ANGOLA

ExpeditionaryCulture

FieldGuide

Cabinda

Soyo

Huambo

Benguela

Namibe

Luena

Lobito

Lubango

Kuito

Menongue

Uíge

Malanje Luanda

Angola
This guide is designed to help prepare you for deployment to 

culturally complex environments and successfully achieve 

mission objectives. The fundamental information it contains will 

help you understand 

the decisive cultural 

dimension of your 

assigned location and 

gain necessary skills 

to achieve mission 

success.

The guide consists of 

two parts: 

Part 1: Introduces “Culture General,” the foundational 

knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global

environment. 

Part 2: Presents “Culture Specific” Angola, focusing on 

unique cultural features of Angolan society and is designed to 

complement other pre-deployment training. It applies culturegeneral concepts to 

help increase your 

knowledge of your 

assigned deployment 

location (Photo 

courtesy of Wikimedia).

For further information, 

visit the Air Force 

Culture and Language 

Center (AFCLC)

website at https://wwwmil.maxwell.af.mil/afclc or contact 

AFCLC’s Region Team at AFCLC.Region@us.af.mil.

Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not 

be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be 

reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission 

of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the 

US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated.

About this Guide

ECFG Angola
What is Culture?

Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes 

the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to 

adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the 

sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that 

have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, 

and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs 

and values. 

Members of a culture also 

usually assign the same 

meanings to the symbols in 

that culture. A symbol is 

when one thing – an image, 

word, object, idea, or story –

represents another thing. 

For example, the American 

flag is a physical and visual 

symbol of a core American value – freedom. At the same time, 

the story of George Washington admitting to having chopped 

down a cherry tree is also symbolic, representing the 

importance Americans place on personal honesty and 

leadership integrity. 

Force Multiplier

The military services have learned through experience the 

importance of understanding other cultures. Unlike the 20thcentury bipolar world order that dominated US strategy for 

nearly half a century, today the US military is operating in what 

we classify as asymmetric or irregular conflict zones where the 

notion of cross-cultural interactions is on the leading edge of 

our engagement strategies. 

We have come to view the people themselves, rather than the 

political system or physical environment, as the decisive 

feature in conflict areas. Our primary objective hinges on 

influencing constructive change through peaceful means where 

possible. We achieve this endeavor by encouraging local 

nationals to focus on developing stable political, social, and 

PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL

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CULTURE 
economic institutions that reflect their cultural beliefs and 

traditions.

Therefore, understanding the basic concepts of culture serves 

as a force multiplier. Achieving an awareness and respect of a 

society’s values and beliefs enables deploying forces to build

relationships with people from other cultures, positively 

influence their actions, and ultimately achieve mission success.

Cultural Domains

Culture is not just represented by the beliefs we carry 

internally, but also by our behaviors and by the systems 

members of a culture create to organize their lives. These 

systems, such as political or educational institutions, help us to 

live in a manner that is appropriate to our culture and

encourages us to perpetuate that culture into the future. 

We can organize these behaviors and systems into categories 

– what the Air Force refers to as “cultural domains” – in order to 

better understand the primary values and characteristics of a 

society. A cross-culturally competent military member can use 

these domains – which include kinship, language and 

communication, and social and political systems among others

(see chart on next page) – as tools for understanding and 

adapting to any culture. For example, by understanding the 

ways different cultures define family or kinship, a deployed 

military member can more effectively interact with members of 

that culture.

Social Behaviors Across Cultures

While humankind shares basic behaviors, various groups enact 

or even group those behaviors differently across cultural 

boundaries. For example, 

all societies obtain food for 

survival, although agrarian 

societies generally produce

their own food for limited 

consumption using very 

basic techniques.

Conversely, industrialized 

nations have more 

sophisticated market economies, producing foodstuffs for 

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universal consumption. Likewise, all cultures value history and 

tradition, although they represent these concepts through a 

variety of unique forms of symbolism. While the dominant world 

religions share the belief in one God, their worship practices 

vary with their traditional historical development. Similarly, in 

many kin-based cultures where familial bonds are foundational 

to social identity, it is customary for family or friends to serve as 

godparents, while for other societies this practice is nearly nonexistent.

Worldview

One of our basic human behaviors is the tendency to classify 

others as similar or different according to our cultural standard. 

As depicted in the chart 

below, we can apply the 12 

cultural domains to help us 

compare similarities and 

differences across cultures. 

We evaluate others’

behavior to determine if 

they are “people like me” or 

“people not like me.” 

Consequently, we assume 

that individuals falling into the “like me” category share our 

perspectives and values. 

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This collective perspective forms our worldview– how we see 

the world and understand our place in it. Your worldview 

functions as a lens through which you see and understand the 

world. It helps you to interpret your experiences and the values 

and behaviors of other people that you encounter. Consider 

your worldview as a way of framing behavior, providing an 

accountability standard for our actions and a logical 

explanation of why we individually or collectively act in a certain 

manner. 

Cultural Belief System

An important component of a worldview is our belief system. A 

community’s belief system sets its universal standards of what 

is good and bad, defines right and wrong behavior, and assigns 

a value of meaningful or meaningless. Our beliefs form the 

fundamental values we hold to be true – regardless of whether 

there is physical evidence to support these ideas. Beliefs are a 

central facet of human culture. They are shared views about 

world order and how the universe was physically and socially 

constructed. 

While all people have beliefs, their specific components tend to 

vary depending upon respective world views. What people 

classify as good or bad, right or wrong depends on our deeplyheld beliefs we started developing early in life that have help 

shape our characters. Likewise, 

these values are ingrained in our 

personalities and shape our 

behavior patterns and our selfidentities. Because cultural beliefs 

are intensely held, they are 

difficult, though not impossible, to 

change. 

Core Beliefs

Core beliefs shape and influence 

certain behaviors and also serve 

to rationalize those behaviors. 

Therefore, knowledge of individual 

or group beliefs can be useful in 

comprehending or making sense of their activities. We will use 

the iceberg model for classifying culture to illustrate two levels 

of meaning, as depicted. Beliefs and values, portrayed by the 

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CULTURE 
deeper and greater level of the submerged iceberg, are seldom 

visible, but are indicated / hinted at / referenced by our 

behaviors and symbols (top level). It is important to recognize, 

though, that the parts of culture that are not visible (under the 

waterline) are informing and shaping what is being made 

visible (above the waterline). 

In many cases, different worldviews may present behaviors 

that are contrary to our own beliefs, particularly in many 

regions where US forces deploy. Your ability to suspend 

judgment in order to understand another perspective is 

essential to establishing relationships with your host-nation

counterparts. The ability to withhold your opinion and strive to 

understand a culture from a member of that culture’s 

perspective is known as cultural relativism. It often involves 

taking an alternate perspective when interpreting others’ 

behaviors and is critical to your ability to achieve mission 

success. 

As you travel throughout the African Continent, you will 

encounter cultural patterns of meaning that are common

among most African countries. What follows is a general 

description of 12 cultural domains which are used to frame 

those commonalities. 

1. History and Myth

History and myth are related concepts. History is a record of 

the past that is based on verifiable facts and events. Myth can 

act as a type of historical record, 

although it is usually a story which 

members of a culture use to explain 

community origins or important events 

that are not verifiable or which occurred 

prior to written language. 

Africa has a history that spans the

entire existence of humankind. In 

ancient times prior to the emergence of 

written languages, history and wisdom 

were preserved across generations and 

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CULTURE 

CULTURAL DOMAINS
ethnic boundaries through oral folk legends or myths. Most 

early human evolution began as hunting and gathering cultures 

in East and South Africa, with countries such as Ethiopia, 

Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa renowned for their early 

human sites. In the last several millennia, the development of 

agriculture and pastoralism (animal herding) replaced hunting 

and gathering lifestyles (Photo: Kutubiyya Mosque courtesy of 

CultureGrams, ProQuest, 2013).

Ancient civilizations evolved in all corners of Africa, inspired in 

part by peoples from the Middle East bringing trade, beliefs, 

customs, language, and on occasion, colonization. Far from 

being isolated empires, the African civilizations were intimately 

connected by commerce and marriage throughout various 

regions of the continent, and when confronted by outsiders, 

managed to adapt to their influences. Eventually, Arab traders 

introduced Islam to Africa and also instituted the TransSaharan African slave trade that lasted from the 7th to 19th 

Centuries. 

The “golden age” of European exploration, which lasted from 

the 18th to mid-20th century, prompted the wholesale 

exploitation of Africans resources – first human assets through 

slavery, followed by natural resources such as minerals, 

precious gems and 

metals, and wildlife, 

thereby diminishing 

most of what was 

traditional and African. 

The introduction of the 

European Trans-Atlantic 

Slave Trade altered the 

slave trade through both 

the sheer number of 

Africans enslaved and

through the cementing of a racist ideology of Black inferiority to 

legitimize the institution of slavery. Slavery decimated the 

African continent for over 400 years through the forced 

relocation of an estimated 25 to 30 million Africans worldwide. 

This figure does not include those Africans who died aboard 

ships or during capture. While abolition of the slave trade 

dissolved the institution of slavery, it did not end the European 

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CULTURE 
presence on the African continent nor did it drastically alter 

their attitudes towards Africans.

Starting in the mid-19th century, European colonialism served 

to redefine African ethnic relations on a large scale; however,

as African societies began to resist colonial rule and seek their

independence, widespread ethnic conflict and genocide

occurred. Sustained westernization and globalization continue

to shape the continent through poverty, disease, and social 

reform. A history still to be recorded, Africa’s future identity 

faces many challenges in critical areas such as environmental 

change, ethnic strife, women’s health and security, and 

education. 

2. Political and Social Relations

Political relations are the ways in which members of a 

community organize leadership, power, and authority. Social 

relations are all of the ways in which individuals are linked to 

others in their community. 

Traditional African political 

organizations in the form 

of bands, tribes, and 

chiefdoms have existed 

for several millennia and 

continue to influence 

contemporary African 

governments. Uncommon 

in modern society, bands 

are limited to hunting and gathering economies, such as the

!Kung of the southern African Kalahari Desert and foragers of 

central African forests. 

Tribes are still represented today across the African political 

landscape, although the use of the word “tribe” is sometimes 

misinterpreted due to its western notion of “primitiveness” and 

oftentimes substituted with the term “ethnic group.” Lacking 

centralized authority, tribes are organized around segmented 

descent groups or in some cases age groups. 

Everyday governance is discharged through councils of 

respected elders and sanctioned through ritual and other 

means. East African pastoralist groups such as the Maasai, 

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CULTURE 
along with some West African tribes and the Berbers in North 

Africa, represent this type of organization. 

Chiefdoms or kingdoms are ruled by kings or queens from a 

royal clan and generally incorporate millions of subjects. 

Kingdoms such as the Zulu or Swazi in southern Africa 

developed through conquest, while others like Ghana’s 

Ashante developed through an association of related traditional 

states. However, colonialism eventually diluted the power and 

reach of these empires, 

whose leaders were often 

retained as indirect rulers 

or figureheads. 

Today, all three of these 

political organizations still 

exist, although in the 

confines of modern African 

nation-states created by 

colonial powers who had little regard or understanding of 

African cultures. This juxtaposition of modernity with tradition 

has caused severe conflict throughout the continent. 

Challenged to construct their respective “national” identities, 

regional leaders attempt to do so by diluting the traditionally 

cohesive power of ancestry. These national ruling elites, who 

derive their power from wealth and commerce rather than tribal 

affiliation, feel threatened by loyalty to these traditional 

organizations, labeling their rule as “tribalism.” 

This “class versus descent” scrimmage for power has resulted 

in conflicts across the continent and a dramatic divergence of 

interests. As a means to overcome these and other issues on 

the continent, a 53-nation federation, the African Union (AU), 

was formed in 2002. AU’s charter is to promote “greater unity 

and solidarity between African countries and peoples” by 

building partnerships in all segments of “civil society.”

3. Religion and Spirituality

Religion is a cultural belief system that provides meaning to 

members of a community. Religious and spiritual beliefs help 

preserve the social order by defining proper behavior. They 

also create social unity by defining shared identity, offer 

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CULTURE 
individuals peace of mind, and explain the causes of events in 

a society. Prior to the arrival of Islam and Christianity, the 

African continent consisted of orally transmitted indigenous

religious practices. As in many societies, African indigenous 

beliefs influenced diet, subsistence patterns, family structures, 

marriage practices, and healing and burial processes. In 

essence, Africans constructed their worldview through their 

indigenous religions. 

Today, the African continent

is primarily either Muslim or 

Christian. Other faiths such 

as Judaism and Hinduism 

exist as pockets in different

regions of the continent, 

primarily in urban areas. The 

historical trajectories of 

Islamic and Christian 

expansion in Africa offer intriguing commonalities in how 

Africans across the continent initially reacted to the introduction 

of each of those religions. For example, it is common 

throughout the continent to find a blending of many elements of 

indigenous religious practices with local Islam and Christianity

(Photo courtesy of Wikimedia).

Consequently, many African native religions share similarities 

with religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in their 

understanding of God as the creator 

and ruler of all life, although He is 

considered untouchable by humans. 

However, unlike Christianity and 

Islam, many African indigenous 

religions believe that God is not 

directly involved in people's lives. To 

them there is a spirit world 

populated with former good and bad 

human beings. The good spirits 

intercede with God on behalf of their 

living families to whom they then 

relay God's will through dreams and acquired possessions. 

The bad spirits work to bring misfortune through sickness, 

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CULTURE 
death, or natural disasters to those who behave 

inappropriately. 

Many indigenous African religions revere "nature" spirits living 

in the sky, water, and forests. These impersonal spirits help 

protect people from harm and provide them with life’s essential 

ingredients such as water, sun, and wildlife. This belief system 

is commonly referred to as animism.

Just as spirits mediate relations between God and humans,

religious specialists act as mediators between spirits and 

humans to provide protection from harm. 

4. Family and Kinship 

The domain of family and kinship refers to groups of people 

related through blood ties, marriage, or through strong 

emotional bonds that influence them to treat each other like 

family members (often called “fictive kin”).The traditional 

African family with respect to marriage, family structure, and 

descent is a much 

different arrangement

than is found in most 

American families. 

Likewise, there are 

several components of 

the traditional African 

family that are common 

to all African cultures. 

First, perhaps the most 

difficult feature to 

reconcile to Americans 

is that of polygyny – the practice of a husband having more 

than one wife. A benefit of this arrangement is that it promotes

societal alliances through marriage, procreation, and family 

wealth through female labor. 

Second, due to polygyny, the family in most African cultures 

has historically consisted of an expanded set of kin or relatives 

that extends well beyond the American notion of a nuclear 

family. This arrangement created a family environment where 

children considered all siblings as “brothers and sisters” and all 

of the wives/mothers as “mother.” 

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Third, the extended African family traces descent through 

either the male or female side of the family, a practice which 

differs considerably from the American family. Patrilineal 

descent (through the male side of the family) is the more 

common approach and usually features polygyny. The

matrilineal (through the female bloodline) marriage pattern is 

more uncommon and almost always features monogamy – it is 

rare to encounter a wife having more than one husband. 

Lastly, it is common for two or more blood lines (lineages) to 

share a common ancestor and collectively form a clan, which is 

the largest social unit. Clans do not have formal leaders or 

organizational structures. Membership is transferred from 

father to child and cuts across ethnic and social boundaries. 

The dramatic social changes in Africa during and after 

colonialism in the last 4 decades have obviously affected the 

traditional family, and variations on these 3 features can be 

found across the continent.

5. Sex and Gender

Sex refers to the biological/reproductive differences between 

males and females, while gender is a more flexible concept 

that refers to a culture’s categorizing of masculine and feminine 

behaviors, symbols, and social roles. Gender roles in Africa 

follow no single model nor is there a generalized concept of 

sex and common standard of sexual behavior. 

Prehistorically, gender role differentiation in Africa’s hunting 

and gathering cultures was based on a division of labor 

featuring different, yet complementary, sets of responsibilities 

for males and females, adults and children. Females gathered 

over half the caloric 

needs from natural 

vegetation, while also 

reproducing and raising 

offspring. Males were 

primarily hunters but also 

assisted with gathering. 

These gender patterns 

continued as agricultural 

practices advanced. 

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Females shared in farming while continuing to provide for the 

family’s subsistence, and males produced the cash crops. 

Pastoralists like the Maasai of Kenya traditionally have featured 

males involved in cattle-raising and females in food production. 

The 19th-century European colonial period introduced a cash 

economy into Africa, with female labor used to produce the 

cash crops. By inserting male authority over females, colonial 

administrators disrupted the distinct yet complementary 

male/female relationship that had been traditionally African. 

More recently, western influence across the continent has 

dramatically altered the traditional gender roles. Educational 

and professional opportunities for females, along with 

increased family migrations to urban areas, have radically

altered traditional male and female gender roles. 

Likewise, the number of singles parents and even child- or 

other relative-led families has increased with the predominance 

of HIV/AIDS-related deaths and warfare, further altering 

traditional gender responsibilities. Additionally, ethnic conflicts 

involving abuse of women are prevalent in many unstable 

countries, and while the rubric of traditional African gender 

generally remains, the forces of change are gradually ripping it 

away.

6. Language and Communication

Language is a system for sharing information symbolically, 

whereby words are used to represent ideas. Communication is 

defined as the cultural 

practice of sharing 

meaning in interaction, 

both verbally and nonverbally. America is 

predominantly a 

monolingual society, 

where traditionally, 

fluency in a second 

language has been 

considered a luxury 

rather than a necessity. 

Conversely, national survival for many societies in Africa 

required them throughout their existence to adopt multilingual 

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practices, if for no other reason than to preserve their native 

heritage. 

You may find it challenging to comprehend the scope of 

Africa’s linguistic diversity. There are over 2,000 African 

languages (many spoken-only) from 6 major language families, 

and perhaps 100 of these languages are used to communicate 

among the more dominant ethnic groups such as Berber, 

Swahili, Yoruba, and others. 

Official languages of African nation-states are few, yet the 

linguistic diversity expressed across the continent (Nigeria has 

250 languages) has prompted an awareness of the value of 

Africa’s linguistic traditions. While most areas of the continent 

speak the adopted language of their colonial past – such as 

French and Portuguese in West Africa, French and Arabic in 

Morocco, and English in Kenya and South Africa – the majority 

of people also speak one or more traditional “indigenous” 

languages of their and other ethnic groups. As African 

independence spread throughout the continent, ethnic groups 

continued to depend on their indigenous identifiers, such as 

language, to celebrate their “release” from colonial rule and to 

preserve a sense of 

indigenous identity. 

While communication 

styles tend to vary by 

ethnic or social groups, 

Africans generally are 

friendly and outgoing 

people although they 

tend to communicate 

with reserve to avoid 

confrontation. As in most kin-based societies, Africans believe 

that saving face or protecting one’s honor and dignity are of 

utmost importance; therefore, they avoid public criticism and 

controversial topics at all costs – even to the extent of 

withholding their honest opinion or modifying the truth. 

Africans admire and even expect extended greetings and small 

talk, and to attempt to rush or avoid social graces is considered 

disrespectful. Similarly, Africans avoid direct eye contact when 

communicating with new acquaintances and people of status, 

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particularly elders. They also are fond of non-verbal gestures, 

and it is common throughout African societies for members of 

the same gender to hold hands or touch while conversing.

7. Learning and Knowledge

All cultures require that the older generation transmit important 

information to the younger generation. This information can be 

strictly factual (for example, how to fulfill subsistence and 

health requirements) and culturally traditional (the beliefs, 

behaviors, and symbols that have meaning to the community). 

This knowledge transfer may occur through structured, 

formalized systems such as 

schools or through informal

learning by watching adults 

or peers.

The contemporary African 

educational system hardly 

resembles the traditional precolonial structure, whereby 

community elders were primarily responsible for preparing 

youth for adulthood. Their instruction included fundamentals of 

ethnic ritual and ceremony, along with customary protocol for 

their distinctive gender roles. A rite-of-passage commemorating 

their successful journey from childhood to adulthood served as 

a form of graduation.

European colonialism brought a more structured, formal 

educational system that catered to a small group of African 

elite who demonstrated potential to administer expanding 

colonial territories. Following independence, many African 

nations adopted the European system because they believed it 

would prepare them to be more competitive in intra-continental 

and global marketplaces, thereby enhancing their quality of life.

However, progress in developing and maintaining reliable 

educational institutions has been slow for a variety of reasons. 

Since most Africans live in rural environments, they continue to 

rely heavily on child labor for family survival, resulting in 

decreased school enrollments or early withdrawals. Likewise, 

widespread HIV/AIDS epidemics, ethnic conflict, teacher and 

resource deficits, and inaccessibility to remote rural areas also 

hamper progress. According to 2005 statistics, only half of the 

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continent’s children were enrolled in primary school, leaving 

over 40 million African children without any schooling at all. 

8. Time and Space

In every society, people occupy space and time in ways that 

are not directly linked to physical survival. In low-context 

western cultures, people tend to be preoccupied with strict time 

management, devoting less effort to relationship-building. 

Conversely, most African cultures are traditionally high-context 

societies, whereby people center their activities on socializing 

and establishing close associations, having little regard for the 

passage-of-time. 

Only after establishing trust and honor will your typical African 

counterpart agreeably proceed with business. In his worldview, 

time is a precious commodity used to establish relationships 

and form alliances. Any 

attempt to accelerate the 

tempo at the expense of 

social pleasantries will 

likely result in deadlock. 

To an African, close 

physical proximity between 

individuals encourages 

cooperative trust, and for 

centuries they have viewed 

human linkage as a core 

element to survival. This closeness is best represented in a 

traditional African village where strong kinship connections are 

evidenced by a display of close interpersonal relations among

family members. 

While conventional African concepts of time and space remain 

intact, throughout the continent western influence and 

globalization have stepped up the pace of African living, mostly 

in urban areas. Consequently, rural-to-urban migrations have 

reshaped traditional social and subsistence patterns. 

9. Aesthetics and Recreation

Every culture has its own forms of creative expression that are 

guided by aesthetic principles of imagination, beauty, skill and 

style. Prior to 19th-century European colonization of Africa, 

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recreation served a vital subsistence role, whereby adolescents 

and adults alike participated in intellectually stimulating 

leisurely activities that concurrently served to develop essential 

hunting and pastoral skills.

Games of chance and skill were important to early childhood 

development, providing social outlets within and outside their 

community. Featuring 

wrestling, jumping and 

running; traditional African 

sport was steeped in 

religious ritual.

Along with colonialism 

came the introduction to 

Africa of western sports 

such as soccer, cricket, 

rugby and track and field. This emphasis on western sport 

continued to thrive with African independence and 

globalization, as seen in sporting events such as the Olympics 

and the World Cup. 

Leaders such as Nelson Mandela skillfully employed sport to 

promote a unified South African nation. Importing the 

predominantly “white” game of rugby, Mandela used it to fuse a 

racially divided country following his election in 1992. This 

event is the theme of the motion picture “Invictus,” exemplifying 

how sport can serve to create national identities and overcome 

ethnic division. His efforts 

have inspired many other 

African nations to follow 

suit.

Likewise, East African 

countries such as Kenya 

and Ethiopia have 

produced the world’s 

dominant male and 

female distance runners, 

and South Africa, Cameroon and Nigeria emerged as strong 

contenders in the 2010 World Cup. African nations are now 

competing in leagues such as the International Basketball 

Association (FIBA) World Championships, and there is also a 

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growing number of African basketball players on US college 

campuses and in the National Basketball Association (NBA). 

10. Sustenance and Health

Societies have different methods of transforming natural 

resources into food. These methods can shape residence 

patterns, family structures and economics. Theories of disease 

and healing practices exist in all cultures and serve as adaptive 

responses to disease and illness. 

Despite having only 11% of the global population, Africa is a 

victim of many of the world’s debilitating health disorders. 

According to the World 

Health Organization, 60% of 

the global HIV/AIDS cases 

and 90% of malarial 

diseases occur in Africa. 

These and other medical 

conditions are attributed 

primarily to viral infection 

and widespread poverty 

caused by extreme climatic 

conditions and civil unrest, coupled with inadequate 

preventative measures. While extensive drought generates 

widespread famine, civil disturbances generate millions of 

displaced persons. Likewise, with only 58% of the SubSaharan African population having access to safe drinking 

water, water-born bacterial diseases 

such as cholera and schistosomiasis

are common.

Many people in Africa lack access to 

western medicine, and as a result 

depend on traditional health 

practices to combat disease. In 

addition, some traditional beliefs run 

counter to western medical practice

and perhaps discourage individuals 

from utilizing those services even 

when they are available. This 

problem is further intensified by lack of federal regulatory 

healthcare management. 

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While modern healthcare procedures are more common in 

urban areas, many rural people rely on traditional practitioners 

who use a variety of plants and herbs to treat patients. 

Similarly, many families have their own secret remedies. While 

in some cases traditional medicine proves effective with fewer 

side effects than modern drugs, traditional practices do not 

adequately treat many of the more serious conditions.

On a positive note, western influence has stimulated some 

progress in combating Africa’s health crisis. More resources 

are devoted to achieving basic human security by assessing

disease symptoms early and with scientific accuracy. 

11. Economics and Resources

This domain refers to beliefs regarding appropriate ways for a 

society to produce, distribute, and consume goods and 

services. Traditionally having an agrarian-based economy, 

Africa today remains predominantly agricultural, featuring less 

industrialization than 

most other parts of the 

world. Post-colonial 

adversities such as 

civil war, disease, 

poverty, and unstable 

dictatorships posed 

unusual hardship on

several young African 

nations; however, 

Africa currently stands 

at the cross-roads of economic development with many nations 

becoming some of fastest growing regions in the world. 

Colonialism institutionalized the exploitation of Africa’s mineral 

resources, resulting in today’s oil industry dominating the 

economic market in several coastal regions. A surge in global 

oil prices; a growing African middle class; and reduction in civil 

wars, foreign aid, and inflation collectively promise a more 

positive outlook for the future.

Countries such as Botswana, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and 

South Africa are economically the wealthiest on the continent, 

with regions such as East Africa showing signs of economic 

stability. Despite the economic upswing, much of sub-Saharan 

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Africa’s future economic prosperity is held hostage by 

devastating diseases such as AIDS, particularly in areas of 

southern Africa, and the growing effects of climate change and 

man-made environmental degradation throughout the 

subcontinent. 

12. Technology and Material

Societies use technology to transform their physical world, and 

culture heavily influences the development and use of 

technology. Africa lags far behind most of the world in 

manufacturing capacity and output. Even the more 

economically-developed nations such as South Africa are 

competitively weak when compared to non-African 

industrialized nations. During the 1970s and 1980s, Africa 

experienced some growth in raw exports although this increase 

did little to boost long-term manufacturing capacity. 

Today, Africa is experiencing an actual decline in 

manufacturing capacity due primarily to a lull in the global 

economy, along with other indigenous issues such as 

environmental stress, poor physical and organizational

infrastructure, and a 

shortage of skilled 

personnel. Likewise, 

African manufacturing 

capacity is no match 

against global powers 

such as China and 

significant Southeast 

Asian markets. 

International aid from 

both governmental and non-governmental organizations has 

helped African nations establish preliminary economic 

footholds. For example, many of them have dedicated 

industrial developmental zones to attract foreign investment 

and increase export-related manufacturing capacity, although 

Africa is far removed from having a significant role in the global 

marketplace in the foreseeable future. 

Now that we have introduced general concepts that

characterize African society at large, we will now focus on 

specific features of Angolan society.

GENERAL

CULTURE 
HISTORY &

MYTH

History Overview

The early history of Angola was defined by the emergence of 

powerful Bantu-speaking states which were later consumed by 

conflicts resulting from nearly 500 years of Portuguese colonial 

occupation. Angola’s modern history is defined by a nearconstant state of civil war that only ended in 2002.

Early Angola

The earliest inhabitants of what 

is now Angola were the Khoisan 

people (see Political and Social 

Relations) who were present in 

the region by 6000 BC, likely 

arriving as early as 23000 BC. 

These early inhabitants were 

nomadic hunter-gatherers who 

herded animals on a limited 

scale. They never developed 

complex political structures and mostly lived in small, 

decentralized groups.

Bantu Migration: Perhaps as early as 1000 AD, small groups 

of Bantu-speakers (see Language and Communication) began 

arriving in what is now Angola from their original home near the 

border shared by present-day Cameroon and Nigeria. Although 

this migration took place in several waves over many centuries, 

the largest wave occurred in the 14th century.

Since the process of migrating effectively excludes agriculture, 

the Bantu-speakers subsisted as hunter-gatherers during their 

migrations. Once they formed permanent settlements, they 

began to raise livestock and cultivate crops. Scholars disagree 

about the fate of the Khoisan. Some say that the Bantu influx 

forced the Khoisan to migrate southward, while others maintain 

that the Bantu-speakers peacefully assimilated the Khoisan.

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

1. HISTORY AND MYTH
HISTORY &

MYTH

Bantu States

Between 1300 and 1600, Bantu-speakers formed a number of 

centralized political structures that eventually gave rise to the 

ethnic and linguistic groups of modern Angola (see Political 

and Social Relations). States situated near the coast tended to 

favor agriculture, merchant trade, and centralized government.

Those located further inland were less centralized, relying on 

hunting and river fishing for sustenance.

Many but not all of the Bantu states had kings, who generally 

were thought to be divine and vested with considerable spiritual 

powers. Their worldly powers were more limited, however, and 

did not necessarily exceed those of rulers who ranked below 

them. Most Bantu states had armies for defense and territorial 

expansion, as conflict between the 

states was fairly common, especially 

when trade disputes arose.

Kongo Kingdom: The most powerful 

Bantu state was the Kingdom of 

Kongo, which rose to prominence in 

the late 14th century. It emerged after 

members of the Bakongo ethnic group 

(see Political and Social Relations) 

migrated south of the Kongo River and 

founded their capital city of Mbanza 

Kongo in what would become northern 

Angola. Kongo expanded rapidly because it assimilated people 

in regions it conquered rather than trying to subjugate them. By 

the mid-1400s, Kongo stretched across a vast swath of land 

between the environs of Mbanza Congo and the banks of the 

Congo River in the present-day republics of the Congo 

(Pictured: The Coat of Arms of the Kingdom of Kongo).

Relative to other African states of the same period, Kongo was 

advanced. It had a centralized, bureaucratic government that 

collected taxes and regulated a common currency (sea shells). 

The inhabitants of Kongo worked both as merchants of copper 

and ivory and as craftspeople of metal and textiles. They also 

participated in the slave trade (see below). While they used 

some slave labor in their own territory, they primarily supplied 

Europeans with slaves and grew wealthy in the process.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Ndongo Kingdom: Located south of Kongo in the highlands of 

inland northern Angola, the Ndongo Kingdom was the next 

most powerful of the Bantu kingdoms, and for a time its power 

rivaled that of Kongo. Ndongo reached its apex in the 16th 

century, declining shortly thereafter due to Portuguese 

expansion (see below). Inhabited by 

iron and salt merchants, Ndongo was 

famous for having strong female 

rulers. The best known ngola

(“ruler”—this term is the origin of 

“Angola”) was Nzinga Mbande, who 

reigned in the mid-1600s (Photo: 

Nzinga’s statue displayed in Angola’s 

capital city, Luanda).

Mbundu Kingdoms: Ndongo was 

founded by the Mbundu ethnic group 

(see Political and Social Relations), 

which also established a number of other states to the east of 

Ndongo. The most prominent of those kingdoms were 

Matamba and Kasanje, which prospered as the Portuguese 

focused their attention on acquiring slaves (see below) from 

Ndongo. 

Lunda Kingdom: To the east of the Mbundu Kingdoms was 

the Lunda Kingdom, founded in the late 1500s near the Kasai 

River in central Angola. From its capital in present-day

southern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the Lunda 

Kingdom expanded during the 17th century by incorporating 

neighboring groups into its empire rather than subjugating them 

directly. Lunda prospered from the slave trade that traversed its 

territory and tried unsuccessfully to expand upon that trade by 

attacking Matamba and Kasanje in the mid-18th century.

Ovimbundu Kingdoms: During the 16th and 17th centuries, 

members of the Ovimbundu ethnic group (see Political and 

Social Relations) migrated southward, settling on a coastal 

plateau near Angola’s western city of Benguela. In the 18th 

century they formed 22 independent kingdoms of which the 

most powerful were Bié, Bailundu, and Ciyaka. The Ovimbundu

eventually established a reputation as prosperous traders of 

resources from the interior.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Other Groups: During the mid-1800s, members of the Chokwe 

ethnic group (see Political and Social Relations) migrated from 

central Africa to present-day northeastern Angola and began 

working as traders. Unlike many other Bantu communities, they 

never formed a centralized state. Also during the 19th century, 

the Kwanhama ethnic group founded a kingdom in what is now 

southern Angola and northern Namibia. The Kwanhama traded 

eagerly with Europeans but found it relatively easy to maintain 

their independence due to their reputation as fierce warriors.

Arrival of Europeans

The first European to reach presentday Angola was Diogo Cão (pictured), 

a Portuguese explorer who arrived at 

the mouth of the Congo River in 1483. 

Soon after Cão’s visit, the Portuguese 

conducted more expeditions to the 

region, developing peaceful relations 

with the manikongo (King of Kongo).

The Angolans provided ivory, other 

goods, and slaves to the Europeans 

who in turn sent guns and Catholic 

missionaries (see Religion and

Spirituality). The Portuguese further established ties with the 

Mbundu people, dispatching merchants and priests in 1520.

Slave Trade: Although the Portuguese originally had planned 

to export gold and copper from Angola, by the early 1500s they 

had shifted their focus to the more profitable slave trade. Most 

slaves captured in Angola were sent across the Atlantic Ocean 

to work on sugar plantations in Portuguese-controlled Brazil or 

on Spanish-controlled Caribbean islands. Between 1500 and 

1850, an estimated 4 million Angolans were captured and sold 

to slave traders, although only about half that number survived 

the brutal and inhumane trip to the New World.

Although some of Angola’s pombeiros (slave trading agents) 

were Portuguese, most were Africans or mestiços (people of 

Afro-Portuguese descent). They obtained slaves from African 

chiefs by trading goods such as guns, cloth, and wine. Luanda, 

the capital of modern Angola, was founded by the Portuguese 

in 1575 to serve as the main port of the slave trade.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Conflict and Portuguese Expansion

The growth of the slave trade prompted conflict in Angola as 

Europeans and Africans fought among themselves and with 

each other to control as much of the profits as possible. From 

roughly the 1540s until the 1660s, Kongo experienced 

repeated bouts of internal unrest and civil war while also 

fighting external wars—first against Ndongo in the late 1550s 

and then against the Portuguese in the 1660s. Similarly, 

Ndongo fought both Kongo and the Portuguese—their 

intermittent ally—from the late 1550s until the early 1670s.

Other European powers also 

participated in the upheaval. 

The Dutch invaded Luanda in 

1641, remaining there until a

Brazilian-based Portuguese 

force crossed the Atlantic and 

reclaimed the city in 1648. The 

same force then proceeded to 

lead conquests of both Kongo 

and Ndongo in order to preserve a steady supply of slaves for 

Brazil. Having conquered much of coastal Angola by 1670, the 

Portuguese halted their expansion efforts for the next century 

and a half. During that period, Kongo, Ndongo, and other 

Africans continued to resist Portuguese rule despite their 

defeat. In addition, Bantu states fought among themselves as 

newer states tried to expand (Pictured: Map of Luanda, 1665).

Abolition and Economic Transition

In the mid-1800s Portugal passed a series of laws that banned 

the slave trade, and later slavery itself, in all parts of the 

Portuguese empire. Still, both practices persisted for years 

after they were outlawed. While Portugal banned the slave 

trade in 1836, it did not decline until the British Royal Navy

began enforcing Britain’s anti-slavery laws in the 1840s.

Although slavery was outlawed officially in Angola in 1858, 

libertos, or freed slaves, were forced to complete a 20-year 

“apprenticeship.” Thereafter, stringent anti-vagrancy laws 

forced many libertos to continue performing involuntary labor 

as plantation hands, miners, or railway construction workers. 

Forced labor continued in various forms until the mid-1900s.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Abolition prompted major changes to Angola’s economy as the 

Portuguese experimented with different means of replacing lost 

revenues. This process began in the mid-19th century when 

the Portuguese increased customs duties at ports and levied a

hut tax on the indigenous population that was payable in cash 

rather than in slaves. Since most Angolans still used a barter 

system, many could not pay the hut tax and as with libertos

were forced to perform involuntary labor.

During the latter half of the 1800s, Angola expanded its 

exportation of resources such as ivory, rubber, and wax. 

Having renewed their expansion efforts in the 1830s, the 

Portuguese used newly claimed territories to expand cultivation 

of crops such as cocoa, coffee, cotton, palm oil, and sugar. In 

the early 20th century, diamond mining also began in Angola.

The project that affected Angola’s 

economy most strongly during this 

period was probably the Benguela 

Railway (pictured). It was built 

between 1902 and 1928 in order 

to link mines in present-day DRC 

to the Angolan port of Lobito. For 

a time, this project accounted for 

most of the jobs in Angola.

Colonial Consolidation

The borders of modern Angola were not defined until 1891, a 

few years after the European powers consented to Portuguese 

control of Angola at the Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-

1885. At about the same time, Portugal signed a treaty with a 

local African ruler in which they gained control over Cabinda, 

an exclave whose southern border is located about 25 mi from 

the northern border of mainland Angola.

From 1885-1930, the Portuguese consolidated their control in 

the region and suppressed the Bantu states that continued to 

resist Portuguese rule. The Mbundu abandoned their efforts in 

1902, while the Ovimbundu followed suit in the following year. 

The Chokwe held on slightly longer, eventually surrendering in 

1914. By 1920 the Portuguese had secured control over the 

entirety of modern Angola apart from the Southeast, and by 

1930 they comfortably controlled the entire territory.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Portuguese Angola

After securing control of Angola, the 

Portuguese sought to administer the 

colony by creating social, political, and 

economic institutions based on those 

of Portugal. In the 1930s and 1940s, 

the activities of these institutions were 

directed toward establishing Angola as

a self-sufficient market for Portuguesemade goods and assimilating native 

Angolans into mainstream Portuguese 

society.

In order to achieve these goals, the Portuguese administration 

created a system of racial classifications that in theory provided 

greater political rights to Africans who adopted the Portuguese 

culture and language. There were four tiers: white Portuguese, 

mestiços (people of Afro-Portuguese descent), assimilados 

(assimilated Africans), and indígenas (unassimilated Africans).

Although mestiços and assimilados faced discrimination, they 

were far better off than indígenas, who constituted the vast 

majority of indigenous Angolans—99% in 1960. Indígenas had 

no civil or political rights and were subject to a brutal regime of 

racist regulations and forced labor.

White Migration: Partly due to Portugal’s forced labor system, 

the Angolan economy grew rapidly after World War II, which 

was further stimulated when more than 250,000 white 

Portuguese moved to Angola. Despite Portuguese presence for 

nearly 500 years, this migration was the first major movement 

of white Portuguese to Angola—as late as 1900, there were 

fewer than 10,000 such settlers in the colony. The new settlers 

soon took control of Angola’s administration and economy, 

prospering in the years prior to Angolan independence.

Nationalism and Independence

In the years following World War II there emerged a trend 

among European powers towards decolonization, both in Africa 

and elsewhere. Portugal defied this move, appearing to have 

no intention of relinquishing its colonial possessions. Instead,

Portugal reclassified its colonies as Overseas Provinces, which 

in theory made them integral regions of Portugal proper.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Due to this Portuguese resolve, nationalist movements began 

to emerge in the late 1950s among Africans and mestiços in

Angola, although they were forced to operate outside of Angola 

due to repressive Portuguese policies. In the 1960s, nationalist 

sentiment provoked popular uprisings that the Portuguese 

brutally suppressed. These uprisings convinced the nationalist 

leaders that armed struggle was necessary to win freedom. By 

the late 1960s, 3 main nationalist movements had taken shape.

MPLA: Founded in 1956 and led by poet and doctor Agostinho 

Neto, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola 

(MPLA in Portuguese) was the earliest of Angola’s nationalist 

movements. It drew support from the Mbundu ethnic group 

(see “Mbundu Kingdoms” above) and the mestiço elite in 

Luanda, aligning with the ideology of communist parties in 

Portugal and the Eastern Bloc.

FNLA: Established in 1962, the 

National Front for the Liberation 

of Angola (FNLA) drew support 

from the Bakongo ethnic group 

and foreign allies, including the 

US and Zaire (now the DRC). 

The FNLA’s leader was Holden 

Roberto (Pictured: FNLA flag).

UNITA: Led by Jonas Malheiro Savimbi, the National Union for 

the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) was established in 

1966, supported mainly by the Ovimbundu ethnic group (see 

“Ovimbundu Kingdoms” above). Its foreign allies were the 

People’s Republic of China and South Africa, the latter of which 

was ruled by whites under a racist system known as apartheid.

War for Independence

The uprisings of the early 1960s gave way to a brutal guerilla 

war in which each of the nationalist movements fought against 

the Portuguese military. The Portuguese forcefully suppressed 

the guerillas, mostly outperforming them on the battlefield. 

Superior equipment and training partly explain the Portuguese 

success, but the lack of unity among the MPLA, FNLA, and 

UNITA also played a role. Divided by ethnic, regional, 

ideological differences, the nationalists failed to coordinate their 

movements, spending much of their time fighting each other.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Despite the guerillas’ lack of coordination, the Portuguese were 

unable to defeat them fully. As the conflict continued into the 

mid-1970s, the Portuguese military grew weary, partly because 

it was trying to contain similar rebellions in other parts of Africa. 

Back in Portugal, many citizens began to think that the colonial 

wars may not be important enough to justify their financial and 

human costs. In the context of this widespread war-weariness, 

the Portuguese military staged a mostly bloodless coup in April 

1974, toppling Portuguese Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano.

The new government acted quickly to end Portugal’s colonial 

wars. The month after taking power, it agreed to a ceasefire 

with the Angolan nationalist movements. In January 1975, the 

Portuguese government, MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA signed the 

Alvor Agreement, which provided for Angolan independence 

under a coalition government. Although the Alvor Agreement 

did not resolve the differences among the nationalists, the 

Portuguese effectively washed their hands of the problem as 

Angola gained independence on November 11, 1975.

Civil War

The coalition government did 

not last long. Immediately after 

independence, civil war 

erupted between the MPLA on 

one side and UNITA and the 

FNLA on the other. The MPLA 

received troops from Cuba and 

logistical support from the 

Soviet Union. The FNLA and UNITA received military hardware 

from the US and personnel support from South Africa, which 

feared the prospect of a pro-Soviet regime in its neighborhood 

(Photo: A bridge destroyed during the Angolan Civil War).

Within a year, the MPLA had taken control of the administrative 

apparatus the Portuguese left behind in the capital, Luanda. 

Meanwhile, UNITA retreated to the countryside, launching a 

guerilla war. Although the FNLA weakened and later withdrew 

from the war in 1984, UNITA captured large areas of land in 

the interior. Agostinho Neto, the MPLA’s leader, died in 1979 

and was succeeded by José Eduardo dos Santos, the current 

President of Angola (see Political and Social Relations).
HISTORY &

MYTH

Sapped by the direct and indirect costs of war, the MPLA in the 

mid-1980s depended upon Cuba and the Soviet Union for the 

military advantage that allowed it to keep UNITA at bay. The 

two sides finally agreed to a ceasefire in 1991, holding multiparty elections in 1992. When the elections did not result in a 

UNITA win, Savimbi—still the leader of UNITA—dismissed 

them as a fraud, and the two sides returned to war.

The renewed war was much more violent and destructive than 

the original conflict, and by late 1994, the declining fortunes of 

UNITA forced Savimbi back to the bargaining table. He agreed 

to demobilize and disarm his fighters, while the MPLA agreed 

to integrate those fighters into the Angolan military. Known as 

the Lusaka Accords, the new agreement was almost as fleeting 

as the 1991 ceasefire. By 1998 the project of integrating the 

two forces had derailed, and fighting broke out once again.

This time UNITA was outmatched. Up until that time, much of 

its financing had come from illegally mined “conflict” (blood) 

diamonds. However, the introduction of international sanctions 

against diamond smuggling cut off much of UNITA’s funding. 

The death blow for UNITA arrived on February 22, 2002, when

Savimbi was killed in a battle with government forces. UNITA 

forces surrendered soon thereafter, ending the civil war.

Modern Angola

Since the conclusion of the civil 

war, Angola has made its first 

steps on the long road to social 

and economic recovery. It has 

been aided in the latter mission 

by large amounts of foreign aid 

and revenues from its 

petroleum exports, which are 

the 2nd-largest in Africa and 9th-largest in the world (see 

Economics and Resources).

Nevertheless, Angola still faces several challenges. Among the 

most pressing is the large number of land mines that remain 

buried and active in the countryside (see Political and Social 

Relations)—a legacy from both sides of the civil war. Another 

challenge consists of the ongoing separatists’ activity in the oilrich Cabinda exclave (see Political and Social Relations).
HISTORY &

MYTH

Myth Overview

Since there were no written forms 

of Angola’s native languages until 

relatively recently (see Language 

and Communication), the country 

has a long tradition of oral myths 

and folklore. Angola has 6 types of 

folklore, and the one most similar 

to historical narrative is known as 

ma-lunda or mi-sendu. This type

of folklore records the factual 

history of a nation or tribe whose leaders or elders typically 

transmit orally. In most parts of Angola, knowledge of malunda traditionally has been limited to tribal elites, who share 

only part of that knowledge with regular people. 

A similar form of folklore consists of maka or anecdotes. Maka 

are similar to ma-lunda in that Angolans consider both genres 

factual. They differ since maka are meant to convey lessons 

about how to live rather than historical facts. In a US context, 

for example, the story of George Washington chopping down a

cherry tree would be a maka—it probably did not happen, but 

many people believe that it did and regard it as a lesson about 

honesty. A third category of narrative Angolan folklore consists 

of mi-soso, or fictional stories. Unlike maka and ma-lunda, 

mi-soso are meant to entertain. Many take the form of animal 

fables and include supernatural elements.

Angolans also have more concise forms of folklore. Ji-sabu, or 

proverbs, for example, are short, abstract, indirect sayings that 

convey moral principles. Ji-sabu typically complement maka

by capturing the latter’s essences, while maka can illustrate the

practical meanings of ji-sabu. Another concise form of Angolan 

folklore is ji-nongonongo, or riddles, which usually involve 

wordplay and are meant mainly for amusement.

The last form of Angolan folklore is mi-mumbu, or poetry and 

songs. The two forms are effectively the same in Angola, as all 

poems are sung, while all vocal music involves words (see 

Aesthetics and Recreation). Although most mi-mumbu do not 

rhyme, they usually incorporate alliteration and parallelism. 

Many mi-mumbu are epic poems.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Role of Animals in Folklore

In much of Africa’s folklore, the animal world is arranged in 

much the same way as the human world, with a government 

consisting of a king, various officers, and a parliament. Each 

species is associated with a certain set of characteristics and 

has a societal role relative to those characteristics.

In Angolan folklore, for example, the elephant is equally strong 

and wise and therefore serves as king, while the lion, who is 

strong but not noble, serves as the elephant’s top advisor. The 

text box below contains an Angolan folktale that explains how 

dogs—which are typically portrayed as low and servile—came 

to be pets and why jackals—which are usually portrayed as 

clever—began howling.

Dog and Jackal

In the past, Dog and Jackal used to live together in 

the countryside. One day, Jackal had the idea to set 

fire to the prairie grass in order to catch locusts for a 

meal. He told Dog to go to a human village and fetch 

some fire for his plan.

Dog went to the village and entered a home, where 

a mother was feeding porridge to her child. Deciding 

not to take the fire, Dog sat down and watched the 

mother finish feeding her child. When she was done, 

she scraped the bottom of the porridge pot and gave 

the excess to Dog. Delighted, Dog began wondering 

why he fought each day to survive in the countryside 

when food was easily available in the village. 

Consequently, he decided to remain in the village.

Meanwhile, Jackal was surprised that his friend had 

failed to return. Occasionally, he still howls about the 

episode. Although humans assume he is indulging 

some primal canine urge, he is actually speaking: “I 

am surprised! Dog, whom I sent to fetch fire, was 

seduced by porridge and stayed for good!”
Official Name

Republic of Angola

República de Angola

Repubilika ya Ngola

Political Borders

Republic of the Congo: 

125 mi

Democratic Republic of 

the Congo: 1,560 mi

Zambia: 550 mi

Namibia: 690 mi

Coastline: 994 mi

Capital

Luanda

Demographics

Angola’s population of 18.6 million is growing at a rate of 2.8%

per year—13th highest in Africa and 17th in the world. This 

relatively high rate is aided by Angola’s fertility ratio of 5.5 

children-per-woman—the world’s 10th highest. Despite this fast 

growth, Angola is one of the most sparsely populated countries 

in Africa—particularly in the desert East and Southeast—with 

just 39 people per sq mi. Consequently, most Angolans live

along the northern coastline. Slightly less than 60% of 

Angolans live in a city, and about 43% live in Luanda alone.

Flag

The Angolan flag consists of two 

equal-width horizontal bands—red 

on the top and black on the 

bottom—with a yellow emblem in 

the center. The emblem, which is 

designed to emulate the hammer 

and sickle emblem often associated with communism, consists 

of a partial cogwheel enclosing a five-pointed star and crossed 

by a machete. Red symbolizes liberty, black signifies Africa,

and the emblem stands for workers and peasants.

2. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Geography

Angola is located at the southern end of Africa’s Atlantic Coast 

and has a total area of 481,354 sq mi, which is roughly twice 

the size of Texas. It is bordered to the north by the Republic of 

the Congo (ROC), to the northeast by the Democratic Republic 

of the Congo (DRC), to the east by Zambia, and to the south by 

Namibia. Angola’s territory includes an exclave called Cabinda,

which is located about 25 mi north of the mainland’s northern 

border and has a total area of slightly more than 3,000 sq mi.

While Angola has no large lakes, it has many rivers, the largest 

of which is the Cubango. Along with the Cuito and Cuando, the 

Cubango flows southwestward into Botswana, terminating in 

the Okavango Delta. The Kwango and Chicapa, by contrast, 

flow northward into the Congo River. Other major rivers include 

the Kasai, Cuanza, and Cunene.

Angola has 3 topographical zones. The first consists of coastal

lowlands that vary in width from about 100 mi near Luanda to 

about 30 mi near Benguela. The second consists of mountains 

and hills that lie immediately east of the coastal lowlands and 

vary similarly in width. The third consists of the Bié Plateau, or

planalto (high plateau), 

which covers much of central 

Angola and has an average 

elevation of about 6,000 ft. To 

the west sits Angola’s highest 

point, Mount Moco (pictured)

at 8,592 ft.

Climate

Angola has a tropical climate that varies with elevation, latitude, 

time of year, and proximity to the coast. The country has both a 

wet season, which extends from September through April, and 

a dry season, from May through August. The North is generally

warmer than the South. For example, the city of Soyo in the

Northwest has an average temperature of 80° F, while the city 

of Huambo in western central Angola has an average 

temperature of 67° F. Similarly, the interior tends to be rainier 

than the coast. For example, the Bié Plateau receives about 57 

inches of annual rainfall, while the wettest regions of the coast

receive no more than 40 inches.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Natural Hazards and Environmental Issues

Angola’s primary natural hazard is flooding, which sometimes 

occurs after heavy rainfall on the Bié Plateau. Environmental 

issues include soil erosion, a result of population pressures and 

overgrazing; water pollution, a byproduct of soil erosion; and 

deforestation, a consequence of global demand for Angola’s 

tropical timber (see Economics and Resources) and the use by 

locals of wood fuel for energy (see Technology and Material).

Government

Following its independence from Portugal in 1975, Angola

adopted a constitution that established a single-party state. 

Due to civil war (see History and Myth), the “interim” 1975 

constitution was not replaced until 1992, when the opposing 

forces agreed to alter the provisional constitution in order to

implement a multiparty system. The 1992 constitution was 

replaced in 2010 with one that expanded 

presidential powers, eliminated the post 

of Prime Minister, and altered the nature 

of the voting system so that electors

choose parties rather than candidates.

Executive Branch

As a consequence of the 2010 

legislation, the party leader holding a 

majority in the National Assembly (see 

below) serves as the President of 

Angola, currently José Eduardo dos 

Santos (pictured). The President acts as 

head-of-state and commander-in-chief of 

the armed forces, serving a maximum of two 5-year terms. This 

term limit was imposed by the 2010 constitution to take effect 

starting with the 2012 elections. In addition to choosing a Vice 

President to assist with executive duties, the President 

appoints judges, Ministers of State, and various other offices.

Legislative Branch

Angola’s legislative branch consists of a single-chamber 

National Assembly, which has 220 members who serve 5-year 

terms. Of those 220 members, 130 are elected to represent the 

nation as a whole, while 90 are elected at the provincial level (5 

for each of Angola’s 18 provinces).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Judicial Branch

The Angolan legal system is based on Portuguese civil law and 

unwritten customary laws of the indigenous population. The 

Angolan constitution recognizes customary law and traditional 

authorities, both of which continue to exercise substantial 

influence in Angola. Their importance is at least partly a result 

of the civil war, which limited the reach of the formal system. 

Even today, many jurisdictions lack lower courts.

Political Climate

Despite its transition to a 

multi-party system in 1992, 

the country in many ways 

resembles a single-party 

state which thus far has 

been dominated by the

Popular Movement for the 

Liberation of Angola 

(MPLA) (Pictured: Flag of the MPLA). Tracing its roots to a 

nationalist movement of the same name (see History and 

Myth), the MPLA holds the Presidency and 175 of 220 seats 

(80%) in the National Assembly. Only 4 of 77 other parties are 

represented in the legislature. 

Although there is evidence that Angola’s government violates 

human rights and suppresses political opposition, the primary 

concern with MPLA dominance is that the party seems to direct

much of Angola’s oil revenue (see Economics and Resources) 

into private hands. According to a 2004 report by Human 

Rights Watch, an international non-governmental organization, 

$4.2 billion in public funds disappeared between 1997 and 

2002.

Corruption on such a scale frustrates many Angolans, of whom 

the majority live in poverty despite a near doubling in Angola’s 

inflation-adjusted GDP-per-person since the conclusion of the 

civil war. Although the position of the MPLA seems secure in 

the short term, it could weaken quickly if proactive measures to 

improve the welfare of the average Angolan are not 

implemented. Indeed, some Angolans already have organized 

protests in hopes of stimulating popular demands for changes 

in the Angolan government.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Defense

The Angolan Armed Forces (known by 

the Portuguese acronym FAA) consists of 

3 services—Army, Navy, and Air Force—

with a joint strength of about 107,000 

personnel. Tracing its roots to the military 

wing of the MPLA, the FAA is widely seen 

as an effective force that respects the 

authority of civilian leaders. Compared to 

other African militaries, the FAA is 

enormous—only 6 countries in Africa 

have larger forces. The size of the FAA reflects not just the 

legacy of Angola’s civil war but also the perceived need to 

counterbalance South African power and maintain the ability to 

respond to regional instability. Angola’s defense spending is 

high by African standards. The country spent the equivalent of 

3.6% of GDP on the military in 2011—almost 2.5 times the

average for sub-Saharan Africa.

Army: With around 100,000 active-duty personnel, the Army is 

by far the largest branch of the FAA. While its primary mission 

is to maintain Angola’s territorial integrity, the Army also has a 

range of secondary missions, such as rehabilitating roadways 

(see Technology and Material), de-mining the countryside (see 

“Security Issues” below), and reconstructing bridges. Since the 

early 2000s, the Army has absorbed about 5,500 former rebel 

fighters into its ranks, both from UNITA (see History and Myth) 

and Cabindan separatist groups (see “Security Issues” below). 

Air Force: The mission of Angola’s 6,000-strong Air Force is to 

protect the country’s airspace and territorial integrity. The Air 

Force’s inventory is of predominantly Soviet origin and consists 

of about 90 fighter jets, 80 transport and training aircraft, 70 

attack or mixed-role helicopters, and 35 transport helicopters.

Navy: The Navy has only 1,000 personnel, and few, if any, of 

its estimated 14 vessels are operational. The Navy’s mission is 

to defend Angola’s territorial waters and maritime borders.

Cooperation: In recent years the FAA has expanded ties with 

the Chinese military, including a 2007 agreement that provides 

for exchanges of equipment and technical expertise. Both the 

US and Brazil have sought to develop similar ties with the FAA.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Security Issues

Mines: During the civil war both 

sides of the conflict laid thousands of 

land mines, making Angola the likely 

owner of more active land mines 

than any other African country. More 

than 100,000 already have been 

cleared, although it is unknown how 

many land mines remain or where 

they are located. While Luanda and 

other large cities are considered 

safe, the countryside remains 

potentially dangerous, especially away from main roads. The 

most heavily affected provinces are Bié, Kwanza Sul, Lunda 

Norte, Malanje, and Moxico. Since 1975 more than 80,000 

Angolans have been fatal victims of land mines, including the 

death or injury of 80 people in 2010.

Cabindan Separatism: Since the mid-1970s, separatists in the 

Cabinda exclave of Angola have waged a low-level insurgency 

against the national government. Although the uprising has 

calmed since the government signed a peace deal with some 

separatists in 2006, the Front for the Liberation of the Exclave 

of Cabinda (FLEC) has executed attacks against expatriates

residing in Angola in recent years. The latest event occurred in 

January 2010, when FLEC operatives attacked a bus carrying 

Togo’s soccer team to the African Cup of Nations tournament. 

Three players were killed and several injured. FLEC has 

threated to conduct more attacks.

Reintegration: Although Angola’s military and police force 

have incorporated thousands of UNITA fighters into their ranks 

since the end of the civil war, that number represents only a 

small fraction of UNITA’s former strength of 100,000 (see 

History and Myth). Although many fighters were demobilized 

successfully, about 11,000 were still in demobilization camps in 

2010. Based on past governmental pledges, those former 

rebels expect to be given the means to subsist such as land, 

shelter, money, and tools. The government, however, has been 

unable or unwilling to honor its pledges, and the camps now 

present a risk of crime, lawlessness, and instability.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Foreign Relations

Although the FAA was deployed as 

recently as 2002 to 3 of Angola’s 4 

neighbors, Angola’s relations with its 

border nations are largely positive. 

The least complicated of Angola’s 

regional relationships is probably 

that with Namibia, a close ally that 

Angola supported during its struggle 

for independence from South 

African apartheid (see History and 

Myth). Angola also has good relations with the ROC, which has 

ethnic ties with Angola and in the past shared its former Marxist 

ideology. Although relations with Zambia were strained in the 

past due to Zambia’s alleged support to UNITA, ties have 

warmed due partly to cross-border trade (Photo: Assunção dos 

Anjos, Angolan Minister of External Relations from 2008-2010).

While Angola and the DRC share historical, economic, and 

ethnic ties, relations between the countries are complicated by 

several issues. Foremost is Angola’s perceived poor treatment 

of Congolese workers and disputes about control over offshore 

oil fields. The neighbors also have fought concurrent civil wars 

in recent years, having intervened in each other’s conflicts.

Multilateral Organizations: Angola participates in a number of 

multilateral organizations. Its most important regional affiliation 

is with the Southern African Development Community (SADC), 

a 15-country organization that pursues stability in southern 

Africa. Angola’s most important international affiliation is with 

the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), an 

organization that coordinates oil production levels between its 

12 member countries and thereby steers world oil prices.

Angola-US Relations: Although the US once supported the 

rebel nationalist movements UNITA and FNLA (see History and 

Myth), in 1993 the US recognized the MPLA government and 

established diplomatic relations with Angola. The US now sees 

Angola as an important partner in ensuring stability in central 

and southern Africa. The US also purchases a large share of 

Angola’s oil exports. In recent years, the US has helped Angola 

de-mine its countryside and resettle war-scattered refugees.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Ethnic Groups

Angola is home to about 100 ethnic groups, nearly all of which 

speak Bantu languages (see Language and Communication). 

The largest groups—the Ovimbundu, Mbundu, and Bakongo—

account for nearly 2/3 of the population. Most other Angolans 

belong to smaller Bantu-speaking groups, although there also 

are communities of Portuguese, mestiços (mixed-race AfroPortuguese), and Khoisan hunter-gatherers.

Ovimbundu

The Ovimbundu are the largest 

ethnic group in Angola, 

comprising slightly less than 

40% of the population. They 

live primarily in western central 

Angola and historically speak 

the Umbundu language, 

although many also speak Portuguese. During the civil war, 

UNITA drew the core of its support from the Ovimbundu.

Mbundu

The Mbundu are the next largest ethnic group, accounting for 

about 25% of the population. They live primarily in northern and 

northwestern Angola and speak the Kimbundu language. The 

Ndongo Kingdom, from which Angola derives its name, was 

established by the Mbundu (see History and Myth). The MPLA 

drew much of its support from the Mbundu during the civil war. 

Bakongo

Accounting for roughly 15% of the population, the Bakongo live 

in northern Angola, including the Cabinda exclave. They also 

constitute a majority in the DRC and a plurality in the ROC. As 

their name suggests, the Bakongo established the Kingdom of 

Kongo (see History and Myth), and were associated with the 

FNLA during the civil war.

Khoisan

The Khoisan are nomadic hunter-gatherers who live mainly in 

southern Angola, Namibia, Botswana, and South Africa. They 

speak a non-Bantu language and differ in physical appearance 

from Bantu-speakers, having a small stature and light, coppercolored skin. They constitute only a small part of the Angolan 

population but are believed to be indigenous to the region.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Social Relations

Angolan culture is a blend of enduring 

African traditions and the more recent 

influences of Christianity and Western 

society. Each of these influences has 

affected most Angolans to some 

degree, although to varying degrees

depending on the different Angolan 

lifestyles, particularly rural versus 

urban as detailed below. Regardless 

of their differences, nearly all 

Angolans share certain broader 

cultural values. For example, 

Angolans tend to reject individualism in favor of communalism 

and social interaction. Consequently, a sense of unity is strong 

in Angola, even in relatively Westernized major cities. Despite 

these commonalities, cultural norms vary according to certain 

characteristics, which often correspond with social rank.

The most evident characteristic is urbanization. Village dwellers 

tend to observe traditional African values closely and in many 

cases follow traditional religions (see Religion and Spirituality). 

In addition, they tend to have lower levels of formal education 

because their lifestyles rely upon knowledge perpetuated by 

elders rather than taught through schools and books (see 

Learning and Knowledge). The dominant means of earning a 

livelihood in rural areas is agricultural labor.

By contrast, most city dwellers are Westernized and follow the 

Christian faith, a legacy of Portuguese colonizers and Christian 

missionaries. Many urban dwellers speak Portuguese and are 

educated in Western-style schools. Although there are plenty of 

laborers in cities, some urban dwellers work in professional 

disciplines such as journalism, law, medicine, and education.

Conceptions of social status also vary between urban and rural 

Angola. In rural areas, a traditional respect for age still prevails. 

Elders are regarded as wise and deeply knowledgeable about 

the values and customs of their culture. In many cases, elders 

are entrusted with substantial authority, especially in religious 

matters. In urban areas, by contrast, social status is tied more 

closely to wealth and educational attainment than to age.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Overview

Most Angolans are Christian. The

Roman Catholic Church estimates 

that 55% of the population is Catholic, 

while Angola’s National Institute for 

Religious Affairs (INAR) estimates 

that another 25% of Angolans belong 

to Independent African denominations 

and about 10% follow mainstream 

Protestant traditions. A small portion 

of Angola’s population practices only 

traditional religion, while there is a 

small Muslim community of about 80,000 people, primarily 

immigrants from West Africa and Lebanon. Most Angolans, 

regardless of their affiliation, are deeply religious people who 

value spiritual events, rituals, and ceremonies (Photo: Our 

Lady of Muxima Church on the Kwanza River).

Although Angola is a secular state whose constitution and 

other laws protect religious freedom, its government restricts

the activities of religious organizations (see “Religion and the 

Law” below), denying some of its citizens freedom of worship.

Although religion itself has never been a source of conflict in 

Angola, it historically has and continues to be a political

instrument for both the government and its opposition.

Traditional Beliefs

Before the arrival of Christian missionaries and continuing into 

modern times, many Angolans have upheld an indigenous 

belief system anchored in spiritual influences—natural, 

ancestral, and divine. As nature worshipers or animists, they 

have believed that the spirit of life or consciousness resides in 

all objects, both animate and inanimate, and that all natural 

objects—for example, trees and animals—are sacred. This

conviction has established a close connection between 

Angolan animists and their environment. Many Angolans also 

have believed that the spirits of their ancestors participates in 

daily life by guiding or even obstructing human behavior.

3. RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
With regard to the divine, many Angolans also 

have recognized a supreme being—a creator 

god who is good, merciful, and unknowable. 

Among the Chokwe ethnic group, the supreme 

being (Kalunga or Nzambi) has been

worshipped through rituals directed at

mahamba or ancestral spirits represented in 

small, carved statues or elaborate masks worn 

by elders on ceremonial occasions.

Angolans traditionally have used a variety of 

means to avoid misfortunes brought about by 

unhappy or malicious spirits. For example, the 

Bakongo carve elaborate wooden figures that they believe

would absorb—and thereby render harmless to humans—the 

curses from spirits (Photo: Yombe wooden religious figure).

Christianity

Introduction of Christianity

Roman Catholicism arrived in Angola at the end of the 1400s,

when Portuguese explorers entered the Kingdom of Kongo 

(see History and Myth). As one of the earliest Angolan converts 

to Christianity, the Kongo king took the name Alfonso I and 

established a trading partnership with the Portuguese.

Over the next 50 years, several Bakongo traveled to Portugal 

to study the language, culture, and religion, while Portuguese 

missionaries traveled throughout the Kingdom of Kongo. 

Although the missionaries had left Kongo by 1615, their 

presence in other areas, including the Ndongo and Mbundu 

kingdoms (see History and Myth), ensured that Catholicism

maintained a foothold in Angola as Portugal pursued its goal of 

“commerce, civilization, and Christianity” in Africa.

Religion during the Colonial Period

Over the next few hundred years, Angola’s various kingdoms 

alternately fought each other, while forming alliances to resist 

the Portuguese (see History and Myth). While the Bantu states 

continued to resist Portuguese rule into the 20th century, 

Catholic missionaries maintained a presence in the country. 

Subsequently, religion would become an instrument of 

Portuguese colonialism over the next several centuries.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
English Baptist Church missionaries were the first in a wave of 

Protestant missionaries who began to arrive in the late 19th

century. For the most part, Protestants tended to concentrate 

their efforts in areas associated with resident ethnic groups. 

For example, Baptists were most active in the northern regions 

inhabited by the Bakongo; Methodists were concentrated near

Luanda, home of the Mbundu people; while Congregationalists 

worked in the central plateau, among the Ovimbundu. These

ties between Protestant denominations, geographic regions, 

and ethnic identities became significant during the civil war and 

persist to the present day.

Many missionaries—both Catholic and Protestant—regarded

indigenous African cultures as degraded and uncivilized,

believing it was their Christian duty to share Western 

civilization with Angolans. Dismissive of traditional practices 

and beliefs, most missionaries encouraged their converts to 

adopt Western-style gender roles, family structures, housing, 

clothing, patterns of work, and agricultural practices.

Although many missionaries opposed 

slavery, others supported it. As late as 

1870, the Bishop of Luanda could sit on a 

marble chair at the dock and baptize 

slaves in chains as they were loaded onto 

ships bound for the Americas (see 

History and Myth). The Catholic Church 

had expanded into most of Angola by 

1930, when the Portuguese colonial 

administration declared Catholic missions 

“instrument[s] of civilization and national 

influence” (Photo: Missionaries and 

colonial administrators in the 1930s).

Religion and Independence

During the war for Independence in the 1960s and early 1970s 

(see History and Myth), many Angolans held a negative view of 

the Catholic Church, which they primarily associated with the 

oppressive colonial regime. Having suffered sometimes severe 

repression under Portuguese colonial administrators, large 

numbers of Angolan Protestants participated in revolts against 

the Portuguese.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Of note, the leaders of the 3 main nationalist movements (see 

History and Myth) were educated by Protestant missionaries: 

Agostinho Neto, the founder of the MPLA, was the son of a 

Mbundu Methodist pastor; Jonas Savimbi, the founder of 

UNITA, attended a Congregationalist school; and Holden 

Roberto, the founder of the FNLA, was the son of a Bakongo 

Baptist mission worker.

Religion during the Civil War

Although it never banned Christian organizations outright, the 

ruling MPLA (see History and Myth) revealed its hostility toward 

religion shortly after Independence. It forced Christian 

institutions to relinquish their schools, clinics, and property and 

denied them a political voice. When the MPLA abandoned its 

communist philosophy in 1990, it allowed religious institutions

to resume their social, educational, and medical activities.

During the civil war, the nationalist movements were separated 

not only by ethnic divisions (see History and Myth) but also by 

religious divisions: each movement was associated closely with 

the Protestant denomination of its founder. Consequently, the 

fates of the Protestant denominations were linked closely to 

those of their affiliated movements. For example, as the FNLA 

faded from the struggle and its supporters fled Angola, the 

Baptist Church declined. By contrast, Congregationalist 

churches thrived in UNITA-controlled areas, while the 

Methodist Church was regarded 

as the official state church 

having some ties with the MPLA.

Meanwhile, as it re-engaged in 

community work, the Catholic 

Church regained influence. It

assumed a greater political role, 

urging UNITA and the MPLA to 

seek a negotiated peace. Similarly, it used pastoral letters to 

press for transparency, democracy, and fair elections. Although 

the MPLA-led government accused the Church of siding with 

the enemy, the Catholic Church was the most outspoken 

religious organization advocating an end to civil war violence 

(Photo: Our Lady of Muxima Church, a Catholic Church that is 

considered Angola’s most important site of pilgrimage).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Religion Today 

Today, most Angolans belong to the Catholic Church, 

mainstream Protestant churches, or Independent African 

churches. Furthermore, about 5% of Angolans now belong to 

Brazilian-based evangelical churches such as the Universal 

Church of the Kingdom of God. All of Angola’s churches have 

experienced tremendous growth since the 1990s. Whether 

during the week or on Sunday, church services typically are 

well-attended and conducted in both Portuguese and 

indigenous languages (see Language and Communication).

Many Christian churches continue to provide educational, 

medical, and social services that the government cannot fund. 

These services include managing schools—from pre-primary to 

post-secondary levels (see Learning and Knowledge)—and 

performing a wide range of social support activities, including 

medical care and agricultural development projects. Due to the 

success of Angolan churches in meeting the basic needs of the 

population, Angolans typically express more trust in churches 

than in the government or international aid agencies.

Although Angola currently has no religiously affiliated political 

parties, both the Catholic and Methodist churches are known 

for political activism. Both churches advocate broad political 

reforms, such as a more equitable distribution of oil revenues 

and the formation of a truth and reconciliation commission to 

help Angolans cope with the legacy of the civil war. In addition, 

both organizations condemn corruption and the authoritarian 

tendencies of President dos 

Santos.

In addition to efforts of

individual churches, Christian 

umbrella organizations—such 

as the Council of Christian 

Churches of Angola, the 

Angolan Evangelical Alliance, 

the Inter-Ecclesial Committee 

for Peace in Angola, and the Episcopal Conference of Angola 

and São Tomé—have undertaken peace-building and 

reconciliation initiatives (Photo: Members of an Angolan 

women’s reconciliation group).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Roman Catholicism

Most Angolan Catholics live 

along the densely populated 

western coast. As Catholicism 

is not tied to any single ethnic 

tradition in Angola, Catholics 

are found in all of the country’s 

ethnic groups (see Political 

and Social Relations). Despite 

Catholicism’s prevalence in 

Angola, some Angolans still consider Catholicism the religion of 

the colonial oppressors (Photo: A Catholic Church in Tombua).

Mainstream Protestant Denominations

The fastest growing mainstream Protestant and evangelical 

denominations include the Evangelical Reformed churches, the 

Baptist Mission, the Assemblies of God, the Seventh-Day 

Adventists, the Presbyterian Church, the Church of Christ, and 

the Congregationalist Church. Newer Protestant churches—

such as the Independent Reformed Church of Angola and the 

Biblical Christian Church in Angola—are offshoots of these 

mainstream denominations.

Independent African Churches

Independent African churches take several different forms, 

although most trace their founding to charismatic leaders who 

broke away from mainstream Protestant mission churches. For 

example, both the Kimbanguist and Tocoist churches emerged 

from the teachings of Bakongo prophets who opposed the 

Portuguese colonial regime, believing that the true intention of 

God was to be found in a new African Christian theology rather 

than in the “civilizing mission” of the Portuguese.

Kimbanguist Church: While imprisoned by colonial authorities 

in what was then the Belgian Congo in 1921, Simon Kimbangu

declared that Jesus Christ had sent him to start a new church 

based on both Catholicism and traditional beliefs. Introduced to 

Angola in the 1960s, the “Kimbanguist” movement faced 

repression under the colonial regime. After Independence, it 

was suspect for aligning with the Bakongo ethnic group. Also 

called the International Church of Jesus Christ on the Earth, 

the movement has around 1 million members in Angola.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Tocoist Church: Often referred to informally by the name of its

founder, Simão Toco, the Tocoist Church is known formally as 

Our Lord Jesus Christ Church in the World. Initially based on 

the Kimbanguist tradition, the church later emphasized Toco’s 

prophetic teachings. Although the church faced repression by 

colonial authorities, its members were also persecuted by the 

MPLA, which even banned the church for a few years in the 

1980s. Declared a legal religion in 1988, the Tocoist Church 

today is the second largest Christian movement in Angola, 

having well over 1 million members.

Charismatic Holy Ghost Churches: Also called Pentecostal 

churches, charismatic churches are distinguished by their 

informal services, during which worshippers pray loudly, speak 

in tongues, and sing, clap, and dance ecstatically. Members of 

these churches interpret the Bible literally and believe in faith 

healing, prophecies, and miracles through prayer. They 

discourage gambling, consuming alcohol, and smoking 

cigarettes. Unlike Kimbanguists and Tocoists, Pentecostals do 

not incorporate traditional beliefs and practices into their 

services, as they consider them incompatible with Christianity.

Traditional Beliefs

A traditional worldview still 

infuses daily life for many 

Angolans—even those who 

identify as Christian. They 

believe that spirits or a form 

of magical power resides in 

many objects, and that both 

ancestral and natural spirits 

influence their daily lives.

When misfortune or illness befalls Angolans, they sometimes 

consult a kimbanda (diviner). In return for a fee, kimbandas 

identify the ancestor causing the misfortune and suggest cures. 

In some cases, kimbandas use such special ritual objects as 

clay figurines, pieces of bone or metal, or teeth or horns of 

animals to help them communicate with the spirits. In other 

cases, kimbandas use their knowledge of herbal medicine to 

suggest treatments (see Sustenance and Health).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Some Angolans blame bad luck and sickness, and more often 

death and accidents, not just on an unhappy ancestor spirit but

on the purposeful and malevolent work of witches or sorcerers

(feiticeiros or macumbeiros). In some such cases, Angolans

take measures to protect themselves or consult a religious 

specialist to identify the witch and perform an exorcism.

Religion and the Law 

Angola’s government requires religious groups to petition the 

Ministries of Justice and Culture for legal status, permitting 

them to operate openly and construct churches and schools. A 

religious group must have more than 100,000 members and a 

presence in 12 of Angola’s 18 provinces to obtain legal status. 

Without legal status, religious groups face closure or property 

destruction. As of 2010 there were 85 official religious groups 

and more than 2,000 unofficial groups.

Although unofficial Christian groups have faced consequences 

for lacking legal status, Muslim organizations have been most 

affected. The government has not granted legal status to any 

Islamic organizations, selectively interfering with the 

construction of Muslim mosques, schools, and community 

centers. In addition, government officials have described Islam 

publicly as alien to Angolan culture. 

Sorcery and Witchcraft Accusations

Angola’s National Institute of Religious Affairs (INAR) 

reports that children are occasionally accused of 

performing sorcery or witchcraft and are subjected to 

exorcism rituals that involve physical abuse and

sometimes result in death. During his visit to Angola in 

2009, Pope Benedict XVI denounced accusations of 

sorcery and witchcraft, imploring those who make 

them to convert to Catholicism. According to INAR, 

these cases have diminished significantly in recent 

years due to government directives and campaigns 

from governmental agencies, church groups, and civil 

society organizations.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Overview

Although 26 years of civil war (see History and Myth) severely 

disrupted traditional patterns of family and kinship in Angola, 

the family has remained a highly valued institution in its society. 

In recent years, urbanization and modernization have changed

many aspects of family life.

Family Structure

In rural areas where tradition still 

prevails, the basic social unit is the 

extended family—two parents, their 

children, and other relatives linked by 

ancestry or marriage. In most cases, 

members of the same extended family 

share meals, live near each other, and 

are all expected to help support the 

household. The oldest male, known as a 

mais velho (“the eldest”) in Portuguese, 

is head of the family and is respected for 

his wisdom and experience.

The nature of the family has changed in the more modernized 

Angolan cities. During the civil war, many Angolans migrated to 

cities in order to find employment and escape violence in the 

countryside. Consequently, large living spaces have become 

harder to find in cities where the average urban household size 

has shrunk accordingly. In most cases, only nuclear families—

which consist of 2 parents and their children—comprise a 

household, although some family units are larger. Due to civil 

war casualties, many Angolan households are headed by a 

single—usually female—parent. 

Lineage: Most ethnic groups in Angola are patrilineal, meaning 

that lineage is traced through male ancestors. There are some 

of Angola’s ethnic groups that are matrilineal, whereby lineage 

is determined through the female line. The Ovimbundu ethnic 

group uses a double-descent system in which political authority 

is determined by patrilineage, while economic issues such as 

inheritance are determined through matrilineage.

4. FAMILY AND KINSHIP

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Polygyny: A practice in which a man is married to multiple 

women at the same time, polygyny is popular particularly in 

rural areas, although it is not recognized in the Angolan legal 

system. Due to the death of many young men during the 

Angolan civil war (see History and Myth), polygyny in recent 

years has offered many women the opportunity to get married.

Polygyny is considered a sign of wealth, as it indicates that the 

man can support multiple households even though they do not 

always fulfill that obligation. In villages, a polygynous family

usually occupies a single home, while secondary wives and 

children in urban areas typically live in separate residences.

Children: Angolans view childbearing as the primary purpose 

of marriage and an essential duty in life. Large families with 4-6 

children are common, as women in Angola traditionally have 

been expected to bear as many children as possible. This norm 

is due both to high levels of infant mortality and to children’s 

value as laborers in an agricultural society. In both urban and 

rural areas, Angolans prefer male children to female.

During Angola’s civil war, many children were forced to serve 

as combatants on either side, filling positions as messengers, 

cooks, prostitutes, and soldiers. Since the end of the civil war, 

children who were orphaned during the conflict in many cases 

have existed as “street children” who must beg or do odd jobs 

to survive. Not all street children are orphans, as some were 

forced to leave their homes “voluntarily” due to economic 

circumstances burdening their parents.

Residence

In Angolan villages, traditional 

homes are 1-room structures 

made from adobe (dried mud 

bricks) and roofed with metal 

or thatched branches (Photo: 

A rural home in northwestern 

Angola). Typically, there is an 

outdoor cooking area located 

nearby. In some villages, these 1-room structures are grouped 

in circles in order to create a central courtyard that protects 

animals and provides a social gathering place.

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
In Angolan cities, most construction halted when civil war 

fighting began. Consequently, housing tends to be scarce, 

dilapidated, and expensive. Many Angolans live on the 

outskirts of cities in informal suburbs called musséques. 

Homes in musséques are

constructed with easily available 

materials, including tin, cinderblocks, 

and plastic sheets. As utilities are 

rarely available, many musséques

do not have adequate electricity or 

sanitation. In the Luanda area, 

around 3 million people live in

musséques. In recent years, the 

government has cleared many 

musséques in order to make room 

for new urban development.

Rites-of-Passage Ceremonies

Angolans observe the following rites-of-passage ceremonies to 

mark the various stages of life.

Birth and Infancy: Births in Angola traditionally are celebrated 

with a special meal. In addition, the mother and child receive 

gifts, either on the day the mother gives birth or the day she 

returns home from the hospital.

Initiation Rituals: Now limited mainly to rural Angola, initiation 

rituals traditionally have signified the transition from childhood 

to adulthood. Although male initiation rituals have declined in 

modern Angola, they historically involved both circumcision and 

intensive instruction in the matters of adulthood. For example, 

in the Chokwe initiation ritual (known as mukanda), boys are 

sent for several months to secretive camps, where they receive 

instruction in social values, dance, history, skilled labor, and 

other topics regarded as preparing them for manhood.

Only a few ethnic groups traditionally had initiation rituals for 

girls, although the Ovimbundu had puberty rites for girls that 

involved receiving instruction on sexual matters from older 

women. For both genders, the timing of initiation rituals varied. 

Some rituals occurred at the first sign of puberty, while others 

were c just before weddings. Civil war violence led to the 

suspension of many initiation rituals.

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Marriage

Spouse Selection: Angolan marriages traditionally have been 

arranged by the parents or relatives of the couple. The function 

of marriage was not so much to sanctify a romantic attachment 

as to solidify ties between families. Although the traditional

practice has faded, most Angolan parents still expect their 

children to seek approval before marriage. Many urban 

Angolans date in the same manner as Western couples.

Brideprice: Once a couple decides to wed, their families hold 

an alambemento, or a ceremony to negotiate a brideprice. The 

brideprice is a gift offered by the groom’s family to the bride’s in 

order to compensate for the loss of her presence and labor. 

Negotiations can be lengthy, although the brideprice usually is 

paid before the wedding occurs.

Weddings: Especially in urban areas, Angolan weddings tend 

to be performed by priests in Christian churches. As in Western 

countries, the bride traditionally wears a white dress, while the 

groom wears a suit and tie. The wedding usually is followed by 

a party with dancing and food. Afterwards, the wedding party 

drives through town while motorists honk horns in celebration.

Some Angolans may opt instead for civil marriage at a 

courthouse. Since marriage registration can be a long and 

complex process, many Angolan couples—about 80%—do not 

formally wed. Instead, they simply stay together for 3 years, 

after which they are married “de facto” in the eyes of the law.

Death

Angolans believe that the 

deceased must be buried within 1 

week of death in order to allow 

the spirit to rest. Funerals usually 

involve a Christian mass, which 

the friends and family members 

of the deceased are expected to 

attend. Some Angolans believe that celebrations will make the 

deceased happy. Accordingly, the deceased’s friends and 

family sometimes organize festive occasions. Partly because 

the civil war disrupted customary mourning practices, many 

people who died during that period remain missing or unburied.

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Overview

Despite their substantial influence in daily life, Angolan women 

historically have suffered discrimination. Nevertheless, women 

increasingly are being recognized for the greater economic and 

social burdens that they have borne since the end of the civil 

war, during which many of Angola’s men perished.

Gender Roles and Work

Men and women traditionally performed 

different tasks in the home. Men hunted, 

traded, and tended cattle, while women 

were responsible for cooking, cleaning, 

and crop cultivation. Women also were 

responsible for looking after children and 

other family members, while men acted 

as the primary disciplinarians.

Today, women in rural areas still perform 

most domestic work and care for family 

members. They also are responsible for 

planting and harvesting crops and, in 

some cases, earning additional income by working outside the 

home in education, administration, or similar fields. Some 

women also trade goods in kandangas, or informal markets. 

By contrast, rural men are responsible for preparing fields for 

cultivation. In urban areas, gender roles have blurred, although 

men still tend to dominate business, politics, and the military.

Gender and the Law

While the Angolan constitution and several Angolan statutes 

guarantee equal rights to men and women, those rights are not 

enforced consistently. The reason is due to traditional customs, 

a weak formal judicial system (see Political and Social 

Relations), and lack of legal prowess among some women.

Although the Family Code allows married couples to own 

property jointly, it offers no guidelines for dividing that property 

in the event of death or divorce. Since women traditionally are 

not considered property owners, some divorcees and widows 

are forced to forfeit their share of joint property.

5. SEX AND GENDER

SEX &

GENDER
Women’s Organizations

During the civil war (see History and Myth), there were 

women’s organizations affiliated with each side of the 

conflict—the Organization for Angolan Women (OMA) 

on the MPLA’s side, and the Independence League for 

Angolan Women (LIMA) on UNITA’s side. Members of 

both groups rallied support for their sides, served as 

nurses and spies, and brought provisions to the front 

lines. Despite their efforts, many women were victims 

of combatant sexual or physical abuse. At the war’s 

end, women received little recognition or

demobilization benefits—such as money, food, or 

training—that were offered to some men.

Gender and Politics

Angolan women are legally entitled to participate in politics on 

an equal basis with men. Since the elections of August 2012, 

women have held 75 of 220 seats (34%) in Angola’s National 

Assembly (see Political and Social Relations)—nearly double 

the rate in the US House of Representatives (18%). In addition, 

6 Angolan women serve as governors or vice governors, while

20 hold executive-level roles, including as Cabinet ministers.

Still, only a small minority of women participate in political life. 

Most women, especially in rural areas, are more concerned 

with securing basic needs than with participating in politics. 

Gender Based Violence (GBV)

Although rape is a felony punishable by 8 years’ imprisonment 

in Angola, few cases are prosecuted due to the police’s lack of 

forensic investigative capabilities and the weak judicial system. 

In addition, many women do not report GBV in order to avoid 

the stigma associated with being a victim of sexual violence. 

Violence against women appears to have increased since the 

1990s. A 2007 study revealed 78% of all women in the capital 

city Luanda had experienced violence by age 15—usually from 

significant others. While in 2010 the Luanda police reported 

831 cases of domestic violence, the true prevalence of GBV is 

thought to be much higher than these statistics indicate.

SEX &

GENDER
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

The practice of modifying the female sex organ in order to 

reduce sexual pleasure and promote virginity, FGM is common 

in many parts of Africa but rare in Angola. At most, a few ethnic 

groups in rural areas practice FGM.

Sex and Procreation

Angolans traditionally have viewed sex 

from a Christian perspective, according to 

which extramarital sex is forbidden and 

infidelity grounds for divorce. Although 

views have softened in modern Angola, 

female adultery remains a serious and 

socially unacceptable offense.

As Angolan women are expected to bear 

large numbers of children (see Family 

and Kinship), birth control is rare. 

According to a 2011 study, only 6% of 

Angolan women use contraceptives. In addition, despite an 

attempt to relax abortion laws in 2012, abortion remains illegal 

in Angola unless the mother’s life is in danger.

Gender and HIV/AIDS

In Angola the HIV/AIDS epidemic (see Sustenance and Health) 

disproportionately affects women for two main reasons. First, 

because of the patriarchal nature of Angolan society, women 

usually are not able to insist on condom use or refuse sex to 

husbands or boyfriends who may have many sexual partners. 

Second, women are more likely to serve as caretakers for HIVinfected family members and therefore are more likely to be 

exposed to the disease.

Homosexuality

Homosexuality is both illegal and socially unacceptable in 

Angola. Many homosexual Angolans marry members of the 

opposite sex and live as heterosexuals in order to hide their 

sexual orientation. For many Angolan homosexuals, their

defining characteristic is displaying mannerisms of the opposite 

sex rather than actually showing an attraction for members of 

the same sex. Consequently, Angolans may consider 

themselves straight even if they have occasional sexual 

contact with members of the same sex.

SEX &

GENDER
Language Overview

At least 40 different languages and dialects are spoken in 

Angola, although none as a first language by a majority of the 

population. Portuguese, which became the official language 

after independence (see History and Myth), helps unify the 

population. It is typically more common in urban than rural 

areas due to its official use. Since the end of the civil war (see 

History and Myth), some of Angola’s indigenous languages 

have been added to the public school curriculum (see Learning 

and Knowledge) in recognition of Angola’s heritage.

Bantu Languages

In the home, most Angolans speak 

languages belonging to the Bantu 

branch of the Niger-Congo family. 

Typically, these “Bantu” languages 

include several dialects having had 

no written form until relatively 

recently. Most major ethnic groups 

in Angola (see Political and Social 

Relations) speak Bantu languages 

specific to their ethnic identity. The 

Bantu languages spoken most widely in Angola are Umbundu, 

Kimbundu, and Kikongo.

Umbundu: Spoken by nearly 7 million Angolans, Umbundu is 

Angola’s most widely spoken Bantu language. Although 

Umbundu is spoken primarily by the Ovimbundu ethnic group, 

many Angolans of other ethnicities can understand some of the 

language, even if they do not speak it fluently.

Kimbundu: As the primary language of the Mbundu ethnic 

group, Kimbundu is spoken by about 4.6 million Angolans. Due 

to the high concentration of Mbundu in cities, Kimbundu 

speakers are more likely to speak Portuguese as a second 

language than speakers of other Bantu languages.

Kikongo: Around 2.5 million Angolans belonging mostly to the 

Kongo ethnic group speak Kikongo. The language is also 

spoken widely in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the 

6. LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Congo (DRC). Of note, some Kikongo dialects are not always 

mutually intelligible.

Khwe

A few Angolans speak non-Bantu indigenous languages, of 

which the most widely spoken is Khwe. It belongs to the 

Khoisan language family and was spoken by fewer than 1,000 

Angolans in 2000. Although they are small in number, Khwe

speakers are the descendants of the Khoisan, who were 

probably Angola’s earliest inhabitants (see Political and Social 

Relations). Khwe and other Khoisan languages are known for 

their incorporation of clicking 

sounds into words.

Portuguese

Introduced by colonists in the late 

15th century (see History and 

Myth), Portuguese remains the 

official language of Angola. 

Although the language was 

taught in Angolan schools as early as 1605, for many years 

formal Portuguese instruction was available only to a small 

number of indigenous Angolans (see Learning and 

Knowledge). Consequently, a small elite group of Portuguesespeaking Angolans eventually emerged and came to dominate 

business, education, and politics, thereby creating a basis for 

the language’s enduring prominence in Angola.

Today, Portuguese seems to be growing, particularly among 

younger Angolans who use the language almost exclusively, 

although they often incorporate words and pronunciations from 

Bantu languages. Older Angolans may speak and understand 

Portuguese but often prefer Bantu languages due to the legacy 

of colonial oppression associated with Portuguese.

English

While English historically has not been influential in Angola, it 

has gained popularity in recent years. One reason for this 

change is that some refugees learned the language while living

in other countries during the civil war. Another reason is that

many urban jobs in the business sector require English ability. 

Although English once was an elective, it is now a core subject 

in Angolan secondary schools (see Learning and Knowledge). 

LANGUAGE &

COMMUNICATION
Naming Conventions

Angolans typically are called by a variety of names. 

Formal names usually are Portuguese versions of 

names of Catholic saints which typically supplement 

the last names of both parents. In addition, most 

Angolans give themselves a nickname or receive 

one from their community. For example, President 

José Eduardo dos Santos (see Political and Social 

Relations) is sometimes referred to as Zedu (a 

shortening of his first names), although this name 

sometimes is used derogatorily.

During the war for independence and the civil war, 

many people adopted false names to protect their 

families and themselves. Many of those false names 

reflected qualities or achievements of their ostensible 

bearers and became personal symbols therafter.

Communication Overview

Communicating competently with Angolans requires not just 

the ability to speak Portuguese, Umbundu, or another Bantu 

language, but also the ability to interact effectively using those 

languages. This notion of competence includes paralanguage 

(volume, rate of speech, intonation), nonverbal communication 

(personal space, touch, gestures), and interaction management 

(conversation initiation, turn-taking, termination). When used 

properly, these forms of communication ensure that statements 

are interpreted as the speaker intends.

Communication Style

Angolans tend to communicate in a formal manner. For 

example, they value proper greetings and consider it rude to 

interrupt. Urban Angolans tend to speak more loudly and in a 

friendlier manner than rural Angolans, who typically are 

reserved and quiet. Since Angolans are friendly and eager to 

please others, they may say “yes” to a request if they think the 

other person would be disappointed by a “no.” To them, 

building trust is important when establishing relationships.

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Greetings

Proper greetings are an important 

aspect of Angolan culture, although 

their significance has decreased to 

some extent in urban areas. When 

greeting groups, Angolans typically 

start by greeting the member who 

is most senior in age or rank and 

usually offer a slight bow as a sign 

of respect. Handshakes are the 

most common greeting, although they typically are gentler than 

those encountered in Western countries. Most Angolans expect 

greetings to include inquiries about wellbeing—a social 

politeness which should not be rushed (Photo: Former Angolan 

Minister of External Affairs Assunção Afonso dos Anjos

greeting former US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton).

Forms of Address

Angolans address elders as Kota (Elder) or Tio (Uncle) for

men and as Mãe, Mamá (Mother), or Tia (Aunt) for women. 

Angolans use these titles even if they are not related to the 

elder they are addressing. Senhor (Mr.) and Senhora (Mrs.), 

followed by the addressee’s last name, are also appropriate 

and respectful titles. Government officials often are referred to 

as Excelencia (Excellency).

Gestures

Angolans often use physical gestures and become animated 

during conversations. As in Western cultures, the “thumbs up” 

sign means “okay.” When greeting someone who is occupied, 

Angolans make eye contact and raise their hand with the palm 

up, with the recipient responding similarly. Angolans also

communicate a similar message by raising both hands with the 

palm up as a gesture meaning “I would like to speak with you.” 

Angolans consider it rude to point and may interpret it as a 

gesture of aggression. By contrast, spitting, nose-picking, and 

body-scratching are common and socially acceptable.

Language Training Resources

Please view the Air Force Culture and Language Center 

website at http://culture.af.mil/resources/index.aspx for 

language training resources.

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Useful Translations

English Portuguese

Hello Olá

Hello/Good morning Bom dia

Hello/Good afternoon Boa tarde

Hello/Good evening Boa noite

Good night (leaving) Boa noite

Goodbye (Informal) Adeu/Tchau

How are you? Como está?

I am fine Estou bem(boa)

What is your name? Como se chama

My name is ___ Meu nome é ___

I am very pleased to meet you Muito prazer em conhecê-lo

Yes/No Sim/Não

Please Se faz favor

Thank you Obrigado (male)/Obrigada 

(female)

You’re welcome (No problem) De nada

Sorry/Excuse me Desculpe-me

I do not understand Eu não compreendo

Do you understand? Entendeu?

Please speak more slowly Fale mas devagar se faz favor

I do not speak Portuguese Eu não falo Português

Do you speak English? Fala Inglês?

Is there someone here who 

speaks English? Há aqui alguém que fale Inglês? 

Who? Quem?

What? O quê?

When? Quando?

Where? Onde?

Why? Por quê?

How? Como?

Help! Socorro!

Turn right Vire à direita

Turn left Vire à esquerda

Straight ahead Em frente

Stop! Pare! (formal)/Pára 

(informal)/Parem(plural)

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Literacy

• Total population over age 15 who can read and write: 70%

• Male: 83%

• Female: 58% (2010 estimate)

Traditional Education

In traditional Angolan society, all family 

members—including parents, uncles, 

aunts, grandparents, and even older 

siblings—had a responsibility to help 

transmit the accumulated knowledge 

and skills of the community to younger 

generations. Even unrelated residents 

of the same village played a role, as all 

community members traditionally were 

considered jointly responsible for 

nurturing local children. This traditional 

model for education has faded, however, as extended families 

have dispersed or moved to urban areas.

In the traditional, communal model, education was transmitted 

through stories, proverbs, fables, and legends (see History and 

Myth). These forms of literature taught both factual history and 

mythical stories designed to convey moral lessons. Initiation 

rites were also an important means of perpetuating morals and 

values. For example, members of the Bakongo ethnic group 

(see Political and Social Relations) traditionally learned proper 

forms of adult behavior—such as controlling one’s emotions—

during initiation ceremonies (see Family and Kinship).

History of Formal Education

Jesuit priests established the first Western-style formal schools 

in Angola in 1605. Their intention was to spread the 

Portuguese language and train Africans for membership in the 

clergy. In the course of pursuing these goals, missionaries also 

spread ideas of which the colonial administration did not 

approve. For example, Jesuit teachings empowered Africans 

and promoted equality. Consequently, in 1760 the Jesuits were 

forced to leave Angola and their schools were abandoned.

7. LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
The next serious attempt to bring formal education to Angola 

did not occur until more than a century later, when Christian 

missionaries from France, Canada, and the US—including both 

Catholics and Protestants—established schools in the 1870s. 

Around that time, some of the Protestant missionaries devised 

a written form of the Umbundu language (see Language and 

Communication), which they taught to their African students 

and used to print educational and religious documents.

As colonial administrators began to sense that the nonPortuguese outsiders were undermining their rule, they 

expanded their control over Angola’s formal education in the 

early 20th century. In 1922 the administration declared that 

education must be conducted in Portuguese by officially 

licensed instructors. Many of the mission schools, especially in 

rural areas, could not meet the requirement and therefore were 

forced to close. In 1940 the administration transferred control 

over formal education, as well as 

some funding, to the Catholic Church

(The stamp represents Portuguese 

involvement in Angola’s educational 

system).

This change resulted in little 

educational reform until Angola 

became an Overseas Province of 

Portugal in 1951 (see History and 

Myth). After this latter change—

which theoretically gave all Angolans a path to Portuguese 

citizenship—the Portuguese government established ensinos 

da adaptação (adaptation schools) and public primary schools.

Adaptation schools were intended for “uncivilized” Angolans, 

who had to complete 2 years of adaptation school and pass a 

final exam before they could enroll in primary school. Since

there were few adaptation schools, most Angolans were not 

able to qualify for public education.

In general, only the children of mestiços (Angolans of mixed 

Afro-Portuguese descent) and assimilados (Angolans—both 

Africans and mestiços—who adopted the culture, language, 

and values of the Portuguese) were able to access Angola’s

public education system (see History and Myth).

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Education after Independence

When Angola attained independence in 1975, the government 

began building a free and compulsory public education system. 

The country’s top educational priorities were to train teachers, 

expand literacy, and improve Angola’s education infrastructure. 

The government both imported teachers from abroad and sent 

Angolan teachers to receive training in other countries.

Enrollment increased slowly during the 1970s, but the civil war 

gradually took a heavier toll, preventing many students from 

going to school during the 1980s and 1990s. More than 1,500 

classrooms were destroyed, while thousands of teachers and 

families were displaced. During this period, the government 

spent far more on the military than on improving the education 

system. Consequently, quality of education remained low.

Modern Education System

Due to the civil war legacy, 

levels of both literacy and 

educational attainment remain 

low in Angola, particularly in 

rural areas. Most Angolans do 

not receive any schooling past 

the primary level.

Primary: Starting at age 6, 8 years of primary school are free 

and compulsory for all Angolan children. However, only about 

1/3 of students who enroll reach the 5th grade. In addition, the 

country’s lack of qualified teachers and adequate educational 

facilities ensures that most classrooms are overcrowded, with 

some accommodating as many as 80 students. Some schools 

have attempted to address this problem by operating 2-3 short 

shifts per day, although teacher absenteeism limits progress.

Secondary: Secondary education starts at age 14 and offers 3 

mutually exclusive tracks: 3 years of general education; 3 years 

of university preparation; or 4 years of vocational and technical 

training. In 2007 the World Bank estimated that Angola’s 70 

secondary schools had only 15% of primary school graduates 

enrolled. Many students forgo secondary school due to 

unaffordable fees and family responsibilities. Secondary 

schools often have poor sanitation and lack qualified teachers.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Tertiary: According to World Bank estimates, less than 1% of 

students—mostly from rich families—who finish secondary 

school in Angola aspire to study at a university. Many attend 

universities in Portugal or other countries in Europe, although 

there are a number of universities in Angola.

The first public university, Universidade de Agostinho Neto

(UAN), which was founded in 1976 and named after the 

country’s first President (see History and Myth) offers degrees 

in economics, education, engineering, law, medicine, and 

natural sciences. Although UAN is based in Luanda, it has 

branches in several cities. Private universities also have 

emerged in Angola since the 1990s, although they tend to be 

costly compared to regional averages. There were 16 private 

universities in 2011 (Photo: US Ambassador Christopher J. 

McMullen and Vice-Rector for 

Academics Dr. Maria Augusta 

Martins inaugurating an 

English Language Space at 

UAN).

Language of Instruction

Portuguese is the language of 

instruction at all levels in 

Angola, although adult 

education is available in 

indigenous languages. Since 

2005, the government has experimented with offering 

instruction in 6 native languages—Kikongo, Kimbundu, and 

Umbundu, among others (see Language and Communication).

Other Education Programs

Angola has a range of non-formal educational programs, many 

of which were developed by or with the help of humanitarian 

non-governmental organizations (NGOs). These non-traditional 

programs address such objectives as land mine awareness, 

teacher training, adult literacy, and agricultural development. 

They also offer vocational training to various groups, including

internally displaced persons (IDPs), former child soldiers, and 

amputees. Some NGOs have begun to question the Angolan 

government’s commitment to education and considered 

reallocating their resources to other countries.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Concept of Time

Most Angolans are warm, friendly people accustomed to living 

communally and harmoniously with the people around them. 

Perhaps due to their long experience with war, poverty, a 

relatively short lifespan (see Sustenance and Health), and

other hardships, Angolans tend to 

live for the moment rather than 

worrying about the future.

Time and Work

The Angolan workweek extends

from Monday through Friday. 

Workdays start early and are 

punctuated by a 2-hour meal break 

in the afternoon. Most businesses 

and government offices operate 

from 7:30am-12:30pm and then again from 2:30pm-6:30pm. 

Some businesses also open on Saturdays for half days. Banks 

typically open between 8:00am-11:00am and 2:00pm-3:00pm. 

Angolans who take vacation usually do so between June and 

September. Angola uses West Africa Time (WAT), which is 6 

hours ahead of Eastern Standard Time (EST).

Time and Business

Since relationships are an important aspect of Angolan culture, 

they also comprise a basic component of business interactions. 

Business meetings tend to be formal and customarily begin 

and end with handshakes (see Language and Communication). 

Foreign nationals are advised to schedule business meetings 

as far as 1-2 months in advance and then confirm them by 

telephone 1-2 days before the actual meeting.

Punctuality

Like people from many parts of Africa, Angolans have a more 

relaxed view of time than Westerners. They consider it neither 

rude nor unusual to arrive late for social events or even for 

scheduled business meetings. Nevertheless, foreign nationals 

are expected to be punctual and should plan to arrive 10-15 

minutes early for appointments.

8. TIME AND SPACE

SPACE

TIME &
Holidays

Angolans observe both secular and religious public holidays 

(see “Public Holidays” above), during which they celebrate by 

gathering together to eat, drink, dance, and listen to speeches 

or sermons. In 2011, however, the Angolan National Assembly 

(see Political and Social Relations) passed a law that reduced 

the number of public holidays in an effort to boost productivity.

The largest celebration is Christmas, although Carnaval, an 

Angolan version of Mardi Gras that involves multiple days of 

celebration, is also popular. On religious holidays, Angolans 

tend to wear their finest clothes and attend church services.

Personal Space

While having conversations, Angolans tend to stand or sit close 

to each other and often within what US citizens would consider 

personal space. Similarly, Angolans often make gestures (see 

Language and Communication) that may seem to violate a US 

citizen’s personal space. Despite these facts, stepping back to 

create extra space is usually counterproductive, as Angolans 

may be offended or simply take another step to close the gap.

Public Holidays

• January 1: New Year’s Day

• January 4: Martyrs of Colonial Repression Day

• February 4: Liberation Movement Day

• March – April (variable): Carnaval

• March – April (variable): Good Friday

• March – April (variable): Easter

• March 8: International Women’s Day

• April 4: Peace and National Reconciliation Day

• May 1: Labor Day

• September 17: National Heroes Day

• November 2: All Souls’ Day

• November 11: Independence Day

• December 10: MPLA Founding Day

• December 25: Christmas Day

SPACE

TIME &
Touch

Most greetings are accompanied by some type of physical 

contact, such as a handshake, kiss, or hug. Men, for example, 

may pat each other’s backs, while women may exchange 

cheek kisses. In rural areas, some women may avoid physical 

greetings and instead simply smile and nod when greeting 

others. Inhabitants of rural areas also tend to frown upon public 

displays of affection between 

couples. Despite this fact, members 

of the same gender commonly hold 

hands in public—a sign of nonromantic affection.

Eye Contact

Eye contact serves distinct purposes 

in different situations in Angola. 

Between 2 people of the same age or 

rank, direct eye contact indicates 

sincerity. By contrast, avoidance of 

direct eye contact with a superior 

indicates respect. Some rural women avoid direct eye contact 

with men and instead gaze toward the ground. Rural Angolans 

of both genders may find direct eye contact uncomfortable, 

perceiving they are being examined.

Left Hand Taboo

As in many parts of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East—

particularly in Muslim societies—the left hand is considered 

unclean and used only for personal hygiene in Angola. Foreign 

nationals are advised to use their right hand when passing 

objects or shaking hands. Since Angola is not a predominantly 

Muslim society, the left-hand tradition is not as pronounced as 

in Muslim countries. Generally, a simple apology is sufficient 

when a person must use the left hand in a social situation.

Photographs

Foreign nationals are advised to ask permission before taking 

photographs of Angolans, noting that Angolans may expect

monetary compensation or a copy of the photograph in return.

Taking photographs of government facilities or other public 

infrastructure may be seen as suspicious and could lead to 

interrogation or arrest.

SPACE

TIME &
Overview

Due both to Portugal’s long colonial occupation of Angola and 

Angola’s strong cultural ties to Brazil and the Caribbean, the 

dress, recreation, music, and arts of Angola contain elements 

of both indigenous and these external cultures.

Dress and Appearance

Angolans place a high premium on maintaining a well-groomed 

appearance, traditionally regarding dress as a reflection of 

individual character and, in some cases, a symbol of ethnic 

identity. Accordingly, Angolans usually reserve their best attire 

for special occasions.

Traditional: Traditional Angolan clothing is usually fashioned

from woven cotton, although some ethnic groups traditionally 

have worn clothing made from animal skins. Male attire 

consists of an apron-style garment worn without a shirt, while 

the female outfit includes a headscarf and a panos, a 

patterned, brightly colored wraparound skirt.

For both sexes, traditional Angolan styles also include a variety 

of body adornments, such as hair frills, headdresses, masks, 

arm bands, chalk or charcoal markings, and patterned scars. 

While some adornments are meant to enhance beauty or 

signify social status, others have practical uses. For example, 

some Angolan women traditionally covered themselves with a 

mixture of red ochre (a powdered mineral pigment) and animal 

fat in order to protect their skin from the sun.

Modern: In casual contexts, most 

men wear a t-shirt or sports jersey 

with Western-style pants or jeans. In 

more formal contexts, men tend to 

wear suits. Women usually wear a 

blouse with a Western-style skirt, 

dress, or jeans in both formal and 

casual contexts. Many women also 

braid their hair or wear bracelets, 

necklaces, and other jewelry. 

9. AESTHETICS AND RECREATION

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Recreation

Traditionally, one of the most common Angolan pastimes was 

listening to village elders recount folktales (see History and 

Myth). Another traditional pastime among women was chatting 

while braiding each other’s hair or knitting. Visiting friends and 

relatives, however, is probably the most popular and enduring 

of the country’s traditional 

pastimes, as Angolans typically 

take any opportunity to 

socialize. In urban Angola, this 

love of socializing is visible not 

only in bustling Luanda dance 

clubs but also at elaborate, allnight parties that wealthy 

Angolans often host. 

Sports and Games

Football: As Angola’s national 

sport, football (soccer) is popular among boys and girls of all 

ages who play in informal settings and on local teams. While 

even small matches can draw large crowds, perhaps the 

largest attraction is the Palancas Negras (“Black Antelopes”), 

the country’s national team. In 2006 the Palancas Negras 

made their first appearance in the FIFA World Cup.

Basketball: In recent years basketball has enjoyed a surge of 

popularity in Angola, a trend that has coincided with success 

on the part of the country’s professional teams. Perhaps the 

most successful team has been Primeiro de Agosto (“First of 

August”), which is based in Luanda and has won FIBA’s Africa 

Clubs Champions Cup 7 times in the past 10 years.

Other Sports: Bicycling, golf, handball, martial arts, swimming, 

track and field, and volleyball are also popular sports in Angola.

Since many of these sports require costly equipment or 

facilities, they are prohibitive for many Angolans.

Games: Angolans play mancala, a traditional game that 

involves moving seeds or pebbles on a board having 12 holes 

with the goal of capturing the other player’s seeds. Some 

variations of mancala are known as ware, kiela, leuli, and 

mwendo. Chess is also popular in Angola.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Music

Angolan music is a blend of traditional, modern, and foreign 

influences, particularly from Latin America and the Caribbean.

Traditional: Music traditionally has played an important role in 

nearly all life events in Angola, including naming ceremonies, 

weddings, coronations, funerals, and celebrations (see Family 

and Kinship). The music at these ceremonies includes special 

songs that are accompanied by specific traditional instruments. 

For example, the Yaka people of northern Angola historically 

have used slit drums known as grouls during ancestor worship 

ceremonies (see Religion and Spirituality). Similarly, a type of 

thumb piano called a kisanji is plucked to provide background 

music for folktales among some Angolan ethnic groups.

Music and Society

Since the late colonial era, there have been strong 

links between war, politics, and music in Angola. In 

the years leading up to independence, for example, 

many Angolan musicians wrote songs that strongly 

criticized the colonial government. The government 

regarded many of those musicians as radicals and 

jailed or exiled them. Perhaps the most famous of 

Angola’s “radical” musicians was Bonga, who fled to 

the Netherlands in 1966. He later recorded albums 

whose seditious nature prompted Portugal to issue 

an arrest warrant, forcing Bonga to move frequently 

between different locations in Europe.

In recent years, music has helped promote peace 

and reconciliation. Many musical artists and groups, 

including Waldemar Bastos and As Gingas du 

Maculusso (a group sometimes called the “Angolan 

Spice Girls”), have focused on messages of peace. 

Perhaps the most famous demonstration of this 

sentiment was “A Paz é que o Povo Chiama” (“The 

People are Calling for Peace”), a song produced by 

35 musicians to encourage an end to the civil war.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Modern: Today Angolans enjoy genres ranging from reggae 

and hip-hop to blues and American pop, and much of the more 

popular music blends components of modern with traditional. 

For example, a group called Ngola Ritmos (“Angolan 

Rhythms”) rose to fame in the 1940s for songs that combined 

guitar with traditional conga drums. More recently, kuduru—a 

blend of hip-hop and Angolan rhythms—has become popular.

In recent years, some Angolan rappers have found themselves 

at odds with the authorities after 

rapping about corruption (see Political 

and Social Relations).

Dance

A common saying about Angola holds 

that where there is music, there also is 

dance. Indeed, dancing historically has 

gone hand-in-hand with the music that 

accompanies traditional ceremonies. A 

dance called mukishi, for example, 

historically has been used both to calm 

and entertain prospective initiates at 

mukanda ceremonies (see Family and Kinship). In modern 

Angola, a variety of dance forms have evolved to play similar 

ceremonial roles or simply to entertain.

Semba: Dating to the 1600s, semba originally was used to 

celebrate weddings and good harvests. It is a fast partner 

dance that is said to be the precursor to the Brazilian samba.

Capoeira: It is mix of dance, gymnastics, and martial arts, 

whereby dancers appear to be fighting acrobatically, although

without physical contact. Angolan slaves created capoeira in 

the 1500s as a method to train covertly for combat. 

Rebita: Created in the 1930s, rebita combines European and 

African styles. Partners dance in a circle and perform traditional 

African movements, such as the umbigada (“belly bounce”).

Other Dance Styles: Angolans enjoy many other dance styles. 

Other fast dance styles include kabateula, an acrobatic dance, 

and kazukuta, a combination of hip-hop and tap dance that 

involves exaggerated arm movements. Slower, more sensual 

dances include kizomba and tarrachinha.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Theater and Cinema

Theater is underdeveloped in Angola. The colonial government 

barred performance art that featured traditional African themes 

and instead used theater to teach Christianity. In the Christian 

plays, black Africans were cast in the role of the villain, while 

whites were cast in the role of the hero. Still, indigenous 

Angolan playwrights created a number of controversial works in 

the years before independence. For example, Domingos VanDúnem’s Auto de Natal (“Christmas Play”) was an Umbundulanguage work that criticized the prominence of the Portuguese 

language in Angola.

Literature

Since the indigenous languages of Angola did not have written 

forms until relatively recently, the traditional literature of Angola 

consists mostly of folklore (see History and Myth). Portugueselanguage works emerged during the colonial era. Many writers

including Agostinho Neto—who later became the first President 

of Angola—and Pepetela were active in the independence 

movement, expressing their views in popular literary works. 

Since independence, Angolan literature has reflected Angola’s

ongoing conflict, corruption, and poverty.

Arts and Crafts

Angolan arts and crafts historically have 

served both spiritual and practical ends.

Spiritually, masks and statues (pictured) 

were used for initiation ceremonies and 

ancestor worship (see Religion and 

Spirituality). Similarly, professional artisans 

made scepters, carved thrones for kings, 

and sculptures of warriors or healers. By 

contrast, pottery most often consisted of 

household items such as water jugs or 

cooking utensils. During the colonial era, 

European and Christian themes began to 

influence art in Angola, as seen in the 

appearance of crucifixes and Portuguese 

decorative motifs. In modern Angola, few people can afford 

handmade goods or artwork. Consequently, most of Angola’s 

arts and handicrafts are sold at tourist markets (so-called 

“airport art”) or displayed in foreign galleries or museums.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Sustenance Overview

Angolan cuisine has been influenced heavily by those of Brazil, 

Portugal, and other foreign countries. Food choices and means 

of preparation vary regionally, depending on availability of 

ingredients and cultural preferences. Since much of Angola’s 

farmland was destroyed or littered with land mines during the 

civil war, the country now imports more than half of its food.

Dining Customs

In rural parts of Angola, most people eat with their hands. Food 

is transferred from a communal bowl to individual plates using 

a large spoon. By contrast, urban Angolans more often use

utensils. In all parts of Angola, elders are served first, followed 

by guests, who usually are served the best portion. In most 

cases, guests also are offered the last of the available food;

however, it is customary for the guest to decline initially and 

then accept after the offer has been 

repeated once or twice.

Diet

Most Angolans get the bulk of their 

calories from starches, vegetables, 

and fruits. Starch types tend to vary

by region. In northern Angola, the 

most common starch is funje, a 

paste made from a fibrous tuber 

known as cassava or manioc. In southern Angola, a cornmeal 

porridge known as pirao is more popular. Angolans also get 

starch from rice and sweet potatoes.

The vegetables that appear most commonly in Angolan dishes 

include tomatoes, onions, okra, eggplant, lettuce, and jimbôa, 

a term that refers to the leaves of a local species of amaranth. 

Known for its high levels of protein, jimbôa is prepared and 

eaten like sautéed spinach. Popular fruits include avocados, 

bananas, mangos, oranges, and papayas. Angolans also enjoy 

mucua, a fruit with pink and white flesh that comes from the 

baobab tree. Mucua is popular with children and is commonly 

made into ice cream or juice.

10. SUSTENANCE AND HEALTH

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Meals and Popular Dishes

Most Angolans eat 3 meals-per-day. Breakfast, which is known 

as mata-bicho (“kills the beast” in Portuguese) often includes 

bread, eggs, and coffee or tea. Among southern Angolans, the 

morning meal sometimes consists of tchisangua, a drink made 

from water, ground cornmeal, and sugar. In northern Angola, 

peanuts and cassava are a popular morning meal. Lunch is 

traditionally the largest meal, while dinner sometimes consists 

of nothing more than leftovers from lunch.

Main dishes typically consist of a protein, such as chicken or 

seafood, along with a starch or vegetables. Some of the more 

common main dishes include muamba de galinha, or chicken 

cooked in palm oil, garlic, and spices and served with beans or 

funje; muffete, or grilled fish and beans cooked in palm oil with 

boiled sweet potatoes and plantains; and arroz de marisco, a 

dish of prawns or squid served with rice. Another popular 

poultry dish is galinha de cabidela, which consists of chicken 

cooked in vinegar and its own blood and served with tomatoes, 

onion, garlic, rice, and funje.

Regional specialties include chikuanga, which is common in 

the Northeast and consists of cassava-flour bread wrapped in 

banana leaves, and gafanhotos de palmeira, which is popular 

in Kwanza Norte province and contains toasted grasshoppers 

served with funje.

Beverages

Angolans consume a wide range 

of soft drinks, such as Coca-Cola, 

Pepsi, Fanta, and Mirinda, a fruitflavored soda most often sold in 

orange flavor. Angolans also enjoy

a variety of local alcoholic drinks, 

including maluvu (palm wine) and 

kissangua orocissangua, a drink 

made from fermented maize (corn) 

flour. Also popular in Angola is a 

palm nut beer known as Mongozo, which traditionally is served 

in a calabash (dried and hollowed gourd). Mongozo became 

known in Europe when an Angolan refugee named Henrique 

Kabila began brewing the drink in Belgium in the 1990s.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Health Overview

Despite modest improvements since 

the end of the civil war, the state of 

healthcare in Angola is poor. At just 

55 years, the life expectancy at birth 

of an average Angolan is among the 

lowest in the world and almost 23 

years lower than that of the average 

US citizen. Meanwhile, the country’s 

infant and maternal mortality rates are among the highest in the 

world. About 1 in 4 children does not reach age 5. While the 

government has tried to improve facilities and treatment 

options, Angola’s healthcare infrastructure remains weak.

Traditional Medicine

Derived from the beliefs, theories, and experiences of 

indigenous populations; traditional medicine comprises 

knowledge, skills, and practices that are used to pursue holistic 

health. In Angola, healthcare historically has been the 

responsibility of kimbandas (traditional healers—see Religion 

and Spirituality). Since Angolans traditionally believed that 

illness resulted from negative behaviors—such as quarreling 

with family members—or evil spirits, it was the role of 

kimbandas to purify people and treat their symptoms.

Many Angolans still consult kimbandas, often applying their 

remedies in conjunction with those of modern, Western-style 

medicine. Kimbandas have an extensive knowledge of herbal 

medicine and a variety of spiritual rituals for treating everything 

from headaches to mental illness, although their treatments 

vary widely. Some treatments, for example, involve the patient 

ingesting or bathing in liquids infused with plants or spices 

while the kimbanda tries to communicate with ancestral spirits.

Modern Healthcare System

Around 1,500 hospitals and clinics were destroyed during the 

civil war, and by 2002 there were only 79 hospitals, 245 health 

centers, and 1,048 medical posts in Angola. Although those 

numbers had increased to 163, 313, and 1,468, respectively, 

by 2008, facilities remained concentrated near urban centers. 

Consequently, rural Angolans still must travel long distances to 

visit facilities that in many cases lack necessary supplies.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
In addition, many health facilities in Angola lack trained medical 

personnel, partly because large numbers of doctors fled Angola 

during the civil war. Despite governmental attempts to lure 

doctors back to Angola, the country still has only 8 physicians 

per 100,000 people—less than half the ratio recommended by 

the World Health Organization (WHO).

Even many Angolans who live near adequate medical facilities 

cannot afford their services. Angola has no national health 

insurance system, and until recently, even private coverage 

was unavailable although some employers subsidized

employees’ healthcare costs. Consequently, most Angolans 

who receive healthcare either pay out-of-pocket or rely upon 

humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Health Challenges

Malnutrition: A 2011 study found 

that 27% of Angolans do not eat 

enough calories to meet their daily 

needs. Many children suffer from 

kwashiorkor, a condition caused 

by inadequate protein intake, or 

marasmus, a condition caused by 

insufficient caloric intake.

Infectious Disease: In 2012 approximately 19,000 Angolans 

were infected with malaria, which is endemic to the country and 

is the top cause of death in women and children. Angola also 

has high rates of yellow fever, measles, rabies, and leprosy. 

The government and foreign NGOs have partnered to provide 

education, vaccinations, and treatment for many diseases, yet 

outbreaks of diseases such as cholera and polio still occur.

HIV/AIDS: The prevalence of HIV is relatively low in Angola, 

where only 2% of the population—as opposed to 5% in subSaharan Africa as a whole—is infected with the virus. This low 

rate is often attributed to the civil war, which limited population 

movement and thus the spread of HIV. Still, some observers 

note that current circumstances are ripe for an HIV epidemic in 

Angola, which is now reabsorbing refugees from HIV-ridden 

countries and also has a young, mobile population that has not 

been educated about avoiding high-risk sexual behaviors.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Overview

Angola is one of Africa’s most resource-rich countries, having

vast tracts of farmland, extensive waterways teeming with fish, 

abundant mineral deposits, and the world’s 16th largest oil 

reserves. For most of the country’s post-independence history, 

the bulk of the proceeds from its natural endowment have been 

spent on military expenses related to the civil war.

Since the end of the civil war, the 

Angolan economy has begun to 

recover, enabled not only by the 

gradual reduction of war-related 

expenses but also by policies that 

have liberalized the economy and 

spurred growth. Between 2002—

the year the civil war ended—and 

2011, the Angolan economy grew 

at an average rate of 11.4% per 

year, although rates in any given 

year varied widely, ranging from 2.4% to 22.6%. Economic 

reforms, such as privatizing state-owned firms, have helped to 

increase foreign investment, limit inflation, and bring greater—

though still imperfect—transparency to government finances.

Despite these improvements, the Angolan economy still faces 

a number of problems. For example, since domestic economic 

activities are concentrated in the oil industry, there exists a 

negligible manufacturing or commercial agricultural base, 

compelling Angola to import most necessities. Corruption is 

another problem. While high-level officials find creative ways of 

skimming oil revenues and giving contracts to private-sector 

cronies, many low-level officials refuse to perform their duties 

unless they receive a gasosa—a “soft drink,” or small bribe.

Due to these and other concerns, the vast majority of Angolans 

remain desperately poor, despite the success of those at the 

top. Approximately 4/5 of the population lives in poverty, while

the government spares little money for public services that 

could help them improve their condition.

11. ECONOMICS AND RESOURCES

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Industry

Although industrial activities contributed 61% of Angola’s GDP 

in 2011 and constitute the largest sector by far of the country’s 

economy, they employ only a small number of Angolans. 

Oil: Angola is the 3rd largest oil producer in Africa and the 17th 

largest in the world, generating 1.8 million barrels daily and

having 15 billion barrels of proven reserves. Most of the 

country’s oil reserves are 

located offshore near Cabinda 

and Luanda in the Northwest 

(Photo: An offshore oil rig near 

Luanda being prepared for

deployment to deep sea 

waters). Sonangol, a stateowned enterprise, manages 

Angola’s oil industry, although

foreign firms such as BP, 

ExxonMobil, and Texaco handle most production since they 

can afford to fund deep sea drilling. Angola became a member 

of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) 

in 2007.

Diamonds: Angola is the world’s 5th largest diamond producer 

after Botswana, Russia, Canada, and South Africa. Most of the 

country’s known diamond reserves are located in central and 

northeastern Angola. The state-owned Sodiam enterprise 

controls some aspects of the diamond industry, although

foreign firms conduct most production. These companies are 

well-established and can afford the large capital expenditures 

needed to exploit “Kimberlite” tubes—the most lucrative type of 

deposit. Illegally mined diamonds were a main source of 

financing for UNITA during the civil war (see History and Myth).

Other Minerals: Angola has commercially exploitable deposits 

of several minerals, including bauxite, copper, gold, granite, 

iron ore, manganese, phosphates, platinum, zinc, and uranium. 

Manufacturing: Although Angolan manufacturing underwent 

severe disruptions during the civil war, the country now has a 

small manufacturing base in Luanda. Goods manufactured in 

Angola include cement, glass, metalwork, processed food and 

beverages, textiles, tobacco, and sugar.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Agriculture

Although agriculture accounted for just 

10% of GDP in 2011, most Angolans 

earn their livelihood through agricultural 

activities, of which the most common is 

subsistence farming. Main food crops 

include cassava (a fibrous root), corn, 

plantains (a starchy type of banana),

and sweet potatoes, while the primary 

cash crop is coffee. Other cash crops 

include cotton, sisal (a fiber used to 

make twine), sugarcane, tobacco, and a variety of vegetables.

Livestock: Livestock husbandry has been limited in Angola by 

the prevalence of the tse-tse fly, which infects vertebrates with 

an often fatal illness. Still, some cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and 

fowl are raised in the central highlands and the Southwest.

Fishing: Due to its long coastline and many rivers, Angola has 

a large fishing industry. The country’s seafood exports include 

mackerel, sardines, shellfish, and tuna. While Angola has 

thousands of fishing villages, foreign firms control the industry.

Forestry: Angola has a thriving timber industry that primarily 

produces valuable hardwoods, including cypress, eucalyptus, 

ebony, mahogany, sandalwood, and teak. Forests cover about 

1/5 of Angola, most notably in northern Angola and Cabinda.

Services

Although the services sector accounted for 28% of Angola’s 

GDP in 2011, it employed only a small fraction of the labor 

force. The main activity in the sector is small-scale retail trade, 

which is often conducted through unregulated gray and black 

markets. Women control the trade in food and firewood, while 

men dominate the trade in arms, diamonds, and spare parts.

Tourism: Although Angolan tourism has been stifled by civil 

war and poverty, the industry has potential. Attractions include 

the Ilha do Mussulo (Isle of Mussulo), known for its beaches;

the Ilha de Luanda (Isle of Luanda), popular for its clubs and

restaurants; and Kissama National Park, which is located about

45 mi south of Luanda and is home to a range of wildlife.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Currency

The currency of Angola is the kwanza (Kz), which subdivides 

into 100 cêntimos. The kwanza is issued in 5 coins (Kz 0.1, 

0.5, 1, 2, 5) and 7 banknotes (Kz 10, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1,000, 

5,000). Although the value of the kwanza fluctuated wildly 

during the civil war, thereafter it became more stable. Between 

2008 and 2013, US$1 was worth an average of about Kz 87, 

although the value of the kwanza in US dollars steadily 

declined by about 1/4 during that period. As in many countries 

with unstable currencies, the US dollar is also used in Angola.

Foreign Trade

Angola’s exports totaled $72 billion 

in 2012, primarily consisting of 

crude oil. The largest purchasers 

of Angolan goods included China 

(36%), the US (19%), India (11%), 

Taiwan (8%), and Canada (7%). 

Angola’s imports totaled $22 billion 

in 2012 and consisted of goods 

such as food, textiles, vehicles, 

and medicine. Angola’s main suppliers were Portugal (17%), 

South Korea (11%), the Netherlands (9%), China (9%), and the 

US (8%) (Photo: Angola’s commercial port at Namibe).

China: Following an expansion of trading ties in recent years, 

Angola is now China’s largest African trading partner. China is 

attracted to Angola’s oil and minerals, while Angola is receptive 

to China because the Asian power offers financial, military, and 

technical assistance. Still, some Angolans resent the presence 

of Chinese laborers in their country because they presumably 

perform shoddy work and displace local laborers.

Foreign Aid

In 2011 Angola received disbursements of official development 

assistance (ODA) worth approximately $253 million, of which 

about 2/3 came from single-country donors and 1/3 from 

multilateral institutions. The largest donor was the US, which 

disbursed almost 1/3 of all ODA. Other large single-country 

donors included Portugal (8%), South Korea (7%), Norway 

(5%), and Japan (5%). The largest multilateral donor was the 

European Union, which disbursed about 11% of all ODA.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Overview

Although large parts of Angola’s infrastructure were destroyed 

or damaged during the country’s long civil war (see History and 

Myth), efforts to restore and expand the country’s roadways, 

railways, and ports are now underway, often with the help of 

oil-backed loans from China (see Economics and Resources).

Transportation

For travel within towns, most 

Angolans walk, ride bicycles, or 

use public transit. In urban areas, 

they sometimes use share taxis—

known locally as candongeiros—

which in most cases are privately 

run Toyota vans painted blue and 

white (pictured in the lower right 

corner). For travel between towns, 

most Angolans rely upon buses. 

For example, there is a daily bus 

service that connects the 375-mi coastal route between Luanda 

and Benguela. Bus and automobile travel has become more 

popular as the cessation of civil war hostilities has eased 

security concerns. Some wealthier Angolans have private cars.

Roadways: Angola has about 32,000 mi of roadways, of which 

10% are paved. Although roads between major cities generally 

are adequate, other roads are often in dangerously poor 

condition. Many roads are susceptible to flooding and potholes 

during the rainy season, while some rural roads are still 

studded with active land mines remaining from the civil war 

(see Political and Social Relations). Even roads in Luanda tend 

to be substandard, a problem that has become more serious in 

recent years as car ownership and congestion have increased.

Even aside from the poor state of the country’s roads, driving in 

Angola tends to be hazardous. Many intersections lack signals, 

few roads have traffic signs, and police rarely supervise traffic. 

In urban areas, small vehicles and pedestrians tend to mingle 

freely with car traffic, creating a significant risk of accidents.

12. TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Railways: Angola has slightly more than 1,700 mi of railways. 

The largest single rail line is the Benguela Railway, which at its 

peak stretched 850 mi between the port of Lobito (see below) 

and the mines near Angola’s eastern border. Although it has 

been in a state of disrepair since the civil war, work is now 

underway to rehabilitate the Benguela Railway with the help of 

Chinese loans (see Economics and Resources).

Waterways and Ports: Angola has about 800 mi of navigable 

waterways, although inland waterborne trade is limited mostly 

to the Congo River on the country’s northern frontier. Its major 

port is Lobito, located slightly north of Benguela about halfway 

along Angola’s coast. Luanda also has a natural harbor, 

although the poor condition of its facilities has limited the 

amount of trade it attracts. Other ports are used for more 

specialized purposes. For instance, Namibe is the center of the 

fishing industry, while Cabinda is the hub for oil shipments.

Airways: Angola is home to 176 

airports, of which 30 have paved 

runways. The main transit hub is 

Aeroporto Quatro de Fevereiro

(4th of February Airport), which is 

located in Luanda and named for 

the date when Angola began its 

struggle for independence (see 

History and Myth). There are 

smaller airports in many provincial capitals, including Benguela, 

Cabinda, Huambo, Malanje, and Namibe. Air transit historically 

has been important for Angolan industry and elites due to the 

danger and difficulty of overland travel during the civil war.

Energy

Angola’s energy infrastructure is poor. Few rural dwellers have 

access to the electrical grid, and even service for urban 

dwellers is unreliable. While Angola is one of Africa’s largest oil 

producers, the country has only a single refinery and therefore 

must import most of its petroleum products, such as diesel and 

gasoline. Nevertheless, Angola has the potential to generate 

large amounts of hydropower from its river system. Although 

much of the necessary infrastructure was damaged during the 

civil war, projects are now underway to repair and expand it.

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Media

Although Angola’s constitution guarantees free expression, the 

country’s long experience with censorship under Portuguese 

rule did not end after independence. During the civil war, for 

example, the government reportedly used a range of tactics, 

including arbitrary detention and illegal killings, to intimidate 

reporters. Some progress, such as a 2005 law that liberalized 

press regulations, has been made since the end of the civil 

war, but it remains to be seen whether that progress will last.

Print Media: The only national newspaper published on a daily 

basis in Angola is the state-owned Jornal de Angola. Private 

weekly newspapers include Comércio Actualidade, Folha 8, 

Agora, O Pais, and Apostolado, the last of which is published 

by the Catholic Church.

Radio and TV: The Angolan government operates national TV 

and radio stations called Televisão Popular de Angola (TPA) 

and Radio Nacional de Angola (RNA), which both broadcast 

different types of content through multiple channels. Popular 

private stations include TV Zimbo and Radio Mais, as well as 

Radio Ecclesia, which is run by the 

Catholic Church.

Telecommunications

Due partly to extensive damage to

Angola’s landline system during the 

civil war, mobile phones have 

emerged as a more popular 

alternative. In 2011 the number of 

mobile subscriptions was more 

than 30 times higher than those for

fixed line, with a total ratio of about 1 mobile subscription for 

every 2 Angolans—a 125-fold increase since 2001 when the 

government ended its telecommunications monopoly.

Internet: Broadband connections in Angola more than tripled 

between 2006 and 2011. Accordingly, many Angolan news 

outlets and government agencies have rushed to establish an 

online presence in recent years. Due to lack of access, 

however, less than 15% of Angolans used the Internet in 2011.

Government concerns about unregulated information flows also 

have discouraged Internet expansion.

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL

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