him
and his brother. He made his way to Tennessee and
later went back to get his mother and stepfather
upon learning they were destitute.%4 It was in
Tennessee that Andrew Johnson, literally, developed
into manhood.

When Johnson and his family arrived in Tennessee,
he met his future wife, Eliza McCardle. It was she
who helped his family get a cabin and later it was she
who taught her husband to read and write. How-

88. RG-105, Barnes to Webster, Dated: August 1, 1861.
89. RG-105.

90. See Joe M. Richardson, Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861-1890

(Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1986).
9

. Clifton Herman Johnson, “The American Missionary Association, 1846-1861: A Study of Christian Abolitionism, ”

unpublished Ph.D. dissertation at University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1958.

92. Reilly, "Reconstruction Through Regeneration,” 50-51.;

93. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: American’s Unfinished Revolution, 1862- 1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), 177.
94, Lately Thomas, The First President Johnson: The Three Lives of the Seventeenth President of the United States (New York:

William Morrow & Co, 1968), 8-9, 19.

5

National Park Service 21


insular island. He was young, good looking, and
drove a fast roadster, creating intense popular
sentiment against him in a largely economically
marginal community. However, Miss Pugh’s account
of what transpired appeared, at best, inconsistent.
According to Miss Pugh, Holloway attempted to
make love to her and removed both his and her
clothes. He carried her to a bed and she claimed to
have fought him off, grabbed a bathrobe, climbed out
the window, and ran to a neighbor for assistance. A
medical examination concluded that, “her virginity
was unimpaired,’ although there was a bruise on her
hip and several scratches on her body, initially
lending credence to her story. At the courthouse,
Judge W. F. Baum ordered everyone except the
principals and their counsel out of the courtroom.

Over the next few days, many people began to
believe the girl’s story was fabricated. A number of
individuals openly expressed the belief that Miss
Pugh was a consenting partner of Holloway but at
the last minute got “cold feet” before consummating
the act. The girl’s parents, wishing to avoid any fur-
ther scandal, decided the best course of action was
to end the matter as expeditiously as possible.
Holloway pleaded nolo contendere to a charge of
simple assault and was free to go after paying court
costs.276

There was a rumor in September 1930 that the
segregated black Coast Guardsmen serving on Pea
Island might move to a new location upon
completion of the new facilities then under
construction. The former U.S. Lifesaving Service
Station compiled one of the most enviable records
in the history of the Service and there was a genuine
local affection for the group. The speculation was
that they would be moved to an older facility at
Oregon Inlet and that an all white crew from that
station would be transferred to the new facilities.277
This did not sit well with many inhabitants of
Roanoke Island. However, all this was merely a
rumor and nothing transpired.

In what must strike one as somewhat ironic, the Pea
Island Lifesaving Station received three Good

Conduct medals. One of these was for Chief Bosuns
Mate George E. Pruden. Pruden had not only been
promoted and made keeper but now was receiving
an award for exemplary conduct as a
Coastguardsman. He must have seen the error of
his ways or, more likely, Pruden had not
recommended himself for any disciplinary action
for any infractions that he may have committed
while serving as keeper.278

Shortly after Christmas 1930, the infrequent body
came ashore on the Outer Banks, this time in the
marshes approximately a mile southwest of the Pea
Island Station. The individual was about 5’ 6”, with
a dark complexion, missing a front tooth, and had a
tattoo of a “nacked lady” on his left arm. Unlike
during the previous century, the District
Commander and the coroner were both notified.?79
Even into the twentieth century, the Outer Banks
were still a dangerous stretch of water that would
claim the unwary.

By 1935, Dare County was being touted as entering
“an opportunity making epoch.” A large
advertisement in the Dare County Times described
the business opportunities in the area as “not readily
grasped.” Not only did the advertisement extol the
region’s history but also its future. “It has 17 miles of
paved ocean front driveway.” There were hotels,
§nodern facilities of every sort, along with
“increasing commercial interests.””8° It was
apparent that a concerted effort was being made to
lure investors on both the local and national level to
Dare County and Roanoke Island.

A major portion of the modern history of Roanoke
Island revolves around the The Lost Colony play,
which has presented approximately 4,000
performances to date: Ina very early template of the
concept of “build it, they will come,” playwright Paul
Green was commissioned to write the script for the
production. Green was a native of North Carolina
whose roots were in rural Harnett County. In 1927,
he won the Pulitzer Prize for his Broadway play, In
Abraham’s Bosom, which was a depiction of black
life in the South. Green was also the first playwright

276. Elizabeth City Independent, May 9, 23, 30, 1930.
277. Elizabeth City Independent, September 19, 1930.

278. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 21,

Dated: September 30, 1930, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

279. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 21,

Dated: December 27, 1930, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
280. Dare County Times, July 5, 1935.

58 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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vi Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940



However, after 1725, many marginal whites began to
view blacks as a threat to their maritime jobs, but
more important, the possibility of a slave
insurrection loomed large in the minds of many
affluent whites.4"

Slaves, because of their skill and ability to work
successfully in the tidewater environment, were
often hired out by their owners to other whites to
perform specific functions, providing cash income
to their owners. Slaves working on the water could
also earn additional income that slaves working on
plantations did not have the opportunity to obtain.
Some slaves, such as Moses Grandy, were able to
earn a sufficient amount of money to enable them to
eventually purchase their freedom, although this
was not the norm. Asa result of the greater degree
of latitude given these individuals, there was a large
degree of inter- racial mixing and racial-boundaries
were somewhat confused in the Outer Banks region
compared to other parts of North Carolina and the
South in general.4*

The most detailed narrative of the life of a slave
working the estuaries and sounds of North Carolina
comes from Moses Grandy who plied those waters
from approximately 1790 until 1830. He depicts a
complex interaction of black watermen and the
dynamics of slavery versus freedom from the
perspective a black slave. Grandy elucidated that,
although Camden, located on the southern part of
the North Carolina coast, was indeed a small port, it
had important connections to the West Indies and
this was reflected in the lilting speech and music of
the slaves. He also wrote of the deep- rooted fear
that whites had as a result of the successful Haitian
slave rebellion of 1791- 1803, specifically that it would
inspire American slaves to revolt.

During the antebellum period, there was no major
commercial fishing in the Outer Banks region,
although the confluence of the many rivers and the
ocean made it the most prolific fishing ground of the
United States other than of the waters off Louisiana.
Most of the fishing accomplished by both blacks
and whites was performed at a subsistence level.
The excess catch was usually bartered off because
there was little specie circulating in the region.

Plantations located close to the water would often
designate one slave to fish, providing additional
nourishment to the owner’s other slaves as well as
the master himself. However, there were some slave
owners who frowned upon this practice because
occasionally enterprising slaves sold terrapins and
other turtles on the sly and this provided them with
income that empowered them to some degree.
Slaves also learned many things about nature and
the sea from their activities. The major threat posed
by slaves engaging in fishing was that the owners lost
the degree of control that they exercised over slaves
working on the plantation.43 This would later prove
beneficial to the Union forces once they
commenced to regain the territory of the Outer
Banks and Roanoke Island from the Confederacy.
Black watermen also formed a part of the
Underground Railroad that assisted slaves escaping
to the North. At the Fort Raleigh National Historic
Site there stands a monument to those who took
part in this collective effort to effect freedom for
blacks escaping the tyranny of slavery.

In the antebellum period, various types of turtles
became a major source of income for many
individuals. Loggerhead turtles, which averaged
around 50 pounds, were caught by individuals who
dove into the water and forced the hapless creatures
to the surface. If they were too large and strong, the
swimmer was forced to let the animal go.
Loggerhead turtles went for about fifty cents each.
Smaller green turtles, captured in the same manner,
went for about fifteen cents each. However, the
most sought after turtle was the diamondback
terrapin which many individuals considered a
delicacy. The brackish water around the Outer
Banks was an ideal breeding ground for them.
Initially, fishermen viewed them as a nuisance
because they continuously fouled their fishing nets.
However, in 1845, William Midgett of Roanoke
Island developed the ‘terrapin drag” which was able
to capture the terrapins during the winter when they
were lying dormant in the mud. In February 1849,
John B. Etheridge, keeper of the Bodie Island

_ Lighthouse, fabricated a copy and captured

approximately 2,150 terrapins and he sold most of
them in Norfolk for $400. Etheridge then
proceeded to capture close to another 2,000, which

41. David Cecelski, The Waterman’s Song: Slavery and Freedom in Maritime North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North

Carolina Press, 2001), 5, 8-14.
42. Ibid., 38, 50.
43. Ibid., 58-81. -

12 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

SOCHHOHHSSHSHSHOSHSHHSHSHOHHSHHHHSHHHHOHHHHHHHHSHOOHOEOO



Cronon, William. Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists,
and the Ecology of New England. New York: Hill and
Wang, 1983.

Crosby, Alfred W. The Columbian Exchange: Biological

and Cultural Consequences of 1492. Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press, 1972.

Dunbar, Gary S. Historical Geography of the North
Carolina Outer Banks. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1958.

Fessenden, Helen M. Fessenden: Builder of Tomorrows.
‘New York: Coward- McCann, 1940.

Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished
Revolution. New York: Harper & Row, 1989.

Hume, Ivor Noél, The Virginia Adventure: Roanoke to
James Towne: An Archaeological and Historical
Odyssey. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998.

Johnson, Clifton H. American Missionary Association as a
Source for the Study of American History. New York:
American Missionary Association, 1964.

Khoury, Angel Ellis. Manteo: A Roanoke Island Town.
Virginia Beach, VA: Donning, 1999.

Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. Roanoke: The Abandoned
Colony. Savage, MD: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984.

Logan, Frenise A. The Negro in North Carolina, 1876- 1894.

Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1964.

Mallison, Fred M. The Civil War on the Outer Banks: A
History of the Late Rebellion Along the Coast of North
Carolina from Carteret to Currituck, with Comments
on the Prewar Conditions and an Account of Postwar
Recovery. London: McFarland, 1998.

Marvel, William. Burnside. Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1991.

McKitrick, Eric L. Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960.

Miller, Lee. Roanoke: Solving the Mystery of the Lost
Colony. New York: Arcade Publishing, 2002.

Noble, Dennis L. That Others Might Live: The U.S. Life-
Saving Service, 1878- 1915. Annapolis, MD: Naval
Institute Press, 1994.

Paige, Jolin C. The Civilian Conservation Corps and the
National Park Service, 1933- 1942: An Administrative
History. {Washington, D.C.?]: National Park Service,
U.S. Department of the Interior, 1985.

Powell, William S. Paradise Preserved. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

Quinn, David Beers. England and the Discovery of
America, 1481- 1620: From the Bristol Voyages of the
Fifteenth Century to the Pilgrim Settlement at
Plymouth: The Exploration, Exploitation, and Trial-
and- Error Colonization of North America by the
English. New York: Knopf, 1974.

76 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

. Raleigh and the British Empire. New York:
Macmillan, 1949.

. Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-
1606. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1985.

Richardson, Joe M. Christian Reconstruction: The
American Missionary Association and Southern
Blacks, 1861- 1890. Athens, GA: University of Georgia
Press, 1986.

Seitz, Frederick. The Cosmic Inventor: Reginald Aubrey
Fessenden, 1866- 1932. Philadelphia: The American
Philosophical Society, 1999.

Stick, David. The Outer Banks of North Carolina. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958.

Taylor, Harden F. Surveys of Marine Fisheries of North Caro-
lina. Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1951.

Wright, David, and David Zoby. Fire on the Beach:
Recovering the Story of Richard Etheridge and the Pea
Island Lifesavers. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000.

Articles

Clark, Walter. “Roanoke Island.” The North Carolina
Booklet X1 (October 1911): 73- 81.

Click, Patricia. “In Search of the Middle Landscape:
Missionaries’ Dreams and the Freedmen’s Colony on
Roanoke Island: 1862-1867.” Tamkang Journal of
American Studies 4 (Summer 1988): 5- 32.

Couch, Daniel C. “Civilian Conservation Corps Changed
the Islands.” Looking Back (Summer 2003): 40- 46.

Dix, Mary Seaton, ed. “And Three Rousing Cheers for
the Privates; A Diary of the 1862 Roanoke Island
Expedition.” North Carolina Historical Review 7
(January 1994): 62- 84.

Hatfield, April Lee. “Spanish Colonization Literature,
Powhatan Geographies, and English Perceptions of
‘Tsenacommmacah/Virginia” Journal of Southern
History 69 (May 2003): 245- 282.

Unpublished Material

Baum, Alton Emmett. “Dare County: Economic and
Social.” Unpublished college paper, 1939.

Burke, Kenneth E. “The History of Portsmouth, North
Carolina.” Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of
Richmond, 1974:

Groh, Lou Ellen. “Searching for Roanoke Island
Freedmen’s Colony: An Archeological and Historical
Assessment.” Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Florida State
University, 2001.

Reilly, Stephen Edward. “Reconstruction Through
Regeneration: Horace James’ Work with the Blacks
for Social Reform in North Carolina, 1862- 1867.”
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Duke University,

1983.

00800868800 SOCOSHOOOOOOHOSESOHO SOHO OOCHOOOCOE



an offer of employment from Fessenden. Thiessen
must have been the ultimate civil servant because he
immediately reported Fessenden’s offer to Moore in
Washington. He explained to Moore that in no
manner did he solicit this correspondence from
Fessenden. Thiessen not only declined Fessenden’s
offer but also sent a copy of his declination to Moore
as proof that he was not involved in any duplicity.??7

Fessenden undoubtedly felt some degree of
vindication a few years later. On Christmas Eve,
1906, from Brant Rock, Massachusetts, Fessenden
was responsible for the first direct transmission
broadcast over the water of both voice and a
Christmas concert that was received both by U.S.
Navy ships and commercial vessels plying the
Atlantic. Some argue whether this was the first
“true” broadcast, but none can make a defendable
argument that this event did not signal the dawn of a
new age in communications.??°

In 1906, the state of North Carolina noticed a
“remarkable decrease” in the amount of shad caught
in the state’s off- shore waters. Since many individ-
uals made their livelihood by shad fishing, this was a
cause of concern to the state. Although the catch
gradually increased from 1880 until 1897, it plum-
meted after that point. In 1896, the total pounds of
fish caught in seine fisheries was 2,131,864, but by
1904, the amount was down to only 345,046 pounds.
By using pound- nets in 1897 the catch was 1,647,897
pounds, while by 1904, this quantity had decreased
dramatically.’79 State officials were in a quandary to
explain this phenomenon

In December 1910, the crew of the Pea Island LSS
sent an interesting missive to the President of the
Mutual Benefit Association located in Bayshore,
Long Island. They stated that they had been

prevented from obtaining membership because of
their race. However, they wished to join and
wanted it understood that there was “no desire on
our part to participate in the management of the
affairs of the association other than share its
benefits.”?3° This clearly indicated that blacks were
still second- class citizens but still held the hope that
they could also participate in the American Dream.

In 1911, there was still concern about the depletion of
fish in the waters off North Carolina. One
individual claimed that the use of seines was the
primary cause of the lack of fish available for
fishermen. This in turn was leaving the fishermen of
the state with smaller incomes. This man flatly
stated, “There has been no successful fishing since *
1897.” There was talk of what to do to reverse the
situation, but consensus was difficult to achieve.?3!
People of that era did not understand that
conservation and ecology were interrelated.

Although the report encompassed all of Dare
County and not specifically Roanoke Island, it is
difficult to interpret the Biennial Report of the
Superintendent of Public Instruction of North
Carolina for the Scholastic Years 1912- 1913.
However, certain observations are germane to
Roanoke Island. According to the report, the
illiteracy rate for native whites was 123 percent
statewide, and that of voting age was even higher, at
14.1 percent.73? It would be safe to guess that
Roanoke Island was at least at that percentage, if not
significantly higher, since Dare County spent one of
the smallest amounts on education of any county in
North Carolina. Some large cities spent more than
the entire county.733

Also of interest was the attitude concerning the
education of blacks. The report stated that the state

226. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received by
R.A. Fessenden, Weather Bureau and Individuals, Box 2, Entry 51, Moore to Thiessen, Dated: December 29, 1902. NARA,

College Park, MD.

227. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
received, 1894-1911, Special File on Fessenden, Box 1419, Entry 47, Thiessen to Moore and Thiessen to Fessenden, both

Dated: June 19, 1903. NARA, College Park, MD.
228. Aitkens, The Continuous Wave, 74.

229. John N. Cobb, Investigations Relative to the Shad Fisheries of North Carolina (Raleigh: E.M. Uzzell & Co., 1906),

Introduction.

230. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Stations Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 11,

Dated: December 13, 1910, NARA, Atlanta GA.
23

Broughton, 1912), 72-78.

. Report of the Fisheries Convention Held,at New Bern, North Carolina, December 13, 1911 (Raleigh: Edwards &

232. Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of North Carolina for the Scholastic Years 1912-1913 and

1913-1914 (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 1915), 41.
233. Ibid., 14-15.

National Park Service 49


© SSO O SOS OO OS SOHSOHOOSHSOHHHOSHOEOOHEHOOO8OO

Considering there was a war on the horizon, this
was truly a major accomplishment. Although the
money was appropriated prior to America’s entry
into the Second World War, it is amazing that these
funds were not diverted for some other project
germane to the national defense effort. One may
conjecture that FDR had a deeply abiding interest in
Roanoke Island.

Although aviation pioneers Wilbur and Orville
Wright are the two most notable individuals when it
comes to flight, there is also another individual that
hails from this region who was on the cutting edge
of aviation technology in the early 1940s. During
1941, Dave Driskoll flew what was known then as an
autogyro, or what is currently known as a
helicopter.

For the era, it was a most unusual flying machine,
although we take it, and especially its military
applications, for granted today. Driskoll’s aircraft
was a wingless aircraft that possessed 225
horsepower. Its blades were capable of folding. The
autogyro had a tank with a fifteen- gallon capacity.
This aircraft was especially useful in patrolling the
vast expanses of the newly developed Cape Hatteras
National Seashore35°

On the nation’s birthday in 1941, it was announced
that the airport, then under construction at Manteo
by the CCC, would receive $120,000 in Federal
funding. Already in place was a 3,000 ft. runway
that ran north-south, with the clearing of a second
one running east- west still in progress. This work
had begun in 1940. The caveat for the Federal
funding was that in the event of “a national
emergency,’ the airfield would revert to Federal
control. However, once the emergency had ended,
Dare County would regain control along with any °
improvements made by the Federal government.
This would result in Dare County having a modern
facility in the future while incurring minimal
expense to its taxpayers.

Forward thinking individuals on Roanoke Island
realized that this was a golden opportunity for both

the business community and citizens of the island.
Roanoke Island was already largely dependent upon
income from tourism that most likely would be
interrupted by any European conflict. An airfield
would provide an influx of servicemen that would
possibly offset such losses. One should not fail to
mention that airplanes based here would help
insure safe passage of the merchant marine through
the Outer Banks region, which was vital to the
nation’s and, for that matter, much of the world’s
economic lifeline 35!

Exactly one month later, the Civil Aeronautics
Administration’s (CAA) regional office in Atlanta
sent a missive to John Ferrebee, Chairman of the
Dare County Commission, in response to that
commission’s inquiries. R.C. Copeland, the CAA
Regional Director, informed him that the Federal
government had designated the Manteo Airport as
“necessary for national defense.” Additionally, the
sum allocated for this project was now $404,000—a
figure almost four times the original amount. Aside
from the runways and taxiways, lighting, along with
a seaplane ramp and apron, were proposed. This
was predicated upon Dare County deeding the

_property to the Federal government. The

government must have wanted the airfield badly,
because if the terms were unsatisfactory or needed
modification, then the Atlanta office would be
contacted to seek a resolution to any problem35*

The Civil Air Patrol began using the facilities as soon
as the runways were ready. They operated various
types of light planes while engaging in anti-
submarine patrols. On March 3, 1943, Naval
Auxiliary Air Station (NAAS) Manteo was
commissioned. The first aviation squadron
assigned there was VF- 17, composed of F4U
Corsairs, which later gained recognition in the
Pacific Theater of the war. Several other squadrons
flew out of Manteo during WWII. On December 15,
1945, NAAS Manteo was placed in caretaker status
with the facility reverting once again to Dare County
in 1947.

349. For additional Federal information pertaining to the sewer construction, see Record Group 69, Records of the Works
Progress Administration , Project Files NC (E442) Box 724, Roll 10, Box 727, Roll 39, Box 730, Roll72, Box 729, Rolls 61 and
62, and Box 724, Roll 9, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

350. Dare County Times, March 7, 1941.
351. Dare County Times, July 4, 1941.

352. R.C. Copeland, CAA, Atlanta, to John Fereebee, Commissioner, Dare County, Manteo, N.C. Dated: 4 August, 1941, located
in CAP Museum, Dare County Regional Airport, Manteo, N.C.

National Park Service 73


island. The project was estimated to cost
approximately $100,000.77! In a little over a year,
such grandiose plans would come to a screeching
halt when the Great Depression would hold the
nation in its grip for over a decade.

Concomitant with the idea of building a hotel came
renewed interest in making Fort Raleigh a
landmark. Dare County not only was connected to
the mainland by a bridge but it also had ten miles of
highway running through it. Tourism was
anticipated to surge and the Fort Raleigh site was
viewed as a possible attraction that could draw
tourists on a year- round basis. There were
questions raised as to why the Wright Brothers were
getting a memorial while Virginia Dare was being
overlooked. It was suggested that either the state or
national government take over the Fort Raleigh site
and develop it into a viable project.*7*

Every locale in both America and the world has its
story of a supposed miracle, and so does Manteo on
Roanoke Island. After 17 weeks, Robert Midgett, the
16- year old son of Number One Surfman George B.
Midgett of the Nags Head Station recovered after a
major bout with influenza. Physicians who were
treating the young man had despaired of his ever
coming out of a coma. Day after day, he lay in bed
staring into space. His condition was so precarious
that one time he was declared dead. However, his
mother never believed that he would not recover.

She was a deeply religious woman and he was her
oldest living son. Each day she visited him and
prayed at his bedside. When medical personnel told
the mother to pray for his end, she replied that he
was going to make a complete recovery. The
financially strapped family was finally forced to take
Robert home to Manteo from the expensive
Norfolk hospital to meet his expected: demise.
While at home, the boy’s Uncle Eber placed a radio
in his room as a gesture of kindness. One Sunday,
the radio played “The Sweetheart of Sigma Chi,”
which was Robert’s favorite song. He began singing
to accompany it and his mother rushed into the
room. At this point, Robert made a complete
recovery that baffled medical science. Robert later
stated “The radio woke me up.”?73 There are many
things in life for which there is no explanation, and
this was one of them.

Roanoke Island was slowly entering the new
century with a sense of hope. New bridges and
roads provided greater access to the island than ever
before. The interest in Fort Raleigh was continuing
to grow and concurrently tourism was beginning to
fuel the national economy. The island was gradually
becoming part of mainstream North Carolina.
There was every reason to expect the future to look
bright. However, dark clouds were on the horizon
that not only cast their shadow over the idyllic
Roanoke Island but also spread gloom over the
entire United States along with the rest of the world.

271. Elizabeth City Independent, July 13, 1928.
272. Elizabeth City Independent, July 30, 1928.
273. Elizabeth City Independent, June 28, 1929.

56 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940


TT a)

month, the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad had
chartered her but immediately cancelled the charter
when the Metropolis had to be towed into port by a
U.S. Navy vessel. Surviving information also
indicates that the ship’s engines provided
insufficient power for a vessel of that size. This
would be of paramount importance during the
rough seas the Metropolis would later encounter.

The Metropolis departed Philadelphia in late
January and initially encountered good steaming
weather. However, by the third day at sea, the
weather had soured and the sea became rough,
causing the improperly loaded iron rails to shift,
damaging the hull and causing water to pour in
through the seams. The excessively laden vessel
placed an extreme burden upon the inadequate
engines. The pumps were unable to keep water
from building up in the ship’s hold and finally the
fires in the engine room were doused by a giant
wave. The Metropolis was at the mercy of an
unforgiving sea and struck a sandbar approximately.
a hundred yards from shore with only one lifeboat
intact and a severely inadequate number of life
preservers for the crew and passengers.

The crews of Lifesaving Stations Four and Five
began gathering to save what hapless individuals
they could from the fury of the sea. They fired the
Lyle gun but the crew of the Metropolis was
unfamiliar with the breeches buoy apparatus.'9
Several more shots from the Lyle gun proved
ineffective and the lifesavers ran out of shot. Those
still left aboard the Metropolis lost all hope. What
followed bordered on the macabre.

All told, 85 lives were lost in the calamity. Many of
the lifeless bodies that washed ashore were robbed
of whatever valuables they had on their persons.
Even nine of the ten bags of the U.S. Mail aboard the
stricken vessel were pillaged. In modern
vernacular, the Bankers took progging to an entirely
new level. Both the national press and the survivors
lambasted the Lifesaving Service and the residents
of Currituck County for both their actions and

inaction. The captain of the Metropolis survived and
castigated the Lifesaving Service for ineptness. The
twin tragedies of the Metropolis and the U.S.S.
Huron provided sufficient impetus for the Federal
government to revitalize and make the necessary
improvements in the U.S. Lifesaving Service that

“would save many lives in the future. The only
coverage in the local news that has survived came in
April of the following year when it was reported that
the salvagers of the Metropolis had a rendezvous at
Oregon Inlet.3°

Daily life usually was monotonous for the surfmen.
Constant drills, interspersed with the occasional
rescue of a vessel in distress, were the norm. Entries
record that occasionally a surfman was replaced by
another because of an illness in the family. As the
standards began to evolve, proving the physical
ability to perform the arduous tasks became an
important issue. J.H. Dough reported to the Nags
Head station with a medical certificate signed by a
Surgeon J.E. Wood of the Maritime Hospital Service
that found him “physically sound.”!3'

The major item of news that survives for the year
1878 was the Christmas party held at the Manteo
Courthouse. The Reverend W. Askew presided over
the event which was attended by a large number of
people—by the standards of Roanoke Island. Music
was provided by a number of individuals.
Additionally, it was announced at the party that
soon a publication of the best sermons preached at
the various houses of worship on the island would
be in publication and available for purchase.'3?

The “hot topic” of local news in Manteo in 1879
concerned a new preacher. The Reverend Mr.
Payne, according to the paper, was “the right man in
the right place.” He was also young and good-
looking. The caveat was that the individual
reporting this information was a young lady whose
judgment might have been biased. Additionally,
“our thriving merchant, J.W. Evans” was reported to
have returned from the mainland with a large
amount of merchandise. He proposed that he

129. The Lyle gun was a mortar-like device.used to fire a ball-like projectile into the rigging of a ship in distress. This was
developed by Lt. David A. Lyle of the U.S. Army. The Lyle gun was used by the U.S. Coast Guard until the 1960s. See

Noble, That Others Might Live, 107-111.

130. Elizabeth City Economist, April 23, 1878. The surviving issues of the Economist at the Outer Banks History Center are
sporadic at best. More issues are missing than are actually in the collection.
131. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Log Books, Nags Head, Book 2,

Dated: February 13, 1883.
132, Elizabeth City Economist, January 7, 1879.

National Park Service 29


COlS OCHS HCOOH OHHOOOOOOOOOHHOOHHOCHDOHOCHOHOS

Another New Deal agency that had a major impact
on the people of Roanoke Island was the Works
Progress Administration (WPA) that was created
during 1935 over serious opposition in the Senate. It
was funded from the Emergency Relief
Appropriations Act. On May 6, 1935, Roosevelt
signed Executive Order 7034 creating the new
agency. The WPA was the successor of the short-
lived Civil Works Administration (CWA). The WPA
was terminated finally on June 30, 1943. It was an
ambitious program designed to provide
employment on specific projects rather than “make
work” tasks. It was renamed the Work Projects
Administration in 1939378

One may credit the WPA Director, Harry Hopkins,
for many of that organization’s achievements.
Hopkins insisted that the WPA should match
individual skills to a specific project. Hence, the
Federal Writer’s Project, artists painting massive
murals in public buildings, and sculptors creating
monuments in national parks and sites of
battlefields, such as Gettysburg, were significant
accomplishments of the WPA. Hopkins received
criticisms from many quarters because these
individuals believed many of these projects had little
orno merit. Many also criticized the manner in
which Hopkins allocated projects to states, saying
the vast majority went to those who supported
Roosevelt’s New Deal.?9 Congressman Lindsay C.
Warren was a New Deal Congressman, and Dare
County and Roanoke Island received an amount of
Federal largesse far in excess of many areas with a
much more substantial population.

There was a tremendous amount of behind- the-
scenes maneuvering that took place before the
National Park Service would accept the Fort Raleigh
site and convert it into a national park. There were
reports that, in 1935, Congressman Lindsay C.
Warren was already corresponding with the
Department of the Interior about making Fort
Raleigh into a national park.33° Making the Fort
Raleigh site into a national park would guarantee a

constant flow of visitors to the island over the years
and also bolster the local economy. North Carolina
Congressman Lindsay C. Warren not only was on
the Joint Committee on Government Organization,
but he also had the ear of President Roosevelt. The
Congressman took an intense interest in the project.
Warren had been pressing the NPS Director, Arno
B. Cammerer, for a rapid decision concerning
whether the National Park Service would accept the
Fort Raleigh site. However, Cammerer demurred,
citing the need for additional investigation and
documentation necessary before arriving at such an
important decision.33"

Cammerer’s reluctance may have been a result of a
memorandum he received from his Acting Assistant
Director, Branch Spalding, concerning the Fort
Raleigh site the following year. Spalding cited the
Assistant Historian of the Civilian Conservation
Corps who had stated that it could not be
determined definitely that the structures which had
been reconstructed were historically accurate. The
historian questioned both the location of the
structures and their actual manner of construction.
Furthermore, he cited that there was also no
documentary evidence supporting the authenticity
of these buildings33*

Even the North Carolina press got into the fray. The
Charlotte Observer ran an editorial concerning what
was transpiring with reference to the Fort Raleigh
site. It described the situation as a “pretty kettle of
fish.” While informing the reading public that the
property belonged to the State Historical
Commission, it stated that agencies of the Federal
government, namely: the CWA (Civil Works
Administration), the ERA (Emergency Recovery
Act), and the WPA (Works Progress Administration)
had already invested $31,000 of public funds to
reconstruct the buildings at the site. The editorial
went on to praise the State Historical Commission
and those agencies for their collective efforts.
However, the writer severely castigated the National
Park Service for its intransigence on wanting the

328. Paul S. Boyer, ed., The Oxford Companion to American History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 841.
329. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1969),.162.

330. Elizabeth City Independent, November 15, 1935.

331. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Cammerer to Warren, Dated: October 9, 1936, National Archives and Records Administration, College

Park, MD.

332. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historical Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Spaiding to Cammerer, Dated: August 24, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration, College

Park, MD.

National Park Service 69


would duplicate the prices of other markets.'33
Where these other markets were located was not
indicated.

A body washed ashore on December 16, 1879, inside
New Inlet. The man was approximately 5’ 10” but
his face was “all gon” and his badly decomposed
hands indicated that he had been in the water for
some time. A cursory examination of his clothes
revealed a $10 bill, a pistol, a pocketknife, among
other things. On his right arm there was a tattoo
with the letters “SAVS” and on his left arm was
“SAS.” Oddly, despite being in the water for so long,
the name Silas Sevarn was still legible on an
envelope found on the body. Keeper L.B. Midgett
“berried the Body as good as it could be done in his
condition.” 34 Apparently, that ended the matter.

It appears more than a coincidence that a second
body washed ashore approximately two weeks later.
Surfman William Paine discovered the body five
miles north of the Chicamicomico Lifesaving
Station. Like the previous body, this man’s face was
also missing but it was noted that he had black hair.
Although fish go for the softest part of a body, it
does not seem to be a coincidence that neither body
could be identified. This individual has “one 2 cent
Peace of money” a pencil, a whetstone, and “1 Live
Oak acorn.” Midgett and his men once again
“berried the body.”'35 No mention was made of
contacting law enforcement nor was the second
body connected to the first found earlier. More
important, there was no mention of any wrecks
occurring at the time.

Acentral figure that emerged concerning the United
States Lifesaving Service in the Outer Banks at this
time was Richard Etheridge, the man who became
the first black keeper of a Lifesaving Station.
Etheridge’s ancestry is uncertain and some
individuals have speculated that his father was John
B. Etheridge, an individual with a large measure of «
wealth and respect in the region. Richard was not

only a natural leader but literate, an unusual quality
for blacks on the Outer Banks in the 1870s.

During the Civil War, Richard Etheridge served in
the 36th Regiment of the United States Colored
Troops as a sergeant. Later, he became the
regimental commissary sergeant as a result of the
combination of his leadership, organizational, and
record- keeping abilities. At the war’s end,
Etheridge returned home to Roanoke Island.'36
Etheridge was industrious and prospered in the
postwar years. In 1873, he had accumulated enough
capital to purchase two plots of land on Roanoke
Island in the vicinity of the California area. One
section consisted of 50 acres while the second was
66 acres. Etheridge became an individual of some
stature within the island’s black community. He
would assist his fellow African- American citizens
but did not believe in charity.'37

In 1879, fate and fortune would once more smile
upon Richard Etheridge. That year, the Lifesaving
Service in North Carolina was reorganized.
Revenue Service Officers Lt. Charles Shoemaker
and 2d Lt. Frank Newcomb, Northerners insulated
from local politics, identified the problems that
faced the Lifesaving Service in North Carolina.
Keepers in the 6th District had abused their
positions and one, George C. Daniels, was largely
responsible for the tragedy that befell the M & E
Henderson in November. Daniels had abandoned
his post during the season to make extra income by
fishing on the side. Later, he lied under oath to cover
up his misdeeds. Shoemaker and Newcomb visited
Chicamicomico Station on Christmas Eve in 1879
while investigating the loss of the Henderson while
in the process of firing Keeper Daniels and Surfman
Dailey O’Neal.38 Shoemaker and Newcomb
proposed that an all black crew and black keeper
man the Number 17 Station at Pea Island. The man
they believed most qualified for the position was,
Richard Etheridge. Although U.S. Lifesaving
Service Director Increase Kimball vacillated a bit at

133. Elizabeth City Economist, May 20, 1879.

134, Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico, Box
1, Dated: December 16, 1879, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

135. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico, Box
1, Dated: December 29, 1879, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

136. Ibid., 119-125.
137. Ibid., 126-27.

138. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico Box
1, Dated: 31 December , 1879, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

30 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

© 00 COSOCOO COST OOOTOOOOOSCEOOOODOOOHOHOHOOOCE


messages and the monetary savings could be
enormous. However, Wilson expected results and
not excuses for such a major expenditure of public
funds for Fessenden’s experiments.7°3

This became quite apparent when Moore
corresponded with Fessenden in December 1900.
He informed Fessenden that he would soon appear
before the Agricultural Committee in Congress to
justify his agency’s monetary needs. Moore wanted
to know the status of Fessenden’s experiments and
if he would present this information before the
committee to assist in making his case for additional
appropriations. He asked that Fessenden come to
Washington at the earliest possible moment to
discuss the matter with him in detail.2°4

Initially, Fessenden termed his work with wireless
“Surface- wave Telegraphy.” However, Willis
Moore, Chief of the Weather Bureau, preferred the
term “Wireless Telegraphy.” Fessenden acceded to
Moore’s desires.7°5 One may conjecture that
Fessenden might later have viewed this as a minor
skirmish in the battle of wills that would erupt
between Moore and himself.

The selection of a location for the proposed wireless
stations was by.no means a haphazard affair. It was
believed that the region around Cape Hatteras
would be the most conducive to Fessenden’s
experiments. Lighthouses at Currituck, Kitty
Hawk, and Hatteras not only were over 150 feet tall,
making the construction of special towers
unnecessary, but also had the additional advantage
of being located in close proximity to Weather
Bureau Stations. The Observer and Chief Operator
of the Cape Henry Station of the Weather Bureau
also pointed out that it was becoming increasingly

difficult to maintain land lines in the area because of
the adverse weather conditions.?°° However, the
initial experiments were conducted on Cobb Island,
Maryland, in the vicinity of Washington, D.C.
Fessenden was able to transmit signals from Cobb
Island to Arlington, Virginia, a distance of over 50
miles, without wires.

When the time came to transfer operations from
Cobb Island to Roanoke Island, Fessenden traveled
along with the equipment. The weather was
inclement throughout the entire voyage. The
weather became so bad upon entering Albemarle
Sound that the captain of thé vessel transporting the
equipment wanted to jettison the two 50- foot
telegraphic masts they were transporting to
Roanoke Island. Fessenden would have none of it.
The captain and Fessenden almost came to blows
and only the propitious change in weather ended
the incident without a serious physical
confrontation erupting between them.?°7

Although life was rustic by most standards, the
Fessendens lived in veritable grandeur compared to
most of the local inhabitants of Roanoke Island.
They occupied a wing on the second floor of the
larger of the island’s two hotels, the Hotel Roanoke.
Fessenden had approximately ten rooms that served
as a combination of both living accommodations
and offices. However, water had to be carried from
a well located in the courtyard, and mosquitoes,
other insects, and vermin, along with the smell of
decaying fish, marred an otherwise idyllic
existence.2°8 Still, despite these minor drawbacks,
Fessenden and his wife Helen enjoyed the historical
ambience of the island.

203. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Special File on Fessenden, Box 1418, Entry 47, Wilson to Moore, Dated: December 20, 1899. NARA,

College Park, MD.

204. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received by
R.A. Fessenden, 1901-1903, Weather Bureau and Individuals, Box 2, Entry 51, Moore to Fessenden, Dated: December 5,

1900. NARA, College Park, MD.

205. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Box 1417, Entry 47. Fessenden to Moore, Dated: January 29, 1900 and Fessenden to Williams, Dated:

February 6, 1900. NARA, College Park, MD.

206. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Special File on Fessenden, Box 1418, Entry 47, Cronk to Moore, Dated: March 13, 1900. NARA,

College Park, MD.
20

3

. Helen M. Fessenden, Fessenden: Builder of Tomorrows (New York: Coward-McCann, 1940), 86. For Fessenden’s account of

what actually transpired, see Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather
Bureau, Letters Received by R.A. Fessenden, 1901-1903, Weather Bureau and Individuals, Box 3, Entry 51, Fessenden to

Moore, Dated: January 29, 1901. NARA, College Park, MD.

20

&

. Fessenden, Fessenden, 87-88.

National Park Service 45


particularly determined or obstinate struggle
contrary to all the posturing most armies perform
prior to an actual battle to inspire their soldiers to
perform great feats of valor. 7”

After Burnside’s victory, he appointed Vincent
Colyer as Superintendent of the Poor in the
Department of North Carolina on March 30, 1862.
Colyer was initially an agent of the New York
Christian Commission and possessed previous
experience in the distribution of supplies to the sick
and wounded. It was incumbent upon Colyer to
organize and find employment for the contrabands
by initially having them construct earthworks on
Roanoke Island, New Bern, and Washington.
Docks were also constructed on Roanoke Island to
receive the large volume of supplies than the Union
Navy ferried in for both soldiers and contrabands.
Like many other Northerners, Colyer was not an
ardent abolitionist but pragmatic and did not believe
in the South’s “peculiar institution” of slavery/3
When first assuming his position, Colyer gave up his
own tent to house a number of contraband women
and children who were cold and wet. In July of that
year, when Colyer relinquished his position, there
were over 1,000 contrabands on Roanoke Island, the
majority of whom were women and children
incapable of providing for themselves. One
interesting observation was made by Colyer before
departing. He noticed that the 7,500 freedmen
under his care required less than 1/16 the rations he
supplied to the poor whites he administered to. The
freedmen also earned only $8.00 per month wages
compared to the $12.00 paid white laborers and
were reasonably content to receive this amount
despite occasional grumbling.

The Reverend James Means succeeded Vincent
Colyer during the summer of 1862. Means was an
army chaplain from Massachusetts. Means had a
new title to go along with his position—“Super-
intendent of Blacks in North Carolina.” His office
was located in New Bern, and Union army officers
supervised the daily activities of Roanoke Island’s
freedmen. Means also had a friend and assistant
named Horace James who would eventually replace

him.4 Many former slaves wished to have stability
in their lives and expressed the desire to get formally
married in a ceremoriy. Beginning in the end of
summer 1862, T.W. Conway, another Union army
chaplain, began to perform a number of marriage
ceremonies. Unfortunately, Means did not last very
long in his position. He died on April 6, 1863,
succumbing to complications that arose after
contracting typhoid fever.75

At this juncture, another chapter of Roanoke
Island’s storied past unfolds. Runaway slaves or
contrabands began gravitating toward areas that
were occupied by Union forces. Being separated
physically from the mainland of North Carolina,
Roanoke Island provided contrabands with some
sense of security. In many parts of the South,
abolitionist ministers who had often been the
chaplains of their Union units were given positions
to look after the welfare of the freedmen, as they
came to be known. One such individual was Horace
James, an evangelical Congregationalist minister
from Massachusetts. Although James tended to
flocks at Beaufort, New Bern, Plymouth, and
Washington, historian Patricia Click writes that the
Freedmen’s Colony at Roanoke Island was his
favorite and that his greatest efforts were dedicated
to the freedmen living there. However, it should be
noted that being an abolitionist and against slavery
did not mean abolitionists believed in social
equality. Many abolitionists believed in political »
equality but not equality in the social sense.
Individuals such as James believed that the “natural”
social position for the black man was a few steps
below that of the white man. James stated that “I am
not personally a believer in negro [sic] equality with
the white race” and “the part the negro [sic] is to
play in the grand future must be the subordinate
part....”7° While this may appear incongruous
today and smack of racism, one must understand
that even political equality was considered very
progressive in the nineteenth- century. context.77
The British Empire had only outlawed slavery in
1833 and many claimed that former slaves were in
the same plight as they were previously. The Civil
War began with its initial goal being the preservation

72. Mallison, The Civil War on the Outer Banks, 78. When one considers the ratio of casualties to actual combatants at such
battles as Antietam, the battle for Roanoke Island was nothing more than a mere skirmish.
73. Dunbar, Historical Geography of the North Carolina Outer Banks, 42. See Also Click, Time Full of Trial, 35, 38.

74, Reilly, "Reconstruction Through Regeneration,” 36.
75. Click, Time Full of Trial, 335-40.

76. Reilly, “Reconstruction Through Regeneration,” 45.
77. Click, Time Full of Trial, 10.

18 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

OOOO OSSLOOSHHHHHHHHOHOHHHHHOOCOHHOHSHOHHOCHO


on Roanoke Island. Over a six- day period, The
Times printed four articles. The Times first noted
that Gen. Adolphus W. Greeley, Chief of the United
States Signal Service, had traveled to Roanoke to
observe Fessenden’s system personally. Greeley
believed it to not only operate in a satisfactory
manner but also that this system was clearly
superior to the one being developed by Marconi.
The next day, The Times announced that the U:
Navy found the Fessenden system to be superior to
any other in the world and would recommended its
adoption by that service. The last article stated that
Professor Fessenden had declared that his system
was an unqualified success.??!

General Greeley must have been impressed
exceptionally by what he observed in Manteo. In
May, he wrote Moore that the Board of Signal Corps
Officers had recommended that Fessenden’s system
be placed into operation in Alaska.?”* Greeley also
wanted to clarify that he was in no way displeased
with the treatment the Signal Officers received while
at Manteo despite some talk to the contrary.
Greeley also indicated that he might possibly send
other Signal Officers to observe wireless operations
at a future date.?73

By summer 1902, Fessenden was attempting to
market his inventions and leave Moore out of the
picture. Diplomacy was not exactly Fessenden’s
forte in life, as mentioned previously, and his
actions, no doubt, greatly antagonized Moore, who
saw the possibility of obtaining a fortune slipping
through his hands. Compounding Fessenden’s
problems was that Moore was made the Acting
Secretary of Agriculture. However, Fessenden was
not an individual who was either easily discouraged
nor to be trifled with when he believed he was right.
When Secretary of Agriculture Wilson advised
Fessenden to press on with his work and leave well
enough alone with Moore, he felt that Wilson was

merely trying to avoid a messy situation. As a result,
Fessenden took his case directly to the President of
the United States, Theodore Roosevelt. Fessenden
claimed that Chief Moore did not fulfill the
promises he made on behalf of the Weather Bureau.
He related how Moore tried to have his name added
to his patents in violation of their initial agreements.
Fessenden also informed President Roosevelt that
Moore had taken away his assistants without
consulting with him.?*4 Roosevelt wisely decided to
remain above the fray on this issue, in part, because
he must have believed that no matter what, there
would be no clear winner and that the adverse
publicity would be detrimental to all parties
involved.

Fessenden’s affiliation with the Weather Bureau
came to an abrupt end in 1902. Moore notified
Fessenden in July that he was recommending that he
be dismissed from government service for various
infractions including insubordination, failure to
follow orders, and making false statements.
Fessenden countered that Moore attempted to
obtain a half- share of his patents while having
contributed nothing to their creation. Not waiting
to be discharged formally from his position as
Special Agent, Fessenden resigned effective
September 1 and never regretted his decision.?75
Moore probably believed he had the last word when
in late December 1902, he sent a message to Alfred
Thiessen, the local Weather Service officer in
Manteo. He ordered Thiessen to close the station
and sell at public auction any and all property “in
your opinion” that was not worth shipping back to
Washington. Moore even authorized Theissen to
hire temporary assistants to accomplish the task in a
timely manner.?26

Thiessen must have been an invaluable assistant to
Fessenden because in June 1903, Thiessen received

220. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received by
R.A. Fessenden, 1901-1903, Weather Bureau and Individuals, Box 2, Entry 51, Moore to Fessenden, Dated: January 6,

1902. NARA, College Park, MD.
221. New York Times, April 23, 26-28, 1902.

222. Greeley was a lieutenant in charge of an ill-fated expedition stranded without communication in Alaska. All but seven
individual died before they were eventually rescued in 1884 by a relief expedition commanded by Winfield Scott Schley
who later became involved in a major controversy with William Sampson during the Spanish-American War.

223. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, 1894-1942, Letters
Received, 1894-1911, Special File on Fessenden, Box 1418, Entry 47, Greeley to Moore, Dated: May 14, 1902. NARA,

College Park, MD.

224. North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina, Manuscript Collection, Fessenden Material Prior to 1905, MARS

167.1, Fessenden to Roosevelt, Dated: June 16, 1902.
225. Aitken, The Continuous Wave, 70.

48 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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SOOO HNOHSSSSSOSSOSSHHOHOHOHSHOHHHOOOHSHOOOCOS

Chapter Five: The Modern Era—
Expansion, the Great Depression,
and The Lost Colony

By 1928, people in both Manteo and Roanoke Island
began to believe that a transition was in progress.
Interest began to increase in the “Birthplace of
English Civilization in America.” Thousands of
individuals began to trek to the island for the annual
celebration being held each August while others
came to enjoy the beaches or the fishing. Just when
the future began to look bright, the Stock Market
crashed on October 29, 1929, signaling the
commencement of the Great Depression. However,
in many ways, this calamity proved to be a blessing
in disguise for this sleepy community. Largely as a
result of the economic downturn of the nation,
Franklin D, Roosevelt was elected the nation’s
president on the basis of his “New Deal” policies.
Organizations, such as the Works Progress
Administration, the Civilian Conservation Corps,
the Fish and Wildlife Service, and the National Park
Service, poured millions of dollars into the island’s
economy that otherwise might never have been
allocated. Asa result of this cash infusion for
regional improvement, Roanoke Island underwenta
radical transformation and began its transition into
what it is today: the home of the Waterfront Theater,
Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, and an
important part of the Cape Hatteras National
Seashore.

During July 1930, the Commandant of the Coast
Guard, R- Adm. J.C. Billard, inspected the stations
in the Norfolk District accompanied by his wife and
several other officers. The admiral viewed the crew
as they drilled with the beach apparatus. He then

departed to inspect other stations farther south.
Admiral Billard must have been especially
impressed with the Pea Island crew because he
made a personal notation in the logbook. In it, the
admiral stated, “I have greatly enjoyed my visit to
this station to- day. A well kept station, and a fine
looking, snappy and alert crew.”*74

An indication of the groundwork being laid by the
principal players in Manteo and Roanoke Island
might be gleaned from a 1930 New York Times article
concerning Roanoke Island. The 1930 annual
commemoration of the birth of Virginia Dare
included a pageant involving several hundred
inhabitants of Roanoke Island. The article’s author
reiterated the story of the “Lost Colony.” However,
in closing, he postulated that Fort Raleigh would
eventually be made into a national monument.?75 It
appears there was a carefully orchestrated plan in
the works to place Fort Raleigh on the national map
of places for tourists to visit, while concomitantly
bringing an infusion of money to a cash- strapped -
region.

Ascandal of major proportions erupted during May
1930 on Roanoke Island, riveting the attention of the
local populace with its explicit details. Mary Pugh, of
Wanchese, accused the scion of a prominent North
Carolina family, William Nathaniel Holloway, aged
21, of attempted rape. According to the newspaper,
Miss Pugh was “one of the prettiest and most highly
respected little girls in that county of fair women.”
Holloway’s wealth initially worked against him in this

274. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 21,
Dated: July 24, 1930, National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Atlanta, GA.

275. New York Times, August 17, 1930.

National Park Service 57


NATIONAL
PARK

Cultural Resources Division
Southeast Regional Office
National Park Service

100 Alabama Street, SW
Atlanta, GA 30303
404-562-3117

Fort Raleigh National Historic Site

http:/www.nps.gov/fora

About the cover: A collection of images includes black
and white photographs from the Fort Raleigh National
Historic Site collection and postal material from the
collection of Robert Blythe.

This special history study exists in two formats. A printed
version is available for study at Fort Raleigh National
Historic Site, the Southeast Regional Office of the National
Park Service, and at a variety of other repositories. For more
widespread access, this special history study also exists in a
web- based format through the web site of the National
Park Service. Please visit www.nps.gov for more
information.



©0809 OOOO 9OOOOOHHOOOHOHOOOHHHHHOSSOHOHOHOD

entity had a population of 3,245, of which 367 were
“colored.” Roanoke Island accounted for less than
30 square miles of the county. Manteo had only 175
inhabitants at this time, while the number of
individuals living in Wanchese was unlisted. There
were six general stores to serve the town and the
surrounding population. The primary occupation
of the islanders was fishing providing $200,000 in
income to the island’s inhabitants. The firm of
Rodgers & Etheridge alone accounted for $75,000
of that amount. There were also three boat builders
located in Manteo and one boarding house. Fifteen
individuals were listed as farmers. Basically, one can
conclude that Manteo was a sleepy little hamlet ona
small island that was rarely noticed by the United
States.'7!

Some background on the Lifesaving Service appears
ina lecture delivered by the Assistant General
Superintendent of the Lifesaving Service, Horace L.
Pipes, before a group in Philadelphia. He covered
the service’s history since its inception in 1848.
Pipes explained how the service had gained stature
under the able leadership of Sumner Kimball and
how district superintendents were selected. He
further noted that there were now 240 Lifesaving
Stations throughout the country, but not all were, as
of yet, fully manned.

Pipes explained the equipment used by the surfmen
such as the boat, breeches buoy, Lyle gun, and life-
car. He declared that only one life had been lost
when an individual had been placed in a breeches
buoy. Pipes also mentioned the importance of the
telephone. He indicated that it provided a
tremendous morale boost for surfmen in isolated
outposts by enabling them to maintain contact with
their families. (He was apparently unaware of the
regulation in the Norfolk District forbidding
personal use of the telephone.) Although this was a
minor speech to a small audience, the message was
the importance of the Lifesaving Service to the *
nation.'7? The Lifesaving Service did not miss any
opportunity that might place it in a favorable light in
the public eye and possibly increase its funding.

-The speech was reprinted at a later date and

distributed throughout the service.

On January 14, 1896, the Superintendent of the on
District must have been embarrassed, to say the
least. While he was traveling on the revenue cutter
Alert, the vessel managed to lose its rudder in
Pamlico Sound. The keeper from Pea Island and his
crew went to the stricken vessel’s assistance.
Nothing could be done to fix the Alert until the next
morning. The trip was not a total loss for the _
surfmen. Not only did they accomplish a rescue
drill but they also received their pay for the previous
quarter.'73

The Superintendent of the 6" District cited a
memorandum about telephone use dated
December 1894. Keepers and surfmen were to use
the telephone only for official functions. However,
they were also authorized to use the telephone when
relatives were “receiving medical aid in case of
emergencies.”'74 There must have been some abuse
concerning the telephone that came to the
superintendent’s attention and he must have felt the
need to clarify the policy.

A fierce storm caused a major loss of life in the early
hours of March 24, 1891, approximately one and- a-
quarter miles south of Chicamicomico. A British
schooner, the Strethainly, was bound from Santiago,
Cuba, to Baltimore. The sea was exceptionally
rough and a Nor’easter was blowing. Crews from
Chicamicomico, Gull Shoal, and New Inlet
responded along with the revenue cutter Alert.
Despite the large number of would- be rescuers,
conditions made it impossible to launch the
surfboats. By the time the sea had died down, the
surfmen were able to rescue only seven of the 26
crewmen.’75

An indication of how important the region had
become to both America’s and international
commerce can be gleaned from a message sent from
the Superintendent of the oh District, now located
in Shawsboro, North Carolina, to all his keepers. He
reminded them of Department Circular No. 134-

171. Levi Branson, Branson's North Carolina Business Directory, 1890 (Raleigh: Levi Branson, 1889), 237-39.

172. Horace L. Pipes, The United States Life Saving Service (Philadelphia: Franklin institute, 1892).

173. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Oregon Islet, Box 6,
Dated: January 14, 1896, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

174. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast, District, N.C, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Oregon Inlet, Box 6, Dated:
February 20, 1897, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

175. Bennett, Sand Pounders, 108-09.

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increased.'©° No doubt, Pardee was received
enthusiastically.

Even on dry land, the life of a surfman held inherent
dangers. Surfman J.W. Dough was transporting a
stove on a horse- drawn carriage when something
startled the horse. Dough was thrown from the cart
and run over by the wheels. He suffered numerous
facial contusions along with two broken ribs. These
injuries resulted in his being replaced by Mathias
Toler until he could return to duty."

The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
saw renewed interest in the English colony. The
early attempts to obtain local recognition of the
historical significance of the Fort Raleigh site were
begun initially by Sallie Southall Cotten, a North
Carolina writer and amateur historian. Cotten’s
most lasting work was The White Doe, The Fate of
Virginia Dare, An Indian Legend, published in 1902.
Cotten became interested in history sometime in the
1880s and began to take a serious interest in the story
of Virginia Dare during the 1890s. The Virginia Dare
Columbia Memorial Association, incorporated on
August 18, 1892, was largely the result of her efforts.
To further interest in Virginia Dare, Cotten and her
associates published a number of pamphlets
emphasizing the role of the Roanoke Colony in the
early history of the United States along with what
they planted. Later, Cotten was aided in her efforts
by the Roanoke Colony Historical Association,
which received its charter in 1894.!©

North Carolina published its second annual report
concerning labor statistics in 1888. Included was a
fair amount of information concerning Dare
County. At that time, the only way to gain access to
Roanoke Island was by boat. Mail and commercial
goods all went by water to reach Roanoke Island.
Regular steamboat service was needed to help the
region develop. Unfortunately, there was little work
available fora mechanic. Despite the primitive state
of steam propulsion, a mechanic found it difficult to
obtain full- time employment. This being said, the
only opportunities for gainful employment, other

than in the Lifesaving Sérvice, were either in fishing
or farming.

What the county needed were skilled individuals,
such as brick masons. Skilled and enterprising men
were in demand, and there was sufficient room for
such men on the island. An influx of capital
certainly would have improved the overall
economic situation.

Apprenticeship was considered as a way to assist in
the economic development of the region, a practice
that had grown largely into disfavor in much of the
United States. J.W. Evans, clerk of the Superior
Court in Manteo, expressed his views. He stated
that go percent of apprentices absconded before
their term of obligation had expired, whether their
treatment had been good or bad. Evans believed
that a law that would govern apprentices would be a
positive move. Evans also expressed racial views,
stating that only five percent of colored individuals
would be efficient masters for apprentices and that
most blacks would see being apprenticed to a white
manasa form of slavery or involuntary servitude.
Indicating the technically backward nature of Dare
County, Evans also stated that nobody had ever
apprenticed for a mechanical pursuit.

The report on labor statistics contained some
interesting observations on the state of the county’s
roads. According to G.W. Owens, “the present
system of working the public roads in our county
has given perfect satisfaction.” The satisfaction
apparently stemmed from the lack of property and
poll taxes on Dare County citizens. However,
assessments on labor were proposed.'®3 By the
19208, attitudes toward roads and their funding
would change radically.

Returning to the Lifesaving Service, in an 1889
circular entitled “Regulations Relative to Uniform to
Employees of the Life- Saving Service,’ the Treasury
Department prescribed the uniform for both
keepers and surfmen. Coats, trousers, and other
items were standardized. The government also

160. Record Group, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 3,
Dated: June 10, 1887, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

161. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 3,
Dated: September 22, 1887, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

162. Christine Trebellas and William Chapman, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site Historic Resource Study (Atlanta: National

Park Service, 1999), 64-65.

163. W.N. Jones, Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State of North Carolina for the Year 1888

(Raleigh: Josephus Daniels, 1888), 79-80, 219-220, 304.

National Park Service 35


W.O. Saunders, the editor of the Elizabeth City
Independent even traveled to New York City in
December 1931 to further the cause. Saunders stated
that he expected the Sesquitercentennial to cost
$500,000.784 He informed The Times that Josephus
Daniels, former Secretary of the Navy and soon to
be Ambassador to Mexico under Roosevelt, was
among the individuals promoting the event.
Saunders further hoped to secure funding from
both the state and Federal governments for the
venture.785

Congress went so far as to establish the Roanoke
Colony Commission, which was composed of
members of both the House and Senate. Senator
Joseph T. Robinson of Arkansas was the chairman,
and Congressman Lindsay C. Warren of North
Carolina was the vice- chairman. The commission
intended to visit Roanoke Island in August and
present its report to Congress in December.?®° Two
days later, The Times erroneously reported that
government support for the celebrations “was
virtually assured today” because the Congressional
Commission was presenting a favorable report.787

There seemed to be a behind- the- scenes campaign
being waged to increase the awareness of Americans
about the significance of Roanoke Island to the
history of the United States. There was an
interesting article in The New York Times during the
summer concerning Thomas Hariot and rare books.
Hariot’s, “A briefe and true report of the new found
land of Virginia,” was the first detailed information
conveyed back to England concerning the colony of
Virginia. Unfortunately, this was only an extract and
the entire chronicle was never published. The
article went on to describe in detail the importance
of Hariot’s treatise. Hariot was a distinguished
scholar in both mathematics and philosophy.
Although not a large book, The Times described the
original edition as “typographically ..., one of the
most beautiful works of the period.” Hariot
provided in rich and glowing detail, information
concerning both the land and its inhabitants.?88
Hariot’s work was influential in forming initial

European opinion concerning the New World for
generations.

However, even the best intentions can be
sidetracked and waylaid. The Great Depression
accomplished exactly that. The state and Federal
governments were in no position to underwrite such
a massive project. The Depression’s vice grip on the
nation’s economy precluded what many individuals
might have considered “frivolous” spending on
either the state or national level.

An indication of how badly the Great Depression
affected North Carolina and Roanoke Island was
the announcement that the 7th Coast Guard District
expected to cut its already depleted ranks by
another 1o percent. District Commander W.W.
Bennett stated that at least 30 surfmen would be
discharged and many others would be reduced in
rank as a result of the cutbacks. This would leave
several stations severely undermanned.
Additionally, several picket boats were to be
decommissioned. Three local men who enlisted the
previous year, Carl Scarborough, Rollins Daniels,
and W.P. Twiford, were expected to be among the
first released from service.?89

In an effort to forestall any personnel reductions by
the Coast Guard, R. Bruce Etheridge and W.O.
Saunders traveled to Washington and personally
visited the Coast Guard Commandant, Adm. H.G.
Hamlet. Hamlet flatly stated, “If 1 could have my
way not one of my men would be sacrificed; but I
am helpless.” The Coast Guard’s appropriations
had been slashed by 20%, from $25,000,000 to
$20,000,000, resulting in the loss of 1,400 of the
service’s 11,103 enlisted men. While Hamlet hoped
the reductions were temporary, many believed this
action signaled the beginning of the end for the
Coast Guard. Dare County would be one of the
hardest hit areas in the state as a result of the
projected cutbacks.?9°

Still, the leading citizens of Roanoke Island were
undaunted. They did not miss a step and began to
focus their sights on 1937, the 350th anniversary of

284, There were various arguments among scholars as to what the proper name for the celebration should be.

285. New York Times, December 8, 1931.

286. New York Times, July 14, 1932.

287. New York Times, August 16, 1932.

288. New York Times, July 30, 1933.

289. Elizabeth City Independent, May 26, 1933.
290. Elizabeth City Independent, June 2, 1933.

60 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

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by today’s standards, they were forced to lay off
shore several miles because they drew too much
water for the shallow sounds surrounding Roanoke
Island. This left the ships exposed to the vicious
storms that frequent the region—something that the
English were initially unaware of. In fact, one of
Grenville’s ships, the Tiger, ran aground in one such
storm and a large amount of stores needed by the
colonists were lost.

Despite this setback, the colonists immediately set

about constructing a fort and housing, since it was
late in the season. Their one- month sojourn in the
West Indies to construct a new pinnace and gather
additional water and supplies loomed large as a
result. Their late arrival in the autumn hampered
efforts to gather edibles for the winter and made the
construction of shelter an immediate and imperative
requirement. How the settlement actually looked
still remains largely a matter of conjecture. The
archeological remains of an earthwork have
survived and may still be seen in the Fort Raleigh
National Historic Site. However, current thinking is
that this surviving earthwork is not the original fort
because it is so small. Regardless, it is known that
the houses were constructed outside the original
fort, because surviving written accounts concerning
the fort describe it as being too small to have held
more than one building.

The original buildings were made of wood, although
the colonists set about building a facility to make
bricks. However, it took between six months anda
year to fabricate bricks suitable for construction
purposes. Grenville left Lane and his fellow
colonists in August and sailed back to England,
leaving the first English settlement in America to
survive its first winter. The loss of the supplies was a
serious blow to the colonists and they would be
forced to rely upon the magnanimity of the Indians
to help them make it through that difficult winter. It
was believed that by the following spring, Lane
would find a better location for the colony and it
would have a better and safer anchorage for ships.'5

It has been suggested that the demands of the new
colonists, combined with a possible drought during

this period, placed the Indians in a rather tenuous
position. The Indians barely had enough grain for
their own needs, let alone the additional. burden
placed on their meager reserves by the colonists.
This was bound to create friction and it eventually
did. Lane was a military man and not a diplomat.
All Europeans were prone to taking what they
needed from the indigenous peoples they
encountered. In their desperate situation, the
colonists no doubt acted in accordance with the
social mores of the era.'®

Another source of irritation between the native
inhabitants and the English colonists was the land
itself. The two different social systems were
incompatible. The Indians viewed the land as
community property and understood that others
might have hunting rights or permission to plant
edibles. Conversely, the English saw any
negotiations as the transfer of the land itself for
personal use by individual colonists. Clearly, what
the Indians were selling to the English was not what
the colonists thought they were acquiring.’

Aside from constructing the fortification and homes
in which to live, Lane and his men explored the
region. Numerous explorations were conducted of
the area adjacent to Roanoke Island. One foray
followed the Roanoke River as far as present
Northhampton County, which is about 130 miles
distant from Roanoke Island. This provided the
colonists with at least a modicum of knowledge
concerning their physical environment along with
information concerning the flora, fauna, and
Indians.

Grenville departed for England on August 25, 1585,
leaving a pinnace and a few small ships with Lane
and his men so they could explore the surrounding
region. Grenville just missed a Spanish treasure
flota that had departed Cuba in July but managed to
overtake a straggler, the Santa Maria de San
Vincente, carrying a cargo valued at over 120,000
ducats. He reached Plymouth on September 18. The
cargo and ship were disposed of and this created a
profit for Grenville. Queen Elizabeth is said to have

15. Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony, 21-27.

16. The paucity of Indian supplies was documented during White's expedition and was likely the same situation during the
‘one commanded by Lane. See Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony, 115. Recent scholarship suggests that the
Roanoke Colony was established during the worst drought in several hundred years. This was accomplished by examining

the annual rings of trees from the period.
17. Cronon, Changes in the Land, 70.

National Park Service 5


SCOOOOHHOOOH OOOH OOHOHOHOOOHOOOHOOOOOOOOHCOCOE

understand why and merely accepted the results as
fact.7"4 .

This feeling concerning Marconi was mirrored and
somewhat amplified by Cleveland Abbe ina letter to
Fessenden written in early 1901. Abbe also stated
that Marconi had raised the expectations of many
without any tangible results being offered to the
public. He believed that Marconi’s circle of backers
was deliberately doing this in order to shore up the
faltering confidence of both European and
American investors who were voicing concerns
about the progress Marconi was, or more aptly, was
not making.”'5 One can detect an undercurrent of
intense international competition at this time with
the ultimate prize being what would prove to be a
fabulously lucrative number of contracts from
around the world once wireless communications
had been perfected.

The Weather Bureau was not the only branch of the
Federal government interested in wireless
telegraphy. The Secretary of the Navy, John D.
Long, wanted information concerning Fessenden’s
activities. Once a warship left port, no
communication was possible until it either made
port 6r ran into another vessel on the high seas.
Being able to communicate with a warship once it
departed would be a decided military advantage to
any nation able to produce or obtain such
technology. Secretary Wilson from the Department
of Agriculture informed Long that the experiments
conducted at Cobb Island had been reasonably
successful to a distance of 50 miles and that the
operations had been transferred to the coast of
North Carolina for further evaluation. Wilson
indicated that he would be happy to let the Navy
send some representatives to view the progress
being made."

Moore and his superiors must have been impressed
very favorably with Fessenden’s progress and the

possibilities it opened because less than two months
later, the Secretary of the Department of Agriculture
contacted the Secretary of the Treasury. The
Agriculture Secretary informed his counterpart in
the Treasury that both Point Reyes and the
Farallone Islands, located near San Francisco, were
ideally suited for experiments in wireless telegraphy.
He also requested permission to erect a 150- foot
high mast and an instrument shed, which he stated
would not interfere with normal operations at those
lighthouses.?'7

Fessenden’s experiments slowly began to gather a
national audience by the summer of 1901. Ray
Stannard Baker, the editor of McClure’s Magazine, a
popular weekly of the period, expressed a desire to
glean information about Fessenden’s work in
wireless telegraphy. Later, Baker himself would gain
national prominence as a member of Woodrow
Wilson’s Cabinet and after that, as a historian. Baker
pointed out that McClure’s was the first to print an
account of Marconi’s work, which may be viewed as
an attempt to goad Fessenden into providing his
magazine some information.?"®

Events would soon overtake the actual progress
being made at Roanoke Island. Moore wrote
Fessenden, in January 1902, that the Navy had
recently created a wireless telegraphy board. The
Navy intended to construct wireless stations in both
Annapolis and Washington, D.C., to test various
wireless communications systems. Moore wished
to invite the Navy to monitor the progress being
made at Roanoke Island and get a leg up on the
competition.”"9 He also expressed concern that it
might be already too late to obtain Congressional
funding for extending the work being conducted by
Fessenden at Roanoke Island past its initial one-
year authorization.??°

It was April 1902 before The New York Times would
once again take notice of the activities taking place

214, Aitken, The Continuous Wave, 35.

215. North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina, Manuscript Collection, Fessenden Material Prior to 1905, MARS

167.1, Abbe to Fessenden, Dated: January 9, 1901.

216. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received by
R.A. Fessenden, 1901-1903, Letters Sent, 1900-1903, Box 5, Entry 51, Dated: April 19, 1901. NARA, College Park, MD.

217. Record Group 27, Records of the Weather Bureau, General Correspondence of the Weather Bureau, Letters Received by
R.A. Fessenden, 1901-1903, Box 5, Entry 51, Secretary of Agriculture to Secretary of the Treasury, Dated: December 2,

1901. NARA, College Park, MD.

218. North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, North Carolina, Manuscript Collection, Fessenden Material Prior to 1905, MARS

167.1, Baker to Fessenden, Dated: July 11, 1901.

219. The U.S. Navy never did adopt the Fessenden system and later contracted with a German firm for its wireless equipment.

See Everett, Fessenden, 41.

National Park Service 47


Capt. E.H. Peel, a retired Coast Guard keeper,
believed that a ferry would be a more viable form of
transportation. He believed that with an investment
of between $15,000 and $20,000, along with “the
proper kind of boat,” it would be a successful
business venture. Peel postulated that those in favor
of a bridge had not taken all the facts into
consideration. He indicated that construction of a
bridge that would withstand both storms and ice
would cost in the range of $150,000 to $200,000.
Peel felt than interest on bonds combined with
maintenance and operation expenses would be
approximately $20,000 a year. He believed that
supporting the 200 motor vehicles in the county
would eat up one- third of Dare County’s budget.
Combined with Currituck County refusing to
underwrite the costs, it appeared to Peel that
constructing a bridge was simply not an
economically sound proposition.?54

Despite nagging doubts concerning the viability of
the project, the contracts for its construction were
finalized in May of that 1927. The costs were also
greater than initially anticipated. The W.L. Jones
Company of Elizabeth City was awarded an $85,615
contract for the bridge itself. H.C. Lawrence of New
Bern was to receive $45,000 for the causeway.
Additional expenses were expected to total another
$150,000. Dare County was authorized to issue
bonds in the amount of $300,000, which was the
largest ever floated in the county.

The bridge itself was to be 1,300 feet long and 20 feet
wide and constructed on 11- inch thick creosote
pilings placed at 15 feet intervals. The causeway was
to be 300 feet long, and this included a 100- foot
long metal span. The bridge was expected to be
completed within four months,?55

Voices in opposition to the project would not be
silenced. W.O. Saunders, editor of The Independent,
spoke before an audience at the Elizabeth City
Chamber of Commerce. He railed about developer
Frank Winch and “his gang” as well as their business
tactics. Saunders cited what Winch had done in San
Francisco concerning horse- drawn carts and flatly
stated that this was a shady business deal. Saunders

expressed concern that Winch would attempt to
pull another questionable business venture in the
Outer Banks if he could get away with it.?5°

In November, Saunders once again resumed the
written and verbal offensive against both Frank Stick
and Frank Winch. By this time, these men had
established the Virginia Dare Shores, which was a
subsidiary of the Carolina Development Company
of Asbury Park, N.J. Saunders went on to state that
in the last six months, times had been hard. Stick
and Winch had overextended themselves on the
hope of making vast profits, now that the bridges
were providing access to Roanoke Island. Sales
were not progressing at the rate expected and local
merchants were slow in being paid for their services.
Ina small town, this could be calamitous for a
businessman.

Saunders went on to state that he believed Stick was
“a good fellow, a high type of citizen,” but he was a
dreamer and not a businessman. In his critique of
Winch, Saunders was not quite as complimentary.
Saunders claimed Winch was an exploiter. He used
the example of Buffalo Bill, remembered today as a
famous frontiersman. Winch had made him into a
frontier hero, although he slaughtered buffaloes,
and was a drunken, womanizing brawler. Saunders
believed that both Winch and Stick deluded each
other about the prospects of being able to develop
the Carolina shore with the implication that the
interests of the citizens of the area were not their
concern,?57

Not all that occurred concerning Dare County was
contentious, although W.O. Saunders must have
somewhat enjoyed running an amusing article in
The Independent concerning developer Frank Stick
on April 16, 1927. Stick and Frank Winch were
planning to return from Norfolk to their respective
homes. Mr. Stick informed Mr. Winch that he was
going to telegram his wife in Asbury Park, N. J., that
he was coming home. Mr. Winch asked his friend
and partner to send one to his wife in Washington
informing her of the same. To his own wife Mr.
Stick sent a telegram “Will arrive home Monday
morning, Love Frank.” Mr. Stick then proceeded to

254. Elizabeth City Independent, February 4, 1927.
255. Elizabeth City Independent, May 13, 1927.

256. Elizabeth City independent, May 27, 1927. While most Roanoke Island residents favored the bridge because it would
facilitate the flow of commercial goods to and from the island, they were concerned about the influx of new residents.

Tourists were fine, as long as their visits were temporary.

257. Elizabeth City Independent, November 11, 1927.

National Park Service 53


England’s only toehold in the New World and
settled on a half--measure in an attempt to maintain
the colony’s viability. Grenville left 15 men behind,
along with provisions to last them two years, which
was more than sufficient to carry them over until the
next expedition was expected to arrive.

One might ask what could possibly induce people to
cross the vast expanse of the Atlantic and face the
unpredictable perils of the New World. A number
of factors provided that impetus. England was
undergoing a population explosion. During the
1570S, London’s population quadrupled, creating
job and housing shortages. Complicating the
situation was a famine that broke out in 1586
combined with the bottom falling out of the market
in wool. Religious strife among the various
Protestant factions in England was another factor.?5
Such an economic climate proved to be more than a
sufficient inducement for many to seek an
opportunity to escape economic hard times and
start a new life across the ocean.

In 1587, the 17 members of the famous and ill- fated
“Lost Colony” departed England for the New
World. The artist John White was now the governor
and Simon Fernandes was once again the pilot.
There was considerable rancor between White and
Fernandes. Fernandes was more interested in
plunder than colonization, while White’s primary
concern was the safety of the women and children
who were part of the expedition. Fernandes was
also instructed to pick up the 15 men previously left
behind by Grenville and bring them to back to
England on the return voyage. After the usual route
and accompanying delays through the West Indies,
they made land on July 16 off the coast of what is
now North Carolina somewhere south of Roanoke
Island, probably at Hatorask (present day Hatteras).

After more problems with Fernandes, White and the
colonists were put ashore on Roanoke Island. They
then proceeded to makes repairs to the fort, which
was in sad shape, although the previously
constructed houses were still somewhat inhabitable.
Additional housing was built for the numerous new
inhabitants of the colony. However, no trace was

discovered of the 15 sailors previously left behind by
Grenville.

Manteo, the Indian who accompanied the colonists
back to his homeland, reestablished contact with his
fellow Indians. It was at this time the colonists
learned of the deaths of two of the sailors in fighting
with the Indians and that survivors of that
engagement had taken their boat to another small
island on the Outer Banks, never to be heard from
again. The colonists also discovered the bones of an
individual that they presumed to be one of the
missing men. While activity was in progress for
refurbishing the colony, a group of Indians came
over from the mainland and killed an unarmed
colonist named George Howe while he was
crabbing. Later, it was confirmed that one of the
group that killed Howe was Wanchese, who had
decided that the English did not have the best
interests of the Indians high on their list of
priorities.2©

At this point, the English committed another major
faux pas. White led two dozen men on a raid to the
mainland to retaliate for the death of Howe. Led by
Manteo, they launched a surprise attack against the
Roanoke village of Dasemunkepeuc. They killed
one Indian before it was realized that this was not
‘the band that had killed Howe. Not only had they
made new enemies, but they also had failed to
punish the perpetrators that had murdered one of
their number. One question that remains
unresolved is why Manteo did not realize they were
not the group responsible for Howe’s demise.

However, by August, the colony was reestablished,
there were some cannon in the fort, and the ships
had been re- caulked and made ready for sea again.
Manteo was baptized on August:13 and was made
“Lord of Roanoke and Dasemunkepeuc.” Five days
later, Eleanor Dare, White’s daughter and wife of
Ananias Dare, gave birth to a daughter, Virginia..
Still, there were serious deficiencies in stores and
there was no livestock on Roanoke Island. White
was persuaded to return to England and procure the
items needed to sustain the colony. White was
extremely reluctant to leave since his daughter and
newly born granddaughter, Virginia Dare, the first

24. Ivor Noél Hume, The Virginia Adventure: Roanoke to James Towne, An Archeological and Historical Odyssey (New York:

Knopf, 1998), 55-56.

25. Lee Miller, Roanoke: Solving the Mystery of the Lost Colony (New York: Arcade Publishing, 2000), 40-41, 44-45.

26. Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony, 115.

National Park Service 7


Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940
- Special History Study

2005
Written by Brian T. Crumley, Ph.D.

Edited by Frank J. J. Miele


A method was devised to determine whether a
surfman was making his rounds. A time detector
was placed at intervals along the beach that required
a surfman to turna key to prove he had done his job.
Surfmen from two different stations would meet at
the same point using their respective keys. Shoulda
corresponding surfman fail to make his appointed
rounds, his counterpart would report this to his
own Lifesaving Station upon his return. Aside from
possible misbehavior, it could also indicate a
surfman was in some sort of trouble or danger.'?3

The 1877- 1878 season was marked by tragedy,
especially along the North Carolina coast, where
two major disasters occurred within approximately
two months of each other and only a short distance
apart. On November 24, 1877, the U.S.S. Huron sank
with the accompanying loss of 98 lives. The Huron
was out of New York and on its way to the
Caribbean on a survey mission. It was a modern
metal- hulled warship. The Huron had stopped at
Norfolk to take on coal. She sailed despite storm
warnings, but she was a modern U.S. Navy warship
with an experienced captain and crew aboard.
Curiously, the Huron’s executive officer, Lt. Arthur
H. Fletcher, had a premonition of disaster and
refused to sail aboard her and Lt. S.A. Simmons,
who died in the disaster, eagerly took his place.
While off the Bodie Island Lighthouse, the vessel
ran aground because the ship’s watch had failed to
take into account a bend in the coast between Duck
and Kitty Hawk and this ruined their nautical
calculations. The crew of the stricken ship launched
rockets, but to no avail. Finally, local inhabitants
from Nags Head arrived at the beach to survey the
disaster scene. Compounding the problems of the
hapless sailors aboard the Huron was the fact that
the Nags Head Lifesaving Station was inactive and
its keeper, Benjamin Franklin Meekins, was at his

home on Roanoke Island.'*4 The local inhabitants
were afraid to break into the station for fear of
criminal prosecution and, even if they had, nobody
knew how to operate the equipment.'5

Ens. Lucian Young, who had already won a medal
for lifesaving in the Mediterranean, managed to get
ashore and organize a rescue attempt for the
survivors. A message was transmitted from Kitty
Hawk, and rescue vessels were dispatched from
Norfolk. In the failed attempts to locate survivors,
five more men were added to the death toll, among
them J.J. Guthrie, the newly appointed
superintendent of the Sixth Lifesaving District.!6
The one positive thing that came about as a result of
the disaster was that Ens. Young and Smn. Antonio
Williams received Gold Lifesaving Medals for their
efforts.'?7

On December 3, 1877, the schooner Franklin
Jameson Rockland was found drifting off Nags Head.
Meekins launched a boat but failed to locate
anybody aboard the hapless vessel. He determined
the ship to be a total wreck and returned to the
station. Meekins duly noted in his report what
actions he had taken.!28

The second major tragedy occurred on January 31,
1878, when the steamer Metropolis, bound for Brazil
with approximately 250 mostly Irish souls aboard,
fell victim to the “Graveyard of the Atlantic.” In
addition to its passengers, the Metropolis carried 500
tons of iron rails and another 500 tons of additional
cargo. Few individuals were aware that the
Metropolis was the former Stars and Stripes that had,
coincidentally, seen service in the Battle of Roanoke
Island during the Civil War. In fact, her papers had
been altered to indicate she was not even built until
six years after that war had ended. The previous

123. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Bodie Island, Box 4,
©.£.. Imhauser New 1875-76-77-77-80-81-82 Watchman’s Improved Time Detector.

124, This indicated the difficulty of determining the importance of the Lifesaving Service to Roanoke Island. Many of the
keepers and surfmen from surrounding stations lived in either Manteo or other parts of the island. Additionally,
depending on the individual gathering Census information and when they obtained it would determine what answer
they received. If questioned during off-season, a surfman-might declare himself a fisherman. Being an insular
community they might also give a false answer and the Census enumerator might not question the information.

125. For an official report on the tragedy, see Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C.,
Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Nags Head, Box 1, Dated: November 29, 1877. However, the wreck occurred on November

24, 1877.

126. Guthrie's widow was provided a pension equal to that of a widow of a U.S. Navy captain by a special act of Congress. See

Bennett, Sand Pounders, 96.
12

8

Carolina Press, 1952), 73-85.

. David Stick, Graveyard of the Atlantic: Shipwrecks of the North Carolina Coast (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North

128. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C. Life Saving Station Log Books, Nags Head, Book

1, Dated: December 3, 1877.

28 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

OOOH OOGSHSOSHHOSOHHOSHHHHHSHHSOHHOOHESHOHOHOS



buildings demolished prior to accepting the
location as a National Historic Site. The writer went
on to praise Governor Clyde R. Hoey for his
admirable “restraint as well as diplomacy” when
tempering his comments concerning the situation.
R. Bruce Etheridge, a prominent local businessman
and native of Roanoke Island, was not as tactful in
his comments. Etheridge, who by 1935, was the
Director of the North Carolina Department of
Conservation and Development, said the Historical
Commission should “keep the park as it is for the
State and the nation.” His frustration and anger can
be explained because he had been trying for 40

years to obtain national recognition for Fort
Raleigh33

A voice of reason came from C.C. Crittenden of the
North Carolina Historical Association. He wrote
Governor Hoey that the vast majority of the work at
the Fort Raleigh site was complete and the best
course of action was to proceed with the anticipated
celebrations for the 350th anniversary. The success
of the project should be the primary concern of
everybody involved and everyone concerned
should temper their comments and say as little as
possible concerning the disagreements that had
arisen among the various parties involved.
Crittenden ended by informing the governor that he
was sending a copy of this missive to R. Bruce
Etheridge, Arno B. Cammerer, Lindsay C. Warren,
D.B. Fearing, Frank Stick, W.O. Saunders, among
others, as the principal parties concerned in the’
celebrations 334

Developer Frank Stick became involved in the
fracas, but he was one local resident who took the
National Park Service’s position. He wrote to the
Associate Director of the National Park Service, A.
W. Demaray, stating that “lack of vision and a true
understanding of the situation” was the culprit. He
agreed that the architectural design of the buildings
was unsubstantiated. He also enclosed two recent
newspaper articles that he hoped would

“counteract other stories” and this hopefully would
meet with the approval of both Demaray and
Director Cammerer335

In October 1937, Warren once again wrote
Cammerer that “interested citizens” intended to
stage another pageant on even a grander scale the
following year with the intention of making it an
annual event. He wanted to know when the Park
Service intended to officially take possession of the
property, the status of the structures, and whether
the Park Service had any objections to any future
pageants and celebrations being held on the
property. Warren closed by clearly stating that “the
president was much interested” in what the final

outcome concerning the Fort Raleigh site would
be336

Although it appears unlikely that either man was
aware, at this point, President Roosevelt had already
expressed his intentions at the end of August when
he wrote a memorandum to E.K. Burlew at the
Department of the Interior. FDR indicated that he
understood the quandary that all the concerned
parties were in with respect to the historical
accuracy of the buildings at the Fort Raleigh site.
However, since the buildings were already in place
and were expected to meet the needs of the
Department of the Interior, he believed that they
should remain standing until their serviceability
expired. He “suggested” that Burlew get in contact
with the North Carolina Historical Association and
resolve the impasse 337

It took until 1940 to get a resolution to the issue. On
March 8, 1940, FDR authorized Secretary of the
Interior Harold Ickes to accept the Lost Colony site
of 16.45 acres. He also noted that the entire
proposed site would eventually encompass over
2,000 acres. Roosevelt included a caveat that the
land to be acquired would either have to be donated
or purchased with donated funds. Considering that
events in Europe and the Far East were looming

333. Charlotte Observer, April 14, 1937.

334. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified Files, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Crittenden to Cammerer, Dated: April 19, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration, College

Park, MD.

335. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified Files, 1933-1939, Fort Raleigh, Box 2613, Stick to
Demaray, Dated: April 29, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

336. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Warren to Cammerer, Dated: October 5, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration, College

Park, MD.

337. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, Fort Raleigh, Box-2613,
Roosevelt to Burlew, Dated: August 30, 1937, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.

70 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940

SPOHSHSHSHHSSSHOHSHHSHHHSHOHHSHSHSHHOSHSSHHHSSHHOHSSOSOE



officer, Commodore W. F. Lynch, a former officer in
the United States Navy, caused the Union vessel
Fanny to be intercepted and captured off
Chicamicomico on October 1, 1861. The ship, along
with its valuable cargo, which included a large
amount of water, fell to the Confederacy but little in
the manner of critical intelligence was obtained.
There was severe consternation and recriminations
among the Union forces because the capture of the
Fanny could have been averted. It was waiting off
Chicamicomico for hours to be unloaded when
captured. Had the Fanny been promptly unloaded,
at least its supplies and the precious water it carried
would not have fallen into Confederate hands.

- Another incident that transpired during October
became known as the “Chicamicomico Races.” The
Union forces were concerned about a possible
Confederate attack emanating from Roanoke Island.
The Union toehold on the Outer Banks was
precarious and maintained by only 900 men of the
gh and 20'" New York Volunteers. Later, 600
additional men of the 20th Indiana Volunteers, who
were supported by a battery of the ist U.S. Artillery,
reinforced them. To forestall such an assault, Col.
Rush Hawkins, commander of the of New York
Volunteers, ordered Col. W.L. Brown and his 20h
Indiana to occupy Chicamicomico (presently
known as Rodanthe).. The Mosquito Fleet
transported soldiers from the 3" Georgia, causing
the Union forces to panic and run as they viewed
their impending debarkation. However, anumber
of the Confederate vessels became grounded on the
sandbar while attempting to land the troops. At this
point, the 9" New York became engaged in the
fracas and began pursuing the Confederates that
landed, forcing them to beat a hasty retreat back to
Roanoke Island while the Union soldiers eventually
make a likewise move back to Hatteras. Hence, the
derisive term, “Chicamicomico Races,” evolved with
each side unable to stake a claim to victory while

mocking the fighting abilities of all the participants
that had been engaged.

After an interlude of several months, the Union
forces felt sufficiently prepared to launch an assault
upon Roanoke Island. They were also fortunate
enough to obtain invaluable information about the
island from slaves who had escaped to the Union
lines at Hatteras. On November 7, 1861, a black man
named Ben who fled Roanoke Island provided
information to General Burnside concerning the
disposition of the Confederate forces, their morale,
and most important, their defenses. Later, on
February 1, 1862, a 16- year old slave, Thomas
Robinson, also from Roanoke, not only identified
Ashby’s Harbor as the best location to effect an
amphibious landing, but also transported a Union
topographical engineer officer there to survey the
site.

Governor Clark of North Carolina had his hands
tied when it came to the coastal defense of North
Carolina. The Confederate government at
Richmond had responsibility for its defense.
Additionally, most of the available manpower from
the eastern counties in North Carolina was already
tied up in the war effort in Virginia. Compounding
the problem was that the forts on Roanoke Island
were both poorly located and incomplete. Although
pilings were driven into the sound and ships sunk to
block the channel in order to deny access to the
Union attackers, these measures would prove
ineffective. What was known as the Roanoke
Marsh, a chain of low islands in the Croatoan
Sound, made navigation treacherous, but time has
washed this obstacle away.®4 Three obsolete
cannon that had the wrong type of ammunition
comprised the Confederate artillery position on the
island’s main road. Fewer than 2,500 men were
available for the island’s defense and these were
both poorly trained and equipped.®5 The numerous
requisitions placed by Colonel Shaw for men,

62. All the Union's water had to be transported by boat since there were no wells on the Barrier Islands. Lack of water
became a critical issue at this time for the Union army. The Fanny was estimated to be worth $150,000. Items included a
vast amount of artillery ammunition and thousands of uniforms, shoes, and overcoats needed by Union soldiers ashore.

See Stick, The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 131.

63. Cecelski, The Waterman’s Song, 157. See also Stephen Edward Reilly, “Reconstruction Through Regeneration: Horace
James’ Work with the Blacks for Social Reform in North Carolina, 1862-1867,” Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Duke

University, 1983, 32.
64. Stick, The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 136.

65. At the beginning of the secession, 37,000 stands of arms were taken from the Federal arsenal located in Fayetteville.
Unfortunately, most of them were obsolete flintlocks dating back to the Revolution. Only slowly could these weapons be
modernized. Undoubtedly, many of the Confederate soldiers stationed at Roanoke were armed with these flintlocks. See

Barrett, The Civil War in North Carolina, 26.

16 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940





009008000088 OSHHHHOHHHHHHHHOHHHHHHHOOEOHOOD

40 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940



| SOHOSSHSHSHSHSOHSSSSHNHHSHHHHSHSHHHHHDOS SETH SHOSHOCO

24 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940



7 SCOCSOSHS OO OOOOH OHOHOOOOOOOHO089OOOOHOOOOCOO

As with all government agencies of the era, the
Lifesaving Service thrived upon paperwork and
accountability. In a form letter signed by Sumner
Increase Kimball himself, Richard Etheridge was
notified of some documents shipped to him from
the headquarters of the Lifesaving Service in
Washington, D.C. Etheridge was provided with 13
copies of the Report of the Smithsonian Institution
along with one copy of the Report of the
Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries. He was
instructed to “acknowledge the receipt of the books,
enter them upon the inventory of your station, and
care for them as public property.” '49

Keeper Van Buren Etheridge received from Lt. E.C.
Clayton, the assistant inspector of the 6" District, a
box furnished by the Women’s National Relief
Association. It was made up of items that
shipwrecked individuals could use after surviving a
wreck. Etheridge acknowledged its receipt and that
it was “in good condition”'°

It would appear that one bane in the isolated
existence of a surfman was alcohol. On December
23, 1885, Keeper J.B. Etheridge wrote that Surfman
A.H. Etheridge returned to the station “under the
influence of whiskey.’ Adding insult to injury,
Etheridge then proceeded to set the privy on fire.'5'
Maintaining discipline, especially around the
holiday season, must have been difficult.

The sea held danger even for experienced surfmen.
On September 8, 1885, the Chicamicomico crew of
Keeper L.B. Midgett received severe damage to their
surfboat during a drill. The keel was broken about
halfway through the boat causing the vessel to leak
badly. Practice was terminated after only fifteen
minutes and the crew performed other training on
the shore:"5?

Inside the logs were some clippings of an
advertisement for Hostettler’s Stomach Bitters. This
provides some insight into the backward state of
medicine during this period. An Article on malaria
blamed the malady on miasmas.'53 The state of the
medical profession had made few advances since the
end of the Civil War.

According to the logs, the worst storm in fifteen
years hit the Outer Banks and Roanoke Island on
Christmas 1885. Surfman G.B. Midgett, of New
Inlet, was unable to make contact with his
counterpart from Pea Island because of the rough
surf. The flagpole at New Inlet was knocked down
by the intense wind and one surfman’s home was
washed away. Additionally, numerous items
belonging to the station were also washed away. The
lack of surviving newspaper accounts indicates the
importance of these logbooks to the history of
Roanoke Island and the Outer Banks.'54

In January 1889, Keeper L.B. Midgett made a
somewhat confusing entry in his logbook. He stated
that crew drill had been suspended because of the
wet weather. He also stated that he left the station
for part of the day to assist two children that “got
burned to death” by kerosene. He then wrote he
took a quart of linseed oil to-place on their burns
and that the lady of the house was “burned very
badly.” Additional excitement was generated that
day when Surfman G.L. Midgett got involved in a
“bitter dispute” with the cook. Midgett called the
cook a liar and then struck him. Surfman Midgett
then proceeded to perform his lookout duties and
patrol the beach.'55

The sea washed many things up upon the shore. At
times, bodies washed up. On April 16, 1886, Surfman
Elisha Twine noticed the body of a “white boy,”

approximately fifteen years of age, a half- mile south

149. Pea island LSS Correspondence, 1883-1884, Kimball to Etheridge, Dated: March 21, 1884, Box 1 of 2, Fort Raleigh National

150,

151.

152.

153.

154.

Historic Site, Manteo, North Carolina.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Log Books, Nags Head, Box 2,
Dated: March 25, 1885, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C,, Lifesaving Station Log Books, Bodie (sland, Box 3,
Dated: December 23, 1885, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C. Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico
Book 3, Dated: September 8, 1885, National Archives and records Administration, Atlanta, Georgia.

Miasmas were odors emanating from places such as a swamp. People attributed the foul smell to causing disease. The
reasoning was that the bad smell of the swamp swamp was unhealthy. People of the age did not yet comprehend the
connection between mosquitoes and malaria.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, New Inlet, Box 2,
Dated: December 25, 1885, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C; Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Chicamicomico, Box
2, Dated: January 28,.1886, National Archives and Records Administration, Atlanta, GA.

National Park Service 33


of the Union and evolved into a moral crusade to
free the slaves. It will be noted later that such lofty
goals were not ingrained in all Union soldiers and
many of them stole from or physically abused the
freedmen.

James, like many others, initially believed that the
war was for the restoration of the Union. However,
by July 1862, his position had shifted and he called
for the eradication of slavery in the South. James
envisioned what he termed a “new social order”
The nation was to be purged from the evil of slavery,
although elimination of slavery, as stated previously,
did not mean social equality—only equality under
the law. James never elucidated the exact nature of
the “new social order” in a written context 7®

Lack of guidance from Washington was always a
problem when dealing with freedmen. Obtaining
land to give to the freedmen presented another
quandary. This problem was exacerbated on
Roanoke Island by the limited amount of land
available and questions concerning what would be
the rights of former owners to the property on
Roanoke Island. However, James received orders
from Maj. Gen. J.G. Foster, at the time commanding
the Department of North Carolina, to establish a
colony for freedmen on Roanoke Island. James was
expected to have the people under his responsibility
learn agriculture, receive an education, and train to
defend themselves against possible attack.79

On July 16, 1863, the call came from the Federal
Government to enlist black men in the Union army.
Gen. Edward A. Wild was tasked with recruiting
black men on Roanoke Island who answered the call
to the colors. This had the effect of severely
reducing the manpower pool of those needed to
work the land. It made the colony merely a haven
for the soldiers’ children along with the old and
infirm.8° During that summer, James traveled to
New England where he managed to raise almost
$9,000 for the Freedmen’s Colony. A large portion
of these funds was raised through the efforts of the

American Missionary Association (AMA). James
also proceeded to construct a town on the northern
end of the island."

This was to be the centerpiece of the “new social
order” envisioned by James. Each family was to be
provided with an acre of land. It was to be ahome
for freedmen but agriculture would not be its
primary means of viability because of the limited
availability of arable land. The “new social order”
envisioned by James would follow a middle corridor
between the old republican concept of the yeoman
farmer and the newer ideas of a technologically
based society.82 Unfortunately, as stated previously,
James never completely explained his ideas on
paper. Regrettably, in the end, James’ concept
would prove to be not sustainable. While initially
sheltered in the former Confederate barracks, the
freedmen began construction of their own homes.
The colony had broad avenues that were placed
1,200 feet apart. These avenues had names such as
Lincoln Avenue, Roanoke Avenue, and Burnside
Avenue. The intersecting streets were at right angles
and in one direction called First Street, Second
Street, etc., while others going on the opposite
direction were named A Street, B Street, etc.
Interestingly, the town is not laid out on a north-
south axis but along a northeast- southwest one
according to a map that James provided to the-
Freedmen’s Inquiry Commission in Washington,
D.C.83 James was assisted in his task by Sgt. James
O. Sanderson, who previously served with the 4m
Massachusetts Volunteers.

James noted, with delight, the efforts of the
freedmen to construct their homes. The individuals
went about their tasks zealously. Materiel was
procured from the surrounding towns. However,
James was concerned that the freedmen population
would have an insufficient number of jobs available
to keep them gainfully employed. Some women
were able to cook and do laundry for the soldiers for
the present, but as the war wound down, so would
the need for their services.

78. Ibid., 60-61. .

79. Horace James, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Negro Affairs in North Carolina, 1864 (Boston: W. F. Brown, 1865),

21,
80. Ibid. 22.
81.
82.

1862-1867,” in Tamkang Journal of American Studies Vol. 4, No. 4 (Summer 1988):10.

83. James to Freedmen’s Inquiry Commission Dated: 4 June 1864, Record Group 105, Freedmen’s Bureau, Roanoke Island, N.C.
Letters and Orders Received, Reports and Supply Requests, October 1865-February 1868, Entry 2821, National Archives and
Records Administration, Washington, D.C. For brevity, these records will be cited henceforth as RG-105.

National Park Service 19


1500, they made no attempt to establish any
permanent settlements. They contented themselves
with temporary fishing camps established and
inhabited only during the summer months to smoke
and salt the cod caught and shipped back to
England. However, despite its belated start,
England would eventually become a major player in
New World colonization and exploration.

Tudor England, especially during the sixteenth
century, was religiously and politically unstable.
The Reformation in England led Henry VIII to
establish the Church of England. However, unlike
on the Continent, the driving force behind the
Reformation in England was more secular. Henry
desperately needed a male heir to maintain the
House of Tudor on the English throne and to stave
off a dynastic struggle similar to the War of the
Roses between the Houses of York and Lancaster
that devastated the kingdom from 1455 until 1487.
This conflict was still fresh in the minds of many
older Englishmen. There had been much
bloodletting until Elizabeth ascended the throne
and was crowned on January 15, 1559. It required
several years for Elizabeth to secure her position
against both internal and external threats.
Parliament constantly challenged monarchical
power and there was the incipient class conflict
brought about by the emerging middle class who
sought respectability and power in addition to
wealth’ In order to achieve stability within the
realm, Elizabeth pursued a conciliatory tone
towards the Catholics in her nation, although hard
liners in Parliament forced her to take a stronger
stance than she desired. This is now known as the
Elizabethan Settlement. She also had to be wary of
Philip II and Catholic Spain since Henry VIII’s first
wife was Catherine of Aragon, daughter of
Ferdinand and Isabella, and his divorce from her
greatly embarrassed the Spanish throne. Philip was
determined to place England back in the Catholic
fold. The execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, a
Catholic, on February 8, 1587, provided Philip the
necessary pretext for launching his Armada against
England in 1588, an event that would have a major
impact upon the fledgling colony at Roanoke.

The riches that Spain harvested from her colonies in
the New World made the rest of Europe, especially
the English, quite envious. Gold and silver flowed
into the coffers of the Spanish treasury, making
Spain the most powerful country in the world.
English ships had a nasty habit of intercepting
Spanish treasure ships at sea and plundering them.
Some of these ill- gotten proceeds ended up in
Elizabeth’s treasury, causing the government to
overlook these transgressions. Although Elizabeth
was not in a financial position to completely
underwrite the exploration of the Americas, she
could promote the effort when the major portion of
the costs of such exploration was borne by private
business ventures. The first Englishman to
underwrite such an exploration was Sir Humphrey
Gilbert. Gilbert was convinced that he could locate
the fabled Northwest Passage to China and reap a
fortune in the process. He received a charter from
Queen Elizabeth on June n, 1578, to colonize lands
not belonging to any Christians. Gilbert set sail a
few months later with seven ships, one of which was
under the command of his half- brother, Sir Walter
Raleigh. Simon Fernandes, a Portuguese in the
service of England, piloted one of the vessels. He
would also pilot expeditions to Roanoke Island in
1584, 1585, and 1587 and would play a role in the
demise of the ill- fated colony at Roanoke Island. A
battle at sea with Spanish vessels near the Cape
Verde Islands forced Gilbert’s expedition to return
to Plymouth, and it was five years before he
obtained sufficient capital to once again venture
forth across the Atlantic. On his second expedition,
Gilbert reached what is now St. John’s,
Newfoundland, which he proceeded to claim for
England on August 3, 1583.9 However, on the return
voyage, his ship, the Squirrel, sank in a storm on
August 29, drowning Gilbert along with one
hundred other sailors.

On March 25, 1584, Walter Raleigh renewed
Gilbert’s charter. Raleigh dispatched Captains
Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe on April 27, 1584,
and by taking a southerly route through the Indies,
they reached the coast of what is now North
Carolina on July 4, 1584. They initially set foot on
Ocracoke Island, and several days later, Barlowe and
eight of his sailors reached Roanoke Island and

7. David Beers Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire (New York: Macmillan, 1949), 4
8. Elizabeth instituted financial penalties for those who refused to participate in the Church of England, Although some
were expensive, it was far more mild than the previous alternative—death.

9. Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, 45.

“National Park Service 3


Johnston in Manteo for treatment. The Coast
Guard District Commander, O.A. Littlefield, was
notified and he advised that Simmons be taken to
the hospital in Norfolk, Virginia, for further
treatment. Simmons had his liberty cancelled and
he was placed absent on duty.?65

Two weeks later, an unusual object washed ashore
approximately four and- a- half miles north of the
Pea Island Station. Bosun W.M. Youmans called
that station for assistance when he located a mine
that was on the beach. The.mine was removed but
no'mention was made concerning its disposal.?6°
This mine must have been left over from WWI when
both sides had sown hundreds of thousands of
mines in the sea and the ocean currents washed
them ashore. 7

By January 1928, the bridge spanning Roanoke
Sound was operational, if a few months behind
schedule. The traffic traversing the span was
averaging 40 cars a day, which exceeded the original
estimates of 25 per day, despite the freezing weather
and unfinished approaches. The State Highway
Commission was expected to take responsibility
soon for its maintenance. W.F. Baum, Chairman of
the Dare County Commissioners, hoped that the
state would improve the approaches in the coming
spring. At the time, it cost 50 cents for a car to use
the bridge, along with an additional 10 cents per
passenger,267

On February 5, 1928, the first recorded death as a
result of an automobile accident occurred in Dare
County. Carlton Etheridge, a twenty- one year old
man, had the dubious distinction of being the first
individual to die in an automobile accident on
Roanoke Island. He was a passenger in a Ford
touring car that was “upset” according to the article.
It did not define what upset meant. The driver,
W.G.P. Pickett, was injured, incurring facial cuts and
bruises, but the other four passengers did not
sustain any injuries. Etheridge was buried in the
family plot located on the island.?68

Theodore S. Meekins apparently made a handsome
profit on a salvage deal. An oil tanker, the Paraguay,
ran aground on the previous December 4, off Kitty
Hawk. Although the vessel broke in two, the cargo
of 800,000 gallons of fuel oil was intact. The value
of this oil was estimated to be around $60,000. The
word was that Meekins was able to purchase the
vessel and its cargo for a mere $100! Captain T.C.
Conwell of the Wood Towing Corporation stated
that salvage efforts were expected to commence
shortly.269 One of the wealthiest individuals on the
island and one of the Dare County Commissioners
appeared to have been “lucky” enough to have the
right connections to benefit from such a windfall.

A local boy came back to his roots and reminisced
about how things had been. After his retirement as
the associate editor of The Independent, Victor
Meekins stated that “Life in Dare County is not
what it used to be.” Years ago, there were no roads
or autos. People only worked two months out of the
year when the fish were running and sat around
doing very little during the rest of the year. Wants
were simple and there was little cash to be had.
Now people want cars, radios, and telephones.
Here was one man who believed that progress was
not making Roanoke Island a better place to live.
One would think that a former newspaperman, such
as Meekins, would have had a much different
perspective of life.?7°

In the summer of 1928, there was talk about
constructing a hotel of at least fifty rooms to
accommodate the increased tourist trade. People
were being turned away due to the lack of rooms.
The ferry and new bridge had made Roanoke Island
much more accessible than it was previously.
Summer fishing parties provided more employment
than in the previous five summers. Although the
bridge was anticipated to have ten cars traverse it
daily, there were actually between fifty and ninety
vehicles making the crossing. It was believed that
once tourists became aware of first- class
accommodations, they would start to flock to the

265. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 19,

Dated: November 16, 1927, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

266. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Dated:

November 30, 1927, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
267. Elizabeth City Independent, January 6, 1928.
268. Elizabeth City Independent, February 10, 1928.
269. Elizabeth City Independent, February 10, 1928.

270. Elizabeth City Independent, April 6, 1928. For additional anecdotes on life throughout the early part of the century on
Roanoke Island see, Suzanne Tate's, Memories of Manteo and Roanoke Island, N.C. (Nags Head, N.C.: Nags Head Art,

1988).

National Park Service 55


OOOO OOOH OOS OHHOOHHOODOSOHHOHOHOHHOOHODOCHOHOO

large in the president’s mind, it is interesting that he
himself became involved in what many might
consider such a comparatively trivial matter338

Although the Fort Raleigh site was a subject of much
interest, both in North Carolina and nationally, life
continued on Roanoke Island. By 1936, Herbert A.
Creef, of the family famous for the shad boat, was
involved in buying and selling a new type of vessel:
the hydroplane. Miss Manteo was constructed in
New Jersey. It possessed a then amazing 155
horsepower emanating from an engine having a 225
inch cubic displacement and capable of speeds of in
excess of 62 miles per hour. Miss Manteo had won
several races, including the President’s Cup Regatta
races in Washington, D.C., held in August 1935.
Creef sold the boat to a Colorado businessman and
intended to replace it with a new boat having 175
horsepower339

Major crime was not frequent on Roanoke Island,
but it did occur. In the summer of 1938, the island
was abuzz with the story of a young black girl having
been killed just outside Manteo. Evelyn King was
with a group of young people that got into an
altercation when she was beaten with a baseball bat.
King later died as a result of lockjaw. A nineteen-
year old black man, Bruce Mann, was charged with
the crime. Mann was on a suspended sentence for
previously purchasing liquor for Alvin Dowdy in
May. Police arrested Mann at an uncle’s home in
Norfolk, Virginia, and transported him to the Dare
County jail to await trial that was expected to begin
in the fall34°

An indication of what sort of “justice” Mann might
expect to receive was evidenced in a newspaper
article published the month before concerning
justice in Dare County. The previous summer, an
all- white jury convicted a black man, Nat Selby, of
stealing fish and he was sentenced to 18 months in
prison. However, when Alton Best, a white man on
whose boat Selby was a crewman went to trial for
participating in the same crime, he was acquitted by

another all- white jury. Upon learning of the jury’s
decision, Judge Burgwyn, who presided over the
trial, stated, “I’m glad I don’t own any pound nets in
Dare County.” A number of local fishermen who
observed the trial were also upset with the jury’s
verdict, since apprehension of an individual for
stealing fish was very difficult and the acquittal of
such an individual rubbed a raw nerve34

In 1903, a local authority on maritime matters, A. W.
Drinkwater, discovered the hulk of an ancient vessel
after a storm. It remained undisturbed until 1939,
when a severe storm uncovered more of the ship.
The hulk was believed to be a cromster, a light
warship developed during the era when Raleigh
sailed the seas. The Roanoke Island Historical
Association decided to excavate the site using 100
CCC volunteers. To discourage souvenir hunters, a
guard was placed over the vessel’s remains. Dr.
Joseph T. Holzbach, the superintendent of the
Maritime Museum at Newport News, was
expected, along with his staff, to peruse the site34*

In 1939, the third annual production of Paul Green’s .

_ The Lost Colony was staged. Heretofore largely

unnoticed, Roanoke Island was rapidly changing to
accommodate its new status as a tourist attraction.
The Lost Colony attracted a widespread audience
from around the nation, and the local economy
received an infusion of tourists along with their
much sought after cash. The town became
swamped with tourists every weekend the
production ran. The local telegraph clerk evolved
into an informal booking agent for rooms because
well over 1,000 people attended each performance
of The Lost Colony. The standard joke on the island
was that the CCC boys were the luckiest individuals
on the island. They at least knew where they each
were going to sleep each night.

There were also insightful comments made
concerning Paul Green in this article. The writer
stated that Green “infused history with a religious
reverence,” while transforming “his characters into

338. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, Central Classified File, 1933-1939, National Historic Sites, Fort
Raleigh, Box 2613, Roosevelt to Ickes, Dated: March 8, 1940, National Archives and Record Administration, College Park,

MD.
339. Dare County Times, April 17, 1936.
340. Dare County Times, July.15, 22, 1938.

341. Dare County Times, June 3, 1938. For @ personal insight into black life on Roanoke Island, see Arvilla Tillett Bowser and
Lindsey Bowser's Roanoke Island: The Forgotten Colony (Chesapeake, VA: Maximillian Press, 2002). Although there are
some historical inaccuracies, this narrative presents a view of life on Roanoke Island from the nineteenth century until

the present from the black perspective.
342. New York Times, June 4, 1939.

National Park Service 71


Chapter Four: The Dawn of the
Twentieth Century and a Changing
Roanoke Island Prior to the Great

Depression

Roanoke Island began its slow transformation at the
beginning of the twentieth century from a sleepy
little backwater- fishing hamlet to part of
mainstream America. To be sure, the path was
blocked with numerous obstacles. However,
Reginald Fessenden and his wireless work made
many Americans aware of Roanoke Island for the
first time. Additionally, affluent Northerners began
to come to the region as a summer getaway and also
during the cooler months to hunt waterfowl. .Later,
investors, realizing it was one of the few
undeveloped areas on the East Coast, began to
acquire real estate and lobby for improved
infrastructure, such as bridges and roads, to
increase the appeal of the island to prospective
homeowners, despite the opposition from many
long- standing and established families set in their
ways and vociferously opposed to any “invasion” by
outsiders.

In the last decade of the nineteenth century, another
US. president visited Roanoke Island after a hiatus
of over 70 years. On March 1, 1894, President
Grover Cleveland and his party spent the day on
Roanoke Island. The vessel on which he traveled,
the Violet, anchored in Croatan Sound. In what
would appear to be amazing today, the exact
whereabouts of the president of the United States
were unknown. However, The New York Times
reported that the president had shot and killed a

bear in the Dismal Swamp and that the bearskin
would make a handsome rug in the White House.
Additionally, The Times speculated that Cleveland
might travel to the Bodie Island Lighthouse."*3
Cleveland must have enjoyed his stay, because in
late autumn of the next year, The Times reported
that he once again spent time hunting and seeing the
sights in the area.'84

In 1894, another important event occurred on
Roanoke Island. The Roanoke Colony Memorial
Association erected a monument commemorating
the first English colony in America. The memorial
was sited on the outlines of the earthworks,
presumed at that time to be the fort. The tablet was
inscribed, “On this site, in August 1585, the colonists
sent from England by Sir Walter Raleigh built the
fort called New Fort in Virginia” What stands out is
the reminder that Roanoke Island was once part of
Virginia and the spelling of Raleigh is in the modern
vernacular. There was a religious convocation
followed by an address given by Graham Davis who
was then president of the association.'85 This was
the first time a group showed any interest in the
Lost Colony,.and over time, this would eventually
evolve into something more than anyone present
possibly could envision.

In fact, the very next year, the Roanoke Colony
Memorial Association began to reconstruct the

183. New York Times, March 2-3, 1894.
184. New York Times, December 9, 1895.
185. New York Times, November 28, 1894.

National Park Service 41


briefly noted in the station logbook on September 2,
1900.'9?

A publication in Elizabeth City, the Fisherman and
Farmer, reported that some individual had started a
fire “among the colored last week.” The “fiend” was
not apprehended and the case was presented to the
mayor who, in turn, sent the case to the fall court
session. In the same issue, the paper stated that Mr.
M. K. King of the Norfolk and Southern Railroad
visited Manteo to inquire about the possibility of
establishing a daily boat service between Manteo
and Elizabeth City. There was also speculation that
the N&SRR would lay track between Manteo and
Skyco. However, this must have been merely a pipe
dream since the cost of laying track certainly would
have been prohibitive.!3

In a fall issue of that same year, the Fisherman and
Farmer reported that land and boundary lines were
a “hot button” topic. It was especially intense since
it involved both whites and blacks. It appeared that
some blacks had settled on land not knowing the
property boundary line. There apparently was
going to be a legal struggle over the issue.

The same issue also noted that a Mr. Eugene
Rhodes of New York, and his son, stopped at the
Tranquil House. The owner then took them to
Oregon Inlet where they each caught so many fish
that they shipped them to Washington, D.C., to A.
Frank Evans, who received a good price for them.
This runs contrary to reports that all the fishing had
been dying out in the region, unless it meant only
commercial fishing and not sport.'94

In July 1903, Keeper Lewis S. Westcott made the
following notations in the logbook. All surfmen
were to live at the station as prescribed by LSS
regulations. Additionally, all surfmen were to be in
proper uniform with all buttons buttoned while on
duty. No surfman “will be a loud” to rise above the
No. 3 position without being able to read and write.
Last, the keeper was to be held accountable for the
actions of his crew.'95

Early in the new century, a new courthouse was
constructed to replace the one dating from the early
1870s. The growth of Dare County mandated a
larger facility to conduct the legal affairs of the
county. In 1903, planning commenced for a new
structure, along with a fireproof vault to store
property deeds and court records. The modest
$3,000 appropriation skyrocketed to $16,500 when
it was decided to erect a new courthouse in addition
toa storage facility. On December 9, 1903, the Dare
County commissioners awarded a contract to the B.
F. Smith Fire Proof Co., based in the nation’s capital,
Washington, D.C. However, the new facility did not
meet expectations. The roof leaked and legal action
forced the Smith Company to make the necessary
repairs. Still, that was not the end of the tribulations
for the new facility. There were additional problems
discovered but these did not prevent the new facility
from being occupied and used.'9°

At the turn of the century, sleepy little Roanoke
Island was transformed once again and was thrust
into the national limelight. Roanoke Island became
the headquarters of the Canadian- born inventor
Reginald Fessenden. Fessenden was given the
moniker “Cosmic Inventor” by his biographer, .
Frederick Seitz. However, few individuals outside
the communications community are aware of his
major contributions such as AM radio. Moreover,
Fessenden was the first individual to transmit both
voice and music over the airwaves. Fessenden was
on intimate terms with such historically prominent
individuals as Thomas Alva Edison, who provided
him with his first job, and the Wright Brothers, who
made their epic flight from Kill Devil Hills on
December 17, 1903. Unfortunately, a number of
factors have relegated both Fessenden and his
seminal contributions in the field of
communications to relative obscurity to the vast
majority of Americans. He has been portrayed as
vain, combative, and arrogant, to name a few
descriptions of him.'97 However, most men of
genius are not nearly as pliable as the average,
common man,

192. Zoby and Wright, Fire on the Beach, 259, 297. See Also Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk
District, N.C., Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 7, Dated: June 27, 1900, NARA, Atlanta, GA.

193. Elizabeth City Fisherman and Farmer, July 20, 1900.
194, Elizabeth City Fisherman and Farmer, October 25, 1900.

195. Record Group 26, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Norfolk District, Lifesaving Station Logbooks, Pea Island, Box 9, Dated:

July 18, 1903, NARA, Atlanta, GA.
196. Khoury, Manteo, 28-32.

National Park Service 43


received an entire cabinet of pearls as her share of
the expedition’s profits."

After Grenville’s departure, Lane ruled the colony
with a firm hand with advice from an informal
council established from the gentlemen who were
members of the expedition. However, the two most
important individuals of the mission, from a
historical perspective, were Thomas Hariot and
John White. Hariot was a mathematician and the
scientific expert among the colonists. His
observations concerning the vegetation, minerals,
fauna, and Indians have proven to be an invaluable
source of information over the years. Hariot’s
treatise, the Briefe and True Report of the New Found
Land of Virginia, first published in February 1588,
was the standard for information concerning the
New World for years. Thomas White, on the other
hand, was an artist. His drawings have left posterity
with a clear and vivid impression of what the land
and people were like at the time of the initial English
arrival on the North American mainland. White
also compiled several maps of the region to include
the entrance to the Chesapeake Bay.

The early colonists were not particularly adept at
fending for themselves. They had trouble
constructing weirs for catching fish as the Indians
did. While they hunted and gathered edibles from
their surroundings, they were dependent upon the
Indians for maize, squash, and other foodstuffs.
They bartered goods with the Indians in exchange
for food. Over time, it became apparent to Lane
that the colony would be unable to be self-
supporting. However, Hariot disagreed with that
supposition and believed that by transplanting some
flora and fauna from Europe, the colony would be a
viable proposition.'? Here was the Colombian
Exchange at work.?° The introduction of exotic
flora and fauna into North America fundamentally
changed the ecosystem of the continent.”!
Domesticated European animals displaced species

native to North America and the grasses upon which
these animals subsisted displaced native flora.

During the first year that Lane and his fellow
colonists struggled to survive, the friendly Roanoke
chief Granganimeo died from a disease transmitted
by the colonists, and his brother Wingina replaced
him. Later, Wingina changed his name to
Pemisapan when he began to plot to eliminate the
colonists from Indian lands. He began depriving
them of food in the hope they would depart the
Indian lands. In the confrontations that followed,
several Indians were killed, including Pemisapan,
who died at the hands of a colonist named Edward
Nugent.??

In spring 1586, Raleigh sent a second expedition
with supplies for the colonists on Roanoke Island.
Unfortunately, before the relief arrived, Lane and
the colonists had already departed with Sir Francis
Drake. Drake had attacked both Spanish colonies
and ships in the Caribbean. Initially, Drake had put
into Roanoke Island to replenish water and drop off
needed supplies for the colony. Drake also intended
to leave one of his ships, the Francis, for the
colonists to use. However, on June 13, one of the
frequent storms that hit the region changed
everything. Lane and his fellow colonists held an
impromptu meeting and decided to abandon
Roanoke Island and sail back to England with
Drake. The colonists were so eager to leave that two
men, who were off exploring, were left behind. By
the time the relief ship sent by Raleigh arrived, the
colonists had already departed Roanoke Island.3

On the heels of the ship dispatched by Raleigh, a
second ship arrived, commanded by Grenville. For
two weeks he searched in vain for the colonists.
Grenville did, however, locate and capture three
Indians, of which two escaped. A third was
baptized, took the name Raleigh, and died in
England in 1589.74 Grenville did not want to lose

18. Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, 73-74. See also David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481-

1620 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), 295-296.
19. Quinn, Raleigh and British Colonization, 82-84.

20. The Colombian Exchange was the introduction of such items as tobacco, potatoes, corn, and tomatoes to be cultivated in
Europe along with some types of animals. The Europeans brought horses, cows, pigs, and sheep to the Americas. Not all
facets of this exchange were mutually beneficial. The Europeans also brought diseases such as smallpox, which decimated
native populations while it is believed that the natives transmitted syphilis to the Europeans. For a detailed narrative of
the Colombian Exchange, see Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492

(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972).
21; Cronon, Changes in the Land: indians,
22. Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, 91-96.
23. Ibid., 100-102.

6 Special History Study Roanoke Island, 1865 to 1940