Chapter §

types of buttons were found distributed in the Siege Area and the Nez Perce
Village. One is the general service brass butions, another the trouser fly and
suspender buttons, and the third arc two civitian-style buttons. The brass gen-
etal service buttons were found in two sizes. The smaller size was commonly
worn on blouse auifs and forage cap chinstraps. With one exception the smaller
Duttons are plain cagle-stvle general service buttons. The exception has an
“Yin the cagle’s shield. The “I” or infantry button could have been on the
cuff of an 1858-pattern frock coat or the blouse cuff or forage cap of an infan-
try officer. Five small general service buttons were recovered during the ar-
ological project’ Nine others were recovered during earlier collecting in
Village and one in a rifiepit in the Siege Area,

The remaining six general service buttons are the large blouse type.

While the specific blouse rype cannot be ascertained, it suggests that some
diers were wearing theiz blouses or had utilized older blouses modified for
duse during the battle. Those general service buttons found in the Village
may indicate where some ot the men lost buttons in the heat of the battle.
ré mea were killed, or where the Nez Perce nay have left ermy clothing

en at carher engagements or from the dead. All incidents could be the

¥ source of the buttons. The general service buttons in the Siege Arca

¢ Probably deposited by the soldiers themselves. Their presence is cer-
my indicative that some soldiers were Wearing some form of a blouse dur-

img the battle,

Sixteen iton and white-metal trouser buttons have been found on the
datileficld. Nine were found in the vicinity of the camas oven feature, one by
White (n.d) atthe Willows grave site. and the others inthe Siege Area, These
buttons were used to close the fly and attach suspenders on trousers. These
Dutton (ypes are common on ninetcenth-ceatury civilian trousers, and were

regulation buttons for army-issue trousers. These button finds suggest

t the men were wearing regulation trousers.

‘The non-military buttons may or may not be battle-related. One isa
two-piece brass 4-hole button. Iris similar i style to the trouser butions. The
her is a plain brass face. loop-shank button. This button could be associated
the Nez Perce or with a civilian style shirt or coat. It is acommon button
for the nineteenth century. Both buttons were found jn the Siege Area

mg earlier collecting efforts.

A few other clothing-reiated artifacts either corroborate the associa-
of other finds or suggest additional items of clothing were present. A
‘User OF vest adjustment buckle adds to the trouser button Uata base or sug-



Chapter 6

5. Where is the soldiers’ line of retreat to the Siege Area?

. What is the extent of the Siege Area and number of riflepits dug?

. Did citizens and soldiers occupy different portions of the Siege Area?
. Where is the Howitzer Capture Area?

. What areas did the Nez Perce warriors occupy after abandoning the
camp to the soldiers?

10. What areas were occupied by ihe warriors to continue the harassing
Gre into the soldiers’ lines while the camp retreated?

11. Can the individual movement of combatants be identified?

rb ae

Ou

Each of these questions was addressed by the archeological evidence
réxxwered, The data and the results are detailed in the previous sections of
this report. At least a portion af each question could be addressed with the
ota recovered. In fact, mast questions were answered with a plethora of
date. The archeological data were abundant for this project and meshed with
the Sistorical documentation to a significant degree. In addition, the archeo-
losca] data identified the Trail Area as a probable site of a squad of men held
wi reserve. Those reserves may have played a role in covering the rather cha-
otic retreat of the main elements of the command through the Willows. The
2zcheological data also demonstrated that combat did occur at the Howitzer
Area. The fighting that occurred there was rather one-sided as the soldiers
wert oumumbered and outgunned by the Nez Perce during that episode. Fi-
uaity the archeological evidence supports the Nez Perce assertion that less
than fifteen of their number held Gibbon’s command at bay for over a day
while the army was entrenched in the Siege Area.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS NOT SPECIFICALLY RELATED
TO THE BATTLE

Feature Construction

i. Were riflepits constructed differently by the soldiers and the citizens?

There is no direct eviderce that the soldiers’ or volunteers’ riflepits
were constructed differently, The arufactual and the historical evidence both
iceatify the western pits as the site of most of the volunteers’ eritrenchments.
These is no physical evidence to suggest they were dug in 2 different manner
Eon those of the soldiers.

2. Were riflepils dug according ta the pattern prescribed in Edward Farrow’s
1851 guide for officers, Mountain Scouting?

119



Chapter 2

ambered slope, The Nez Perce, probably alerted to gun's presence by its
first discharge, assaulied its location. The gun crew fired two shots, appar-
enuy at the Village, before they were everrun. One crewman was killed and
two were wounded. The survivors fled back to the wagon train.

The Nez Perce dismounted the gun’s wheels and rolled them down
the hill. The Jimber ammunition was scattered, the tube hidden in some brush
or buned, the rammer and sponge carried off, and the carriage wrecked.

Also in the vicinity, either near the howitzer or possibly lower on the
slope and along the Dry Creek Trail was William Woodcock, a black ser-
vant of Lieutenant Joshua Jacobs a.id civilian guide Joseph Blodgett. Wood-
cock and Blodget were leading a mule with 2,000 rounds of extra ammouni-
non for the soldiers. They lost the mule and its ammunition to the Nez
Perce. They escaped. but the Nez Perce gained a substantial resupply of
ammunition for the captured soldiers’ guns.

After the howiver incident, the Nez Perce continued the attack on
the Siege Area. A well-known warrior, Sarpsis, was mortally wounded west of
Bane Gulch. Several] other warriors were wounded trying to recover his body.
After several attempts, it was successfully recovered under intense fire from
the soldiers.

Five Wounds was at or near the Siege Area when he learned that his
war mate Rainbow had been killed. A pledge to die on the same day had to be
honored, and Five Wounds took a partially loaded magazine rifle and rushed
4p the mouth of Battle Gulch. He nearly gained the tip of the gulch when he
was cul down in a hail of bullets. His body was not recovered by the Nez
Perce; it was later mutilated by Howard's Bannock scouts.

The Nez Perce essentially surrounded the rilepits. They fired from
the Umber to the east and west of the entrenchments as well as from the hill-
sides to the north and west. Some warriors in a group of pines south of the
entrenchments and opposite the mouth of Battle Gulch were able to wrect
weir fire very effectively. From the heights of the hill to the north of the
riflepits the warriors used wees as cover to fire at the soldiers and volun-
teers. From one of these positions, gunfire mortally wounded Lt. English
and killed at least one other man.

During the late afternoon the warriors fired the grass west of the en-
wenchments hoping the east-blowing breeze would cause the smoke to drive
tne soldiers out of their riflepits. But the grass was too green to burn effec-
uvely, and soon the fire had burned itself out.

19



&e3 Hole Batilefiald

Tate 7, Concluded.

Fed Specimen Headstarnp Primer Type Fired in

ox Collection Gun Type
Number
1882 none Berdan Springfield?
7883 none Berdan undetermined
2125 none Millbank undetermined
2-1 none Boxer Springfield
92-7 none Berdan Springfield?

Jape 8. 50/70-caliber cartridge case matches.
Remington Springfhleld

etic

225c, 287, 20
340c

395c¢

406e, 412c
409¢, 2086
41dc

416e

4186, 1346c
§20¢

. S2ic

S22c

S49

555c

SA5c, 819c, 822, Pac, B25c, 829, 1420, 1422, 2125
8336

AT

1216

1326, 1327
1323

1610

1835, 1882
1683

92-4

92-7

fy

ie |
fF
QONAARONS

ERBRVBsarxaassnss

i
\



Tabie 6. Continued

21.
22.
2

24.
25.
26.
27.
28

29.

30.
H.

22.

33
34,
35.

6.
7

B.
39.

a
44
42.
43,

44,
45.
45.
47.
<8

49.

50.
31
32.

53.
34
565.
36,
57.
5a.

Chapter 7

R76c, 477c, 1182

377¢, 3G1c, 1375, 1409, 1601, 1608, 1612, 2091, 2092

406c, 407c, 437c, 441c

4110, 444

4206, 421¢, 423c, 426c, 438c, 440c, 1338, 1851, 1853, 1854, 1915

438c, <36c

439

476c, 1383c, 1378, 1763, 1768, 1775, 1800, 2160

S33c, 534¢, $47¢, 1195, 1188, 1778. 1783, 1785, 1787

554c, 1054, 1181, 1296. 1237, 1312

563¢, 770, 78Bc. 793¢, 794c, BCC

S61c, 580c, 594c, 750¢, 790c, 7046, 1051, 1059, 1146, 1183, 1186

564¢, 576c, 703c, 1152, 1155, 1167, 11768, 1475

S6Sc, 5840, 1246

$660, 7400, 743c, 753¢, 773c, 7740, 791¢, 792u:, 7T95C, 797c, BO2c, BOGc,

1179, 1310, 1764, 1765, 1784, 1788, 1810, 2069, 2122, 2128

567c, 569¢, $7te, 1309

570¢, S81¢

§72c, 5750, 727¢, 731c, 766Fc. 766/ac, 766Jo, 1320

S73c, S83¢, S87c, S8Bc, TAic, 745, 748c, 7520, 755¢, 756c, 757e, 759e,

1373, 1314, 13915, 1319, 1255

578, 1197, 1193, 1305

582¢, 1323, 1926, 2019, 2043, 2066, 2067

S59Se, 597¢, G00c, 1247, 1285

607c, 608c, 769c, 1063, 1066, 1070. 1072, 1080, 1091, 1093, 1111, 1789.

1791. 1823, 1841, 1842, 1944, 2004

S09c. 787¢

719¢

723c, 7286, 730c, 766Ac, 7668c, 78 1c, 1300, 1306, 1307, 1308

725c, 754, 758e, 761c, 7720, 1302. 2120, 2122

7466, 749¢, 762c, 7776, 1067, 1160, 1177

763c, 7B5c, 1207, 1214, 1215, 1224, 1228. 1242, 1268, 1329, 1330, 1333,

1336

766Cc. 766Dc. 766Ec. 766lc, 766K, 783c, 2056

782c, 7B4c

1054, 1408, 1750

1065, 1068, 1280, 1282, 1646, 1758. ‘773, 1776

1073, 1113, 1217, 7316

1092, 1095, 1279, 1284, 1286

1184

1190, 2021
1196, 1200, 1213



ASHARP LITTLE AFFAIR:

The .Archeotogy of the Big Hole Battlefield

By

Dougias D. Scott

With Special Sections by:
Melissa A. Connor

Dick Harmon
Lester Ross

REPRINTS IN ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME 45

1994

Published by

J & L Reprint Company
410 Wedgewood Drive
Lincoln, Nebraska 68510



Big Hole Battlefield

Asea. Fragments of sabot strapping for the explosive shells were recovered by
Kermit Edmonds and a few addilional possible fragments of strapping vere
Sound in 199] in the same area.

The most conclusive evidence of combat action in the area is the fire-
arms data. Twenty .45/70-caliber cartridge cases (Figure 27) were found clus-
tered in the vicinity of the Howitzer Area. These cases represented five differ-
ent Springfield guns. One gun fired eleven of the rounds; one, four rounds,
red guns, Pwo rounds cach; and one gun, only one round.

Other firearms-related artifacts (Figures 28, 32, 34, 36) found near
the Homiver Area consist of unidentified bullet fragments, .45/70 bullets, .50/
70 bullets. .40 Sharps bullets, a 4+ or 45 Sharps bullet, and .44 Winchester or
Henry billets. A variety of cartridge cases were also found. These include
nine 4+ rimfire cases that represent five individual Henry or Model 1866 Win-
chester guns and fourteen .50/70 cases that represent eleven Springfields. Two
of those cases, fired from the same gun. are .45;70-caliber and have split upon
being fired in the larger caliber gun. In addition, a single percussion cap and
the ramrad to a Mode] 184] “Mississippi” rifle were recovered in the vicinily.

As there were only six soldiers with the howitzer, it may be logical to
ussume that the .45/70 cases represent the soldiers and their position. If the
ammunition mnie attendant and the civilian guide were near the howitzer,
then a total of eight men were in the vicinity. The ammunition mule attendant
may bave been armed with a shotgun. If the non-.45/70 cases are assumed to
represent the Nez Perce combatants. then at jeast eighteen different Nez Perce
fired on the soldiers. Eleven were armed with .50/70 Springfields, five with
At<aliber Henrys or Mode! 1866 Winchesters, and at least one each with a
A-caliber Sharps and a .44- or .45-caliber Sharps firearm. It is also necessary
to consider that some Nez Perce were armed with captured .45/70 Springfields
and perhaps some of those cases actually represent additional Nez Perce in-
si cd of one of the six soldiers attached to the cannon.

The Nez Perce cases and dnilets were found all around the location of
the soldiers’ cases. This suggests the soldiers were nearly surrounded by the
Nez Perce. There is a limited suggestion of movement in the cartridge case
distr:bution. There are five .45/70 cases. all fired in the same gun, that run in
a line north of the main cluster of cases (Figure 26}. These cases were fired in
the same .45/70 that fired at least eleven of the soldier cases. Gibbon (Haines
1991:76) in his official report of the battle states that Sergeants Daly and
Fredines as weil as Corporal Sale made the best resistance possibie before they
were overrun. Perhaps the cleven cases and the evidence of moveinent of that
gun represents one of those soldiers.

114



Big Hole Battefield

recovered, Another had zesinant wooden scales. Fragments of an iron three-
tined fork were found near the river at the north end of the Village. This same
arca also yielded a part of aniron skillet or pan when the river changed course
ard cutoff an oid meander. An iron ski!let handle was recovered at the north
nd of the Village during the archeological investigation. Whether the two
are associated is uncertain. Another artifact recovered in the north end of the
Village ts possibly 2 handmade fishing spear.

A previously recovered artifact found in the Village is a fragment of
bar lead. Generally associated with the making of lead balls or shot for fire-
arms. this fragment has the letters “L.G.A. W" cast into the bar- The source of
the bar lvad has not been identified.

An assemblage of glass trade beads was recovered in the possible te-
pee site tear the north end of the Village. The beads are seed beads in a
number ef different sizes and colors. Whether they represent 2 single item
destroyed with the tepes or several beaded artifacts cannot be determined.
They da represent the Joss of one or more decorated items near where the
attack on the Village first occurred.

\ Delt or camp knife was found below the modern visitor center wel)
south of the Village. This is believed to be an area to which some of the Nez
Perce may have escaped during the attack on the Village. The iron knife had
a bone or wooden handle. and is marked with a maker's logo. The mark indi-
cates the knife was made by Lockwood of Sheffield, England. The mark is
definitely 2 nineteenth-century type. Knives of this type were common items
in the Indian trade.

Two step or offset iron awls were found in the Siege Area. These awls
were alse 2 common item in the Indian trade of the era. Similar awls have
been found in many hist ric trading post and Indian village sites. Their pres-
ence in the Siege Area suggests they may have been souvenir items discarded
by the soldiers, They may, along with the finger rings and other Native Ameri-
can artifacts, 2iso represent a pre-battle occupation of the pine-covered allu-
vial tog chat became the Siege Area.

Weapons at the Battle of the Big Hole

Bullets. cartridges. cartridge cases, arrowheads, and knives are the
direct evidence of the weapons used during the battle. Combining the direct
physical evidence with the available historical documentation allows, in ex-
panded cetail, examination of the role of weapenry in the batde

62



Big Hole Battlefield

model rifles and carbines from 1866 to 1873, It was also a very popular com-
mercial cartridge. with Sharps, Remington, and other arms manufacturers
chambeniug single shot firearms for this caliber (Logan 1959}. The ariny also
had 33,734 Sharps percussion weapons converted to fire .50/70 cartridges (Sell-
ers 1978:181-182).

There were five cartridges and sixteen 50/70 cases (Figure 42c) re-
covered during the archeological investigations. An additional case (FS1884)
is unfired. but the bullet has been removed. The Big Hole collection can-
tained an additional twenty-cight fired cases. One case (551c} in the Big Hole
collection is unfired: huwever, it exhibits evidence of exposure to fire. The
case has bulged and exploded.

The specimens represent five different primer types (Lewis 1972).
The first are U.S, government issue, internally bar primed cases: second, Benet
primed cases; third, Winchester-Milibank primed brass cases: fourth, Berdan
primed brass cases: and fifth. Boxer primed cases (Table 7). In addition, two
-50-caliber Benet cup primers (FS1968, 1972) were found. These had been
blown cut of their cases when fired. A single (F$1079) two-hole disc anvil was
also recovered. This anvil type was only used for experimental purposes.
Apparently only 30.000 rounds of ammunition were manufactured in 1870
with this anvil type (Logan 1959; Lewis 1972). Its presence at the Big Hole
suggests an old Jot of ammunition was issued to the volunteers or had been
surplused and found its way west and into the hands of the Nez Perce.

Firearms identification analysis indicates that three firearms types are
represented by the fired cases (Table 8}. One is the Springfield 50/70. This
army weapon was manufactured in three models. The Model 1866 leaves a
unique extractor mark. None of the cases exhibit this mark. The Models 1868
and 1870 Jeave identical extractor marks on the case. While itis not possible
to determine which of the two Springfield models were used at the battle, it is
possible to determine from the historical record that the Mode] 1868 was used,
so the archeological evidence of the extractor marks is in concordance with
the documentary record. There are three cases (40%c, 1337c, 2086) which are
4570s that have expanded and split from being fired in a .50/70-caliber guns.
They were fired in two different Springfields.

The other firearm types represented by the fired cases are the
Remington Rolling Block and the Sharps 50 70. Several models in cach type
were chambered for the .50/70 and cach leaves behind similar firing pin and
extractor impressions, so it is not possible to determine the model from the
data available.

148



3g tole Battlefield

icegth, loaded with fulminate, is enclosed in a boring at the head of the
hollet: the end of the sheil prujects sufficiently ta act as a percussion cap by
hich the missile is exploded. The following extract from a letter from
Surgeon H. R. Tilton, U.S. A., give some interesting facts in connection
acth this and another form of explosive missile: “ Fort Riley, Kansas, April
3. 1881. Surgeon D. L. Huntington, U.S.A., Washington. D.C. Dear Doc-
tor: In rep to your note of enquiry about explosive hails used by the Nez
yee, 1 wilt give you such information as I have. During the siege, which
:asted five davs J was disposed to doubt that the Nez Perces had any explo-
sve balls, although several men insisted that they had been struck by them,
as thes distinctly heard the explosion. One man of the %h Cavalry was shot
ough the thigh ia front of the femur: the skin was ducolored, and the

Se large enoueh to admit the thumb: there was only a bridge of skin. AS-
ter the sutrender and discovery of explosive balls in the village, 1 was con-
sinced that a number of wounds had been caused by explosive balls. I was
tus ty know how the Indians had obtained these «xplosive balis and
veard upon enquiry that in passing through Idaio thew had made a raid
upon a ‘ranch’ of an Englishman who had hunted tn al; parts of the world,
aad «as well supplied with rifles and ammunition. tnck:ding explosive balls,
and the Nez Perces had captured bis outfit 2lthough he escaped... (Otis and
Huntington 1883:762 note}.

Contact with the National Museum of Health and Medicine (Armed
Forces Institute of Patholagy, Waiter Reed Army Hospital) confirmed they
8 had pwo of the cartridges in their collection. This collection is from the
jormer Army Medical Museum. The cartridges are not .35-caliber as noted,
but the .360-caliber. One cartridge is intact and the other has had its bullet
Ned. The paper-wrapped brass cases both have penciled notations stating
are trom Chief Joseph. These cartridges are identical to the archeologi-
cal specimens recovered from the Big Hole battle

The English genweman referred to in the medical footnote is identi-
dy General O. O, Howard (1972:138-40). Howard stated in his account of
eZ Perce war that a Mr. Crosdaile had put a nice farm under cultivation
Mt. Icaho. Idaho, Howard also noted Crosdaile had a beautiful young
t reiinement and culture. Howard dined with the Crosdailes and others
< Mr. Rudolph’s in Mt. Idaho.

Brown (1982:413) concluded that Mr. Crosdaile was a former British
cor Who settled near Mt. Idaho. McDiermor: (1978:40) says he was ex-
Navy and that Crosdaile superintended the building of the defensive
ade at Mt. {daho. Howard also noted that the Englishman helped build
stockade. Mr. Derek Batten, 2 British volunteer on the archeological
rect. kindly performed some resea-ch regarding Mr. Crosdaile. He was

7

$



Chapter 2

AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE BATTLE

It is important to have an understanding of the historical events that
ied to and occurred during the battle. This understanding is necessary to be
able Io interpret the archeological data in proper context. With the Battle of
the Big Hole it is unnecessary to rewrite the battle history. because of the
extensive literature base already available. Yet it is important to have a basis
for subsequent interpretation of the archcological data. An autline of the
events leading to the Big Hols battle, as well as the sequence of the battle as
descnbed in the primary sources (Howard 1972: Shields 1889: Beal 1963: Brown
1932) and in the synthetic work of Aubrey Haines (1991). is presented here.

The Nez Perce had agreed, in 1877, toa reduced reservation area as a
resuti of increased Euroamerican settlement of fdaho ard Washington. There
was disagreement and hard feelings among and between tribal bands and indi-
viduais regarding the loss of ancestral lands. Some bands. particularly Joseph's,
were reluctant to give up their lands, but they planned to do so. Some Nez
Perce bands requested an extension of time for moving to the new reservation
due io the need to assemble al) their members and associated stock. The
government denied the extension, which exacerbated an already tense situa-
ton. As anxiety built over preparations for leaving their homeland. a taunt by
one Or more tribal members over not avenging the death of his father led
Wab-Lit-its to act. Wah-Lit-its and two cousins went in scareh of the white
setuer responsible for the death. Not finding the settler they raided a number
of ranches and homesteads in the Carson's Prairie and Salmon River, Idaho,

ea. killing several people. This incident created an unalterable cycle of events
that led to the open hostilities between the Nez Perce and the U.S. Army.

When the army learned of the raids, a unit of the First Cavalry set off
Im pursuit of the Nez Perce. Captain Davic Perry, accompanied by thirteen
crvilian volunteers and two companies of cavalry, located the Nez Perce camp
a: White Bird Canyon, Idaho. An carly morning peace parley quickly ended
im baide when civilian guide Arthur Chapman fired two shots at the Nez Perce.
The ensuing fight left thirty-four soldiers dead but orilv two Nez Perce wounded,
The Nez Perce made good their escape.

General 0. O. Howard then took personal command of the army units
arxd began a search for the fleeing Nez Perce. The army further exacerbated



PART

Antifact Description and Analysis



Beg Hole Battlefield

near the northern and western extent of the Village Area. Many of the car-
tridges had deteriorated duc to exposurc to fire, leaving only bullets and case
heads. Some bullets were melted by the fire.

Ten bullets, thirty-five case heads, three primers, two primer anvils
(Table 2), and a number of thin brass case body fragments were found, These
components represent an English sporting rifle big game or express cartridge.
The original c.: tridge is known as the .360-caliber, 2 3/4 inch boxer. The
cartridge was developed in the 1870s and was originally a paper-covered rolled
talso incorrectly called foi] wrapped) thin brass case with a heavier brass base
The cartridge was primed with a boxer-type primer in a battery-style cup. The
bullet is smooth-bodied with a flat base and a hollew point filled with a wooden
picg (Hoyem 1991:124).

The bullet is an explosive type. Explosive bullets were developed
during the Civil War and most invotved the use of a percussion cap in the
mse Over an explosive charge. The express bullet, represented by the
.260-caliber, was developed for hunting larger gzme. The purpose of the
express bullet was to give greacer bullet expansion when it hit its fatended
zarset. The expansion caused greater tissue damage on impact (Peterson
1964:70). During the nineteenth century the tern: explosive bullet was used
interchangably to mean a bullet that actually exploded on contact or a bullet
that was designed to expand on contact.

Tanie 2 260-caliber Cases Bs and bullets.

‘Jase Heads:

340c, 8490, B50c, 651c. 2029, 2030, 2091, 2032, *
20640, 2130, 2134, 2142 2148, 2151, 2154, 2155, «.'
2170, 2172, 2173, 2174, 2475, 2189, 2182. 2185, 21.05

: a 2035, 2037, 2038,
2167, 2168, 2169,

Bullets:
BASc. 8470, PABC, 1114, 7.96. 215.2. 2150, 2158, 217B, 2179

132



References Cited

Connor, Melissa A.
1992 What Price Victory: Human Remains Uncovered at Big Hole National

Battlefield, 1991. Technical Report No. 19. Nationa! Park Service,
Midwest Archeological Center, Lincoln.

we Haan, John
1983 Homicide with a Black Powder Handgun. Journal of Forensic

Sciences 28(2):468-481.

Tsey, R. Stephen
1977 Guns of the Hostiles. drms Gazerte 4(4):38-44.

1992 The Modified Praine Belt. The Gun Report 38(7):40-45

Dewning, Glen R., and Lloyd Furniss
1968 Some Observations on Camas Digging and Baking Among Present-

Day Nez Perce. Tebfwa 11{1):48-59.

Duanell, Robert C.
1988 Low-Density Archeological Records from Plowed Surfaces: Some

Preliminary Considerations. American Archeology 7(1}:29-38.

Dyer. Gwynne
1985 Bar. Crown Publishers, New York.

Edmonds, Kermit
a.d, In-house Reference Guide: Uniforms, Accoutrements and Equip-
ment. 7th U.S. Infantry Regiment. 1877, Manuscript on file, Big Hole
National Battlefield. Wisdom, Montana.

i964 Field research project report. Manuscript on file, Big Hole
National Battlefield, Wisdom, Montana.

1972 Memorandum to David Stinson dated August 6, 1972. Subject:
Loss ot Nez Perce Encampment Features. On file. Big Hole National
Battlefield, Wisdom. Montana.

Farrow, Edward
1881 Mountain Scouting. Privately published by the author, New York.

185



Big Hole Battlefield

would be smal]. Second, the Nez Perce may have stripped the dead for the
most usable and interesting items.

PERCUSSION CAP POUCH

A Civil War-type percussion cap pouch (FS1780} was found in the
Willows along the Retreat Line and near a belt knife, The leather pouch (Fig-
ure 46>) with a brass closing stud was found in a sand pocket, which contrib-
uted to its preservation.

The pouch is a standard Civil War style with a leather body, leather
inner or dust flap, and a leather cover with tab for fastening tu the closing
stud. Teo leather belt loops are on the rear of the pouch. The interior of the
pouch was lined with lamb's wool to protect the percussion cap. The archeo-
logical specimen was nearly complete. The pouch was cmpty, but retained
some lamb’s wool lining. The outer cover had disintegrated, although the
closing tab was sili in place on the stud. One leather belt loop had become
detached, but is present.

TROWEL BAYONET

The Mode! 1873 trowel bayonet, or more properly accouterment, halds
the distinction of being the first truly American bayonet design. Although it
was whally an experimental concept, it was issued for field trials. It was those
trials that saw its use in the Big Hole battle. About 10,000 of the Mode! 1868,
1869, and 1873 entrenching bayonets were manufactured for experimental
and field trials (Reilly 1990:121). A single trowel bayonet (Figure 21) and a
fragmented scabbard (FS1833) were recovered along the Retreat Line in the
Willows.

The Model 1873 trowel bayonet was originally 13 1/2 inches tang,
which included a 10-inch-tong sockct and 3 1/2-inch-wide curved trowel-shaped
blade. The rear half of the blade’s upper edge was ground to a sharp cutting
edge for slashing and cutting purposes. The socket, for mounting it to the
rifle, also served as the handle for digging purposes. Itis 3 1.2 inches long with
a bore diameter of .733 inch. The socket has six knurled lines cut longitudally
around the handle to maintain a non-slip grip. The socket is actually wo
pieces of iron. The upper segment rotates ninety degrees, allowing the socket
segment with an internal mortise to slip over the rifle barrel. The segment
would then be rotated back into alignment, securing the hayonet to the barrel
(Reilly 1990:122).

174



Chapter 5

cdge of the arms of the regulars and votunteers engaged in the battle, lead to
the conclusion that the Model 1841 Rifle found in the slough was one of the
Nez Perce guns. At least one other Modet 1841 Rifle was also present at the
battle. A Modet 1841 Rifle ramrod, identical to the spectmen found in the
sloagh, was recovered several years ago near the Howitzer Area on Battle

Mcuntain (Haines 1991-82).

The historic record is clear that a 12-Ib. Mountain Howitzer was used,
albesi briefly. during the battic. The howitzer, a bronze tube mounted on 4
wooden carriage. had started from the wagon train a’ daylight on the morning
of August 9, [twas accompanied by a six-man gun crew recruited from various
¥ companies. and possih'y two civilians. The civilians. a black servant
of Lt. Jacobs and Joseph Blodgett. a guide. were leading a pack mule with
28) rounds of extra rifle ammunition far the command and may have been
weth the howitzer or heiow tan the Dry Creek Trail, About the ume Gibbon’s
- reached the Siege Area the gun reached a point overlooking the Village.
The crew apparently sent inte action and was able to fire to rounds before
the Nez Perce overran the position, dismounted the tube. and disassembled
the carriage. One soldier was killed and the others escaped under fire {Haines
3991-75-83; Shields 1889-68).

The gun’s ammunition inmbers carried sixteen rounds. The rounds
consisted of ten spherical case (explosive rounds triggered by a Bormann fuse),
four shell (also explosive rounds triggered by a Bormann fuse }. and two canis-
ter. Since the battle there have been at least seven knowT cannonball finds
(Haines 1991:77-79). The balls were found near the stream at the base of
Howitzer Hill, near the presumed site of the Howitzer Emplacement, in the
-and in the draw behind the Siege Area, The one found in the Village
may have been one fired by the gunners, One of the other balis found in the
draw behind the Siege Area is in the possession of Mr. Leslie Moles. This ball
was examined by the author. I is fused with a Bormann fuse. The fuse is
uncut.

Kermit Edmonds (personal communication August 18, 1991} stated
he had recovered several fragments of iron sabot strapping near the presumed
jocation of the howitzer. Sabot strapping is meant to hold the ball, fuse up, on
= weed sabot or block for loading into the gun's bore. Finding the sabet strap-
ping in the area is consistent with the reports of finding two balls in the same
area in 1928 (Haines 1991:79), Edmonds also mentioned that there had been
some unauthorized metal detecting in the Howitzer Area by unidentified per-
sons several years ago. It is his belief these individuals may have found several
inecion primers, used to fire the gun. °

6?



big Hole Battefield

list of artafact finds based on the previous records and on the finds he made
during his tenure as a seasonal historian. Edmonds also completed a descrip-
tive report on his work, including a description of the artifacts that had been
collected.

Haines’ surveying skills were used to excellent advantage as he deve]-
oped a base map of al} finds. Each find site was numbered with a correspond-
ing artifact collection catalog number. Haines also plotted a number of other
natural and cultural features. His map included the locations of trees and tree
stumps used in the fight as sheiter by various individuals, riflepit locations,
modem waikways and features, and LV. McWhorter’s locations of individu-
ais killed. as well as tepee locations gathered during site visils with surviving
Nez Peres

Haines’ map with all the relevant information gathered from most of
the previous coliecting efforts is a milestone. It, too, showed significant in-
sight into the need to gather and protect artifact distribution pattern informa-
tion. Haines utilized the data in developing his history of the battle (1991).
The map was a primary resource used in planning and executing the archeo-
logical investigation.

In 1972 Seasonal Historian Kermit Edmonds wrote a memorandum
to David Sanson. Management Assistant, regarding his concerns about river-
caused erosion. Mr. Edmonds noted that each spring the North Fork of the
Big Hole River cut into the river banks, causing erosion and slumping. This
resulted in the loss of some clements and artifacts related to the Nez Perce
Vilage. He also was concerned that the river had shifted its channel at the
north end of the Village and cut off a spit of land containing artifacts relating
9 a significant episode in the battle. Edmonds found a number of artifacts
eroding from the river bank after the channet cut off the meander. Among the
tems was an iron skillet or pan probably associated with the Village occupa-
uon. Edmonds believed the change had destroyed some potential tepee sites
and caused the loss of artifacts.

Another remarkable piece of foresight and management acumen was
demonstrated when Joseph Baker (1980) reported on the replacement of vari-
ous interpretive markers in the Siege Area. Baker conducted informal but
well-pianned excavations around each of the interpretive marker sites as a
prelude to their placement. The excavations were aimed at recovering any
battle relics that might be disturbed. Unfortunately no arufacts were recov-
ered. However, Baker did note several locales where decayed wood was found.
He believed these may have been rotted logs that once sheltered and pro-

26



Figure 35. Sharps, Spencer, .44-caliber, .50/70-caliber, other bul-
let dist: ution.



Chapter 3

crussed the river during the course ot the figh. and the army disposed of
« firearms by throwing them in the river during their retreat from the
age. Two detector operators sore chest waders and walked the river
irom near its junctere with the park's cistern houndary to the southern end

ithe Village site. They Ceteetsd tne river's ccirse for metallic objects
ure 11)

Two archeologists uccompar, pour aters wn. using diving masks
snorkets. excavated each of the Most of the
tale debris was remaied io mad wiles. How:
wb iow period ca The locations
ed and the my to the proce-
x taflowed on fand

s: vawered

ing Phase

UMS Were all Taree.
sht-foot-4

el Secu uns of isn eighteen-
est unit locations were
Epietion ofl in-

1) Meta! deter



Big Hole Battiefield

Table 10. Tepee site tubular drawn glass beads. Class Dttm~— monochrome

a hot-turndied finish: Type tla - undecorated “cylindrical” beads (n =

%y
%, %,
£ S %, &
%  % % % %
flats<  Undec. j Trans | Oark Pure | Short |
| |(75 PB 2/10} Cylinder 18x10} fase? 1 2146M
i 3
at Srot i
i Cylinger |1.7-2.020.94.5 } — 26 H
Lo |
texdd 1 2137
1.8x0.9 1 21386
iexto | 1 2129F |
19x13 1 2140G |
18x13 1 2145 t
18 | 2146M }
: 48X13, 20% 1.5,19%4.3, 19x12, t
i 1.8%1.2,2.0x 1.1, 2.0% 1.3, 20x11, i
1.8% 1.3, 1.8x 1.0, 19x12. 20x13, H
: 1.9% 1.2.1.827.1,2.0% 1.1, 1.7% 1.1, [
i 1Bx24,1.8xtt |
18x32 1 2147N |
: i ta@xtt 1 2182x |
: : i 1 215388 i
i | @ rags.) {
-ops-2 | Under. Shot [27-20n18174) — | 13 |
- i | @ SAP S78) | Cyinder t |
fe | | 19x13 1 21484
: 19x12 ’ 21368 |
i 49x14 1 2iaar |
i 19x15 1 |araanqe]
! L7rtd 1 |2taaKi2}:
i 20x43 8 2156M |
: | 19x12
: ! j 18x12 } i :
 19xta of ;
| H 18x13 H
: i 19x14 i
: ; 18x12 1 i
: | 19x14 i
| i



Big Hole Battlefield

and entered an open space in the Willows he killed a soldier and captured his
pun. cartridge belt. and took “his trench digging knife.”

Finally a note appended to the Seventh Infantry Company K muster
roll for the period 30 June 1877 to 31 August 1877 commanded by Captaia J.
M. J. Sanno apparently sums up the general feelings about the value of the
trowel bayonet: ~The experience of this campaign convinces me that the trowel
bayonet is an indispensable part of the soldier's equipment in the field and
adds very matenally to his effectiveness.” The army withdrew the trowel bayo-
net from service. and did not repiace it with any type of individually carried
cigging tool unti! the advent of the Model 1881 hunting knife.

How did the archeological specimen find its way to the spot in the
willows? Some bayonets may have been dropped by wounded men or torn
from the belts of others during the retreat through the Willows. The two
companies issued the trowel bayanet were A and I. Only one individual! from
Company A was killed. Private John B, Smith. Three men froin Company |
were kiled. Sergeant Michael Hogan, Corporal Daniel McCaffery, and Pri-

zie Herman Broetz All three Company I men died in the fight in or near the
ge (Haines 1991:62). At ieast eight individuals in those twe companies
were wounded but survived. The historical accounts indicate two Dowel bayo-
Nets were recovered during the battle, per Tom Sherrill's and Yellow Wolf's
accounts. It is intriguing to speculate that the archeological specimen may
well represent where Private John B. Smith met his fate. Perhaps this was the
“tench digging kaife” caprured by Yellow Wolf.

Other equipment items found during earlice collecting efforts indude
an army-issue brass 1859-patiern spur from the Siege Arca. A single. private
purchase, iron spur was 2!s0 found in one of the riflepits by White (n.d.), and
it muy have belonged to one of the volunteers. Another equipment item re-
covered is a chain ring for the army canteen cork stopper.

In addition. two army picket pins were recovered; onc was found in-
side the trench perimeter near the shelter pit occupied by Gibbon and his
adjutant. and the second was found driven into the ground below the bluff in
front of the Siece Area. Only one horse, Li. Woodruff’s, made it to the Siege
Area where it was killed in the course of the battle, While the picket pin found
in the Siege Area could be associated with Lt. Woodruff’s horse, it could just
as easily be associated with horses from the command's wagon train or Gen-
eral Howard's relief column. While probably not directly battle related, the
pins are certainly associated.



21g Hote Battlefiid

Tabie 5. Concluded.

1731, 1896, 1898, 1901, 1908. 1911, 1935, 1946, 6, 1978, 1964, 1993, 2003, 2009,
2914, 20168, 2023, 2026, 2041, 2042, 2063, 2075, 2078, 2078, 2082, 2080, 2094,

2114,

2127, 2161

‘Medium cavity bullets: (specimens = 6)
367c, 674c, 817¢, 1423c, 2010, 2118

Small cavity bullets: (specimens = 5)
493. 515c, 818c, 1150, 1154

tAscellaneous and deformed bullets (specimens = 14}
353, 800. 1960. 14NGc, 1418c, 1030, 1036 (metted with bead embedded).

* 286, 1150, 1394, 1449, 171

1817, 1970

Table 6. .45;70-caliber cartridge case matches.

Springfield rifles and carbines
229¢, 237¢, 239¢. 5G2c, SG2c /29c, 1145, 1180, 1235, 2057

1.

WN -OODNHUAwWH

230¢. 721c, 766He, 1191,

2310, 747 ec,

1230, 1231, 1239, 1245

232c, 764c, 765¢, 778, 801C, 1234
233¢, 234¢, 235¢, 553, 557, 718¢, 759c, 787¢

236c, S58c, 560c, 574c, 720c, 75t¢, 1119, 1142, 1232, 1272
238c, 7040, 1147, 1151. 1153
301c. 310c, 311¢, 3126. 726c, 778. 1380¢, 13B1c, 1795. 1796, 1788
303¢, 322c, 227c, 371¢, 1372, 1766, 2163

30Bc
3086

Ne, 317¢, 372¢
31 Be, 326c. 6012, 724c, 732c, 779c, 1047, 1217, 1238, 1240, 1241, 1244,
1332, 2045, 2054

321¢, 342c,
331¢

1429¢

4192, 1153, 1194, 1206

345c, 744¢, 1318. 1725, 1973. 1821, 2110, 2123, 2164
346c, 351¢, 692¢
1B. 361e

SEC, 487¢
374¢



Chapter 3

dards for Archeology and Historic Preservation, and the Park Service's own
internal cultural resource preservation guidelines.

The fieldwork consisted of two phases: (1) the inventory phase,
and (2) the testing phase. During the inventory phase we employed elec-
tronic metal deteczors, visual survey methods, and ptece-plot recording tech-
niques. The testing phase consisted of test units excavated at specific
locations in the Siege Area and the Indian Camp. Details of each phase are
explained below, Procedures generally relevant to all pheses follow.

General Procedures

Standard archeologica) data-recording methods were used in both
phases of the fieldwork. Individual artifacts, spatially discrete clusters cfiden-
tical specimens, or associated dissimilar speciniens received unique Field Speci-
men (FS) numbers. We used field notes and standardized Midwest Archeo-
logical Center excavation forms to record the tests. Exposed excavations, sc-
lected in-place artifact specimens, and topography were photographed and
recorded in black-and-white print and ls; slide film. Many crew activities,
some excavations, and some artifact discoveries were also recorded on video.
lape by the park staff.

During the summer of 1992 an area of the dense willows was burned
as part of a vegetative management plan. Kermit Edmonds and Don Johnson,
seasonal interpreters and project participants, detected the burned area. They
recovered a horseshoe. a silver-plated spoon, and eight cartridge cases. These
specimens were numbered 92-1 through 10. The objects are included in the
artifacts description and analysis.

Inventory Phase

The inventory phase included three sequential operations: survey.
recovery, and recording. During survey we located and marked artifact finds.
The recovery crew followed and carefully uncovered subsurface finds, leaving
them in place. The recording team then plotted individual artifact locations,
assigned field specimen numbers, and collected the specimens. Underwater
research in the river uniquely combined survey with recovery a: d recording
activities.

Survey. Survey operations were designed primarily to locate subsur-
face metallic j:ems with the use of electronic metal detectors. Visual inspec-
lion of the surface was carried out concurrently with the metal detector sur-

29



Chapter 5

teaind in the Village. Obsolete styles of clothing and headgear were often
en to Native Americans as portions of anauity gifts, It may be possible this

was in Nez Perce hands at ie beginning of the battle. It is aiso possible
. device. was an army item, perhaps part of some obsolete pattern hat uti-
-d for cainpaign headgear by a soldicr who did not favor the issue campaign

Some of the more definitively personal items are finger rings. Thit-
~ brass rings of several different sizes were recovered. Seven were found in
e Siege Arca and six in the Vilage. The seven from the Siege Area were
essentially clustered near the bluff edge. Ibis possibie the rings were collected
souvenirs, ike the thimbk and tinklers, by the soldiers or volunteers and

ced when they thought they might be annihilated. Another possibility is
rings represent an unsccovered cache of 4 woman who was cutting lodge
moles prior to the battle (Haines 1991:49}. Yet another possibifity is that they
be an offering left by later visitors te the site. The rings are all the same

and if left as an offering it must have cen in the nineteenth century.
The sings found in the Village were probably left behind when the camp was
z>andoned. Nez Perce men and women wore various types of jewelry and
2-cprative devices. Most were removed at aight and the rings may represcat
* smalt items that were abandoned dunne the early morning attack by the
soiiers. Thus their presence may indicate the gencral location of tepee sites.

Fwo brass conchas heve been recovered in the Village Area. One was
reoctered by Gorden Poulos (i962; A seovad was found during ibe archeo-
*ogical investigations. Bath agpear to he handmade from sheet brass, Ir is
Sle bo) were in tbe same viacut. Powhot’s desorption af the find sug-
“5 fe was mANe viemny of the a@cneoomed. specimen, Ti sa, then the wwe,
es may have been part of the same artifact. Pouliot’s concha is broken.
believed it may have been struck by a bullet. The archeologica? specimen
1s complete and still has a portion of a buckskin thong tied around the center
Sa, These conchas may have been parts of a belt. decorative devices on ctoth-
or horse trappings.

ne

Several artifacts were found in the Village Area that are probably
camp items lost or feft behind by the Nez Perce in their hasty departure. Among
items is the bow! of a brass spoon. It was broken into numerous frag-
ts, and may have been crushed in the melee of the battle. The camp alsa
i2ided a bone-handied table knife during eartier collection efforts. In addi-
. three other fraemeniary iron table knives were recovered during the ar-
-eological investigations. One was a handle only, with brass rivets for the
Tr was found in the probable tepee site where trade beads were also

ol



Big Hole Bardetield

Flayderman, Norm
1980 Flayderman’s Guide to Antique American Firearms and Their Values.

DBI Books, Northfield, Illinois.

Fontana, Bernard L., and J. Cameron Greenleaf
1962 Johnny Ward's Ranch, A Study in Historic Archaeology. Kiva

28(1-2).

Fox, Richard A., Jr.
1993 Archeology, History, and Custer's Last Battle. University of Okla-
homa Press, Norman.

Fox, Richard A., Jr., ami Doug's D. Scott
1991 The Post-Cral War Battlefield Pattern. Historical Archaeology
25(2).92-103.

Francis, Peter, Jr.
1979 The Story of Venetian Beads. Wozld of Beads Monograph Series
No. 1. Lapis Route Bead Books, Lake Placid, New York

Fnnk, D. S,
1984 Anfact Bebavior in the “lowzone. Journal of Field Archaeology

11:356-63.

Garcia, Andrew
1967 Tough Trip Through Paradise. Bennett H. Stein, Editor. Houghton
Mifflin Coupazy, Boston.

Gibbon, John
1970 The Artillerist's Manual. Reprint of 1860 manual. Benchmark

Publishing Co., Glendale, New York.

Gluckman, Arcadi
1965 Identifying Old U.S. Muskets, Rifles, and Carbines. Bonanza Books,

New York.

Gould, Richard A.
1983 The Archaeology of War: Wrecks of the Spanish Armada of 1588
i and the Battle of Britain, 1940. In Shipwreck Anthropology, edited by
Richard A. Gould, pp. 104-143. University of New Mexico Press,
Albuquerque.
186

_



Chapter 5

Village. This pattern suggests Nez Perce warriors armed with repeating rifles
took cover in this area and exchanged fire with the soldiers in the Village.

ff the posited movements are correct, then the intermingling of car-
tridge cases in the southern end of the Village suggests an overall breakdown
of command structure in this area. This suggestion is also consistent with the
cocumentary sources. Captain Logan and at ieast cight other men were killed
ie this area, Colonel Gibbon was wounded here as well. Nez Perce fire from
gast and south appears to be the cause of the command breakdown.

After Gibbon realized that the Village was an untenable position, he
ordered a retreat to the point of land they had seen earlier. Gibbon suggests
he men were not well ordered at the beginning of the retrograde movement
© comment “The men were therefore. collected and orders given to move
“(John Gibbon. The Battle of the Big Hole, Harper's Weekly, December
95, page 1235).

i

Da:

ih
zk
-i

wv
ea

MOVEMENTS THROUGH THE WILLOWS

Although covered >y Captain Rawn’s Company J, the retreat from
the Village was somewhat chaotic, and two men were lost along the way. The
retreat required the command to recross the river and move through the Wil-
jms to the timbered alluvial fan (Figure 36). A retreat in battle, while per-
baps not desirable. was a recognized military mancuver. Taciics manuals pro-
sided for such a withdrawal, and the men were trained to execute a retreat in
zn orderly fashion. Upton’s (1872:111) description of a retreat required the
slanmishers, on command, to leave the line and move to a new position where
the officer in command would call a halt. The men were then to face the
enemy and fire. The men were to hold a position as long as possible to give the
other elements of the command who were retreating as much covering fire as
possible. Where skirmishers werc on the edge of woods or where the terrain
‘vas favorable they were to hold “to the last instant...before the enemy arrives
within too deadly range.”

The archeological evidence (cartridge cases. bullets. and equipment)
saggests that the men crossed the river with some semblance of order, but
ence in the Willows the organization dissolved. The Willows were thick, as
they still are today. so there would be no easy passage through the dense stands.
AcTy group trying to pass through the Willows is required to break formation,
2 supposition supported by the metal-detecting inventory. No line could be
Kept straight and orderly for more that 25 or 30 yards.

99



Chapter 7

Temporaj and Ethnic Affiliations
of the Trade Beads

Beads manufactured by Native
Americans in North America prior to the ar-
rival of Europeans were white (c.g., clam and
dentalia), purple (¢.g., mussel), and colored
{e.g., olivella and abalone) shell beads; and
Cuff to red (e.g., magnesite and catlinite},
black (e.g.. steatite and argilite), and biue
(€.g.. Mirquoise) stone beads. The predomi-
nant color was white.

With the arrival of Europeans and
their trade beads, initial color of choice among ‘Figure 44. Brass bead from Big
Native Americans appear to have been white, Hole National Battlefield, Vari-
with blue being preferred secondly. Later,  ¢fy Mb-bl-1 (#1988).
perhaps within one generation of contact,
Native Americans began accepting red, green, red-on-green, red-on-yellow,
red-on-white, and purple colors. Paste! colors, decorated beads and faceted
beads alsa became accepted within perhaps one to two generations. In west-
em North America, this pattern of acceptance represents a working hypoth-
esis for bead color preference among Native Americans, and until a major
study of bead colors is completed, any conclusions are speculative. The glass
bead assemblage from the tepce site is dominated by the presence of two pas-
tel colors — light blue and pink embroidery beads (84.8% of the entire assem-
blage}) — with light blue predominant (56.5% of the entire assemblage).

Monochrome and undecorated embroidery beads were often the least
expensive beads available during the nineteenth century, and were used to
adorm most items of clothing.

FINGER RINGS

Thirteen finger rings were found, six in the Village Area and seven in
the Siege Arca. The rings are all undecorated brass, and five sizes are appar-
enL ay measured as an inside diameter (FS$1748 .83 inch: 1038, 2012 .74 inch;
1716, 1718, 1719, 2103 .70 inch; 1717, 2001. 2002 .685 inch; and 1122, 2014,
2015 .666 inch). Six of the seven found in the Siege Area were in close associa-
tion near the edge of the fan and in proximity to a modern wooden feather

interpretive device. The association may be fortuitous, indicating only where
a Nez Perce woman may have cached her rings when cutting lodge poles on

163



Big Hole Battlefield

adentified, firearms identified and quantified, and the sequence of events has
>pen elucidated: history has been enhanced, and in some areas revised.

Archeological investigations are a part of the field of anthropology.
he goal of anthropology is to define the culture of man and how man uses his
sovironment, how he interacts with other social groups, and to define broad
patterns or rules of culture. This study has focused on the historical recon-
sauction of battle events using archeological methods. In the field of histori-
cz] archeology this is known as historical particularism. [tis a valid goal of
research, but it is not the only goal.

Fox and Scott's (1991) definition of a Post-Civit War Battlefield Pat-
tern is predicated upon an axiom basic to archeological investigation. Human
behavior is patterned. Behavioral patterns are expressed through individual
>ehaviors that are constrained by the aorms, values, sanctions, and statuses
zcverning the group within which the individual operates. Among standing
zrawes, military groups are rigidly defined and hierarchically ordered; they
zre jess well defined among guerrilla forces. and indridual behavioral roles
xt structured accordingly. Thus in warfare, tactical operations, both defen-
ssve. and offensive, precipitate individual behaviors that are carried out within
vad on behalf of the military unit to which the individual belongs. War tactics,
which represent patterned behavior, include establishment of positions and
he deployment and movement of combatants. The residues of tactics in war-
ire. artifacts, features, and their contextual relationships, should aiso be pat-
verned and reflect details of battlefield behavior.

That behavior is clearly reflected at the Big Hole. The distribution of
zriny ~artridge cases and bullets attests to Lhe structured organizstion of the
zulite-y unit at the Deginning of the batue. The archeological data was able to
show that Gibbon organized his command into wings and deployed and em-
pioved them according to the prescribed tactics of the day. The archeclogical
zvidence also demonstrates that Gibbon’s tactical organization dissolved after
the attack on the Village. Some semblance of order was restored during the
ccital stages of the retreat through the Willows, but that order disintegrated
che deeper into the willows and swampy ground the command retreated. Gib-
Don regained control of the command when they reached the Siege Area, Order
ane tactical resolve are evident in the organization of the entrenchments and
che minimal movement of individuals in those entrenchments.

The archeologica) data also tell the tale of the Nez Perce. Their com-
‘Pal strategy was much more individual onented and the artifact distributions
aehnitely reflect this. The firearms artifacts demonstrate the Nez Perce were

322

22



Chapter 4

Possible Tepee Location

A large concentration of .360-caliber cartridge cases was found 171 feet
west of McWhorter’s mapped location of Tepee 2 in the northern portion of the
videge. This area is near the Willows from which the army attack originated and

2 be Village’s historically recognized western edge. The area was first found
- Kermit Edmonds during his study of the site in the 1970s. Edmonds recog-
nizéz the concentration’s petential significance. He marked the location but did
BOC oereise disturb the site. The significant concentration of targets was differ-
om the dispersed artifact pattern noted in the rest of the Village Area. Be-
cause 07 the artifact concentration it was deemed appropriate to conduct formal
=22ive excavations at this site. The area was intensively metal-detected, and
fof excavation unit was jaid out over the dertsest concentration of metal
The southeast and northwest quadrants (3-by-3-foot squares) were desig-
‘Test Units 2 and 3, respectively (Figure 13). Only these units were exca-
+ 22c Tor evaluative purposes.

The units were hand excavated using shovels, trowels, and other hand
toms The upper four to six inches of the fil] was the humic root zone. This sod
fayer Sontained many edible roots including camas and cous. Below the root and
‘er was a dark-gray silty loam, The excavations ceased at 12 inches below
present sround surface. The recovered artifacts were found within the first pwo to
fouz caches of deposition. Only one area of soil color or compaction differences
wes aored. This was in the southeast unit near ils southern edge. It may have
bees 2 krotovina (rodent burrow)

Although no culturally affiliated features were noted, the upper two
to four inches of fill yielded numerous artifacts in Test Unit 1. Only two
“ts were recovered in Test Unit 2, also at the same depth. A total of
€ .360-caliber cartridge cases (Figure 14), ten bullets, and two prim-
ers aad anvils were found in the units and by metal detecting within a ten
‘orm radius uf the excavations. Two concentrations of seed beads were lo-
o Test Unit 1. One area, approximately 8 inches in diameter, yielded
several beads. This small concentration is at the northern edge of the unit.
Tre second concentration, approximately 14 inches in diameter, yielded the
reminder of the glass trade beads found. The second concentration was not
‘ely excavated, as it continued beyond the unit's eastern boundary.

The shallowness of the artifacts. as well as the variety of nearby
imaterials. unfired cartridges, trade beads, a fork, and a knife or fork handle,
eggesis the artifact concentration’s origin was a cultural feature. The ap-

39



Big Hole Battleneld

Movements and Actions at the Big Hole Battle

To interpret the events that occurred during the battle by utilizing the
archeological evidence it is necessary to break the batie into a series of dis-
crete elements. These breaks are artificial, in a sense, as they are discrete
elements identified for discussion purposes oniy. The battle was a continuous
and evolving situation that only in retrospect had discrete and definable ele-
ments. Certain things happened simultaneously, but for description and dis-
cussion purposes thes are broken into a variety of discrete actions or elements.
The following interpretations combine the archeological evidence with his-
torical documentation. Agreements and disagreements between the data sets
are noted, und where disagreements are found, a reinterpretation is offered
based on both sets of evidence,

THE ATTACK ON THE VILLAGE

The opening salvo of the Battle of the Big Hole was fired by Lt.
Bradiey’s men in the predawn of August 9. Culonel Gibbon sent several com-
panies of his command through the swampy willows during the night to take
positions just inside the Willows and opposite the sleeping Nez Perce villag-
ers. Bradley sith his dismounted detachment and many of the volunteers
crossed the river, and concealed themselves in the Willows near the north end
of the Village. Captain Sanno with Company K apparently also crossed the
river to the south of Bradley and took position in the Willows. Captain Comba
with Company D was on the southern, or right, end of the tine. Comba's men
were concealed on the est bank of the river, in the thick Willaws opposite the
southern end of ure Village. When the attack began. they were the only group
that had to charge across the river to reach the Village. The firing began. the
historical documents indicate, with three volleys fired by some elements of the
attacking force before they entered the Village and drove the Nez Perce out.

The attack at the Village's north end faltered when Lt. Bradley was
killed in the carly moments of the fight. There is a suggestion that this ele-
ment did not actually reach the Village, but was pinned down by Nez Perce
fire at the edge of the Willows. However. Sanno and Comba, initially sup-
ported by Logan’s Company A and later Companies F. }, and G, did enter and
hold at feast the southern portion of the Village. The Nez Perce were able to
recroup and drive the soldiers from the Viliage after several hours. The docu-
Mentary sources suggest there was initial confusion in the Village. but fierce
resistance by several determined warriors caused the soidicrs prohlems. Fire
may have been sporadic as the Nez Perce retreated from the Village. Once

82



Chapter 1

[NTRODUCTION

The year uf 1877 was a tragic one for the Nez Perce. Broken prom-
tses, misunderstood ueaties, and conservative factions on both sides resulted
in open warfare berween the Nez Perce and the United States Government.
In July the Nez Peraz fled Idaho. at first to find refuge in Montana, and then
in a final desperaic bid for freedom they attempted to reach Canada. This
irek became an epic event in American history. The flight ended in October
at Snake Creek near Bear Paw. Montana, with the surrender of most of the
Nez Perce undez the leadership of Chief Joseph. The Nez Perce fought sev-
eral skarmishes at least six pitched battles with the army along the way.
A number of the battle sites along the Nez Perce flight route are now pre-
servea and interpreted by various s:ate and federal agencies as memorials.
One of those sites 1s Big Hole National Battlefield in suuthwestern Mon-
tana. The site of the Battle of the Big Hole is now ascribed a sacredness by
the Nez Perce for the events that occurred there on August 9 and 10, 1877.
As a memorial. the site highlights the tragic outcome of hostile relationships
betmren two cultures.

In a pre-dawn attack on August 9. 1877, the Seventh U.S. Infantry.
led ty Colonel John Gihbon, surprised a Nez Perce camp on the banks of the
North Fork of ihe Big Hole River. The infantry suffered a decisive less. but
che Nez Perce. although winning tie day, suffered an irreplaceable loss of
benveen eighty and ninety women. children. and men. Discussion and inter-
est regarding what happened began virtually as the gunsmoke cleared from
the field and stii! continue. Today the Big Hole Nationa! Battlefield mem: -
rializes the struggle. and is now a federal property administered by the Na-
trona] Park Semice. Tens of thousands of people visit the battlefield each
year to learn more ahout the Nez Perce War and the tragic events of August
9 and 10, 1877.

This is 4 new kind of story about the Big Hole fight. It is ahout
histery, but itis not a history. The focus is the battle. hut the tool of study is
historical archeology. a unique science that shares a common goal with his-
lory, that of understanding the past,

[f history turns pages, then archeology turns the ground. Historical
archeology. as ihe name impties, does both. Records and documents are



Vol.

wo 3
Vol. 3

Vol.

woi. 3

Vat

vol

vol

Mol.

. 33

An Ethnohistorical Interpretation of the Spread of Smatipox in the
Norther Plains Utilizing Concepts of Disease Ecology. by Michael K.
Trimble

Hidaisa Culture Change, 780-1845: A Cultural Ecological approach, by
Jeffery R. Hanson

The Hogan Builders of Colorado, by Betty H. and Harold A. Huscher
The Dakota and Corbusier Winter Counts, by Garrick Mallery

A Late Nineteenth Century Village of a Band of Dissident Hidatsa: The
Garden Coulee Site (32W 118). by Gregory L. Fox

The Wichita [adians 154}-1750: Ethnohistorical Essays, by Mildred
Mott Wedel

St. Helena Archaeology: New Data. Fre.t Intespretations. by Donald J,
Blakeslee

Cutture History of the Black Hills, with Reference to Adjacent Areas of
the Northern Great Phiuins. by Linea Sundstrom

Apishapa Canyon Archeology: Excavations at Cramer, Snake Blakeslee
and Nearby Sites, by James H. Guanerson

Papers on Little Bighorn Batilefield Archeology: The Equipment Dump.
Marker 7, and the Reno Crossing, edited by Doug!tas D. Scott

Bighorn Canyon Archeology. by Wilfred M. Husted
Na'nza. The Ponca Fon by W, Raymond Wood

“A Sharp Little Affair”: The Archeology of Big Hole Ratilefield. by
Dougtas D. Scott


Big Hole Battiefiaid

Table 6. Conciuded.

B

1202

1204, 1206

1208, 1221, 1229
1222, 1227

1233

1233, 1259, 1275
1254, 1843

1269

130%. 1304

1344, 1924, 1325
1317, 1321

1m

1321

1408, 1620, 1621, 1623
73 1464, 1735, 1736

74. 1469, 1597, 1602, 1616, 1618, 1628
75, 1474,1737

76. 1599, 1600, 1605, 1625
1604

SI SBRIRRRARLS

77
73. 7613

BO. 1644, 1759, 1767, 1771, 1799, 1805
81. 1734

B2. 1738

&3. 1806, 1808, 1809, 1810, 2064
BA. 1814

8&. 1815

86. 1845

87. 2020

38. 2iet7, 2055, 2070, 2119, 2162
89. 27 3, 2192

9C. 2087

The area of the Retreat west of the river yielded 52 cases. Those that
could be analyzed allowed identification of sixteen individual Grearms. One
case relained a cardboard tube liner, which suggests it was fired in a Spring-
field carbine. The case matched eight other cases found west of the river and
in the Siege Area. No other cases in this group had the cardboard liner re-
maining. It is not known if this represents a Second Cavalry soldier’s weapon,
a Nez Perce-captured carbine (untikely with the finds of the cases in the Siege

146



Big Hole Battlefield

used in a crime are not recovered, police can say with certainty, on the
basis of the individual characteristics from recovered bullets and cases,
that specific types and numbers of weapons were used.

The comparison microscope is critical to the analysis of ammuni-
tion Simpty, the microscope is constructed so that two separate micro-
scope tubes are joined by a bridge, with prisms mounted over the tubes.
Two separate images are transmitted to the center of the bridge, where
another set of prisms transmit the images to central eyepieces. The eye-
Pieces are divided so that each image appears on one half of the eye-
pieces. Movable stages allow the objects under scrutiny to be manipulated
so that they can be directly compared for class and individual characteris-
tics.

All cartridges, cartridge cases, bullets, and other ammunition compe-
nents were anahzed utilizing these firearms identification procedures. The
specific results of the analyses are discussed in Chapter 7.



Chapter 7

CALIBER .38

Two cases for the .38-caliber Smith and Wesson pistol were recov-
ered. One case is headstamped “WRACO,” while the other is not headstamped.
Both were fired in the same gun. The .38 S & W was introduced in 1877
(Barnes 1989:239), although the headstamp (Winchester Repeating Arms
Company) dates the case from about 1880 to 1929 (Stadt 1984).

Two cases for the .28-caliber Automatic Colt pistol are headstamped
sith “WRACO” as well. The .38-caliber automatic was introduced in 1900
{Barnes 1989:239),

Clothing and Personal Items

The personal items recovered are associated with both the Nez
Perce and the soldiers. Al! the items are of Euroamerican manufacture and
cvemonstrate how pervasive the dominate culture's goods had become.

YRADE BEADS, by Lester Ross

Test excavations at the battlefield included two 1-x-1-m units on a
pcésible tepee site, from which were recovered 46 trade beads and + num-
ber of British .360-caliber express rifle cartridge cases and explosive bul-
i The beads assemblage includes 45 glass beads (Tables 10, 11: Fig-
ute 43) and one brass bead {Table 12; Figure 44),

Bead Classification Systems

identification and description of the bead assemblage is based on
the classification system developed for archeologists by Kenneth and Martha
Kidd (1970), as modified and expanded by Karlis Karklins (1982, 1985).
Additional descriptive nomenclature follows various authors who have ad-
dressed specific bead groups and classes (Allen 1983; Ross and Pflanz
1989; Sprague 1983, 1985). Colors are identified using Munsell notations
{Munsell Color Company 1966). Bead colors were read using a Munsell Book
of Color and a 60-watt incandescent light source. Prior to reading, bead sur-
feces were moistened to reduce frosted appearances caused by glass deterio-
ration. Beads were analyzed for a variety of attributes. following a four-fold,
terarchic classification scheme:



Big Hole Battlefield

weapons destroyed during the retreat. Tt may also represent a gun used as 2
clubbed musket, which could result in 2 broken stock.

This type of rifle (Figure 24) was first patterned and constructed at
Harpers Ferry Arsenal and approved by the Ordnance Department in 1841,
thus the mode! designation of 1841 (Gluckman 1965:182). Harpers Ferry
Arsenal! and five private contractors produced 70,796 riffes of this model be-
racen 1846 and 1855 (Flayderman 1980:445).

‘The archeological specimen was altered from its original arsenal con-
ration, The front sight is missing. although the sight’s dovetail is stili evs-
The rear sight has been moved forward five inches from its original
on, The original dovetail is filled 1a with an iron picee. The present rear
+ is too badly corroded to determine if it is the original military sight or a
replacement, Both sling setvels on the stock's underside have been removed.
The suavel on the trigger guard is missing, although the mounting stud is still
present. The mounting stud on the front barre! band has been entirely filed
unwSy.

The front trigger guard screw is missing and. as aoted pres iously, the
guard is bent. A small piece of lead. crudely shaped to fit the front tip of the
srigger guard, was found near the trigger guard. The fead piece retains a small
tron wood screw, This lead piece is apparently a repair patch meant to hold
the trigger guard in place en the stock.

Two screws originally held the lockplate secure to the stock. The for-
ward screw is missing. There is no damage to the lockplate or the stdepiate
through which the screw passed. so it is likely the screw was deliberately re-
moved some time before the gun was fost or destroyed. The butt plate and
screws are completely absent.

The regular army troops. Seventh U.S. Infantry and Second U.S. Cav-
alrv. were armed with the regulation shoulder arm during the battle, the Model
1873 Springfield rifle and carbine. The volunteers were issued breech-loading
Model 1868 .50-caliber Springiield nfles (Haines 1991:36-37: Kermit Edmonds,
petsonal communication March 4, 1993). The Model 1841 Rific was obsolete
by this time and there is very bile likelihood it would have been issued to
‘ cer troops. The Army's Ordnance Department would not have issued a
muzzie-loading rifle to regular troops for combat. although some were kept at
western posts for hunting and for use im stretcher drills {Kermit Edmonds,
personal communication March 4. 1993).

The modifications found on the rifle would not have been allawed
even if itwas issued to the volunteers. The modifications, along with the knowt-

68



Chapter 5

Springfield cases account for the majority at 82.1%. Corresponding bullets
were found in similar quantities with 6%, 18%, und $7%, respectively. The
sheer number of these cases indicates the Mode! 1873 Springfield, the Spring-
field 50/70, and the Winchester-manufactured repeating firearms played a
prominent role in the battle, accounting for over 92% of all cartridge cases
and 81 of all butlets found.

The firearms identification analysis has found evidence for at least
147 individual guns among the nineteen firearm types used in the battle (Table
1). The archeologicaj data provide the direct physical evidence of the guns
used on the battlefield site. This is a conservative estimate in that we have
counted only those cartridges and bullets which can be sorted and identified
with certainty. Groups of balis such as the .45- and .54-caliber, as weil as the
shot, were counted as represenung only one gun in cach type. There is little
question that if these round bails could have been sorted and identified fur-
ther, the tally of individual firearms would have mounted considerably, We
are well aware that the firearms court represents only those cartridge cases
and bullets found during the archeolog. cal project and within the formal battle-
field boundary. and by ne means represents al] of the possible firearms used.
‘The figures represent only a minimum number of firearms that can be identi-
fied from the archeological evidence. No doubt, many more were used by the
combatants.

The largest number of individual guns is represented by Springficld
Mode! 1873 45 7)-caliber rifles (Table 1). For convenience the Springfield
-45-caliber cases are assumed to be .45/70s. Carbine cases cannot be discrimi-
nated from rifle cases unless the tube Hiner or paper wad is present. The car-
tridge cases indicate a mininum of 90 Springfield rifles were present. The
second largest group is the Springhe)d .50/70 with a minimum of twenty-four
guns, with the Henry and Winchester Mode! 1866s represented by at least ten
repeating guns (Table 1). Four or five different Sharps, t¥o Remington Roil-
ing Biocks. and three Madel 1873 Winchesters were also identified.

The Col: Model 1873 army revoiver cases indicate 2 minimum of two
were used. The remaining bullets and cases account for a minimum one addi-
tional firearm each. The cartridge case evidence totals 92 individual firearms
associated with either the Mode} 1873 Springfield army rific or carbine or the
Mode! 1873 Colt army revolver.

The army firearms account for 62.5% of all individually identified
guns, The Henrys and Winchester Models 1866 and 1873 repeating firearms
amount to anly &.877 of all firearms and 23.67 of the non-army firearms.

77





Chapter 5

benching of men as scen on the second line west of the river, reordering in the
s4ird line, then bunching and dispersing afterward is not without precedent.
Bunching is well kriown in battle situations and the archeological evidence for
st was also seen at the Little Bighorn battleficld Reno-Benteen defense site
Scott et al. 1989:132). There the officers were able to re-order the men and
ia) back to a position where they entrenched. That situation, under contro! of
2= officer, appears very similar to the archeological data in the Willows at the

Big Hole battlefield.

‘The men appear to have broken into individual group: after the first
‘2 vards of the retreat, Undoubtedly the thickness of the willows was a factor
=z the breakup of organized units, but the pattern of movement suggest panic
zod a tactical disintegration of order and military discipline. Fox (1993) has
<emonstrated the archeological expression of tactical disintegration to be
resent at the Little Bighorn, Custer battlefield. The Willows retreat episode
2: Big Hole consistently follows that pattern, and such an iaterpretation is
consistent with the historical documentation of the retreat. The retreat, as
spserved and recorded in the Nez Perce accounts, particularly those of Yellow
Wolf, seem to demonstrate a haphazard and unorganized affair. Gibbon’s
reports and recollections suggest the retreat was more orderly, although order
croke down toward the end. Witness Gibbon’s statement as it appeared in his
Harper's Weekly article “The Bartle of the Big Hole” which appeared in the
December 28th issue of 1895:

Every one knows the demoralizing effect of a retreat in the face of an
enemy. We had to pass an open glade in the valicy. where the Indian sharp-
shooters posted on the high ground had us in plain view, and here severe!
of the party were shot down. As we reached the foot of the bluff and
corimenced to rise toward the timber, a young corporal cried out, in a loud
voice, “To the top of the hill - to the top of the hill, or we're lost!” I have
never witnessed a more striking instance of the value of discipline than was
now presented. To the top of the hill was the last place I wanted to go, or
could go, and I called out ¢o the corporal to remind him that he was not in
command of the party. The men about him burst into laughter. Amongst
regular soldiers the height of absurdity is reached when a corporal attempts
to take command of his colonel, and the incident had a good effect by
calling attention to the fact that the commanding officer was still alive.

Although Gibbon did not concede outright that a tactical disintegra-
>on of command structure had oocurred, he did so tacitly in his remarks. There
23 litdle doubt his remarks imply that the men were rushing headlong for the
vial fan. He was abic to restore his command authonity as they reached

103



Big Hole Battlefield

HARNESS AND TACK PARTS

A variety of saddle parts and other items of tack were recovered. A
single iron foot staple (F$1377) was found in the Siege Area. It is not regula-
don army size. It could be a prrvate purchase piece for an officer's saddle or a
later civilian saddle part.

Halters are represented by a draft horse-sized halter square (F$1837).
Tso iron rings of the type used in girthing were recovered. Cme ring (FS1103)
with a +-inch inside diameter is a non-military type that probably represents a
civilian piece. Two iron rings (FS1144) of 2 inches and 2 1/2 inches inside
Gameter respectively may represent rigging rings for draft horse harness. A
smgie hame ring (FS1173} also represents a draft horse harness, as does a
bame strap fastener (FS1298). Eleven non-military snap nooks or fragments
(FS1090, 1136, 1140, 1166, 1203. 1262, 1270, 1580, 1745, 1755, 1760) were
also found.

HORSESHOES AND HORSESHOE NAILS

There were seventeen horseshoes or horseshoe fragments recovered
curing the archeological project. The shoes were found in the Village Area,
the Siege Area, and the majority were found in the Wilic-#s near a post-battle
homestead site. Horses were used for many years in the area. and the method
of construction and attachment of shoes varies little through time. Neverthe-
jess, manufacturing techniques and the context in which the shoes were found
are clues to their origin. Ali sboc identification and nomenclature follow Rick
Morris (persona! communication January 8, 1987}, Spivey (1979), and Berge
(1980:237-249).

The shoes were found in three types: a blacksmith- or farrier-made
shoe, Burden pattern, and unidentified late commercially made shoes. The
late commercial specimens have applicd caulks. This shoc and caulk type was
not manufactured until the end of the nineteenth century and definitely post-
Gates the battic.

There are seven iarge draft horse-style shoes. Five have toe or heet
cauiks that were utilized for a surer grip on muddy or wet ground, The re-
maining horseshoes are the light riding style. Only four of the riding shoes
have toe or hee! caulks. One riding shoe appears to be blacksmith made. The
siding shoes could date to the battle era, but given that only nwo or three horses
were in use by the soldiers during the battle, the possibility of a battle associa-

178



Figure 40. Distrivution of knives found during the investigations.


Chapter 7

16467, 1671, 1675, 1684, 1689, 1702, 1720, 1752, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1874, 1875,
299), 1922, 1928, 1959, 1980, 199%, 2005, 2123, 2171, 2190, 2191,

CASE FRAGMENTS

Two fragments of copper cartridge cases are in the collection. They
x72 not identifiable to caliber or weapon.

Post-Battle Ammunition

Randomly scattered across the battlefield, although heavily concen-
razed in the Siege Area, were hundreds of cartridges, cases, and bullets which
pot associated with the bartle. They probably represent later hunting ac-
z»r5es and incidental shooting activides. The cartridge case headstamps, cali-
devs. and the metal alloys used in manufacturing the components date tbe
‘acts to the post-battle era. A random sample of 111 cases, cartridges, and
jzts was collected for reference purposes.

CALIBER .22

There are several varieties of .22-caliber cases in the collection.
Toere are thirty-one .22 shor cases, eighteen .22 long cases, one .22 long
rife case, and three .22 magnum cases. There is one .22 long cartridge.
Trirty-seven cartridges or cases have an impressed “H” for Winchester
manufacture dating after 1890 (Barber 1987), nine cases have an impressed
“LU for Union Metailic Cartridge Company dating 1885 to 1953 (Barber 1987),
Torar cases have an impressed “P” for Peters Cartridge Company dating 1895
ta 1934 (Barber 1987), two cases are impressed “Peters H ¥” (High Velocity)
post-dating 1930, two cases are impressed with an inusual “C” design, and
coe case has an impressed “MTM over a “W" for Montgomery Ward Company.
Taese latter cartridges were made by Federal Cartridge Company for Mont-
gamery Ward from 1927 until recently (Barber 1987). The collection also
contains nineteen .22-caliber bullets.

CALIBER 25/20

Three .25/20-caliber bullets were recovered. The .25/2C cartridge
appeared in 1882 and was last commercial loaded in quantity in the
a21d-1930s (Barnes 1989:102),

155



Voi.

Vol.

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Vo}.

Vol.

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i 30

The Nebraska Phase: An Appraisal, by Donald J. Blakeslee and Warren
W. Caldwell

Big Bend Historic Sites, by G. Hubert Smith

Ths Dakota or Sioux Indians, A study in Human Ecology, by James H.
Hirward

An Illustrated Osteology of the Channel Caifish. by Raymond L. Mundell
A Magnetic Survey of the Walth Bay Site. by John W, Weymouth

Journal of an Expedition to the Mauvaises Terres and the Upper Missouri
xn 1880. by Thaddeus A, Culbertson

The Materia} Culture of Pueblo Bonito. by Neil M. Judd

Essays in the History of Plains Archeology. by Waldo R. Wedet. as fol-
hows: William Duncan Strong and Plains Archeclogy: Toward a History
of Plains Archeology: Some Early Euro-American Percepts of the Great
Plains and Their Influence on Anthropological Thinking: The Education
of a Plains Archeologist.

Aq Interpretation of Mandan Culture History. by W. Raymond Wood

Prehistory and History of the Hermann Site (23GA142), Gascanade
County. Missouri. Larry J. Schmus, editor

Caddoan Interaction in the Neches Valley, Texas. by Kathleen Kirk Gilmore

For Esperance in 1793-1795; A Northwest Company Provisioning Post,
by Daniel J. Provo. With an Appendix by W. Raymond Wood: Journal of
John Macdonell. 1793-1795

Remote Sensing the American Great Plains. by W. Raymond Wood,
Robert K. Nickel. and David E. Griffin

Stone Tipi Rings in North Central Montana and the Adjacent Portion of
Alberta, Canada: Their Historical. Ethnological and Archeological
Aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe

The Direct Ethnographic Approach to Archaeology on the Northem Plains.
bs Thomas F. Kehoe and Alice B. Kehoe

Archaeclogy. Ecology and Ethnohistory of the Prairie-Forest Border Zone
of Minnesota and Manitoba, by Janet Spector and Eldon Johnson

The Origins of the Hidatsa Indians: A Review of E-hnohistorical and
Traditional Data. by W. Raymond Wood



Bq Hole Batlefield

the foot of the fan, through the unwitting opportunity of the unfortunate
crxporal's outburst.

THE TWIN TREES INCIDENT

When the command began to retreat, the Nez Perce warriors pressed
nattle. The soldiers appear to have bunched up, causing a halting retreat.
AL! seast one Nez Perce marksman took position at a location that has become
xoown as the Twin Trees. The Twin Trees are located on the stecp hillside
tee the Trail over 250 yards from the river. This marksman harassed the
at from the Vilage and throueh the Willows until Gibbon had two of his
ksman return the fire. The soldiers walked their shots up the hill ata
¢ of 400 or 500 vards until the fire was effective. The warrior fell and
io the base of the hill (Hzines 1991-72).

Amede Bessette, who visited the battle site, and was the author of the
‘Trees story cited above, stated in his 1902 article in the Dillton Examiner
that be found eleven cartridge cases near the Twin Trees. Kermit Edmonds
fexcad a single .50-caliber bullet north of the northern tree in 1972. Although
mes cariridges were found during the archeological investigations near the trees,
2 4570 bullets were recovered. One bullet was found immediately below
the trees and four were found about 150 fee: downslope from the trees.

sty

The pattern of deposition is interesting (Figure 30). The lower four
budiets are roughly aligned as one goes uphill and spaced 75 feet between the
first and last. The fifth bullet, the or. closest to the trees, is entirely separate
and is 150 feet above the lower group. The bullet pattern certainly suggesls
sexe or more individuals fired at the trees. The linear arrangement of the
bullets suggests a good marksman with enough knowledge of trajectory to walk
hs shots up slope until he found the correct range for his sights. While the
archeological evidence does not directly identify a Nez Perce marksman posi-
thon. the indirect evidence of the bullet patterning docs suggest there was a
reason shots were fired in that vicinity. Thus the archeological evidence and
historical sources are in agreement that a firefight occurred at or near the
+ Trees even though the area is know to have been heavily relic collected.

DEPLOYMENT AND MOVEMENT ON THE TRAIL

Prior to the dawn attack on the Village Gibbon had situated his com-
rand on a steep hillside above the swampy willow-cavered land west of the
. This area is northeast of the Siege Area. The Nez Perce Village, about

104



! 1984 Surcer

Me 1973 Succes

Boroe PY

Figure ?. Big Hole Natianal Battlefield wit: areas of previous archea-

logical investigations noted.

24



Big Hole Battlefeid

came incapacitated. This ranking structure was known to every officer so that
he could assume command of any command element at any time based on his

seniority within the commend.

Within the Seventh Infantry. company commander seniority, based
on an anelysis of Heitman (1965), was Rawn of | number 1, Comba of D num-
ber 2. Browning of G number 3, Sanno of K number 4. Williams of F number
5. and Logan of 4 number 6. The right wing was then composed of Compa-
mes I, G, and F: while the left wing was made up of Companies D, K, and A.
This posited organizational structure is consistent with Woodruff's (1910:107-
108) description of company asseciation and deployment during the attack.

The attack on the Village utilized Bradley with his scouts and civil-
tans on the tefi. Comba with Company D on the right. and Sanno with Com-
pany K in the center. Comba. Sanno. and Logan made up the left wing, if the
organization postulated is correct. The historical accounts suggest Logan’s
Company A came in on the right to support Comba fairly soon after the firefight
began. If this is correct. then the left wing made the :nitial attack. Logan’s
company may heve been in reserve in the Willows during the initial attack.

The right wing may have been held in reserve on or just below the
Trail with Gibbon, The distance between the attacking companies and this
posited reserve is nearly what was required in the period tactical manuals.
When Gibbon saw the fight in the Village escalating and perhaps swaying in
favor of the Nez Perce he committed his reserves, the right wing. Rawn and
Williams with Companies { and F respectively supponed Comba and Logan
on the right near the souch end of the Village. Browning sith Company G
supported Sanag in the center or what by that time may have become the left
of the line as Bradley's men moved to join Sanne when they lost Bradley near
the north end of the Village.

This posited deployment is consistent with a battalion-sized maneu-
ver for commands in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Tutherly
41898:215-217, 262-268) explains ideal battalion-sized deployments, for fa-
vorable terrain as skirmishers or advanced party deployed on line with initial
reserves arrayed jn line of squads about 500 yards to the rear. Additional
reserves are deploved 600 vards to the rear of the support line. Gibbon’s
known deployment fits Tutherly’s criteria as adapted for less than ideal terrain
conditions. Assessment of the tactical manuals of the era demonstrates Gib-
>on did not haphazardly organize his men or companies for dattic with the
Nez Perce, He appears to have divided and deployed kis command dased on
the standard and approved militar tactics of the dav. Gibbon’s command

Sa


Chapter 5

recovery rate is 41% of the expected quantity. This recovery rate is slightly
higher. although consistent with the archeological identification/historical
documentation ratio found during the archeological investigations at the Little
Bighorn battle (Scott et al. 1989}. Therefore, the archeologically recovered
Sirearms sample is representatre of weapon types present, and is a significant
semple of the total potential firearm quantity. Since the cartridge case and
tuilet distribution data is patterned, it can be viewed as representative of the
combat actions occurring in various parts of the field of battle.

The ability to identify individual weapons is an important achieve-
ment in the study of the battle. It helps to address questions on the minimum
murmabers and types of armament of the Indians. But, coupled with the piece-
pioned data, locating precisely where cartridges and bullets were found, this
capability becomes even more important by ailowing us to wace individual
movements during the battle and toreinerpret a number of specific questions
lated to firearms and to the overali chronology of events of that short span
Me.

THE QUESTION OF EXTRACTION FAILURE

Cartridge case extraction failure has been blamed for the army's de-
feat at the Battle of the Liwle Bighorn (Graham 1953:146-147). There the
erchealogical evidence suggests the army experienced about a six-percent fail-
ure rate, while the Indian firearms showed nearly the same rate of extraction
probiems. Historical (Hedren 1973:66) and archeological evidence (Scott et
21. 1989) indicate that even though carbine cartridge case extraction failure
was a factor, it was not significant to the outcome of the battle.

Since the Big Hale battle occurred only thirteen and one-half months
afer the Little Bighorn and involved some of the same men who had assisted
i une burial of Custer’s dead, and the archeological evidence demonstrates
the same weapon and ammunition types were still in use, it is a useful exercise
to examine the cartridge extraction failure rate to determine its effect at Big
Hole.

The historicat documentation is silent on the army's extraction prob-
vermis at Big Hole. if any occurred. Examination of the archeological cartridge
cases shows the same types of cartridges were used at Big Hole that had been
used. and apparently caused prodlems, at the Little Bighorn.

The army cartridges. at both battles. had Benet primed copper or
Bioomfield Gilding Metal cases. These copper cases were fairly soft and prone
to development of verdigris {copper acetate) when carried in leather belts.

79



Chapter 1

The Research Objectives

For the past one hundred-plus years, the Battle of t.e Big Hole has
been the subject of diverse opinion. The specific issues surrounding the
nature of events during the fight fall squarely into the analytical domain of
historical archeology. The goal is to investigate the cvents of the Big Hole
fight as they are represented by the archeological record.

The historical issues surrounding the events of the fight provide the
direction in the research. In this regard the major goal is to understand
battle events. The specific research objectives, on the other hand, are shaped
by the realization thai there exists a behavioral relationship between histori-
ca] events and the physical remains of those events. ‘fherefore, behavior on
the battlefield can be understood by exposing these re!ationships and evalu-
ating them in historical context. The research objectives are designed to do
this. and they are varied. Specific research questions were developed for
each objective and are enumerated in the project Research Design (Scott
i991}. The research objectives subsume the specific questions and are en-
capsulated in the following discussion.

ARMAMENT: WEAPON TYPES AND NUMBERS

The first objective is to analyze the nature of armament used at the
Sght The historical record gives evidence as to what weapons the soldiers
used. But the Nez Perce may have been better equipped and could have had
more firepower than supposed. Resolution of Nez Perce firepower Tequires
understanding the variety and number of weapons in their hands. Modern
drearms identification analysis, such as that used in crime Jabs, provides the
key. Using these procedures, firearm types are determined by identifying
acumunition calibers. dittinguishing marks on cartridge cases and bullets,
and Grearm parts. Distinguishing marks, such as those left by firing pins, are
indicative of inuvidual fircarms, as well as firearm type. By comparing these
marks it is possible to ascertain a minimum number of firearms per weapon
type. thus providing important new information on the nature of Nez Perce
Srearms.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIG HOLE FIGHT

The second objective is ta wace deployments during the battle and
account for these in behavioral terms. This issue is of considerable interest
io historians and interpreters, since they want the historical interpretations

5



Bag Hole Battlefield

Figure 29, Plan view of the camas oven feature.

An overflow channel of the North Fork of the Big Hole River is to
ast of the feature. [twas dry in August. but apparently had been active
serSer in the year. There was a large mz ..aal Jong bone fragmeit, uniden-
oie to species, in the middie of this channel. The fragment was oriented
> Se direction of water flow. and there is no evidence that it was 2ssocietea
the burial. The exterior of the bone showed signs of extreme weather-
including cracking throughout the piece and a hard, white color. {2
ters of coloration and condition. the piece was not cons'stent with the hu-
remains. The fragment is probably a part of an animal bone washed
the river in the spring floods and is considerably more recen: sian the

The feazure and the human remains were oove.<d with four to six inches
e-grained, alluvial soil. This is probably a Joam. although samples for
-size analysis were not taken. There was a thick cover of grasses, includ-
amas and other edible roots, over the soil, and large willows were scattered
rzehout the area.



Chapter 7

0 7com

Figure 46, A military shoe sole and percussion cap pouch,
a. sole of a military shoe, b. the back of the percussion

cap pouch.

remains are soles (FS1921, 2099) The bootee and hec! fragments conform to
the pre-1872 pattern (Brinkerhoff 1976) in their construction. They may be
Cri] War-cra shoes. as many pairs were produced and the army continued
issuing them until the stock was exhausted during the mid-1870s,

COINS

Four coins were found during the field investigations. Three had twen-
ueth-century dates and were undoubtedly dropped by visitors or Battlefield
staff. One coin was recovered which may date to the battle ere. The coin is a
five-cent picce of the shield variety. Unfortunately, the date is too oxidized to
determine. The coin was found along the river bank and in the Willows
along the known line of the soldicrs* retreat. The coin could date to the
battle period, as the rype was minted from 1866 to 1883.

167



Figure 29. Map of .80:70 cartridge case matches.



Chapter 7

A single unned, late nineteenth- or early twentieth-century drinking
cup was found in the siege arca. It is four inches in diameter and tapers to
2 1.2 inches at its flat bottom. It has a narrow strap handle that is attached
at the top by rivets. The cup is typical of picnic or camping set cups. Similar
styic aluminum cups are available today at camping supply stores.

HAT PIN

Two fragments of one hai pin (FS1410, 1932) were found in the
Siege Area. The pin is iron, with a cast-whitemetai decorative device at-
tached to cne end. The device is set with paste jewels. It undoubtedly
post-dates the battle.

BARRETTE

The barretie (FS1338) is nickel-plated iron in a flower design. The
petal centers were enameled black. The barrettc probably dates to the
1930s.

MISCELLANEOUS AND UNIDENTIFIED ARTIFACTS

<A number of artifacts such as machinery parts, wire, scrap iron, and
oter items that are associated with the post-battle occupations and activities
were recovered. These artifacts are listed and only briefiv discussed.

Machinery and wagon parts include a dilapidated hay rake which was
no: collected. It was found south of the Village Area, nearly grown over by
rush and grasses. Several other machinery or wagon Parts were recovered,
irciuding a 6-inch pulley (FS1005), a small fifth whee! (FS10?7), two box rod
nuts (FS1094, 1745), a wagon box end rod fragment (FS1930}, and a transmis-
30a plate cove: (F$2116).

Several itoi rod fragments were recovered {FS1014, 1121, 1170,
116. 1679) which cannot be identificd further. A few Picces of wire were
identified (F51261, 1265, 1511, 7189). as were several chain links or repair
bnks (FS1164, 1494, 1899, 2087). Near the purported site of the black-
smith shop. several pieces of hot-cut, but otherwise unrecognized, iron frag-
ments were found (FS1032, 1171, 1172). Scattered over the site area were
pteces of scrap iron (FS1052, 1084, 1100, 1337. 1435, 1438, 1713, 1753, 2022).

181



Bo Hole Batilefield

tha size. One (FS1464) has an “I” in the shield indicating it is an infantry
hutzen. It is backmarked “Scoviil’s Mfg. Co. Waterbury.” The other four
{FS$2059, 2060, 2061, 2062) have no letter and are backmarked “Scovill’s Co.
Extra.” These four buttons were found within a few inches of each other in
the village.
The remaining general service butions (FS1120, 1493, 1825, 1826,
{229, 1847) are 3/4 inch in diameter. Five are backmarked “Waterbury But-
tow Co.” ard one (FS1120) is backmarked “Horstman & Allien NY.” With
the exception of F$1120, which was found in the Siege Area, the others were
jin the Willows. They were assoctated with several suspender clips and a
ry shoe.

There are two huttion types (Figure 45b, c) which can be associated
woidiers’ trousers, although their use on many other clothing types is also
man. Two are wwo-piece four-hole iron buitons. The larger (FS1462) ts 5/8
adiameter and was used to support suspenders and to close the fly. One
é (E1927) is 9/16 ineh in diameter and was also used to close the trouser fly.

A single four-hole, pressed white-meta] button with a stippled front
peterm (F$1523) was recovered. [tis 5’8 inch in diameter and was also
used on military trousers for attaching suspenders and as a closure.

CLOTHING FASTENERS

Two hooks (Figure 45a) from iron hook and cye assemblies were re-
arcred. These hooks (FS1406, 1°42) were used on military uniforms to
en collars and biouse skirts. They were also used on overcoats and the
?*74 campaign hat. The hook and eye assembly was not uscd an the
cmpaign blouse of the period. It was used on older style blouses and on
the vampaign hat. The hooks and eyes found probably represent the pres-
ence of either the older uniform blouses or the campaign hat at the battle.
Trev probably represent the hook from campaign hats,

MILITARY SHOES OR BOOTEES

Portions of four pre-1872 infar hoes or bootees (Figure 46a) were
d during the archeological project. rragments of another shoe were 1e-
amered by Kermit Edmonds in 1964 in the Willows northwest of the Village.
Tao remains (FS1824, 1868) are portion: of leather heels. The heels are com-
prised of fragments of several leather heel counters. Heel FS1824 was found
zss ciated with several blouse buttons and suspender crips. The other bootce

166



neday ors] -

poulwey B (ae ~
JaAOD XOG YIP, -
paeng sBByy -

aje|g saGbul F 23B61) -
4207 -

ran owrew


Big “vie Battlefield

vey. The survey crew consisted of a crew chief, metal detector operators,
anc visual inspectors, We maintained continuity in survey operations by
ut:amng the same volunteer crew chief for the project's duration,

We used various brands of metal detectors during the survey. Volun-
tees operators furnished their own machines, and this contributed to the vari-
ery The standardization of machines {i.e., al) one brand), though perhaps
me odologically desirable, was highly impractical. Like models operate on
the same frequency, causing interference at clese intervals. We therefore
nevazd to aiternate different brands of machines on the line to ensure ad-
eqvte survey coverage. Metal detector operators were aligned at approxi-
JQ: to 15-ft intervais. The operators walked transects oriented to car-
directions or, when necessary, by topographic feature orientation, main-
as closely as possible, the designated intervals. Orientation and inter-
ng were maintained by direction from the crew chief. Deviations in
cag were unavoidable in rough terrain. The daily composition of the de-
iecum crew ranged from five to eight operators.

Detector operators proceeded in line (Figure 10), using a sweeping
:on to examine the ground. We estimate that each operator covered a
2 of five and three-fourths to six and one-half feet depending on indi-
height and technique. Another volunteer placed a pinflag at each tar-
* sacated by an operator. As soon as the location was pinned, the operator
cmunued along the transect. In some instances the location was excavated
ressediately to provide the operator with a check on machine performance.
Txt was occasionally necessary because of the sophisticated nuances of in-
ting machine functions. such as depth readings, metallic object type-
tation functions, object size interpretation, and pinpointing of sub-
suxtace objects, The usua) procedure was to mark the jocation and leave it
=: for the recovery crew.

The visual inspectors walked behind the detector operators and served
i function. They inspected the ground surface fcr artifacts and features
castying pinflags. When an operator discovered a location, an inspector
to pin that Jocation. The number of visual inspectors largely depended
2 number of people available each day. varying from two to four. Visual
fors were on the alert primarily for nonmetallic artifacts. such as bone,
Jass. stone. or cultural features such as fire-altered rock.

Recovery. The recovery crew excavated artifact locations marked by
> and left the artifacts in place for recording. The team consisted pf
‘ators and metal detector operators, the number of operators and ex-
tors varying from day to day depending on the workload.

30



Chapter 7

These three are of two different widths, each too wide to be sabot
strapping. FS1454 is } inch wide and contains numerous nail holes. FS1472 is
also 1 inch wice and roiled on one edge. FS1877 is 1/2 inch wide. Many tees
in the Howitzer Area have iron strapping nailed around the trunk. This was
done in 1928 in order to provide a dam for chemical application to destroy an
insect infestation. The remnant strapping recovered appears to be related to
those activities.

Four pieces of strapping (FS18S7, 1888, 1886, 1936) are 3/8 inch
wide. *hich is the appropriate width for sabot strapping (Gibbon 1970).
One (FS1888) has an iron brad in one end. These three strap fragments
were found in 2 context appropriate to identify them as sabot strapping;
however. without more direct association with wuly diagnostic cannon arti-
facts. tus identification is speculative.

Probable Non-Battle Artifacts

The remaining categories of artifacts cithey clearly post-date the
battle or are probably not associated with the events of August 9 and 10,
i8?y,

HARNESS BUCKLES

Thirteen hamess buckles were recovered. Six are roller buckles
(FS1008, 1174. 1686. 1706, 1747, 1751), and one is a raller fragment
{FS1o076}. Six are center-bar buckles (FS1026, 1049, 1178, 1360, 2007,
2095). The iron roller buckles were probably used on a varicty of harness.
They are styles which were used throughout the horse era and cannot be
atuibuted to the battle. The center-bar buckles are of the size used on
ondle cheek pieces. link straps, hames, sidetines, and other saddle and har-
ness items. Like the roller buckles none can be definitely battle associated,

HARNESS RIVETS AND TACKS

Teo copper rivets (F51264, 2072), one copper ‘star’ rivet (FS1358),
and two iron rivets (1685, 1897) could have been used on a variety of equip-
ment such as the halter, nose bag. girth straps. safes. billets, hames, collars,
and reins. None have a definite battie association. A single decorative brass
hamess tack with a rosette head (FS1885) was found in the Howitzer Area.
fis association with the howitzer fight is doubeful.

177



roe Satietetd

ws

Jes Units $ and 11 yielded no artifactual or othes evidence of a tepee
_ There were no soil discolorations nor other evidence of burning to
cad been destroved atthe site. Tf a tepee was burned at this site
shevid have been some charcoal istermuxed tn the fill. The absence of
rewvidente suggests t Ris may not dg the site of a burned

xebons mas have been faulty, or
rier’s staked locations
med bya US. Fores: Service d Headerson. in 1937,
mpass and pucon zs the locations were
Then thes were rer : sorrejated by Aubrey

" : as possible. Errors

cted in

covery etforts carried
tai-detest conclusion, There is

site Was used c



Big Hole Battlefield

The Siege Arca occupation is exceptionally well documented in the
source materials. Not only did surviving soldiers and volunteers identify which
shelter pit they occupied, they also pointed out trees and other areas where
the Nez Perce took shelter.

The Nez Perce also vividly recalicd the names of the warrior partici-
pants ard which indivigual trees they utilized for cover. This makes the Siege
Area one of the most thoroughly documented battie sites in the west. The
archeological evidence is somewhat biased due to the intensity of post-battle
occupation and site use that has occurred, but the archeological data does
agree with the historical documentation. The disuibution of .45/70 cartridge
cases demonstrate that the army gained the Siege Area under fire and then
entrench There ws hitth movement of ine soldiers and volunteers after

that episade.

The Nez Perce-related cartridge case and bullet distribution indicates
the soldiers were definitely under fire from mosi directions during the remain-
der of the battle. While extensive, the Nez Perce fire appears to have origi-
nated from a limited number of firearms. There may have been four different
44-caliber rimfire Henrys or Model 1866 Winchesters used at the Siege Area.
One or morg Sharps. a Spencer, captured .45-7 army weapons, and .50/70
Springficlds. as well as ai Jeast one Remington Rolling Block rifle are also
indicated by the cartridge case and bullet evidence.

The army believed they were under fire by numerous Nez Perce dur-
ing the latter part of August 9 and during August 10. However, the Nez Perce
indicated, in their chronicling of the battle, that less than fiftcen warriors kept
the army at hay during August 10. The cartridge case evidence suggests at
least ewght hrearms used bv the Nez Peree were employed against the soldiers.
This number represents about one-half the number of Nez Perce identified by
Yeliow Wolf (Haines 1991:99) and is certainly in agreement with the Nez Perce
accounts. It is also consistent with the percentage of army firearms repre-
sented in the archeological record as discussed previously

One of the more dramatic accounts of the battle. from cither side, is
the dzath of Pathkatos Owyeen (Five Wounds) during a suicide charge up
Battie Gutch. The location is commemorated today with a wooden feather
interpretive device (Figure 39). Two concentrations of .45/70-caliber bullets
(containing six and five. respectively) were found embedded on eastern side of
Battle Gulch. The group of five is within fifteen feet of the feather interpre-
tive device. and the group of six is about twenty-five feet from the marker.
Either sroup could be associated with the death of Five Wounds or some other

H2


Chapter 4

wide, 12 inches deep, with the spoil dirt mound up at one end of the long
aus, and essentially the same as rillepits empioved during the Civil War.

The excavated riflepit feature clearly meets the expectations of how
a shelter trench should be configured based on the historic documents. The
impression feft from studying the historic source materi on riNepit con-
struction and the pits still extant at the Battle of the Big Hole is they were
coustructed in the heat of battle and were hasty and expedient affairs, In 2
sense this is tue. They were hastily constructed, they were expedient, und
they were temporary. But this docs not nvean they were haphazardly cun-
Structed. The army obviously did train their personnel throughout this pe-
riod, and a part of the training was in the construction of earthworks and
riffepits.

Tt appears the riflepiis used at the Big Hole are typical of entrenchments
used throughout the Trans-Mississippi West. They appear to have been dug with
a prescribed pattern in mind. The pit excavated in 1990 did not appear to have
suffered significant erosion or deflation. The pit backfill appears to have eroded
and slurapeci back into the pit itself. Undoubtedly some soil was washed or
blown away, but the pit itself appears stable and in good condition. The
excavated depression provided a sensc of what lay beneath the surface. [t
corresponded rogily in size and shape to the actual pit. It may be assumed
that the other remaining riflepit depressions will provide the public with
sense of their shape and purpose.

Camas Oven and Human Burial
by

Melissa A. Connor

A fire-cracked rock feature (Figure 20) and associated human burial
were found dunng the metal-detecting inventory west of an abandoned river
meander situeted between the west side of the Village and the North Fork of
the Big Hole River. They vere opposite Tepee 5 on the LV. McWhorter
map (Haines 1991:166). which is identified as the Maternity tepee. There js
no historically identified tepee in the feature’s immediate area,

The buman remains were those of a teen-aged Native American
female. Full documentation of the excavation and descniption of the re-
mains can be found in Connor (1992).

47



Big Hole Battlefield

and used against the Howiter. While the Sharps sporting rifle bullets are
few, their distribution is consistent with other calibers.

COLT .41-CALIBER

A single hollow-base .41-caliber bullet (FS1483) was recovered. This
builet retains the Coit left-hand rifling marks. The .41-caliber Long Colt was
introduced in 1277 (Barnes 1989:242) for the Colt Lightning revolver. Al-
though it is chronologically possible that a gun of this caliber could have been
present at the battle. the fact this bullet was found in the Siege Area where so
many pext-batue cartridge cases and bullets were found suggests it is non-
bate related.

HENRY OR WINCHESTER MODEL 1866 .44-CALIBER. by Dick Harmon

There are twelve .44-caliber rimfire cases (Figure 42a) in the Big Hole
coliection and fourteen additional cases were recovered during the archeo-
logical project (Table 3). The 26 cases fail inta three varieties. The majority
are the jong case variety with a raised “HTM headstamp in a circular depression.
The other warieties are long case with no headstamp and a long case with a
raised ~U~ headstamp. The raised “H” headstamp indicates a Winchester
manufacture. This hcadstamp dates 1860 to 1890 (Barber 1987). The raised
“U7 was manufactured by the Union Metallic Cartridge Company. The
headstamp was only used between 1875 and 1878 (Barber 1987). These cases
are likely io be batue associated. The .44-caliber bullets relating to these cascs
are described in the following section.

The .44-caliber Henry rimfire cartridge was developed in the fate 1850s
by B. Tele: Henry, the plant superintendent for Oliver Winchester at the New
Haven Arms Company. The company’s name was changed to Winchester

ng Arms Company in the mid-1860s. Henry also developed the first
successiui repeating rifle that would fire this cartridge by improving Smith &
Wesson’ Volcanic repeating arms which was a failure due to the small caliber
and the extraction problems. Henry's conception of a fledble claw-shaped
extractor was probably the imost important single improvement leading to the
success of the Henry Repeating Rifle and its .44-caliber rimfire cartridge.

There were approximately 100,000 firearms of the .44 Henry rimfire
caliber that could have been on the frontier in 1877. The Henry rifle gained its
popularsy during the Civil War but was replaced shortly thereafter with what
Winchester advertised as the “Improved Henry.” the Model 1866 Winchester.

134

|
|
!
|



i
{
!

Chapter 4

absolutely no evidence to suggest the sod has ever been broken by the plow.
Bionurbation aside, there is little likztihood Uhat the artifacts recovered at
the Big Hole bave been disturbed from their original context by agricultural
accor.

Riflepit Test Excavation

A single isolated riflepit 1 i). marth ot Uae main Siege Area
2} cauncentration, was selected for excavation The lenture was defined
as = shajlew depression approxima three f and mwotest wide. It

was orented northwest to southegs:.
zest wench (Test Unit 1) was
: out Glagonally across the
ssion.

The excavation re-
shat the first five inches
consisied of a pine duff
numus layer. Immediately
* the duff and humus the
ime was evident. The

2 ‘oll surrounding the pit
wes 2 Gecompased bedrock. It
- + light in color, and ap-
d to be a sandy loam
t with gravels and

The pit was distin-
hed bv ies fill. The Gil was
2 mended Drown sandy joam
a taus. The pit was dug
¢ native soil (Figures 17,
i§s three to six inches and was
ches Jong and 24 inches

The castetn end was

straight walled with a
of sixinches. The west-
was only three inches
d the floor gradually
irom the eastern to west-

SDC

Msn progress.



Chapter 5

Two foreign or express rifles were also noted. A single cartridge fora
.500 express rifle was found several years ago. The bullet appears to have
been cut down, perhaps in an attempt to make it fit a .50/70-caliber rifle.
Numerous .360-caliber caplosive builets and case heads (Figure 25) were also
recovered. None have been fired, and ali were found concentrated in a single
incale. The term “explosive bullet” was used in the nineteenth century to
identify both isue explosive bullets. those with an explosive charge, and bullets
which expanded upon impact, the equivalent of a hollow point bullet.

Me this Save nincteen types of firearms represented by the cases.
bullets. and sacet strapping. Seventeen types, four muzzle-loader caljhers,
ong cannon. one sn. teun type. and eleven breech-loading firearm types, were
definitely used in combat. There is little doubt that th. army uscd the howit-
zer and the Model 1873 rifle aind carbine, as well 2s Luc Colt Model 1873, The
awilian volunteers probably used the Model 1548 or 1870 Springfield rifle
Those same types and the remaining types were used by the Nez Perce.

Tan express calibers were present at the battle, but the archeological
deta do not indicate whether or not they were really utilized. Lieutenant Charles
Coolidge and Private Holmes Coon both belicved and reported the Nez Perce
used explosive bullets during the battle (Haines 1991:88). Colonel Neison
Miles dig report the use of explosive bullets at the Bear Paw battle. As noted
earlier, Miles was to send several examples of those hullets to higher author-
ity. He or his senior medical officer did this. The cartridges are described and

reported as a footnote to the use of explo-
sive bullets mm the Civil War in the Medical
and Surgical History of the War Of the Rebet-

. 4 | 8 tion,
x. ;

The volume published 1883 contained this
footnote:

@ 8 There are. howeser. on exhibition several
specimens of centre-tire metallic cartridges

fora breech-ioading rifle 35 caliber. loaded

with explosive bullets contributed by Ma-

0 2in jer-General M. C. Megts, Quartermaster
—— Sencrat U.S.A, and Surgeon H. R. Tilton.
US, A. and found in the camp of Chief

0 Sem

Jose ph’s band of Nez Peres, in 1877, after
ther surrender te General Miles. The pro-
36fl-caliber lectile ts represented in Fig, 387. A copper
cartridge components. shcH nearly three-fourths of an inch in

3



Chapter &

the Nez Perce were able to regroup, they were exhorted by several leaders to
re-double their efforts and force Gibbon’s command out of the Village and
back across the river.

Presumably the attacking elements of Gibbon’s command attempted
to deploy in proper skirmish order as required in the tactic] manuals of the
day. Skirmish intervals were about 15 fect between men, although the terrain
could dictate wider cr more closely spaced intervals as necessary (Upton 1872).
A normal skirmish line had the sergeants placed about %) fect in the rear of
their sections, the lieutenants 75 feet behind the line. and the company cap-
tain 240 feet behind the line. At the Big Hole most companies had only one or
two officers present for duty. Undoubtedly thase officers modified their loca-
tion relatre to the line io be in the mast effective place to observe and com-
mand the skirmishers.

Charles Woodruff (1910:107-108). the command's adjutant, stated
that Rawn, Browning. and Williams with thetr respective companies were in
Jine behind Comba and Sanno, while Logan was on line and ready to strike at
the extreme right. Woodruff is not precise about the location of the reserve
companies. However, tactics manuals (Upton 1872:97) state that the reserve
company wil] be posted about 150 yards from the attacking line. In addition,
the main reserves sbould be posted about 400 yards from the line, where the
ground is favorable to sustain that formation.

Upton’s tactics manual established ideaily how men were to be de-
ployed and rwes of engagement. For maneuvering in the field, a command
was divided into Armies, Corps. Divisions, Brigades, Regiments, Battalions,
and Wings. Gibbon’s command was too small to be divided or maneuvered
except by battalions or wings. Given the strength of the command. maneuver-
ing by wing is the most plausible for the Big Hote baitle.

Wings, as defined by Upton (1872), were fluid organizations. Two
wings. a right and a left. were composed of the available companies. The right
wing was made up of the odd companies and the left of even companies, The
odd and even concept is unique to the military and is based solely on senionty
of the company commanders (Fox 1993). The company commander with the
greatest seniority. appointment of rank at the earliest date, is number 1. The
remaining compary commanders then follow in numerical order based on their
date of appointment. The «ings are then established by company commander
senionty ranking with number J as commander of the right wing and nuinber
2 in seniority as commander of the left wing. Number 1, being senior, could
also take command of the entire unit if the overall commanding officer be-

83


Chapter 4

TEST EXCAVATIONS

The research design identified test excavations to be undertaken in
two separate areas. The Village was slated for one set of excavations to
ascertain if tepee sites could be identified archeologicaily. The tests were to
also determine if the tepee sites had any internal structure or pattern, and
they were to determine if later agricultural activities had affected the mteg-
rity of the site.

The second area to be tested archeologically was a riflepit in the
Siege Area. The purpose of the riflepit test was to determine the amount of
erosion or deflation that had taken place ewer the years, essentially a condi-
tion assessment. In addition, the test was to determine riflepit construction
techniques. The riflepits were initially dug uuder fire on August 9 by the
soldiers and civilians. Some were dug with trowel bayonets and some with
expedient tools. The riflepits were improved during that evening and per-
haps again on the 1(th

One riflepit was selected for excavation after the metal-detecting
inventory was completed in the Siege Area. Inivally one tepee location was
to be identified. However, the metal-detecting inveatory identified a dense
concentration of metal items in a tightly circumscribed area which was not
within the tepee locations identified by Yellow Wolf (Figure 12) to L. V.
McWhorter (1991) in the early part of this century. The concentration was
thought to indicate a possible undocumented tepee site, and it seemed ap-
propriate to test this location. second village test area was selected on the
basis of McWhorter’s mapped tepee locations. The one selected for testing
was identified as a burned tepee Jocation, although metal detecting yielded
very few artifacts in its immediate vicinity.

In addition to the plauned tests, there was an unanticipated discov-
ery of a human burial in a fired-rock feature. The feature appears to be a
camas oven, and limited excavation was undertaken at this location to re-
Cover the remains for reburiai elsewhere on the battlefield at the request of
the Nez Perce uibe.



Chapter 7

ARTIFACT DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS

The archeological investigations at Big Hole National Battlefield
yielded a wide varicty of artifacts. The majority of specimens recovered
can definitely be attributed to the battle, while the remainder are mainly
reiated to the post-battle era. These latter artifacts represent items lost or
discarded by visitors to the field, as well as items relating to the early home-
steading and mining, and to the administration of the site by the Forest Ser-
wice and the National! Park Service.

This chapter consists of a description and analysis of the artifacts from
the archeological inventory. The emphasis of these descriptions is or the battle-
related artifacts, but the post-battle artifacts are also described, One artifact
calegory that includes both battle-related and post-batue items is knives (Fig-
are 40). The majority of artifacts recovered are bullets and cartridge cases,
amd the majority of these are battle-related artifacts. Because of the large
quantity of frearms-related artifacts recovered, the description and analysis
emphasizes that artifact type. A number of firearms-related artifacts were
found on the battlefield by Don Rickey, Aubrey Haines, Kermit Edmonds,
aad others. These were collected, cataloged, and placed in the Battlefield
collections. These were also examined and analyzed in conjunction with this
project. Where these artifacts are discussed, the Big Hole catalog number is
given with a “c” appended to the number to identify it as a Big Hole collection
Rem. This approach was necessary, since some collection numbers and ar-
cCheological field specimen numbers numenically overlap.

Arms and Ammunition Used in the Battle

The bullets and cartridge cases from the archeological investiga-
Hons were subjected to comparative firearms identification analysis in order
to determine the minimum number of weapon types present, and the mini-
mum number of individual firearms within each weapon type. The analyses
presented belaw are discussed by weapon type as identified using firearm
Gass characteristic. The minimum number of weapons within each type
are enumerated in cach discussion. ft is important to emphasize that these
ere minimum figures based on the artifact sample recovered during the
azcheological work at Big Hole Battlefield.



Big Hole Battlefield

When mention of entrenchments occurs in the Indian Wars literature
they are often referred to as hastily dug entrenchments with a mound of earth
thrown up for protection, or a shallow riflepit. Such statements leave the im-
pression of a haphazard construction to meet an immediate and life-threaten-
img need, These references also convey a feeling of unpreparedness on the
part of those constructing the earthwork: they imply a lack of familiarity, train-
ina or knowledge of the purpose or use of a earthwork beyond that of turning
« bullets in the immediate cngagement. None of this could be further
from the truth.

The common perception of military engagements in the West is one
running fight between antagonists or hit-and-run tactics of Indians versus
the Euroamerican encroacher. A review of the historic literature relating to
the Indian Wars cra demonstrates that various types of earthworks were used
in. combat situations hetween Indians and Euroamericans. can interesting side-
iight is that Indians did construct and utilize several types of entrenchments in

108



Big Hole Battiefield

1. Identification of all archeological resources on the property.

This element of the project was a compiete success. Aside from the
battie-related remains, the project recorded evidence of homesteading, min-
ing, road development, irrigation projects, and public interpretation of the
site. The battle-related materials are the subject of this report. The non-
battle sites and objects are the subject of a future report.

2. Refinement of the location of various components of the battle, including
location and extent of the Howitzer Capture Area, further clarification of the
location and extent of nflepits in the Siege Area, lines of attack, tines of re-
treat, location and extent of the Indian Village, and extent of the battle area.

Question 2 was successfully addressed. The lines of attack and re-
treat were identified and new interpretations posited on Gibbon’s tactical or-
ganization as seen in the archeological record. Clearly the archeological data
expands and enhances the historical documentation. The archeological data
also demonstrate that physical evidence can be used to identify combatant
organization and/or fighting tactics.

Riflepits, their associated artifacts, and the Howitzer Area were fur-
ther identified and refined. The extent of the battle area was defined, except
on the eastside. The battle appears to have occurred mostly wizhin the bound-
aries of the park. However. some element of the battle may have been carried
out to the east of the park boundi:,. The historical documentation identifies
the bluffs east of the park boundary as locations where the Nez Perce took
shelter during the battle, and it is aiso known ihe Nez Perce utilized this area
as an escape route when leaving the field.

The location of the Village was refined and was determined to be
within the boundares of the park. The archeoiog:-al evidence strongly sug-
gests the historically identified location of tepces are only approximations and
Not orecise. There appears to be limited archeological evidence for tepee
sites iu the form of “household artifacts” and their rejated distribution pat-
terns. Additional research into this area may prove a fruitful endeavor in a
future projeci.

HISTORICAL QUESTIONS

. Where are the attack perimeter and lines?

. Where is the site of the Nez Perce Village?

. What are the tepee locations and camp configuration?
What was the area of the camp actually held by the soidiets?

Bo bat

8



Chapter 6

armed with a variety of firearms, perhaps sixteen different types. Most appear
to have been cartridge firearms types, but older muzzle-loading firearms, in-
cluding at least two Model 1842 “Mississippi” rifles, were present in the battle.
The Nez Perce dispersed during the initial attack, taking cover and refuge
east. north, and south of the Village as the situation dictated. Rallied by their
leaders the warriors fought from available cover, firing into Gibbon’s exposed
position in the Village. Once Gibbon began his retreat, the Nez Perce pressed
the attack individually as well as through sniping activities. The individual
fighting style of the Nez Perce served them well in the combat on the Retreat
Line. They were able to keep pressure on the command from numerous sides,
casing a tactical disintegration of Gibbon’s command structure. Gibbon had
no physically unified enemy to focus his fire upon, thus disrupting the
command’s ability to function in a normal military mode.

Even with Gibbon’s more organized defense of the Siege Acra, ii:
Nez Perce were able to keep the command at bay with less than fifteen vai-
riors through the day of August 10. The archeological evidence identifies tae
command's position as well as positions of the Nez Perce. The warniors took
advantage of the terrain and available cover to fire into Gibbon’s entrench-
ments. The archeological data demonstrate the culturally prescribed and dif-
ferent fighting behaviors of the two combatant groups. Thus when individual
patterns are integrated, unit patterns emerge, and this patterning is recogniz-
abie on the battlefield.

The integration of individual patterns provided the basis on which
unit patterns were constructed. This involved tracing positions and move-
ments. but at the unit-pattern level, Jn effect, the deployment of combat units
was identified and tran d archeologically.

The Batue of the Big Hole provides a relevant application of the Post—
Cri} War Battlefield Pattern for several reasons. The artifact inventory, in-
cluding ammunition components. was readily amenable to the kind of araly-
se5 necessary in establishing the pattern. The Big Hole batde furmushes a test
of the Post-Civil War Battlefield Pattern as it applies to two types of military
organization virtually at polar ¢pposiles, we rigid military structure and the
comparatively unstructured individually base tactics af the Nez Perce.

Itis also importar’ .. : svterate that tes. data exist in a recognizable
form in space ona field of bh + he place where organization is supposedly
leest likely toeus' “n oc. those organizations and culturally opposing
forces are recogn:~.5Ir Tuis study then becomes another step in defining the
archeological aspect of tie aathropology of war.

123



ie,

Chapter 7

Area), or a mixed use of ammunition. The most likely interpretation is that
these cases represent the movement of a Second Cavalry soldier, The absence
of other tube liners is not unexpected, since most would have been blown free
of the case during discharge. A total of six case groups also had matches in the
Siege Area. No cases matched to those found along the Trail.

The Trail Area yielded nineteen cases which represent seven indi-
vidual Springfield firearms. Three sets matched to cases found in the Siege
-Are2.

The Siege Area yielded 59 cases representing 26 individual Spring-
Seid frearms. One case had the remains of a cardboard tube liner. As noted
earher this indicates it was a carbine rouud. Several case groups matched to
cases found along the Trail, in the Village, and along the Retreat Line.

The Howitzer Area yieided twenty cases that represented the use of
Sve Springfield firearms. There are no matches to any other area.

SPENCERS

p

The Spencer carbine was a military firearm used during the Civil War
znd the early Indian Wars. It was also produced in civilian models, was widely
available, and was a popular weapon. Spencers were produced for the mili-
tary in two calibers and the commercial market in one additional caliber (Barnes
1989:281: Gluckman 1965:388). Two cartridge cases (F51369, 1749) were re-
covered (Figure 42b). Only one idenufiable Spencer bullet (FS1025) was re-
covered during the battlefield inventory. It is a .5O-caliber variety with three
cannelures. Undoubtedly a number of other .50-caliber bullets were fired in
Spencers; however, most Spencers were rifled to arsenal specifications of three
land and grooves. Most U.S. military 50-caliber shoulder weapons of this
period were rifled to those same specifications, so it is very difficult to deter-
maine eapon type from bullets with three land and groove imprints.

Firearms identification analysis indicates at least two .56/50 Spencers
were preseut at the battle. The bullet was recovered east of the Village near
the boundary fence. One Spencer cartridge case was found on the western
edge of the Siege Area and the other on a slope below the Trail to the north-
east of the Siege Area.

CALIBER .50/70

The .50/70 cartridge was developed for the army's first service-wide
adoption of a cartridge weapon. The round was used in various Springfield

147



Chapter 7

Within the three firearm types, at least 29 individual! ,50/70s are rep-
resented by unique Gring pin impressions. Two cases are too eroded to ascer-
cain whether they match any other cases or represent individual weapons. They
were therefore excluded from this discussion. Table 8 identifies the cases and
cuaiches as they represent individual firearms.

The .50/70 cartridge and cartridge case distribution is similar to other
sibutions, Several cases were found in the Village Area, some in the Re-
t Arza, some in the Siege Area. and some in the Howitzer Area. The
ches provided excellent evidence for firearm movement and strongly sug-
that both combatant groups were utilizing the 50/70. Big Hole collection
S8Scwas found in the Willows west of the Village Area. That case matches
ta a senes (819, 822¢, 824c. 825c. 329. 2125) found north of the Village.
Is area Was once in a river Meander that has now been cut off. This series of
<as¢s also match to cases FS142/} and FS1422 which were recovered in the
$ Area. This suggests these cases represent a citizen volunteer who moved
he Willows west of the Village during the initial attack to the northern,
1: of the Village and finally retreated to the Sicge Area.

Cost

Another case of firearm movement is noted with cases FS1835 and
- The former case was found in the Willows in the Retreat Area. A
2 was found in the Howirzer Area. This suggests two possibilities. One is

" at the howitzer, or that this was a Nez Perce gun used against Gibbon’s
cocamiand during the retreat and at the Howitzer Area.

The case evidence indicates that at least two guns were used in the
ryver meander at the northern extent of the Village, at least six in the Willows
of the Village and in the Village itself, one on the Trail, three in the
retreat through the Wiliows, cight in the soldier-held positions in the Siege
ea one in the Indian-held portion of the Siege Area, and at least ten in the
around the Howiver Arca. These .50;70 firearm counts include those
zans used in more than one place. *

west

The .50;70s used west of the Village and to the tiorth, as well as those
found in and around the riftepits. were probably used by the volunteers. The
cases found in the Village could represent .50/70 use by eith_r the volunteers
oy the Nez Perce, or both. The same may also be said for the cases found
z:cund the Howitzer Area. However. these are more likely to represent Nez

Perce guns, as the soldiers inanning the howitzer should have been armed with
227Os.



Previous Issues of Reprints In Anthropology

Vol. 1 Archeological Materials From the Vicinity of Mobridge, Soum Dakota,
by Waldo R. Wedel

Vol. 2 Observations on Some Nineteenth-Century Pottery Vessels From the
Upper Missouri, by Waldo R. Wedel

The Direct-Historical Approach in Pawnee Archcology, by Waldo R. Wedel

Archeological Remains in Central Kansas and Theis Possible Bearing on
the Location of Quivira, by Waldo R. Wedel

Vol. 3. Ash Hollow Cave. by John L. Champe

Vol. 4 The Hagen Site. A Prehistoric Village on the Yellowstors. by William
Mulloy

Vol. 6 Ar Introduction to Pawnee Archeology, by Waldo R. Wedel

Vol. 7 The Plains-Ojibwa or Bungi: Hunters and Warriors of the Northern Prai-
Mies, with special referenced to the Turtle Mountain Band, by James H.
Howard

Vol. 8 Selected Writings of Donald J. Lehmer

Vol. 9 The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, A Study in American Primi-
tive Economics. by Albert Ernest Jenks

Vol.10 Tle Horse and the Dog in Hidatsa Culture, by Gilbert L. Wilson
7
| Vol. 11 The Hidatsa Earthiodge, by Gilbert L. Wilson

Vol. 12 An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology-The Dismal River Aspect,
by James H. Gunnerson

Vol. 13 Hidatsa Eagle Trapping. by Gilbert L. Wilson
Vol. 14 Arikara Archeology: The Bad River Phase, by Donald J. Lehmer

Vol. 15 Proceedings of the Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, assembled
by John L. Champe

Nol. 16 Selected Articles on Plains Woodland. by A. T. Hill and M. F. Kivert

Vol.17 Shabik eshchee Village. A Late Basket Maker Site In The Chaco Cen-
yon, New Mexico, by Frank H. Roberts, Jr.



Chapter 7

Both cases 479c and FS1635 have flatheads. This head type is indica-
tive of Winchester manufacture, Cases 1405c and FS1892 have slightly raisee
ceniral rings on’:-zir heads. This may indicate manufacture by Remington or
Union Metallic Arms C.rpany. ff so, this may mean these two cases post-
date the battle. Case 92-8 nas a“ WRA CoTM headstamp indi.ating a post-1877
manufacture ty the Winchester Repeating Arms Company.

COLT .45-CALIBER

Dunnsg the battle. some soldiers and Nez Perce were armed with the
45-caliber Colt Model 1873 Single Action Army Revolver. Two fired Colt
Benet-primed cases (356c, FS1033) and three hotiow-base bullets (250c,
FS1273, 2177) were recovered.

Firearms identification analysis indicated the cases were fired in dif-
ferent Colt revolvers. Case FS1033 was found in the north end of the Village
and case 356¢ was found in the Sicge Area. The two Colt bullets were found
east of the Wulage.

One addinonal Colt case (FS1189) was recovered south of the Vil-
lage. It is a brass .45-caliber Auto-rim case. It was manufactured for the
Model 1917 Colt revolver and thus post-dates the batule.

SPRINGFIELD .45/70-CALIBER

There were 30 cartridges (Figure 42c) and £24 .45/70-caliber cases
{Figure 42d) found on the battlefield (Table 5}. These cartridges were used by
the army and the Nez Perce in the Model 1873 Springfield rifle and carbine.
The rifle was the principle firearm used at the battle. although some Second
Cavalrymen’s and Nez Perce—captured arms were undoubtedly carbines.

The reapvered cases and cartridges are Benet internally primed with
a wide basal crimp and have. with one exception. no headstamp. The single
exception is FS1280 which is headstamped “R/F 5/77.” which identifies it as a
nifle cartridge made at Fraakford Arsenal. Pennsylvania. in May, 1877.

The .45 $5 carbine cartridge does not differ from the .45/70 rifle car-
tridge. issued to the infantry. except that the case was filled with only fifty-five
gZams of black powder. In order to keep the smaller powder volume com-
pacted, ordnance personnel developed a wad for the carbine load. Later, ex-

eriments L3ed a cardboard tube liner in place of the wad (War Department
1873), Two of these liners were recovered in their cases (FS1734, 1798) indi-
cating the cavalry load was present in the battle. Undoubtedly more were

141



Chapter 5

Other combat-related artifacts from the retreat include a trowel dayo-
net, a percussion cap pouch, a bell knife, and a possible soldier's burial place
indicated by a shoe heel, several uniform buttons, and suspender parts.

Six .45/70 bullets (Figure 30) were found intermingled in the retreat
area as well as ten .5/70 bullets, a single .44/40 bullet, and three .50/70 car-
tridge cases. One .50/70 case matches to a case found in the Howitzer Area.
The case from the retreat area may represent a Nez Perce gun used in both
places or 3 volunteer gun ics: to the Nez Perce in the retreat and used later
during the howjtzer episode. Gne of the .S0/70 cases was found at the toc of
the slope below the Trail and the other cast across a slough. This may suggest
locations where Nez Perce, firing at the retreating soldiers. suugn? cover.

Immediately west of the river bend across from the southern end of
the Village is a line of six 45:70 cartridge cases (Figure 27). These cases may
represent Capt. Comba’s initial fine of attack into the Village or Capt. Rawn’s
company as they covered the retreat through the Willows. Certainly to cases
match to others found inthe Village. One case found in the river itself matches
@ case found in a bunched group west of = Hnear case group nearest the river.
Two cases in that first line also maich cases in the bunch or ina line still fur-

ther west.

‘The east line may represent the first halt of Capt. Rawn's Company I
as they covered the retrezt. Rawn’'s understrength company consisted of only
eighteen men. Atleast three of those were killed in the fighting in the Village.
When Rawn covered the retreat through the Willows on the west side of the
river he had, at most. an effective strength of fifteen men. Interestingly, the
total number of Springfields represented by the cases is sixteen, including the
carbine round group. Whether al) sicteen were soldiers’ guns or some were in
Nez Perce hands cannot be ascertained with any degree of certainty, but the
evidence is definitely intriguing.

About 50 yards west of the first line of six cases is a bunched croup of
another six cases representing four Springficlds. Cases representing to guns
in the bunched soup match to cases found in a line about 25 yards further
west, This line of five cases represents four guns. One of those guns is next
matched to mo cases 150 yards further west, and then 200 yards west to a case
found near the Siege Arca access point. Another Springfield fromm this line
aiso matched to a case in the same area, but there are no intermediate matches.

About ®) yards west of the Jine just discussed is a group of four cases
representing only two guns. Both guns have matches in the bunched group
and one match to a Springficid in the Siege Area. The percussion cap pouch

101



Beg Hole Batiletield

is possible the spoon was used as an expedient tool in the construction of a
nifiepit.

SUMMARY OF SOLDIERS AND VOLUNTEERS’ CLOTHING
AND EQUIPS: ENT

The smaii quantity of clothing- end equipment-related ariifacts adds
seme new information to the historical documentation, but docs not prove
etizptionally enlightening. The primary value of the archeologica! data, in
th:s case, is thar it strongly supports the battle’s historical information and
Taditions. There are no significant conflicts between the archeological
historical evidence as to the clothing or equipment types utilized by the
“2 participants.

The archeological data does indicate that the officers or Second Cav-
iotuen wore spurs, and perhaps some volunteers did also. Haversacks and
ens were prosent. as well as forage caps, as had been indicated by the

rs. The percussion cap pouch ma‘. nave been used for pistol
and may heve been lost by one of the cavalrymen. It is also clear
the archeologica’ ouiton evidence that some members of the command
notleave their overc:: t blouses behind with the wagon train. Consid-
g the cool nights os Hole Valley in August. this is not a surprising
czcision nor an unanticipe cel finding.

The presence of a possible McKeever cartridge box escutcheon plate
triguiog. If itis part of a McKeever box then its presence suggests that not
men ware the Mode! 1476 cartridge belt. Given the fact that most Seventh
: companies had been widely dispersed to different pests in Montana,
ikely that not all would have h-d the opportunity to acquire every item of
equipment avaiiable before the campaign started, Thus a variety of dress
equipment is not unlikely. [tis alsa clearly known that only two compa-
cauitivd the trowel bayonet for experimental purpeses.

Probable Nez Perce Personat Items and Camp Equipment

AA number of personal arnfacis can be escribed to the Nez Perce com-
ts. A brass trade bel! was found in the Village during the eartier collect-
forts, A brass thimdle with a suspension hole and rwo cone tinklers, one
ssand the other iron, were found in the Siege Area, An unidentified brass
possibly the backing toa smali mirror was found in the V llage Area, and
as probahly ictt behind, by the Noz Perce. A pre-}872 hat eagle device was

60



Big Hole Battlefield

Farrow (3881:244-5) describes how to dig a riflepit or, as he terms it,
@ shelter-pit. He appears to have borrowed heayily from the 1874 and 1875
manuals hoth for i}lustrations and wording.

AMll soldiers, and especially recruits, should be frequently exercised in
throwing up shelter-pits and shelter-trenches, on grounds of variable
contours, and where there is no watural cover.

A very slight parapet of newly excavated earth is sufficient to protect men
from the effects of rifle balls. Experiment shows that the penetration of
the ball (serice rifle) at 2 range of 10 yards is 20 inches. and only 10
inches at 200 yards.

After a little practice, each soldier will ascertain the form of pit that best
suns and protects him. The depth need not be uniform, but should be at
stten inches where the body rests, and six inches elsewhere, With a
view to lessening the effect of the enemy's fire. the soldier should lie
down well under and behind the cover...... Many are the instances re-
corded where il was imposstbic to fonvard the imtrenching tools to the
front until after the exigency for their use had passed, and the men were
compelied to use tin plates. tin cans, fragments of cantecns, knives, sticks,
etc.. in order to get temporary shelter from the enemy's most galling
Gre..... J am an advocate of Cojone! Rice's trowet bayonet. after several
practical tests af its mene.

Although Farrow was not at the battle of the Big Hole he was with
Howard's command and saw firsthand the value of the trowe! bayonet. A
giar and profile drawing accompany his discussion and illustrate an L-shaped
with a lunate mound of carth thrown up to its front. The pian and profile
uniicete the pit should be six inches deep on the long axis and about four feet
song. the dirt mound to be thrown up toward the enemy. A space of six
2 s should be feft betwcen the pit and the mound, and the mound should
@ a height of fourteen inches and a basal width of eighteen inches.

The late 1870s were a period of experimentation ard development
ior army ¢quipage as a result of the extensive Indian fighting in the west.
Ose experiment at Springfield Armory included testing belt knives. a hunt-
ong eufe (later adopted as the Model 1881 Hunting Knife), and an entrench-
tool for their reliabiliry in digging hasty entrenchments. The October 15,
3. test involved four soldiers digging riflepits with the various tools to test
efficiency Hardin and Hedden 1973:4-8). The pits dug took from eight to
en minutes to construct. They were ail about four feet long, thirty-hwo inches

46



Chapter 7

ua cut from the center to form the attachment bar. The cut-outs are not
symmeuical. The concha is probably a decorative item from some picce of
dothing. Pouliot (1962:12) describes a nearly identical concha he found
near the center of the Village. Pouliot believed his concha may have been
struck by a bullet.

The unidentified object is roughly the shape of a pocket watch cover
(Figure 471). It is made of very thin brass and ts 2 inches in diameter. At
Jeast three 1/16-inch-diameter holes are found on the itern’s edge, suggest-
ing it may have been attached by small brads to a more solid backing. The
object's function is conjectural, but it may be a brass backing to a wooden-
mounted hand mirror or some type of decorative object.

5cm

Figure 47, Miscetlancous Nez Perce items lost in the
battle, a. brass tinkler. b. offset awl c. brass arrow.
head, d. iron arrowhead, ¢, brass concha ¢ 1d remains
of buckskin thong. f. unidentified Srass hacking,
possibly for a mirror.

169



Figure 33. Distribution of .44-caliver rimGire cartridge cases.



Big Hole Battlefield

While some of the warriors were engaged in fighting the entrenched
soldiers, others retumed to the Village. The surviving women and children
also returned. There they found their dead and dying. Among their own
dead they also found a soldier and a volunteer alive. Both were kilfed, but
no. mutilated.

The Nez Perce began to mourn and bury their d.ad. Some were
2pparently buried in camas ovens that had been prepared for roasting the
locally ahundant camas root. Others were buried along the river bank, and
still others were carried away and buried by their surviving family. As the
dead were buried the Nez Perce attempted to salvage what they could from
the Village.

During the night of August 9, the Nez Perce warriors continued to
fire harassing shots at the soldiers. The main body in the camp packed what
belongings they could find and prepared to depart. With the sunrise the camp
and most of the peopie left the valley, departing to the east. A few warriors,
perhaps fifteen, were left behind to keep the soldiers a1 bay. They did so until
about eleven o'clock the night of August 10, when they tired a departing volley
and left.

These warriors joined their grieving families on a trek that would take
them on a route south into Idaho and then east through Yellowstone National
Park and two months [ater to the final battle on Snake Creek near Bear Paw,
Montana. There the majority of the surviving Nez Perce, now under the gen-
eral icadership of Chief Joseph would surrender on October 5, and close the
Nez Perce War.

The night of August 9 was not a quiet one for the soldiers. Since
they were fatigued, wet from two crossings of the river and swamp, nearly
out of food, and thirsty it was a difficult situation for them. And the situation
‘was exacerbated by the harassing fire of the few warriors left. Gibbon did
cJl for volunteers to get water, which was done. He also sent three volun-
tser couriers out with messages. One was to Deer Lodge with messages to
his commander’s headquarters, a second to General O. O. Howard re-
questing his assistance, and a third to the miners in the vicinity of Gibbonville,
idaho, to warn them that the Nez Perce may move their direction.

The carly daylight hours of August 10 saw the arrival of the first of
the soldiers’ relief. A messenger from General Howard arrived stating Howard
was on his way with 290 cavalry. This message was in response to Gibbon’s of
August 6, requesting Howard's support in the upcoming attack on the Nez

erce. During the day Gibbon sent a detachment back to the wagon train to

20



Big Hole Battlefield

Bradiey’s men also apparently fired volleys into Lhe northern end of
the Village. As they made their way through the willows after crossing the
river. Bradley was killed along with a volunteer. With the loss of their }eader
the men formed a firing line at the edge of the Willows. The historic ac-
counls suggest they did not gain the north end of the Village, which was still
heic by the Nez Perce. The left flank broke up and joined Captain Sanno's
company as they attempted to burn the tepees.

Ajthough the attack was initially successful in taking most of the Vi!-
lage. the soldiers were still under fire from the Nez Perce. Gibbon committed
his reserves. Companies A, F. and 1 are believed to have been sent in on the
neht Mank or southern end of the Village to support Captain Comba. Captain
George Browning with Company G apparently supported Sanno, Browning
also made a move to altack the Nez Perce on the bluffs to the east, but was
recalled.

Gibbon left his command position along the western hillside and rode
into the Village. There he and his horse were wounded by the same bullet. In
orde: to deprive the Nez Perce of shelter and other amenities, the command
atterapted to burn the tepees, The army's assumption was that without
horses and shelter the Nez Perce would be destitute and wonld return to
the reservation a humbled group.

Several women and children were hiding in the tepees, and a great
loss of hfe occurred. Even while the burning was going on, the Nez Perce
continued to fire on the soldiers. Gibbon’s command suffered severat casual-
ties. most in the fighting near the southern end of the Village. Captain Will-
tam Logan was among the soldiers kiiled. The Nez Perce aiso continued to
suffer losses in the firefight. One killed was Five Fogs, whose tepee was the
Village's southern extreme. Here he defended his home with a bow and ar-
rows until cut down by a saldier’s bullet.

The Nez Pesce, rallied by the exhortations of their leaders like Look-
ing Glass, poured heavy fire into the village. Within an hour, Gibbon realized
his pesition in the village was untenable. The command was ordered to fall
back across the river and through the Willows to the timber-covered point of
land Figure 5). The command gathered the guns of the fallen and the cap-
tured weapons, The stocks were broken and then thrown into the river. As
the demoralized command began to retreat. the Nez Perce warriors pressed
the daitle. The soldiers bunched up, causing a halting retreat. At least one
Nez Perce marksman took up position at a location that has become known
as the Twin Trees, The Twin Trees are Jocated on the steep hillside above

16



Bug Hole Battlefield

ine

Tetarle Beteact

Figure 36. Posited third phase troop movements during the battle.

The archeological evidence of 45:70 cartridge cases (Figure 26) indi-
cates there were at least sixteen Springfietds involved in the retreat. Eight
gs fired only one round each. while one fired thrce rounds, three fired four
rotads each, nwo five rounds each, one fired six rounds, and one fired eight
rocads in the retreat. The three-round group includes one round that re-
tained a cardboard tube liner indicating it was a carbine round. These cases
match to cases fired in the Siege Area. If this case represents a carbine
cher it may identify one of the Second Cavalry soldiers’ movements.

Of those guns used in the retreat on the west side of the river six were
4.33 used in the Siege Area. These cas¢s undoubtedly represent guns used by
the soldiers during the retreat and in defense of the Siege Area.

100



fig Hole Batllefield

1) material and manufacturing techniques;

2} stylistic class and type attributes, including monochrome vs. poly-
chrome, unfinished vs. finished, and undecorated vs. decorated;

3) stylistic variety attributes, includi::s, color, diaphaneity, relative length
and shape, and type of decoration; and

2) bead sizes as defined from measurements of bead least diameter (LD)
and length (L).

In an attempt to conform to the Kidds’ revised system of classifica-

Sf Ia, WHIb). However, use of these codes is not completely — tis-
i ry because many attributes are lumped under a single code. To identify
types clearly, and to discriminate specific attributes, letter modifiers have been
oved to indicate such attributes as shape, type of decoration, and subuie
ufacturing techniques (¢.¢.. M{b-b to indicate a barre!-shaped bead). Fi-
. to further distinguish relevant attributes at the variety level, additional!
setter modifiers and variety numbers are employed to signify diaphancity, short
ys. long bead forms, orientation of decoration, and to identify the number of
variations of a single bead type or subtype (¢.g., Ifa-op-2 to identify the second
variation of an opaque drawn bead variety). This allows types, their varieties
and their attributes to be identified by a uniquc code, yet preserves the Kidds’
codes for comparative purposes.

Bead descriptions have been organized to present relatively precise
information within a tabular format. Thus, the variety descriptions are given
tables, with general technical information provided, when required, in the
text. Archeological sizes are defined on the basis of a correlation of least bead
diemeier to length.

Opinions regarding historic values, temporal ascriptions and the fre-
quency of occurrence ai archeological sites are based upon the personal know!-
- -g¢ of the author. Published literature documenting the precise temporal
placement of beads in the nineteenth century for western North America is
limited. This does not imply a lack of documentary reports (e.g., see Karklins
and Sprague 1980, 1987). but rather the lack of comparable bead classifica-
tions and descriptions used by various authors who have written descriptive
reports, combined with the lack of tightly dated contexts.

Description of Bead Assemblage

Of the 46 beads found, 45 were drawn glass beads, i.c., beads manu-
factured from hollow canes draw:: from a molten gather of glass. The canes

158



Chapter 7

Table 11. Tepee site tubular drawn glass beads, Class Otip — polychrome beads
with a hattumbled finish (n=5); Type Ma - undecorated “cylindrical” beads {n=3}
and Type f/b - “cylindccal beads with simple straight stripes (n = 2}.

%
%, ‘a
2 % % &
% ¢ +,% "Ay
%, %, x, Gg %, 0, *, 2, cS
% %, 4% % % a
ee = j — - =
i Metpfops-1 Under. Tras, Rec | Short i exi2z44 lo | 3 |
: a : on (SRON0) iCytinder ¢ | 1 H
H & ' Opaque ni 19x12 | | 2 |2546M
! ' wre | - roerz 1 | i
NSD i 19x14 tl ataeP |
‘(2 frags.)|

Mbopvoost | 4smpes : Opaque? | Rea (—) | Short 2426x1624|— i 2

. 82 smpeson and wv H 1
& amerating Opaqe (Green(—)| long | 26218 | 2 1 | 2tatH
colors on Opaque! stipes |Cylinder! 2az24 1 | 3 |2146M

|
| on write |
ed j
|

|

{Derk Bue
j 10 6 574)

Table 12. Tepee site metal bead. Class Mbs — simple brass beads; Type Mb-b -
undecorated barrel-shaped bead {n=1).

% %, Ke
"es » Es
a ey % 5, Meh
* % a
; MDT Undies, «= Opaque: Brown Long B1x88 | _ | > | ie:
oo i ! (enginatty > Bere i i : .
fo shiny yellow) : | i | i

161



Chapter 7

The suspender parts are private purch.se styles and could have been
used by either an officer, enlisted man, or a civilian, The military did not have
a standard-issue suspender during this period, and did not adopt issue sus-
penders until 1883 (Herskovitz 1978}.

Three iron garter or sock adjustment hooks were recovered. ‘fwo are
Joop fragments (FS1688, 1975) and one is a complete loop (FS1489). All are
bent wire styles and could be battle era. They could also be post-battle era as
well, and they can be either male or female associated.

BUTTONS
There were fourteen buttons recovered during the archeological in-
vesugations. The most distinctive butrons are the military general service but-

ton {Bazelon and McGuinn 199). These brass linc eagle buttons are repre-
sented in two sizes. The smaller are 5/8 inch in diameter, There are five of

106 9

zu

3in
se
0 7cm

Figure 43, Miscellaneous clothing and personal items, a.
iron hook from hook and eve. b.-c, trouser buttons, d.
trouser or vest buckle. €. suspender hook and ring, f. haver-
sack adjustment hook, g. harmonica reed plate fragment.

165



Big Hole Battlefield

Area and the Nez Perce Village Area. As they recognized, it is not enough
to know where artifacts were found, but also where artifacts were not found.
A primary research goal of the Big Hole Battlefield Archeological Project
was io define the limits of the battleficld. The first requirement, then, was to
develop field procedures that were capable of examining the entire extent
of the bardefield or at least that area within the park boundary. Faced with
examining a large area (655 acres total), and assuming that most artifacts
cf war would either be metallic or associated with metal, metal detectors
were employed us an inventory tool based on the success of the technique
at Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument (Scott and Fox 1987; Scott
et al. 1989),

The use of metal detectors operated by knowledgeable people has
cverwhelmingiy proven its value, not only in locating metallic objects but also
non-meiallic remains. Non-metajlic items such as bone and leather were found
when metat detectors sensed nearby metal objects. Recovery methods that
meuculously uncovered artifacts with minimal disturbance were an integral
part of the field procedures.

The metal detector survey and excavations jocated over 1,000 arti-
facts. most of which are battle-related. Precise locationa! control was accom-
pi:shed through the use of a total station transit and clectronie data collector.
The instrument was 2 Lietz SET3C total station transit with an SDR33 data
recorder. Each transit shot was recorded on the data recorder and given a
previously established identification code. The specific artifact numbey was
provided by the SDR33 used in auto-generate point mode. At the completion
of a given day's work the recorded data was downloaded onto a Japtop com-
puter containing the SOKKIA software program MAP. The raw file was pro-
cessed by the computer. and a map of that day’s finds was then displayed.
Upon return to Midwest Archeological Center the MAP files were transferred
to AuteCAD. The maps provided a clear picture of the nature of artifact
Cisinbutions and associations. In turn, this precise locational infennation al-
lowed us to ask how and why these contextual relationships beoween artifacts
came about. The how and why questions represent inquiry into the behavioral
aspects of the fight.

FIELD METHODS

The field investigations were guided by a work plan and research de-
sien (Scott 1991) prepared as a part of the compliance procedures used by the
Nauonal Park Service to meet legislative and regulatory requirements of the
Historic Preservation Act (as amended), the Secretary of Interior's Stan-

28



Chapter 7

plete. A portion of the blade, tang, wood grips. and iron securing rivets arc
present. Both table knives are of styles that date to the nineteenth century.
Both could have been in use during the battlc as well as much later. Neither
«ff them is a regulation army mess knife.

The three pocketknives were al! found with one blade in the open
position. In each case the blades and most iron parts had acarly disintegrated.
FS1289 is 3 1/4 inches long with iron bolsters and two iron blades. The shorter
blade ts closed and the longer open, although fittle remains. A brass escutch-
+o plate remains riveted to one side. The grips are missing, although they
were likely wooden. Pocketknife FS1749 is 3 3°4 inches long with squared
Drass bolsters. [ft was also a two-bladed folding knife. The grips are nearly
iitact and are made of antler. A brass shield-shaped escutcheon js present on
one side. The final pocketknife (FS1782) has rounded brass bolsiers and is
3 172 inches long. It is also 2 two-bladed knife. A portion of a wooden grip
remains. and there is the outline of a shield-shaped escutchcon on one side.
Scvlistically the knives could date to the battle. However, they could “st as
easily post-date the battle. The context in which they were found does not
provide sufficient supporting information to draw a conclusion regarding their
zssociation: however, similar pocketknives have been recovered at the site of
Fort Bowje. Arizona (Herskovitz 1978:76-78). and from the 1856 wreck of the
Steamboat Arabia.

The ovo belt or sheath knives on the other hand are undoubtedly
battle associated. These knives were commonly called sheath, belt, camp, ar
salping knives (Russell 1967; Peterson 1958: Hanson 1987). Neither re-
tains ils grip. which may have been wood.

The first (FS1352} is iron {Figure 482). The back is straight and
extends into the short iron tang. The knife is 9 1/4 inches overall, with a
blade 7 1/4 inches long. The two-inch tang has ovo holes for grip-retention
rivets. One iron rivet, 3/4 ineh Jong. remains. The blade is Stamped with a
cross over an “L.” This 1s the mark of Lockwood Brothers of Sheffield,
England. They are known to have been in business from 1849 to 1921
!Woodhead 1991:143). The Lockwoods made many types of cutlery.
Lockwood knives are known from fur trade sites of the mid-nineteenth cen-
iury (Wheeler et al. 1975:92-93 ;.

The other belt knife (FS1779) was found in the Willows along the
soldiers’ Retreat Line and in general association with a percussion cap pouch,
The knife is iron (Figure 4%b) The tip and tang have disintegrated. The
ewerall remaining length is 8 inches. The tang retains two large brass rivets
which indicate the handle was about 1 14 inches thick. The general con-

173



Big Hole Battlafield

Military manuals of the carly 20th century are more structured than
Farrow’s instructions, but they describe essentially the same procedure for
digging riflepits and wrenches in the face of the enemy. Moss (1918;385-387) is
a good example of such a work, and provides some clear definitions of the
purpose of such works.

Moss (1918:385) slates that the object of field fortifications is two-
fold: first, to increase the fighting power of the troops by enabling the soldier
to use his weapons with the greatest possible effect; and second, to protect the
soldier against the enemy's fire. While the military objective might be slated
in that order, the doughboy might have reversed the priority order.

Adthough written nearly forty years after Farrow’s 1881 publi-ation,
the Moss description of entrenchment methods and types is very similar. It
can be argued that riflepits or hasty entrenchments. those meant to be con-
structed in the face of the enemy, did not change in type or need. Even the
World War II “foxhole,” as described in the manuals of that period, does not
differ significantly in purpose or construction from that advocated by Farrow
in 1881.

The strong similarity in size and construction method of the archeo-
iogical examples of riflepits at Fort Dilts (Haury 1989}, Big Hole battlefield,
and the Reno-Bentcen defense site (Bray 1958) to the methods of entrench-
ment descrihed in the period manuals emphasizes that the term “hasty en-
trenchment” does not mean “haphazard.” Hasty entrenchments were a rea!
type of earthwork that were constructed in a prescribed manner. Organized
forces requiring hasty entrenchments ta be dug in the presence of the enemy
were trained and disciplined, and thus dug their hasty entrenchments in the
manner in which they had been trained. The Big Hole Siege Area riflepits arc
the physical evidence of that training, and perhaps more than the trowel bayo-
net. it was that training that saved Gibbon’s command from annihilation,

The Siege Area contains significant archeological evidence of the com-
bat that occurred there. The Siege Area is also the site that received the most
intense post-battle usage and that has undoubtedly affected some of the ar-
cheological patterns related to the fight. At one time there was a USFS barn
and a museum building on the site, as well as associated water and electrical
lines. The Forest Service and later the Park Service also maintained resi-
dences and associated outbuildings to the west of the site. In addition, there
was once a parking lot and a number of picnic sites situated in or adjacent to
the Siege Area. Even with all the impacts. the archeological data has survived
surprisingly well.

110



Chapter 7

SHARI'S .40- AND .45-CALIBER

The Sharps firearm, produced in a number of different calibers and
soodels, was patented in 1852 and remained a very popular military and com-
cacrcial firearm for the next 50 years. It was produced in both percussion and
certridge models. Its popularity was due to ils accuracy and its reputation for
aving effective stopping power. Particularly in the jarger calibers it was the
zevored gun of big game hunters on the plains and in the West in general

Gluckman 19635:230,268: Barnes 1989:139).

Weapons manufactured by Sharps fired only nwo of the .50/70 car-
Tidge cases recovered. These are discussed with the .50/70-caliber compo-

There were three types of distinctive .40-caliber Sharps bullets found
Selle crs 1978). The first (FS1353, 1633) has a flat nose, flat base, and three
melures; the second (FS1342. 1865) is mushroomed at the nose but has a
ow base and 1s smooth bodied for a paper patch: the third (FS2076) is also
hroomed but has a flat base and three knurled cannelures. The three
tieis have the distinctive Sharps sporting rifle land and groove imprinLs.

There is one .44-
or 45-caliber Sharps
bullet (FS1864) (Figure

BY 41c). The bullet's diam-

P eter is about .46 inch,
| a but it is stightly de-
a b c formed. The bullet has

a hollow base with a

. smooth body for paper

me patching. The nose is

se deformed by impact.

= The fands and grooves

4 A t a indicate it was fired in

a Sharps sporting rifte.

8] 3in
a eee The bullet distri-
9 7om bution suggests that
Sharps were used south
gore 41. Various caliber bullets, a. 360 builet,b..14 of the village, fired at
niligt c. 44 of 45 Sharps bullet. d.-g, 50 bullets, the soldiers on the Trail,



Chapter 7

length. The rat-tail tang is 3 3/4 inches long with the fork segment making up
the remainder. It is 1 1/2 inches wide with about 1 inch between tines. The
spear ' meant to be mounted in a wooden handle.

ARROWHEADS

Specifically Indian-associated arms recovered archeologically are two
metal arrowheads found in the Siege Area. Iron or other metal arrowheads
were a co-amion trade item from the early 1600s to the carly twentieth cen-
tury, and had almost completely supplanted chipped stone projectiles by
the mid-nineteenth century (Hanson 1972; Russell 1967). The arrowheads
iounc fall imto two manufacturing types, mass-produced and handmade.

The handmade specimen (FS2115) is brass and somewhat crudely
formed (Figure 47c). It is a stemmed or tanged point made from brass stock.
The brass arrowhead is 2.36 inches long and .56 inches wide at the base. The
lang is .56 tong and .20 inches wide. One side is flat and clean, while the other
bears a scraich mark rougtly along the center length. This scratch probably
origmated with the maker, as it appears to be a guide line for determining the
center of tke point’s axis.

The other specimen (FS1401) is an iron triangular stersmed or tanged
point (Figure 47d). It is 1.437 inches long and .786 inch wide at the base. The
taag is 35 inch long and .30 inch wide. Another metal arrowhead (537c) was
found sevezzl vears ago at the base of a rock in the Siege Area, It is described
in ne park’s museum catalog card as a diamond-shaped point of iron.

These arrowheads are typical of those available for trade ar sale to
various Indian groups during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The
arrowheads were neither endemic to the West, nor to the Nez Perce, Use
of these arrowhead types is documented by the Surgeon General (War
Department 1871). The types were reported to have been found in wounds
of soldiers and civilians from Texas and Arizona to the Northern Plaias,

Accouterments

The quantity of military equipment is relatively smali, but it is repre-
sentative of the types in common use during the 1870s. The reason for the
smal! quantity is probably twofold. First the soldiers who fought at the Siege
Area were there only a short period of time, so the aniount of equipment lost

173



eg Hole Batllefield

such. they retain information regarding the nature of those activities. That
information resides not only in the individual artifact, but also in the spatial
ad contextua! relationships between artifacts. Whether the artifact is a bul-
ict rom the battle, a piece of equipment used by a soldier, or a nail used in
fence construction, each helps to piece together the history of human use of
tut Datefield,

The Evidence for Clothing and Equipment

The number of artifacts representing clothing and equipment used by
wae combatants is relatively smail. This is not unexpected given the nature of
atte, which was a brief affair. Clothing itself is not likely to survive the
$ of time, but metal buttons and fasteners, as well as decorative devices
ide some information about the clothing worn on August 9 and 10,

SOLDIERS’ AND VOLUNTEERS’ CLOTHING

The command's attire has been the subject of exhaustive research by
Neraut Edmonds (n.d.). He consulted many contemporary records and ac-
of battle survivors to develop a comprehensive view of the Seventh
antr’s 1877 campaign clothing. He has concluded that the enlisted per-
el wore regulation sky-blue kersey trousers over canton flannel
jerdrawers, a coarse pullover shirt in cither prescribed gray or older Civil
Vear—issue white, and some men possibly wore privately purchased shirts. The
aLitary blouse was not generally worn on this campaign according to Edmonds
sources. although a few men may have worn them. The 1874 farigue blouse
eppears to nave been the choice when worn at all. The foot was covered by the
s$2 shoe or bootee, while the cavairy contingent probably wore the regula-
doot. The head was covered by either the unpopular 1872 campaign hat
7 Qae of private purchase. The other clothing item mentioned by Edmonds’
s is the heavy wool overcoat. a sky-blue kersey double-breasted item
<2 @ long cape.

int

30

=

There are suggestions that officers had much more latitude in choos-
:mg their campaign clothing. At least one officer wore white corduroy trov-
sezs. which he cansidered conspicuous and tried to mute with an application
ot mud (Woodruff 1910).

Archeological evidence for clothing consists of buttons, hooks and
sy2s. g trouser or vest buckle, suspender grips and rings, and shoes. Three

53


Chapter 5

The Indians’ firing into the Siege Area caused some casualties, Lieu-
tenant Woodruff’s horse was used to carry a wounded soldier in the retreat.
The wounded man was killed upon reaching the fan, and the horse was wounded
and had to be destroyed. Lieutenant William English was badly wounded,
dying later.

The physical evidence of the entrenchments or riflepits dug by
Gibdoa’s men is clearly evident in the Siege Area today (Figure 38). There
are visible signs of at least twenty-three niflepits of different sizes in the Siege
Area (Figure 37). They are arranged in a roughly shaped rectangle. There
are several isolated pits, three along the sides of Battle Gulch and onc to the
northeast of the main group, An old prospect pit west of Battle Gulch was
also used by some volunteers (Haines 1991).

= wocoten of Trees in 1877
eee euating alunos)

8 Peo

Sgt. Poge
- Gatecue xibet

Pate Sipzon's .
Lommend Mest

ut. Engiisn
Wounded

Figure 37. Map of the Siege Arca showing the bluff Jine and rilepits.

107





ure &. Another nineizenth century battletieid sketch purportedly oy Granville

TORT RE aiden, ae ae, —_ wr 7 as: _ ecmecve pee _ _ . .
Oise OSSETIA: ES ST ROE ee ‘



3
2
f

'
:

\
/

NN
/

-
i
i
!
|
|

Figure 27. Distribution of .45/70-caliber cartridge cases.



Big Hole Battiefietd

essentual ingredients in historical archeology but no more so than th: knowl-
edge gleaned from artifacts left behind by participants in the event. Thus,
historical archeologists weave the strands of history with clues painstakingly
sifted from the earth to form a fabric unlike that attainable through history
or archeology alone.

Our premise is that the modern study of a batticfield requires a
combination of historical sources and archeological data. How is this
achieved? An analogy may suffice. In solving a crime, police rely upon two
very different types of evidence. Detectives interview witnesses while other
investigators eather fingerprints, blood samples, and other physical evidence.
These investigators address different types of evidence using unique meth-
ods. Evaluated together. this partnership enhances the likelihood of solving
the cnme.

The records and documents that historical archeologists utilize, es-
pecially first-hand accounts of historical events, are tantamount to eyewit-
ness testimony. They provide the material for generating hypotheses that
can be tested in the archeological record. They also furnish the basis by
which archeologically observed patterns can be assigned historically mean-
ingful identities. The archeological record contains historical clues in the
form of physical remains. including artifacts, and their contextual relation-
ships. These relationships. which include distributions and Spatial associa-
lions of various types of artifacts, can reveal a great deal about the activities
that were carried out at a site. The historical archeologist continually com-
pares both sets of data as work progresses in order to eventually better ex-
piain the events under scrutiny. Sometimes history and archeology may be
at odds, necessitating, on occasion, significant revisions in current percep-
uons of historical events. Thus historical archeology provides important
checks and balances between the two data sets, allowing for a more complete
approach to understanding historical events and the cultura) milieu within
wtuch they transpired.

The basic tenet upon which anthropology and archeology rest ts
straightforward, Human behavior is patterned. The residue of that behavior
should therefore also be patterned and reflect, in varying degrees, details of
that behavior. Battlefields represent the most violent expressions of human
behavior. and it is our premise that physical evidence of violent behavioral
patterns ave © <ely to be evident (Fox and Scott 1991}. Warfare has special
rules by whic, itis practiced. Within our own culture this may be seen in the
preparation and training given members of the military. This training is given,
and such was true in 1877. to insure that those engaged in battle will perform

2



so Hole Battletieid

Gibbon’s men found the disassembied gun after the battle and, placing
a wagon, took ttwith them to Deer Lodge. Itremained at the Territorial
Prison for many years. unl it was transferred to the U.S. Forest Service about
2934 and then to the Nationa! Park Service. ‘The carriage has been restored.
aac the gun is part of @ prominent display at the Big Hole visitor center.

In addition to the refic arms mentioned there js a substantial body of
aris evidence in the form of the archeologicaliy recowered cartridge cases
j buitcts. The archcologica! specimens are the physical evidence of actual
rmuse. The artifacts certainly expand the historical data base refating to
arms Qpes. There was sounding array of arms yepresented in the
widye cases and bullets recovered, Many clearly post-date the battle. Only
ese that can he reason ssoclated with the battle. either because the
U features indicat S?7 association or they are found in a clear
> context, are discussed Thy identifications were based on the pres-
of specificalls iden ing pin emprints on the cases, size and shape
the bullet, and Jand and grevse murks on the bullets

Muzzle-roading weapons are definitely represenied in ibe collection.
¢ are represented by a 4S-catiber round ball. a rifle percussion cap.
Sr round balls. the relic Model 1847 Rifle, and a S8-caliber musket ball,
ter 2 total of four types of muzzie-loaders. A variety of shot suggests shotguns
sere likely in use as well. sabot strapping and rejic cannon bails confirm

usage of the Mountain Hewnzer. technically a nyuzzie-loading weapon,

Cartridge guns cleasty predominate over the other firearms types. The
“U-caliber buliets and cartridge cases confirm the use of the Model 1873

and carbine, Colt revolver cases and bullets
Was present as well. The Springtield Model
as was the

<0 support the use of the
cicate the Model [473 €

wt included a 44 or 45-caliber rifle and 40-cali-
emiagton 30-76-caliber Roiling Block rifle is identi-
from unique extractor marks on several cases, The Spencer .$6-S0-cali-
Ser rumfire caring is alse present.

The many cases 2nd bullets in 44-caliber indicate the rimfire Model
Winchester andor the Henry rifle were utilized. The .44-rimfire cases
cemonstrate that the Colt Model i860 conversion revolver was present as
as the Colt Model 1872 Open Tap.



Sg Hole Battlefield

Tacue 1, Archeological evidence of fireanrs types end quantity.

Fraacm Type Cartridge Bullets Minimum Number of
Cases Guns Represemted*

Excress .360 35 16 1

Srarcs .40 : 3 1 or possibly 2

Merry £4 26 14 10

Yecrcoester M1873 4 - 3

Got conv. £4 1 . 1

Dat W671 44 1 - 1

Sor M167o 45 2 3 2

Sernsheld

MoETS 45 524 in 90

Seaos .<5 - 1 1

Senington 60 2 . 2

Sarvs 50 2 : 2

Sormgfield 50 38 43 24

Scenzer 56/50 2 1 2

Sazress 500 1 1

ee. in)

ca! 45 - 4 1

cal ca. 5a - rn ote

s=rucal ball 58 - 1 1

sorgun . 13 1

Vo rnain Howitzer S Relotel

Tara 638 230 147

* Where no cartridge cases were presem. Dullets were assumed to repre-
sent a minimum of one firearm for that type.

** The individual balls cannot be identrited te a specific gun: however, the .54-
caliber Model 12841 Rifle and the additional ramrod find are minimally
counted as representing two .54-caliber firearms

*** One cannonball fs in the Big Hole collections, and one additional! ball was
examined, As many as seven have apparently been collected. Sabot
strapping for a least one round was also recovered,

The historical documentation indicates that Gibbon’s command may
© had about 154 .45/70 rifles and carbines. The Nez Perce may have cap-
sted about 63 Springficlds in previous engagments. Thus there may have
: about 217 Springfield .45:70 guns at the Big Hole. The archeological

¢2tz indicates there were at least 90 .45/70 Springfields. The archeological
78



Clothing and Personal [tems ...........
ACCOULETTIEMIS ......e ces eeerecrres
Probable Non-Battle Artifacts

References CIO oe ec esescseensensavencececcarssnaveeareanssneasancanpaesssssaearsagpesngneane 183

ANT ba es

wr

bebe pa

1A

S © on

i)

LIST OF TABLES

sucheological evidence of firearms types and quantity ..
460-caliber cases and bullets
_+4-caliber rimfire cases.........
+t-caliber rimfire cartridge cas¢ matches .........

Springfield cartridges, bullets, and cartridge cases by Field Spe
saen number .. -
45.70-caliber cartridge case ¢ matche
.50:70-caliber cartridge cases .
-20,70-caliber cartridge case matches... vee
Caliber 50/70 bullets by Fieid Specimen number ‘and type
Tepee site tubular drawn glass beads class Dtfm...
Tepee site tubular drawn giass beads class Dtfp
Tepee site metal bead oo... occ cece estes

LIST OF FIGURES

Colone! John Gibbon. army commander at the Battle of the Big
Hole «2. epee
Map of the Big Hole National Battle!
A view to the northwest of the valley and viliage area.
A Nez Perce tepee village taken in 1871 by W. H. Jackson. The

general configuration approximates that at the Big Hole ............. 15
The point of timbers at the base of the mountain that became the
Siege Area for Gibbon’s COMMANA -00. esses reeeceeceateessetsrsatarenserenceee 17

A rifiepit dug by one of Gibbon’s .ommand during the fighting in
the Siege Area..
Sketch of the battlefield j in 21878 by ‘Granville ‘Stuart

Another nineteenth-century battletield sketch purportedly by Gran-
a 22

ville Stuart ..0..
Big Hoie National Battlefield witha areas as of previous, archeological
invest'gations noted...



Bug Hote Battlefield

Lf thus is the case, then it can be suggested these cases represent a non-com-
missianed officer, a squad of at least six enlistedmen, and perhaps a volunteer
who may have been left behind to cover the command's rear.

At or about the time of the retreat through the Willows those on the
Trail may have effected a movement to join their comrades. It appears they
followed standard infantry withdrawal tactics in their movement. It is sug-
gested they provided supporting fire for their comrades in the Willows retreat.
They also appear to have effected an orderly movement down the Trail, halt-
ing to fire at proper intervais at the first and second halts. At the third halt the
<2se distribution suggests bunching up occurred, perhaps the men were under
fre bemselves or concerned about their retreating comrades. In any case, no
accijonal 45/70 cases or matches were found until those located in the Siege
Acez, suggesting a disintegration of tactical organization occurred at this point.

itis possible, but unlikety, that the Trail movemert reflects that of the
sohuaieers involved in the attempt to capture the Nez Perce horse herd, M. F.
Steril (Haines 1991:60) recailed there were 20 in the group who tried to
cepere he herd, aluhough Quiller Wilkerson remembered only five, prubably
ons those personally known to bim. The group appears to have been com-
posed of five volunteers and an undetermined number of soldiers. Sherrill’s
recollections indicate that he and at least two others fired at the Nez Perce
who successfully stampeded the herd away from the volunteers. Sherrill’s de-
scziption of the herd location and the fight suggests that it was further north
then the arca of the finds along the Trail. Also, it appears that after the failed
attempt to secure the herd the volunteers in the detail joined the command in
the Willage. There they assisted in the attempt to burn the tepees. These men
retreated through the Willows to the Siege Area and thus could not have been
on the Trail during the retreat

DIGGING IN AND FIGHTING IN THE SIEGE AREA

As the command reached the old alluvial fan, several Nez Perce were
W there and began to fire. The soldiers charged up the fan's steep toe
zoxd pushed the Nez Perce across the gulch that dissected the fan and up the
r:lis on either side of the fan. Upon reaching the fan, Gibbon depioyed his
pez in an area about 100 feet on a side near the eastern edge of the fan. As
somae men began dragging in logs to form firing positions, the men of the two
companies issued trowel bayonets began to dig riflepits (Figures 37,38). Oth-
ert used knives and make-shift tools to create cover. The Nez Perce in the
umber on the south side of the fan as well as on the hillslopes above the sol-
Gers continued their fire.

106


Big Hoe Sattefield

Yelica Wolf. told of capturing at least 2 rifles and belts of ammunition at
Whiteturd (McWhorter 1991:59), and he recalled that 63 guns were captured
un tcta | McWhorter 1991:61-2). Yellow Wolf also noted he had used a 16-shot
sfe ‘MeWhorter 1991:78). A Model 1866 Winchester rifle purported ta be
x Woii's is in the Big Hole National Baitlefiefd collections.

Yet!

At Whitcbird Canyon, About Sleeps and No Leggings On recovered
msinis. Wounded Head also captured a carbine froma soldier he killed. He
teft betend 2 cap and bal pisto! as a gift to the conquered foe (McDermott
D2}. Yawishekaikt said the Nez Perce recovered some 35 or 36
Whitebird, although Yellow Wolf remembered it was 63 and Yel-
thought upwards of 90 (McDermot 1978;104).

An Army Court of Inquiry into the Whitebird Canyon battle
MfcDermot: 1978:174-5) indicates the Company F men were armed with re-
Aile in Company H onty the non-commissioned officers, trumpeters,
had revolvers. Given the deaths in Companies F and H, at least 26
could have been lost. Carbine losses were at least 33. By army

then, araund sixty weapons may have been last.

Wile aT.

On July 4, 1877, Lt. Rains’ party of ten men was annihilated near
=2np at Cottonwood. Idaho. The Nez Perce warriors took the guns and
on (McWhorter 1986:283). Following the Clearwater battle Colo-
nei Mason's four Indian scouts, in pursuit of Joseph. were intercepted and lost
ther arms to the Nez Perce (Howard 1972:169).

The historical record is incomplete on the total numbers of firearms
usec Dy zither side. Hawever, it docs provide hints at the numbers present.
Certainty the 210 soldiers and volunteers were all armed. The army believed
the Nez Perce were armed primarily with the magazine rifles. The historical
record does confirm that some Winchesters and Henry magazine rifles were
Nez Perce hands. The army records and Nez Perce recollections
hat somewhere berwcen sixty and ninety army weapons and an un-
uantity of ammunition were captured by the Nez Peree prior to the
hattle, In addition, the Nez Perce purchased or seized other ammu-
écring their movements through the Bitterroot Valley.

The bullets and cartridges recovered during the archeological investi-
s form the core of data on which the analyses to determine the mini-
number of firearms present were based. The site yielded 79 cartridges,
raridge cases, 230 bullets. and some fragments of cannonball sabot strap-
44-caliber Henry and Mode! 1873 Winchester cases represent only
> of the total: the Springfield 50°70. 5.96: and the .45/70 Mode! 1873

The 7

76



Sag Hole Battlefiatd

Berge, Dale L.
1980 Simpson Springs Station Historical Archaeology in Western Utah.
Cultural Resource Series 6. Bureau of Land Management, Salt Lake

City, Utah,

Boothroyd. G.
1988 British Shotshell. Gun Report 4(3}:11-13, 35.

Bray. Robert T.

1958 A Report of Archeological Investigations at the Reno-Benteen
Site, Custer Battlefield National Monument June 2 - July 1, 1958.
Manuscript on file, National Park Service, Midwest Archeological
Center, Lincoln.

Brinkerhoff. Sidney B.
1976 Boats and Shoes of the Frontier Soldier, 1865-1893. Museum
Monograph No. 7. Arizona Historical Society, Tucson.

Brown, Mark H.
1982 The Flight of the Nez Perce. Bison Books, Lincoln.

Bussohin, Dominique
1847 Les Célébres Verreries de Venise et de Murano. H.F. Minster,
Venice. Portions translated into English by Karlis Karklins with Carol
F. Adams, Dominique Bussolin on the Glass Bead Industry of Murano
and Venice (1847). Beads 2:69-84 (1990}

Calabrese, F A.

1974 Memorandum to Regional Director, Rocky Mountain Region,
August 12, 1974. Subject: Preconstruction Archeological Survey of
Sewage Disposal Site. Big Hole Battlefield National Battlefield,
Moniana. On file, National Park Service, Midwest Archeological
Center, Lincoin.

Campbell. Hannah
1964 Why Did They Name ft...? Fleet Publishing Corporation, New
York.

Chappell. Gordon
1972 The Search for the Well-dressed Soldier 1865-1890. Museuin
Monograph No, 5. Arizona Historical Society. Tucson.

184



ee ee

Big Hole Battetield

and a belt knife were fcund between these two lines. This general vicinity
constitutes the locale where volunteer Alvin Lockwood was killed after he had

killed Rainbow.

Movements west of this line appear broken and unorganized. The
cases recovered generally indicate one or two individuals clustered together,
fired from on¢ to three rounds, then moved to the west or north. There are
also matches from guns on the easterly retreat lines to cases found substantial
distances to the north. Some of these northerly cases then match to cases in
the Siege Area.

in general. the retreat movements on the west side of the river (Fig-
ure 36} 2ppear to have been orderly and in formation initially. At least six
soldiers crossed the river and provided covering fire. Some soldiers, including
at least two from the first line then bunched and fired several rounds. The
third line may represent a reformcd line to the west of the river, which con-
tains case matches from the first line and the bunched group.

Movements after the third line appear to be more individually ori-
ented and less disciplined. Some men moved westerly through the Willows
toward the Siege Area and some angled slighty to the south. Others moved
north toward the Trail. The northerly group of individuals, perhaps three or
more, may have attempted to join their comrades on the Trail, but they do nat
appear iv have reached it. Instead they turned and moved southwest to the
Siege Area. A combination of factors may have caused the rurnabout. One
was the limited mavement allowed by the dense willow thicket and deep pools
in the swampy ground may have been impassable. Another possibility is that
the Nez Perce warriors may have hindered these individuals” retreat as weil.
Yet a third possibility is that the northerly cases, representing at least three
individuals. could be the sharpshooters Gibbor sent to silence the Nez Perce
marksman ensconced at the Twin Trees. It was also among these northerly
cases that a possible soldier burial site, represented by the shoe heel, buttons,
and suspender parts was found.

Two of the three Springfields represented in the northerly group of
cases match to cases in the Siege Area. The other Springfield in that group
matches to several cases found clustered about 50 yards east of the Trail and
about 200 yards north of the Siege Area. This case group represents three
guns, The trowel bayonet was found in the immediate area of these cases,

<After the initial orderly appearance of the retreat or at least of the
covering fire offered by Capt. Rawn’s company, the unit breaks down. The

102


Chapter 5

+2 distinguished west of the Village. Much of the case movement noted is
erween firing lines. Many of the guns fired a shot or two on one line, then
spear to have moved a few yards or tens of yards and fired one or more shots
that line. There is some evidence of individual movement along a given
as demonstrated by matching cases found distributed over tens of yards in
line.

The spatial distribuiion >f the case matches in the northern Village
4s¢a appears to have more order thaa that of those found in the southerr
pystion. The southern area case rnatches appear more randomly distributed,
wich wide dispersion of matched cases. This may be interpreted as meaning
<2 the initial attack was more orderly in the northern area, those areas com-
nded by Bradiey and Sanno: that Comha’s charge across the river at the
g's southern end may have been more chaotic, thus requiring the re-
$ Ss to be deployed in that area: or that Comba’s understrength company
cae: significant resistance from the Nez Perce in this area. Such a supposition
pported by other archeological evidence. At least six Henry or Winches-
7 nifles were used by the Nez Perce at the Village's southern extreme. Stiff
2stance, as is suggested in the historical and archeological record, may have
zzused Comba’s attack to falter and required the early commitment of Logan’s
reserve company followed by Gibbon’s commitment of the remaining reserve
scrapanies as additional support

There is definite evidence of movement from the northern areas to
ste south, where there appears to be more mingling of men. The historic
ces note that men assembied toward the southem end of the Village and
zctempted to burn the tepees. Such an action suggests more intermingling of
seu from the various companies.

Captain Browning is supposed to have moved to the east from the

Walage in attempt to rout the Nez Perce from their firing positions on the
fs. There is no clear archeological evidence to support this movement,
2 hough his charge may have taken place beyond the current boundary fence
. The few .45/70-caliber cartridge cases (Figure 27) found to the east of
sz Village Area match to cases found in the northern group and to cases in
vhe southern end of the Village. The more easterly distribution of cases shows
sor five groups roughly aligned north to south. The four southern groups
72 spaced about 50 to 60 yards apart. Each case group represents two to five
dual guns. This suggests the shooting to the east of the Village was more
hazard than previously supposed. Perh:ps these case groupings on the
theast, center, and northeast represent picket deplcyments or more ran-

87



Big Hole Battlefield

PICKET PIN

A single picket pin (FS2098), found in place in the Willows immedi-
ately below the Siege Area, is a Mode! 1859 army-issue style (Figure 49).
Picks: pins were issued to picket horses and mules. Since only one horse
was =n the Siege Area until the arrival of the wagon tains and later of Gen-
eral Howard's forces, the pin is probably not an immediate battle relic. It is
more likely it is associated with the post-batue relief,

IRON STRAPPING

Seven pieces of iron strapping were recovered in vicinity of the
How.zer Area. A number of pieces of howitzer ammunition sabot strapping
fourc in this same area are in the Big Hole colicction. Three pieces recav-
evea during the archeological investigations are definitely not sabot strap-

ping

Figure 49. A Model 1859 picket pin.

176



Chapter 7

Goa appears unlikely. It is not known how many Nez Perce horses may have
deen shod. However, the context of most horseshoes (in the Willows) sug-
pests a homestead or later era association.

Fourteen horseshoe nails or fragments were recovered. Generally,
:5¢ nails were in poor and fragmeniary condition duc to the acidic soil envi-
ronment. Most were found in the Willows Area, and prabably post-date the
battle

NAILS. TACKS, AND FASTENERS

Square-cut nails and wire rails were found throughout the battlefield.
M nv were clearly associated with old fences and fence tines. As the nails
were udiquilous and their function was often obvions, only a sample was col-
iected. Seventy-two cut nails, four wire nails, and cight tacks were collected.
The cut nail categories are three 2d, one 3d, twenty-two 4d, sixteen 6d, ane 8d,
reo 10d. one 20d, one 5 1/2-inch spike, and twenty-five fragments. The four
wire nails arc categorized as two 16d and two fragments. Eight brads and
racks were also recovered and include one 1/4-inch brad, two 1/2-inch brads, a
brad fragment, three 3/4-inch tacks, and one 1-inch brad.

Square-cut nails in the 4d through 8d nail sizes were often used by the
army in the construction of boxes. Hard-cracker ration boxes and ammuni-
Don boxes were constructed of wood, naiJed and screwed together. No period
ration boxes are known to have survived, although their construction is known
to have been lighter than the ammunition box. Period ammunition boxes do
survive (Anon. 1979).

The majority of nails coliected were found in the Siege Area. It is
possible the 4d and 5d cut nails are related to ration boxes left behind in the
Stege Area after the battle. The 6d. 7d, and 8d cut nails could represent rem-
nanis of ammunition boxes also ieft betund in the Siege Area. However, the
urvriad uses and associated features the Siege Area saw after the battle could
also account for the various nail sizes present. None of the nails can be un-
2quivocally associated with the battle era.

Other fasteners included one grommet. one 3/8-inch washer, one
] Z-inch hex nut, one 3/8-inch square nut, one 34-inch number 8 flathead
woodscrew. and one 1 J/2-inch number 10 flathead woodscrew, None of these
fasteners can be definitively associated with the battle, They all appear to be
of more recent origin, based on the method of machine manufacture.



Brg Hole Battlefield

Zest a vest was present. The presence of seven suspender grips and six sus-
pencer rings adds to the trouser data. The grips arc private purchase types.
The army did not issue suspenders in 1877, so their association could be with
either an officer, an enlisted man, or a volunteer. At least one suspender set is
represented by the two grips and rings found in proximity in the willows. Three
vock or garter fasteners recovered may or may not be battle related. If they
nen suck fasteners are represented in the Sicge Arca. Pouliot (1962)
covered two brass forage cap letters, a and a G during his collecting

hook and eve assemblies were also recovered. Hooks
ven the brim up on the issue campaign hat, on over-
wout capes. and to fasten the collar or skirt on the obsolete blouses and coats.
These hooks and eves ars the large variety and were most likely used on the
‘wercoat or the cumpe:en hat. The blouse alternative cannot be completely
od, however. In any case. the presence of blouse buttons or overcoat
t Or overcoat hooks confirms the presence of these

Two hooks from
and eves were used to

dis:
Buttons and campaign
in the battle

These button end hook and eye finds are in contradiction with the
historical documentation. Colonel Gibbon had ordered all unnecessary equip-
ment including blanket rolls, overcoats, and blouses cached with the wagon
train {Haines 1991:31.. Clearly not all elements of the command complied
4 the order, given the archeological evidence, and some men wore a regula-
von or an older blouse madified for field use.

The final piece of soldier apparel represented archeologically is foot-
wear, Recovered boot nails and portions of six shoes (four archeological speci-
mens. one found in the Willows near a depression in 1964, and one found by
Thain White) suggest she pre-1872 or 1872 bootee or shoe was the most com-
mor. footwear. A singi¢ heel-reinforcing cleat was found by Pouliot (1962):
however. tts recovery iowation is uncertain.

The archeoiogical shoe specimens were found in widely scattered ar-
hoe was found in the Willows associated with the sus-
sder gtip set and several blouse buttons. The ariifact assemblage suggests
98 the site of a sokier’s death and temporary post-battle burial. There was
no obvious depression or other evidence of a grave, but a shallow burial and
disinterment within « Jew months might not leave tell-tale signs.

was found im the Willows about 100 yards east of the
$0 indicate the site of a soldier death during the retreat.
d shoe was found in the forested area north of the Howitzer Area. Cor-

34



Big Hole Battefield

historical accounts of the disposal of some of the bodies from the batile.
The body showrd evidence of extensive post-mortem mutilation. The arms
had been aut off and laid below the pelvis, one leg had been detached and
was not with the remains, and a minimum of three hatchet marks were found
on the ventrai side of the vertebra. The extensive post-mortem trauma is
typical of trauma found at other Indian Wars battlefield sites (Scott et al.
1989) end is consistent with the historical documentation that some of
Howard s Bannock Scouts exhumed and mutilated some of the Nez Perce
dead {Howard 1972). A more compliete discussion of the burial can be found
in Connor (1992).

This individual appears to have been buricd alone, although the oven
was large enough for at least one other body. The historic accounts suggest
that each family buriec its own members. Perhaps this woman was the only
crember of her family to dic in the batue. That this woman was alone might
iso suggest that it was not difficult for the families to find expedient places
to bury the dead. Several such camas ovens, as well as the riverbank, may
have been used for burial.



Eng Hole Battlefield

she District of Montana, pulled his understrength companies from their scat-
tev posts. They reached Missoula August 3 and left for the field the next

dev.

Lieutenant James Bradley scouted ahead of the slow moving col-
uson, which was impeded by supply wagons traveling over a rough road.
Bradley and his detachment located the Nez Perce camped along the North
Fark of the Big Hole River and sent a courier back to Gibbon. Bradley
waited throughout the day of August 8, watching the Nez Perce camp.

Gibbon’s column, minus the wagons and a guard left about three
znd one-half miles from the battlefield, found Bradiey Sate in the afternoon
“4 August §. At eleven o'clock that night the command of seventeen offic-
. 132 enlisted men, and thirty-four volunteers started down the mountain
yard the village in the valley. Each man carried ninety rounds of ammu-
muon. probably fifty in a cartridge belt and an additional forty rounds in two
reenty-round boxes in his haversack.

Gibbon moved his men along an old trail down into the valley (Figure
2). Passing over a wooded point of land (an old alluvial fan), Gibbon noted it
2s a good defense point should 2 retrograde movement become necessary. In
indsight this was a wise observation. as it would become known as the Siege
Area to history. Gibbon passed on north of the fan and deployed his men
along the Trail, which is situated on a steep hillside above the swampy willow-
oowered land west of the river. The Nez Perce Village was arrayed in a slightly
V-shaped line along the east side of the river in a camas meadow (Figures 3,
=}.

Gibbon found his command in a good position. Some Nez Perce horses
were stazing on the hillside behind his position and to the north. The soldiers
effectively separated the camp from those horses. About four o'clock in the
caorming of August 9, the order was given for two companies and the volun-
ceers with Lt. Bradley's detachment to advance through the willow swamp to
the edge of the Village.

Bradley was on the north or left flank. He is thought to have crossed
che river and then entered dense willows that continued to the edge of the
Village. Captain James Sanno with Company K was on Bradley's right. Cap-
vain Richard Comba with Company D was to the right of Company K, but due

‘9 4 meander in the river channel} was in the Willows across the river from the
. The plan was to charge the Village at daylight. However, a lone Nez
Perce was seen coming out of the Village and moving toward Bradley's de-

12



Chapter 4

it. A 360-caliber cartridge case found in the tepee test excavations.

A second tepee location was also evaluated with testing (Figure 15).

‘Ess iocation is the site of McWhorter’s Tepee 40. His about 50 feet north of the

site of the presumed post-battle blacksmith shop. Yellow Wolf teported to

McWhorter that he recalled this location to be a tepee site where the soldiers

da tepee. No concentration of metal items was located in this area: how-

i seemed appropriatc io conduct test excavations to determine if any evi-

sence of a burned structure remained. A twelve-by-owelve-foot square was gndded,

> then sub-divided into three-foot-square units. ‘Iwo units were excavated.

+ Unit 4 was located in the northwest corners and Test Unit J] on the eastern

cage Of the larger erid.

Excavations followed the same methods previously outlined. The

> Stmilar in profile. Ther: was no evidence of burning or of a cul-

a. feature in the excavation. The only artifact recovered was a Piece of

scuriron scrap, Tt probably js associated with the blacksmith shop opera-
and post-dates the beatle



Figure 18. Profile drawine of the riflepit.

Figure 19. Riflepits in use in 1898 during training exercises for the War with Spain.
Note the similarity with the excavatca example from Big Hole.

45



Chapter 5

abie to determine that Henry Edward Crosdaile was commissioned a Sub-
Leeutenant in the Royal Navy on June 17, 1867. He served on a number of
British naval vessels and was promoted to Lieutenant on October 22, 1870.
He retired from the Royal Navy indefinitely on May 17, 1872, as there was no
oeportunity to utilize his services. Mr. Batten compiled this information from
st Record Book at the Public Records Office. Kew, England, and from pub-
ised Navy Lists.

FIREARMS QUANTITY

The ability to identify firearms types is a useful analytical tool, and
whe ability to determine the minimum number of individual guns present and
‘Dere they were used in the battle can be a powerful interpretive tool. The
teens ta this firearms identification has been taken from the realm of the
tinal investigator, The technique of firearms identification has been dis-
cssed tn Scott and Fox (1987). and has heen summarized in Chapter 3 of this
vexume,

Here again. the historical data base provides useful insights regard-

: the numbers of firearms in combatant hands. The soldiers and civilian
meecrs were al] armed. There were i54 officers and soldiers of the Sev-
Infantry and Second Cavalry engaged in the battle. Some officers may
mex bave carried the Springfieid rifle or carbine, although some undoubtedly
2 Areasonable estimate for army firearms. based on the presence of seven-
teen officers, nine Second Cavalrmen. eight mounted infantrymen from Com-
peasy F. and 120 other infantrymen. is at teast 145 Springficid rifles, nine Spring-
32 carbines, mwenry-six Coit revolvers. and one Mountain Howitzer. The
an voluntecrs ‘otaled thirn-seven. including the servant Woodcock. Given
assumption the volunteers were armed with Springfield .50/70 rifles or
onal weapons, then approxmately thirty-four Springfield .50/70s. one
Henry rifle. one other magazine gun. a cap and ball revolver, and possibly one

ur

gun comprise the volunteers’ armament.

The number of Nez Perce arms is more difficult to determine. At
ist One shotgun and one Henry rifle were captured by the Nez Perce as noted
er. Analysis of the documentary evidence from the Whitebird Canyon
Clearwater battles. as well as several other skirmishes, provided some
ation on potential numbers of captured firearms in Nez Perce hands.

Brown (1982:196) indicates that four Springtield rifles were captured
21 the Clearwater and perhaps as many as 33 carbines were captured from
y's command at Whitebird Canyon. The primary Nez Perce infarmant,

5



Big Hole Battlefield

Firearms identification procedures determined that there are ten individual
Henry or Winchester Mode! 1866 guns, one Colt Model 1872 Open Top re-
volver, and one Colt Modei 1860 Conversion revolver represented by the 26
cases. The heads of two unfired cartridges (FS1033 1525) were also noted.
These heads represent the remains of corroded cartridges.

The distribution of .44-caliber rimfire cases suggests a Nez Perce as-
sociation, with one possible exception. Three archeological cases were found
east of the Village, six south of the Village, one in the Howitzer Area, and four
around the Siege Area. The Big Hole collections cases were distributed one
in the Village, two south of the Village, one in the Siege Area, and the rest
around the Howitzer Area. Cases (FS 1044, 1045) representing two individual
-44-caliber rimfire guns were used at the northeast side of the Village. These
guns were then used iz the fight at the Howitzer Area, as they match cases
found there (F51044 to 424c and FS1045 te the group 415c,422c,43Ic). Sev-

Table 4. .44-caliber rimfire cartridge case matches.

Henry or Winchester Model 1866

1, 174c*, 1918**

2. 415%, 4220, 431¢, 1045

3. 424c, 1044

4 430c, 433c, 434c

5. 708c

6. 715¢

7. 1342¢

8. 1260, 1291, 1292, 1253, 1204, 1471
9. 2003

10. 2097

Cott Model 18£0 Conversion
1. 363e

Colt Model 1872 Open Top

1. 1354

* = numbers followed by “c” idemtify Big Hole collection artifacts.
** = these numbers represent archeological Field Specimen numbers.

138



Chapter 7

SHAKPS .40- AND .45-CALIBER

The Sharps frearm, produced in a number of different calibers and
models, 4.25 patented in 1852 and remained a very popular military and com-
tercial fircarm for the next 50 years. It was produced in both percussion and
carindge models. Its popularity was due te its accuracy and its reputation for
having effective stopping power. Particularly in the larger calibers it was the
favered gun of big game hunters on the plains and in the West in general
'Gluckman 1965:230.268: Barnes 1989:139).

Weapons manufactured by Sharps fired only two of the .S0/70 car-
tridge cases recovered. These are discussed with the .50/70-caliber compo-
nents.

There were three types of distinctive .40-caliber Sharps bullets found
(Sellers 1978}. The first (FS1353. 1633) has a flat nose, flat base, and three
cannelures: the second (FS1342, 1865°  muutssuomed at the nose but has a
nolicw base and is smooth bodied for a paper pa:.tu; the third (FS2076) is also
soushroomed but has a flat base and three knuried cannelures. The three
bullets have the distinctive Sharps sporting rifle land and groove imprints.

There is one .44-
or 45-caliber Sharps
bullet (FS1864) (Figure

4) 41c). The bullet’s diar.-

Po eter is about .46 irch,
SR = but it is slightly de-
a b c formed. The bulet has

a hollow base with a
smooth body for paper
patching. “he nose is
~ deformey, by impact.
—_ The lan ts and grooves
ad indice,e jt was fired in
a Sharps sporting rifle.

ae The builet distri-

) 7em bution suggests that
Sharps were nsed south

Figure 41. Various caliber bullets, a. 360 bullet, b..44 of the village, fired at
bullet. c, 44 or 45 Sharps bullet, d.-g. 50 bullets. the soldiers on the Trail,



Brg Hote Battlefield

that are presented to the site’s visitors to be as accurate as possible. During
the field investigations, the precise locations of cartridge cases and all other
artifacts were recorded in order to trace combatant n:avements and assess
the battle developments. Combatant positions can be evaluated on this ba-
sis also, but other cniteria are also relevant. Positioning is evaluated by ob-
serving variations in astifact densities and associations.

Within this overall context a number of specific issues can be ad-
dressed by the artifact distributions and spatial patterning of the artifact
mypes. These include location and extent of the Howitzer Capmre Area,
further clarification of the location and extent of niflepits in the Siege Area,
lines of attack, lines of retreat, location and extent of the Nez Perce camp,
and extent of the batide area.

CAMPAIGN EQUIPMENT

The Seventh Infantry brought with it to the Big Hole substantial
variety in military hardware and personal belongings. A third rescarch ob-
jective is directed toward evaluating the equipment of the infantryman on
field campaign with tespect to what is perceived to be the fully and properly
equipped soldier of the time (Chappell 1972).

A RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

Concern with bebavioral dynamics is not new in historical archeol-
ogy. even though battlefield archeology is a relatively new area of study (Fox
and Seott 1991). The battlefield model states that individual and unit move-
ments on the batuefield can be recanstnucted using pattern-recognition tech-
niques. The model also predicts certain types of behavior will be present
and will reflect the culture, training. and organization of the combatant groups.
The Big Hole inventory provides an opportunity to objectively test that model
and refine it by adding the artillery {the howitzer) and the Nez Perce camp
as factors.

The ability to translate artifact patterning into behavioral! dynamics,
particularly through the use of modern firearms identification procedures,
makes an important conuibution in this regard. Accordingly, research into
the Big Hole fight provides, in addition to new data bearing on the fight, a
framework within which the behavioral aspects of many other battles can be
studied.



Big Hete Battlefield

and used against ihe Howitzer. While the Sharps sporting rifle bullets are
few, their distribution is consistent with other calibers.

COLT .41-CALIBER

A single hollow-base .4] caliber bullet (F51483) was recuvered. This
bullez retains the Colt Jeft-hand rifling marks. The .41-caliber Long Colt was
introduced in 1877 (Barnes 1989:242) for the Colt Lightning revolver. Al-
though it is chronologically possible that a gun of this caliber could have been
present at the battle, the fact this bullet was found in the Siege Area where so
many post-battle cartridge cases and bullets were found suggests it is non-
battle related.

HENRY OR WINCHESTER MODEL 1866 .44-CALIBER, by Dick Harmon

There ave twelve .44-caliber rimfire cases (Figure 42a) in the Big Hole
collecdion and fourteen additional cases were recovered during the archeo-
logical project (Table 3). The 26 cases fall into three varieties. The majority
are the long case variety with a raised “H” headstamp in a circular depression.
The other varieties are long case with no headstamp and a long case with a
raised “L~ headstamp. The raised “H” headstamp indicates a Winchester
manufacture. This headstamp dates 1860 to 1890 (Barber 1987). The raised
“U" was manufactured by the Union Metallic Cartridge Company. The
headstamp was only used between 1875 and 1878 (Barber 1987). These cases
are likely tobe bate associated. The .44-caliber bullets relating to these cases
are described in the following section

The .44-caliber Henry rimtize cartridge was developed in the late 1850s
by B. Tvler Henry. the plant superintendent for Oliver Winchester at the New
Haven Arms Company. The company’s name was changed to Winchester
F. :peating Arms Company in the mid-I860s. Henry also developed the first
successful repeating rifle that would fire this cartridge by improving Smith &
Wesson’s Volcanic repeating arms which was a failure duc to the small caliber
and the extraction problems, Henry's conception of a flexible claw-shaped
extractor was probably the most important single improvement leading to the
success of the Henry Repeating Rifle and its .44-caliber rimfire cartridge.

There were approximately 100,000 firearms of the .44 Henry rimfire
caliber that could have deen on the frontier in 1877. The Henry rifle gained its
popularity during the Civi] War but was replaced shortly thereafter with what
Winchester advertised as the “Improved Henry,” the Model 1866 Winchester.

134


Chapter 4

The remains lay on top of a large rock hearth about six and one-half
feet in diameter. Hearths sith a similar construction are ethnographically
documented as used in roasting camas and other root crops (Steward 1938).
The size of the earth oven varies with the size of the group utilizing the oven.
Ethnographies describe a range betwee: 1.8 square meters and 7.4 square
meters (Spinden 1908). The !arge ovens involve cooperation among several
women for preparing large harvests.

The meadow around the camp presently contains jarge amounts of
camas, yampa, and other root crops. Wounded Head’s wife, Penahwemonmi,
recalfed that on August 8th mzny women dug camas and baked it overnight...

+. Many wornen “ho had camas were killed. Their camas were left where
they had baked it when we bad to leave. (McWhorter 1991:371).

This feature undoubtedly is a camas oven that had been in prepara-
tion during the days previous to the battle. The human remains found on
the rocks of the oven show nv signs of charring, so it is unlikely that the rocks
were hot when the remains were deposited. The sequence of camas process-
ang often called for digging the earth oven and gathering the wood and rocks
eae evening, then Hehting the fire to start heating the rocks the next morn-
tag. as the fire needed to be fed frequently during the first welve hours
‘Downing and Furniss 1968). The oven was probably prepared the day be-
fore the battle and the fire imay never have been lit. A small amount of
charcoal was found in the excavation, This amount may have become mixed
in the soil from charcoal in the oven working ils way up through bioturbation.
in Which case the oven was Jit, However, it may also have become mixed in
the soil following post-batile grass fires. Only by completely excavating the
oven would the question of whether or not it was fired be answered. The
excavations undertaken were to salvage the human remains, and the oven
itself was only uncovered to its margins.

The location of the body confirms the historical accounts of burial of
remains inside camas ovens. Throughout the village, the soil is fine-grained and
Gifficult to excavate. In addition, the thick grass cover is difficult to cut lhrough,
‘Thus, it is unlikely that people in a hurry would dig a large hole when either the
riverbank or the camas ovens were available. That the time was Laken to ensure
burial. even under the pressing circumstances, emphasizes the importance of the
bur:al of the remains in the Nez Perec culture.

The humans remacs are these of an unidentified young girl in her
tate teens. The skeleton was on top of a camas oven, which is consistent with

49



ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost we wish to acknowlzdge and thank Hank Wili-
sams, Jr.. for his interest and financial support. The National Park Service
seidom has the luxury of conducting an archeologica! research project that is
noi ued to some development project or some overriding management action.
Mr. Williams’ support allowed us to pursue this investigation for the benefit
of the park without being tied to a specific management requirement, Jt also
aVowed us to accomplish several management goals that otherwise would have
“waited their tum in the prioricy svstem. In addition, this project has had more
than ils fair share of those who have given their time, resources, and knowl-
edge without thought of compensation. Specifically Irvin and Riva Lee are to
De commended for their willingness ta ramrod the metal-detecting crew, They
voiunteered for the duration, a gen¢rous donation of time for which we are
wuh grateful.

Aubrey Haines visited us during the field investigations and gener-
fy shared his vast knowledge of the Big Hole battle history with us. His
aingness to loan material and respond to our questions is truly appreciated.
Former Unit Manager Jock Whirvorth and his entire staff provided much
support and aid during the investigations. Jock and his staff allowed us to
invade the park, and their good- natured acceptance of our disruption to the
daily schedule is acknowledged v'th gratitude. Cur thanks are also extended
to Eddie Lopez, Superintendent o: Grant-Kohrs Ranch Nationa) Historic Site
2nd former curator Randy Brie for their support.

Former Park fnterpreter Wilfred Otis Halfmoon and his family de-
serve special mention and thanks for the help rendered. More importantly.
Wiited’s efforts to sensitize us and the volunteers to the sacredness that the
Sez Perce feel for the site succeeded more than he realized,

Fisher Metai Detectors donated a pin-pointing detector at just the
right moment, and we extend a sincere thank you to them.

The assistance and support of Melissa Connor, Dick Harmon. and
Coileen Winchell in the field and in the office is gratefully acknowledged, and
sincere appreciatior: is extended.

Melissa Connor wrote the section “Camas Oven and Human Burial.”
which appears in Chapter 4. Lester Ross wrate the section on Trade Beads in
Chapter 7, Dick Harmon wrote ihe descriptions and analyses for the U.S.



Big Hove Battlefield

UTENSILS

A number of spoons, forks, and table knives were recovered in differ-
ent contexts. Most do not appezr to date to the battle period. Two fiddleback-
style iron spoons, one complete (FS1359} and one fragmentary (FS1769), were
recovered. The pattern post-dates the battle, so these table spoons may be
related to picnicking or homesteading activities at the site.

The bow! of a large brass serving spoon (FS2025) was found at the
north end of the Village. [t was broken into fourteen pieces and appears to
have been bent and crushed. The handle is missing. Large brass spoons of
this type are common mid-nineteenth century items and were often silver plated.
Brass spoons are well known in fur trade sites (Hunt 1986) and brass spoons
ofstmilar size and design were recovered from the 1856 wreck of the Missouri
River Steamboat Arabia.

A complete silver-plated spoon (92-10) was recovered in the Willows
Retreat Area near an old downed tree by Kermit Edmonds. Ii is a large table
spoon and is backmarked 1847 Rogers Bros. XH. This mark is attributed to
the *ell-known Meriden Britannia Company and was used after 1882 (Kovel
and Kovel 1961:340).

Three table forks were recovered. One (FS1263) is a four-tined
iidaieback styic tron table fork. This style post-dates the battle. The other
oo forks are both three-tined vaneties. One (F52028) is a very fragmentary
iron fork shank and tines. This fork was found in the Village and is probably
contemporaneous ith the batde. The last fork (FS1740) is ircn and com-
plete except for its wooden or bone slab handles. This fork was found at the
ease of the fan in the Siege Area. It is not a reguiation army-style mess fork
of the 1870s, but it is of a contemporary style. The style was common in the
nineteenth century, so it may have belonged to a pre-battle visitor, a soldier,
& volunteer, or even a post-battle picnicker.

A fragment of an iron utensil handle or tang (FS2]87) was recov-
ered in the possible tepee excavation. The tang is flat iron with three brass
rivets and with holes for two edditional rivets present. Bone or wooden slab
handles or grips may have once been present on the tang. The tang’s size
suggests it was once part of a small spoon or fork.

Two table knives, three pocket knives, and (vo sheath or belt knives
were found (Figure 40). One table knife (FS1039) is fragmentary. It is the
remnants of the fron tang. bolster. and blade. The handle grips may have
been bone or wood slabs. The other table knife (TS1793) is also incom-

170



Chapter 7

were chopped into bead-length segments for subsequent finishing, sorting, and
packaging. They are the most common beads, making up 97.8% af the bead
assemblage; and they are grouped inta two major classes based on the at-
nib tes of monochrome vs. palychrome and unfinished vs. finished.

The first class, Dtfm, consists of monochrome beads with a hot-
mumbled finish. After the drawn canes were cut into bead-lengih segments,
these segments were tumbled over a fire in a rotating container which, during
the mid-nineteenth century, may have contained ash and sand (Hoppe and
Hornschuch 1818), lime and charcoal (Bussolin 1847; Karklins with Adams
1990:72), plaster and graphite, or clay and charcoal dust (Francis 1979:10).

Forty of the beads found on the battlefield were assigned to the Difm
cass. and al! were of Type Ha, undeoorated “cylindrical” beads. This type of
bead is the simplest type of finished. drawn bead and is described as undeco-
rated with a circular cross section. It is the most common type at western
archeologicet sites; and at this site it represents 87% of the bead assemblage,
emsis in one form — short. with a torus to round shape — and was manufac-
tured from transparent and opaque glass. Three varieties are recorded (Table
10: Figure 43a-c).

From the analysis of beads from other archeological sites (e.g, Ross
1990), it has been ascertained that sizes can occur at regular intervals (e.g.,
.45-0,56 and 0.8-mm intervals). For beadmakers to obtain sizes measured to
such fine intervals. they sorted beads by sieving, using stacked, praded wire
screens (Bussolin 1847; Karklins with Adams 1990:73) with mesh openings
decreasing 0.4 to 0.8 mm per screen. Hand-sorting might have resulted in the
cteanon of these subtle and regular sizes, but it would have been labor inten-
sive. more costly, and perhaps not as accurate.

The second class, Dtfp. consists of polychrome beads with a hot-
tumbled finish. Beads of this class have muiti-colored layers produced in at
lgast two manners: 1) one or more layers of glass were applied to a central
core, and 2) layers were fortuitously created. Beads with applied layers were
drayn from a gather of glass of ane color, covered with one or more layers of
differently colored glass. Beads with fortuitous layers appear to have been
produced from a gather of one color. which upon cooling created multi-col-
ored layers (generally of the same coior hue, but with a different chroma,
ooior value, and/or diaphareity}. Once cooled, the polychrome canes were
chopped into bead-lengtk segments and were tumbled over a fire in a rotating
container. as described above. Only applied-laver polychrames are recorded.

159



Big Hove Battlefield

Mules reported to General Alfred Terry that the Nez Perce were armed princi-
pally arth Sharps, Springficlds, and Henrys, which is cunsisteat with Howard's
earlier observations, Miles was also very concerned that the Nez Perce had
used explosive bullets, wounding several of his men (Brown 1982:412).

Some direct evidence of firearms is available. A few relic firearms
were found during the earlier collecting activities. Thain White (n.d.) de-
scribes a relic Model 1856 Winchester found on the battle site about 1880.
consists of a barrel and frame. Originally the sideplates and numer-
7 parts were present, but they were Tost in subsequent years. White
Sat a partial serial number of” ” was present an the remainder of
tang, An unusual feature is present on the gun. A brass oval with an
:ped in the center has been let wato the upper barrel flat about 1/2
inch 2head of the frame.

Two Remington-made fircarms are also described by White (n.d.).
the frame of Remington New Model army revolver. It was found in
he river bank near the old bridge. The other Remington is a barrel
on of a rolling block rifle. [tis reported to have been found about 75
to ) vards northeast of the soldier monument located in the Siege Area. A
seria? tumber of “$1257 was found on the cleaned gun. It is reported as both
CLcaliber and 2 .43 Spanish caliber. If the latter, the gun would post-
te (Oe batile.

The final relic gun is a U.S. Rifle Model 1841 (Hicks 1961:70) found
during the 1991 archeological investigations ( Figure 22). With the exception
of the walnut stock the rifle was found carly intact and still assemblec in an
old sicugh at the edge of the Willows just east of the northern part of the
Village. However, the rille’s heavy brass butt plate and two iron butt plate
screws were not located even after a very thorough search of the area.

The patch box cover was found near the trigger guard and in an open
posites. The cover was hinged away from the stock, and the trigger guard is
slighty bent. This leads to the speculation that the rifle’s stock may have been
smasied or intentionally broken at the wrist. A radiograph of the rifle’s barrel
(Figure 23) indicates it was double loaded at the time it was destroyed.

During the soldiers’ retreat from the Village they gathered up rifles
from their dead and wounded comrades and other weapons found in the Nez
Perce Village. In the retreat the surviving soldiers broke the stocks, and re-
portediy threw them into the river (Haines 1991:72) in order to avoid having
therm used against the command. The Model 1841 Rifle may be one of the

66



Chapter 2

bring forward supplies. They arrwed late in the day and were parked in or
near the Siege Area. Howard's cavalry and later Howard himself with the
remainder of his command arrived at the Big Hole on the morning of August
it, effecting the rehef of Gibbon’s command after the Nez Perce had de-

partied.

Among the surmivors of G:5+ on’s command were thirty-nine wounded
{five officers, thirty enlisted men, end four civilians). Two wounded, Lt. En-
glish and one non-comissioned ofticer, squid die later. The dead on the
field totaled 29 (two officers. os Ost tc. five volunteers, and twenty-
one enlisted men). The actual Nez Perce count of wounded and dead is
unknown (Figures 7. $). Betwe fy and ninety are believed to have been
kolied. with at least ewo-thirds 0 worsen and children.

The number of dead 224 anunded was a destructive blow to the
Nez Perce. Coupled with the tess of harses as well as personal items in
this and earlier bates. thes & crippled and nearly destitute. Nonethe-
less. they did manage to continues tu elude the army for nearly two more

months.

4 —
SAE Se

[So <=. i
- ean eee

Saati Se em ar . .

5

eee vs Bete ome gy Say Fade, Latin met.
Senn iu re aan enn i ph Nee Fae Came eA to Sk ee lk
ee pad Be Ten tne Bry op att tee Ledges hed Sith iene

7. Sketch of the hattlefie.c sn i578 be Granville Stuart.



Big Hole Battiefield

found an iron-tipped lance which he hid away in a tree. Many years later he
went back to the site and recaw.ed the lance. All the historical accounts are
consistent in one respect. and that is. that firearms were the primary weapon
za the fight.

FIREARM TYPES

The different firearm types and their quantity are a central point to
the study of the Big Hole battle. From the fircarm types we can begin to
appreciate the variety of arms used by the combatants. Both the historical
documents and the archeological record provide seme insight unto the range
of weapons available and used in the battle.

The historical documentenon identifies a number of firearm types
‘nat were present at the attic. Civizan volunteer Riley Cooper is reported to
: ried a Henry rifle, serial number 6775 (Big Hole Nationa! Battlefield
+ Files), durmig the attack. Tom Sherril had a cap and ball revolver,
znd Lt. Jacabs’ servant. William Woodcock, is known to have carried a shot-

amy te

whate at the wagon train.

As noted earlier. the infantry contingent carried the Model 1873
Springfield rifle, while the cavaines: carried the Model 1873 Springfield car-
sing. Both arms were 45-caliber iffe 45/70 and the carbine .45/35-cali-
er. Officers and the cavalrymen would have aiso carried the Model 1873
Colt revelver in 45-caliber Lang Colt. Some officers may have used privately
purchased fircarms, as weil

The Nez Ferce arms are more difficult to identify, although there is
some documentation available. Yellow Wolf stated he utilized a Winchester
Model 1866 rifle, although he did capture several soldiers’ weapons during
the battle. At Big Hole he reported killing a wounded soldier with a war club
gad taking a government mile and belt (McWhorter 1991:117). Yellow Wolf
-ecailed several other battle episodes involving firearms, including "he one
related earlier involving the capture of a rifle and trowel bayonet (McWhorter
la9hc121h.

Yetlow Wolf also remembered that when he returned to camp from
ing Wiliows fighting he found severa! dead soldiers. He took their guns and
‘cmd bacon and hardtack of or near them. He ate the food (McWhorter
-y9}.138-0), He further reported that in the fighting near the south end of the
ten warriors firing trom shelter killed several soldiers and captured
yg guns and ammunipon McWhorter 1991:120)

44



Seg Hole Banlefield

used, but the tube was generally blown from the case when fired, thus leav'ng
may evidence behind to identify the lighter cavalry joad.

One hundred and thirty-six .45-caliber 405 grain bullets were found
= three varieties. All have three cannelures, but the bases have three differ-
cavity sizes, large, medium, and small. There are also several deformed
oalets that could not be sorted to a specific cavity variety. These builets had
een deformed on impact. AJ} these types are from government arsenal
s=agings or from government contract production (Lewis 1972}.

Firearms identification procedures were applied to all cases (Table
>. Twenty cases were too oxidized or eroded to compare and were excluded
the analysis, although included in the total cartridge case count. These
found in the Village Area or along the Retreat Line through the Willows.
Village Area and the Willows east of the river yielded 282 cases. There
= 2 minimum of 55 separate Springfields represented by the cases in the
orth end of the Village and 30 separate Springfields represented by these
im south end cf the Village. One case has a torn rim which suggests there
have been a case extraction problem. This case matched to a group of
other cases. This was the only one with evidence of an extraction prob-

The headstamped case matches seven other cases found in the Vil-
and in the Willows west of the river. Four groups also match to cases
and along the Retreat Line west of the nver, and four groups match to cases
ccuund in the Siege Area.

“sole 5. Springfield cartridges. bullets, and cartridge cases by Field Specimen
number.

aired .45/55 canridges: (specimens = 30)

“724. 1031, 1097. 1187, 1223, 1243, 1383, 1403, 1434, 1596, 1603, 1609, 1622,
“228. 1631, 1729, 1750, 1774, 1794, 1818, 1336, 1838, 1840, 1890, 1916, 1949,
* 958. 1971, 2006, 2164

amcige cases: (specimens = 524 [nurmoe: 766c has 11 cases])

*é¢, 215¢. 216c, 217, 218c, 219¢, 221. Z22e, 223c, 22de, 226c, 227¢, 228c,
252. ZIK, Zc, 242c, 233c, 234c, 235e, 236c, 237c, 23GB, 239e, 240c, 244¢,
24k, 2440, 245, 246c, 2470, 248c, 249e, 2536, Wc, 30Gc, 30BC, 30Sc,
311c, 312¢, 316e, 317¢, 31Bc, 321c, 3220, 326c, 327c, B1¢, 342c, 345c,
361C, W8Ge, 37 1c, 372c, 374, I7Ge. 377 ¢, 391c, 402c, 406c, 407¢, 409c,
4145, 4206, 421¢, 423, 426c, 427¢, 428, 429c, 435¢, 436c, 4370, 438e,

142



Chapter 5

That the trowel sayonet was definitely used in the battle is confirmed
in a number of reports: “Getting into position, the command at once began to
intrench, and although only two companies had trowel bayonets, and the sharp-
shooters fire was murderously accurate, a sufficient rifle pit was soon thrown
up..." (The New Northwest August 17, 1877, 9(7} whole number 424:2,
column 2),

Members of the Seventh Infantry vividly remembered the trowel bayo-
Ret and the service it rendered during the battle. The following is an excerpt
of a letter from Charles Loynes to L. V. McWhorter June 6, 1926, McWhorter
Collection, Washington State University Library Archives, Pullman, copy on
fie Big Hole Battlefield National Monument,

Our bayonets were nat of the Ordinary kind. The 7th Infantry was issued it
for an experiment what was then known as the “Rice Trowel Bayonet”, It
“as not as long as bayonets usually are - and with a broad surface at the
base - with one edge sharp to cut wood - ar anything else - and it could be
used to dig with - as it had a wooden shurt handle to place in the socket for

that purpose

Later Corporal Lovnes also recalled a specific use of the trowel bayo-
set “When in the entrenchments... | was ordered to crawl out followed by
Corporal Heides of ‘\ Company to cut some smail trecs with our trowel bayo-
nets” {letter from Charles Lovnes to L. V. McWhorter, June 1948, McWhorter
Collection, Washington State University Lintary Archives, Pullman, copy on
file Big Hole Battlefield National Monument),

Colonel Gibbon had very strong feelings abouc the wowel bayonet:
“[Gibbon| was sitting by 2 burch of willows when Major Clark and | walked up
io see him. Clark introduced himself and said, "You had a hard fight, Gen-
eral’, ‘i tell you. Major Clark, that we hadn't been in that fight but a short time
when [ thought it would be another Custer massacre, and to tell the truth,
there is only one reason, in my mind it was not. When we left Missoula we had
irom! bayonets issued to us: these were used with which to dig holes inta
which we got for protection. If it hadn't been for them. none of us, in my
opinion. would have lived to tell the tale.” {Noyes 1914:33).

In addition. one of the civilian volunteers recalled: “I had picked up
% trowel bayonet on the batiefield... It Proved to be the most valuable thing 7
ever had in my possession...” (Tom Sherrill to A. J. Noyes, ts ¢.:9, The Battle of
the Big Hole As I Saw It. manuscript SC-739, Montana Historical Society).
Yellow Wolf (McWhorter 1991:121} recalled that when he crossed the river

a


Big Hole Batlefield

Figure 3. A view to the northwest of the valley and village area.

tachment. One or more volunteers fired, killing the individual, which opened
the battle.

The Nez Perce killed was Wetistokaith or Natalekin, an old, nearly
blind man. on his way io tend his horses. At the first shots Comba’s Company
D on the right flank stopped about 75 feet from the river and delivered volley
fire low into the tepees. Captain Comba then ordered his men to charge across
the river and into the Village. near its southern end.

At nearly the same Gme Company K, in the center, also charged and
entered the camp, Sanno’s men alsu apparently fired into the tepees during
their char: The tepee nearest their line was a matemity tepee where the
bodies of a young woman and an older woman acting as midwife were found.

The Nez Perce were surprised and initially confused. Many men
grabbed their arms and, moving t« the north. south, and east, found refuge in
the Willows. along river meanders, and on the terraces east of the camp.
Women and children did the same. Some Nez Perce, reportedly mostly women
and child-en, ran across the meadow to the terraces to the east of the Village.
The warriors quickly returned fire from their cover.

14



Chapter 3

Figure 10, Metal detector line working in the Willows.

Excavation procedure was based on the concept of artifact pat-
tering, a central tenet in the research strategy. Provenience data. the loca-
ton in space and the position in the ground of each artifact. were consid-
ered of primary importance. We therefore excavated with great care sy as
io expose each artifact without disturbance. To this end every TECOVEry crow
member was thoroughly briefed on artifact patterning and the need for ex-
posing artifacts in place. Techniques for doing so were also demonstrated.

We used hand tovis. such 35 spades, trowels. and dental picks, to ex-
pose subsuriace artifacts. Tixcavators were assisted by metal detector opera-
tors to ensure in-place exposure. Detector operators provided pinpointing
and depth information to the excavator. thereby allowing a careful and accu-
zaic approgen to the artifact. In some instances accidental disturbance of the
artifact occurred, Information to that effect was left at the artifact location to
alert the recerding crew. Artifacts were rarely found at depths that exceeded
six inches.

Certain pravisions were made for discontinuing excavation at an arti-
fact location. Recovery team members were briefed on these provisions.
We required that excavation cease at any locatian where bone, leather,

3



Chapter 7

may be representative of surplus Civil War ammunition. The bullet shows no
evidence of deformation or land and groove marks. [tis possible that it was
fred in a smoothbore musket, although in al! probability it represents a lost

and unfired round.
MISCELLANEOUS AND UNIDENTIFIED ROUND BALLS

Round balls were usually fired in muzzle-loading firearms, which were
considered obsolete by 1876. However, muzzle-loading weapons continued in
use across the country for many years due to their wide availability and inex-
pensive price. Indians, as well as others, enjoved the use of these weapons,
because where a cartridge of the appropriate caliber could not always be found,
powder and ball were easily obtainable, if not from commercial sources then
by disassembling 2 cartridge for its components. Any lead bullet could be
reformed into a usable projectile by hammering or recasting in an appropri-
ately sized mold.

There are twelve round balls from the Big Hole battlefield. Onc
{FSi278) is appronmately .45-caliher. It is somewhat flattened by impact,
and no nifling marks can be identified. Another (F$1132) is so flattened by
impact that ils onginal diameter could not be determined. The remaining
balls (363c, 481¢, S68c, F51125, 1128, 1283, 1669, 2008, 2058, 2089) are about
-54-caliber. Unfortunately, rifling marks were indistinct on these balls, so spe-
cific firearm types could not be determined.

The bajis were recovered from two general areas. Two were found in
the Gmber above and south of the Siege Area. The others were found in and
south of the Village.

SHOT AND SHOTSHELLS

Thirteen pieces of shot from shotguns were found on the battlefield.
Three pieces are #000 size shot (FS3081, 1143, 1475), which are approxi-
mately 36 inch in diameter. Eight pieces are #0 size shot (675c, FS1475,
1379. 1654, 1691, 1722, 2100, 2101), one shot (F51726) is a #3 size shot, and
the last shot (F51943) is a size T. Two of the #0 shot are iron.

Three gauges of shutshells were recovered. Only the brass shotshell
heads remained. The paper hull had disintegrated. One 410-gauge shel!
(FS1945) is headstamped “REM UMC 410 NITRO.” The headstamp indi-
cates this shell was made by the Remington Union Metallic Cartridge Com-

153



Chapter §

INTERPRETING THE EVIDENCE

Combined here are the historica] documentary evidence and the data
derived from the archeological artifact analyses. Rather than insert detailed
artifact descriptions and analyses into the narrative, those details are presented
on Chapter 7.

In reading these interpretations, it is appropriate to keep in mind the
omme scene analogy presented in Chaptez 1. The historica! documentation is
analogous to the witness tesumony, and the archeological data is the event's
sical evidence. The artifact evidence gathered over the years has been
d to some degree in cartier interpretations. The 1991 archeological project
added significant new data. Combining the new archeologicat data with ear-
ser artifact finds and interweaving the hisiorical data creates a rich new tapes-
«ry for interpretation.

Interpreting the batue through archeological evidence is subject to
several biases. Uncontrolied refic collecting over the years has reduced the
total artifact quantity and has undoubtedly disrupted some artifact distribu-
uon patterns. However, the excellent collecting documentation of Aubrey
Haines and Kermit Edmonds. as well as the records of Don Rickey and Thain
‘White, has provided an important and substantial documentation on some
past collection efforts. Another bias to consider is that the battle is not the
ondy cultural event to have taken place at this location. Construction of fences,
Duildings, and roads, and even disposal of trasb have added to the battlefield’s
archeological record through time. The pre- and post-battle activities were
generally casily recognizable by datable artifact rypes. These biases were kept
1 mind as the interpretations were developed.

The battle of the Big Hole has one of the most extensive and richest
sets of documentary evidence available in the Indian Wars literarure. How-
zver, there are gaps and conflicts in that record, which is one reason the ar-
cheological project was undertaken. The archeological evidence does fill in
some gaps in the story and in some cases. does clarify conflicting historical
accounts, It also raises new questions in its own right.

The interpretations offered here are based on the analysis of the ar-
cheological evidence—the artifacts. Artifacts are the physical evidence of hu-
man behavior. They are the material culture remains of past activities. As



Chapter 2

72 5. The point of timbers at the base of the mountain that became the Siege
.r¢a Tor Gibbon’s command

‘Trail originally followed by Gibbon and near where the horses were
azing. This marksman harassed the retreat from the Village and through
Willows until Gibboa had owo of his marksman return the fire. The
soiciers. attempting to find the range (about 500 yards) walked their shots
=p the hill until the fire was effective. The warrior feil and rolled io the bese
= the hill

There was some hand-to-hand fighting along the retreat and sev-
more soldiers were killed. Several! Nez Perce warriors were killed or
unded. including one named Rainbow, The retreat became somewhat
zouc, even though Captain Rawn’s Company I covered the retreat, and
oAz man was lost along the way.

As the command reached the oid aliuvial fan. several Nez Perce
were already there and began to fire. The soldiers charged up the fan's
toe and pushed the Nez Perce across the gulch that dissected the
and up the hills on cither side ef the fan. Upon reaching the fan, Gibbon
ceployed his men in an area uheut 100 feet on a side near the eastern edge

7



Bg Hole Battlefield

There are four variations of bases and cannclures of the .44-caliber
TM : single cannelure-flat base (F53567, 1954), owo knurled cannelure-flat
hese (FS}061, 1074, 2077, 2084), three cannelure-raised base (341¢, 359c,
2384, 1416, FS1545), and four cannelure (FS1137). Seven bullets were de-
on impact, and on two (FS1568. 1991) the rifling marks could not be

ned.

Cannelure distortion, caused by black powder build-up in the bore,

aomezrs on a number of bullets, Repeated firing. twenty or thirty rounds,

out cleaning the bore causes this build-up to occur. Itis not surprising to

is evidence on the Henry and Winchester battle-related bullets, and it is

ent with the cartridge case misfire evidence discussed previously. These

be ependent lines of evidence tend to support the contention many of the
“arms were not clean or became fouled during the battle.

2

Thy .44-caliber bullet distribution shows three were found in the Vil-
ning in the Siege Area, and two in the Howitzer Arca, The builet
a is consistent with the 4t-caliber case distribution. The bullets
ecovered in the same general area as the cases. but not in proximity.
aces between bullets and cases is consistent with Miring from Nez Perce.
pesrens inta soldiers’ positions.

"*INCHESTER .44/40-CALIBER. by Dick Harmon

Only five cases of .44/4U-caliber (479¢, 1405c, FS1635, 1892, 92-8}
found at Big Hole. These brass cases are centerfire and were primed
¢ Winchester-Milbank primer. The .44/40 cartridge was first intro-
din I873 along with the lever action Model 1873 Winchester Repeating
There were approximately 25.000 guns of this model shipped from the
hester warchouse by the end of 1877. all 44/40-caliber (Madis 1979:132.

The Model }873 was a great improvement over the Henry and Model
LSE Decause it had been adapted to handle the heavier center-fire cartridge
n could he reloaded. This model was produced in thre. variations, rifle,
sme. and musket.

Firearms identification procedures determined that the four cases
esent four different guns. The gun represented by 479c was used near the
Area, while the gun represented by F5i635 was used along the Nez
Trail northwest of the Siege Arca. The gun represented by 1405¢ and
&92 was used in nwo places. Case 1405c was found near the southern ex-
wf the riflepits in the Siege Area. and FS1892 was found near the Howit-
Area.

146


Chapter 5

structure was well organized according to the manuals of the day, at Ieast for
the initial stages of the attack on the Village.

Before discussing the individuss firearm evidence from the Village it
is useful to establish the potential number of attackers. The following num-
bers are based on Haines (1991) history of the battle. Bradley's command
consisted of his mounted detachment and citizen volunteers. The number
would be 38 or fewer men. There were eight Second Cavalrymen and up to 30
volunteers that could have been with Bradley. However, some volunteers,
perhaps five, and a few soldiers were detailed co capture the Nez Perce horse
herd. The number of indsiduals involved ranges from five to 20, depending
on the souree’s memory, Thezefore, a maximum of 38 is used for Bradicy’s
command

Capiain Szmno’s Company K had 21 effectives according to the ros-
ters, and Comba’s Company D had 20 effectives. Logan's Company A had
oaiw 13 men available. although his command may have neen strengthened
with the addition of four men present as casuals from Company H. The initial
attack may have Deen composed of between 82 and 10] men. Gibbon’s re-
serve companies. F. G, and I. had 21. 27, and 18 effectives according to the
rosters. Company G had the largest contingent, and it is suspected that at
feast one cight-man squad was detached as a reserve, as argued in the discus-
sion on the Trail episode. Thus the reserve companies were composed of be-
tween $8 and 66 men. The officers, guards left with the wagons, and the haw-
itzer crew make up the remainder of Gibhon’s command. Aubrey Haines
{ personal communication Feburary 29, 1993) estimates the effective attacking
force to have numbered 113 with 49 in reserve.

The Viilage Area. that area cast of the river. accounted for several
hundred .45°70-caliber cartridge cases. The minimum number of individual
guns identified is 5%. One gun fired sixteen shots in the Village and five more
in the Willows west of the river. Four guns demonstrate movement frora the
Village to the Willows and to the Siege Area. Six guns also demonstrate move-
ment from the Wilzge to the Siege Area.

The Village cen he divided into two segments, north and south. based
on the concentration of artifact finds, The cartridge case data shows that 49
guns were used in the north Village Area and 21 in the south (Figure 26).
Thirteen guns were used tnt bath areas.

Most .45 “Os used in the Village have one or more matched cases.
There is clear evidence for movement of firearms between tincar groups of
cartridge cases, which appear tobe firing lines, Atleast five separate lines can

85



Big Hole Battlefield

TOBACCO TAGS

Two round todacco tags (FS1699, 1985) and one oval tag (FS1977)
were recovered in the Siege Area. Tobacco tags were developed about
1870 (Campbell 1964:100-104) to identify specific brands of retail plug to-
bacco as a genuine product. Tags were used by retailers to identify their
products for at lease seventy years. The context in which all three were
found suggests a batue-related assoviation, but this is not certain.

HARMONICA REED

The harmonica reed fragment (FS1S29) is brass and unmarked
(Figure 43¢). Harmonica parts are nol an unusual find in military sites
{Herskovitz 1978:76). This fragment is 1 inch wide, with an incomplete
tength of 1 1-2 inches.

TINKLERS

Two tinkler cones (Figure 47a), one of brass (FS1630) and one of
iron {FS1680). were recovered. The brass cone is | 1/2 inches long and
made of thin sheet brass. The iron cone is 1 3/4 inches long and may be
made of what was once a tinned iron. Tinkler cones are common decora-
live items in Native American sites of the nineteenth century. They were
used as decoration on both men’s and women’s clothing.

AWLS

Two offset or double-pointed awls (Figure 47b), one complete
(FS1451) and one incomplete (FS1405), were fonnd in the Siege Area.
The complete example is three inches Jong. with each end approximately 1
V2 inches long. The incomplete example is broken just beyond the step. It
appears to be of the same size as the complete artifact. Offset awls were
common trade items, and were usually hafted on one point with a wooden
or bone handle.

DECORATIVE DEVICES

A brass concha (FS1(29) and an unidentified brass object (F52126)
were found in the Village Arca. The concha (Figure 47e) is 1 3/4 inches in
diameter. it has a cemter bar with a fragment of rawhide still knotted to it.
The concha appears to be handmade of sheet brass with a D-shaped sec-

168



The Neg Perce. Yeit to deprived mums seus

S

“Se

ny SS

Se. re

after the battle.



2g Hole Battlefield

were also prone to sticking in the chamber if the gun barrel was ex-
szemely hot, which caused the capper Case to expand and jam. A comparison
wt the cases found at both sites demonstrates both battles used the so-called
sQort crimp to hold the Benet cup primer in the case. No long-crimp varictics
e identified on either battlefield. This indicates that the ammunition Sots
ere manufactured prior to mid-1877.

The primary difference between the two battles is in the presumed
caanner in which the cartridges were carried by the individual soldier. Ai the
2 Bighorn the soldier probably carried his ammunition ina Prairie belt, a
ly fashioned leather belt with leather loops to hold the cartridges. If
dges were not regularly cleaned. verdigris could develop and become
ase of extraction problems. By the ume of the Big Hole battle the army
adopted the canvas Model 1876 cartridge belt (McChristian 1982; Dorsey
This canvas belt also had canvas certridge loops. The Model 1874
zever cartridge box was leather but had canvas Joops to hold the car-
Thus the problem of verdigris development had been nearly climi-

How the Sioux and Cheyenne cerned their ammunition is not known.
xcept for notations that the Nez Perce captured some army cartridge belts, it
known how they otherwise castied their ammunition. Very few Big Hole
excheological cartridge cases exhibit any evidence of extraction failure. How-
ever. three cases fired in tro different .50 70 Springfields have torn heads that
extraction problems, Two 45°7fs are split. indicating they were fired
70-caliber gun. In this case it was also a Springfield. In all probability
une split cases caused some extraction problems. Thus we have three different
( Springfictds with apparent extraction problems. This translates to 13.6%
jeld .50/70s that had some wpe of extraction problem, at least as
enim the archeological sample.

One .45.70 case has; a torn rim. This probably occurred during ex:

chamber, thus requiring its removal ne hand. or with the gun’s cleaning
In any case it would have required the soldier ta stop fighting to clear the
joer. Several other cases were located thal were fired in this same weapon.
« athers exhibited any evidence of extraction problems,

Thus while there is evidence of extraction problems at the Big Hole.
Ss novappear significant, The 45 70 cases exhibited only one instance of
ction problems. The 50 74s on the other hand, and probably those in
Peree bands. exhibited over a 13% extraction failure. The army appears

fl


Big Hole Battiefield

a
b
c
0 Sir.
— ee oe
0 7eom

Figure 48. Cutung implemen, a. iron cleaver. b. iron belt knife with
brass tang rivets. c. iron belt knife with Lockwood logo on biade.

figuration suggesis a butcher knife or so-called scalping knife with a blade
about six to seven inches long.

Asmail iron cleaver (FS1106) was also found in the village. The blade
(Figure 48a) is about 3 1/4 inches long by 2 1/4 inches wide. The iron rattail
tang for a wooden handle is 2 1/4 inches long.

<n iron skillet handle {FS$1037) was found at the north end of the
Nez Perce Village. The handle fragment is slightJy curved and 9 1/2 inches
remain of its origina! Jength. It tapers from 1 1/2 inches wide at one end to
about 1 1/4 inches wide.

FISHING SPEAR
A large iron fork or two-pronged fishing spear was found in the

Village. It is handmade. probably by a home blacksmith since it is very
crudely done. The piece was cut from 3/8-inch flat iron stock and is 7 inches in

172



Big Hele Battlefield

10] 7em

Figure 2}. The scabbard fragment and trowel bayonet.

The Mode! 1873 trowel bayonct was designed es a muld-purpose tool.
it was meant to function primarily as an entrenching tool and hand axe. but
couid aiso double as a rifte-mounted bayonet. The socket, nonnally used for
mounting it to the nfl. alsa served as the handle for digging purposes. A
wainut plug could be inserted in the handle to provide a more secure grip.
Remnants of this plug handle were found on the archeological specimen. When
recovered, the bayonct was encased in the remnants of a scabbard, which indi-
cates the bayonet was carricd in its entrenching tool configuration, and not as
# Davonet.

56



Chepter 5

to have solved their extraction problem with the issuc of the canvas caruidge
belt. The Indians stil} had a few probicms, but not enough to cause them to

Jose the batue.

EVIDENCE OF SOLDIERS OR VOLUNTEERS’ PERSONAL
FIRFARMS

The Nez Pere certainty utilized personal fircarms during the engagc-
ment. Yellow Wolf is known to have used a Model 1866 Winchester as well as
captured army firearms. Five Wounds was given a magazine gun of an uniden-
ufied tNpe when he began his suicide charge into Battle Gulch (Haines 1991:85).
The soldiers and volunteers were issued the Springfield rifle in .45/70-cahiber
and .50 T0-caliber. respectively. [1 is also known that at least three volunteers
used a personal fircarm rather than the issued one. Riley Cooper used a Henry
rifle rather than the 5070: John Shinn utilized a magazine rifle of some type,
probably a Winchester (Haines 1991:89); and Tom Sherril used a cap and ball
revolver

The archeological .30'70-caliber cartridges cases indicate two
Remington Roiling Biock rifles were used in or near the Siege Area. One
cartridge case for a Remington .50 70 was found near the northeastern corner
of the riflepits several years ago. This string of niflepits is known to have been

used by volunteers. and the cartridge case association with the riflepits sug-
gests a volunteer may have used a Remington rifle. A second cartridge case
fired in another Remington was found to the east of the riflepits, but in the
arca known to have been used by the Nez Perce. The historical base maps of
the site also show numerous tree locations known to have been used as cover
by the saldiers and volunteers, as well as the Nez Perec. This second Remington
is not clearly associated with a soldier or Nez Perce position: however, it was
found near tro other .50/70 cases that can be shown to have been fired in a
gun that was used on the initial soldier attack line of the village and on the
harrow spit of land that was originally in a river meander. That zssociation
suggests tne second Remington may well have been a volunteer weapon as
well.

Att leasi one other individual weapon was used by a soldier or volun-
leer, Asingle ++-caliber rimfire cartridge case fired in a Model 1860 Colt
conversion was found near the northeastern riflepits occupied by some volun-
teers. Tt was im the same area as the Remington .50/70 case. Although the
archeological date and historical documentation are limited. there is evidence
for at least three and possibly four personal firearms being used by the volun-
teers during the battle.

81



Be Sipeaae REST AS eer ere

Chapter 6

CONCLUSION

General Observations

The archeological evidence presented on the fight is supported more
often than not by the testimony of the soldiers and Nez Perce battle partici-
pants. With the eyewitness accounts available it might seem the archeological
data would be redundant or superflucus. but it is precisely for this reason that
the archeclo : cai data base is important. The archeological information re-
covered from the Big Hole battlefield can be directly correlated with the his-
tori} accounts. This correlation of archeological data and interpretations
with tie historical accounts provides a means to assess the accuracy of the
interpretations draan from the archeological record. In essence, if the inter-
pretations of the arcbeological record demonstrate positive correlations with
the historical record. then the archeological interpretations are strengthened.
Asecond poimt is that where the historical record is incomplete or even silent
on individual movements, the archeological data may help to elucidate those
individual movements or participation.

Research Questions

The archeological investigations were guided by a research design
developed ai the outse? of the project. A number of research questions were
identified that appeared to be reasonable levels of inquiry. The research ques-
tions were Jivided into three sections. The first dealt with issues related to
Park management. the second with historical battle-related questions, and the
third with questions of particularism and matters of refining archeological
theory.

MANAGEMENT-RELATED QUESTIONS
The park's Statement for Managernent and Resource Management

Plan, Cultural Component identified a number of specific topics that archeo-
logical research could address.



Seq Hole Battlefield

The limited testing that occurred fully corroborates that the entrench-
cents were dug in the prescribed manner. The physical appearance of the
ining riflepits as weil as the test excavations demonstrates that hasty en-
nchments may have been expedient affairs. but they were dug in a pre-
cd mamnes.

Post-de positional Considerations

3. What is the scope and effect of later homestcading and agricultural
ities on the battlefield component of the site?

The Indian Camp locale was reported to have been plowed or possi-
>» disturbed by agricultural activities in the late nineteenth and early twenti-
‘emturies, There is no evidence of plowing in the valley arca within the
* houndaty. The valley was once a havfield. and does have irrigation ditches
hrough it. but was not plowed or othersise disturbed subsurface. A home-
ad anda blacksmith shop were Jocated in the area. The homestead site is in
Willows Area west of the river. The blacksmith shop occupies part of the
hern Camp Area. That area is disturbed, and the artifact patterns may
heve been partially disrupted in this area.

Balefield Modeling

4, What changes or refinements need to be made to the Post-Civil War
Betticficld Archeology Model as proposed by Scott et al. (1989) and Fox and
Scatt (1991)? The model states that individual, unit, and battlefield move-
mts cam be reconstructed using pattern-recosnition techniques, The model
ziso predicts certain types of behavior will be present, reflecting on the cul-

¢. training, and organization of the combatant groups.

Archeological studies of historic sites are often used in a confirma-
zap role (No) Hume 1969). Validation srudics have been undertaken to de-
termine correlation levels of archeological and historical! data. Several studies
sou 1977; 1973) have shown the techniques of archeology to be a valid means
construct events ot the past. These studies have also shown that no pre-
© OF One-to-one correlation bemeen an event's historical documentation
d the archeological record is likely to exist. The level of correlation is often
Jent, but each of the nto data sources provides information not contained
other. [tis at this point that the value ot historical archeology becomes
arent. Historical archeology can add new details to the story, but its real
lug is in the fact that it is not history, but anthropology. Historicai archeol-
is @ means to study the recent past with an cye toward gaming a greater

120



Chapter 3

items, photographs of the general find areas, general descriptions of the find
stiles. and interpretations of the significance of the finds. Although undated,
the report may have been completed in 1961 or 1962, based on a dated adden-
dum by Gordon Pouliot, another collector. White completed a number of
other reports on his collecting activities at other historic battlefields, many of
which are on hile at Big Hole National Battlefield.

Duning the same era National Park Service Regional Historian Merrill
Mattes requested that Custer Battlefield Historian Don Rickey, Jr., visit Big
Hole and conduct a metal-detecting test of selected areas where he located
the probable site of the Company K firing line at the edge of the Willows.
Rickey (1959) arrived at Big Hole in mid-July. He conducted a limited metal-
Getecting inventory in the Siege Area, the Nez Perce Village. and in the Wil-
iows adjacent to the Village. Rickey recovered a number of cartridge cases
asd bullets. He also found a brass army spur and a brass buckle from an 1876-
pattern cartridge belt in the riflepits in the Siege Area.

Rickey had the foresight to stake the locations of his finds and draw a
sketch map of the battlefield and find locations. This information was later
incorporated into an archeological base map developed by Aubrey Haines.
Folieswing Rickey, another private citizen, C. W. (Bill) Judge, metai-detected
in the village area. According to Acting Site Manager Jack A. Williams (1961),
Mz. Judge found thirteen .45,70 cartridge cases along the river and in the Wil-
jows adjacent to the Village. Judge also found a brass thimble with a hole
punched in the end for suspension and a brass open-frame belt buckle. Will-
tams provided a sketch map with a rough focation of Judge's finds.

Aubrey Haines (1961), acting superintendent for two years of the Big
Hole National Battlefield, reported finding Lhe remains of a blacksmith shop
ip the Indian Camp area. The shop is assumed to date to the pest-bartle home-
steading period. He documented the find in a report to Headquarters in
Yellowstone.

Aubrey Haines (1966a) then set himself about the task of correlating
the previous find sites and the artifacts. Edmonds (1964) reports that Aubrey
Haines made attempts to recover battle-related artifacts in a systematic way
between 1959 and 1964. Haines and others used detectors to recover battle-
ted artifacts. marking the discovery sites with stakes. nails, and bolts bear-
ng Stamped field numbers or affixed numbered aluminum tags. In 1964, Haines
established a 50-foot-square and a 100-foot-square grid system aver portions
of the Big Hole Baulefield site. Datum points were set in concrete and marked
for future reference. About this time Edmonds { 1964} constructed a master

3



Bug Hole Batiletield

There are six varieties of bullets (Figure 41d-g) from .50/70's in the
collection. Undoubtedly, the forty-two bullets represent individual
=znufacturer’s castings, swagings, experiments, or preference in design of
Sehets. Most bullets (Table 9) in the collection are a three-cannelure type
22th only minor variations distinguishing them. The single most common .50/
~ bullet is the one used in most of the standard-issue cartridges up to 1868
Lewis 1972:28). These bullet variations simply represent the ammunition
ailable to the army and Nez Perce at the time of the battle. The type» were
xhibited by the army during the 1876 International Exposition in Philadel-
phi (Lewis 1972).

Thirty-three bullets were deformed to varying degrees as they struck
ject. Several bullets have gouges or grooves on their surface, some were
roomed by impact, and others had deformation of the bullet tip. These
rmations were caused by impacts of undetermined origin.

The bullet distribution is similar to other calibers. Bullets were found
concentrated in the Indian Village, the Siege Area, and Howilzer Area, This
:s consistent with other calibers and further delineates the combat zones.

CALIBER 58

A single .58-caliber minnie ball (524c) was found on the battlefield.
The conical ball with 2 hollow base is identical to Civil War—issue rounds, and

Jane 9, Caliber .50/70 bullets by Fi Field Specimen number and type.

Cadet - two cannelures with flat base e(1 specimen}: 1353c

<nurled cannelure - three knurled cannelures with flat base (1 specimen):
TRB

=sperimental with deepened cannelures - three cannelures and small raised
pase (1 specimen}: 1819

Experimental paper patched - three cannelures with large raised base (3
soecimens}: 1339, 1445, 1792

Excerimental with extra tin added - three cannelures and flat base {13 speci-
mens): 1339, 1575, 1634, 1636, 1643. 1655, 1659, 1742, 1832, 1910, 1937,
“967. 2017

Stendard issue - three cannelure with smali hole in base (23 specimens}:
P51¢, 387c, 3460, 3976. 532, FS1071. 1076, 1082, 1089, 1096, 1287, 1299,
“347, 1370, 1565, 1615, 1642, 1645, 1790, 1912, 1948, 1987, 1992

152



Chapter 7

The socket was aiso onginally stamped along its axis with “PAT APR
16 18-72,” but this is obscured by pitting on the archeological specimen. The
socket was also fitted with a wainut handle. The socket was rotated in the
same manner to fit it 10 the rifle barrel, and the walnut handle inserted. A
steel pin or stud in the handle retained it in the socket. The archeological
specimen’s dimensions are nearly the same as the specifications noted above.
The differences can b« attributed to loss of metal due to oxidation. Remnants
of the walnut handle are in place in the socket, indicating the bayonet was
being carried in its entrenching tcat configuration.

When recovered. the bayonet was encased in the remnants of a
scabbard. A brass Gp covered the bayonet poirt and the whole tool lay on
the oxidized remains of a iron scabbard liner. Above the socket lay the
remnants of the jeather belt loop, held in place by a brass “USTM rosette or
escutcheon, ‘The original scabbard consisted of two picces of bridle leather
covering sewed over tie iron liner form, secured at the base with 2 brass
finia! with a flat tip. Tne finial was secured to the scabbard with two small
rivets. A vertical leather-covered sheet-iron tab was riveted to the liner,
This tab attached to a Jeather belt loop by means of a cast-brass rosette or
escutcheon with a ~USTM cast in the center. Reilly (1990:184} believes about
10,000 scaisbards were produced in fiscal year 1875, although he may mean
fiscal year 1876 (July 1, 1875 to June 30, 1876). Production was complete
by February 1876. and issuance for ficld trials halted by the end of 1876.

HAVERSACK HOOK

A single brass adjustment hook (F$1701) for the Civil War-cra knap-
sack was found in the Siege Area in a riflepit. This adjustment hook (Figure
45f) was also used on the Mode! 1872 haversack (Douglas McChristian, per-
sonal communication August 14, 1991). The hook probably represents the
use of a haversack rather than the obsolete knapsack.

CARTRIDGE BOX ESCUTCHEON

A possible 1874-pattern McKeever cartridge box escutcheon
(F31743) was found in the Sicge Area. It is iron and brass plated, and still
retains its three attachment rivets. Most McKeever cartridge box metal
parts were solid brass. although there are known variations. It is also possible
this escutcheon is part of a later lady's purse catch or closing device.



47,
48.
49,

Tn eee Eee eee

A military shoe sole and percussion cap pouch ..
Miscellaneous Nez Perce items lost in the battle
Cutting implements .......
A Madel 1859 picket pin

vi



Chapter 7

Table 2. .44-caliber rimfie cases.

Fretd Spacimen Headstamp Firing Pin Fired in
or Coliaction Impants Gun Type
Number

174¢ H 2 Henry*
353¢ U single Colt 1860
415¢ H 1 Henry
422¢ H 1 Henry
424 H 4 Henry
430c K 2 Henry
431¢ H 1 Henry
433 H 1 Henry
434c H 1 Henry
708¢ none 3 Henry
715¢ none 4 Henry
1342c H 1 Henry
1033 H untfiredt
1044 H 7 Henry
1045 H 7 Henry
1260 H 2 henry
1291 none 8 Henry
1292 H 2 Henry
1293 H 4 Henry
1204 H 5 Henry
4454 H single Cott 1872
1471 u 1 Henry
1995 H unfired
19'8 H i Henry
2083 U 1 Henry
2097 H 1 Henry

* = Henry or Model 1866 Winchester rifle or carbine.

The “Improved Henry” was easier to load. tighter in weight, and it was pro-
duced in three variations.

Both weapons were very popular on the frontier during the 1870s and
highly sought after by the Indians, not only for their rapid firing ability, but
they were also very eye-anpealing (Parsons 1955:69). They were often called
“Yellow Boy” or “Yellow Fire Stick” by the Indians.

135



Chapter 7

Tatte 5 Continued,

43S:

498,
5SES2.
57S.
5BGc,
67" 2.

oe
TI
74sec

TER,

TSe
785e
Be

* 3.

1 O64

we Nh

8

g

giagee

re

;

22

ae

Ja §

. 4400, 4410, 476c, 477c, 487¢, 488c, 489c, 490c, 491c, 492c, 493, 494c,
498c, 497c. 498c, 499c, S00c, S01c, 502c, 503c, S04, S3¢, 5d4c, 547 c,
554c, 557¢, 558¢, 550¢, S61c, 562c, 563c, 564c, S65c, 566c, 567, 569c,
§7 1c, S72c, §73c, 574c, 576c, §78c, 580c, 581, 582c, 583c, 584¢c, SE7c,
5eSe, 594c. 595c, 596c, 597¢c, 600c, 6016, 605c, 606c. 607c, 6080, 609c,
673c. 700c, 703¢, 704c, 705, 707¢, 709¢, 710c, 713¢, 717¢, 7186, 719,
T2ic, 723C, 72dc, 725¢, 7G, 727c, 72Bc, 729, 7307, 7316, 732¢, 733c,
735c, 737c. 738c, 739c, 740c, 741¢, 7436, 7440, 745c, 746c, 747c, 748c,
750c, 7516, 752¢, 753¢. 754c, 755, 756c, 757c, 758c. 759¢, 760, 761c,
7E3c, 764C, 765¢, 766, 767c, 768, 750c, 770c, 77 1c. 7720, 773¢, T74c,
T?hE, 777. 77BS, 779c, 780c, 7810, 7B2c, 783C, 784c, 7BSc, 7B6c, 7B7c,
789e, 790c, 791, 792c, 7936, 794c, 795c, 796c, 797, BOO, BOI, BO2c,
S08c, &2Bc. 838, 839c, B43c, 844c, B45c, 12216, 124dc, 1308c, 13366,
1281c, 1383¢, 1391¢, 1408c, 1429c, 1046, 1047, 7051, 1054, 1059, 1063,
1065, 1066, 1067, 1068, 1070. 1072. 1073. 1080, 1031, 1092, 1093, 1095.

3.4313, 1119, 1442, 1145, 1146, 1147, 1151, 1152, 1353, 1155, 1160, +167,

1175, 1177, 4179, 1180, 1181, 1482, 1183. 1194, 1736, 1190, 1193, 1192,
31G6. 1196, 4197, 1198, 1199, 1200. 1202, 1204, 1205, 1206. 1207, 1208,
1212. 7243, 1214, 1215, +217, 1218, 1220, 122%, 1222, 1224, 1225, 1226,
1228, 1229, 1230, 1231, 1232, 1233, 1204, 1235, 1236, 1237, 1238, 1239,
1261, 1242. 1244, 1245, 1246, 1247, 1253, 1254, 1259, 1268, 1269, 1272,

- 1279, 1280. 1282, 1284, 1285, 1286, 1300, 1301, 1302, 1304, 1305, 1306,

7908, 13909, 1340, 1311, 1312, 1313, 1344, 1318, 1316. 1917, 134B, 1319,

. 1321, 1323, ° °° 4, 1325, 1329, 1930, 1332, 1333, 1334, 1335, 1336, 1355,

1375, 1378, 1, 1408, 1400, 14€9, 1474, 1597, 159°, 7600, 1601, 1602,
605, 1607, 1008, 1612, 1613, 1615, 1618, 1620, 1621, 1623, 1624, 1625,
644, 1646, 1725, 1744. 1735, 1736, 1737, 1738, 1750. 1758, 1759. 1763,

‘765, 1756, 1767, 1768, 1771, 1773, 1775, 1776. 1778. 1783, 1784, 1785,

+788, 1789, 1791, 1795, 1796, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1805, 1806, 1809, 1810,
- 1815, 182%. 1822, 1623, 1831, 1841, 1842, 1843, 7644, 1845, 1851, 1853,

1915, 1973, 2004, 2019, 2020, 2021, 2043, 2044, 2045, 2046, 2047, 2048,
- 2050. 2051. 2052, 2053. 2054, 2055. 2056. 2027, 2054. 2065, 2068. 2067,
. 2070, 2086, 2001, 2092. 2110, 2119, 2120, 2121, 2122, 2123, 2128, 2160,
. 2163. 2164, 2192, 92-2, 92-3, 92-4. 92-5, 92-6

Large cavity bullets: (specimens = 106)
2° Ox. 2200, 262c, 258c, 332c, 362c, 365c, BA2c, WGC, 552c, SBEC, 702c, 722¢,

Bors

1028,

c= = 8}

. §20c, BB0C, 1365¢, 1392c. 1003. 1004, 1012, 1021, 1040, 1042, 1043,

. 1050, 1058, 1060, 1069. 1101, 1107. 1440, 1123, 1429, 1157, 1188, 1277,
3295, 1297, 1341, 1346, 1350, 1357, 1361. 1962, 1363, 1364, 1365, 1373,
» T8384, 1402, 1413, 1433, 1446. 1551, 1606. 1611, 1697. 1647, 1653, 1658,
1661. 1662. 1685, 1668. 1673. 1674. 1677, 1678. 1705, 1708, 1715, 1724,

143



Chaptor 7

Tattle 7. .50/70-caliber cartridge cases.

"| Fea Specimen Headstarnp
. or Coflecton
\ Number

211¢ none

2250 none

287c none

290 none
2930 £. Remington and Sons

340e none

395c none

405¢ none

408c none

4120 none

4136 none

416c * none

419¢ none

S20c none

E21e none

522¢ none

: 549c nene

S55e none

359c none

385c none

B19c none

s22¢ none

S24c none

&25c none

829c none

Bc none

134€c none

1216 none

1219 none

. 1326 none

‘ 1227 none

' 1328 mone

1420 none

i 1422 none
1446 E.Remington and Sons

1544 none

1610 none

bi -<1-) none

Berdan
Berdan
Boxer
Berdan

Berdan

Springfield
Springfield
Springfield
Springfield
Remington?
Spring‘ield
Springfield
Springfield
Sharps
Springfield
undetermined
Springfield
Springfield
undetermined
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfield
undetermined
undetermined
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfield?
Springfieid
Springfield
Springtield
Springfield
undetermined
undetermined
undetermined
Springfield
Springfield
Remington
Sharps
Springfield
Springfield?

149



Big Hole Battlefield

Test Unli 3

° st
———_—=
. o 23cm
a ‘
“ .
a 2
a
cy
¢
sot 4 t .

Pseoinretior
: = ae . .

Figne 13, Test excavation unils at the possible tepee site.

proximately 20-foat- diameter area for the artifact distribution, and the concentra-
of most materials in a 3-foot square (Test Unit 1) suggests the items were
Grsinally confined by some cultural feature. However, there is no indication of
the ape of feature. The feature may have been a pile of material that was gath-
ezad by the soldiers for desuction. Another interpretation is this group of arti-
izcis represents the site of a Nez Perec tepee. Although there is no physical
zexdenoe to confirm a tepee site, the location at the northwest edge of the Village.
the types of debris, and the spatial distribution of the artifacts in a relatively
confined area suggest a feature like a tepee might be the source.

40



10.
11.
12.
13.

14.

15.

16.
17,
18.
19.

Ji ds Ge YI ty I bo Lo fo to
BSE SSRN Re

as

a

yd dat aa Go

oH

&

BEGGS

te
mn

Metal detector line working in the Willows ..
Metal detecting and artifact recovery in the river
The Nez Perce, Yellow Wolf, depicted many years after the battle .... 38
Test excavation uni?s at the possible tepec site
A .360-caliber cartridge case found in the tepee test excavations ..
Test excavations at the site of the burned tepee
Riflepit test excavations in progress.........
Profile of riflepit as seen after excavation we
Profils drawing of the riflepic... sees wee AS
Sitlepits( in use in 1898 je auring training ¢3 exercises s for the War with

Spain ... - seteeerees
Pian view “Of the c camas oven 1 feature .

The trowel] bayonet and seabbarc fragment
The Model 1841 Rifle during recovery operations .
Radiograph of the rifle barre}.
A complete Modet i841 Rifle
.360-caliber cartridge components ....
Map of .45/70 cartridge case matches
Distribution of .45/70-caliber cartridge cases
Distribution of .50.70-caliber carwridge c2 cases
Map of .50:70 cartridge case matches ..
Distribution of .45;70-caliber bullets ..
Posited initial troop movements at the Big Hole Batile
Posited sevond-phase troop deployment during the battle
Distribution of .44-caliber rimfire cartridge cases ..
Map of .44-caliber rimfire cartridge case matches ..

. Sharps, Spencer, .44-caliber, .50/70-caliber, other bullet

distribution
Posited third-phase troop movements ts during the battle
Map of the Siege Area showing the bluff line and riflepits
One of the Siege Area riflepits with interpretive devices ..... ae
The interpretive device indicates the area where Five Wounds is
thought to have been killed during the battle... esses wee 113
Distribution of knives found during the investigations, and location

of a Model 1841 Rifle... w. 129
Various caliber bullets . w. 133
Various caliber cartridge cases, 136
Glass beads from the presumed repee site 162
brass bead ... . 163
Miscellancous cloth: ng and personal it HOMS ©. sereeeeseetecececerereees 165



Big Hole Batiletieid

Before excavations commenced at any unit, we inspected the sur-
face visually and subjecied the unit to metal detection. Each unit was exca-
vated with hand tools after vegetation and sod had been removed with skim-
ming shovels. Al! soil from the excavations was screened through one-
quarter-inch hardware cloth as it was removed from the excavation unit.
Artifacts were left in piace as they were found. Field notes were taken dur-
ing the excavation. appropriate excavation forms were filled out, photographs
were taken. and the excavation was mapped.

LABORATORY METHODS

The methods employed in cleaning the artifacts are the standard tabo-
reiory procedures of the Midwest Archeological Center. Essentially they con-
sist of washing the accumulated dirt and mud from each artifact and then de-
termining the condition of the artifact tosee whether it requires further clean-
ing or conservation. Most cartridge cases that were subjected to firearms iden-
ufication procedures required a treatment in dijute glycolic acid to remove
oxides that had built up on them during the years they were in the ground.
After it was cleaned and stabilized. each artifact was rebagged in a self-seai-
ing. inert, clear plestic bag vith 1s appropriate FS number on the bag. The
artifacts were then identified. sorted. and analyzed.

The identification. sorting. and analysis consisted of dividing the arti-
facis into classes of like objects and then subsorting the artifacts into further
ideniifiable discrete types. For exemple. all the cartridge cases were placed
together and then sudsorted into their respective types, such as .¢5/70-caliber
Springfield rifle cases of 44-caliber Henry rimfire cartridge cases. Some aru-
facts were sorted to even more discrete levels if warranted, such as the .44-
caliber Henry cases inte long and short cases. headstamped and not
headstamped. and paired firing pin marks and multipic pairs of fring pin marks.
Sorting and identification of the artifacts were undertaken by personnel expe-
rienced with artifacts of this period, who compared the artifacts with type col-
jections and with standard reference materials. The pertinent reference ma-
teria] ts cited in the discussion of the particular artifact.

Selected arnfacts. the firearm. the trowel bayonet, and some belt

fives, were treated in an electroivsis bath. The bath removed the oxidation

from the metal. Once the oxidation was removed, the metal was washed in

Gisulled water. dried. and coated with a clear microcrystalline wax. Leather

items were stahilized using Lexol leather treatment. All artifacts were cata-

loged in accordance with the Nationat Park Service Automated National Cata-
loging System requirements.

34



Chapter 5

Yellow Wolf's (McWhorter 1991;149-50) account of the howitzer in-
cident identifies six mounted Nez Perce as responding to a scout’s spotting of
the cannon movement. Yellow Wolf and the other warriors had been near the
Siege Arca when the howitzer was spotted. They rode up the hill and fired at
the soldiers, killing one and driving the remainder away. Wattes Kuonin
(McWhorter 1991:149) was also involved in the attack on the howitzer. He
describes the incident by noting that two Nez Perce came down the hill to-
wards the cannon while he rode up the hill. When he arrived at the cannon,
only one soldier was left. He was firing, possibly over his shoulder, at the
attackers. He was killed. This may have been Corporal Sale.

Yellow Wolf (McWhorter 1991:150-51) thought they had run off about
ten or eleven soldiers in the howitzer and pack mule fight. He also believed
that about 30 Nez Perce were gathered around the captured ammunition crates
after the fight. The time interval between the fight and the interview with
McWhorter may. in Yellow Wolf's mind, have exaggerated the total numbers
of individuals involved. It is also possible Yellow Wolf collapsed two separate
but closely spaced incidents into a single episode in the re-telling. But. Yellow
Wolf appears 10 have remembered the ratio of Nez Perce to soldiers fairly
well, if the archeological firearms data portray the fight accurately.

Gibbon (Haines 1991:76) suggested the private soldiers, who were
recent recruits and fled the howier fight. were cowards who fled without a
fight. The cartridge case evidence does point to limited Gring by three indi-
viduals who had .45/70 Springfields. Assuming that all .45/70 cases represent
soldiers and not Springfields in Nez Perce hands, the cartridge case distnibu-
tion patterns indicate the soldiers were outnumbered at least 2 to 1 by the Nez
Perce. The Nez Perce brought to bear, against the soldiers, at least eighteen
firearms, including five repeating firearms. They also surrounded those using
the .45/70 Springfields. The cowardice issue aside, the soldiers with the how-
itzer were surrounded by a force of superiorly armed Nez Perce. Their choice
seems simple. they might fight to the death or retreat in the face of superior
forces, and they chose the latter.



Figure 2. Map of the Big Hole National Battlefield showing the main
topographic and historic features,



Chapter 1

History and Historical Archeology

The accumulation of historical literature pertaining to the Big Hole
fight is sizable. Most of the uncertainties in historical perspectives of the
fight stem from limitations in the primary historical record, This primary
record consists mostly of eyewitness accounts. There is no dearth of testi-
mony available regarding events during the battle. In fact, the Big Hole is
one of the best historically documented battles of the Indian Wars. As might
be expected, though, these accounts must be critical’ examined, and histori-
ans have long recognized this. The soldier, civilian, and Nez Perce accounts
are fairly consistent. However, there are some contradictions and ambigu-
ities between and among participant accounts. The major ambiguity in the
testimony seems to lie in the nature of Indian warfare and perhaps all war-
fare. Regardless of training or cultural affitiations, individuals rarely witness
more than a few incidents in a fight. Jt is thus difficult to piece together
various individual testimonies in order to form a coherent account, in our
own cultural terms, of the fight’s process. With participants who do not
speak the English language fluently, even straightforward accounts are sub-
ject to interpreter error.

Inconsistencies berween accounts is an example of confusion in the
tustorical record. Some individuals may have been participating in their first
combat action: thus their memories may have focused on the most memo-
rable event they witnessed. Others were old hands at combat and were per-
haps less excited than the recruits, allowing them to remember more details.
However, in any situation the individual's personality comes into play as
well. Contributing to this is the tendency, in some instances, for testimonies
to change over ume aS memories dimmed. Some accounts were not written
down until 30 or more years after the fight, and there may be situations
where closely spaced separate events were collapsed into, and recounted as,
a single episode. Finally, eyewitnesses, who could not have anticipated the
future. generaily failed to comment on, or were less than specific about, de-
tails that are of interest today.

Contradictions punctuating the historical record cannot be resolved
through studies of the historical record alone. The physical evidence and
spatia] patterning contained in the archeological record should help to re-
solve some of these issues. It ts equally recognized that historical archeology
does not represent the “last word” in the study of the Battle of the Big Hole.
On the conuary, the work is complementary to history and is a vehicle by
which new data can be brought to bear on historical problems. The archeo-
fogical record is only a new set of data contributing to the study of the battle.

7


2ifle Model 1841, the Henry or Winchester Mode! 1866 .44-Caliber, and the
Winchester .44/40-Caliber sections in Chapter 7.

E A. Calabrese, Manager of the Midwest Archeological Center, Na-
nz Park Service, provided logistical and moral support for the project, and
¥ Center staff members fielped ip various ways. Carrol Moxham and Janet
3ourtson did their usual fine jobs of tackling the iMustrations. Kris Harmon
ded pen and ink drawings of the Modei 1841 Rifle and the trowel bayo-
zt. Amy Koch cleaned and sorted the artifacts for the analysis.

Drafts of the report were reviewed and commented on by several in-
s: Jock Whitworth, Big Hole National Battlefield; Adrienne Ander-
Ann Johnson, of the Rocky Mountain Regional Office; Aubrey Haines;
2d Kermit Edmonds. These historians and archeologists provided very use-
*_) comments and criticisms, which have been incorporated. Any remaining
Tors are, of course, our responsibility.

Last but not least, we wish to extend our most sincere thanks and
cation to the individuals who volunteered to assist in the fieldwork These
olunteered hundreds cf hours of their own time with no thought of
nse. We had the good fortune to work with many dedicated, enthusi-
nd knowledgeable people, and we gained much from the experience,

This volume is dedicated to those volunteers:

Derek Batten Bobby Hughes JoAnn Schawgo

arohn Bernaski Jo Johnson Heidi shank

Dos Bohna Nina Johnston Randy Shipman
Lee Kreutzer Glen Swanson
Jolene Langan David Thom
Irvin Lee Georgia Thrower
Riva Lee Rex Thrower
Lewis Malm Mike Tumer
Douglas McChnistian Barbara Ulmanis
Mary McChristian Mike Venturino

. Sandy McFerland Mike Ward

oon Hefferman Robert Morrow Cheryl Wilfong

Raiph Heinz Dean O'Counor P Willey

Howard Hoovestol Brian Pohanka Ralph Wilscy

Marka Howe Mary Ringhoff Yvonne Wilsey


Big Hole Batttefietd

by Jefferson Davis during the War with Mexico. The rifle soon proved to be
an excelent weapon in the hands of the elite Regiment of Mounted Riflemen.
It gained its commonly referred to nickname cf “Mississippi Rifle” during the
famous Battle of Buena Vista where Davis's troops used it with good effect
(Armold 1973:14-21). The rifes also saw much service during the Civil War.

The rifle had a 33-inch barrel with seven-groove rifling. The .54-cali-
ber ritle fired a patched spherical ball using 75 grains of black powder. Many
Mode] 1841 Rifles were later rebored to .58-caliber with 3-groove rifling in
order to fire the new .58-caliber hollow-based Minnie bullets which were in-
woduced in 1855. The rifle has always been considered by arms scholars 25
the most handsome of the U.S. military shoulder arms ever issued. The fa-
mous “Mississippi” rifle with its brass mountings and the brass-framed Henry
and Model 1866 Winchester were very eye-appealing and highly sought after
by Indians {Harmon 1987:73).

In 1877 the army (1879 Ordnance Department, Ordnance Notes
115) required the various frontier departments to assemble and forward to
Springfield Armory guns captured from various hostile Indian groups. About
400 guns were tured in. and among those were several Model 1841 “Mis-
sissippi” Rifles. Some cre still retained by the army at Springfield Armory
National Historic Site and Rock Island Arsenal Museum. A captured Model
1841 Rifie at Rock Island Arsenal was found to still be loaded with a heavy
charge of blaek powder, a round bali, and wad of borse blanket when it was
cleaned in 1960 (Dorsey 1977:40).

The archeological specimen was altered from its original configu-
ration. The front sight is missing, although the sight’s dovetail is still evi-
dent. The rear sight has been moved forward five inches from its original
location. The original dovetail is filled ir with an iron piece. The present
rea” sight is too badly corroded to determin: if it is the original military sight
or a replacement. Both sling swivels on the stock’s underside have been
removed. The swivel on the trigger guard is missing, although the mount-
ing siud is still present, The mounting stud on the front barrel band has
been entirely filed away.

The front trigger guard screw is missing and, as noted previously,
the guard is bent. A smali piece of lead, crudely shaped to fit the front tip of
the tigger guard, was found near the trigger guard. The lead piece retains
a smal! iron wood screw. This lead piece is apparently a repair patch meant
to hold the trigger guard in place on the stock.

130



Chapter 5

250 yards cast of the Trail, was arrayed in a slightly V-shaped line along the
east side of the river in a camas meadow.

The position taken by the soldiers effectively separated the Village
‘0m the some of the Nez Perce horse herd, which was grazing on the steep hill
above the Trail. About four o'clock in the morning of August 9, the order was
Even for two companies, K and D, and the volunteers with Lt. Bradiey’s de-
tachment to advance through the Willow Swamp to the edge of the Village.
Presumably Gibbon, his headquarters staff. and the right wing companics re-
mained near the Trail as reserves.

After the inital attack on the Village, Gibbon rode into the Village
with some of his staff. Prior to that time he also committed the rigbt wing to
we Patthe. Company G supported Company K in the attack on the Village's
ter, and Companies A. F, and I went in on the right flank in support of
ain Comha's Company D.

The archeological evidence apnears to contradict the assumption that
zi reserves were sent into the fray. The Trail Area to the north of the Siege
Area yielded nineteen .45:70 cartridge cases. four loaded cartridges, one fired
170, but only a single impacted .50-70 bullet. The .45;70 cases and car-
aidges wee arrayed in a line mining parailtei to the slope of the bluff and just
Dove the current interpretive trail. which apparently follows the old trail fairly
closely

The fired 45:70 cases indicate that at least seven Springficids are rep-
resented (Figure 26). One gun fired at least six rounds, one four. two three,
2ad three one roundeach. The matches indicate there was movement among
whese individuals. All matches indicate a movement back to the Siege Area.
The movement appears to have been made at intervals. The men fired, then
caved to the southwest about 100 yards, stopped and fired. then moved 75
yards and fired, ard finally made a break over the next 100 vards for the Siege
Avea. apparently without firing.

Three sets of matches were made with guns used along the Trail to
w0se In the soldiers’ positions in the Siege Area. Presumably the firing along
Trail to the Siege Area was done in support of the troops retreating from
Village through the Willows.

it appears that at least seven soldiers and perhaps onc volunteer were
swauoned on the Trail. If the number of cases is indicative of the total number
of men left on the Trail. then a squad-sized unit can be postulated. Tactics
manuals of the 1870s fcf. Upton 1872) identify a squad as cight to twelve men.

105



Chapter 5

NON- FIREARMS WEAPONS

Weapons other than fircarms used at the battle are limited to cutting
and crushing implements. These include knives, spears or lances, bows and
arrows, and war clubs. The number of non-firearm artifacts is few.

Historical accounts indicate the bow and arrow played an insignifi-
cant role in the fight. Only one Nez Perce. Five Fogs, is identified as having or
utikzing a bow and arrows during the battle. He was killed early in the fighting
at thy Village's southern extreme, thus we did not expect significant evidence
of bow and arrow usage.

Eartier collucung efforts recovered a single von arrow port at the
base of a boulder in the Siege Arca. The archeological investigations located
another iron projectile paint and a brass point, Both were also recovered in
the Siege Arca. Pwo expiznations are posited. One is that carlier Nez Perce or
other Indian camps occupied the Siege Area and may account for the atrow
point deposition. The second explanation is that more bows and arrows were
utibzed in the fight than were recailed by Yellow Wolf 1McWhorter 1991:119)

Five Fogs’ bow. quiver, and several arrows Were found on the battle-
field and acquired by S. G. Fisher. leader of the Bannock scouts in General
Howard's command. The bow, quiver. and artoss passed into the hands of
Coionel Frank Parker. a scout. and then to L. V. McWhorter (1991:119). The
items are now in the collections at Big Hole National Battleficid. McWhorter
described the bow as sinew-backed with a sinew boastring. [t is 32 inches
long. The 26-inch-long quiver is half-tanned deerskin and red flannel witha
short fringe on the unde: edge. Ten arrows were in the quiver when acquired
by McWhorter. They ranged in length from 24 to 33 12 inches, with the three
shortest tipped with iron projectile points. The remaining arrows were heavier

in construction tapering ic a flattened point. Ali were fletched with cagle or
hawk feathers.

Two belt knives. ane possibly a soldier's and the other Nez Perce re-
lated, were found. Knives do not appear to have played a significant role in
the fight. The little hand-to-hand fighting was apparently rough and tumble.
but still decided with a gunshot or a crushing blow with a war club according to
Yellow Wolf (McWhorter 1991). Milton (Bunch) Sherrill recalled having cat-
ried a scalping knife, which he used as an entrenching tool in the Siege Arca.
Although sharp when he began his digging to entrench, the knife looked like a
“saw hladeTM the next morning (A. J. Noyes. 1916. page 4, Montana Historical
Society manuscript SC-739). Andrew Garcia (1967). visiting the site in 1879.

63



“Desitions, the
to chy riflepits
eres cover. The
1s bell as on the

[issued tr ih

ecsand re

Lemunued t

rig care
guided

< infantry-



Chapter 7

eral other cases were found in or south of the Village Area. Big Hole collec-
bon case 174c. found in the Village, also matches to FS1918 found in the How-
itzer Area. Cases 708c and 715c represent two guns used south of the Village.
Archeological specimens FS$1260, 1291, 1292, 1293, 1294, all fired in one gun,
were also found south of the Village. FS1260 was found on the river bank and
ihe others in the Willows about 200 yards south. They were in close proximity.
FS1471, which matches to this group, was recovered in the western part of the
Siege Area. Two cases (FS2043, 2097) representing different guns were found
east of the Siege Area. Cases 430c, 433c, and 434c, which represent one gun,
were found in the Howitzer Area. At least one other .44-caliber repeater is
represented in the Howitzer Arza by cuse 1342c.

The case (353c) representing the Mode} 1860 Colt Conversion was
‘ound near one of the riflepits in the Sicge Area. This suggests this gun may
nave belonged to one of the soldiers or volunteers. Finally, the case (FS1354)
representing the Mode! 1872 Colt Open Top revoiver was found south of the
Willage. The distributions znd cross-matches indicate one revolver and three
ciiferent .44-caliber repeating rifles were used in or near the Village. One
revolver and two repeating rifles were used in or near the Siege Area, and five
repeating rifles were used in the fight at the Siege Area. One gun used in the
Szht a1 the Village was also used in the fight at the Siege Area, Three repeat-
78 used in the Village were also used in the fight at the Howitzer Area. These
castnibutions indicate that several individuals were involved at more than one
iowation during the Lattle. These individuals maved significant distances around
the field of bate.

CALIBER .44 BULLETS (206 GRAIN)

There were fourteen .44-caliber bullets (Figure 41b) recovered. They
are af the type used in 44-<caliber rimfire ammunition, but some of them may
have been fired from the early .44/40-caliber center-fire ammunition. These
are described separately from their related cartridges and cases, due to the
fact they could have been fired from either type of ammunition.

Several builets bear rifling marks clear enough to identify as having
Seen fired from either the Henry rifle or Winchester Models 1866 and 873,
The rifling in these: weapons is five-groove right-hand twist. Some Henrys in
the serial number range of 17,000-22,000 had six-groove right-hand twist ri-
ting (Madis 1979:113). At least one bullet (FS1061) has the six-groove rifling
taarks.



Chapter 1

their duties based on their training and respond to orders without dweiling
on the consequences (Dyer 1985). That is patterned behavior. While the
warriors of the Nez Perce did not have the same uaining nor did they re-
spond to orders in the same manner as the soldiers, they nevertheless had a
culturally established warfare behavioral pattern.

Besides the ability to provide additional details about historical
events, historical archeology also has the capability to “identify specific rela-
tionships berween certain kinds of behavior under the stress of war and the
charactecistic material by-products of that behavior in their final (archaco-
logical) context of discard” (Gould 1983:134). The means ¢o understanding
tehavioral relationships in the archeological record is pattern analysis. This
archeological tenet argues that artifacts, the Jeavings of behavioral acts, will
secur in recognizable and interpretable patterns.

Battlefields provide # unique opportunity to study the material by-
products of human conflict. Gould (1983:105-107} argues that artifacis are
signatures of particular kinds of behavior and that behavior can be identi-
Sed if the relationships between the signatures are studied. Gould (1983:105)
makes a significant point that artifacts o7 physical evidence should be viewed
as another form of documentation. Just as the “ritten word or oral testi-
mony can be assessed and analyzed th: meaning of artifacts and their cun-
text can be understood and interpreted.

Pattern analysis is as old as professional archeology. Patterns reside
in the way in which artifacts are found in the eround and the relationship an
artifact or a group of artifacts has with other items - context and prove-
menee. South (1978) and Lewis (1984) were among the first historical ar-
cheologists to clearly develop a deductive theorctical perspective based on
pattern analysis. By way of example, a group of cut nails recovered in usso-
Gation with a structural foundation car provide the archeologist and histori-
cal architect with an idea of what kind of structure once stood on the site.
Certain sizes of nails were used by carpenters to erect framing, others for
siding, lathing. and finish work. The spatial distributien or clustering of the
nails is one element of the pattern. Another is the fact that groups of differ-
ent sizes of nails are present. That carpenters were trained to use ceriain
nail sizes for specific construction sequences is an example of culturally in-
duced behavior. Analysis of the pattcrns reveals where the structure was
piaced, how it was built, ar: -iiggesis what it may have looked like. In addi-
uon, other artifacts provide clues to the location of doors and windows, and
even to what types of doors and windows were in use. Even more important
are the artifacts of daily li‘e. Food refuse. food service, lighting, clothing,

3



Chapter 7

and dimensions (Madis 1979:97). The firing pins were less pointed on some
Model 1866s between serial numbers 24,000 and 26,000 but were changed back
ta their original shape due to misfire problems (Madis i979:79).

Even with the double-strike firing pin used in the Henry and Win-
chester Modei 1866 rifles, these weapons were still prone to misfires. If the
breech pin was dirty or rusty, a very hard blow was required before the firing
pins would penetrate the rim of the cartridge deeply enough to detonate the
Primer. This problem is very evident on the cartridges and cartridge cases
listed in Table 3. Eleven cases bear more than one set of the doudle-strike
ng pin marks. indicating misfires. One case, FS1291. has eight sets of firing
pin marks. Two cases (FS1044. 1045) have seven sets: one (F§1294), five sets;
two (425¢. F$i293), four sets: one (708c), three sets: and three (i74¢, 430c,
FS1260}. two sets. Some of the cases show the bulging of the head which is
commonly found on hred + Henry cases. This is the result of the failure of
he breech bait. in either the Henry or Model 1866, we fit snug: against the

of the chember; it is not the result of being fired in one model or the

The fazge number of misfires brings up some interesting facts. Spac-
ing of the firime pin marks on these cases indicate they were rotated in the
chamber slighily each time they were fired. This was not 2 easy task to per-
form with joaded cartridges in a Henry and Winchester Model 1866, as ex-
perimentation has shown, If the finger lever is gently thrown down when ex-
tracung the cartridge, the case will drop back onto the cartridge lifter and it
can be inserted by hand pack into the chamber. One must also look at the base
ot the case and rotate the misfire marks away from the firing pins. This all
takes me. This leads to the speculation that these musfires were repeatedly
chambered until they finally were fired at some point in the battle when war-
nots had plenty of time for single-shot reloading or they were running tow on
ammunition and tried the misfires until they detonated.

Five cases (FS1260, 1291, 1292. 1293, 1294} fired trom the samc
*zapon 2)l have multiple sets of firing pin marks. leading us to believe that
weapon wes maltunctioning. The same may be true for the gun firing
os tide and FS1044. These cases have two and seven firing pin marks,
pectively. FS}045 also has seven firing pin marks, while the case it matches,
. has onis one set

Teo. ‘the 44-caliber cartridge cases bear onh « single firing pin mark
dle 4}. which indicates they were fired from firearms other than the Henry.
mbered for the 44-caliber rimfire. The wo were fired in the Colt Model
22°71 Open Top Revolver (FS1354) and a Colt Model 1860 Conversion (353c).

137



Big Hole Battlefield

TIN CANS

Tin can manufacturing technology changed Lhrough time, and those
changes are well documented and dated. The various tin can manufacturing
methods have established date ranges for the various features present on a
can. This aliows archeologists to date the period of manufacture for almost
amy can recovered on an archeological site. The Big Hole can fragments were
analyzed based on the criteria provided in Fontana and Greenleaf (1962) and
Rock (1984),

Cans manufactured at the time of the battle would be hole-in-cap
types with stamped ends and simple side seam overlap. Most side seams would
have been hand soldered, although machine soldering was developed in 1876.

Twenty can fragments or related artifacts were collected. The major-
ity are probably post-1877 manufacture. Ejeven fragments are from tin can
rms or sides. These are unforturately not diagnostic pieces. There is one
can, in a very fragmentary condition, that is 2 hole-in top varisty. It is about a
sumber 2 1/2-size cam. One end exhibits pie-shaped cuts. This configuration
often indicates the can was opened with a sharp object like a knife.

There ars four can-opening keys or key and strips. The key-wind
method of can opening was developed about 1866 but did not become popular
unl after 1906. The keys recovered are more consistent with the style com-
moo in the late nineteenth ur early twentieth century. These sardine or meat
can keys are probably associated with the U. S. Forest Service picnic and camp-
ground operation. The collected can artifacts also contain one press-on lid
fregmeni. The press-on lid was developed for resealable cans with non-per-
ishable or dry contents. The style dates sonietime after the mid-nineteenth
century.

The car fragments from the Big Hole battlefield are not temporally
diagnostic. Although they could date to the battle, they probably are 2ssoci-
ated with the memorial and leisure activities that occurred at the site for many
years afterward.

GLASS

A single prece of aqua colored bottle base was recovered with an
animal bone fragment. The type of bottle could not be determined from the

smail fragment. The bone and bottle glass were found ina U.S. Forest Service
Girepit. The firepit Jocation appears on a 1917 Forest Service plan illust: ating
camp and picnic sites. The artifacts undoubtedly post-date the battle.

180



Chapter 3

GATHERING THE EVIDENCE

Aubrey Haines (1991) recognized that both Nez Perce and soldier
vestimony provided essential information for understanding how the Battle of
une Big Hole was piayed out. He also recognized limitations and ambiguities
in Nez Perce and soidier accounts. Foreshadowing these investigations, Haines’
artifact collecting efforts and thase of others (White n.d.; Rickey 1959; Edmonds
1964: Pouliot 1962) showed that artifact concentrations indicated combatant
positions, and that distributions of artifacts suggested the routes of adversar-
ses (Figure 9). Gathering the physical evidence for the present study required
7*O separate elements. First was the consolidation of previous collecting ef-
forts, and second was the systematic metal-detecting inventory and artifact
collection of the battlefield.

Consolidation and Synthesis of Previous Study Efforts

The Battle of the Big Hole produced uncounted pieces of debris, car-
Zidge cases, and bullets that were left behind on the site. These artifacts have
Deen the focus of relic and souvenir collectors for over a century. George
Shields (1889:102-103) noted that “thousands of empty cartridpe-shells still
he seattered over the field, though it is said that thousands more have been
catnied away by relic hunters or trampled into the earth.” Shields may Le
Sorrect. but the archeological project and the systematic collecting efforts that
preceded it have shown that much has remained in the ground in good con-
wm.

Thain White (n.d.) was one of the more active early relic collectors
*ho has left accounts of his activities. He began his efforts as a young boy in
:926. continuing them until the 1960s. White concentrated his efforts in the
Indian Camp and the Siege Area. In the late 1950s and early 1960s he began
sulizing a metal detector with very good results.

White located hundreds of cartridge cases and builets during his for-
2¥3 omlo the battlefield. He also recovered. or was given by others, relic fire-
arms, personal jtems, and accouterments. White made a very solid attempt to
Socument his finds in a written report. which included a description of the



Big Hole Battlefield

Figure 43. Glass heads from the presumed Tepee Site at Big
Hole Nauonal Battlefield. a. Variety Ia-tps-? (#2146M), b.

Variety Ha-ops-1 (#2 146M). c. Variery Ha-ops-2 (#2146M),
d. Variety I'Va-ipfops-1 (#2146M), e. Variery IVb-op.ops4-1

¢2:41H and #2146Mi

The five Class Dtfp beads found on the battlefield can be divided into
s: Type I'va, undecorated “cylindrical” beads (n = 3). and Type IVb,
ical” beads with simple, straight stripes (n = 2). Type I'Va is the sec-
ond most common bead type recovered from western archeological sites, 6.5%
of the beaJ assemblage consists of red-on-white varieties (Table 11: Figure
43d), which are often ter:ced “cornaline d'Aleppo” or “Hudson's Bay Com-
pany” beads (e.g. Fe: 2S: Mille 1975).

two >
“owlin

Type IVb tees nave four simple stripes with only a single variety
recordsd (Table 1}; Figure $3¢).

Oniy one metal bead was found. a holtow, barrel-shaped brass bead
(Table t2: Figure $4) which may he classified as Class Mbs (Simple brass bead)
and Type Mb-b fundecorated barrel-shaped).

162



Big Hole Battlefiekd

One piece (FS1438) is tinned iron and a second (FS1753) is a fragment ofa
hollow piece of cast iron.

The remainde: of the miscellaneous items are truly diverse. They
inctude an unidentified brass shim found in two parts (FS1034, 1035), a 1 1/4-
inch-diameter round point brush head (F$1252), an iron ferrule (F$1322), a
bress ferrule (F51699), a brass grommet (FS1376), a flat bradded washer or
shim (F$1481), a 1-inch-diameter iron ring (F51663), a portion of a Farber
writing pen (FS1741), a nickel-plated iron nut pick (FS1499), a cow bell clap-
per (FS1714), a hair pin (FS1789), an eaied nut (FS1762), an unidentified
iron cover (F51683), a small cabinet lock caich (FS1439), a squeeze tube cap
(FS1907), two heavy iron hooks (FS1386, 1372} from door-type book and eye
assemblies, a 2 3/4-inch-long wire handle from a tinware bakepan (FS1834),
and a D-shaped pull ring (FS1934) from a timware lid. This fast item could be
from a camp boiler or coffee pot It is p-ssible it is military in origin. How-
ever, since the army acquired their camp mess items from crvilian manufactur
ers this identificetion is speculative. This type of tinware was inade into the
early twentieth century.



Chapter 5

The presence of bul'ets in the north end of the Village confirms that
combat occurred there. The absence of cases in the same area does i:ot con-
firm that Bradley's command was stopped at the edge of the Village. Aubrey
Haines (persona! communication Feburary 29, 1993) suggests Bradley may
have actually attacked the camp from the north as well as the west. However,
be may not have been able to secure his position before being killed, and his
mien may have been pushed back to the Willows line on the west side of the
camp. Relic-collecting efforts may have been biased toward cartridge case
recovery. Unfortunately the question cannot be easily resolved with the avail-
édle evidence.

Another factor to take into account in these interpretations is the
xnown fact that the Nez Peres had captured .45/70-caliber firearms in their
possession at the beginning of the battle. Some cf the recovered cases may be
associated with the Nez Perce combatants. However, the cartridge case spa-
| distribution and matches suggest the majority are army related. This is
pecially truc in viewing the distribution of 45/70 bullets in the Village (Fig-

Given these parameters. the archeological evidence suggests that the
imutial attack may not have begun at the edge of the Willows as thought, but
closer to the river. Assuming the northern group of cartridge cases represents
Bradley's charge. the central group Sanno’s, and the southern group Comba’s
men, then the following scenario can be posited (Figure 31).

Bradley's northern croup may have halted about 33 yards east of the
meer. A linear arrangement of cartridge cases in this area suggests the initial
Sring took place in this area, Cases from this group match to cartridge cases

3a second linear alignment 66 yards to the east of the river. This second line
tends to he more clustered than the first and third lines. The third tine was
:ovated at the edge of the modern day sillows and about 88 yards from the
mver, This line is more extended and shows more intermingling of cartridge

case matches with those immediately to the south. Several cartridge cases on

yz extreme northern end of the third line match to cartridge cases located in
the river's north bend, which is now a cut-off meander. Those cases are 125
+ards from the northern end of the Sine.

Captain Sanno’s postulated movement also begins east of the river,
ut about 150 yards south of Bradley's first line. The linear array of cartridge
cases is aHened northwest to southeast about 37 yards east of the river. A few
scattered cartridge cases were found berecen this line and a more easterly line



Zig Hole Battlefield

The first Henry cartridges

were manufactured by the New
Haven Arms Company. The car-
tridge had a copper case, a length
a b of 0.82 inch, a round nose Iead

projectile 4.443 inch in diameter,

and a weight of 210 grains, with a

black powder charge of 25 grains.

The <otal length of the cartridge

assembled was 1.363 inches. The

base of the case had no

headstamp. In 1862 the company

introduced another Henry car-

tridge and referred to it as the .44

Henzy Flat because of its flat-nose

bullet. It weighed 216 grains. This

was the first cartridge case to bear

the letter H as a headstamp in

honor of Henry. The raised letter

His ina circular depression in the

center of the base of the case

(McDowell 1984:35-6). The flat-

Figure 42. Various caliber cartridge cases. pose-bullet variation was desigued

2. 44 ciemfire Henry case. b. 5650 Spencer to Tessen the danger of explosion

ee . complete AN TO carindge.d. 45" in the magazine tube (Williamson

mee eee . [952:28). Manufacture cr this car-

tridge after [865 was on a wide

scale in America and Europe. owing to the popularity of the Heary Rifle and

the Winchester Model 1866. the later being an improvement of the Henry

: Hayem '98!:129). With such a farge number of manufacturers the cartridge

varied in case dimensions and projectiie shapes, having at !east nine different
variations (McDowell 1984:63-4).

The tendency for this rimfirc ammunition to misfire was a serious
problem in the early development cf cartridge firearms. Henry designed a
double firing pin for his repeating rille that would strike the rim of the car-
ridge at points on opposite sides. The firing pins were wedge-shaped, each
oeing located on one side of the breech nin collar, The collar was threaded
into the breech pin, which was designed to mave a fraction of an inch forward
and rearward during firing. Both the Henry Rifle and its improved version.
the Model 1866 Winchester. had firing pins that were exactly alike in shape

336



86

6, Map of .45,70 cartndge case matcues.

Figure 2



wee : SEEN ee Ae ae TOR ott Oe ae AURORE Bee,

Bg Hole Battlefield

and personal items all reveal something of the personal habits of those who
inhabited the structure, the structure's function, the social and economic
status of the inhabitants, and how those people viewed their own role and
izyportance within their society.

The analysis of the artifacts recovered in an archeological investiga-
zon cen take a myriad of forms. Jt can be simple inductive reasoning or it
<an be hypothetical and deductive. The process followed here is the deduc-
ir-¢ approach, based on the development of research questions that guide
& recovery of information and the analysis of the data. It is with these
Ptual tools that the archeological investigations of Big Hole National
atuefield were developed.

Historical archeology at Big Hole National Battlefield is not new,
mut Dy po means have such investigations been frequent. Sporadic efforts at
matic artifact collecting began in the 1950s and continued until the late
“Os. Many of these collecting ¢ftorts, particularly those of Don Rickey,
Aubrey Haines, and Kermit Edmonds, were careful and systematic. The
o7mation they collected was used to guide this investigation and, because
of their precise recording of artifact location, substantially enhanced the data
analysis and interpretive potential of this effort.

The opportunity for the curremt archeological investigation of the
Dattlefield occurred in 1990 when a conversation between Firearms Special-
ist Dick Harmon and Entertainer Hank Williams, sr., turned to the tech-
ragues and results of the Custer Battlefield Archeological Project. Mr. Wil-
ilams wanted to know if something of a similar nature could be accomplished
2: Big Hole. After delicverations with Unit Manager Jock Whitworth and
Rocky Mountain Regionz] Archeojogist Adrienne Anderson it was dedded
20 proceed with developing research questions that would guide any field
uestigations. The questions developed primarily from a cesire on the part
+f DattieGield officials ta improve interpretive capabilitics for the public. A
draft research design was developed and sent to all perties concerned for
jew and comment. Mr. Williems funded the project, and tue effort was
anded to complete the Scope of Work and Research Design. Following
ndard National Park Service requirements and procedures, compliance
h the National Historic Preservation Act was achieved with the aid of
Marcella Sherfy and Mark Baumler of the Montana State Historic Preserva-
non Office, and Claudia Nissicy and Alan St.:aeld of the Denver office of
Advisory Council on Historic Preservation.

te



Figure 30. Distribution of .45:70-caliber bullets.


REFERENCES CITED

Allen, Jamey D.

1983 The Manufacture of Intricate Glass Canes, and a New Perspective
on the Relationship Between Chevron-Star Beads and Mosaic-
Millefiori Beads. In Proceedings of the 1982 Glass Trade Bead Confer-
ence, edited by Charles F, Hayes Il, pp. 173-191, Research Records
No. 16, Rochester Museum and Science Center, Rochester, New York.

AdQonymous
1960 Circular for the Information of the United States Troops Armed with
Rice's Trowel Bayonet, A Ray Riling Research Reproduction. Reprint
of 1875 edition. Originally published 1875, Washington, D.C.

1979 Ammunition Boxes. Haversack 1(4).

Arnold, Ralph E.

1973 U.S. Model 184] Rife, the Famous “Mississippi.” Gun Report
19(4):14-21.

Baker, Joseph A.

1980 Report on the Replacement of Battlefield Markers in the Sicge
Area of the Big Hoie National Battlefield Report on file, Big Hole
National Battlefield, Wisdom, Montana.

Barber, John L.

1987 The Rimfire Cartridge in the United States and Canada 1857-1984.
Armory Press, Tacoma, Washington.

Barnes, Frank C.
1989 Cartridges of the World 6th Edition. DBI Books, Northbrook,
Hiinois.
Bazelon, Bruce S., and William F McGuinn

1990 A Directory of American Military Goody Dealers and Makers 1785-
1915. Privately published by the authors, Manassas, Virginia.

Beal. Merrill D.

1963 “I Will Fight No More Forever.” University of Washington Press, i
Seattle.



97

( 3
‘| ae of

a —

Figure 34. Map of .44-caliber rimfire cartridge case matches.



Chapter 5

thought to have been killed during the battle.

episode in the battle. However, the proximity of the bullet concentrations to
<z historically documented locanon of Five Wounds’ death site is another
intriguing example of archeological evidence and history converging.

HOWITZER INCIDENT

As the soldiers were digging in at the Sieee Area, a 12-Ib. Mountain
Howitzer mounted on a Prairte carriage and drawn by six mules went into
zion. It fired two rounds before ft was overrun by the Nez Perce. Of the
ew of six. ong individual. Corporal Sale. was killed: nyo others were wounded;
zad the remainder beat 2 hasty retreal back to the wagon train.

Archeological evidence of the howitzer episode consists nf a military-
stvie D-ring froma saddle garth. a lynch pin from a cannon carriage wheel, and
cartridge cases and bullets found high on the slope to the west of the Siege

113



Chapter 5

Four and possibly five other iterts relate to the army equipment. Three
were found in the Siege Area, One is a knapsack adjustment hook made of
Srass. This hook was also utilized as an adjustment hook on the 1872-pattern
Saversack, No mention of knapsacks is made in the histcrical documentation
of the battle, whereas haversacks are mentioned. {t seems appropriate to as-
emibe this hook tc the presence of the 1872 haversack.

A brass open-frame beit buckle with remnants of canvas webbing was
zound by Rickey ia 1959. Iris the buckle to an 1876-pattern cartridge belt.
This was the first cartridge belt adupted for army use, although many soldiers
had cartridge belts privately made up for their use on campaigns prior to this.

“leather percussion cap pouch was found in the Willows along the
armay Retreat Route. The pouch was empty. but still retained some of its lamb’s
wool liming. The pouch may have belonged to one of the cavalrymen. The
zevalry often utilized older cap pouches to hold extra cartridges for their ce-
solvers, The army arsenals even modified the pouches expressly for this pur-
pose (Meadows 1987). The pouch may alse have beeti carried by a voluntecz

izing a percussion-fired weapon. And another possibility is that it was used
73 4 Nez Perce who discarded it after capturing a rifle and cartridge bel:

Near the pouch, an iron belt or sheath knife was recovered. The knife,

@ small butcher or so-calied seaiper. is iron with brass rivets. The rivets once

Reld a v ooden handle o7 scales on the tang. The knife is typical of belt knives

the nineteenth century. Its associztion with the Retreat Line and the cap

pouch suggest an army or volunteer context; however, a Nez Perce association
sapnot be ruled out.

A brass-plaied iron eseutchcon plate was recovered in the Siege Area.
tis the same *7e and style as those used on the Model 1874 McKeever car
: box {Meadows 1987). If this is a McKeever escutcheon, then the pres-
ce Of the cartridge box is strongly suggested. It may be possible this escutch-
is a closure for a lady's purse of « much later era. The brass-plated tron ts
sual for army equipment. but it is possible. The picce must remain of
2estronable battle association.

A few mess items were recovered. An iron bone or wooden handled
thyee-tined fork was recovered near the bluff in the Siege Arca. Stylisticaliy it
- of the battle period: however. this style persisted to the end of the aine-
ssenth century: so it could be a later picnicker Joss. Ii may very well also be a

Tk used and lost by a volunteer. An 1874-paitern army mess spoon with the
setter “FY stamped on the handk, was found ina riflepit near the edge of Battle
Gulch some years earlier. Company F was not issued the trowel bayonet. sa it

59



Chapter 5

Prior to the Battle of the Big Hole the Nez Perce cngaged in two
significant batues and seve ral skirmishes during the 1877 war. A few observa-
tions regarding the role of firearms in those fights are valuable as insights into
the firearm types used by the Nez Perce at Big Hole only a few weeks later.
During the initial raids, before the initial battle at Whitebird Canyon, arms
and ammunition were taken from the settlers by the Nez Perce (McDermott
1978:6-15). Arone ranch bouse the warriors took a Henry nfle and a shotgun
from Patnek Brice and George Popham (McDermott 1978:16).

The Whitebird Canyon battle documentation contains several obser-
vations on Srearms. Sgt. John P. Schorr, Firs: Cavalry. was of the opinion the
Nez Perce were well supplied with magazine guns {McWhorter 1986:235).
Sgt. Michae? McCarthy had a much more personal observation about the Nez
Perce firearms. McCarthy. who tried to nide on the battlefield from the victe-
rious Nez Perot, recalled seeing an of¢ man and two women looking for him.
They came 1 clase that McCarthy remembered looking into the bore of the

man’s smoothbore musket (McDermott 1978:107}.

The next major engagement was at the Clearwater. General 0. O.
Howard sen! a telegram to J.C. Kelton at Division of the Pacific Headquar-
ters on July 2%, 1877, after the Clearwater battle (RG 94 No. 5117-77 cited in
Brown 1982:195-53:

The fact of several hundred rounds of metallic ammunition being found in
the hostile camp. it is rendered certam that the Indians are largely if not
entreh armed with breech loading rifles of the following description Henry.
Winchester. U.S. Springfield Carbine Cal. 45. U.S. Springfield Rifle Cal 45
and apparently seme long range rifles name unknown

Apparently not all the Nez Perce were armed with breech-loaders, as

Yellow Woif remembered fellow warnor Joohoolhoolzote had a muzzle-loader
at the Clearwater battle (McWhorter 1991:87).

Foilowing the Clearwater episode the Nez Perce moved across the
Lolo Pass. After crossing they were observed by two Deer Lodge volunteers
who spied on the Nez Perce camp. John DeChampe and Bob Irvine told news-
paper editor James Mills on August 5 they counted 250 guns. many of which
were Winchester guns and cavairy carbines taken from deau soldiers. They
also noted the ammunition belts were full (Brown 1982:234).

Wile not directly related to the Big Hole battle. the observation of
Colonel Ne!son A. Miles after the Jast battle of the Nex Perce War. the Bear
Paw. is interesting. as it may reflect some of the arms used in the eartier fignts.

6

th



Big Hote Batilefield

the situation by an unprovoked attack on peace advocate Chief Looking
Glass’s camp. Looking Glass’s band lost most of their camp equipage and
personal items, but they escaped to join Joseph. The Nez Perce continued
to elude the army, although there were several skirmishes, Lieutenant Rains
and ten men were attacked and killed on a scout of reconnaissance near
Conon*veod, Idaho, and Captain Randall and a volunteer were also attacked
with the cost of Randall's life and that of the civilian. Here the first Nez
Perce death occurred, Up to this point the Nez Perce had only suffered a
few wounded as casualties.

The next major engagement was at the Nez Perce camp on the South
Fork of the Clearwater River. Howard employed a force of 400, including a
dattery of the Fourth Artillery. The Nez Perce were able to form an effective
screen with twenty-five warviors that kept the army from crossing the river and
gaining the camp. The fighting went on for two days. During the second day
the Nez Perce evacuated the camp. leaving behind caches of food and many

nersonal belongings.

Eluding the army again. the non-treaty Nez Perce halted at Weippe
Prairie to discuss the neat direction to take. The 700 Nez Perce, represented
Sy their Chiefs and spokesmen, decided to go to Montana and join their friends.
che Crow

Following the Loio Trail across the mountains the Nez Perce began
their trek into Montana. Word of the fights and the Nez Perce flight reached
Montana before they arrived. Captain Charles Rawn, Seventh Infantry, com-
manding a detail to build a new army post at Missoula, headed a combined
force of Bitterroot and Missoula Valicy volunteers, a few friendly Indians, and
about 3( soldiers to a point on Lolo Creek about 23 miles east of Lolo Pass.
Ravn with his few men, threw up a line of Jog and earth breastworks and a
few milepits across a narrow portion of the trail leading into Montana. Rein-
forced by additional volunteers to about 216 effectives, Rawn hoped to halt
the Nez Perce flight. After several unproductive meetings the Nez Perce, us-
ing their knowjedge of the local terrain. on July 28 passed around the barni-
cade. which then became known as Fort Fizzle. The Nez Perce once again
made good their escape

The Nez Perce made their way into Montana and continued on their
trek to find the Crow. Passing through the area of Stevensville and along Rye
Creek they raided a few homes. traded with some individuals, and may have
even purchased ammunition. In the meantime, Colenel John Gibbon (Figure
1) began to assembie his scattered Seventh Infantry. Gibbon, commanding

10



Bi Hote Battlefield

CALIBER .30/06

Four copper-jackéted .30/06 bullets were recovered. The .30/06 was
iret introduced in 1903, with refinements in 1906. It is still a popular car-
trxdge today (Barnes 1989:59).

CALIBER .30/30

Two .30/30 cases were recovered. One is headstamped “REM-UMC”
and the other "USC CO.” The .30;/30 was introduced in 1895 and is stil] loaded
today {Barnes 1989:54).

C.4LIBER 303 SAVAGE

Three .303 Savage cases were found. Al} three are headstamped
-34 CO 303 Sav.” The round was introduced in 1899 and continues to be
iozded today (Barnes 1989:65).

CALIBER .32

Several cases and one bullet were recovered in .32-caliber. Two cases
wz for the .32-caliber Automatic Colt pistol. This caliber was introduced in
£99 (Barnes 1989:225). Both cases were fired in the same gun. One case is
x the 32/20 Winchester. This cartridge was introduced in 1882 and is sul
ivvaded today (Barnes 1989:67). Another .32-caliber case is for the Smith and
Wesson revolver. [twas introduced 1878 for the Model 1 1/2 (Barnes 1989:226).
“single .32-caliber rimfire case is a .32 long with the impressed “H” headstamp.
Thus cartridge was introduced in 1861 for the Smith and Wesson Madel 2,
z!though many companies chambered their guns for this caliber. The impressed
“HO dates after 1890 (Barber 1987). The case was fired in a Colt New Line

reveiver.

CALIBER 9mm

The 9mm cartridge was invoduced in 1902 for the German Luger
‘Barnes 1989:233), It was a popular cartridge, and many foreign manufac-
vuzers chambered firearms for the round. Few American weapons were
rade in 9mm unl recently. Six bullets in 9mm were recovered during the
-estigations. The Jand arid groove impressions suggest the bullets were
d in a German Luger.

156



Bo Hoe Sattlefeld

73 vards to the cast. Sanno’s movements appear to have been in two stages
instzed of the three suggested for Bradley.

Sanno’s second line is roughly aligned with Bradicy’s third line at the
he modern willows (Figure 32). Cartridge cases from Sanno’s first

Bradie~'s third line.

There is no clear evidence of Comba’s charge into the Village or even
formal skirmish line such as those seen to the north. This suggesls that
charge was chaotic andor broken by determined Nez Perce resis-
discussed earlier. This area of the Village is also the site of a post-
cksmith shop, and such activities may have contributed to the disvup-
patterning. In any case the cartridge case and bullet distribution
258 Organization in this area. There are also thirteen individual guns
4 by cartridge cases found on the northern lines matched to cases
the southern area. Again. no clear linear or formal alignment of
= czses was noted. These matched cartridge cases were randomly inter-
among the other cartridge cases found in the southern end of the
This appears lo be consistent with the historical documentation that
tet gravitated to the southern end of the Village after Bradicy was killed.

The documentary sources suggest that the Nez Perce continued the
oxn the north and south. The .44-caliber rimfire (Henry) cartridge cases
2s the Sharps, Spencer, and .50:70-caliber bullet distribntions indicate
Nez Perce fire came from the south. north, and ezst (Figures 33, 34, 35). The
archemogical and historical data sources are certainly consistent in the loca-
tiens of the Nez Perce defenders. Yellow Wolf and other Nez Perce warriors
fe Whorter 1991) repeatedly identify heavy fighting at the south end of the
The Nez Perce took cover along the river bank and in the Willows to
return the soldiers’ fire. The cartridge case evidence strongly supports these
reonlieczions. The .45'70-caliber bullets were also found to the south and east
se Sillage. The distribution confirms the historical accounts of the sol-
$ Tetumning fire. Many of the .45.70 bullets were found to the east of tne
proper and near the park's eastern boundary fence. That distribution,
2s the same type bullets found to the south of the Village, supports the
<m that the army was firing toward Nez Perce who were cast as well
2 oi the Village.

as Ai.

Several 45/70 bullets were found impacted to the southwest of the
2ad along the river bank in the general location where Kermit Edmonds
$ # Project recovered .44-calibey Henry or Model 1866 Winchester car-
ses, This location is about 20 yards south of the southern end of the

94



Chapter

+. A Nez Perce tepee village taken in 187} by WH Jackson. The general
Bitten approximates that at the Biz Hele

Company D experigneed 3 sto their south. Wah-
teithe same man who had started 33 Jy) found cover ina low
nda log. Yeilow Wolf reported Wah-Lit-s fired. killing a soldier,

a was killed himself. His wiry nest took un his rifle and was shortly



The riflepit’s excavated dimensions follow field fortification con-
an guidelines used by the army during the Indian Wars and Spanish-
Ticun War (Figure 19), The U.S. Army published few field manuals for
unit tactics before the cegianing of the 20th century. Teo of them
relute to nflepit constuction and specifically to the use of the trowel
onet (Rice 1874: Anonymous 196!) In addition. a number of practical
es for officers were priv published throughout the century to bridge
sup tuft by the lack of official guidance avaiiable outside the West Point
room, One of the most used guides was Moumain Scouting by Captain
ward Farrow, Farrow was an instructor at West Point when he wrote his
nval guide in i881, He had seen zetive field service during the Nez
¢ campaiga of 1877. Farrew ¢1881:243) noted. “The history of all battles of
ears has shown the expediency of mi use of natural shelter or construct-
eld intrenchments.”



Figure 28. Distribution of .50/70-caliber cartridge cases.

90



Chapter 3

tected Nez Perce warriors and civilian volunteer fighters during the battle. He
suggested more formal investigations might prove or disprove his supposition.
Baker also recorded the stratigraphic profile in the holes he dug. He noted
the uppermost layer was composed of a sandy clayfloam mixed with forest
humus. This was underlain by a strata of yellow/orange clay mixed with allu-
vial and colluvial till. Baker's observations were astute, as this is essentially
the sequence found during the archeological investigations.

The first systematic inventory by a professional archeologist was com-
pleted in 1974 by Midwest Center Archeologist Robert Nickel (Calabrese
1974). when four smali areas under consideration for sewage treaiment facili-
ties were surveyed (Figure 9). In 1978, Midwest Center Archeologists Tom
Lincoln and Mark Guthrie {Lincoln 1978} conducted a pre-construction in-
ventory of the Ruby Bench area. No archeological resources were located in
either survey.

Tn 1984 Ann Johnson of the Rocky Mountain Regional Office con-
ducted an inventory for a proposed land exchange (Johnson 1986), and in
1937 Scott (1987) conducted proton magnetometer studies of selected areas
of the Indian Camp and the Siege Area. The magnetometer survey suggested
that tepee sites and buried riflepits are ephemeral features that do not pro-
duce sufficiently unique magnetic signatures to be identified with this tech-
nique.

Interestingly enough. only one item of prehistoric age has been found
ai the battle site. This artifact is a projecule point (Haines 1966b:5-6). Haines
found the point in May 1962 during some maintenance work. The small point
is a tan chert with a triangular shape. It is typical of the Late Prehistoric
Period. An extensive effort wes made to locate any evidence of prehistoric
occupation during the archeological inventory. Milo McLeod (personal com-
munication to Douglas Scott August 13, 1991) had observed some stone
debitage in the vicinity of the Soldier Monument several years ago. Unfortu-
nately, visitor and other activities have destroyed or obliterated the evidence
acted. No evidence of prehistoric activities was noted during the archeologi-
val project.

Archeological Project Methods

Haines and the other researchers did not have the luxury of =xamin-
ing the entire batuefield area, nor did they have the analytical teck..ques now
available, Their efforts were concentrated on the Siege Area, Howitzer

27



Big Kole Battlefield

the alluvial fan, where a soldier or volunteer may have decided to dispose of
some souvenirs, or the rings may represent a later Nez Perce offering to com-
me=porate a specific battle event.

The rings are definitely of the period and not twentieth century in
origin A battle association seems mare likely, given their context and date.
Finger rings were a common trade item throughout the nineteenth century
and are ubiquitous in Native American sites of the era (Hanson 1975:77-
794,

TROUSER BUCKLE

One trouser or vest buckle (PS1517) (Figure 45d} was recovered
in the Siege Area. The buckle is iron and measures 1 1/2 by 1 inch. Buck-
les of this type were known to have been introduced as early as 1875 by the
Quanennaster Department although they may have been in use prior to
tzet date (Herskovitz 1978:37). Buckles of this size were also used on vests.

SUSPENDER GRIP

Five complete or partial suspender grips (Figure 45e) were recov-
ered In addition, six suspender nngs, and three garter or sock hooks were
also recovered. One grip fragment is stamped brass (FS1357) with a curvilin-
car design. One is a complete suspender snap (FS1569). It is brass, with
“Victor” stamped on one side and “Patented” on the other. Fragments of the
leather suspender tabs are still attached to the snap. The tabs are folded con-
stuctdon with a single hollow rivet holding each tab to the snap. One grip
ferment is iron, (FS1739) as are two 1 1/4-inch-diameter suspender rings
(F5104, 1343). A single brass ring (FS1807) has two leather tab fragments
Stil attached.

A group of suspender parts comprising the hardware for a single sus-
penser set was found in the Willows Area. They were in proximity and associ-
ated with a bootee fragment. Undoubtedly these belong to the same sus-
peader set. Present are two stamped-brass grips with a rope border de-
sig One grip (FS1827) still has the brass suspender ring and two leather
tabs attached. The tabs are fixed to the ring by hollow rivets. The other grip
+ °Si828) has remnants of the cloth suspender in the fastening teeth. The
:.2g loop is tom in such a manner as to suggest it may have been struck by
something. Two brass suspender rings (FS1830, 1848} are associated
with the grips. One ring (FS1848) is apparently a rear ring, as it has three
feether tab remains still attached.

164



Chapter 7

Two screws originally held the Sockplate secure to the stock. The for-
ward screw is missing. There is no damage to the lockplate or the sideplate
through which the screw passed, so it is likely the screw was de)perately re-
moved some time before the gun was lost or destroyed. The butt plate and
screws are completely absent.

The barrel was radiographed (Figure 23) to determine if it stiff con-
tained a load. The radiograph confirmed the piece is !oaded with two super-
iezposed charges, One charge appears to be a conical bullet. and the second is
2 round ball abutting the bullet. It is net uncommon to multipie-load a muzzie-
xeading weapon during Lhe heat of bate. Numerous Civil War arms were
‘oven to have been multiple-loaded in combat situations, sometimes with
Asastrous results. The radiograph showed the barre! and the bullets tc be
heavily oxidized. An attempt was made to measure the bore and bullet diam-
fist to determine the caliber. Both were too oxidized to determine if the
geese ts 54 or .58 caliber. The presence of a conical bullet may suggest the
=25 had been altered to .S8-caliber. However, the majority of round balls
found during the archeological investigations are .54-caliber. This may sug-
gsi the Model 1841 Rifle was not altered to a Jarger caliber.

The regular army troops, Seventh U.S. Infantry and Second U.S. Cav-
aizy, were armed with the regulation shoulder arm curing the battle, the Model
7873 Springfield rifle and carbine. The volunteers had been issued the Model
1868 breech-loading .50-caliber Springfield rifle (Haines 1991:36-37). The
Model 1841 Rifle was obsolete by this time, and there is very little likelihood
3 would have been issued to volunteer troops. The Army’s Ordnance Depart-
meat wouid not have issued a muzzie-loading rifle to regular troops for com-
Dat purposes.

The modifications found on the rifle would not have been allowed if
it was issued to the volunteers. The modifications and the knowledge of the
arms of the i sgulars and volunteers engaged in the battle lead to the con-
Gusion that the Mode! 1841 Rifle found in the slough was one of the Nez
Perce guns. At feast one other Modc! 1941 Rifle was also present at the
battle. A Model 1841 Rifle ramrod, identica) to the specimen found in the
slough, was recovered several years ago near the Howitzer Area on Battle
Mountain (Haines 1991:82).

CALIBER .360

The deteriorated fragments of a relatively large quantity of unfired
-360-~<aliber ammunition (Figures 14, 25, 41a} were recovered in a slight swale

131





Chapter 5

poral Robert Sale was killed in the howitzer incident. His body was found, two
days after the fight, stripped naked and wearing a horse collar (Haines
1991:75,83). Perhaps this shoe was one of Corporal Sale’s and was discarded
oy the victorious warriors. A shoe heel fragment was found on the hill slope
Delow the Howitzer Area, and it may well be part of Sale’s other shoe.

A few personal items were recovered, A single five-cent piece was
ound near the river and along the Retreat Line through the Willows. Al-
<pough the date is obscured by erosion, it is of the period and may represent a
ann fost by a soldier during the retreat. Seven pocket knives or blade frag-
seals were also found in the Siege Area, Willows, and Village. Some could
Dost-date the battle, although they could be contemporaneous as wel!. A har-
Sonica reed fragment suggests a soldier may have carried a harmonica, losing
:tin the riflepits in the Siege Arca, although it could have been Jost by a later
site Visitor. A brass ring thought to be a watch bezel was recovered by Pouliot

1962) and may represent 2 pocket watch lost during the fight.

It is likely tobacco was present at the battle. Four cobacoo lags were
sound in the Siege Area as well as a rubber pipestem. ‘Tobacco tags were
Sevices attached to plug tobacco to identify it by brand name. This indicates
plug tobacco was present at the battle, but whether for smoking or chewing is
aot clear. Again the artifacts may also be attributed to later site visitors.

SOLDIERS’ AND VOLUNTEERS' EQUIPMENT

The average soldicr carried a vanety of equipment during a campaign.
He. of course, carried weapons, but he also hada cartridge belt with a buckle,
# nfle, a trowel bayonet (2! jeast for members of mo companies), and would
Eave had a canteen, mess gear, and a haversack. The officers and the few men

27 the Second Cavairy would also have had a holster for their revolver. The
Scond Cavatrymen wore carbine slings and spurs.

The archeological evidence for equipment is limited in quantity, but
s:verse. Aside from the firearms evidence, discussed later, perhaps the most
significant equipment artifact js a trowel bayonet (Figure 21} found on the
Retreat Line through the Willows. The trowel bayonet, or more properly ac-
soaierment, holds the distinction of being the first truly American bayonet
ign, Although it was wholly an experimental concept it was issued for field
als. It was those uials that saw its use in the Big Hole battle. About 10,000
the Mode! 1868, 1869. and 1873 entrenching bayonets were manufactured
oF experimental and fieid trials (Reilly 1990:121).

PAR

55



Bag Hole Battlefield

In general, we found most cartridge cases could be sorted to type and
individual guns, although some, particularly the .45/70-caliber cartridge cases,
were too corroded to identify beyond type. The bullets, on the other hand,
were generally too corroded by lead oxides to sort beyond the weapon type.
The precess of microscopic comparison of each cartridge case to every other
camridge case of the same caliber, as well as each bullet, is very time-consum-
cag, but results are worth the effort as will be scen in the following discussion.

U.S. RIFLE MODEL 1841, by Dick Harmon

One of the most important artifacts found during the project was a
r. (FS1117) discovered near the northwest edge of the Nez Perce camp
2 in the roots of a willow tree located in an old slough (Figure 22).
weapon is a U.S. Rifle Modei 1841 (Hicks 1961:70). With the
ption of the walnut stock, the rifle was found nearly intact and sul as-
d. The metal pasts included the iron barrel, lock, wigger assembly,
retaining springs, ramrod retaining spring, brass barre) bands, trigger
guard. and patch box cover. However. the rifle’s heavy brass burt plate and
two iron butt plate screws were nol Jocated even after a very thorough search
of the area.

The patch box cover was found near ihe trigger guard and in an opea
position. The cover was hinged away from the stock. The patch box was origi-
nally located on the right side of the stock near the butt. We also observed
that the trigger guard is slightly bent. The bent trigger guard and the location
of the patch box cover lead to the speculation that the riflle’s stock may have
been smashed or intentionally broken at the wrist.

During the soldiers’ retreat from the Village they gathered up rifles
from their dead and wounded comrades and other weapons found in the
Nez Perce Village. In the retreat the surviving soldicrs broke the stocks and
teported|y threw them into the river {Haiaes 1991:72) in order to avoid hav-
ing them used against the command. The Mode! 1841 Rifle may be one of
weapons destroyed during the retreat.

This type of rifle was first patterned and constructed at Harpers
Ferry Arsenal and approved by the Ordaance Department in 184], thus the
modei designation of 1841 (Gluckman 1963:182). Harpers Ferry Arsenal
and tive private contractors produced 70.796 rifles of this mode] between
}846 and 1855 (Flayderman 1980:445). It was first issued to the U.S, Regi-
ment of Mounted Riflemen and the First Mississippi Regiment commanded

128


Chapter 5

much the same manner as the Eurocmerican combatants. Limited archeo-
logical investigation {Scott 1974:303; Bray 1958; sce aiso discussion of the Big
Hole riflepit excavation) of earthworks in the trans-Mississippi West demon-
strates that the earthworks constructed by Euroamericans, specifically soldiers,
were not hasty or haphazard as is the common perception. They were con-
structed according to procedures outlined in various military guides of the
period

The American classic, and one that guided the construction of
earthwarks in the Mexican War and the Civi] War, is D. H. Mahan's 18364
Complete Treatise on Field Fortification. with the General Outlines of the Prin-
ciples Regulating the Arrangement, the Attack. and the Defense of Permanent
Works, Hasty fortifications were defined as those constructed so that troops
could take better advantage of the opportunities of natural cover (Mahan 1847}.
Nevertheless, hasty entrenchments were not to be the rule. American and, for
that manter, European military thought was dominated by the concept of massed
frontal assault. The use of entrenct.ments was to play a defensive role.

Dennis Mahan’s treatise on field fortifications was uniquely Ameri-
can, in that jt recognized that most American wars would be fought by militia
arki only the few regulars would be the most disciplined. If defense was neces-
sary then the militia could build and occupy field fortifications strong enough
to resist the enemy's frontal assault unti! a well-organized counterassault could
displace them (Hagerman 1965}.

Not until the Jatter part of the nineteenth century did military theo-
nsis begin to formalize the concept of smali-unit tactics. Small-unit move-
ment. essentially the squad level, was first introduced in Emory Upton's 1872
Infanmy Tactics, but these were not small-unit fighting tactics. only mechanical
movements.

Unfortunately the U.S. Army published few formal field manuals for
smali units before the beginning of the 20th century. However, a number of
practical guides for officers were privately published throughout the century
to bridge the gap left by the tack of official guidance available outside the
West Point classroom. One of the most used guides was Mountain Scouting by
Captain Edward Farrow. Farrow was an instructor at West Point when he
“Tote his practical guide in 1881. He had seen active field service during the
Nez Perce campaign of 1877 and was with Howard when he arrived at the Big
Hole. Farrow (1881:243) noted, “The history of all battles of late years has
shown the expediency of making use of natural shelter or constructing field
intrenchments,”

109



Chapter 5

Buttons, peeves of equipment, cartridge cases, and bullets were found
in the Siege Area. Fifty-nine .45/70 cartridge cases were recovered in the
area. These cases represent 26 individual Springfield frrearms. The majority
of cases cross-match with others. Eleven guns had only a singSe case repre-
senting their use in the battle. Five guns were represented by two cascs each;
sit guns, three cases each, two guns, four cases each; and two by six cases each.
One case retained a cardboard tube liner indicating it was a carbine round. If
this case represents a carbine then it may identify a firing focation of one of
the Second Cavalry soldiers.

Whereas most .45/70 cartridge cases were found on the eastern edge
of the point of land unat makes up the Siege Area or actually within the ridepits,
there is one exception. A single .45/70 cartridge case was found southwest of
the riflepits and in the umbered area known to have been utilized by the Nez
Perce warriors. However, the case matches toa case found among Lhe rifle pits.

The .50/7% cartridge cases found in the Siege Area entrenchments
tend to concentrate in the western riflepits. This distribution is consistent
with the historically documented location of most of the voluntecrs during the
latter stages of the bate. A single .44-caliber rimfire cartridge case fired ina
Mode! 1860 Colt Conversion was also found in this area, as was a .50/70-cali-
ber cartridge case fired in a Remington Rolling Block rifle.

The cartridge case matches exhibited only limited movement in the
Siege Area. There is some evidence that cases found near the lip of the allu-
vial fan match to some cases found in the entrenchments. This suggests that
once the soldiers entrenched, there was litle movement among the various

shett. ° pits.

Bullets of various calibers were found in and around the entrench-
ments, as weil as in the areas historically identified as Nez Perce positions.
The .45/70-caliber bullets were found throughout the Siege Area. A few were
found among the entrenchments, but most were outside the entrenchments
proper. A large concentration was noted on the northeastern edge of the fan,
and smaller concentrations to the south and upsfope about 250 yards to the
Wes.

The other caliber bullets, those more likely associated with the Nez
Perce have a similar distribulion. However, more lead scraps (unidentified
bullets and bullet fragments) and .50/70-caliber and ,44-caliber bullets were
found among the entrenchments than .45/70 buliets. Many of the other cali-
ber bullets were found embedded in the fan edge or to the northeast.

tl



TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments
Table of Contents ....
List of Tables...
Lisi of Figures

Part 1 - Background

Chapter 1. Introduction .. ”
The Research Objectives ..
History and Historical Archeolog .

Chapter 2. An Outline -sf the History of the Battle 0... ccc F

Chapter 3. Gathering the Evidence ..........
Consolidation and Synthesis of Prev
Archeological Froiect Methods ...

ious s Stody Efforts .

Crapter 4. Test Excavations .. ..
Possible Tepee Location .
Riflepit Test Excavaticns
Camas Oven and Human Burial ............2cccccecer eens

Chapter 5. Interpreting the Evidence .. oo
The Esidenee for Clothing and Equipment... =
Probable Nez Perce Personal Items and Camp Equipment
Weapons at the Battle of the Big Hole se
Moveruents and Actions at the Big Hole Battle ......ccccceesseseecees 82

Crapter 6, Conclusion oo... ncsnesssatscssercrecasouseesseeer sass
Genera! Observations...
Research Questions .....

Part Ii - Artifact Descriptions and Analysis

Caapter 7. Artifact Descriptions and Analysis .......
Arms and Ammunition Used in the Battle
Posi-Batthe AMMUNITION oc eceseeseeeeeessee

iii



Big Hole Battiefield

dom wand zrings of men looking through the Village. The north to south align-
ment migit suggest pickets posted to maintain an eye on the Nez Perce while
the bulk ef the command attempted to burn the Village. Such a postulated
deployment is in agreement with tactical manual recommendations for a halt
under fire.

The most northerly cartridge casc group may represent a picket post
or Nez Perce-utilized captured weapons. This intriguing group of six .45/70
cases (Figure 27) was found in the north loop of the river, at the northeast
edge of the Village. The river shifted ils course several years ago. and this
loop is new an abandoned meander, Several cases were too eroded to con-
sider in the analysis. but the others indicate at least three 4370 rifles were
used in this area, The three all match to cases in the north Village group

‘sithin suspected soldier positions.

In addition, six .S0:70 cases (Figure 28) were found in this area as
wel! All six cases match to a case found in the northern area, as well as toa
cuse found in the Willow, retreat area and to ovo cases found in the Siege
Area (Figure 29). This combined evidence may suggest that some of Bradiey’s
or Sanne’s men moved about 125 vards to the north. perhaps engaging some
Nez Perce warriors in the process, An alternative explanation is that these
cases represent the movement of the group who unsuccessfully attempted to
capture the horse herd. If se. the cases represent their movement from the
north to the south and suggest they were under fire as they made their move-
ment to join the men in the Village.

The northern end of the Village, east of the Willows. is nearly devoid
of 45 )-caliber cartridge cases. It is tempting to speculate that this indicates
and verifies that Bradiey’s command was stalled at the Willows afte- he was
killed. However, such an interpretation must be made carefully. The absence
of cartridge cases in this area may also be due to intensive relic collecting
efforts in the past. Thain White's pholographs of [ind areas suggest he con-
centrated his coltecting efforts in this northern area. Thus the relic finds he
made may have biased the archeological sample recovered in this area, There
2 also numerous .45/70-caliber bullets found in this same arca. In fact, the
ibution of 48/70 bullets shows a higher concentration in the northern end
he Village than elsewhere (Figure 30). The same can also be said for non-
4270 bullets. This certainly suggests there was combat in this area, and it
should be pointed out the non-.45/70 bullet distribution is more random than
that of the 4579 bullets. The 45/70 bullets are not found in the Willows but
aimest exclusively in the Village, to its east, as well as south of the Village.

88


Bog Hove Battlefield

“ood, or other sensitive or perishable artifacts were encountered when a
metal object was being exposed.

After cxposure the pinflag was left upright at the location to signal
the cecording /.w, OF. some occasions the recording crew lagesd behind the
recow=cy team. and it \'as impossihle to record and collect the exposed arti-
faces 2-Tore the end of the workday. In these instances we assigned a tempo-
Tary 2ipha or numeric designation to the artifact and Tespective pinflag. We
then :ourded the prevenience, bagged the artifact. and Placed it with the cot-
lection for security purposes. The folloving day the specimen position was
reenracd

Recording, The recording crew assigned field specimen numbers, re-

rGe2 artifact proveniences, and collected the specimens. Recorders back-

hed artact-location holes upon completion. The crew consisted of an in-

went Operator. a rod person, and one or two recorders. Artifacts were

< sequential field specimen numbers beginning at 1000. Records were

cage = the SDR33 data collector and a hand-written field specimen catalog

4 > kept as a backup. ‘The locational and catalog information was trans-
m the SDR33 ta a laptop computer daily.

Each artifact marked by 2 pinflag was Piece-plotted as follows. The
insWSaaent was sct up at an established datum point. Distance, azimuth, and
coornale point readings for each artifact location were recorded electroni-
celly. Distance was read to the nearest one-thousandth of a foot as well as
the Sorih and east coordinate. The instrument operator transmitted this
ton to the recorders by postable two-way radio or by unaided vaice.
Reov ders ideatified the artifact to the instrument operator who entered the
appropriate artifact code in the SDR33. The recorders also entered the
intorcation in the catalog, and noted the depth of the artifact and its orien-
iguoz to the cardinal directions and declination from the horizontal. This
‘oration was used to determine bullet trajectories and fields of fire. Ori-
z 2 and declination were not recorded for surface specimens. For
ceriain types of artifacts this information cither was not determinable or
was considered superfluous to patterning studies, Examples were nails,

tons, suspender clips, coins, horse trappings, feather goods, cans, and

Tous metal fragments. In the main, orientation and declination were

at considerations in recording projectiles (e.g., bullets and metal
sSuie points) and cartridge cases.

Underwater Investigations. The historical documentation indicated thae
= army units and the Nez Perce utilized the river. Both combatants



Brg Hole Battlefield

pany. Since that company came into existence in 1911 (Barber 1987), the sheil
dates post-1911.

Six 12-gauge shotshells were identified. One has no headstamp
{FS1022). One (FS1185) is headstamped “WINCHESTER LEADER NO. 12.”
This headstamp was used on Winchester-produced shaishells from 1894 to
1943 (Stadt 1984: Iverson 1989), Five shells (FS1399, 1404, 1923, 1944, 2088)
are headstamped “ELEY BROS LONDON.” This headstamp is for the famed
Eiey Brothers who were ammunition manufacturers in England throughout
the last three-quarters of “he nineteenth century. This raised headstamp may
date to the 1870s, although its origination date is uncertain (Boothroyd
i938:13}. These shells may date from the battle penod or fater.

Two shells are 10 gauge (FS1356, 1638}. One is headstamped
“UMCCO SMOKELESS NO. 10.” This headstamp indicates a Union Metal-
lic Cartridge Company manufacture dating to the period post-1890 to 1931
(Barber 1987; Iverson 1989:149). The other {FS1638) is headstamped
-UMCCO NO. 10.” This Union Metallic Cartridge Company shell was made
between 1867 and 1911 (Barber 1987). It may date to the period of the battle,
Sut in all probability it post-dates the engagement.

The shells and shot were widely distributed around the battlefield.

re artifacts were found south of the Village, one several hundred yards

south of the Village. one on the Trail, two in the timber southwest of the

sege Area. and ten in the Siege Arca. While the shot and several shells

could have been used in the battie, all the shotgun-related artifacts prob-
ably are associated with post-battle activities.

DEFORMED BULLETS. BALLS, AND LEAD SCRAPS

Within the collection are forty-three deformed bullets and balls or
scaps of lead which probably represent fragments of bullets. All are too
deformed or fragmentary to identify, but they definitely represent bullets
that struck something, causing them to become deformed or to splinter.
Soft lead or unalloyed bullets are known to deform more on impact than
alloyed bullets. And that is the case with these bullets. Soft lead bullets are
also known to splinter when they strike bone (DeHaan 1983). Most of these
fragmented bullets appear associated with the battle areas. They were often
found near clearly identified bat.l¢e-related builets. While the context appears
10 suggest a battle association, later sources of origin cannot be excluded. The
deformed bullets and .ead scraps are FS1057, 1662, 1303, 1387, 1400, 1416,
1441, 1443, 1450, 1460, 1463, 1553, 1570, 1581, 1639, 1646, 1641, 1657, 1666,

154



Chapter 6

understanding of social and cultural behavior. In the case of battlefields the
focus of the study becomes cultural approaches to conflict. With the Big Hole
as #eil as other Indian Wars battle sites the opportunity is to study the particu-
lars and general trends of disparate cultures in conflict.

At the Big Hole the majority of army cartridge cases are clustered in
spenally discrete units that are easily defined. These discrete spatial patterns
ty correlate with the historically documented elements of the battle and
more ‘importantly, they correlate with specific units known to have occupied

these: positions.

The archeological data correlates with the historic documentation at
an exceptional level for the Big Hole study. There is evidence of combat at the
site andit appears to have been conducted berween two different groups. The
gtx spatial distribution datz, primarily drawn from the matching cartridge
dence, adds a tremendous amount of detail. The discrete spatial data
ztes with the historic accounts on nearly cvery point. There are no sig-
conflicts between the two data sets The gross pattern analysis and
entification of unit patterns that can be ascribed to identified unit posi-
ons validate the archeological record’s ability to correctiy interpret historic
s. In the realm of validation studies the degree of correlation between

the dara set and the historic documentation borders on the incredible.

In addition the Big Hole study has added two new componcnis to the

it War Battlefield Pattern: the role of artillery and the identification

Nez Perce Village site. In the case of the howilzer there was direct

© of its presence in the form of sabot strapping. Had the area not been

disturbed by relic hunters perhaps more archeological data might have been
found, Although limited, the evidence for the use of artillery 35 present on the
ficid and can be interpreted.

The Nez Perce Village evidence is represented by a wide varicty of
personal and camp equipage artifacts. Their presence alone. without the knowl-
of tepee sites would have alerted us to the presence of a camp or village.
Archeolagy has long been involved in the study of prehistoric and historic
Indian camps and villages. The Big Hole data confirm such a presence can be
reqpemzed ina battle situation.

Archeological investigations at Litte Bighorn Battlefield National
ument provided a new perspective on the various elements of the Battle
Latde Bighorn. Those investigations led to the development of a Post-
War Battleficld Model (Fox and Scott 1991). The Big Hole battlefield
study demonstrates the utility of that model, Combatant positions have been

121



Nonny Bam

Figure 31. Posited initial troop movements at the Big
Hole Battle.

AInpunee Sam

~290n
sediey
Sanne
Zomba

A:

Brewning
witons
Pown

eegon

Figure 32. Posited second phase troop deployment dur-
ing the battle.



Chapter 3

At the ume of this writing. the artifacts and original supporting notes,
records, and other documentation are held at the National Park Service’s Mid-
west Archeological Center. The artifacts will be returned to Big Hole Na-
tional Battlefield for their coilection. display, and use in further scientific re-
search when the park requests.

Firearms Identification Procedures

The comparative study of ammunition components is known as fire-
arms identification analysis. Firearms. in their discharge, leave behind dis-
tinctive metallic fingerprints or signatures on the ammunition components.
These signatures, called class characteristics, allow the determination of the
tpe of firearm (i.e. model or brand) in which a given ~artridge case or bullet
was fired. This then allows determination of the numucr of different types of
guns used in a given struation.

Further, they allow the :dentification of individual weapons by com-
paring the unique qualities of firearm signatures, called individual character-
istics. This capability is very important because, coupled with the precise arti-
fact locations, identical signatures can be used to identify speafic combat ar-
eas. This can be done with cartridge cases and bullets even though the actua!
weapons are not in hand. With this information, patterns of movement can be
established and sequeaces of activity can be more precisely interpreted.

The means to this end is reasonably simple in concept. When a car-
tmnidge weapon is fired the firing pin strikes the primer contained in the car-
tridge, leaving a distinctive impnnt on the case. The primer ignites the pow-
der. thus forcing the bullet do ¥n the barrel. ‘she rifling in the barrel imprints
the lands and grooves on the bullet in mirror image. The extractor also im-
prints the spent case as it is removed (extracted) from the gun’s chamber.
These imprints are called individual characteristics. Individual characteristics
2re also present on projectiles fired from muzzle-loading firearms like flint-
locks and percussion weapons, even smooth-bored guns.

Law enforcement agencies have long used the investigative technique
of firearms identification as an aid in solving crimes. Two methods commonly
osed by police departments include comparisons of bullets and cartridge cases
Harris 1980: Hatcher. Jury, and Weller 1977) to identify weapon types from
which they were fired. Police are routinely successful in matching bullets and/
or cartridge case individual characteristics to the crime weapon simply by dem-
onstrating that the firing pin, extractor marks, or the land and groove marks
could only have been made by a certain weapon. In the event that weapons

35