Russian 

Copper Icons 

1 

Crosses 

r ^ .1 _ 

Kunz Collection: 

Castings 

Faith 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn 

and 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

Editors 

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number 25819.' 

25819.057. 

-Above, triptych wilh crest and finial depicting Saint Nicholas of Mozhaisk, Kunz collection 

88; below, triptych wilh crest depicting Saint Paraskeva Piatnitsa, Kunz collection number 
SMITHSONIA N STUDIE S IN HISTOR Y AN D TECHNOLOG Y • NUMBE R 51 

Russian Copper Icons and 

Crosses from the Kunz Collection: 

Castings of Faith 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn 

and 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

EDITORS 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 

Washington, D.C. 

1991 
ABSTRAC T 

Ahlborn, Richard Eighme, and Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola, editors. Russian Copper Icons 

and Crosses from the Kunz Collection: Castings of Faith. Smithsonian Studies in History and 

Technology, number 51, 85 pages, frontispiece, 66 figures, 1 table, 1991.—This study of Old 

Russian metallic "traveling" icons features eight distinct discussions: Russia, 1600-1900 (a 

general history); Russian Orthodox theology and icons, 1600-1900; iconographic form and 

content in the Kunz collection; technology and conservation of metallic icons in the Kunz 

collection; icons in daily use (three commentaries); and Old Believers and the manufacturing of 

copper-alloy icons. The eight essays are followed by an illustrated catalog of the Smithsonian 

Institution's 1988 exhibit of Kunz collection pieces. There is also a table listing the content 

analyses of 22 metallic icons, an index of major iconographic subjects found in the Kunz 

collection, a glossary of terms used in this study, and a selected bibliography. It is projected that 

this presentation of technical and cultural information regarding metallic icons will provide both 

a reference source and the inspiration for additional technical, typological, and social studies. 

© 1991 by Smithsonian Institution. All rights reserved. 

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is 

recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. SERIES COVER DESIGN: Icon: 

Four-leaves with crests, depicting Church Feasts; Kunz collection number 25819.055. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Russian copper icons and crosses from the Kunz Collection : castings of faith / Richard Eigtime Ahlborn and Vera 

Beaver-Bricken Espinola, editors. 

p. cm. — (Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 51) 

Includes bibliographical references. 

1. Icons, Russian. 2. Crosses—^Russian S.F.S.R. 3. Copperwork—Russian S.F.S.R. 4. Christian art and syml>oIism—Modem period, 1500 Russian S.F.S.R. 5. Kunz Collection. 6. Icons—Washington (D.C.) 7. Crosses— 

Washington (D.C.) I. Ahlborn, Richard E. II. Espinola, Vera B. III. Kunz Collection. IV. Series. 

NK1653.S65R8 1990 

730'.947—dc20 90-19630 
Contents 

Page 

INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 1 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn 

RUSSIA, 1600-1900 3 

Nicholas V. Riasanovsky 

RUSSIAN ORTHODOX THEOLOGY AND ICONS, 1600-1900 5 

Dmitry Grigorieff 

COPPER ICONS IN DAILY USE IN OLD RUSSIA 8 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

ICONS AMIDST RUSSIAN OLD BELIEVERS OF OREGON AND ALASKA 11 

Richard A. Morris 

ICONS IN THE DAILY LIFE OF POMORIANS IN THE UMTED STATES 15 

Anton Serge Beliajeff 

OLD BELIEVERS AND THE MANUFACTURING OF COPPER ICONS 17 

Anton Serge Beliajeff 

ICONOGRAPHIC FORM AND CONTENT IN THE KUNZ COLLECTION 22 

Basil Lefchick 

THE TECHNOLOGY AND CONSERVATION OF THE KUNZ COLLECTION 29 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

ILLUSTRATED CATALOG OF THE 1988 NMAH DISPLAY: "CASTINGS OF FAITH: 

RUSSIAN COPPER ICONS AND CROSSES FROM THE KUNZ COLLECTION" 41 

Iconographic Subjects 41 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn, with Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola and 

Basil Lefchick 

GLOSSARY 82 

REFERENCES 84 
Dedication 

This publication is dedicated to the memory and contributions of 

Dr. Anton S. Beliajeff, advisor, scholar, and respected colleague. 
Russian Copper Icons and 

Crosses from the Kunz Collection: 

Castings of Faith 

Introduction and Acknowledgments 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn 

In 1891, when George Kunz, agent for Tiffany and Company 

of New York, traveled to the annual fair in Nizhnii Novgorod, 

Russia, in search of gem stones and arts for his employer and 

private American clients, in part, he was responding to a 

well-developed American interest in Russian culture, a fragment of a vast fascination with "the exotic East." 

Those vague lands, stretching from China to Arabia to 

Russia, were romanticized by better-educated Americans who 

were fleeing the grim reality of urban slums and unsafe 

factories. As American industrial and economic expansion 

continued, exposure to Eastern cultures fed American imagination, and an acquisitive spirit. 

Oriental porcelains and prints, Persian poetry and rugs, and 

Russian metal wares, enamels, and novels were welcomed into 

the late Victorian parlor. In the concert hall, Russian 

symphonies, ballets, and operatic themes created bold pattems 

and lyric richness to fuel the mechanism of exoticism. 

With Russia long out of Alaska and the Romanovs living out 

an illusion of regal authority, privileged Americans began to 

indulge themselves by collecting Russian furs, gem stones, and 

encrusted metallic crafts of the late nineteenth century. Kunz 

responded to this market for exotic Russian arts with regular 

journeys into that vast empire. But it was the collection Kunz 

made of 350 copper-alloy traveling-size icons that fulfilled the 

Smithsonian Institution's need for objects representative of 

religious and ethnographic studies. The icons were collected as 

documents of the popular maintenance of Eastern Orthodoxy 

through its 900 years among the eastern Slavs, with particular 

relevance to the Russian "Old Believers." They perpetuated 

Richard E. Ahlborn, National Museum of American History. Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C, 20560. 

rites and practices that were abandoned by the church reforms 

of the late seventeenth century, and they continued to make 

copper-alloy (e.g., brass and bronze) icons and crosses even 

after Peter the Great's 1723 ban on their manufacture or use. 

The fifty metal icons and crosses displayed in the National 

Museum of American History in 1988 are representative of the 

collection of more than three hundred. All but two of these fifty 

copper-alloy castings came to the Smithsonian Institution in 

1892. That year, the Smithsonian's Assistant Secretary, G. 

Brown Goode, received an offer from George Kunz conceming 

a sizeable collection of icons he had acquired at the August fair 

at Nizhnii Novgorod, Russia. 

Lacking funds to purchase the entire lot, the Smithsonian 

acquired what it could in 1892. In the following decades, the 

metal icons were stored away and studied as part of a general 

scholarly interest in comparing world religions. Several were 

described and illustrated in a posthumous publication of 

Smithsonian Assistant Curator Immanuel Moses Casanowicz 

(1929). 

It was not until 1981, however, that a thorough survey was 

undertaken of the metal icons and crosses at the urging of an 

American-bom professional conservator and student of old 

Russian culture, Mrs. Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola. She 

meticulously examined, re-numbered, cleaned, and re-housed 

all the metal icons; the most unstable received full conservation 

treatment. Supported by her Russian Orthodox and Old 

Believer heritage, Vera Espinola brought her linguistic abilities, analytical skills, and colleagues in Soviet and American 

academic communities to focus on the Smithsonian Institution's metal icon collection. As a result, a new research and 

public education project came into being in 1985. 

The "Russian Icon Project" received the benefit of a 

1 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

scholarly Advisory Committee, invited by the Director of the 

National Museum of American History, Roger G. Kennedy. 

Committee members consisted of Dr. Anton S. Beliajeff, 

historian of the Orthodox church and the Old Believers; Prof. 

Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, scholar of Russian history; Mrs. 

Vera B. Espinola, conservator; Mr. Basil Lefchick, iconographer; Fr. Dmitri Grigorieff, Orthodox theologian; Dr. Richard 

Morris, anthropologist; and the co-editor, a curator of Christian 

artifacts at the Smithsonian Institution. 

By January, 1988, the Project planning included a display of 

representative metal icons and crosses, a brochure, a one-day 

symposium, and this publication. Earlier, specialists of Ukranian Orthodoxy confirmed that the collection contained no 

Ukranian objects. Vera Espinola selected fifty icons and 

crosses for display, and each was carefully photographed at the 

Smithsonian by Dane Penland. Later, additional icons were 

photographed by Charles Rand, Collections Manager for the 

Smithsonian's National Numismatic Collection. At a series of 

meetings beginning in 1981, members of the Advisory 

Committee set out to write essays for this publication and to 

raise funds for the exhibition and publication of the catalog. 

Funding for the Russian Icon Project benefitted greatly from 

private interests. Marinka Bennett established the special 

project fund with its most substantial contribution. Subsequent 

support was generously given by The Congress of Russian 

Americans, Inc., Vera B. Espinola, The Association of 

Russian-American scholars in the USA, Inc., Marion R. 

Koehler, Natalia Solzhenitsyn, and Vladimir and Suzanne 

Tolstoy. 

The Russian Icon Project drew on the expertise of numerous 

scientists and scholars. These specialists have contributed 

directly to the Icon Project and are gratefully acknowledged for 

their generosity, skill, and knowledge: Gary Carriveau, Paul 

Angiolillo, and Lisha Glinsman of the Scientific Department, 

National Gallery of Art; Tom Chase of the Freer Gallery of Art 

and Sackler Gallery, who prepared Table 1; Robert Organ, 

retired, Martha Goodway, Walter Hopwood, and Joan Mishara 

of the Conservation and Analytical Laboratory, Smithsonian 

Institution; Scott Odell and the staff of the Division of 

Conservation, National Museum of American History; Pete 

Dunn of the Department of Mineral Sciences, National 

Museum of Natural History; Karen Preslock, Chief Librarian, 

Library Research Services Division, Smithsonian Institution; 

Robert Brill of the Corning Museum of Glass; John Patrick, 

who reviewed early drafts of the manuscript; David Osborne 

and Boris Boguslavsky of the Library of Congress; ethnologists 

Larisa Romanovna Pavlinskaya, Sergei lakovlich Serov, and 

Alexander Ivanovich Teryukov of the MAE Ethnographic 

Institute and USSR Academy of Sciences; Marina Sergeiivna 

Shemahanskaya, Head of the Metals Conservation Laboratory, 

AU-Union Scientific and Research Institute for Restoration, 

Moscow; and Maria Danilovna Malchenko and Sergei Vladimirovich Tomsinsky, curators of the Kalikin collection of 

metal icons and crosses at The Hermitage Museum, Leningrad. 

These Soviet scientists, as well as Mikhail Ivanovich Chuvanov. Chairman of the Preobrazhensky Community of Old 

Believers, granted personal interviews to Vera Espinola 

between 1980 and 1987. 
Russia, 1600-1900 

Nicholas V. Riasanovsky 

This segment of Russian history possesses a certain unity, 

for it largely overlaps the imperial, or Petrine, period in the 

evolution of Russia. 

The empire of the Romanovs began formally in 1721, when 

Peter assumed the title of emperor, or, if one prefers, two or 

three decades earlier when he became the effective ruler of his 

country. The empire continued until 1917. Yet, the respected 

Russian historian Kliuchevsky and many other specialists 

regarded the seventeenth century as a period of transition, 

perhaps even more significant in certain major ways than the 

hectic years of the Petrine reform. The seventeenth century 

witnessed a slow and uneven "Westernization" of Moscovy, 

Moscovy expansion into the Ukraine, the fmal stages of the 

creative development of numerous elements of old Russian 

culture, and the only fundamental split in the history of the 

Russian Orthodox church (which separated the so-called Old 

Believers from the religious mainstream), a split that was itself 

connected to the new ideological and cultural currents of the 

time. 

The transition was a major one. Skipping the Renaissance, 

the Reformation, the sequence of overseas discoveries, and the 

scientific revolution, so prominent in Western history, Russia, 

or rather the Russian ruling circles and the very small but 

growing Russian educated public, moved out of the quasimedieval, church-centered world of Moscovy and into the 

European eighteenth-century Enlightenment as a result of the 

Petrine reforms. Not surprisingly, the nature and import of the 

Petrine reforms remain a cmcial issue of Russian historiography. 

Possibly the best approach to that issue is to distinguish 

various aspects of Russian history and the changes resulting in 

those aspects. Peter the Great succeeded in modemizing the 

army and creating a fine navy. Indeed, he defeated Sweden in 

the decisive Great Northern War (1700-1721), gaining for 

Russia a permanent position as a major European and even 

worid power. However, it is generally agreed that Peter the 

Great did not transform either the Russian economy or Russian 

society. The administration and political structure in general in 

Russia suggests a more complex picture. The establishment of 

Nicholas V. Riasanovsky. Department of History. University of 

California at Berkeley. Berkeley, CA.. 94720 

the Senate, the Holy Synod, the colleges, the new provincial 

administration, and the Table of Ranks, together with numerous other related reforms, gave Russia a novel, and unmistakably Western, political structure. State-sponsored and irreversible intellectual and cultural transformations brought parochial 

and religious Moscovy into the universalist and secular Age of 

Reason. However, a question remains about the extent to which 

the Western style reforms changed, then and subsequently, the 

old Moscovite practices of largely personal and arbitrary 

official action. 

By most measures Russia proceeded to do well in its new 

role. Peter the Great's triumph over Sweden was followed later 

in the century by Catherine the Great's sweeping victories over 

Turkey and her cmcial participation in the three partitions of 

Poland, which eliminated that unfortunate state from the map 

of Europe. (Catherine, who mled Russia from 1762 to 1796, 

was originally a German princess devoted to the Enlightenment 

and with no Russian roots whatsoever.) Educated Russians 

continued to leam from the West and began to produce 

outstanding writers and other intellectuals and artists of their 

own. The cosmopolitan imperial Russian court in St. Petersburg, the city founded by Peter the Great, was fast becoming a 

leading center of the aristocratic culture and society of Europe. 

The city itself, principally a late eighteenth and early nineteenth 

century creation, remains one of the world's treasures. Even in 

such industrial items as the production of pig iron, Russia, prior 

to the development of the industrial revolution in Europe, made 

an impressive showing. 

The first half of the nineteenth century proved to be less 

fortunate for the empire of the tsars. Although eventually 

victorious over Napoleon, Russia assumed a defensive and 

static stance, particularly during the thirty-year-long reign of 

Nicholas I, 1825-1855. Unwilling to compromise the age-old 

but increasingly archaic key institutions of autocracy and of 

serfdom, the government tried certain palliatives and resorted 

to increased regimentation and control. Meanwhile, other 

European countries developed politically and, especially, 

progressed economically and technologically. Russian blunders in foreign policy added their contribution; the result was 

the disaster of the Crimean War, 1853-1856. 

The inevitable reforms came shortly after, featuring the 

emancipation of serfs (half the peasant population of Russia; 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

the other half consisted of peasants on state lands) in 1861, 

followed by basic changes in the judicial system, local 

government, and the military. The emancipation has been said 

to be the greatest legislative act in history, meaning all human 

history; nor can the other "great reforms" in Russia be 

considered anything but major. But major did not necessarily 

mean successful. The problems of the mostly illiterate and 

chronically poor masses remained and even increased with the 

rapid growth of population, even to the point of large numbers 

starving because of drought as late as the 1890s. The 

emancipation reform included such questionable provisions as 

redemption payments for the land, which the former serfs did 

not meet, and the granting of the land in much of European 

Russia to peasant communes that stifled individual initiative. 

Large industry and the working class, in one word, capitalism, 

began to develop. A middle class began to emerge and so did 

the professions. The legal profession was in effect created by 

the reform of 1864. But all that development meant new 

difficulties and new tensions as well as new opportunities. With 

important accomplishments and rapid progress, but also with 

huge problems, obstacles, and mistakes, it remained difficult to 

predict whether the imperial Russian system had within itself 

the capacity to survive. After 1914 the added burden of the First 

World War made the verdict moot. 

For those interested in icons the most important divide is at 

the beginning of this account, when Russia, or rather the 

Russian govemment and leading circles, switched from their 

traditional religious culture to the modem secular one. Of 

course, imperial Russia remained officially Orthodox, just as 

other European states were officially Lutheran or Anglican. 

The link between the state and the church was, in fact, 

uncomfortably close. Nor was the new culture, whether one 

thinks of the Slavophiles or of Dostoevsky, unaffected by its 

Orthodox background. Still, one of the most direct legacies of 

the earlier and more religious age, so well symbolized by icons, 

remained in the churches and huts of the common people. It is 

with this fundamentally spiritural legacy that the govemment 

of the land will have to contend, in the days of Gorbachev and 

glasnost, and thereafter. 
Russian Orthodox Theology and Icons, 1600-1900 

Fr. Dmitry Grigorieff 

Icons are perhaps the most eye-catching objects identifying 

the Eastern Orthodox faith from other Christian denominations. 

They are the first thing one sees upon entering an Orthodox 

church. They are prominently placed in the homes of Orthodox 

Christians. They grace the glossy pages of gift albums studying 

Byzantine and Russian medieval art. 

Icons, usually paintings on wooden boards, but also murals, 

or embossments on metallic siu"faces, are organically connected 

with life and the teaching of the Orthodox church. 

Historically, the Orthodox church descends directly from the 

Christian church of the first centuries. It claims that it has 

preserved intact the dogmas and the Apostolic tradition rooted 

in the Holy Scriptures as defined by the Holy Fathers^ and the 

Ecumenical Councils. These dogmas and traditions, including 

veneration of icons, were accepted by Christianity before the 

split between Eastem and Western Christendom became final 

in the eleventh century. The schism occurred along the lines of 

division of the ancient Roman empire into two parts, the 

Western with its center in Rome and the Eastem with its center 

in Constantinople. 

Orthodox worship is an intricate combination of spiritual 

intensity and sensual perception. It is based on belief in the 

inseparable link of the spiritual and material aspects of 

humanity and the mystery of the Incamation. The Lord became 

man, walked among the people, entered the stream of Jordan, 

blessed the bread and wine, and thus began the sanctification 

and transfiguration of the fallen world and its retum to the 

Father, The divine process continues in the Church. The 

Orthodox believe that everything around them can be sanctified 

and serve to glorify God, including voices, gestures, poetry, 

fragrances, and colors. 

The idea of the icon is rooted in the concept of the 

Incamation. Father A. Schmemann wrote the following: 

No one has ever seen God, t)ut the Man Christ reveals Him in full. An image of 

the Man Jesus is therefore an image of God, for Christ is the God-Man. If the 

material universe and its matter can be sanctified by the grace of the Holy Spirit, 

and in feeding our bodies also the "whole man" in God's conception of him as 

an incarnate spirit; if the water of baptism grants us forgiveness of sins; if the 

bread and wine of the Eucharist make present to us the Body and Blood of 

Dmitry Grigorieff, Russian Orthodox Church of St. Nicholas of the 

Orthodox Church in America, 3500 Massachusetts Avenue. Washington, D.C. 

Christ, then a portrayal of Christ, the product of human art, may also be filled 

with the grace of His presence and power—may become not CMily an image but 

also a spiritual reality. In the icon there is at once a further revelation of the 

profundity of the dogma of Chalcedon [Fourth Ecumenical Council in 451 A.D. 

at which the Christian dogma of the Incamation was affimied, D.G.] and the gift 

of a new dimension in human art, because Christ has given a new dimension to 

man himself.^ 

Not only Christ's image may be painted on an icon. Every 

saint is a witness for Christ and His image. According to the 

Orthodox faith, their example has to be emulated by individuals 

in a constant effort of spiritual and moral self-perfection. In 

fact, every man carries the image and likeness of God in 

himself, which is tarnished and darkened by sins. 

I am the image of Thine ineffable glory, though I bear the brands of 

transgressions. Pity Thy creature, O Master, and purify me by Thy loving 

kindness.' 

According to Orthodox tradition the original icon was an 

"image not made with hands" of the Savior. The ancient legend 

tells how King Augar of Edessa in Asia Minor heard about 

Christ, believed in Him and wanted to have His image. He sent 

an artist to Christ to make a portrayal. The artist was unable to 

catch the features of Christ's face. Seeing his embarrassment 

Jesus applied a cloth to His face and His image was left on it. 

There is a parallel story of "Veronica's Veil" in the Westem 

tradition. A woman of Jerusalem, Veronica, filled with 

compassion at the sight of Jesus' suffering on His way to 

Calvary, wiped His sweating face with a cloth and His image 

remained there on the cloth. 

It is not the facts that are important in these stories or 

parables, but their references to the metaphysical connection of 

the divine and the human in the concept of iconography. Icons 

may be beautiful examples of artistic creativity. But they also 

are windows into the other world. The iconographer attempts to 

catch the innermost spiritual essence of a particular person, or 

an event (e.g., the Nativity) rather than extemal reflections of 

life. 

Besides its aesthetic value and its attempt to express visions 

of the world and life through specific artistic forms, icons may 

contain a deep theologico-philosophical meaning. This is 

particularly characteristic of Russian medieval religious art. 

Russian religious experience and mind were expressed considerably more in iconography and church architecture than in 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

written theological works. Father George Florovsky pointed 

this out: 

.. .the Russian icon irrefutably testifies to the complexity and profundity, as well 

as to the genuine beauty, of old Russia's religious Ufe. With justice Russian 

iconography has been described as a "theology in colors."^ 

The icon of the Holy Trinity by Andrei Rublev, the foremost 

Russian iconographer, is probably the best example of Russian 

medieval iconography and its link with theology and philosophy. Painted around 1408 by the venerable artist for the Trinity 

Monastery of St. Sergius of Radonezh in the place presendy 

known as Zagorsk, it is now kept in the Tretyakov Art Gallery 

in Moscow. 

There is a remarkable and revealing interrelation between the 

monastery, which became the center of Russian culture and 

spirituality, the Holy Trinity icon, and Russian medieval 

iconography. St. Sergius dedicated his monastery to the Holy 

Trinity, which for him was an image of transfiguration and 

unity of all creatures in God. The same ideal inspired 

old-Russian piety and iconography. "Overcoming of the ugly 

divisiveness of the world, the transfiguration of the universe 

into a temple, in which the whole creation is united in the same 

way as the three persons of the Holy Trinity are united in one 

Divine Essence, is the basic theme to which everything is 

subordinated in the old-Russian painting,"^ wrote Prince 

Eugene Tmbetskoy (died 1920), whose studies of the old 

Russian icons from artistic, theological, and historical angles 

are still unique. 

By an already existing tradition, Andrei Rublev depicted 

symbolically the Holy Trinity as the three wandering angels 

who appeared to Abraham by the oak of Mamre (Genesis 18). 

"The angels, seated at a low table, form such a closely knit 

group that it is impossible not to interpret it as embodying the 

ideal of peace and harmony."^ [For a similar treatment of this 

concept see description of icon 25819.225 on page 72. R.E.A.] 

Through the colors and composition of the icon a bright 

sadness emanates from the angels to something below them. St. 

Sergius, when he built his monastery church of the Holy Trinity 

in the dense forest, prayed that the cmel world surrounding 

him, divided by hatred and derisions, would be filled with the 

love and harmony reigning in the pre-eternal council of the 

triune God. 

Prince E. Tmbetskoy points out the contradictory impressions often made by the simultaneous coexistence of cheerfulness and asceticism, joy and sadness in the icons. "However," 

he writes, "there cannot be Pascha (Easter) without the Passion 

week and one cannot bypass the life-giving cross of the Lord on 

the way to the joy of the universal resurrection. Therefore the 

joyous and sad, ascetic motives are equally indispensable in our 

iconography,"^ Also, the icon is an image of a future 

transfigured humanity, which we do not see around, but are just 

trying to perceive with our inner spiritual sight. The ascetic 

thinness of human features in the icons is directed against the 

principle of biologism and the primacy of flesh in our society. 

It attracts our attention beyond our world filled with bloody 

stmggle for material goods to the new form of life in the 

Kingdom of God, which "flesh and blood cannot inherit" 

(I Corinthians 15:50). 

The icon does not fail to embrace space in accordance with 

optical laws simply because artists were not skillful. The lines 

in their perspective, instead of crossing in the horizon, 

deliberately cross in the spectator himself. Everything in the 

icon, including perspective, facilitates the transfer of the 

spectator's mental perception from the world of phenomenon to 

the mystical dimension of Orthodox theology. 

The iconoclastic movement in eighth century Byzantium 

originated in some subtleties in church-state relations, in 

secular and ecclesiastical cultural contacts, in Islamic bans on 

human images and Hellenic "spiritualism," but probably most 

of all in some popular serious distortions of icon veneration 

resembling idol-worship. The prohibition against icons by 

imperial decree lasted over fifty years until the Seventh 

Ecumenical Council in 787 A.D. restored their veneration. 

Actually, the iconoclastic persecutions prompted the church to 

creatively rethink the whole problem and to come up with more 

lucid and substantial explanations of the icon. Much was done 

to clarify the dogma of the veneration of icons before the 

council by St. John of Damascus, a monk in the monastery of 

St. Sabbas in Palestine. 

In former times God, who is without form or body, could never be depicted. But 

now, when God is seen in the flesh conversing with men, I make an image of 

the God whom I see, I do not worship matter; I worship the creator of matter 

who became matter for my sake, who wiUed to take His abode in matter; who 

worked out my salvation through matter. Never will I cease honoring the matter 

which wrought my salvation. I honor it, but not as God.* 

St. John's theology of the icon is based on the Incamation of 

Christ and so is the dogma promulgated by the Seventh 

Ecumenical Council. 

The iconoclasts were afraid of idol-worship in the icons. 

However, there is a sharp distinction in the Orthodox tradition, 

between the words "veneration" (proskinesis in Greek, 

pochitanie in Russian) and "adoration" (latreia in Greek, 

poklonenie in Russian); the latter may refer to God only. 

However, both Greek terms, proskinesis and latreia were 

translated in Latin as adoratio. This caused a lack of 

understanding of the theology of icons by Latins, and in the 

West in general.' 

There has been a marked decline in Orthodox iconography in 

the last three centuries. The influence of the Renaissance and 

Humanism upset the delicate balance of the spiritual, theological, and material elements of the iconographic tradition, and 

rather dull, realistic pictures, devoid of lofty symbolism and 

spiritualism, started to appear everywhere. Only the Old 

Believers, oppressed by the state authorities, preserved the 

tradition. Fortunately with the beginning of this century, a 

revival of the traditional church art has appeared. And that is an 

incalculable gift to the millennium of Russian Christianity. 
NUMBER 51 

Notes 

'The most important among the Fathers are St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory 

of Nasianzen, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. John Chrysostom, St. Athanasius of 

Alexandria, Sl. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Maximus the Confessor, St. John of 

Damascus, and St. Gregory Palamas, Archbishop of Thessalonica. 

^A. SCHMEMANN. The Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy, translated by 

L. Kesich (New York: Holt, 1963), page 202. 

^From the Orthodox Service For the Departed. 

"G. FLOROVSKY, Ways of Russian Theology, translated by R. Nichols 

(Belmont, Mass.: Nordland, 1979), page 1. 

^PRINCE EUGENE TRUBETSKOY, Ownozrenije v Kraskah (Paris: YMCA 

Press, 1965), page 20. 

^ANONYMOUS, Russian Icons from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century. 

Introduction by Victor Lazarev (New Yoik: Mentor-Unesco Art Book, 1962), 

page 20. 

''Tmbetskoy, op. cit., page 22. 

*ST. JOHN OF DAMASCUS, On the Divine Images, translated by D. Anderson 

(Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1980), page 23. 

^See I. MARKADE, "Dcona kak zerkalo trisolnechnogo sveta pravoslavija," 

NovyjZhurnal (New York), number 3, 1979, page 180-189. 
Copper Icons in Daily Use in Old Russia 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

Copper icons were attached to grave markers, as illustrated 

by those nailed to wooden posts (Figure 1) in a nineteenth 

centiuy Old Believer cemetery in northem Russia.^ A more 

modem example is a brass cmcifix secured to an elaborately 

carved post on the 1927 grave of the renowned Russian artist 

Boris Mikhailovich Kustodiev, in the St. Alexander Nevsky 

Vera B. Espinola. National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 

Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560. 

cemetery in Leningrad. This type of old Russian post, with a 

little roof called a srub. was traditionally placed at the foot of 

the grave (Figure 2). 

Many of the icons and crosses in the Smithsonian's Kunz 

collection have bent edges and wings and round holes in the 

metal. Nails were driven through the metal itself, wedged 

between die wing and panel of a triptych, or bent over a panel. 

One icon of St, Nicholas (25819.227) still shows a mst stain 

from such a nail on its bent edge. 

FIGURE 1.—^Metal and enamel icon nailed to a grave marker in an Old Believer cemetary in northem Russia. 

(Courtesy of Alexander I. Teryukov, photographer) 
NUMBER 51 

FIGURE 2.—Wooden grave post and srub, with attached metal crucifix. (Vera 

B. Espinola, photographer) 

Almost all of the earlier icons in this collection have holes in 

the crests for suspension. Thin cords, often coated with resin for 

strength, were used to hang small icons and pectoral crosses 

around the neck. The remains of such a twisted string can still 

be seen in the crest of triptych 25819.130 (Figure 3). 

Copper icons and crosses were objects of veneration and 

were kissed, incensed, and had oil lamps and candles bumed 

before them. Some from the Kunz collection have old 

candlewax deposits that have tumed green from over one 

hundred years of contact with the copper. 

If the eyes of the metal figures were wom and could not 

"see," then these objects were no longer used for veneration. 

Icons and crosses were not thrown away, but when smooth. 

FIGURE 3.—^The back of triptych 25819.130 showing suspension loop and the 

remains of a twisted cord. (Photographer Smithsonian Institution or Vera B. 

Espinola) 

they were disposed of by burial in the ground or in a body of 

water, sometimes wrapped in a cloth.^ Many of the icons nailed 

to cemetary posts also had wom faces indicating another 

method of retiring icons that could not "see." These methods of 

disposal were practiced because of individual or regional 

reverential custom, which were neither demanded by religious 

function nor by church dogma. During Peter I's reforms, a 

resolution passed on 29 March 1721 stated that objects 

originating from the raskolniki (referring to the Old Believers 

as schismatics) should be thrown either into water or into fire.^ 

Many icons and crosses in the Smithsonian's Kunz collection 

are heavily impacted with silicious material, an indication of 

burial. Fire-rounded grains of sand were identified as quartz 

and feldspar.'* Interspersed with this material were occasional 

red textile fibers, white textile fibers, and sometimes bits of 

wood and charcoal. 

Icons from the Kunz collection were known as "travelling 

icons" and the Reverend W, Sparrow Simpson^ wrote in 1867 

about twenty-nine similar icons that were brought to England 

after the Crimean war: 

When a peasant is about to send his son to service in the Army, he often 

takes from his neck the icon that he and his forefathers have wom, and places 

it, with his benediction, on the young soldier's breast. To the soldier himself the 

icon becomes a memento of his country, of his family, of his religion. Of his 

country, because it usually t}ears the effigy of some Russian saint, veiy 

frequently, the patron saint, S. Nicholas; of his family, for this icon may have 

been an heirloom; of his religion, for when about to offer his prayers, he opens 

his triptych or diptych, and kneels before it as a portable altar. He carries il, 

suspended round his neck, through the vicissitudes of a campaign; and when, 

his labours ended, he retums to his native parish, he often hangs his cherished 

possession upon the iconostasis of his village church, as a votive offering to 

commemorate his preservation. 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Notes 

^Personal conversations (March, 1986, and September, 1987) with 

Alexander Ivanovich Teryukov, ethnographer. Institute of Ethnography, USSR 

Academy of Sciences, Leningrad. Icons were found buried in the ground above 

the deceased in this cemetery. Sometimes they were found lying on the surface 

where they had fallen from posts. Alexander Teryukov took color slides of 

nineteenth century Old Believer cemeteries in Northem Russia (R.S.F.S.R.) in 

1979. 

^Personal conversations (Moscow, April, 1980, and September, 1987) with 

Mikhail Ivanovich Chuvanov, chairman of the Transfiguration {Preobrazhensky) Ccanmunity of Old Believers in Moscow and co-editor of the Church 

Calendar of the Be2popovtsy Old Believers. A renowned scholar and 

bibliophile, he is said to have the most complete collection of rare Old Believer 

books as well as works of Holy Scripture and works by Church Fathers and 

teachers such as SS. Augustine, Basil the Great, and John Chrysostom. In 1987, 

Mikhail Ivanovich was ninety-seven years young and active in his woric. He 

died in April, 1988, after a short illness. 

'M.N. PRINTSEVA, "K Voprosu ob Izuchenii Suroobryadcheskovo 

Mednovo Litya v Muzeinikh Sobraniyakh," Nauchno-Ateisticheskiye Issledovaniya v Muzeyakh, Izdaniye GMIRiA, Leningrad, 1986, page 51. 

"•Mineral identification by Dr. Pete Dunn, Department of Mineral Sciences, 

National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, 1983. In 1982, 

Dr. Robert BriU of the Coming Museum of Glass examined the sand on 12 

representative icons and stated that the edges of some of the quartz and feldspar 

are fire-rounded. 

5REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, "Russo-Greek Portable Icons of Brass" (The 

Journal of the British Archeological Association, London, June 30,1867), page 

114. 
Icons Amidst Russian Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska 

Richard A. Morris 

Among the Slavic peoples of the United States are some 

6,000 Russian Old Believers, Of recent immigration, they have 

settled in Oregon and Alaska to live, work, and raise their 

families according to the pre-seventeenth-century rite of the 

Russian Orthodox church. As a traditional religious group, 

their beliefs and practices give an important historical insight 

into the place and role of Orthodox icons in America. 

The Old Believers presently living in Oregon and Alaska 

began arriving in 1964 from various parts of the world in search 

of a place where they could preserve their religion and way of 

life. They first settled in the mid-Willamette Valley, an 

agriculturally rich, rural region in westem Oregon, Later, 

several families decided to move to Alaska, where they 

purchased a square mile of land on the Kenai Peninsula, The 

village they founded attracted other Old Believers and has 

grown to some 70 families, approximately 600 people. 

Over the centuries. Old Believers have characteristically 

sought remote, isolated regions where they could establish a 

village, build a prayer hall, and become a self-sufficient 

community. Insulated from the surrounding society, they were 

free to practice their religious convictions and way of life. For 

some 330 years, the faithful adherents have survived, scrupulously holding to the Old Rite that was prevalent until the 

Church Reforms of 1651-1667. 

The Church Reforms, instituted by Patriarch Nikon in the 

mid-seventeenth century, revised church books and elements of 

the Service ritual. Many people of the day interpreted the 

reforms as sacrilegious, and refused to accept them. Nonetheless, Tsar Alexei approved the reforms, and by doing so, 

alienated large segments of the faithful from their church and 

crown. This period in Russian history has become known as the 

Great Schism, or Raskol. Those who insisted on keeping the 

Old Rite became known as Old Ritualists, or. Old Believers. 

Old Believers in old Russia were periodically persecuted, 

and occasionally cajoled or forced to rejoin the dominant 

Orthodox church. But despite persecutions, subsequent political turmoil that has pushed many of them from their homeland, 

the adversities of successive migrations, and the need to 

accommodate their religious services to circumstances that 

Richard A. Morris, Russian and East European Studies Center. 

University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon. 

would not permit the full practice of the Old Rite, Old Believers 

have persisted and preserved what they could over three 

centuries. 

In Oregon and Alaska, three disparate groups of Old 

Believers have come together to form a larger community. 

Despite their experiences of a diaspora that stretched from 

Europe to Turkey to China, only minor differences are noted 

between the groups in their obedience to the Old Rite. 

Through disciplined living, encouraged by their religious 

ethic. Old Believers have secured homes, built prayer halls, and 

acquired good land in Oregon and Alaska. Already they are 

relatively self-supporting within their families and community. 

In Oregon, unable to secure enough land for a unified colony, 

they have spread across two counties, buying farms on which to 

raise their characteristically large families. The movement of 

some families to Alaska underscores their desire to avoid 

contact with urbanization and its dismptive influences. There 

they have integrated the seasons for fishing, hunting, and 

planting into the rhythm of their religious calendar. 

Interre lationships 

The American Old Believer "villages" have regular contact 

with others in Canada, South America, Australia, and, less 

frequendy, with the sizable number of Old Believers throughout the USSR. In each area, the Old Rite of Russian Orthodoxy 

persists. 

However, the dispersion of Old Believers over tfiree 

centuries has resulted in local interpretations of doctrinal 

issues, and differing degrees of accommodation to surrounding 

cultures. Members of congregations with a given doctrinal 

viewpoint are considered "in union" {vmeste), while those from 

congregations that practice differing interpretations would have 

to go through a purification, and conform to the local 

understandings and ways, in order to be accepted in such cases 

as marriage, etc. 

Icons in America 

An important feature of Orthodoxy involves the veneration 

of icons, images of holy persons. The veneration has a special 

intensity among the Old Believers in the United States. Icons 

11 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

are present in most daily activities and have a special 

importance at cmcial events of life, e.g., marriages, blessings, 

funerals, and remembrances. At church services, icons venerated by the congregation encourage the worshippers to feel the 

presence of the personages depicted. The worshippers show 

respect to, and seek protection from, the personages by bowing 

and crossing themselves before the icons, and often kissing 

them. 

Periodically throughout the day, prayers are made before one 

or another icon of the home. With their prayers Old Believers 

characteristically cross themselves with two fingers of the right 

hand. It is important to note that one of the Nikonian reforms of 

the seventeenth century changed the manner of crossing one's 

self: from using two fingers to using three fingers. This issue 

became an identifying symbol of resistance for the Old 

Believers, who still refuse to desecrate the right hand by 

touching the thumb to the first two fingers. [For a discussion of 

the seventeenth century liturgical reforms see page 31. R.E.A.] 

The principle family icons are kept on a special shelf in an 

eastem comer of the main room. This "beautiful comer," 

draped with curtains, holds the family icons, illuminated by one 

or more oil lamps and surrounded by colored eggs. The eggs 

have been blessed at the previous Easter Service and carefully 

brought home and placed near the icons for the ensuing year. 

Prayers for special occasions, and before and after meals, are 

made before the icons. A guest to the home, upon entering, 

often without knocking, prays and crosses himself, bowing 

three times in the direction of the icon comer. The host of the 

house supplies the "Amen"; the guest is then welcome to greet 

the residents. Prior to the "Amen," no words have been 

exchanged. Icons are also placed in the eastem comers of other 

occupied rooms. In each bedroom, the occupant performs 

moming and evening prayers and bows toward the icon. 

Narratives 

There are personal stories among the Old Believers relating 

how an icon helped them in a moment of need, or how the 

mistreatment of an icon, even accidental, resulted in a problem 

for the individual or family involved. More frequent are the 

accounts in which an icon has resolved a crisis. One story retold 

by a woman of the Harbin group, relates how she succeeded in 

reaching China in the 1930s. She and her husband decided to 

leave the Soviet Union. On the way, her husband was arrested, 

and fell deathly ill in prison. She continued as they had 

planned, taking with her only a small, metallic icon of the 

Mother of God. She tied the icon to her breast as she slipped 

into the Amur River, which marks the boundary between the 

Soviet Union and China. To cross the wide river, she lay on a 

small board. A Border Patrol boat passed close without 

noticing her, but its wake caused her to lose the board. Cold and 

growing weaker, she clutched the icon and prayed for help. 

Shortly, the board appeared near her, and she was able to reach 

the far shore. As she tells the story, her gratitude is directed to 

God, the Mother of God, and the icon itself 

Although common among the Old Believers, diese stories 

are told only to selected listeners, i.e., people who are not likely 

to attempt to discredit them. Outsiders seldom receive all the 

details; particulars of the miraculous parts are reserved for 

those who will accept and respect them, usually those with 

whom one is "in union." 

Personal Icons 

A personal attachment with an icon starts at the time of 

marriage. Until then, the young person has been surrounded 

with family icons, but not one that is personally his or hers. 

Prior to the wedding, both sets of parents acquire an icon to 

give their respective offspring at the ceremony. Care is taken to 

find an old icon that conforms to the Old Believer style, and 

that might come from Old Believer hands. Otherwise, the 

parents can request an icon to be "written" (painted) or 

"poured" (cast) by one of the local Old Believer iconographers. 

At the wedding ceremony, each set of parents presents their 

icon to the couple, blessing the marriage in the process. The 

groom's parents usually present him with a metal icon of Christ 

on the Cross, The bride's parents usually give her an icon of the 

Mother of God. As the Old Believers make no distinctions 

between the spiritual quality of a metallic or wooden icon, 

either type may be presented. 

After die ceremony, the couple, holding their icons in white 

handkerchiefs, take them to a room in the home of the groom's 

parents. There the young couple will live for a year or so, until 

the first child arrives. Once the couple becomes a family, they 

usually move into a home of their own, taking their icons with 

them. As more children are born into the family, additional 

icons are acquired for the occupied rooms of the home. 

The icons received at their wedding remain intrinsically 

special for die new parents. Icons acquired later may eclipse the 

original pair in size and grandeur and become more prominent 

in the icon comer. Nonetheless, the original icons, having 

received the blessing for the wedded pair, are held in special 

regard and are displayed in places of honor in the home. 

The personal icons of the couple make an important 

appearance again at the end of life. At the funeral service of 

either party, kin place the personal icon at the head of the open 

casket, and, later, pass it to a young kinsman to carry at the head 

of the procession to the grave site. After completing prayers 

and circling die grave, the relatives place the lid on the casket 

and lower it into the grave. Then, at the foot of the grave, diey 

place an Orthodox cross in cement. They afix the personal icon 

of die deceased to die cross, where it remains until the 

memorial service on die 40lh day after death; at that time it is 

believed diat the soul has departed from the grave. The icon can 

dien be removed and retumed to the family. Later, it could 

become a valued, personal icon at anodier wedding. [See also 

the Pomorian tradition, pages 15, 16. R.E.A.] 

Traditionally graveside crosses were of wood and were made 
NUMBER 51 13 

during the gadiering for die funeral. However, die crosses are 

now made of square metal pipes. The eight-ended cross 

remains at the foot of the grave. It is not an icon, as it depicts no 

holy figure, but it is of considerable importance. The grave 

cross is oriented toward die east, toward the Second coming of 

Christ. These Old Believers explain that the dead will simply 

rise up to stand next to their cross to face die retuming Christ. 

Additional Icons 

Many Old Believers strive to acquire additional icons for 

dieir homes and other purposes. A person will often obtain an 

icon of the saint for whom he or she has been named. Families 

also bring icons to the church or to the prayer hall and display 

them on the sanctuary screen, the iconostasis. These icons 

remain the property of die family, and go widi them should they 

leave. 

In a church served by a priest, the iconostasis, covered with 

icons, separates the holy altar area from the sanctuary and 

congregation. In a prayer hall served by a lay pastor, the eastem 

wall of the building serves as die iconostasis, there being no 

priestly altar area to separate from the sanctuary. [For 

background information on the acceptance of a priestly 

hierarchy see page 17. R,E,A,] 

Until very recently, the Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska 

had no priests to sanctify the altar area behind the iconostasis, 

or to bless the church building itself Instead, they built prayer 

halls, where they worshiped under die leadership of a "spiritual 

leader" (dukhovnyi nastavnik'), an elder approved by general 

consent. This leader received the blessing from die previous 

leader, a method of approval dating back to a time when an Old 

Ritualist priest bestowed a blessing on their Old Believer 

ancestors. 

Recently a group of the Old Believer elders, after lengthy 

deliberation, decided to recognize die Old Ritualist Metropolia 

located in Romania, and sent two of its members to become 

ordained as priests. Upon their retum, die congregation of each 

priest built a church (one in Alaska and one in Oregon) 

complete with an altar behind an iconostasis. Others in the two 

communities have not recognized diis priesthood, and continue 

to attend prayer halls. 

Making Icons 

With the increase of population of the Old Believers, 

additional icons are needed. The contemporary Orthodox 

church would seem an obvious source of bodi metallic and 

painted, i,e,, "written," icons at reasonable prices. But only in 

die last few years have the Old Believers accepted diese icons. 

They are, however, particularly careful to have diem blessed by 

Old Ritualist authorities. 

There is a distinct preference, however, for older icons from 

dieir own community, or for new ones produced within it. 

Several Old Believer men have gone to great lengths to study 

and leam the methods of making icons in an acceptable manner 

for their communities. Young men who show an artistic talent 

are encouraged to assume the responsibilities by preparing 

themselves to "write" icons on wood, or "pour" metallic icons. 

It is well understood in die Eastem church diat die making of 

icons is not simply a matter of artistic creation. A person 

selected for the task assumes a major, spiritual responsibility. 

The preparation of die board, or die melting and pouring of die 

metal is done in a posture of prayer. The entire process becomes 

a sacred act. The icon maker, in the minds of die Old Believers, 

is ranked equal to a priest or nastavnik in spiritual status; his 

behavior in life must befit a pious man. 

In the traditional, patriarchal ediic of the Old Believers, it is 

a man's duty to make icons. Likewise, it is a woman's duty to 

clean them. These men and women must be "in union," 

meaning, ritually clean and living properly. There are additional requirements on the women who clean them. 

The woman preferred to clean icons should be a "widow," 

meaning a woman past child-bearing age who is free of 

conjugal intimacy. In extreme cases, a pre-puberty, virgin girl 

could perform icon cleaning, but a widow would have greater 

respect for her duties. The cleaning of icons occurs just before 

ChrisUnas and Easter, when the entire house, inside and out, is 

cleaned. A widowed relative comes to the home and carefully 

"dusts" the wooden icons widi a soft, clean clodi. For the 

metallic icons, she prepares a soup-like base by boiling down 

yellow beans, which is cooled slightly. The widow soaks die 

icon in the base for one and one half hours, then rinses it. 

Icons on Display 

When die Smithsonian Institution requested through die 

audior that a local maker of metallic icons cast one for die 

display, the iconographer refused; it was known in advance that 

this example icon would not be used "properly." Justifying 

himself, die iconographer quoted from his Scriptural understanding: "Damned is he who does the work of the Lord 

casually or carelessly" (translation). 

Nonetheless, as an ethnographer living among the Old 

Believers, I had the opportunity to show many elders 

photographs of die Smidisonian's Kunz copper icon collection. 

They were interested in die history of their acquisition and 

eager to see diem. 

On viewing the photographs, the Old Believers recognized 

die icons and crosses and quickly distinguished between diose 

acceptable to them and those not. Unacceptable were those diat, 

they insisted, are characteristic of icons used by die Pomortsy. 

That faction of Old Believers, shortly after die Reforms of the 

seventeendi century, took a doctrinal position that a valid 

priesthood no longer existed. Pomortsy of this persuasion are 

also called Bespopovtsy or "priestless ones." However, there 

are many odier Old Believers who descriptively, as opposed to 

doctiinally, refer to themselves as bespopovtsy. inasmuch as 

they had no priests available to them for many decades. 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Nonetheless, the Old Believers of Oregon do not accept the 

tenets of the Pomortsy Old Believers, and dierefore, do not 

recognize what they consider to be Pomortsy icons. 

In rejecting the Pomortsy icons (i.e., 25819.026), the Old 

Believers of Oregon and Alaska point out that, on a Pomortsy 

icon, die dove above the head of Christ, symbolizing the Holy 

Spirit, is missing. Also, die figure that should portray God at 

die top of the icon is portrayed by the "Image Not Made with 

Hands," an image said to have remained on a cloth with which 

Christ had wiped his face. According to Oregon Old Believers, 

the Pomortsy insist diat, as no one has seen God or the Holy 

Spirit, one should not portray them with life-like objects. Thus, 

the life-like dove symbol of the Holy Spirit is omitted on 

Pomortsy icons, and die figure of God is replaced by the cloth 

image. Pomortsy and other Old Believer groups may not agree 

with these delineations. [For further discussions on 

distinguishing Pomorian icons see page 18. R.E.A.] Thus, these 

definitional interpretations illustrate once again how interpretations and understandings vary from group to group and region 

to region. 

Of additional interest to the Oregon Old Believers are die 

crosses diat display die sun and moon on the crossbar. A pagan 

tribe, they say, had converted to Christianity, but had requested 

that they be allowed to retain the sun and moon symbols. 

Inasmuch as the tribe is now Christian, the Old Believers have 

no objection to diese crosses. 

Lastly, die icons of St. Nicholas (25819.088) are of special 

significance to those Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska who 

have recendy accepted the line of priesthood from the Old 

Believer Metropolia in Romania. This saint, known as die 

"Protector of die Church," is considered to have been 

instmmental, dirough a vision, in establishing in die 1840s die 

Old Believer Metropolia in the Romanian part of Austi-oHungary. 

The Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska are intrigued by die 

Smidisonian Institution exhibit of icons and crosses, which 

may represent the work of some of their ancestors. Some Old 

Believers feel a protective responsibility toward diese, or any, 

icons. They are impressed, however, widi die proper care given 

die icons in die display, and, furdiermore, with its coinciding 

with the 1,000-year anniversary of die Christening of Old Rus'. 

[See The Grand Prince of Kiev, page 23. R.E.A.] 

As preservers of the Old Rite, Old Believers value and 

respect icons widi a special intensity. As described above, icons 

play an intimate and important role in their religious 

observances at home and at church. Whenever a solemn or holy 

occasion arises, icons are fervently desired and required. Their 

presence imbues any occasion with solemnity, beauty, and 

grace. 
Icons in the Daily Life of 

Pomorians in the United States 

Anton Serge Beliajeff 

The Orthodox icon or cross is ever-present on the body (die 

baptismal cross), in the house (usually in every room), in die 

church, and often in die car. 

For the sake of comparison, the focus of this section will be 

on die use of icons among die Old Believers in the United 

States, with special emphasis on the Pomorians. [For discussions of Russian Pomorian communities see pages 17, 31. 

R,E,A,] 

Among the many religious questions discussed in these 

communities, issues conceming icons and the way to honor 

them are undoubtedly the most common. This is because icons 

are everywhere and are constantiy tumed to during the daily 

round of activities. At a 1969 conference of Pomorians in Erie, 

Pennsylvania, more dian a fourth of the proceedings dealt with 

icon questions. The discussion confirmed that photographic or 

lidiographic reproductions are not rightfiil icons. Correct icons 

are "either painted on die boards, or metallic, made of brass by 

casting. The metallic Icons are still made by our Christians and 

are available for everyone."^ Regarding metal icons, the 

conference cited the 1909 Pomorian Council held in Moscow, 

which stated that "crosses cast of brass, as well as painted on 

wood in the eight-edged shape, are to be accepted by the 

Church for purposes of worship."^ At the 13di Annual 

Conference of Old Orthodox Parishes held in Detroit, 

Michigan, in 1968, it was emphasized diat icons are not idols, 

the honor due to the icon goes to die saint depicted, and that 

electrical lamps do not properly "feed" icons. 

Other questions that arose at die Erie conference concemed 

the required height of candles and oil lamps (lampada) in front 

of icons and whether in a newly built house it is die rooms or 

only the icons contained in them diat are to be blessed.^ 

The focus on icons at Old Believer conferences reflects their 

importance in daily life. At the start of Christian life, at 

baptism, one is given a baptismal cross on a cord to wear 

around the neck. This cross remains with die person until deadi. 

It must be four-edged on die outside widi a smaller eight-edged 

cross inscribed widiin the borders. On the obverse is written die 

ArUon S. Beliajeff (deceased), Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 

20540 

prayer: "Let God arise, let his enemies be scattered,.. ,"'^ 

The eastem comer of a room is the icon comer. Icons are 

placed on shelves and are never hung. Upon entering a house 

one should make three bows at the waist to the icons, always 

making a sign of the cross each time (right shoulder to left 

shoulder in the Orthodox manner, using two fingers in the case 

of the Old BeUevers). Only after the bows are made does one 

greet the people present. 

An Old Believer home contains many more metal icons dian 

an Ordiodox home. Old Believers prominently display embroidered clodis around the icons. In die main room, the icon comer 

has a large metal cross as well as icons of St. Nicholas and the 

Theotokos (Bogoroditsa).^ 

Family members gather before the icons for regular moming 

and evening prayers. When they bow to die ground before the 

icons dieir foreheads touch a square prayer clodi (podruchnik). 

They keep count of the prayers they have said with a lestovka 

(prayer rope, or rosary) made out of clodi or leadier. The 

various groups of "beads" of the lestovka represent the nine 

choirs of angels, the twelve apostles, the 33 years Christ was on 

Earth, etc. At the bottom are four triangles of cloth or leather 

representing the four Evangelists, 

Prayers in front of icons precede all events of the day. They 

take place upon rising, before and after meals, before going to 

work or school, and before leaving on a trip. A Pomorian leader 

states that "every prayer must be said before the Icons. On 

Sundays and Holidays the oil lamps before die Icon must be 

lit."^ When marriage ceremonies take place at home, the couple 

to be married kneels before the icon and candles.^ 

Over the doorway of a chapel or church, there is a metal icon 

or cross, usually in a frame. Old Believer chapels have 

proportionately more metal crosses and icons than Orthodox 

churches. The icons stand on shelves, as in the home. 

Pomorians often frame or box crosses and icons under glass. 

The oil lamps in front of icons are constantly refilled and 

adjusted before and during a religious service. In many cases 

die families of the community keep some of dieir family icons 

in die church building. 

The cross at the grave site of an Old Believer is at the feet, 

not die head, die idea being diat the deceased would gaze upon 

die sign of salvation.^ In Oregon, a metal icon is sometimes left 

15 
16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

on the grave cross until the traditional memorial service held on 

die 40th day, but it may be left on if someone is tending die 

site.9 [See also pages 8, 9,12,13. R.E.A.] 

Crosses and icons are placed at any point considered 

important by Old Believer communities. For example, a cross, 

icon, or at least a written prayer appears over thresholds in an 

Old Believer house. In the north of Russia before die 

Revolution, Old BeUevers went to the bania (the steambadi) 

with a cross and a belt. They made sure to cross diemselves at 

the door, to prevent the evil spirit, die baennyi. of the bania 

from harming people or carrying off children.^^ 

Some Old Believers today, as in the past, accept only 

copper-alloy icons. This is true, for example, of one small 

group in Oregon. ^^ 

All Old Believers agree that only properly made icons should 

receive the veneration and bows. For example, Archpriest 

Avvakum, a leader of the Old Belief in the seventeenth century, 

said that one should not bow to icons made in the Latin manner, 

but only to correcdy made icons. He taught that one should 

even bow to correcdy made icons when they happened to be in 

churches that followed the new rules and practices.^^ 

Notes 

'Minutes of the 14th Annual Conference of the Old Orthodox Parishes held 

in Erie, Pennsylvania, on 31 August 1969, page 2. One of those who cast metal 

icons and crosses was Paul Zatkoff of Detroit, Michigan, who used the lost-wax 

process. Roger Zatkoff, 22 June 1987, personal communication. 

^id. , page 2. 

'Ibid., f)age 5. 

''ANONYMOUS, " O pochitanii i noshenii Sviatogo KresU Gospodnia," 

Tserkov' (Lidcombe, N.S.W., Australia), number 3, 1980, page 30. The prayer 

comes from Psalm 68 (67 in the Orthodox Bible), verse 1 (2). L. Dal' reported 

on a folk belief that the baptismal cross had to be of copper as Moses raised the 

snake on a copper "cross." L.V. DAL" "Zametka o mednykh grivnakh XII 

veka," Drevnosti—Trudy Moskovskogo Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 

volume rv (1874), page 76. 

^Examples in the exhibit are 25819.003. 25819.102. and 25819.106. 

Embroidered cloths are illustrated in Suzi Jones, editor, Webfoots and 

Bunchgrassers: Folk Art of the Oregon Country (Salem, Oregon, 1980), pages 

122, 123. 

*V. SMOLAKOV, Instruction about the Sacrament of Baptism and the 

Dogmas of the Greek Old Orthodox Faith (Erie, Pennsylvania: Greek Old 

Orthodox Church of the Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ, circa 1960). 

^Icon blessing (ikonnoe blagoslovenie) is even mentioned in 1840s 

Moscow police reports on Old Believers, "Dnevnyia dozomyia zapisi o 

Moskovskikh raskol'nikakh," Chteniia v Imperatorskom Obshchestve istorii i 

drevnostei rossiiskikh. 1886, book 1, page 176. 

^ANONYMOUS, "O kreste na mogUe umershikh," Tserkov', number 20, 

1984, page 25. 

'R.A. MORRIS, 14 August 1987: personal communication. 

'''N.V. TRET'IAKOVA, "K probleme reUgioznogo sinkretizma v staroobriadchestve (Na materialakh Pechorskoi etnograficheskoi ekspeditsii 1971-1972 

gg.)" (Problemy Istorii SSSR, Moscow. 1973), pages 390, 391. 

"In earlier days, representatives of the official church thought some Old 

Believers bowed only to metal icons, see V. TETERIATNIKOV "Mednye kresty 

i ikony v narodnoi zhizni," (Novyi Zhurnal, number 129, December 1977), page 

167. 

'^L.C. BUNOFF, editor and translator. Life and Thought in Old Russia 

(University Park: Pennsylvania Stale University Press, 1961), page 143. AUNE 

JAASKINEN offers a longer discussion of Archpriest Awakum's position in her 

Ikonimaalari uskon ja mystikan tulkki (Porvoo, Helsinki, Juva: Werner 

Soderstrcm Osakeheydo, 1984). pages 117-125. For priestly Old Believers 

quoting Awakum, see ANONYMOUS, "Kakim ikonam ne podobaet pokloniat'sia," Tserkov', number 13, 1983, page 26. 
Old Believers and the 

Manufacturing of Copper Icons 

Anton Serge Beliajeff 

Considering the ubiquitousness of metal icons in die life of 

Orthodox believers, and considering die millions of icons that 

were cast during the past three centuries, it is remarkable that 

on 31 January 1723 the Holy Goveming Synod of die Russian 

Orthodox church under Peter the Great forbade the casting and 

selling of holy images from copper alloy, die only exception 

being baptismal crosses wom around die neck. To justify this 

prohibition, the audiorities claimed diat the images were not 

skillfully executed and poorly portrayed the saints and, 

therefore, deprived the saints the honor due to diem. Those 

copper-alloy icons that were in use were to be locked in the 

sacristy; those on sale in the markets were to be confiscated and 

sent to the main magistracy of each town.^ In May of the 

previous year, the Holy Synod had also forbidden churches to 

have icons of any material that were carved, hewn, or sculpted, 

or that were painted unskillfully or were not in agreement with 

Holy Scripture.^ 

There is no indication in the literature that the prohibition 

was originally directed against the Old Believers. It may, in 

fact, have reflected the govemment's need to conserve copper 

for military and minting purposes. Eventually, die prohibition 

came to be directed primarily against the Old Believers, who 

made the most use of copper-alloy icons in dieir religious 

observances. 

Copper icons and crosses, which had acquired deep roots in 

Russian religious history, held great importance for die Old 

Believers, who regarded themselves as die true keepers of the 

traditional Russian Orthodox faith. The Old Believers, as a 

group, came into existence during the reign of Tsar Alexis as a 

result of the decisions of the Moscow Councils of 1666-1667, 

which "reformed" the established liturgical texts and practices. 

During the reigns of Tsar Alexis and his successors there were 

enacted a variety of laws and decrees limiting die social and 

religious rights of die Old Believers. 

For dieir part, die Old Believer community split into 

competing groups; the principle division being between those 

who accepted a hierarchy of priests and bishops and those who 

Anton S. Beliajeff (deceased). Library of Congress, Washington, D.C, 

20540 

did not. The bezpopovtsy rejected hierarchy because diey 

believed diat the changes instituted by the established church 

had broken the Apostolic Succession by heretical practices. 

The popovtsy accepted hierarchy because they believed that 

some legitimate succession was possible nonetheless.^ 

Nineteendi-century records from Nizhnii Novgorod testify to 

the central role of copper-alloy icons in the religious practices 

of both major Old Believer groups. An 1854 estimate of die 

number of Old Believer metal icons and crosses in Nizhnii 

Novgorod province speculates that if they were all melted 

down they would provide enough copper to cast cannon for at 

least one artillery brigade. An indispensable feature of an Old 

Believer's house was a copper "eight-edged" cmcifix (examples of which are prominendy featured in the exhibit) or an icon 

over a gate. Popovtsy always had at least a brass cmcifix in the 

icon comer. Among the Pomorians, a bezpopovtsy group, a 

greater proportion of both icons and crosses were of metal. 

Some of the smaller bezpopovtsy groups, such as the 

filippovtsy, had an even larger proportion of brass icons and 

sometimes used diem exclusively. These icons often were 

embedded in wooden tablets.'* 

Despite die production of hundreds of thousands of cast 

icons, the authorities had not altogedier abandon the prohibition against them. Police reports on Moscow Old Believers as 

late as 1846 note that "the casting of copper icons, as is known, 

is forbidden by law."^ Though die selling of copper-alloy icons 

and crosses remained technically illegal, trade in them was 

conducted openly. The one exception was crosses made by the 

Wanderers, stranniki. a small Old Believer group considered 

dangerous by the govemment because of their strident 

anti-establishment views.^ 

Attempts by the authorities to control die Old Believers 

included die seizure of both metal and non-metal icons from 

Old Believer chapels and homes. RI. Mel'nikov (who, 

ironically, wrote ethnographical novels about Old Believers 

under the pen name of Andrei Pecherskii) participated, by his 

own account, in the closure of chapels and the removal of "tens 

of diousands of icons."^ An ukaz of die Holy Synod, dated 30 

April 1858, mandated die seizure of icons and books during 

searches of suspected Old Believer homes and chapels. Private 

17 
18 SMITHSONTAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

icons that were deemed sufficientiy Ordiodox were sent back to 

die owners, while diose from chapels were eidier desd-oyed or 

handed over to parishes of the edinoverie. a branch of Old 

Believers diat joined the official Ordiodox church and dius 

were permitted to follow the old ritual.^ One example of these 

seizures occurred on 2 January 1854, when the head of the 

Nizhnii Novgorod province took cast copper icons from a 

house occupied by an Old Believer monk and nuns.^ Old 

Believer icons being sent abroad were also sometimes seized at 

die borders of die Russian Empire. ^° 

Legal prohibitions notwidistanding, die manufacture and 

trading of copper-alloy icons continued unabated in the 

eighteendi and nineteenth centuries. While die industrial and 

commercial history of copper-alloy icons has yet to be written, 

enough material does exist to give a good idea of their quantity, 

geographical disd^ibution, and value in die marketplace. 

The earliest center of Old Believer copper-alloy icon 

production was in die north, in die region called Pomor'e by die 

shores of the White Sea. This region gave its name to one of the 

branches of the bezpopovtsy. the pomortsy or Pomorians. 

Andrei Denisov, one of the founders of the Pomorian Vyg 

Community, located on the Vyg River, drew up the following 

mles for its treasurer: 

In the copper foundry the treasurer must check that all work, whether copper or 

silver, is done under his authority. The treasurer must write down how much 

copper is given to the copper foundry as well as how many leaves [of diptychs 

and triptychs] and crosses are obtained from it and how many are distributed to 

the brotherhood." 

Only a few Old Believer metal icons carry dates. The earliest 

dated metal icon from die Vyg Community was made in 1719. 

This triptych includes, among other saints, SS. Zosima and 

Savvatii, who were especially venerated in die Nordi as die 

founders of die Solovetsk monastery. Anodier dated icon from 

Vyg, a deesis, carries die date 1731. The metal used at Vyg was 

brass (latun), and some icons were given a golden sheen by 

passing diem dirough fire. The earliest ones were not enameled, 

however, enameling soon became the general practice. Icons at 

Vyg were cast at two fumaces. Polishing and enameling took 

place in a separate building. Tradition says that the covers and 

buckles for books were also cast at Vyg.'^ 

Historians know the names of some casters of copper-alloy 

icons. For example, Vasilii Evsd^atov from Novgorod is known 

to have worked widi his nephew at Sheltoporozhskii skit, a 

Pomorian hermitage near Vyg. At Vyg itself, Vasilii Petrov and 

Gorbun cast icons of the Twelve Feasts, as well as small icons 

with and widiout enamel, ^^ 

The guiding rule for icon-painters and casters at Vyg was 

enunciated in the 1780 Confession of Faith of the Pomorian 

Fathers: 

We order that icon masters paint and copper masters cast from ancient models 

according to church tradition upheld by all. with the royal and theological 

inscriptions as they are on holy, miracle-working crosses, namely—King of 

Glory Jesus Christ Son of God, etc.''' 

The ti*ade in metal icons at Vyg was sustained, in part, by Old 

Believer pilgrims from other areas. The Vyg Community also 

sent out its own agents to sell copper-alloy icons and odier 

religious goods throughout the Empire, As die traffic in metal 

icons grew, the role of the Vyg Community shifted from 

production to distribution.^^ By 1835, some years before die 

Tsarist audiorities suppressed the monastic community, Vyg 

had organized die casting of metal icons in various parts of die 

surrounding Povonets uezd. That year, Vyg obtained 5,000 

mbles from the sale of copper-alloy crosses alone.^^ 

Pomorian crosses, such as those produced at Vyg and die 

surrounding uezd. have certain distinguishing characteristics. 

The Vyg leader, A. Denisov, argued that the Pomorians 

followed die old Ordiodox tradition of casting copper crosses 

without Pontius Pilate's inscription. This is the major distinction between Pomorian crosses and other Orthodox and Old 

Believer crosses. Yakov Sergeev, who visited the Vyg 

Community in 1737, wrote, "Pomorians do not bow to a cross 

with the inscription 'Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews'... but 

make diemselves cast ones with the inscription 'King of 

Glory', and to those they bow."^'' Pomorian crosses, in place of 

die initials IHUH corresponding to INRI in Latin, have 

IC XC UPb CBbI (Jesus Christ King of Glory). At die 

top of a Pomorian cross, a Vernicle replaces die Sabaoth.^^ The 

best way to understand diis is to refer to a cross (25819.026), 

where the inscription board contains the letters IC XC. 

Above the board are die letters LI,Pb CBbI and below it die 

usual letters CHT, B^IH (Son of God). 

Unlike the Pomorians, other Old Believer groups agreed 

with the position of the official Orthodox church that die proper 

inscription, or titlo. on die cross should be IHI^H. For 

example, the popovtsy joumal Tserkov' points out that 

die IHUH is based on Scripture and is mentioned in die 

Catechism, The same article goes on to acknowledge that die 

Pomorian inscription "Jesus Christ King of Glory" was also in 

use prior to the changes initiated by Patriarch Nikon in die 

1650s. However, it concludes that the veneration of die Cross 

per se is more important dian the specific inscription on it,^' 

The Theodosians (fedoseevtsy), a bezpopovtsy group, originally used IHUH, but gradually adopted the Pomorian 

inscription, also known as UC IX CB, However, a minority of die Theodosians still retained the original "four-letter 

dogma" after 1791, a distinction that gave them dieir name of 

titlovshchina. By the end of die nineteenth century, titlovshchina were concentrated primarily in the provinces of Novgorod 

and St, Petersburg.^ 

The Pomorian Vyg Community was permitted to prosper 

under Peter die Great because of its contribution to die cmcial 

iron and copper industries. As these industries spread into die 

Urals during the eighteenth century, Old Believer metallurgical 

masters from Vyg and elsewhere migrated with it. The 

bezpopovtsy, located primarily in die nordi, tended to move east 

along the established frade routes. The popovtsy, who were 

concentrated more in the soudi, went eastward to die Urals and 
NUMBER 51 19 

Siberia along the Volga and Kama Rivers.^* 

The Old Believers clearly played a dominant role in the 

eighteenth-century Russian metallurgical industry. Their dominance was particularly sfrong in the Urals, where they provided 

much of the labor force and most of the skilled masters. 

Building on their expertise and group solidarity, they soon 

established themselves as managers and owners as well. One 

Old Believer family, die Demidovs, controlled most Urals 

metallurgy by die early eighteenth century. They maintained 

close ties with the original Pomorian community at Vyg and 

supplied it with copper, gold, sdver, money, and stores. 

Extensive Demidov properties were later sold to Savva 

Yakovlev, a Theodosian. In fact, most of the metallurgical 

specialists, both in die Urals and in odier noted centers such as 

Olonets, Velikii Ustiug, and Tula, persisted in the Old Belief 

well into die nineteenth century .^^ 

Moscow, as can be expected, also became an important 

center in the manufacture and d-ading of metal icons, especially 

after 1771, when both the popovtsy and the bezpopovtsy 

became firmly established in die capital. Rogozhskoe cemetery 

became the focal point for the popovtsy and Preobrazhenskoe 

cemetery for the Theodosian bezpopovtsy. Crosses were cast at 

the Theodosian cemetery soon after its establishment.-^ 

Moscow was important in the manufacture and trade of a 

whole variety of religious goods. For example, the manufacture 

of hand-held copper censers with a cross on top, which were 

used exclusively by Old Believers, was concentrated in 

Moscow and Tula, the latter city having an ancient metal 

working tradition,^ 

Some names of Old Believers who cast copper-alloy crosses 

and icons in Moscow appear in police reports from the 1840s. 

The same reports indicate a large Old Believer demand for 

baptismal crosses. The Theodosian Ivan Trofimov was engaged 

in casting icons with his assistant Emel'ian Afanas'ev. One of 

Trofimov's colleagues, Vasilii Peterov was exiled to Siberia, 

where he continued to cast copper-alloy crosses and icons for 

Siberian Old Believers at a merchant's house in Tiumen'. Ignat 

Timofeev cast icons in large quantities for die bezpopovtsy. His 

icons and crosses were sold by merchants in places as diverse 

as St. Petersburg, Saratov, Kazan', and Tiumen'. The cast icons 

and crosses were sent from Moscow in units of poods. One 

pood, or 16.3 kilograms, was worth 75-80 mbles.^^ 

Minor Old Believer groups also had dieir own locations for 

casting eight-pointed crosses and icons. For example, the 

Wanderers {stranniki) appear to have done most of dieir casting 

near the village of Borodino in Tver' province.^^ The major 

spiritual center for diis group, the village of Sopelki, near 

Yaroslavl', also produced small metal icons. The Wanderers 

refused to venerate icons and crosses made by non-Wanderer 

hands.^^ 

By die middle of die nineteendi century the major areas for 

casting metal icons and crosses were the provinces of Moscow, 

Olonets, and Yaroslavl', as well as a number of places in die 

province of Nizhnii Novgorod, specifically Lyskov, Murashkino, and Mareseevo.^ Anodier manufacturing center was 

U'inskii Pogost, located in Guslitsy, a region not far from 

Moscow. The Kalikin collection, in The Hermitage, Leningrad, 

has a number of eighteendi-century Guslitsy icons that were 

cast from older, sixteenth century, bone or wood icons with a 

Vemicle on top. (Small icons of stone, wood, and bone were 

often used to make forms for metal-icon casting.)^^ 

The main center for die buying and selling of copper-alloy 

icons was the annual Nizhnii Novgorod Fair (iarmarka). The 

major sources for metal icons at die Nizhnii Novgorod Fair 

were Moscow, Pomor'e, and the provinces of Kostroma, 

Yaroslavl', and Nizhnii Novgorod. Collectors of antique 

religious objects came to the fair regularly. There were also 

year-round dealers in copper-alloy icons, prayer-ropes, and 

books, one such being Aleksii Vasil'ev Meledin, from 

Semenov in the area of Nizhnii Novgorod.^^ 

At the Nizhnii Novgorod Fair, traders sold their goods 

(icons, books, and religious items relating to the Old Belief) in 

die Sunduk Row, die stone arcades, and at the stalls near die 

Fair Bridge. In 1853 approximately 50 mbles worth of 

copper-alloy icons and crosses were bought by those with an 

historical interest and 1,500 mbles worth by Old Believers. The 

figures for painted icons were much higher. Old Believers paid 

a premium for painted icons showing dieir two-fingered sign of 

die cross and dieir spelling of die name of Jesus (IcycT> vs. 

regular iHcyc'b).''^ 

The evidence clearly indicates that Moscow was the second 

most important center for trade in metal icons. Merchants 

routinely went on to Moscow following die Nizhnii Novgorod 

Fair.^2 For other areas diere is less information. There must 

have been a large workshop in the Baltic region at the end of die 

nineteendi century to account for die large number of 

copper-alloy icons and crosses unique to that area. These icons 

tend to be larger in size than any found in Russia proper and, 

according to one researcher, incorporate late nineteenthcentury elements.^^ 

One category of nineteenth-century copper-alloy icons 

called novodely (new goods) must be mentioned. Novodely 

were made for sale to people interested in antiquities and 

nostalgia. They fall into two categories: counterfeits made with 

old molds, and stylized objects made in an "Old Russian" style 

diat would deceive only a naive buyer. Bodi tended to differ in 

metal composition and color from die originals and tended to 

be relatively crude looking. They were often stamped rather 

dian cast.^"^ 

Old Believer copper-alloy icons are, according to one 

researcher: 

easily recognizable due to their refined precise decoration, detailed preparation 

of the surface. Old Believer articles never show signs of carelessness, 

conventionality, and vulgarization, such as one sometimes meets with in copper 

castings of other schools. Old Believer craftsmen . . . carefully retouched wilh 

a cutting tool wom casting molds. Therefore, their pieces always look as if they 

were made as one of a kind.^' 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Notes 

'ANONYMOUS. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenii po vedomstvu pravoslavnogo ispovedaniia [Complete Collection of Regulations in the Department of the Orthodox Faith], volume 3, number 999. St. Petersburg, 1875, 

pages 31, 32. For a decision regarding the poor quality of painted icons see 

volume 3, number 1076, pages 114, 115. 

^id. , volume 2, number 625, page 293. Such icons continued to survive 

in the churches, especially in the north and Siberia. See also A. SULOTSKH, 

"Istoricheskie svedeniia ob ikonopisanii v Sibiri." Chteniia v Imperatorskom 

obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh (ChOIDR), 1864. book 3. Smes', 

pages 45, 46; N.N. SEREBRENNIKOV, Permskaia dereviannaia skul'ptura 

(Penn', 1967), 97 pages. Much later, in May 1841, the Tomsk Spiritual 

Consistory forbade, in an order relating to the certification of icons, the selling 

of cast icMis and ordered the removal of such icons by civil authorities. One 

reason given for the clergy to discourage the use of cast or carved icons was the 

similarity of such use to Roman Catholic custom. Nevertheless, copper-aUoy 

icons were in widespread use in westem Siberia, and especially so among the 

local Old Believers, whose icons were occasionally confiscated by authorities. 

N.G. VEUZHANINA, "Novye dokumenty o reglamentatsii ikonopisaniia v 

Zapadnoi Sibiri," In Istochnikipo istorii russkogo obshchestvennogo soznaniia 

perioda feodalizma [Original Sources on the History of Russian Social 

Cognition in the Feudal Period] (Novosibirsk, 1986), pages 151, 153. 

^For a history of the eariy period of the Old Belief see S.A. ZENKOVSKY, 

Russkoe staroobriadchestvo. (Miinchen, 1970). The major Old Believer leader, 

Archpriest Awakum, was concemed about the matters of icon painting, see 

AWAKUM, "Selected Texts from the Book of Discourses,'^ Slavic (and East 

European) Review, volume 8, number 23 (December 1929), pages 249-258; N. 

ANDREYEV, "Nicon and Awakum (»i Icon-painting ,"/?evu£ des Etudes Slaves, 

volume 38 (1961), pages 37-44; A. Jaaskinen, Ikonimaalari uskon ja mystikan 

/M/*A:/(Helsinki. 1984), pages 117-125. 

"•RI. MEL'NIKOV, "Otchet o sovremennom sostoianii raskola v Nizhegorodskoi gubemii," Deistviia Nizhegorodskoi Gubernskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi 

komissii (DNGUAK), volume 9. (1910). pages 260. 261. 264, 265. 

^ANONYMOUS, "Dnevnyia dozomyia zapisi o Moskovskikh raskol'nikakh," ChOIDR, 1886, book. 1, page 151. [DaUy police reports on 

activities of Moscow Old Believers.] 

^ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK [Govemment reports], volume 9 (1910), page 

320. 

^P.I. MEL'NIKOV, "Zapiska o msskom raskole," O raskol' nikakh pri 

Imperatorakh Nikolae I i Aleksandre II (Berlin, 1904), page 81. 

'ANONYMOUS, "Zhumaly nizhegorodskogo gubemskogo statislicheskogo 

komiteta" [Reports from the Nizhnii-Novgorod State committee], Nizhnegorodskii sbornik, volume 6 (1877). pages 276-278. Family or private icons 

were still kept in Old Believer chapels as can be seen in the request of the 

peasants of the Danilov settlement (Vyg) in 1843 to obtain their personal icons 

from those seized at the chapel. ChOIDR, 1862, book 4, pages 48, 49. 

'ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 162. [Govemment 

rqwrts.] 

'"M.I, USPENSKII, V.I. USPENSKII, and A.I. USPENSKII. "Ocherk tserkovnykh drevnostei goroda Rigi," Trudy 10-go arkheologicheskogo syezda v Rige, 

volume 3 (1896). pages 139. 140. 

"V.G. DRUZHININ, "K istorii krest'ianskogo iskusstva XVIII-XIX vekov v 

Olonetskoi gubemii (Khudozhestvennoe nasledie Vygoretskoi Pomorskoi 

obiteli." Izvestiia Akademii Nauk SSSR (IAN), 1926. page 1484. See also the 

January section of Staroobriadcheskii tserkovnyi kalendar' (STK) [Old 

Believers' church calendar]. 1973. page 10. For a full-length study on the Vyg 

Community see R.O. CRUMMEY. The Old Believers and the World of Antichrist 

(Madison. 1970), 258 pages. 

'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926), page 1483. 

'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926), page 1485. The location of the foundry is 

shown in an eighteenth-century Pomorian plan of the Vyg settlement, see STAT 

(1968) [Old Believer church calendar], page 9. The collection of Fedor 

Antonovich Kalikin (1876-1971). an Old Believer himself and a restorer, 

contains a number of Vyg icons, whose dates he established, including an 

eighteenth-century Mother of God "Passion" icon with a jutting crown, see 

M.N. PRINTSEVA. "Kollektsiia mednogo lit'ia F.A. Kalikina v sobranii Otdela 

istorii msskoi kul'tury Ermitazha." Pamiatniki kul'tury - Novye otkrytiia 1984. 

1986, page 405. On Kalikin, see M.I USFENSKH, and V.L UsPENSKII. "Pamiati 

F.A. KaUkina," STTK (1973), pages 79. 80. 

'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926). page 1486. 

'^ANONYMOUS. Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' [Encyclopedic Dictionary], (St, 

Petersburg, volume 7a, 1892), page 487. In the north. coH>er-alloy crosses were 

attached to chasoven'ki. wooden posts or crosses, placed beside roads, at 

crossroads, and at the entrance to villages. In the cemeteries, posts with 

triangular tops had crosses attached to the top and small icons nailed to the post 

itself, see S.I. DMITRIEVA. "Mezenskie kresty." Pamiatniki kul'tury - Novye 

otkrytiia 1984, 1986. page 465. 

' ^ e medium of exchange in thirteenth century Russia was the drivna. The 

word mble comes from the Russian rubit', which means "to chop." The mble 

was equal to '/2 of a drivna. A drivna was worth 200 grams of silver, therefore, 

one mble was worth 100 grams of silver. In the sixteenth century one mble 

equaled '/3 of a drivna; in the seventeenth century one mble equaled 48 grams 

of silver, in 1698 it was worth 28 grams of silver, and in the eighteenth century 

one roble was worth 18 grams of silver. 

'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926). page 1484. Regarding other images, the 

Pomorian Ignatii Beglets (meaning ranaway or fugitive) taught that copperalloy panels depicting the Twelve Feasts should not be venerated, thereby 

forming a separate group within the Pcwnorians, N.I. KOSTOMAROV. "Istoriia 

raskola u raskol'nikov." Vestnik Evropy, 1871. book 4, page 515. 

'*S.V. MAKSIMOV, Brodiachaia Rus' Khrista-radi. In Sobranie sochinenii 

[The Collective Woiks of S.V. Maksimov]. volume 6 (1896). page 170. See. for 

example. Kunz collection number 25819.026. Pomorian cast icons are 

mentioned by M. Gor'kii in his V liudiakh (Moscow. 1948), page 158. See also 

the 21 Febmary 1848 entry in ChOIDR, 1892, book 2. page 178. 

"ANONYMOUS, Tserkov', 1912, number 52, page 1256. 

^^P.S. SMIRNOV, Istoriia russkogo raskola staroobriadchestva (St. Petersburg, 1895), page 110; Johannes Chrysostomus OSB [Order of St. Benedict], 

"Weniger bekannte Gmppen imder den mssischen Altglaubigen." Kirche im 

Osten, band 21/22 (1978/1979). pages 249. 250. 

^^S. ZENKOVSKY. "Staroobriadtsy tekhnokraty gomogo dela Urala." Zapiski 

Russkoi akademicheskoi gruppy v SShA, volume 10 (1976). pages 158. 159. 

22lbid., pages 161. 166.171. 

^F.V. LIVANOV. Raskol'niki i ostrozhniki (St. Petersburg, 1872). volume 4, 

page 35. 

2^AN0NYM0US, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910). page 266. [Govemment 

Report.] 

"ANONYMOUS, ChOIDR, 1885, book 3, page 52; 1886. book I. pages 125, 

126. The published version of the police reports was poorly edited according to 

a later researcher. In the actual document, Ignat Timofeev appears as Ignat 

Timokhin, see P.G. RYNDZIUNSKII, "Staroobriadcheskaia organizatsiia v 

usloviiakh razvitiia prcmiyshlennogo kapitahzma (na primere istorii Moskovskoi obshchiny fedoseevtsev v 40-kh godakh XDC v.)," Voprosy istorii 

religii i ateizma, volume 1 (1950), page 223. 

^V. SKVORTSOV, Ocherki tverskogo raskola i seklanstva (Moscow. 1895). 

page 50. 

^^MAKSIMOV. op. cit, pages 258, 259. In some provinces bezpopovtsy 

preferred copper-alloy icons exclusively, while popovtsy accepted painted and 

cast icons, see Obozrenie Permskogo raskola (St. Petersburg, 1863). pages 175. 

176. The same author also says that the bezpopovtsy did not accept crosses with 

images of Sabaoth or the Holy Spirit. 

^RI. MEL'NIKOV, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 261; ANONYMOUS, 

DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910). page 325. [Govemment reports.] 

2'PRINTSEVA. op. cit., pages 405, 406. 

^"ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 314. [Govemment 

report.] 

"Ibid., pages 321-323. 

'^id. , page 320. 
NUMBER 51 21 

''M.M. KRASILIN, "Obsledovanie pamiatnikov izobrazitel'nogo iskusstva 

na territorii Latviiskoi SSR (drevnerasskaia zhivopis' i ee traditsii v XVIII-XX 

w.)," Khudozhestvennoe nasledie, volume 10, number 40 (1984), page 215. 

'"•Printseva, op. cit., page 406. 

^^Ibid., page 405. An extreme position was taken by Afanasii Ivanov 

Nokhrin, an Old Believer who taught in the village of D'ino, near the Lower 

Urals, and insisted that one should not bow to copper-aUoy cmcifixes and icons, 

for they are idols, N.N. POKROVSKn, AntifeodaV-nyi protest uralo-sibirskikh 

krest'ian-staroobriadtsevv XVIIIV. (Novosibirsk, 1974), pages 189, 190. For 

a thorough discussion and additional information on Old Believers and 

copper-alloy icons, see the following articles by M.N. PRINTSEVA: "Pamiatniki 

melkoi mednolitoi plasdki v sobranii Gosudarstvennogo muzeia istorii religii i 

ateiTinei," Nauchno-ateisticheskie issledovaniia v muzeiiakh (Leningrad. 1983), 

pages 35-49; "K voprosu ob izuchenii staroobriadcheskogo mednogo lit'ia v 

muzeinykh sobraniiakh," Nauchruj-ateisticheskie issledovaniia v muzeiakh 

(Leningrad. 1986). pages 47-68. 
Iconographic Form and Content in the Kunz Collection 

Basil Lefchick 

We may encounter the "minor" devotional crosses and icons 

of die Kunz collection unaware that they are, in microcosm, 

embodiments of a vast and profound reservoir of art only 

recendy "discovered" by die West. It is an art form almost 

exclusively religious in content and function—a Christian art 

intended to move believers to prayer, meditation, and "change 

of heart" (metaruyia in Greek), The primary sources of its 

content are the Old and New Testaments, and die liturgical 

texts and the hagiography of the Orthodox Catholic church. 

Iconography Defined 

"Iconography" is die term used to identify this representational art of Christian content. The term "icon" derives from the 

Greek word for "image" (eikon). Used as a technical term, it 

designates the sacred liturgical art of the Orthodox church that 

fused elements from Rome, the Hellenistic world, and from the 

East "welded together and tempered by the direct influence of 

die new Christian faith."^ 

"Byzantine Art" is the conventional tide identifying this art 

of the Orthodox church. While conventional, the term 

"Byzantine" is a modem scholarly invention not used by diose 

it means to identify. From the fourdi to the fifteenth centuries 

the representatives of this tradition would have identified 

diemselves simply as "Romans." 

Historical Overview 

The main center of Byzantine art was die city of Constantinople, "New Rome," as it was called. Due to its location "at die 

very eastem extremity of Europe, and on the only direct sea 

route between Russia and the Black Sea to the north and 

Greece, Syria, Italy, Egypt, and all die rich and powerful area to 

die south,"^ developments widiin die artistic currents of 

Constantinople radiated out along the d^ade routes to shape die 

work of artists throughout the Byzantine world. 

Aldiough icons were executed in mosaic, fresco, and egg 

tempera and ranged in scale from monumental mosaics to 

miniature illuminations in manuscripts, sculpture was reduced 

Basil Lefchick. Center for the Arts and Religion, Wesley Theological 

Seminary, 4500 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C. 

to a minor role. Sculpture was deemed unsuitable for the 

interior decoration of churches as they had to be kept 

unobstmcted for liturgical purposes. 

Byzantine Art Theory 

The underlying theory of art embraced by Byzantine artists 

was based on Plotinus who was, as Steven Runciman points 

out, "obsessed" with light: "Beauty of colour derives from the 

conquest of the darkness inbom in matter by the pouring-in of 

light, the unembodied."^ The Byzantines, so fascinated by the 

varying effects of light, "equated colour with the intensities of 

light.'"^ For this reason, mosaic was considered the perfect 

medium through which to express the "Light" of the Gospel. 

While the mosaic medium and its monumental application 

were pafronized by no less dian the emperor himself, the need 

for "accessibility" led simple believers and sophisticates to 

seek personal icons for their own domestic devotions. This led 

to the development of "minor" religious art diat mimicked in 

reduction the monumental art of the church. 

Typical Aspects of Byzantine Art 

Found in the Kunz Collection 

Although I shall not attempt an exhaustive analysis of every 

item in die collection, it is hoped that a selection of die main 

"types" of images will provide a sense of the interaction of 

theology and art unique to diis tradition. One should derive a 

sense of the collective creative mind behind these devotional 

objects. 

ICONOGRAPHIC INSCRIPTIONS.—It will be noted diat inscriptions appear in either Greek or Old Church Slavonic letters. 

This is understandable when it is recalled that Christianity was 

brought to Russia by Greek missionaries sent from Constantinople. These missionaries brought not only the faidi but also a 

culture and the prerequisites for literacy. 

During the second half of die nindi century, two Greek 

brothers from Thessalonica, St. Cyril and St. Mediodius, were 

sent as missionaries to the Slavs. In order to translate the Bible 

and service books into Slavonic, they first had to invent a 

suitable Slavonic alphabet. Based on the Greek alphabet, their 

"Cyrillic" alphabet opened the world of literature to the 

22 
NUMBER 51 23 

Russians and other Slavs. 

Not only literature but die world of art was opened to die 

Slavs. The Grand Prince of Kiev, Vladimir, was converted to 

Christianity around 988. He began in eamest the process that 

would eventually make Ordiodoxy die state religion of Russia. 

Greek artists were summoned to create die mosaics and 

frescoes to adom newly built churches. Initially, the Greek 

artists probably executed their inscriptions in Greek. Later, 

Greek and parallel Old Church Slavonic inscriptions existed 

side by side. Eventually, when Russian disciples became 

master iconographers themselves, widi few exceptions dieir 

inscriptions were in Old Church Slavonic alone. 

Inscriptions identifying images of Christ and the Mother of 

God retained the Greek. This conservative attitude toward 

Greek inscriptions for the most important figures does serve to 

show an historical continuity with the origins of Christianity in 

Russia. 

THE CROSS.—As the historically preeminent symbol of 

Christianity, the image of the cross was always a devotional 

priority for believers. This was d^e for Russians as well as 

Greeks. The present collection contains eight examples varying 

in compositional detail and degree of omamentation. All are 

traditional eight-pointed designs. The simplest (25819.037) 

shows die figure of Christ with two attendant angels. The most 

complex version (25819.006) surrounds the corpus with a 

framework of miniature panels depicting individual saints. 

Four of the pannels depict Dominical Feasts: the Meeting in die 

Temple, the Entrance into Jemsalem, the Resurrection, and the 

Ascension of Christ, In addition, there are two renderings of die 

Holy Trinity, one "canonical" and one "noncanonical" in form. 

Among the cmcifixes exhibited, diere appear to be two 

divergent styles used to render the corpus. The first depicts die 

corpus in a highly stylized, almost "stick-figure" form 

(25819,003; 25819,004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 25819.054). 

In two cases (25819.006 and 25819.009) die corpus is 

surrounded by multiple figures. None of these multiple figures 

exhibit the peculiarly skeletal rendering of the corpus. The 

question arises as to whether this d'eatment of die corpus is 

intentional, and if so, what is the rationale behind this 

rendering? 

One possible answer is that die emaciated depiction of die 

corpus was used to emphasize the aspect of Christ's suffering 

on the cross. If so, how does interest in Christ's suffering fit 

into the dominant tradition of de-emphasizing the physical 

sufferings of Christ on die cross in order to stress His 

"exaltation" on the "Life-giving" Cross? 

Bodi 25819.032 and 25819.037 show a remarkably "naturalistic" approach to rendering Christ's body. The corporeality of 

Christ's figure is firmly stated. The figure suggests both weight 

and bulk; it has none of the "dematerializing" stylization of die 

previously considered crosses. These two "naturalistic" renderings would be at home in the context of Westem religious art. 

This last observation raises the issue of the influence of 

Westem religious art on die iconographic d-adition. The 

Westem image of the cross emphasizes both the corporeality of 

Christ's figure and die aspect of physical suffering. That this 

Westem tradition affected Orthodox iconography is very clear 

from history. In 1551 die great "Council of die Hundred 

Chapters'' was held in Moscow precisely to curb the growing 

influence of sects and die dissemination of Westem forms of 

piety and religious thought. The reign of Peter the Great 

(1682-1725) has been described as "an age of ill-advised 

westemization in Church art. Church music, and dieology."^ 

It is beyond the scope of the present commentary to explore 

this issue fully. The question does recommend itself as an apt 

research project bearing on the religious and cultural interaction of Orthodox (Eastem) and Latin (Westem) piety, religious 

thought, and artistic expression. 

Despite the range of variation of detail, certain features are 

found consistently in all die crosses discussed above. These 

common features are the keys to understanding the particular 

"vision" of the cross inherited by the Russian church from 

Byzantium. 

The basic configuration of the crosses (three horizontal bars) 

reflects a very ancient tradition considered "die most authentic 

one in die East as well as die West."^ The topmost crosspiece 

corresponds to die phylactery bearing Pdate's inscription: 

"Jesus the Nazarene, King of die Jews." The lower crosspiece 

is a foot-support (suppedaneum) to which both feet were nailed 

separately. The use of four nails in the cmcifixion scene is 

found as far back as the illuminations of the Rabbula Gospels, 

written at Zagba in eastem Syria in 586 A.D. 

The oblique inclination of die suppedaneum upward to 

Christ's right, and downward to his left, has been given various 

symbolic readings; a "balance beam" of justice, for example, 

weighing the repentance of the "good" thief against die 

obduracy of the unrepentant thief. 

In addition to the phylactery inscription, other traditional 

inscriptions appear. Five of the crosses (25819,003; 25819,004; 

25819,006; 25819,009; 25819.026) bear the Johannine text: 

"And when I am lifted up from the earth, I shall draw all men 

to myself" (John 12:32). This is one of the "keys" to die heart 

of the Orthodox church's vision of the cross. This vision is 

based fundamentally on the gospel of John. For John, Christ's 

cmcifixion is his glorious exaltation. In this moment he 

destroys the power of sin and death over mankind with his own 

perfect act of self-sacrifice. 

Anodier telling detail of Russian Orthodox crosses is the 

posture of the figure of Christ. It is not die posture of a body 

slumped in defeat but, on the contrary, it is a figure that stands 

in an open-arm gesture of embrace and self-offering. 

Christ's divine nature is affirmed by die Greek letters (OOH 

inscribed widiin His halo. Taken from the Greek version of the 

Old Testament (Septuagint), this inscription quotes Exodus 

3:14 in which, in response to Moses' request to know God's 

name, the Lord identifies Himself as " WOH ": "I am; that is 

who I am" (New English Bible). Found exclusively on images 

of Christ, diis inscription expresses Orthodox christological 
24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

and Trinitarian doctrine. 

In addition to the element of John's dieological vision is die 

Pauline contribution: Jesus, on the cross, "emptied himself" 

{ekenosen eauton) of his divine glory and took upon himself the 

"condition" or "form" of a servant (Philippians 2:5-7). This 

notion of "kenosis" became a powerful and distinctive feature 

of Russian Orthodox spirituality from medieval times. 

Anodier Johannine feature of the typical Russian Orthodox 

cross is the inseparability of Cross and Resurrection. Several 

crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 

25819.026) bear the inscription: "Before your cross we bow 

down, O Master, and your Holy Resurrection we glorify." This 

is a citation from the liturgical text for the feast of the 

Exaltation of the Cross (14 September) and the diird Sunday of 

die Great Fast preceding Easter. The preeminent position of the 

Resurrection in the dieological, liturgical, and artistic life of the 

Russian Orthodox church is attested to by these crosses. 

Other details are noteworthy. The depiction, for example, of 

a stylized Sun and Moon (25819.026) or "Day" and "Night" 

represents die visible world stmck dumb by die death of die 

"Source of Life." The antiquity of diis detail is demonstrated by 

die Rabbula Gospels (586 A.D.). These two symbols, redolent of 

die Genesis Creation, express die Pauline emphasis on die 

"cosmic" dimensions of Christ's death and resurrection. 

Victory over Death and Hades (Sheol in Hebrew) is 

symbolized by a cavem at the foot of the cross, below the rocky 

summit of Golgodia. John Chrysostom"^ (344-407), bishop of 

Constantinople, mentions die belief that the skull within 

Golgodia's cavem was that of Adam. As John points out in his 

Gospel (John 19:17), in Hebrew, "Golgodia" means "the place 

of the skull." 

In spite of its apocryphal origin, this detail reflects a 

significant New Testament christological theme: " The redemption of the first Adam by the blood of Christ, die New Adam, 

who made himself man to save the human race."* 

The Cyrillic initial letters " MAPB " at die foot of the cross 

stand for the words: "die place of the skull became Paradise." 

This reinforces the image of the triumphant King who 

transforms the barren execution grounds into Paradise. This 

additional note of victory is repeated in the Greek inscription: 

"IC XC HMKA" —"Jesus Christ Conquers" (25819.003; 

25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 25819.032). 

A pair of angels hover above the figure of Christ in a number 

of crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 

25819.026; 25819.037; 25819.054). Their attitude is portrayed 

in the services of Great and Holy Friday: "Before your precious 

cross, O Lord, the angelic hosts were stunned while soldiers 

mocked you..." (Third Hour, 4th Plagal Tone). The detail of die 

cloaks diey hold suggests dieir role as attendants in service to 

dieir Lord now crucified. The heavenly hosts are additionally 

depicted in the six-winged seraphim (25819.004; 25819.006; 

25819.009; 25819.026; 25819.032). 

Several crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 

25819.009) are crowned by "noncanonical" images of God die 

Father. He is depicted as an old man identified by the tides "the 

ancient of days" or "the Lord Sabaodi." Other crosses 

(25819.026; 25819.032; 25819.037) depict the image of 

Christ's face "Not Painted by Hands," also known as the "Holy 

Napkin" (Mandylion in Greek). 

THE IMAGE "NOT MADE WITH HANDS",—^The image of 

Christ's face "Not Made with Hands" was believed to be a 

miraculous imprint of the face of Christ discovered at Edessa, 

Syria in 544, In the West, diis is known as the legend of 

"Veronica's Veil," Once "discovered," die original was 

transferred to Constantinople in 547, It dien became die 

palladium of the city. 

Despite die shell of legend, die dieological core of this image 

is die affirmation that Christian iconography was to depict 

revealed Tmth "Not Made with Hands." This is the foundation 

of die Church's "program" for its art. 

THE TRINITY ICON.—^That the "program" or "Tradition" can 

be violated is illustrated by the previously mentioned images of 

die Fadier. The canonical tradition of iconography stricdy 

forbids die direct depiction of God die Father except through an 

image of His Son. This prohibition is based on the words of 

Jesus: "To have seen me is to have seen the Fadier, so how can 

you say, 'Let us see the Father?'" (John 14:9), 

The "canonical" image of the Father was created by 

depicting Christ endowed with an awesome expression 

suggesting die Creator's visage. This is Christ "Pantocrator" 

("All Powerful"). Traditionally, diis image occupied die central 

dome of churches to stare down upon the faidiful far below as 

diey looked up at an image of the Creator and Judge of the 

world. 

Perhaps die principal factor leading to the break with die 

canonical tradition was the person of Peter the Great 

(1682-1725). Peter's forceful imposition of Westem culture 

upon Russia included the introduction of Westem religious art 

that conflicted with die canonical tradition in both style and 

content. 

Historically, diese noncanonical images of die Holy Trinity 

depicted the Father direcdy for the first time. Several crosses in 

the Kunz collection depict the noncanonical version 

(25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009). An old man 

represents the Fadier in the company of Christ the Son and die 

Spirit in the form of a dove. 

In at least one case (25819.006), the noncanonical version 

appears along widi die canonical image of the Trinity in die 

form of die three angel-visitors to Abraham and Sarah. The 

canonical version represents the three divine persons symbolically. As Leonid Ouspensky points out: "The almost identical 

faces of the Angels emphasize the single nature of die diree 

Divine Persons and also show that this icon in no way pretends 

to represent concretely each person of the Holy Trinity."' 

The canonical Trinity appears on the crests of several icons 

in the present collection (25819.088; 25819.091; 25819.099; 

25819.101; 25819.102; 25819.139; 25819.141; 25819,269; 

25819.271). It is noteworthy diat, despite the condemnation of 
NUMBER 51 25 

die noncanonical image of the Trinity by the great Moscow 

Council of 1667, this entrenched version has endured to this 

very day. 

THE RESURRECTION ICON.—As previously mentioned, die 

dieological complement to the Cmcifixion image is that of die 

Resurrection (25819.262). While illustrations of die Resurrection first utilized the Gospel narrative of die myrrh-bearing 

women at the tomb (Dura Europus, 232 A.D.), die second 

earliest form was die "Descent into Hades." This image is 

found on one of the ciborium columns of St. Mark's in Venice, 

Italy, dating from the 6th century. 

Because the New Tbstament is silent about the actual 

moment of Christ's Resurrection, this moment is never 

depicted in the canonical fradition. The scriptural "locus" for 

diis image was found in I Peter 3:18, 19: "In the body he was 

put to death, in the spirit he was raised to life, and, in the spirit, 

he went to preach to the spirits in prison," 

The copper icon of die descent into Hades (25819.262) 

shows Christ trampling underfoot die shattered gates of Hades 

to set free its captives—all who have died from the time of 

humanity's protoparents, Adam and Eve. Christ extends his 

hand to raise Adam from the open tomb as Eve looks on. 

Usually, space permitting, the figure of Christ is surrounded by 

die kings of Israel David and Solomon, Moses, John the 

Baptizer, and the righteous women and men of the Old 

Testament. They are depicted in the moment of recognizing the 

triumphant Messiah whom they prophesied and for whom they 

had waited. 

This event, taking place in die "depths" of the earth, 

expresses the "depdi" of Christ's abasement (kenosis) and die 

cosmic dimensions of His victory over sin and death. 

THE ICON OF CHRIST IN GLORY.—While dieologically of 

paramount importance, the images of Cross, Resurrection, and 

Trinity are numerically in the minority compared to images of 

die Virgin. Icons of the "Mother of God" ("Theotokos" in 

Greek) indicate die prominent place of the Virgin in the 

devotion and religious psychology of the Russian church. To 

explain die widespread popularity of her image, we must tum to 

die image at die very core of the Byzantine religious mind—the 

image of Christ "in Glory" (25819.142; 25819.144; 

25819.273). 

The most awesome version of the Christ in Glory is that of 

die Pantocrator. As G.P. Fedotov has noted: 'The Pantocrator 

icon leads us to die very heart of Byzantine piety. It is the 

worship of the transcendent Almighty God whom sinful man 

can approach only in awe and terror."^^ 

At the point of being overwhelmed by the "Mysterium 

Tremendum" it is die image of the Theotokos to which 

believers tumed. Orthodox piety saw her as the humanly 

accessible advocate who could call on her Son's filial love to 

have mercy rather than to pass judgment. 

THE THEOTOKOS AS INTERCESSOR.—The first icon in die 

collection depicting the Theotokos as Intercessor is the icon 

entitled the "Protection of the Mother of God" (25819.269). 

The icon's details are derived from the life of St. Andrew, "die 

Fool in Christ" (died 956). His vita^^ recounts the appearance 

of the Theotokos in the church of Blachemes in Constantinople. The Russian church, celebrating this event annually on 

October 1st, has always commemorated the "Protection" with 

special solemnity. 

In the account of St. Andrew, the Theotokos appears in the 

church's center, extending a shining veil of her protection over 

the faithful gathered widiin. As Queen of Heaven she is 

surrounded by a procession of saints. Below these figures 

stands die central figure of St. Romanos the Melodist. He holds 

an open scroll containing a Christmas hymn in honor of the 

Theotokos. 

The two key widiesses to the appearance, St. Andrew and St. 

Epiphanius, stand to die right of St. Romanos. In the top left 

comer is the figure of Christ in heaven, inclining toward the 

Virgin in response to her prayer. 

A second version of matemal intercession is the icon entitied 

"Joy of all who Sorrow," in Russian (25819.066; 25819.099; 

25819.146; 25819.281). This type of icon typically shows die 

central image of the Theotokos full-lengdi with outsd-etched 

arms. In her right hand she holds a scepter signifying her 

authority and power as Queen of Heaven. Flanking her are two 

angels whose obeisance expresses her exalted status above all 

"heavenly Powers." 

Clustered beneath her outstretched arms and prosdate at her 

feet are supplicants seeking her heavenly aid. If, as noted, the 

Byzantine image of Christ Glorified stressed the inaccessibility 

of the Transcendent One, accessibility and warmth were found 

in die image of the celestial Mother. 

G.P. Fedotov's commentary on the Theotokos is relevant 

here: 

The Russian Mary is not only the Mother of God or Christ but the universal 

Mother, the Mother of all mankind. In the first place she is of course Mother in 

the moral sense, a merciful protector, and intercessor for men before the 

heavenly Justice, the Russian version of redemption. But in another ontological 

sense she was really believed by the folk to be the Giver of Life to all 

creatures The extension and significance of her cult is evidenced by the 

number of churches consecrated to her name, her feasts celebrated, her icons 

venerated.'^ 

ICONS OF THE MOTHER AND CHILD.— In addition to die 

specifically intercessory images of the Theotokos, the present 

collection contains five of die main "types" of images showing 

die Theotokos and Child. I wdl begin with the most "formal" 

type and end with the most "intimate" type. The first depicts the 

Theotokos as "Queen of Heaven" and the last presents her as 

die ultimate "Modier." 

In the type called Hodigitria (a Greek tide die derivation of 

which is uncertain; in the Kunz catalog it is tided The Smolensk 

Mother of God), the Christ Child appears seated, erect, on his 

modier's left arm (25819.136; 25819.217). He is die ChildImmanuel, rather dian a babe: his face reflects wisdom far 

beyond his tender years. The right hand of the Hodigitria is 

raised in a gesture of formal presentation, while she conveys a 
26 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

feeling of majestic detachment and imperial dignity. 

The Kazan Theotokos (25819.078; 25819.271) style first 

appeared in 1579 at Kazan, die capital of Tator Khanat. This 

icon played a significant role as die palladium of die Russian 

ttoops who liberated Moscow from the Poles in 1612, and in 

die War of 1812. 

The Kazan style icon is probably die most widespread icon 

of die Theotokos in Russia. It depicts her inclining her head 

toward her Child-Immanuel in a gesture of greater intimacy 

than die Hodigitria. She is characterized more as "Modier" than 

as "Queen." 

The Theotokos of the Passion (25819.139; 25819,141), 

Strastnaia, in Russian, first appeared in fourteenth century 

Serbian frescoes. Two angels bearing the instmments of 

Christ's Passion hover about modier and child. With both 

hands, the frightened child clutches his mother's right hand as 

he stares at the symbols of his coming fate. The inclined head 

of the Theotokos bespeaks a moumful resignation. 

The Theotokos of the Sign (25819.220; 25819.245) belongs 

to the "Orans" ("Praying") type of image as indicated by die 

figure's uplifted hands in a gesture of prayer. Christ appears on 

her breast eidier in a "mandorla" (circular or oval "glory") as in 

25819.220, or without the mandorla as in 25819.245. This type 

of image of die Theotokos is found as early as die fourdi 

century (Roman catacomb of "Cimitero Majore"). 

The image of the Theotokos with the Child-Immanuel in her 

bosom is the "sign" announced by Isaiah: "The Lord himself, 

therefore, will give you a sign. It is this: the maiden is with 

child and will soon give birth to a son who she will call 

Immanuel" (Isaiah 7:14). 

The Vladimir Theotokos (25819.106; 25819.130) is a type 

deriving its name from the Constantinopolitan painting brought 

to the Russian city of Vladimir in 1155. It was enshrined in die 

ancient Russian Chronicles where its every move was recorded. 

The Vladimir Theotokos was considered the palladium of the 

Russian people: "Throughout die centuries this icon gives its 

protection to the Russian people and is venerated as the greatest 

holy treasure of die nation."^^ 

The distinctive feature of the Vladimir icon is die intimate 

posture of modier and child. This feeUng of mutual "loving 

kindness" (Umileniye. in Russian) contrasts sharply with the 

solemn imperial majesty of the Hodigidia. 

The Vladimir Theotokos, as all "loving kindness" types of 

images of die Theotokos, had the greatest appeal for die 

Russian soul. Believers, often living through great national 

crises and personal afflictions, found deep psychological 

comfort in her image. The Virgin's compassion for her 

cross-destined son was transformed into motherly compassion 

for all creatures for whom her child would willingly give his 

life. 

The Russian believer saw in her the source of a joy for all 

created beings whose creatureliness she shared. It was a joy 

"derived from the consciousness and belief in die motherly 

intercession of the 'merciful heart' diat cannot bear die 

suffering to which these created beings are subjected."^"^ 

THE DEESIS.—The Deesis icon, while still including die 

element of the intercession of the Theotokos, is usually set 

apart to occupy a special place of its own. The tide "Defisis" is 

a Greek term meaning "prayer." It refers specifically to die 

grouping of the Theotokos to the right of the central figure of 

Christ in glory, with John the Baptizer to Christ's left 

(25819.142-25819.144; 25819.273). 

Frequendy in Russian icons the figure of the Theotokos is 

accompanied by the inscription: "On your right hand stands the 

Queen" (Psalm 44:9). This scriptural reference emphasizes die 

role of the Theotokos as the Heavenly Queen, 

St. John is included in die Deesis grouping as the last 

representative of die Old Testament prophetic witness to die 

coming Messiah. The open Gospel in Christ's hand proclaims 

the fulfillment of the prophetic expectation realized in his 

words and works. The configuration of Christ's right hand is an 

iconographic convention indicating die act of speaking; in this 

case, Christ speaks the words contained in the Gospel. 

A lower register in three of die Deesis icons (25819.142-

25819.144) contains busts of individual saints. In one case 

(25819.273), the enthroned Christ is surrounded by archangels 

and saints in the same Deesis posture of prayer. 

IMAGES OF SAINTS.—The intercessory role of saints— 

acknowledged paradigms of Christian life—springs from die 

directive found in die Epistle of James:".. .pray for one anodier, 

and this will cure you; the heartfelt prayer of a good man works 

very powerfully" (James 5:16,17). The logic of Ordiodox piety 

reasoned that if, as St, James teaches, the prayer of a "good 

man" works "very powerfully," how much more powerful will 

diat prayer be when that good man has passed dirough death to 

stand before God's throne among the "chosen"? For this 

reason, die Russian believer attached himself or herself to 

acknowledged heavenly victors over evil to obtain their aid. 

SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIZER.—The fact diat John is included 

in die Deesis unit is an indication of his special place in the 

hierarchy of the saints. Catalogue item 25819.083 depicts John 

as die winged "Angel in the Resh," an image expressing his 

ascetic (angelic) life and his role as "foremnner" of Christ. 

Some of die iconographic detads such as his untrimmed hair 

and beard, and his camel skin garment, are illustrations of his 

scriptural descriptions. 

In John's left hand he holds a bowl containing die infant 

Christ identified both by his cross-inscribed halo and the open 

scroll announcing: "Look, there is the lamb of God..." (John 

1:29). The imagery here links the biblical "spotless lamb" of 

Passover sacrificed to save Israel with Christ, die "Lamb of 

God" whose sacrificial ministry John announces. 

SAINT NICHOLAS.—Among Russians, St. Nicholas die 

"Wonderworker" has always been one of the most popular 

saints. His appeal was based on his depiction in die 

hagiography portraying him as a "kind and loving fadier ready 

at any moment to come to the rescue of those who call on 

him."i5 
NUMBER 51 27 

According to tradition, St. Nicholas accepted ordination to 

die episcopacy: "in order that one should live no longer for 

oneself but for others."^ ^ This "life for odiers" was die 

endearing feature of this beloved figure. 

The two traditional versions of the image of St. Nicholas are 

illusti-ated in the present collection. In the first (25819.066; 

25819.156; 25819.226; 25819.227; 25819.279; 1986.0574.01), 

die central image of Nicholas is flanked by the Savior with 

Gospel on one side and die Theotokos holding the bishop's 

identifying vestment, the "omophorion" (pallium), in her hand. 

The icon depicts a story told by St. Methodius (Patriarch of 

Constantinople, 842-846) of a vision of Christ and the 

Theotokos that Nicholas had before he was elected bishop. In 

the story, Christ hands Nicholas the Gospel while the 

Theotokos places the bishop's omophorion on his shoulders. 

The second version (25819.088; 25819.102; 25819.140) 

usually depicts a full-length Nicholas with a sword in his right 

hand and a church in his left. "The sword, the symbol of his 

spiritual armament, and the church emphasize here St. 

Nicholas' significance as an implacable fighter for purity of 

faidi and as protector from heresies of die flock entmsted to 

him,"i7 

SAINT PARASKEVA PL\TNITSA.—One of the most popular 

female saints among all Slavs from antiquity was the Great 

Martyr St. Paraskeva Piatnitsa (25819.057; 25819.223). To die 

Greek name "Paraskeva" given her at baptism to honour Friday 

(the day liturgically dedicated to Christ's Passion) is added its 

Russian translation: "Piatnitsa" (Friday). The use of this 

translated name added to the Greek baptismal name serves to 

link Paraskeva's death to the sufferings of Golgotha, 

The collection's icons show Paraskeva holding in her right 

hand the "weapon of her victory—the cross, symbol of 

following after die passion of Christ,"^* In her left hand an open 

scroll announces the "Symbol of Faith" (the Creed). This is a 

statement of her martyr's faidi. 

The Russian faidiful regarded St. Paraskeva as die patron of 

women's work and, as Friday was market day, she became the 

pafron of trade. 

THE ICON OF SAINT GEORGE.—Saint George ("husbandman" in Greek) was the patron of agriculture, herds, flocks, and 

shepherds. One of the most popular icons of diis saint depicts 

him as "St. George the Victorious" sdiking down die legendary 

dragon who was worshipped widi child sacrifice. 

St. George appears dressed as a Roman, mounted, military 

commander. The fact diat his triumph is God-given is signified 

by the hand of Christ extended toward George out of an orb 

representing heaven. The Greek inscription for Jesus Christ 

usually makes this identification explicit. In the majority of 

instances, the spear George wields is surmounted with a cross 

to reinforce the statement that all victory over evil comes from 

Christ, The example at hand (25819,254) reduces die conventional composition to its fundamental elements. 

THE ICON OF SAINT TIKHON.—Saint Tikhon of Zadonsk 

(1724-1783) was first a monk and later Bishop of Voronezh, 

He was known for his spiritual writings as well as his life of 

prayer and dedication to the poor, and in particular, to those in 

prison for crimes. It has been pointed out that Dostoevsky was 

inspired by this saint to create the Tikhon in his work, "The 

Possessed," The icon (25819,135) depicts the saint in his 

monastic dress holding a scroll representative of his writings. 

He was formally canonized in 1860, 

COLLECTIVE ICONS,—The term "collective icons" is applied 

to icons in which multiple figures of saints are grouped 

together. In our collection, these groupings frequendy appear 

on the outer panels of diptychs (25819.066; 25819.106; 

25819.130; 25819.136; 25819.139; 25819.141). Usually, die 

selection of the individual saints who were to be included was 

determined by die individual ordering a particular icon. A 

"Family Icon," for example, is a collective icon depicting the 

patron saint of each family member. 

THE TWELVE MAJOR FEASTS.—^There are twelve major 

feasts in the liturgical calendar of the Ordiodox church. These 

feasts celebrate major events in die life of Christ, His modier, 

and the life of the early church. They are celebrated on the 

following days according to die Gregorian calendar, or 13 days 

later according to the Julian calendar. 

The Nativity of the Mother of God (8 September) 

The Exaltation (or Raising Up) of the Honorable and 

Life-Giving Cross (14 September) 

The Entrance of the Modier of God into the Temple (21 

November) 

The Nativity of Christ (25 December) 

The Baptism of Christ in die Jordan (6 January) 

The Meeting of Our Lord in the Temple (2 Febmary) 

The Annunciation of the Modier of God (25 March) 

The Entrance of Our Lord into Jemsalem (Palm Sunday) 

The Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ (40 days after 

Easter) 

Pentecost (50 days after Easter) 

The Transfiguration of Our Saviour Jesus Christ (6 August) 

The Dormition (Falling Asleep) of the Modier of God (15 

August) 

With the sole exception of the Feast of Pentecost, die twelve 

major feasts are portrayed in icon 25819.055. The identity of 

these feast images would be apparent to one familiar with die 

Gospel narratives they illustrate (e.g., the Nativity of Christ, die 

Baptism of Christ, die Annunciation, etc.). 

The difficulty of identifying individual figures may be 

instanced in 25819.055. Two monks named "Anthony" and 

"Theodosius" flank the image of the Hodigitria Mother of God. 

In theory diese could be Anthony of Egypt (died 356) and 

Theodosius die Cenobiarch (died 529), both monks. In die 

context, however, of a Russian icon they are undoubtedly die 

Russian St. Anthony who founded the most famous monastery 

in all Russia (the Monastery of the Caves at Kiev, founded in 

1051), and St. Theodosius, Anthony's disciple, who is 

considered the founder of Russian monasticism. 
28 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Notes 

'DAVID TALBOT RICE, Byzantine Art (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin 

Books, Inc., 1960), page 16. 

^id , page 34. 

^STEPHEN RUNQMAN, Byzantine Style and Civilization (Marmondsworth. 

Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. Ltd.. 1981), page 37. 

"Ibid. 

'TIMOTHY WARE, The Orthodox Church (New York: Penguin Books, Inc.. 

1980). page 128. 

^LEONID OUSPENSKY AND VLADIMIR LOSSKY. The Meaning of Icons 

(Basle, Switzeriand: Otto Walter, Ltd., 1952). page 183. 

'JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. "On St. John. Homily 85, 1." In J.R Migne, editor. 

Patrologia cursus completus, series Graeca, volume 59, column 459. Paris, 

1862. 

^OUSPENSKY AND LOSSKY. op. cit.. page 205. 

Ibid, page 203. 

"HJEORGE P. FEDOTOV, The Russian Religious Mind (New Yoric: Harper 

and Row, Publishers. 1960). page 30. 

^"^Patrologia Graeca, columns 627-888. 

'^Fedotov. op. cit., page 361. 

'^OUSPENSKY AND LOSSKY op. cit.. page 94. 

'"Ibid, page 93. 

'^Ibid.page 124. 

'^Ibid.page 123. 

"Ibid. 

'«Ibid. page 138. 
The Technology and 

Conservation of the Kunz Collection 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 

General Historical Background 

Small, cast copper-alloy Christian icons and crosses were 

known in Kiev by die tenth century. They arrived with 

Byzantine travellers, soldiers, and prisoners even before the 

Baptism of Rus' in 988. [For further discussion on die Baptism 

of Rus' see page 23. R.E.A.] 

Among the earlier examples of cast metal icons found in 

Russia are circular two-sided amulets called zmeeviki.^ These 

came to the attention of Russian scholars in the last century 

when they were uncovered by farmers plowing the land. Most 

zmeeviki are alloys of copper, lead, and tin, aldiough a few are 

reported to be made of gold or silver (Figure 4). One side of the 

medallion has a Christian symbol, such as the Mother of God, 

Christ, the archangel Michael, or a saint. The obverse side 

shows either entwined snakes, a human head with Medusa-like 

snake hair, or full human figures with snakes wrapped around 

them. The lettering on the medallions is frequendy Greek. 

Recent archeological studies of sites near Novgorod date these 

zmeeviki to the early twelfth century.^ 

Writing in the Journal of the Moscow Archeological Society 

in 1874, L.V. Dal' stated that rare zmeeviki icons were often 

found among Old Believers.^ He cited die biblical account of 

Moses who made a bronze serpent on a pole to explain why 

serpents often appear on these old copper icons, and he 

atdibuted die early popular belief that pectoral crosses should 

be made of copper to the same biblical source: 

Then the Lord told him. "Make a bronze replica of one of these snakes and 

attach il to the top of a pole; anyone who is bitten shall live if he simply looks 

at it!" So Moses made the replica, and whenever anyone who had been bitten 

looked at the bronze snake, he recovered! (Numbers 21:8. 9.) [See also note 4 

on page 16. R.E.A.] 

"But if you don't even believe me when I tell you about such things as these 

that happen here among men. how can you possibly believe if I tell you what is 

going cm in heaven? For only I, the Messiah, have come to earth and will retum 

to heaven again. And as Moses in the wilderness lifted up the bronze image of 

a serpent on a pole, even so I must tje lifted up upon a pole, so that anyone who 

believes in me wiU have eternal life. For God loved the world so much that he 

gave his only Son so that anyone who believes in him shall not perish but have 

etemal life. God did not send his Son into the world to condemn it. but to save 

it." (John 3:12-17.) 

Vera B. Espinola, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 

Institution, Washington, D.C 20560. 

Metal crosses and icons excavated from twelfth century 

Moscow burial mounds (kurgans) attest to the rise of 

Christianity in the Moscow-Klyazma river basin area during 

that era. Some of these eleventh and twelfth century artifacts, 

however, retain pagan symbols such as a moon with a cross and 

a sun god, interpolating them with standard Christian images. 

This appears to confirm the presence of dvoyeverie or "dual 

belief," a practice diat persisted for some time despite die 

stmggle of die fledgling eleventh century Kievan church to 

suppress it. 

These recent archeological excavations yielded about fortytwo metal crosses and icons associated with the second half of 

die twelfth century. Among them are a dozen unique pectoral 

crosses, all of which are four-ended, with none bearing the 

figure of Christ."* Several have rounded ends, and one in 

particular is similar in shape to modem Russian baptismal 

crosses. Similar types of cruciforms were also excavated in 

Kiev and Novgorod (Figure 5). 

Information about the metals is limited, aldiough one cross is 

described as bronze and several as having designs in niello. 

Some crosses are said to be enameled, without any mention of 

type or color. Other cmciforms found in the Moscow region are 

called "Scandinavian" types, similar to those found in Latvia, 

Lithuania, Estonia, Norway, Sweden, and Finland.^ 

The Moscow sites also yielded six small twelfth-century 

bronze icons, diree of diem sfraight-edged and three round. The 

icons include one rare early example of the popular "Mother of 

Tendemess" or Umileniye type that represents the Mother of 

God and the Christ Child gazing upon one another widi loving 

kindness. The reverse of diis rare icon shows a six-ended 

cross.*^ 

Mongol invasions of the thirteendi century dismpted the 

production of metal icons. During this time, miniature icons 

and crosses were carved of slate, steatite, wood, and bone.^ 

Ancient hoards, buried in moments of danger during the 

Mongol period (1237-1380), indicate not only die route of die 

incursions, but also provide scholars with valuable information 

about materials and technology. 

The old tradition of copper casting persisted until die 

seventeenth century in Novgorod and Pskov where the hordes 

of Khan Batu failed to penefrate. Some of these Novgorodian 

icons of the Mongol period and later can be seen in The 

29 
30 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 4.—^Three zmeevikiicons showing both sides; top and middle are copper, bottom is silver. (Tolstoy. 1888) 
NUMBER 51 31 

FIGURE 5.—^Twelfth century type four-ended baptismal cross, left (Tolstoy, 

1888); modem Russian baptismal cross, right. 

Hermitage collections in Leningrad.^ One distinctive feature is 

a "twisted rope" design in a flat border widi a small four-ended 

cross in a rhombus on the crest, similar to the icon of Saint 

George Slaying the Dragon (25819.254) in die Kunz collection. 

The end of the seventeenth century brought cultural and 

religious change and Westem influence to the Russian church 

and state. Some of diese events initiated a popular backlash 

from religious conservatives who came to be known as "Old 

Believers." In the century-and-a-half diat followed. Old 

Believers founded enclaves where they nurtured old Russian 

cultural and religious traditions and also came to dominate the 

production of copper icons and crosses. 

The Old Believers 

By 1666, liturgical changes and ensuing docti^inal disputes 

separated the Russian church into two principal factions: those 

who adhered to the "old belief" championed by Archpriest 

Avvakum, and those who accepted the "reforms" diat Patriarch 

Nikon introduced in the established, state-approved Church. In 

1695, Old Believers fleeing from Novgorod established a 

self-sufficient secular-religious community in the basin of die 

river Vyg in the isolated Olonets region. The Vyg community 

was situated about 40 kilometers above the nordiemmost tip of 

Lake Onega in the general area of today's Baltic-White Sea 

Canal (Figure 6). 

Aldiough persecuted and heavily taxed by the State, the Vyg 

priestless (bezpopovtsy) Old Believer Pomorsky Community 

(Vygovskaya Pustyn') survived for 150 years until the 1840s. 

They were an industrious and economically successful people. 

Many were outstanding artisans, illuminating manuscripts and 

painting icons, binding books, carving wood, embroidering 

textiles in silk and gold, and casting in copper and enameling. 

Citing a so-called "decline" in their theologically "correct" 

appearance, a decree was issued by Czar Peter I on 31 January 

1723 forbidding the casting and sale of copper icons and 

crosses as well as dieir use in churches. It also called for die 

confiscation of all copper objects except for crosses wom on 

the person. Ignoring the bans, the casting of copper-alloy icons 

and crosses continued in Old Believer communities and 

became a Vyg specialty. 

Pomorsky Castings 

The Vyg community began casting copper-alloy religious 

objects at die tum of die eighteenth century and soon became 

noted for the excellent quality of dieir crosses, icons, Gospel 

covers, and clasps for religious manuscripts. The production 

volume was large enough so that Vyg artisans cast in two 

fumaces and polished and enameled the objects in a separate 

building. On 8 Febmary 1780, the Pomorian church fathers 

wrote that icons and crosses should be cast from old examples 

that retained their traditions, and that the crosses should have 

die abbreviation for: "King of Glory, Jesus Christ, Son of God," 

UPb CBbI IC XC CHTJ B^I M .9 The Pomorian directive was in response to the appearance of the initials IHUH on some crosses, reflecting a growing Westem 

influence in eighteenth century Russia. This inscription was a 

literal tiranslation of the Latin initials I.N.R.I.: "Jesus of 

Nazareth, King of die Jews," the tide written in Latin, Greek, 

and Hebrew that Pontius Pilate had affixed to the cross. 

Documents from 1835 tell of entire villages in die 

copper-producing Povonets area diat cast copper icons and sold 

them to the leaders of die Vyg Community, who in tum 

distributed diem throughout Russia.^^ 

Folding icons with two, three, and four panels figured 

prominendy in the Pomorsky tradition. According to Druzhinin, die style of the triptych covers denoted the period of 

manufacture.^ ^ The earliest covers were smooth. Those of the 

next period were engraved with a cross, occasionally encircled 

with an omamental frame. In the third period, the cross and the 

circle were cast in relief, and an image of the wall of Jemsalem 

appeared in the background. In die fourdi period, the circle 

became omamented and the image of the cross and the wall was 

enameled. Finally, the entire cover design changed: the cross 

was placed into an oval border widi twisted wires (skan), more 

omamental skan' appeared in the design, and die whole was 

enameled. 

Documents relating to the Vyg Community^^ describe 

devyatki (niners), which are diptychs portraying nine figures. 

Larger triptychs, depicting twelve feast days on diree panels, 

usually have a fourth panel illusd'ating four miraculous icons of 

the Mother of God. These often have a kokoshnik crest over 

each panel with yet another icon. An example is 25819.055 in 

die Kunz collection. The Vyg casters liked to make large and 

small icons of saints who were popular in the Novgorod area, 

such as St. Paraskeva Piatnitsa; SS. Flor and Lavr; St. George 

and the Dragon; and St. Nicholas, the Miracleworker. They also 

produced die Deesis, images of the Holy Trinity, the 

Crucifixion, and icons of die Mother of God of the Sign.^^ The 

Vyg Community also made pectoral and benediction crosses of 

various dimensions, some with added minature cast icons cast 

in high relief and added to the crosses. 
32 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 6.—Location of the Old Believer communities of Novgorod and Vyg in Russia. (Courtesy of Valerie 

Smith) 

Many of the copper-alloy icons and crosses were mercury 

gilded and decorated with polychrome champleve enamel. 

Early Pomorsky enamels were transparent, glass-like, and 

evenly placed, sometimes with added specks of white, black, or 

primary colors. Later enamels became more opaque and lost 

dieir clarity of color. ^"^ 

Pre-nineteenth century Pomorsky casting is technically 

outstanding. Fine details include the curl of the hair, geometric 

and floral designs, precise definition of facial features, and 

miniature architectural scenes. The nineteenth-century revival 

of popular interest in old Russian culture greatly increased the 

demand for copper icons and odier traditional religious objects, 

resulting in a decline in quality. Nineteenth-century icons 

became coarse and heavy. They were also sand cast, but the 

finished objects were not chased, such as triptych 25819.066 in 

die Kunz collection. Mid-nineteenth century icons were also 

manufactured by stamping or electrotyping and are recognized 

by their diin metal, sometimes just pure copper with an applied 

patina, such as icon 25819.226. 

Physical Examination of the Kunz Collection 

MATERIALS.—The Kunz collection of Russian metal icons 

and crosses, accessioned by die Smidisonian Institution in 

1892, consists of 282 objects. About fifty-five are enameled, 

and a few are gilded. These copper-alloy objects represent a 

span of 200 years and include manufacturing methods and 

styles used by die Pomorian and Moscovite bezpopovtsy, as 

well as by the popovtsy of Guslitzi and other priestist 

communities. 
NUMBER 51 33 

Most of die icons and crosses are technically a yellow brass, 

mainly a copper-zinc alloy widi small amounts of tin and lead. 

Alloys vary according to the date of manufacture. Some 

seventeendi century brass objects are redder in color, heavier in 

weight, and softer in physical composition due to a higher 

lead-zinc: copper ratio. This caused deterioration problems not 

common to the collection as a whole, such as lead segregation 

with the formation of surface lead carbonates, as well as 

dezincification. 

ANALYSES,—Seventeen icons and five cmcifixes were 

analyzed by energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence specti-ometry (XRF) at die Scientific Depardnent of die National Gallery 

of Art in Washington, D,C,, by conservation scientists Paul 

Angiolillo and Lisha A, Glinsman (Table 1), The results were 

interpreted and correlated by Tom Chase, Head Conservator of 

die Technical Laboratory of the Freer Gallery of Art and the 

Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smidisonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 

GILDING.—A few icons in this collection still have dieir 

gilding intact. The gilding on others is patchy and wom from 

centuries of abrasion, handling, or corrosion of die underlying 

metal. Some icons retain traces of gilt in the crevices of figure 

details or under spots of candle wax where it was protected 

from mechanical wear. Gilding can also be seen under enamel 

where there are fractures and losses. 

The icons appear to have been mercury gilded. Mercury 

amalgam gilding forms a thin wash that sometimes may only 

cover the face of the icon and over-mn parts of the reverse. The 

XRF studies done at the National Gallery of Art detected 

mercury and gold on three eighteenth-century icons 

(25819.102; 25819.146; 25819.227), which corroborated Druzhinin's statement that icons had been mercury gilded.'^ 

Other Russian sources^^ give another formula for gilding 

copper that did not use the toxic mercury mediod: 

Take two spocms of linseed oU, one not-too-full spoon of neft (petroleum) 

and a pinch of red lead. Put all this together in a copper or clay pot and mb the 

mixture with a finger on the place of the copper to be gilded. After applying, 

place it in a pot so it won't bubble. When removing from the heat, put il in the 

wind and rab with the finger so it will dry. When it is dry. put on the gold and 

mb it with a rabbit's paw and don't put it in the fire. 

ENAMELS.—In the Kunz collection, fifty-one icons (or 

portions such as wings or panels) and four crucifixes from die 

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have champleve enamels in 

varying stages of loss. These provided an opportunity for 

examination and study. In the Kunz collection, die range of 

colors are light blue, dark blue, white, green, and occasionally, 

yellow, although not necessarily all on one icon, XRF analyses 

of enamel on icon 25819,206, circa 1800, showed lead in die 

blue enamel and lead widi some tin in the white enamel. 

Microscopically, the enamel often has small, open depressions 

like burst air pockets, which have become receptacles for 

deposits and debris, contributing to the surface opacity. After 

cleaning, many enamels may still be considered opaque, but 

now have a glassy sparkle. The dark blues often acquire a 

transparency after conservation. 

Gilding is sometimes seen under fractured or lifting enamel, 

such as on cmcifix 25819.003, indicating that some were gilded 

prior to enameling. The metal under broad enameled surfaces is 

frequendy textured or has geometric or linear designs. This 

type of base may have been designed to provide a more 

tenacious grip for the fired frit. Icons where only a textured 

background remains, possibly had been enameled at one time. 

An eighteenth-century icon of St. Paraskeva Piadiitsa, 

25819.223, has a textured background and appears to have no 

enamel at all. Under the microscope, however, remains of a 

transparent, light blue enamel and bits of charcoal can be seen 

on the lower PR (proper right) comer, as die photomicrograph 

in Figure 7 illusdates. This example of almost completely lost 

enamel is one of the reasons why extreme care should be 

exercised in the examination, conservation, and handling of old 

Russian metal icons and crosses. 

MOLDS.—Little precise information exists about old Russian 

icon casting techniques, although it is said^^ that early Russian 

molds for icons and crosses sometimes were made by the 

imprint of the image in a wet clay or eardi mixture, and that 

special large birch-bark mushrooms called chaga were also 

used for this purpose. Old Russian casting forms were also 

made of slate (slanetz) with the shape and detail of the icon 

carved into it as a negative image. These finely carved molds 

made the casting very precise, even without chasing. The 

casters employed a brown plant powder in the mold to prevent 

sticking. 

Tom Chase, Head Conservator of the Technical Laboratory 

of the Freer Gallery of Art and the Ardiur M. Sackler Gallery, 

examined ten icons and crosses from the Kunz collection for 

clues to the method of manufacture and made the following 

observations: 

1. The icons and crosses, representing objects from the 

seventeendi, eighteendi, and nineteenth centuries, were sand 

cast, widi die exception of 25819.226. Defects common to sand 

casting can be seen on a number of icons. Grains of sand, 

sometimes trapped on die surface of die molten metal, were 

identified as quartz and feldspar in 1983 by Dr. Pete Dunn, 

Department of Mineral Sciences, National Museum of Natural 

History, Smidisonian Institution. 

2. One icon, 1982.0007.31, has a casting fault where die 

lower half of the icon was not completed and the metal flowed 

instead into a bulbous lump on one side. The plaque was sand 

cast from a metal model. In the model, the multiple seraphim on 

die crest were individually cast and soldered on, as seen on die 

reverse where "tabs" overlap the joints. The casting fault was 

due to a "cold shot" where die metal poured in but didn't flow 

dirough completely. According to Vera Espinola's earlier 

examination, this deformed icon was not discarded when new. 
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NUMBER 51 35 

FIGURE 7.—^Photomicrograph of icon 25819.223, revealing remnants of transparent, light blue enamel and bits of 

charcoal in lower proper right comer. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 

but appears to have been gilded and was venerated. Candle wax 

on the icon has tumed green from contact with the copperalloy. When the eyes were wom from use the icon was buried, 

as seen by the distribution of impacted silicious burial debris. 

3. Suspension loops were part of the original castings and a 

hole was drilled or punched after die object was cast. 

4. Some icons have depressions on the reverse that mirror the 

figure on the front. On an eighteendi century triptych, 

25819,099 (Figure 8), it appears that depressions on the back 

were tooled into die original model both to economize on metal 

and to prevent tearing due to shrinkage as the metal cooled. Hot 

tearing is visible on icon 25819,281, This occurs when die 

section of die casting has thick and diin areas next to each other. 

The thin areas solidify first dien are pulled while hot when the 

metal shrinks in the thick area. The founders got around this 

problem by recessing die backs on the icons as described 

above. 

5. Some icons have evidence of spme marks on the sides. A 

few icons also show mold marks around the sides from 

two-piece molds. 

6. Three identical-appearing center triptych panels, 

25819.142; 25819.143; and 25819.144, are from the seventeendi century. Actually, only icons 25819.142 and 25819.144 

are identical and from the same model. Icon 25819.143 is from 

a different model as can be seen by slighdy different detaUs in 

the book of the bottom PR figure as well as other minor 

differences. 

7. One icon, 25819.226, is not sand cast, but electrotyped, a 

process developed in die mid-nineteenth century. It is pure 

copper widi an applied patina on the front and a lead-tin solder 

on the reverse. There is no loop for suspension. This is a good 

example of how the quality of metal icon production 

deteriorated when demand increased and rapid manufacturing 

methods were introduced. 
36 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 8.—Icon 25819.099 with back depressions. (Vera B. Espinola, 

photographer) 

8. The icon reproduction of St. Nicholas, 1986.0574.01, 

made in the United States in the 1980s was sand cast from an 

old model. The face of St. Nicholas has distinct features, but die 

other four faces are wom smooth, suggesting diat only die 

principal figure on the old icon was reworked before casting. 

SHAPES AND SYMBOLS.—The crosses in diis collection are 

mosdy eight-ended crucifixes widiin eight-ended crosses. A 

few are distinguished by die addition of vertical bars, with 

standing figures of Mary, the Mother of God, with Mary, die 

modier of James, together on the proper right of Christ, and St. 

John and St. John Longinus, the Roman soldier, together on 

Christ's left. Odiers have several small metal icons alongside 

the main cross. Many cmcifixes in this collection have prayers 

cast into die reverse, but some are so wom that they are hardly 

visible, such as 25819.006. Eighteenth century crucifixes often 

have seraphim adoming die top, and still others show God 

Sabaoth and die letters IHUH. The sun and die moon symbols 

frequendy appear on either side of Christ's outsfretched arms. 

The skull of Golgotha is seen below die feet of Christ, The wall 

of Jemsalem is depicted in cmcifixes of die eighteendi century 

and later in diis collection. The feet of Jesus are nailed 

separately, unlike many Westem cmcifixes, where one foot is 

atop die odier widi a single nail driven dirough bodi. Odier 

symbols are the spear and the sponge on a reed, represented as 

long, diin, vertical objects on either side of Christ's body. 

Archeological evidence^ ^ indicates that die familiar eightended Russian cross gradually evolved from four-ended and 

later, six-ended cmciforms.^' The eight-ended cross appeared 

with greater consistency after the fifteenth century, with die 

slant of the lowest bar varying sometimes from a horizontal 

position to a left or a right slope. The traditional Russian cross 

is now identified as eight-ended, widi the lowest bar slanting 

from Christ's right foot down to the left foot. 

The shapes of the triptychs and plaques in this collection 

range from a seventeenth-century curved top (25819.268) to 

seventeendi and eighteenth-century straight edges (25819.142; 

25819.251). There are early eighteenth-century crest shapes (a 

bochka, 25819.057), and eighteendi-century ogee arches 

{kokoshnik shape, 25819.055). Some eighteendi-century icons 

(25819.279), triptychs (25819.088), and crucifixes 

(25819.006) have multiple seraphim soldered to die tops. 

Printseva^ states that seraphim were added to cmcifixes by the 

priestist Old Believers of Guslitsi. 

HINGES AND CRESTS.—Icons in this collection are either 

triptychs or single panels, with the exception of one four-panel 

hinged icon. The seventeenth and early eighteenth century 

triptychs have pinde hinges (25819.141), whereas nineteenth 

century triptychs have piano hinges (25819.066). 

The icon crests and the loops for suspending them on die 

body also vary. The "Image Not Made with Hands" appears on 

many icons and crosses throughout die three represented 

centuries as though a standard. Seventeenth century circular 

crests depict die "Old Testament Trinity" with an "Image" crest 

above it, as illustrated by 25819.271. Eighteenth and nineteenth-century icons and crucifixes in this collection, such as 

25819.057, show figures of "God Sabaoth." They also poru-ay 

die "New Testament Trinity," as shown in 25819.055. 

Modification of crest styles, inscriptions, and symbols mirror 

Westem religious influences in Russia as well as changes 

among the Old Believers themselves, such as the acceptance of 

priests. 

Loops for suspending the icons were also altered. In die 

nineteenth century, crests were often omitted entirely and 

replaced by a simple, pierced metal projection through which a 

cord is direaded, such as 25819.156. Odier such metal 

projections, as on icon 25819.174, became imperforate and lost 

dieir function entirely, remaining only as "deaf ears." 
NUMBER 51 37 

Conservation of the Kunz Collection 

The conservation and research of the Kunz collection began 

with microscopic examinations of each object to evaluate die 

condition of the metal and enamel and to study details not 

otherwise visible. This systematic probing became a type of 

"micro-archeology" as it uncovered evidence of use and aided 

in die diagnosis and treatment of deterioration problems. 

CORROSION PRODUCTS.—The most serious problem encountered was bronze disease, a deterioration of the copper 

caused by the destmctive action of chlorides. The source of 

chlorides can be water, soil, perspiration, saliva, or any 

combination thereof. On an eighteenth century cmcifix, 

25819.004, bronze disease was concentrated on the face of 

Christ. Bronze disease localized only in one area suggests that 

it may be use-related. For example, it may be accelerated by the 

saliva from the religious practice of kissing one spot in 

particular. Some icons had heavy concentrations of bronze 

disease only along the raised border at the base, where droplets 

of saliva could have collected. 

The next most serious corrosion product was the formation 

of lead carbonates. This was caused by the preferential 

corrosion of lead not completely alloyed with the copper. 

Segregated lumps of lead near the surface corroded on some 

seventeenth-century icons, such as 25819.141, with a lead 

content of about 6%, and 25819.142, with a lead level of about 

9%, producing the toxic white powder, lead carbonate. Lead is 

toxic in very small amounts .•^^ Extreme care should be 

exercised to avoid ingestion of even minute lead particles 

through touching contaminated gloves or hands to the mouth, 

or by the religious practice of kissing the affected objects. 

There is no permanent remedy for this corrosion problem. 

Objects with a high lead level should be kept in a nonacidic 

environment with a temperature of about 65° F and 46% 

relative humidity. 

Another deterioration problem is dezincification. Dezincification is the preferential corrosion of zinc usually found in 

brasses widi less than 85% copper. Faults or breaks in die metal 

combined with oxygen-resdicting impacted debris are factors 

which accelerate a breakdown of the zinc. On triptych 

25819.099, areas of dezincification were concentrated under 

tiny, innocuous-looking flat brown plaques not seen at less dian 

x40 magnification. When this "lid" was lifted, die deteriorating 

metal was an unmistakable orange-red copper color, porous, 

and soft as butter to die probe. 

Green copper carbonates, sometimes accompanied by red 

copper oxides, affected many objects in the collection. Green 

copper oleates, formed from the reaction of candle wax 

drippings with copper, were also present on many of the icons 

and crosses. Russian liturgical candles, often made of beeswax, 

are u-aditionally lit near icons as part of a reverential practice. 

Wax drippings on an icon often indicate this type of 

ethnographic use. Wax becomes a sealant on die area where it 

has fallen. This is bodi good and bad. It is good when die wax 

protects and preserves the only remaining patch of a wom 

gilding or adheres some enamel fragments diat otherwise might 

have been lost. It is bad when the wax is in contact widi the 

copper for a very long time and the fatty acid of the wax 

combines with die copper to produce a lumpy, green copper 

oleate. The form and substance of this foreign deposit can 

dismpt the adhesion between the enamel and the metal, causing 

the enamel to dislodge. 

Another frequent deposit on the Kunz collection was a 

britde, white polymeric substance. The deposits were fragmentary and adhered to edges, borders, and other places hard to 

detect. The frequency and distribution pattems suggested that 

this polymeric material had been used to make molds for icon 

reproduction. X-ray diffraction and chemical analyses done by 

the Smithsonian Institution's Conservation Analytical Laboratory^^ confirmed diat the material was a synthetic paraffin wax 

combined with zinc oxide. This was not commercially 

available before 1946. Remains of this molding compound 

filled cracks and faults in the metal, sealing the surface and 

excluding oxygen. An anaerobic environment accelerates die 

deterioration process of bronze disease and dezincification. 

Copying old icons and crosses carries the danger of leaving 

even microscopic remains from a molding compound. This, in 

tum, can create oxygen-excluding barriers where unnoticed 

deterioration of the metal may already be in progress. 

Unfortunately, there is no documentation in the Smithsonian 

Institution records to indicate when or why the molding was 

attempted. 

Anodier foreign deposit was a dark brown organic substance, 

soluble in ethanol, that appeared to be an early (perhaps 

nineteenth century) attempt at conservation. These opaque 

resinous deposits seem to have been used for readhering loose 

enamel. An example is 25819.174, a nineteenth-century icon of 

the Nativity of the Mother of God, where no enamel was visible 

before conservation (Figure 9a,b). Complicating the problem 

on diis icon were deposits of the white molding compound over 

the dark resins with green copper oleates under it all. This 

indicated that the icon had candles buming nearby and diat it 

was probably covered with a clear resin (possibly shellac) that 

later tumed dark. Some time in the second half of this century, 

die icon was reproduced using the white synthetic paraffin. In 

diis case, the resin preserved the enamel that might odierwise 

have been removed by the ravages of time and the copying 

process. During conservation the deposits were photographed 

for documentation, removed, and the blue and white enamel 

stabilized. 

Rust deposits were found along the deformed edges of icons 

and crosses indicating diat iron nails had been used to secure 

them to anodier object. This can be seen on icon 25819.083. 

PRESERVE AND PROTECT.—Metal artifacts should always be 

handled with gloves. Acids deteriorate metals, and die fatty 

acids from normal skin contact will contribute to this process. 
38 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

FIGURE 9a.—^Icon 25819.174 before conservation. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 
NUMBER 51 39 

^-,^^ia.ai..,£ltm\'' <vJ^'.^ -W^O. .- '•• ^*^^ "-^Sll 

FIGURE 9b.—^Icon 25819.174 after conservation. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 
40 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Old metal icons and crosses in need of conservation should 

not be cleaned by home methods. Commercial cleaning 

compounds can scratch die surface, dislodge enamel, remove a 

naturally acquired patina, leave deposits in crevices, seal in 

corrosion products, and remove evidence of ethnographic use. 

Icons and crosses were made for active religious use, but 

very old ones are vulnerable to deterioration and require extra 

care. If in storage, the environment should be stabilized at 

68° F. and 50% relative humidity and made nonacidic 

by excluding acidic papers (such as newspaper), woods (such 

as oak), and vapors from acidic adhesives (such as may be used 

in plywood). Polyethylene bags, ventilated to avoid condensation and properly identified, are effective for storing individual 

icons and crosses. The bags are transparent for viewing and the 

protected objects can be handled without gloves. To avoid 

mechanical frauma, pad triptychs and enamels with acid-free 

paper. 

Notes 

'COUN T I.I. TOLSTOY, " O Russkikh amuletakh, nazivayemikh zmeevikami," Zapiski Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva (St. Petersburg), 

volume 3 (1888), pages 363-394. 

^M.V. SEDOVA, "Novgorodskie amuleti-zmeeviki," Kultura Drevnei Rusi 

(Moscow: Nauka, 1966), page 243. 

^L.V. DAL", "Zametki O mednikh grivnakh XII Veka," Trudi Moskovskago 

Archeologicheskago Obshchestva (Moscow), 2nd edition, volume 4 (1874), 

page 76. 

"•D.A. BELEN'KAYA, "Kresti i ikonki iz kurganov Podmoskov'ia." In 

Sovetskaya Arkheologia (Moscow: Akademiya Nauk, 1976), number 4, pages 

89, 90. 

^Ibid, page 94. 

%id , page 96. 

''LtHDMILA DMrTRIEVNA LiKHACHEVA AND IZILA IVANOVNA PLESHANOVA, Drevnerusskoe dekorativno-prikladnoye isskustvo v sobranie Gosudarstvenogo Russkogo Musea (Leningrad: Isskustvo, 1985), page 214. 

*M.N. PRINTSEVA, "Kollektsiya Mednogo lit'ia F.A. Kalikina v sobranii 

Otdela istorii msskoi kul'tury Ermitazha," Pamiatniki Kul'tury, Novyye 

Otkritiia, 1984 [Collection of articles published by the Ministry of Culture, 

RSFSR, Govemment Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism], 

(Leningrad: Nauka, 1986), pages 396-407. 

'VASILY GRIGORIEVICH DRUZHININ, " K Istorii khristyanskovo iskusstva 

XVIII-XDC vekov v Olonetskoi gubemii." Izvestiia Akademii Nauk USSR 

(Moscow, 1926), page 1486. 

i%id. 

"Ibid, page 1488. 

i^Ibid, page 1487. 

"Ibid, page 1483. The Vyg Community also made a triptych with the Deesis 

in the center panel; Metropolitan Phillip (of Moscow and AU Russia, 1569), SL 

Nicholas the Miracleworker and St. John the Evangelist on the left panel; and 

the Guardian Angel, St. Zosima (1478), and St. Savatiy, two saints held in high 

regard by the PcMnorians, on the right panel widi the dale of the casting, 1719, 

in relief on the exterior. They also made another Deesis triptych dated 1731. 

'"Ibid, page 1488. 

'^Ibid. 

'^A.I. PENTKOVSKY, "New Sources on the History of Gold and Silver 

Working" (Moscow: The Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences, 

1984), page 125. 

'"'Personal interviews: Maria Danilovna Malchenko, curator. Division of 

Russian Cultural History, The Hermitage, Leningrad, 2 October 1987; Larisa 

Romanovna Pavlinskaya, ethnogrpaher, USSR Academy of Sciences, MAE 

Ethnographic Institute, Leningrad, October, 1987; and Marina Sergeiivna 

Shemahanskaya, Head, Metals Conservation Laboratory, AU-Union Scientific 

and Research Institute for Restoration (VNIIR), Moscow, 1980, 1986, and 

1987. 

'^BELEN'KAYA, Op cit. 

"Novgorodian cross dated 1280. This is a large, six-ended wooden cross 

with relics, covered with thin sheets of gilded silver (bas'ma). Conservation 

by Nikita Yurevich Sharkov, the Metals Conservation Laboratory of the 

AU-Union Scientific and Research Institute for Restoration (VNIIR), Moscow, 

1979. 

^M.N. PRINTSEVA, " K Voprosu ob Izuchenii Staroobryadcheskovo 

Mednovo Litya v Muzeinikh Sohiamyakh,"Nauchno-Ateisticheskiye Issledovaniya v Muzeyakh (Leningrad: Izdaniye GMIRiA, 1986), page 68. 

^'AL F FISHBEIN, M.D., ET AL, "Lead Poisoning in an Art Conservator," 

(Journal of the American Medical Association volume 247, April 9, 1982), 

pages 2007-2009. Analyses of lead carbonates by The Smithsonian Institution, 

Conservation Analytical Laboratory, 1984. 

^^Smithsonian Institution Conservation Analytical Laboratory, report 

number 4369, 1983. 
ILLUSTRATED CATALOG OF THE 1988 NMAH DISPLAY: 

"CASTINGS OF FAITH: RUSSIAN COPPER ICONS AND CROSSES 

FROM THE KUN Z COLLECTION " 

Richard Eighme Ahlborn, with 

Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola and Basil Lefchick 

In addition to the iconographic subject, each icon in the 1988 

display in the National Museum of American History is furdier 

identified by its display number, from 1 to 57, and by a 3-digit 

number from .001 to .281. When diis 3-digit number is added 

to the icon collection's inclusive accession number, 25819, 

each icon has an exclusive Kunz collection number for 

reference to data in the Museum's files. There are eight 

exceptions: icons with display numbers 4*, 12*, 23*, 24*, 29*, 

37*, and 47* are illustrated for textual reference, but not 

exhibited; and the last two icons, display numbers 56** and 

57**, bear die NMAH catalog numbers 1986.0574.01 and 

1982.0007.31, respectively. Each entry in the catalog contains 

the display number, type of form, Kunz collection number, 

iconographic subject, fabrication method and materials, dimensions of height (H), width (W), and thickness (T) in 

centimeters, time period, negative number for photograph, and 

a brief description. The iconographic subjects are identified by 

Old Church Slavonic titles, such as "The Mother of God" for 

the Virgin Mary. 

The following tabulation lists all the icons in die catalog by 

subject matter. Each icon is identified by display number and, 

in parentheses, the last three digits of the Kunz collection 

number. 

Iconographic subject 

JESUS CHRIST 

The Holy Trinity 

The Nativity of Jesus Christ 

The Baptism of Jesus Christ 

The Image Not Made widi Hands 

Crucifixion of Jesus Christ 

Display no. (Kunz no.) 

41 (.225) 

17 (.101) 

32 (.169) 

36 (.201) 

1(.003). 2 (.004), 

Richard E. Ahlborn, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C, 20560. 

Vera B. Espinola, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 

Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560. 

Basil Lefchick, Center for the Arts and Religion, Wesley Theological 

Seminary, 4500 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C. 

The Resurrection (The Descent 

into Hades) 

Deesis 

Jesus Christ Enthroned: King 

of Glory 

MOTHER OF GOD 

The Mother of God of the Buming 

Bush 

The Nativity of die Mother of 

God 

The Annunciation 

The Dormition of the Mother 

of God 

The Protection of the Mother of 

God 

The Mother of God: Joy of All Who 

Sorow 

The Mother of God of the Passion 

The Mother of God of the Sign 

The Vladimir Modier of God 

The Tikhvin Mother of God 

The Smolensk Mother of God 

The Kazan Mother of God 

SAINTS 

Saint John the Baptizer 

Saint George Slaying die Dragon 

Saints Julitta and Cyricus 

Saint Nicholas die Wonderworker 

Saint Nicholas of Mozhaisk 

Saint Nicholas of Zaraisk 

3 (.006), 4* (.009), 

5 (.026), 6(.032), 

7(.037), 8 (.054) 

49 (.262) 

27 (.142), 28 (.143), 

29* (.144) 

53 (.273) 

45 (.245) 

33 (.174), 47* (.251) 

44 (.230) 

15 (.091) 

51 (.269), 57** (.31) 

11 (.066), 16 (.099), 

30 (.146), 55 (.281) 

24* (.139), 26 (.141) 

39 (.220) 

19 (.106) 

35 (.198) 

23* (.136), 38 (.217) 

12* (.078), 52 (.271) 

13 (.083) 

48 (.254) 

20 (.130), 37* (.206), 

46 (.249) 

31 (.156), 42 (.226), 

43 (.227), 50 (.268), 

54 (.279), 56** (.01) 

14 (.088), 18 (.102) 

25 (.140) 

41 
42 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

Saint Paraskeva Piatnitsa 

Saint Antip 

Saint Sergius of Radonezh 

Saint Tikhon 

Church Feasts 

10 (.057), 40 (.223) 

21 (.133) 

34 (.181) 

22 (.135) 

9 (.055) 

25819.003 

1 Three-bar Cross 

CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 

25819.003 

Cast brass with blue and green champleve enamel over gilding 

H: 16.00; W: 9.80; T: 0.21 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5664-12 

At top appears a frontal view of the torso of God die Father 

with His arms raised above clouds. Direcdy below in the top 

crossbar is a bird, symbol of the Holy Spirit, and at each end, a 

descending angel with cloth-covered hands. A smaller, threebar cross, with the corpus, is set into the larger; four Cyrillic 

letters in the top bar stand for "Jesus of Nazareth, King of 

Jews." Surrounding this small crucifix are long inscriptions in 

Old Church Slavonic (see OCS in Glossary), die Greek-letter 

abbreviation for "Jesus Christ," and traditional elements of die 

Crucifixion: Jerusalem's walls, sponge-on-reed, spear and a 

skull set on stones marking die site as Golgotha, "place of die 

skull." Twisted cords or wire, skan , appear as arches in die 

slanted, foot-rest crossbar and base, and as three peaks below 

die dove. 

The haloed head of Jesus slumps, but His emaciated body 

25819.004 
NUMBER 51 43 

suggests no weight or pain. The diree-bar cross is also known 

as an eight-ended cross. 

Inscribed prayers in OCS and file marks appear on die back 

of die casting. 

2 Three-bar Cross 25819.004 

CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass with blue and white champleve enamel 

H: 15,50; W: 9.50; T: 0.25 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5664-7 

The cross displays the same overall design as 25819.003, but 

with the addition at each end of the top crossbar of a post 

surmounted by a seraphim head. 

The seraphim head design is traditionally surrounded by 

three pairs of crossed wings, as noted in the Book of 

Revelation. 

3 Three-bar Cross vjdth Crest and Panels 25819.006 

CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass 

H: 25.50; W: 11.30; T: 0.26 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5657-20 

Same basic design as 25819.004 but with an additional 

pierced crest of four seraphim-head posts and seven panels. 

Each subject is identified by OCS inscriptions; those of the 5 

square icon panels are, clockwise from lower PR: "Meeting (of 

Jesus and Simeon) in the Temple;" "Entry into Jerusalem;" 

"The Resurrection," also known as "Descent into Hades;" "The 

Ascension;" and "The Old Testament Trinity." The upper 

register of each panel hanging from the end of the central 

crossbar displays paired busts of a saint and an archangel. 

Below on PR are full-lengdi figures of "The Mother of God" 

and a second Mary; on PL (proper left) are the saints John die 

Evangelist and the Roman centurion St, Longinus, 

A faint text and file marks appear on the reverse. 

25819.006 
44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.009 25819.026 

4* Three-bar Cross 25819.009 

CRUCIFIXION OF jESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass 

H: 16,70; W: 10.30; T: 0.27 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5657-33 

Same design as 25819.006, but without the paired busts in 

the hanging panels. Greek letters in the halo of Jesus stand for 

"He who is." A casting fault appears in the PR end of the central 

crossbar. Despite this imperfection in casting, microscopic 

remains of candle wax and copper oleates suggest that the cross 

was used for religious purposes. 

Prayers are engraved on die back. 

5 Three-bar Cross 25819.026 

CRUCIFIXION OF jESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass 

H: 16.80; W: 10.90; T: 0.28 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 87-5664-16 

The design is similar to 25819.004, except the uppermost 

figure has been replaced by "The Image Not Made with Hands" 

(see Glossary). Also, the ends of the center crossbar display die 

sun widi open eyes (PR) and the moon, with closed; the twisted 

wire motif is absent, and die slanted crossbar reveals walls of 

Jerusalem (PR) and hillocks with tufts of grass. 

A suspension loop and a plain, raised border appear on die 

back. 
NUMBER 51 45 

25819.032 25819.037 

6 Three-bar Cross with Finial 25819.032 

CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass 

H: 11.50; W: 7.00; T: 0.22 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5657-26 

The finial panel displays the "Image" motif. A winged head 

marked "cherubim" in OCS appears at the top of the cross. 

There is an inward-facing bust at each end: the Mother of God 

(PR) and St. John the Evangelist. On die inset cross, Greek 

letters above and below the corpus stand for "Jesus Christ/ 

Conquers," and Jesus is identified by " ©OH ," Greek letters 

in the halo, for "He who is." A raised, square molding outlines 

the front of the cross. 

A rear attachment provides for suspension. 

7 Three-bar Cross with Finial 25819.037 

CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass 

H: 16.20; W: 9.80; T: 0.43 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5657-30 

This cross is similar in design and subject to 25819.032. 

However, die Image finial is smaller, and drilled for suspension. In addition, the top crossbar displays two descending 

figures (see 25819.003), "angels of the Lord," which replace 

die cherubim head. The back is recessed. 
46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

8 Three-bar Cross with Finial (?) 25819.054 

CRUCIFDQON OF JESUS CHRIST 

Cast brass, possibly enameled at one time 

H: 15.50; W: 10.00; T: 0.36 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5664-9 

This is similar to the inset cross of 25819.037, except that die 

element (finial?) is broken off the top and the design of centt^al 

crossbar is different. It displays an OCS inscription above die 

outsd-etched arms of Jesus; below are paired busts representing 

die subjects shown full-length in the hanging panels of 

25819.006. A raised molding surrounds die cross, and die 

ground is hatched. 

The hatching probably helped to secure enamel. Thin hair, 

enlarged extremities, narrow rib cage and limbs, and linear 

loincloth imbue the corpus with an intense expression. 

25819.054 
NUMBER 51 47 

25819.055 

9 Icon: Four-leaves with Crests 25819.055 

CHURCH FEASTS 

Cast brass, with blue and white enamel 

H: 17.00; W: 39.40 (10.50 closed); T: 0.26 (open) 

About 1775 to 1825 

Negative number 87-5656-17 

Each leaf is a rectangle divided into quadrants and 

surmounted with a raised, ogee-arch, kokoshnik. crest. Attached 

by piano hinges, leaves close over one anodier from both ends; 

die two outer backs bear an Ordiodox design. Scratched into die 

back is "40,10," perhaps the price in rubles and kopecks asked 

for at die Nizhnii Novgorod fair in 1891. Each of die twenty 

reserves contains numerous figures, usually in a landscape. 

Lettering crests from PR and numbering each set of quadrants 

clockwise from the upper PR, iconographic subjects are as 

follows: 

A The Crucifixion of Jesus Christ 

1. The Annunciation 

2. The Nativity of Jesus Christ 

3. Entrance of the Mother of God into die Temple 

4. The Birth of die Mother of God 

B The New Testament (Noncanonical) Trinity 

1. The Meeting in die Temple 

2. The Baptism of Jesus 

3. The Entrance into Jerusalem 

4. The Transfiguration of Jesus 

C Exaltation of the Cross with SS. Constantine and Helen 

1. The Resurrection 

2. The Ascension 

3. Dormition of the Mother of God 

4. The Old Testament Trinity 

D The Praise of the Modier of God 

1. The Tikhvin Mother of God widi SS. Alexander and 

Cyril 

2. The Vladimir Modier of God widi SS. Maxim and Basil 

3. Mother of God of die Sign with SS. Andiony and 

Leonty 

4. Smolensk Mother of God with SS. Anthony and 

Theodosius 
48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.057 

10 Icon: Triptych with Crest 

SAINT PARASKEVA PIATNITSA 

25819.057 

Cast brass, gilded under blue and white champleve enamel 

H: 10.50; W: 14.80 (7.50 closed); T: 0.14 (open) 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5656-9 

The cendal, modified, ogee-arch crest presents God die 

Father (see 25819.003) surrounded by clouds; each lateral 

half-crest contains a full-lengdi figure: archangel Gabriel (PR) 

and the Modier of God, forming "The Annunciation" subject. 

The central subject is represented by a V4-length, frontal figure 

of a haloed and robed woman; her PL hand holds a scroll, her 

PR raises a three-bar cross. Each wing displays two scenes, one 

over one: on PR, "Entrance into Jerusalem" above "Meeting in 

die Temple" and, on PL, "Descent into Hades" above "The 

Ascension" (see 25819,006 and 25819.055). Each subject is 

identified by an OCS inscription. Border reserves of champleve 

enamel are defined with a twisted-wire design. The half-width 

wings pivot on pintie hinges, widi a flange on the PR closing 

over die PL when die wings are folded. 
NUMBER 51 49 

25819.066 

11 Icon: Triptych 25819.066 

PR LEAF: SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

CENTER: THE INTERCESSION (THE MOTHER OF GOD: THE 

JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW [Radost]) 

PL LEAF: SAINTS JULITTA AND CYRICUS AND FIVE SAINTS 

(THE SEVEN SAINTS) 

Cast brass 

H: 6.10; W: 16.30 (6.00 closed); T: 0.54 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5650-20 

Two posts on central leaf are not drilled for suspension. "The 

Intercession" is depicted by a haloed, robed woman (Mother of 

God), who stands widi her arms extended outward, over figures 

kneeling at her side; above appear clouds widi OCS inscriptions and God the Fadier; plants fdl the background. On PR 

leaf, St. Nicholas holds the Gospel and gives a blessing. His 

bearded head is flanked by half-length figures of Jesus Christ 

(PR) and the Mother of God. Below stand two male saints; all 

but die latter are identified by OCS inscriptions. When closed, 

the back of the PR leaf becomes the front of the icon, displaying 

a three-bar cross, spear, sponge, and inscription. The leaves 

pivot on piano hinges. On PL leaf, Julitta and her son, Cyricus, 

appear in lower PL comer; a bishop and deacon or monk stand 

beside them. Above appear three half-lengdi figures: St. 

Paraskeva (PR), Eudokia, and Barbara. OCS inscriptions 

identify all seven saints. 
50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.078 25819.083 

12* Icon: Triptych (central leaf only) 25819.078 13 

THE KAZAN MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass 

H: 4.50; W: 4.50; T: 0.32 

Early nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5659-22 

At die top, two pierced knops provide for suspension; upper 

and lower cylinders at each side indicate that the missing leaves 

hung on piano hinges. There is a wide border pattem of 

dot-in-concentric-rings. In this advocation of the Mother of 

God, she is portrayed as a frontal bust with covered head. The 

head covering is marked widi a six-point star, and the head is 

tumed slighdy to PL where a frontal, V4-length figure of a 

standing child, the Infant Jesus, extends His PR hand in 

blessing. Both figures display large haloes and are identified by 

Greek letters. 

Icon: Triptych (PL leaf only) 

SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIZER 

25819.083 

Cast brass and tin plated 

H: 6.80 W: 6.30; T: 0.40 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 87-5653-5 

The recessed-border frame reveals two cylinders of a piano 

hinge on PR. Leaves fill the ground behind die central figure. 

The saint is portrayed as a frontal, half-length, elderly man with 

wings, wearing a long-haired garment. His PL hand holds a 

bowl containing an infant widi flexed legs and raised PR hand; 

die saint's PR hand points toward die Infant Jesus. At the top 

are OCS inscriptions. 

This piece underwent XRF (see Glossary) analysis in 1985. 

The leaf could be from an icon portraying "The Deesis" (see 

Glossary, chapter by Lefchick on iconography, and 

25819.142). The top and bottom edges are indented widi mst 

spots, probably from nails diat once held diis icon fragment in 

place. 
NUMBER 51 51 

25819.088 

14 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 

SAINT NICHOLAS OF MOZHAISK 

25819.088 

Cast brass with gilding under blue and white champleve enamel 

H: 10.30; W: 18.00 (6.20 closed); T: 0.17 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5650-24 

Image finial (see 25819.032) crowns a crest composed of a 

tulip-shape reserve with diree seated figures, The Old Testament Trinity (see 25819.055, C4), with an OCS inscription 

above and a winged seraphim head at each side. The central leaf 

shows the saint as a frontal figure standing in priestiy robes 

with arms extended; the PL hand supports a model of a church, 

his PR raises a sword. A diamond pattem represents the floor, 

while a band of circles and tendrils fills the space behind. A 

bust appears at each side of the saint's head: Jesus Christ (PR) 

and die Mother of God (PL). The half-width wings are attached 

by pinties and each displays two scenes, vertically, with die 

same arrangement of subjects as 25819.057. 
52 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.091 

15 Icon: Triptych with Crest 

(PL wing missing) 

THE DORMITION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass with blue and white enamel 

H: 9.80; W: 8.50 (5.50 closed); T: 0.21 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5651-16 

25819.091 The design of die crest with Image finial resembles 

25819.088. The central leaf displays several grieving aposdes 

and angels widi Jesus Christ standing behind the central prone 

figure of the "sleeping" Modier of God, and holding a figure 

symbolizing her soul. The scene is framed by a recessed border 

of dots and zig-zags. Held by pindes, the surviving PR wing 

repeats die design of 25819.088. 
NUMBER 51 53 

25819.099 

16 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.099 

THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 

Cast brass 

H: 10.00; W: 12.40 (6.20 closed); T: 0.20 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5656-1 

Finial, crest, and bodi wings are similar in consd-uction, 

design, and subjects to 25819.088, but finial is slightly raised. 

The central leaf repeats the subject of the advocation of the 

Mother of God (see 25819.066), but reverses her figure, and 

removes the figure of God the Fadier, the inscription, and die 

plants, replacing them widi Cyrillic letters and a hatched 

ground. The back leaf shows depressions behind the central 

figures and frame, and a suspension loop. 

Microscopic examination identified fire-rounded grains of 

quartz, probably from the original sand casting, and white 

molding material, probably from a later impression (see "Technology and Conservation...", "Molds" by VeraB. Espinola). 
54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.101 

17 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 

THE NATmTYOF JESUS CHRIST 

25819.101 

Cast brass 

H: 10.40; W: 12.20 (6.50 closed); T: 0.20 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5650-27 

The finial, crest, and both wings are similar in construction, 

design, and subjects to 25819.088. At die top of die central leaf 

appear an OCS inscription and star; in the center, the Modier of 

God reclines with the swaddled infant Jesus at her PL shoulder. 

To the PL are an angel, shepherd, ox, and ass; to PR are another 

angel and die three Kings. Two groups appear at the bottom: St. 

Joseph, seated, and the Tempter (PR); die two women on die 

PL are midwives attending the newbom Jesus. The back reveals 

file marks, a depression, and a suspension loop. 
NUMBER 51 55 

25819.102 

18 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 

SAINT NICHOLAS OF MOZHAISK 

25819,102 

Cast brass with gilding 

H: 10.90; W: 10.00 (6.70 closed); T: 0.24 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 887-5661-35 

The icon reveals the same consduction and subjects as 

25819.088, but PL wing is missing. The background of the 

central leaf is hatched and surrounded by a zig-zag border. 

This icon underwent XRF analysis in 1985, which revealed 

gilding by mercury-amalgam method. The design of the figure 

of St. Nicholas resembles that in the popular painted icon in 

Mozhaisk. 
56 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.106 

19 Icon: Triptych with Finial 

THE VLADIMIR MOTHER OF GOD 

25819.106 

Cast brass 

H: 6.40; W: 9.30 (4.80 closed); T: 0.20 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 87-5651-9 

An Image finial surmounts a square central leaf with a 

dot-in-diamond border. The half-length figure of die Modier 

turns to PR and raises her PL hand. She holds the embracing 

infant Jesus in her PR arm; his foot may be seen. Above appear 

diree pairs of Greek letters; the ground is banded. Attached by 

pindes, each wing displays diree registers, each with a pair of 

saints identified by OCS inscriptions. From top to bottom, PR 

wing contains Peter and archangel Michael, George and Basil, 

and Peter of Moscow and John Chrysostom; PL wing shows 

Paul and archangel Gabriel, Gregory and Dimitri, and an 

unidentified bishop and Blaise. A projection on the back of die 

finial was not pierced for suspension. 
NUMBER 51 57 

ff^ifW^i^'^'i J 

g^M 

iirovimmmfi 

^il^isH^^rr^ 

n^mp/jAuoiHZi 

s«i«i6.£aEia»*^--«^i'^Tw5 

^M 

Wi^ymj 

5 3 (» 

pMnaHmiatas^ 

f'TMSmirvt,lf«HI!^ 

25819.130 

20 Icon: Triptych with Finial 25819.130 

SAINTS JUUTTA AND CYRICUS AND THREE ICONS 

Cast brass 

H: 6.80; W: 10.10 (4.80 closed); T: 0.17 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5651-5 

The finial and bodi wings represent die same subjects as 

25819.106. The quadrants of die central leaf represent, 

clockwise from lower PL: SS. Julitta and Cyricus (see 

25819.066, PL leaf), and icons of "The Modier of God of die 

Sign," "The Image Not Made widi Hands," and "The Vladimir 

Mother of God." 

The back reveals deep scratches from an earlier, inept 

cleaning; a modem, painted inscription, "21163/ Aleutian Is/ J 

G Swan," refers to an earlier Smidisonian numbering, its 

atdibuted origin, and die collector. The suspension loop once 

retained a fragment of twisted cord. 
58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.133 25819.135 

21 Icon: Triptych with Finial 

(central leaf only) 

SAINT ANTIP 

25819.133 22 

Cast brass 

H: 6.50; W: 4.8; T: 0.19 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 88-1649-3 

Image finial has suspension loop on reverse. Wide-scored 

and dotted border encloses hatched ground. OCS inscription 

identifies frontal, half-length male figure as a "healer"; he holds 

die Gospel in PL hand and extends two fingers of PR in 

blessing. 

Microscopic study revealed red siliceous deposits; hatched 

ground was often used as a base for enamel. This saint was 

popularly held to be a healer of tooth problems. 

Icon: Triptych with Finial 

(central leaf only) 

SAINT TIKHON 

25819.135 

Cast brass 

H: 5.90; W: 4.60; T: 0.13 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5654-9 

Image finial and pintle hinge loops project from low-relief 

surface. Both lateral leaves are missing. In the central leaf, a 

frontal, half-length, bearded man holds a staff in PL hand, a 

goblet in PR. A Greek cross appears on his stole, cowl, and 

each shoulder. The ground contains Cyrillic letters at bodi sides 

of head and an over-all pattem of horizontal lines and dots. This 

type of textured background provided a good base for enamel. 

The back has a loop for suspension. 
NUMBER 51 59 

25819.136 

23* Icon: Triptych with Finial 

THE SMOLENSK MOTHER OF GOD 

25819.136 

Cast brass 

H: 6.90; W: 10.10 (4.70 closed); T: 0.21 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5651-13 

The Image finial and pinUe-hung wings represent die same 

design, construction, and subjects as 25819.106 and 

25819.130. In the central leaf, a frontal, half-lengdi woman 

raises her PR forearm and turns her head toward an infant 

seated in her PL hand; a set of Greek-letter panels identify the 

pair as "The Modier of God" and "Jesus Christ." The ground 

displays inscribed leaves. 

The faces are well-wom. The suspension loop on the back 

remains unpierced. The central back of the central leaf reveals 

a depression matching the front figures, and scratches from an 

earlier, inept cleaning. 
60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.139 

24* Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.139 

(PR wing missing) 

THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE PASSION 

Cast brass 

H: 12.00; W: 10.00 (6.80 closed); T: 0.32 

Probably seventeenth century 

Negative number 87-5656-5 

Finial and crest are similar in design and subject to 

25819.099, except the seraphim heads are absent. In die central 

leaf, a half-length woman in robes and a scalloped crown tums 

to PL; her PL hand supports a seated infant Jesus, and her PR 

hand holds His hands. The sole of His PR foot is exposed, and 

He tums His head to look up to an angel carrying a spear and 

sponge, implements of His suffering and death. The Passion. 

An opposing angel carries a three-bar cross. Greek and Cyrillic 

letters appear in blocks. Hung on pindes, die surviving PL wing 

displays two standing figures identified by OCS inscriptions: 

St, John the Baptizer (PR) and St. Nicholas. 

The Image finial is perforated for suspension. Bends in die 

upper and lower rim are probably from attachment nails. The 

back of the wing displays a hatched border. 
NUMBER 51 61 

25 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.140 

(central leaf only) 

SAINT NICHOLAS OF ZARAISK 

Cast brass 

H: 10.2; W: 5.80; T: 0.37 

About 1700 

Negative number 88-1647-1 

Crest and finial similar in design and subjects to 25819.088, 

except the seraphim heads are absent; finial is pierced for 

suspension. Skan-like, border encloses a hatched and floral 

ground, and creates an aureole around die figure standing on a 

mat. He holds a cloth and the Gospel in extended PL hand and 

gives a blessing with PR. Figure is identified in OCS plaques at 

sides of head. 

Reverse bears recessed image of the saint. 

25819.140 
62 SMITHSONL\N STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.141 

26 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.141 

THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE PASSION 

Cast brass 

H: 11.60; W: 13.20 (6.50 closed); T: 0.26 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5650-31 

Finial and crest are similar in design and subject to 

25819.099, Image and Old Testament Trinity, but the crest is 

rounded into a disk and lacks the seraphim heads. Central leaf, 

PL wing, and pindes are the same in design and subject to 

25819.139. The PR wing displays two standing male saints 

identified by OCS inscriptions as Barsonouphius, Bishop of 

Tver; and Gurik, die first archbishop of Kazan (see Jeckel, 

page 50). 

This icon underwent XRF analysis in 1985. Microscopic 

study revealed quartz from sand casting, and charcoal dust 

mold dressing (see Vera B. Espinola on icon manufacture). 

Lead corrosion products, caused by its high lead content, make 

this icon toxic to handle. 

27 Icon: Triptych with Finial 

(central leaf only) 

DEESIS 

Cast brass 

H: 8.80; W: 6.20; T: 0.35 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5652-20 

25819.142 
NUMBER 51 63 

25819.142 

The finial is a raised, flanged block with a seven-dot rosette. 

The cendal leaf is divided into two registers. The upper 

displays the Deesis subject: Jesus Christ enthroned in glory, 

accompanied by die Modier of God (PR) and St. John die 

Baptizer. The central, seated figure holds a book and raises His 

PR hand in blessing. The lower reigster contains four 

half-length figures of saints: (from PR) Sabbas, Nicholas, 

Leonty, and Zosima; each holds a scroll. Identifying inscriptions in OCS appear above both registers. The missing wings 

were hung on comer pintle rings, and the finial block was 

perforated for suspension. 

XRF analysis (1985) gave alloy percentages as Cu 76.38, Sn 

4,09, Pb 8,64 (relatively high), and Zn 9.84. Microscopic study 

recorded white molding material from a modem casting, red 

clay and other burial debris, and ethnographic candle wax, 

which had reacted with die copper to form copper oleates. 
64 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.143 

28 Icon: Triptych with Finial 

(central leaf only) 

DEESIS 

Cast brass 

H: 9.00; W: 6.20; T: 0.33 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5653-17 

25819.143 This icon displays die same design, construction, and 

subjects as 25819.142. 

The 1985 XRF analysis gave alloy percentages as Cu 78.55, 

Sn 5.55, Pb 3.73, and Zn 11.65. Top and side rims are bent, 

probably from nails used to hold the icon in place. 

The back displays a rectangular oudine. Microscopic study 

reveals burial debris, mold dressing of charcoal, quartz grains, 
NUMBER 51 65 

25819.144 

and, on die base, candle wax, perhaps used to hold the icon in 

an upright position. 

29* Icon: Triptych with Finial 25819.144 

(central leaf only) 

DEESIS 

Cast brass 

H: 7.20; W: 6.20; T: 0.24 

Seventeenth century 

Negative number 87-5653-9 

This icon displays die same design, constmction, and 

subjects as 25819.142 and 25819.143. 

The 1985 XRF analysis gave alloy percentages as Cu 89.76, 

Sn 4.14, Pb 5.32, and Zn 0.8. Microscopic examination 

revealed fractures in upper pinde sockets; burial debris of earth, 

textile, and wood; and bits of white molding material remaining 

from modem copying. The upper rim was distorted from 

nailing. The missing finial probably also displayed a rosette. 

Careful comparison of the three Deesis icons reveals that one 

was not cast from the same mold, and that each was made from 

a different alloy. Despite these differences, the presence of 

similarly rounded quartz grains in these and in most of die odier 

metallic icons in the Kunz collection, suggests a common 

environment, perhaps a burial zone near a lake or river in die 

Nizhnii Novgorod area. 
66 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.146 

30 Icon: Triptych (Crest and 25819.146 

PR wing missing) 

THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 

Cast brass with gilding 

H: 5.10; W: 7.70 (5.20 closed); T: 0.22 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5651-1 

The central leaf and PL wing repeat die subjects, design, and 

constmction of 25819.099, except tendrils replace hatching in 

the background of the central leaf. 

A 1985 XRF analysis identified mercury, gold, copper, and 

a high zinc content (28%). The upper PR pintle ring is broken 

dirough and die PL wing is distorted, suggesting that die top of 

the center leaf was cut off. Microscopic study reveals evidence 

of a later re-gilding and also candle wax from its religious 

usage. 
NUMBER 51 67 

25819.156 25819.169 

31 Icon: Plaque with Knop 25819.156 32 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

Cast brass with gilding under blue enamel 

H: 6.20; W: 5.30; T: 0.35 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5655-24 

A facetted knop is pierced for suspension. The plaque bears 

the same subject as the PR wing of 25819.066, as well as a 

simUar design, except the lower, flanking figures are replaced 

with an asymmetrical pattem of square-petal rosettes. 

Icon: Plaque with Knop 

THE BAPTISM OF JESUS CHRIST 

25819.169 

Cast brass with blue enamel 

H: 5.60; W: 4.90; T: 0.37 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 88-1648-24 

The knop is not pierced. God die Fadier and the Holy Spirit 

(symbolized by a dove) appear in reserve in top center. In 

landscape below are several figures. The one at PR, St. John die 

Baptizer, pours water over the head of Jesus, who stands in a 

stream, the River Jordan. Three angels representing the choirs 

of Heaven appear on PL. An OCS inscription on the upper 

border proclaims Bogoiavlenie. "manifestation" (of Jesus as 

Son of God). 
68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.174 

33 Icon: Plaque with Knop 25819.174 

THE NATIVITY OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass with blue and white enamel 

H: 6.10; W: 5.20; T: 0.40 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5654-17 

The facetted knop is not pierced for suspension. The top of 

the wide frame carries an inscription in OCS. The design 

presents an architectural setting of five figures in three spaces. 

On PR are two chambers, one above the other, both of which 

are framed widi wide comices and columns. The upper PR 

chamber shows St. Anne in a birthing bed with an attendant; die 

lower room reveals an attendant bathing an infant. On PL is a 

tall room with an aedicule crest containing a single seated 

figure, St. Anne, die mother of Mary, the Modier of God. 
NUMBER 51 69 

25819.181 25819.198 

34 Icon: Plaque with Knop 

SAINT SERGIUS OF RADONEZH 

25819.181 

Cast brass with blue enamel 

H: 6.30; W: 5.30; T: 0.37 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 88-1648-32 

The knop is not pierced. The double-recessed border of the 

plaque is intermpted at the top center by an image of die Holy 

Trinity rising from die aureole of a V4-lengdi male figure. At 

his neck appears a "great schema," a garment indicating high 

ascetic achievement. The open scroll in his PL hand begins 

with "Be not sorrowful,,,," The OCS inscription on the floral 

background identifies the saint as a "miracle worker." Saint 

Sergius founded the Holy Trinity Monastery in Sergeiev posad, 

now the center of the Russian Ordiodox Church in die U.S.S.R. 

The reverse is decorated with an incised design of a 

medallion surrounded by comer rosettes nearly linked by floral 

arabesques. This design and its hatched ground are enclosed by 

a deep border of grooves, dots, and a spiral. 

35 Icon: Plaque with Knop 

THE TIKHVIN MOTHER OF GOD 

25819.198 

Cast brass 

H: 6.30; W: 5.10; T: 0.38 

Nineteenth century 

Negative number 88-1649-15 

The knop is not pierced. A quadmple-recessed border 

encloses a hatched ground and relief skan-like omamentation. 

In diis advocation, die Modier of God is shown as a ^/4-length 

figure with covered head. A six-point star is on her forehead 

and shoulders. She faces, slightly to PL, where a frontal, 

V4-length Infant Jesus sits upon her PL forearm. The sole of His 

PR foot appears beneadi His gown, and His PR hand rises in a 

blessing. Greek and Cyrillic letters identify die figures. 
70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.201 25819.206 

36 Icon: Plaque with Knop 

THE IMAGE NOT MADE WITH HANDS 

25819.201 

Cast brass 

H: 6.20; W: 5.20; T: 0.30 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 87-5649-35 

The facetted knop is partially pierced for suspension. The 

traditional design shows the frontal face of a bearded man, 

Jesus Christ, imposed on a clodi with knotted, upper comers. 

Greek letters appear in the cross of the halo; an OCS inscription 

mns along the base. 

Beginning widi cross 25819.026 and icon 25819.088, this 

popular motif is cited in the Glossary and in Lefchick's chapter 

on iconography. 

37* Icon: Plaque with Knop 25819.206 

SAINTS JULITTA AND CYRICUS AND FIVE SAINTS (THE 

SEVEN SAINTS) 

Cast brass with gilding under blue and white enamel 

H: 5.90; W: 5.00; T: 0.48 

About 1800 

Negative number 87-5655-21 

The knop is not pierced. The design and subjects are die 

same as PL leaf of 25819.066, except die two rosettes in die 

lower PL comer are replaced by a vertical lozenge, and die 

rosette above, by a circle. Both are of twisted wire design, as in 

the inner border. 

Microscopic study observed a modem white molding 

material on both sides; this later material accelerated bronze 

disease and a loss of enamel. 
NUMBER 51 71 

25819.217 

25819.220 

38 Icon: Plaque with Loop 

THE SMOLENSK MOTHER OF GOD 

25819.217 39 

Cast brass 

H: 5.60; W: 4.80; T: 0.27 

Probably eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5654-1 

The loop is pierced for suspension. The design is of a frontal, 

half-length woman raising her PR forearm and tuming her head 

toward the infant Jesus seated in her PL hand; a set of 

Greek-letter panels identify the pair. This plaque also adds an 

encircling OCS inscription: "All my hope in you/ I place. 

Mother of God;/ Keep me in your/ Protection," 

Icon: Plaque with Loop 

THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE SIGN 

25819.220 

Cast brass 

H: 6.30; W: 4.20; T: 0.21 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5658-17 

The loop is pierced for suspension. The design presents a 

frontal, half-length figure of an orans-type woman, her 

forearms raised in prayer. Between her arms appears a frontal, 

half-length child in an aureole; this figure of Jesus holds a scroll 

in His PL hand and raises His PR in blessing. Large Greek 

letters flank die Mother's head. The ground is hatched and may 

have been enameled at one time. 
72 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.223 

25819.225 

40 Icon: Plaque with Loop 

SAINT PARASKEVA PIATNITSA 

25819.223 41 

Cast brass, originally enameled 

H: 5.30; W: 4.50; T: 0.26 

Probably eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5659-24 

The loop is pierced for suspension. The subject is the same 

as die central leaf of 25819.057, but in this icon, die saint holds 

up a diree-bar cross in her PR hand and in her PL, a scroll 

beginning widi the Nicene Creed, "I believe in...." A 

half-lengdi figure of a saint appears at each side of her head. 

The ground bears a pattem of dotted depressions. 

Microscopic study reveals remains of blue enamel in die PR 

comer at die base. The icon background was once enameled. 

Icon: Plaque with Loop 

THE HOLY TRINITY 

25819.225 

Cast brass 

H: 5.10; W: 4.00; T: 0.23 

Probably eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5658-9 

The loop is pierced for suspension. The icon may have been 

gilded and enameled at one time. The subject is the same as in 

a panel on cross 25819.006, in icon 25819.055 (crest B), and 

die crest of 25819.088. Three winged figures, each with a 

three-prong staff, sit on stools around a table with six cakes. 

Behind diem appear crenellated walls and a dome. 

The subject is based on a traditional Russian interpretation of 

Genesis: 18, in which three figures appear to Abraham at die 

oak tree of Mamre: the central figure is Jesus Christ; God die 

Father is on PR; die Holy Spirit is on PL. 
NUMBER 51 73 

42 Icon: Plaque with Finial 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

25819.226 25819.227 

Electrotype copper; plated with tin-lead solder on reverse 

H: 6.30; W: 4.70; T: 0.16 

About 1850 to 1890 

Negative number 87-5654-13 

The Image finial and pattemed ground repeat 25819.135. 

The subject is diat of 25819.156, but die OCS inscription has 

been raised above the saint's head, and a diree-bar cross 

replaces the book in his PL hand. 

Microscopic study revealed a while polymeric molding 

material on both sides, suggesting a post-1946 copying. The 

icon is electroplated, showing copper with a lead-tin solder on 

die back; the copper face is artificially patinated to appear 

older. The icon represents the deterioration of the craft when 

rapid manufacturing methods were introduced to meet an 

increased demand. The absence of a suspension loop suggests 

diat this later icon was not intended to be worn around the neck. 

43 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819,227 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

Cast brass, mercury gilded 

H: 6.50; W: 4.30; T: 0,46 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5655-30 

The subjects of die finial and plaque are the same as 

25819,226, but the ground is hatched rather than textured with 

horizontal lines and dots. 

Top and bottom rims are bent from attaching nails. The back 

shows an indentation approximating the front design. 
74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.245 

25819.230 

44 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819,230 

THE ANNUNCL\TION 

Cast brass 

H: 5,90; W: 4,00; T: 0.31 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5659-28 

The finial subject is again the Image, as on 25819.227. A 

wom OCS inscription occurs on the upper frame. The plaque 

design shows a room divided by a column and decorated with 

cornice, wall panels, and floor tiles. At die top, a dove, 

symbolizing the Holy Spirit, beams light down onto a woman 

standing on PL, die Mother of God. The archangel Gabriel 

approaches her on PR. 

The impact of Renaissance art is seen in the naturalism of 

posture and drapery and in spatial perspective. White molding 

material suggests that a copy was made of the icon. 

45 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.245 

THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE BURNING BUSH 

Cast brass 

H: 6.90; W: 5.10; T: 0.30 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5653-1 

The Image finial is raised and perforated for suspension. The 

central design presents a diamond in a square. In die center, a 

V2-lengdi, frontal figure of a woman repeats die subject of 

25819.220, die Mother of God of die Sign; but the small figure 

appears on a twisted part of her mande. In each comer triangle 

is a symbolic winged figure (clockwise from upper PR): angel, 

eagle, calf, and lion. The identity of each saindy evangelist 

appears in OCS: Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The emblems 

for Mark and John were officially reversed in Russian 

Orthodox practice after 1666 and die animal emblems were 

reduced to figures widi human faces by church order in 1722 

(Printseva, 1986:62). A well-known "Hymn to the Modier of 

God" from eighth century Constantinople refers to her as a 

"buming but unconsumed bush," relating to her virginity 

(Jeckel, 1981:90). 
NUMBER 51 75 

25819.249 25819.251 

46 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.249 

SAINTS JUUTTA AND CYRICUS 

Cast brass 

H: 5.80; W: 4.20; T: 0.36 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5659-32 

The raised, Image finial is pierced for suspension. The 

subject isolates the main figures of 25819.130 in a wide frame. 

A floral motif appears in the lower PL comer. Casting failures 

appear in the finial and lower PR corner. 

47* Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.251 

THE NATIVITY OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass 

H: 6.50; W: 4.50; T: 0.39 

Eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5655-32 

The subject is die same as 25819.174, but the knop has been 

replaced with a raised, Image finial pierced for suspension. The 

OCS inscription at die top reads, "The birdi of die most holy 

Mother of God." 
76 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.254 

48 Icon: Plaque with Loop 

SAINT GEORGE SLAYING THE DRAGON 

25819.254 

25819.262 

Cast brass 

H: 7.40; W: 6.20; T: 0.33 

Early eighteenth century 

Negative number 87-5653-12 

The loop is pierced for suspension. The plaque displays a 

man astride a leaping horse. He is seated in a high-ended saddle 

secured by breast, rump, and belly straps. Widi his raised PR 

arm, he plunges a spear into the mouth of a coiled dragon. 

Between two arcs in die upper, PL corner appears the PR hand 

of Jesus Christ giving a blessing. Dots give texture to the saint's 

hair and die dragon's body, and hatching fills the wide frame. 

The back reveals a raised edge and an outiine of the frame. 

49 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.262 

THE RESURRECTION (also known as THE DESCENT 

INTO HADES) 

Cast brass 

H: 6.30; W: 4.40; T: 0.29 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5654-5 

The Image finial is raised on a fluted post. The plaque 

displays a central figure of Jesus Christ, stepping to His PR and 

bending toward a kneeling man, Adam. There are diree 

standing figures on PL and a winged figure on PR. The thick 

groundline rests on two supports and peaks in die center. The 

top of the frame, decorated with large circles, carries the OCS 

inscription, "The Resurrection of Christ." The subject is 

repeated in 25819.055 and in the upper scene of PL wing of 

25819.057, 25819.088, 25819.099, 25819.101, and 25819.146. 
NUMBER 51 77 

25819.268 

50 Icon: Plaque 25819.268 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

Cast brass 

H: 4.30; W: 3.90; T: 0.34 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5658-3 

A crest or finial is broken off. The sides of the plaque slant 

inward and the upper comers are rounded. The central figure is 

a frontal, half-lengdi, bearded man wearing a scalloped yoke, 

tsata. He holds die Gospel in his PL arm. Cyrillic letters appear 

at his shoulders. The wide frame is hatched, similar to 

25819.254. 

In die Kunz collection, this design of St. Nicholas appears 

less often dian odiers, but the subject is second in frequency 

only to diat of die Mother of God. 

25819.269 

51 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Finial 25819.269 

THE PROTECTION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass 

H: 13.30; W: 7.50; T: 0.36 

Seventeenth century 

Negative number 87-5652-28 

The design and subject of the crest and finial are the same as 

25819.141. The top of die frame carries an OCS inscription. In 

the scene, 21 figures appear in two registers; most face PR. In 

the upper, PR comer, a half-lengdi figure of Jesus Christ 

radiantly faces a woman widi raised hands; behind her are a 

throng of 13 saints. Below appear six figures, more widely 

spaced; diree face PL. The floor is set widi rounded stands and 

covered widi tiles in perspective. 
78 SMITHSONIA

N STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

25819.271 

52 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Finial 25819.271 

THE KAZAN MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass 

H: 11.70; W: 6.60; T: 0.39 

Seventeendi century 

Negative number 87-5652-24 

Crest and finial design and subjects are die same as 

25819.141 and 25819.269. Widiin a hatched frame appears die 

bust of a woman with her head tilted and tumed to PL. There 

stands a small, V4-length figure of Jesus Christ with His PR 

hand raised in blessing. Bodi figures are identified in Cyrillic 

and Greek letters above their heads. 

As on odier metallic icons, the design is derived from a very 

popular, older image painted on wood; the image for this 

devotion was originally located in the city of Kazan. 

53 Icon: Plaque with Gallery 

JESUS CHRIST ENTHRONED: KING OF GLORY 

25819.273 

Cast brass 

H: 16.30; W: 10.00; T: 0.51 

Nineteendi century 

Negative number 87-5652-31 

The pierced crest consists of six seraphim heads raised on 

posts. A shield appears in the top, center of the leaf-engraved 

frame. Within the shield is seen God the Father as He appears 

in 25819.003, with raised arms and an orb with a diree-bar 

cross. Below Him is a small diamond with a dove, symbolizing 

die Holy Spirit. In the main scene, Jesus Christ is seated in a 

scalloped-back throne. He is flanked by eight standing and four 

kneeling figures of saints. At His feet are Nicholas and Basil 

(PR) and Sergius and Savatii. Standing on PR are John die 

Evangelist, Peter, archangel Michael, and the Mother of God 

holding a scroll; on the PL are Paul, John Chrysostom, 

archangel Gabriel, and John die Baptizer, also with a scroll. 

OCS inscriptions identify most of the figures, including diat in 

die shield as the "Lord of Hosts." 

Each side has dents, probably from attachment nails. 
NUMBER 51 79 

25819.273 

25819.279 

54 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Gallery 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

Cast brass 

H: 12.60; W: 7.60; T: 0.28 

Early nineteenth century 

Negative number 87-5662-31 

25819.279 A pierced gallery, similar to 25819.273, crowns a raised, 

ogee-arch crest recalling those on 25819.057. Greek and OCS 

inscriptions identify the figure with open arms as "Jesus 

Christ/King of Kings." The main subject of the plaque is that of 

25819.156, 25819.226, 25819.227, and 1986.0574.01. 

The treaunent of die subject is die most crisp in die 

collection. 
80 SMrraSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 

55 

25819.281 

Icon: Plaque with Crest and Gallery 25819.281 

THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 

Cast brass 

H: 13.60; W: 8.10; T: 0.33 

Eighteendi century 

Negative number 87-5660-35 

The gallery is similar to 25819.279, but reduced to three 

seraphim heads. The design and subject of die ogee-arch crest 

is die same as 25819.279, except diat a panel has been added at 

each upper comer. Each displays a half-length, inward-facing 

figure holding a three-prong staff and a disk; they represent the 

archangels Michael (PR) and Gabriel. The main subject repeats 

25819.099 and 25819.146, but here the head of die Mother of 

God tums to PR. Also, die sun and moon appear in the upper 

corners. Below them are large blossoms, two banners with OCS 

1986.0574.01 

inscriptions, and fifteen small figures of saints and angels. 

The back shows a depression of the front design, and a 

suspension loop. 

56** Icon: Plaque 

SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 

1986.0574.01 

Cast brass-colored metal with red and white champleve enamel 

H: 5.10; W: 4.80; T: 0.85 

Late twentiedi century 

Negative number 87-5659-36 

The subject repeats the PR leaf of 25819.066, 25819.156, 

25819.226, and 25819.227. The back displays a small 

suspension loop and die stamp of die maker: G-in-square. 

This was made in Rhode Island by die Greenbriar Company 

and acquired by the Smidisonian Institution in 1986. The wom 

faces of the comer figure suggests that an older metal-alloy 

icon was used as the model for the new casting, and only die 

face of St. Nicholas on the original was reworked before it was 

used as a casting model. 

57** Icon: Plaque with Gallery 1982.0007.31 

THE PROTECTION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 

Cast brass 

H: 13.3; W: 10.7; T: 0.335 

About 1800 

Negative number 88-1650-28 
NUMBER 51 

1982.0007.31 

Seven seraphim frame a modified kokoshnik {bochka) crest 

with a geometric border. The crest depicts a noncanonical 

d-inity: God the Father and God the Son sit facing each odier 

across an orb and cmcifix; a dove, symbolizing the Holy Spirit, 

hovers above the crucifix. 

A wide border around the plaque is covered with OCS 

inscriptions. Hands outsfretched, the Mother of God stands 

slighdy PR from the center of the plaque, looking toward God 

die Son in the upper PR comer. "Clouds" at her feet and around 

die upper PR comer signify spiritual radier than material 

presence. Five saints stand at the PL; three angels, one depicted 

only by a halo behind die other two angels, stand behind and 

above the saints. Below at die PR edge, a smaller haloed figure. 

Saint Helena, appears under a canopy. 

The lower portion of this plaque is missing, die result of a 

"cold shot" casting, when die molten metal flowed incompletely into the mold. Neverdieless, candle wax and pattems of 

wear indicate diat the icon was placed into reverent use. 
Glossary 

aedicule.—^In art, a small, temple-like facade used as a crest, 

apocryphal.—Based on texts or oral traditions whose historical 

audienticity is dubious, 

aureole.—^Radiance from head or figure of sacred person. 

bochka.—^Russian for barrel, refering to an arched crest shape 

on an icon, 

brass.—^Metal alloy of copper and zinc, with other trace 

elements, 

bronze.—Metal alloy of copper and tin. 

Byzantine.—^Pertaining to the Christian Roman Empire initiated by Constantine the Great in A.D. 330, and lasting 

untd the fall of Constantinople in 1453. 

Byzantium.—Ancient name of the Greek city-state founded in 

die eighth century B.C. at die junction of die Golden 

Hom and the Sea of Marmara, 

canon.—^From Greek, meaning "mle" or "standard" by which 

to measure or evaluate somediing. 

canonical.—Applied to icons, it means that they conform to die 

early theological and esthetic requirements of die 

Orthodox church, 

ciborium.—A stmcture made up of four pillars supporting a 

dome set above the altar of early Orthodox churches. 

corpus.—^Latin for "body," referring to the cmcified figure of 

Jesus on the cross. 

crest.—A decorative motif that surmounts die main body of an 

art object. 

Cu.—^The chemical abbreviation for copper. 

Deesis.—Greek for "prayer," used as title for icons showing 

Jesus Christ in glory widi Theotokos (see below) to 

His right and St. John the Baptizer to His left, both 

tumed toward Him in an attitude of prayer, 

dominical.—^From Latin, "Dominus," pertaining to "the Lord." 

dormition.—A reference to death as "falling asleep," as in die 

iconographic subject "Dormition of the Modier of 

God." 

egg tempera.—^Traditional paint for Orthodox icons in which 

egg yolk is used as the binding medium, 

fresco.—^Painting executed on plaster. 

God Sabaodi.—^From die Hebrew, tsebaoth, plural of tsaba, 

army; hosts. 

Golgotha.—Hebrew for "place of the skull," referring to the 

location of the cmcifixion of Jesus Christ. 

Great Fast.—A period of fasting beginning seven weeks before 

Easter in the Orthodox church, 

hagiography.—Writings describing the lives of die saints. 

Hodigitria.—Greek for the icon subject depicting the Modier 

of God holding Jesus as die "Christ child" in a formal, 

regal posture, 

icon,—Greek for "image," a sacred representation for the 

Orthodox church. 

IC XC .—Greek- and Russian-letter abbreviation for "Jesus 

Christ." It is shown on Old Greek icons. 

Image.—Fully, "The Image Not Made with Hands," die 

popular iconographic subject depicting die face of 

Jesus Christ on a cloth used to wipe it on His way to 

Golgodia; also known as "Veronica's VeU" from the 

Latin for "tme icon." 

kenosis.—Greek for "self-abasement," used in die New 

Testament to describe Jesus Christ's acceptance of die 

human condition and death. 

kokoshnik.—^A Russian term for a headdress and for an ogee 

arch; a modified form of the arch is barrel-shape and 

is called a bochka. 

leaf.—A single panel of a triptych (see below), 

mandorla.—An iconographic convention of a circle or oval 

symbolizing die spiritual glory of the figure it 

surrounds. 

metanoia.—Greek word referring to a radical change in one's 

heart and way of life. 

Metropolitan,—^Primate of an ecclesiastic province, 

mosaic.—Design built up with small pieces of colored stone, 

glass, etc. set in cement. 

OCS.—Abbreviation for Old Church Slavonic, the language 

using Cyrillic letters to form most inscriptions on 

Russian icons, 

ogee.—In art, a reverse curve, often opposed to create an arch 

called kokoshnik in Russian, applied to an icon's crest 

or ouUine of an onion-shape dome. 

Old Testament Trinity.—A subject represented by diree angles 

diat is generally identified as die Holy Trinity. [For an 

explanation of the canonical versus noncanonical 

image of the Trinity see page 24. R.E.A.] 

omophorion.—In the Orthodox church, a bishop's principal 

vestment; a pallium in the Roman Catholic church, 

orans-type.—A gesture of supplication; a figure with arms 

outstretched in supplication. 

Orthodox Catholic church.—Phrase identifying mainstream 

Christianity of the east, developed during die postConstantinian era of doctrinal disputes. 

Palladium.—From die Greek, a sacred image believed to 

protect its host city. 

Pantocrator.—^From Greek for "all powerful," applied to an 

image of Jesus Christ when His awesome features 

suggest the image of God the Fadier. 

Pb.—The chemical abbreviation for lead, 

phylactery.—On a typical Russian cross, the top, horizontal bar 

representing the plaque Pilate had nailed to it; in the 

Latin Church, it bears "INRI." 

piano hinge.—The articulation of two pieces secured by a pin 

mn through a series of small cylinders altemately 

attached to each side, 

pinde.—A pin or a bolt, especially one upon which somediing 

tums, as in a hinge. 

PL and PR.—^Refer objectively to "proper left" and "proper 

right" side of an object, often opposite to a viewer's 

side, 

plaque.—A single plate, widiout side leaves or wings. 

Radost.—A Russian term for die Mother of God as the "Joy of 

All Who Sorrow," 

82 
NUMBER 51 83 

register,—In art, a horizontal band that appears above another. 

Resurrection.—^Iconographic subject also called "The Descent 

into Hades," the subject is the visitation of Jesus 

Christ to a dark region and His rescue of Adam. 

Russian Orthodox church.—The official state religion of 

Russia from A.D. 988 to 1917. 

seraphim.—Six-winged angels of die highest rank believed in 

ancient Judaism to guard God's throne. 

skan'.—A round or flattened silver, gold, or gilded silver wire, 

eidier twisted or braided, used to ouUine enamels or to 

embellish metalwork. 

skit.—A religious community; an hermitage. 

Sn.—The chemical abbreviation for tin. 

spme marks.—^Residual impressions on metal caused by an 

opening in a mold into which molten metal was 

poured. 

suppedaneum.—Greek for die foot support represented by die 

slanted lowest bar on a Russian cross. 

Theotokos.—Creek for "Mother of God" and endorsed as a 

technical theological term by die diird ecumenical 

Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431. 

diree-bar cross.—The typical Russian cross, also called 

"eight-ended." 

diptych.—An art object consisting of three panels, either 

overlapping when closed, or with two lateral wings 

half die widdi of the central panel. 

uezd.—An old Russian term for a small geographic entity, such 

as a region or area. 

ukaz.—Usually rendered in English as ukase; it is an official 

decree or edict, usually by the Tsar or other high 

audiority, 

umileniye.—Russian for "loving-kindness," used as a title for 

icons of the Modier of God and Child dominated by an 

expression of intimacy and tendemess, 

wing,—One of the two lateral panels of a triptych. 

Zn.—The chemical abbreviation for zinc. 
References 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 

Billing ton, James H. 

1966. The Icon and the Ax: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture. 

New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 

Crummey, Robert O. 

1970. The Old Believers and the World of the Anti-Christ: The Vyg 

Community and the Russian State. 1699-1855. Madison: University 

of Wisconsin Press. 

Fedotov, G.R 

1960. The Russian Religious Mind. New York: Harper and Row, 

Publishers. 

Mel'nikov, P.L 

1910. "Otchet o sovremennom sostoianii raskola v Nizhegorodskoi 

gubemii." Deistviia Nizhegorodskoi Gubernskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi 

komissii, part 2, 10:1-155. 

Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. 

1969. A History of Russia. 2nd edition. New York: Oxford University 

Press. 

Runciman, S. 

1975. Byzantine Style and Civilization. Middlesex, England: Marmondsworth. [Also see 1981 edition published by Penguin Books.] 

Sherard, P. 

1966. Byzantium. New Yodc. 

Ouspensky, L., and V. Lossky 

1952. The Meaning of Icons. Basle, Switzerland: Otto Walter, Ltd. 

Pleshavona, LV. 

1985. Drevnerusskoe dekorativno-prikladnoe isskustvo v sobranie Gosudarstvenogo Russkogo Muzeia. Leningrad: Iskusstvo. 

Rice, D.T 

1962. Byzantine Art. London. 

1963. Art of the Byzantine Era. New York. 

Salko, N. 

1982. Early Russian Painting. Leningrad. 

Saltykov, A.A. 

1982. Muzei Drevnerusskogo iskusstva imeni Andreia Rubleva. Leningrad. 

Schug-Wille, C. 

1969. Art of the Byzantine World. New York. 

Tmbetskoi, E.N. 

1973. Icons: Theology in Color. New York. 

Vzdomov, G. 

1972. Art of Ancient Vologda. Leningrad. 

1976. Freski feofana greka v tserkvi spasa preobrazheniya v Novgorode. 

Moscow. 

Z.E.Z. 

1986. "Ob ikonakh Sviatitelia Nikolaia, chudotvortsa Rossiiskogo." 

Koster [Bulletin Interieur de TAssociation des Vitiaz, Paris], 

141(June):8-13. 

EASTERN ORTHODO X ICON S 

Alpatov, V.M. 

1977. Frescoes of the Church of the Assumption at Volotovo Pole. 

Moscow: Isskustvo. 

Antonova, V.L, and N.E. Mneva 

1963. Katalog drevnerusskoi zhivopisi. 2 volumes. Moscow: Isskustvo. 

Bank,A. 

1965. Byzantine Art in the Russian Collection. Moscow. 

Beckwith, J. 

1961. The Art of Constantinople. London: Penguin Books. 

1979. Early Christian and Byzantine Art. London: Penguin Books. 

Cavamos, C. 

1977. Orthodox Iconography. Belmont: Massachusetts Institute for Byzantine and Modem Greek Studies. 

DanUova, I. 

1970. The Frescoes of St. Pherapont Monastery. Moscow: Isskustvo. 

Espinola, Vera B. 

1987. "The Technical Examination of Russian Icons and Oklads." In 

International Council for Museums (ICOM) Committee for Conservation, 8th Triennial Meeting, Sydney [Preprint], 3:1105-1108. 

Grabar, A. 

1953. Byzantine Painting. New York. 

Jaaskinen, Aune 

1984. Ikonimaalari uskon ja mystikan tulkki. Helsinki. 

Konloglou, P. 

1960. Ekphrasis tes orthodoxou eikonographias. 2 volumes. Athens. 

Lazarev, Victor N. 

1969. The Novgorod School of Icon Painting. Moscow: Isskustvo. 

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181. 

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