DJIBOUTI

ExpeditionaryCulture

FieldGuide

Djibouti

AliSabieh Dikhil

Yoboki

Balho

KhorAngar

Obock

Tadjoura

LAC

ASSAL

DjiboutiCity
This guide is designed to help prepare you for deployment to 

culturally complex environments and successfully achieve 

mission objectives. The fundamental information it contains will 

help you understand 

the decisive cultural 

dimension of your 

assigned location and 

gain necessary skills 

to achieve mission 

success.

The guide consists of 

two parts: 

Part 1: Introduces 

“Culture General,” the foundational knowledge you need to 

operate effectively in any global environment. 

Part 2: Presents “Culture 

Specific” Djibouti, focusing on 

unique cultural features of 

Djiboutian society and is designed 

to complement other predeployment training. It applies 

culture-general concepts to help

increase your knowledge of your 

assigned deployment location.

For further information, visit the Air 

Force Culture and Language 

Center (AFCLC) website at 

https://wwwmil.maxwell.af.mil/afclc

or contact AFCLC’s Region Team

at AFCLC.Region@us.af.mil.

Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not 

be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be 

reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission 

of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the 

US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated.

About this Guide

ECFG Djibouti
What is Culture?

Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes 

the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to 

adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the 

sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that 

have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, 

and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs 

and values. 

Members of a culture also 

usually assign the same 

meanings to the symbols in 

that culture. A symbol is 

when one thing – an image, 

word, object, idea, or story –

represents another thing. 

For example, the American 

flag is a physical and visual 

symbol of a core American value – freedom. At the same time, 

the story of George Washington admitting to having chopped 

down a cherry tree is also symbolic, representing the 

importance Americans place on personal honesty and 

leadership integrity. 

Force Multiplier

The military services have learned through experience the 

importance of understanding other cultures. Unlike the 20thcentury bipolar world order that dominated US strategy for 

nearly half a century, today the US military is operating in what 

we classify as asymmetric or irregular conflict zones where the 

notion of cross-cultural interactions is on the leading edge of 

our engagement strategies. 

We have come to view the people themselves, rather than the 

political system or physical environment, as the decisive 

feature in conflict areas. Our primary objective hinges on 

influencing constructive change through peaceful means where 

possible. We achieve this endeavor by encouraging local 

nationals to focus on developing stable political, social, and 

PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL

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CULTURE 
economic institutions that reflect their cultural beliefs and 

traditions.

Therefore, understanding the basic concepts of culture serves 

as a force multiplier. Achieving an awareness and respect of a 

society’s values and beliefs enables deploying forces to build

relationships with people from other cultures, positively 

influence their actions, and ultimately achieve mission success.

Cultural Domains

Culture is not just represented by the beliefs we carry 

internally, but also by our behaviors and by the systems 

members of a culture create to organize their lives. These 

systems, such as political or educational institutions, help us to 

live in a manner that is appropriate to our culture and

encourages us to perpetuate that culture into the future. 

We can organize these behaviors and systems into categories 

– what the Air Force refers to as “cultural domains” – in order to 

better understand the primary values and characteristics of a 

society. A cross-culturally competent military member can use 

these domains – which include kinship, language and 

communication, and social and political systems among others

(see chart on next page) – as tools for understanding and 

adapting to any culture. For example, by understanding the 

ways different cultures define family or kinship, a deployed 

military member can more effectively interact with members of 

that culture.

Social Behaviors Across Cultures

While humankind shares basic behaviors, various groups enact 

or even group those behaviors differently across cultural 

boundaries. For example, 

all societies obtain food for 

survival, although agrarian 

societies generally produce

their own food for limited 

consumption using very 

basic techniques.

Conversely, industrialized 

nations have more 

sophisticated market economies, producing foodstuffs for 

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universal consumption. Likewise, all cultures value history and 

tradition, although they represent these concepts through a 

variety of unique forms of symbolism. While the dominant world 

religions share the belief in one God, their worship practices 

vary with their traditional historical development. Similarly, in 

many kin-based cultures where familial bonds are foundational 

to social identity, it is customary for family or friends to serve as 

godparents, while for other societies this practice is nearly nonexistent.

Worldview

One of our basic human behaviors is the tendency to classify 

others as similar or different according to our cultural standard. 

As depicted in the chart 

below, we can apply the 12 

cultural domains to help us 

compare similarities and 

differences across cultures. 

We evaluate others’

behavior to determine if 

they are “people like me” or 

“people not like me.” 

Consequently, we assume 

that individuals falling into the “like me” category share our 

perspectives and values. 

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This collective perspective forms our worldview– how we see 

the world and understand our place in it. Your worldview 

functions as a lens through which you see and understand the 

world. It helps you to interpret your experiences and the values 

and behaviors of other people that you encounter. Consider 

your worldview as a way of framing behavior, providing an 

accountability standard for our actions and a logical 

explanation of why we individually or collectively act in a certain 

manner. 

Cultural Belief System

An important component of a worldview is our belief system. A 

community’s belief system sets its universal standards of what 

is good and bad, defines right and wrong behavior, and assigns 

a value of meaningful or meaningless. Our beliefs form the 

fundamental values we hold to be true – regardless of whether 

there is physical evidence to support these ideas. Beliefs are a 

central facet of human culture. They are shared views about 

world order and how the universe was physically and socially 

constructed. 

While all people have beliefs, their specific components tend to 

vary depending upon respective world views. What people 

classify as good or bad, right or wrong depends on our deeplyheld beliefs we started developing early in life that have help 

shape our characters. Likewise, 

these values are ingrained in our 

personalities and shape our 

behavior patterns and our selfidentities. Because cultural beliefs 

are intensely held, they are 

difficult, though not impossible, to 

change. 

Core Beliefs

Core beliefs shape and influence 

certain behaviors and also serve 

to rationalize those behaviors. 

Therefore, knowledge of individual 

or group beliefs can be useful in 

comprehending or making sense of their activities. We will use 

the iceberg model for classifying culture to illustrate two levels 

of meaning, as depicted. Beliefs and values, portrayed by the 

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CULTURE 

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deeper and greater level of the submerged iceberg, are seldom 

visible, but are indicated / hinted at / referenced by our 

behaviors and symbols (top level). It is important to recognize, 

though, that the parts of culture that are not visible (under the 

waterline) are informing and shaping what is being made 

visible (above the waterline). 

In many cases, different worldviews may present behaviors 

that are contrary to our own beliefs, particularly in many 

regions where US forces deploy. Your ability to suspend 

judgment in order to understand another perspective is 

essential to establishing relationships with your host-nation

counterparts. The ability to withhold your opinion and strive to 

understand a culture from a member of that culture’s 

perspective is known as cultural relativism. It often involves 

taking an alternate perspective when interpreting others’ 

behaviors and is critical to your ability to achieve mission 

success. 

As you travel throughout the African Continent, you will 

encounter cultural patterns of meaning that are common

among most African countries. What follows is a general 

description of 12 cultural domains which are used to frame 

those commonalities. 

1. History and Myth

History and myth are related concepts. History is a record of 

the past that is based on verifiable facts and events. Myth can 

act as a type of historical record, 

although it is usually a story which 

members of a culture use to explain 

community origins or important events 

that are not verifiable or which occurred 

prior to written language. 

Africa has a history that spans the

entire existence of humankind. In 

ancient times prior to the emergence of 

written languages, history and wisdom 

were preserved across generations and 

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CULTURAL DOMAINS
ethnic boundaries through oral folk legends or myths. Most 

early human evolution began as hunting and gathering cultures 

in East and South Africa, with countries such as Ethiopia, 

Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa renowned for their early 

human sites. In the last several millennia, the development of 

agriculture and pastoralism (animal herding) replaced hunting 

and gathering lifestyles (Photo: Kutubiyya Mosque courtesy of 

CultureGrams, ProQuest, 2013).

Ancient civilizations evolved in all corners of Africa, inspired in 

part by peoples from the Middle East bringing trade, beliefs, 

customs, language, and on occasion, colonization. Far from 

being isolated empires, the African civilizations were intimately 

connected by commerce and marriage throughout various 

regions of the continent, and when confronted by outsiders, 

managed to adapt to their influences. Eventually, Arab traders 

introduced Islam to Africa and also instituted the TransSaharan African slave trade that lasted from the 7th to 19th 

Centuries. 

The “golden age” of European exploration, which lasted from 

the 18th to mid-20th century, prompted the wholesale 

exploitation of Africans resources – first human assets through 

slavery, followed by natural resources such as minerals, 

precious gems and 

metals, and wildlife, 

thereby diminishing most 

of what was traditional 

and African. 

The introduction of the 

European Trans-Atlantic 

Slave Trade altered the 

slave trade through both 

the sheer number of 

Africans enslaved and

through the cementing of a racist ideology of Black inferiority to 

legitimize the institution of slavery. Slavery decimated the 

African continent for over 400 years through the forced 

relocation of an estimated 25 to 30 million Africans worldwide. 

This figure does not include those Africans who died aboard 

ships or during capture. While abolition of the slave trade 

dissolved the institution of slavery, it did not end the European 

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presence on the African continent nor did it drastically alter 

their attitudes towards Africans.

Starting in the mid-19th century, European colonialism served 

to redefine African ethnic relations on a large scale; however,

as African societies began to resist colonial rule and seek their

independence, widespread ethnic conflict and genocide

occurred. Sustained westernization and globalization continue

to shape the continent through poverty, disease, and social 

reform. A history still to be recorded, Africa’s future identity 

faces many challenges in critical areas such as environmental 

change, ethnic strife, women’s health and security, and 

education. 

2. Political and Social Relations

Political relations are the ways in which members of a 

community organize leadership, power, and authority. Social 

relations are all of the ways in which individuals are linked to 

others in their community. 

Traditional African political 

organizations in the form of 

bands, tribes, and 

chiefdoms have existed for 

several millennia and 

continue to influence 

contemporary African 

governments. Uncommon 

in modern society, bands 

are limited to hunting and gathering economies, such as the

!Kung of the southern African Kalahari Desert and foragers of 

central African forests. 

Tribes are still represented today across the African political 

landscape, although the use of the word “tribe” is sometimes 

misinterpreted due to its western notion of “primitiveness” and 

oftentimes substituted with the term “ethnic group.” Lacking 

centralized authority, tribes are organized around segmented 

descent groups or in some cases age groups. 

Everyday governance is discharged through councils of 

respected elders and sanctioned through ritual and other 

means. East African pastoralist groups such as the Maasai, 

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along with some West African tribes and the Berbers in North

Africa, represent this type of organization. 

Chiefdoms or kingdoms are ruled by kings or queens from a 

royal clan and generally incorporate millions of subjects. 

Kingdoms such as the Zulu or Swazi in southern Africa 

developed through conquest, while others like Ghana’s 

Ashante developed through an association of related traditional 

states. However, colonialism eventually diluted the power and 

reach of these empires, 

whose leaders were often 

retained as indirect rulers 

or figureheads. 

Today, all three of these 

political organizations still 

exist, although in the 

confines of modern African 

nation-states created by 

colonial powers who had little regard or understanding of 

African cultures. This juxtaposition of modernity with tradition 

has caused severe conflict throughout the continent. 

Challenged to construct their respective “national” identities, 

regional leaders attempt to do so by diluting the traditionally 

cohesive power of ancestry. These national ruling elites, who 

derive their power from wealth and commerce rather than tribal 

affiliation, feel threatened by loyalty to these traditional 

organizations, labeling their rule as “tribalism.” 

This “class versus descent” scrimmage for power has resulted 

in conflicts across the continent and a dramatic divergence of 

interests. As a means to overcome these and other issues on 

the continent, a 53-nation federation, the African Union (AU), 

was formed in 2002. AU’s charter is to promote “greater unity 

and solidarity between African countries and peoples” by

building partnerships in all segments of “civil society.”

3. Religion and Spirituality

Religion is a cultural belief system that provides meaning to 

members of a community. Religious and spiritual beliefs help 

preserve the social order by defining proper behavior. They 

also create social unity by defining shared identity, offer 

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individuals peace of mind, and explain the causes of events in 

a society. Prior to the arrival of Islam and Christianity, the 

African continent consisted of orally transmitted indigenous

religious practices. As in many societies, African indigenous 

beliefs influenced diet, subsistence patterns, family structures, 

marriage practices, and healing and burial processes. In 

essence, Africans constructed their worldview through their 

indigenous religions. 

Today, the African continent

is primarily either Muslim or 

Christian. Other faiths such 

as Judaism and Hinduism 

exist as pockets in different

regions of the continent, 

primarily in urban areas. The 

historical trajectories of 

Islamic and Christian 

expansion in Africa offer intriguing commonalities in how 

Africans across the continent initially reacted to the introduction 

of each of those religions. For example, it is common 

throughout the continent to find a blending of many elements of 

indigenous religious practices with local Islam and Christianity

(Photo courtesy of Wikimedia).

Consequently, many African native religions share similarities 

with religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in their 

understanding of God as the creator 

and ruler of all life, although He is 

considered untouchable by humans. 

However, unlike Christianity and 

Islam, many African indigenous 

religions believe that God is not 

directly involved in people's lives. To 

them there is a spirit world 

populated with former good and bad 

human beings. The good spirits 

intercede with God on behalf of their 

living families to whom they then 

relay God's will through dreams and acquired possessions. 

The bad spirits work to bring misfortune through sickness, 

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death, or natural disasters to those who behave 

inappropriately. 

Many indigenous African religions revere "nature" spirits living 

in the sky, water, and forests. These impersonal spirits help 

protect people from harm and provide them with life’s essential 

ingredients such as water, sun, and wildlife. This belief system 

is commonly referred to as animism.

Just as spirits mediate relations between God and humans,

religious specialists act as mediators between spirits and 

humans to provide protection from harm. 

4. Family and Kinship 

The domain of family and kinship refers to groups of people 

related through blood ties, marriage, or through strong 

emotional bonds that influence them to treat each other like 

family members (often called “fictive kin”).The traditional 

African family with respect to marriage, family structure, and 

descent is a much 

different arrangement

than is found in most 

American families. 

Likewise, there are 

several components of 

the traditional African 

family that are common 

to all African cultures. 

First, perhaps the most 

difficult feature to 

reconcile to Americans 

is that of polygyny – the practice of a husband having more 

than one wife. A benefit of this arrangement is that it promotes

societal alliances through marriage, procreation, and family 

wealth through female labor. 

Second, due to polygyny, the family in most African cultures 

has historically consisted of an expanded set of kin or relatives 

that extends well beyond the American notion of a nuclear 

family. This arrangement created a family environment where 

children considered all siblings as “brothers and sisters” and all 

of the wives/mothers as “mother.” 

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Third, the extended African family traces descent through 

either the male or female side of the family, a practice which 

differs considerably from the American family. Patrilineal 

descent (through the male side of the family) is the more 

common approach and usually features polygyny. The

matrilineal (through the female bloodline) marriage pattern is 

more uncommon and almost always features monogamy – it is 

rare to encounter a wife having more than one husband. 

Lastly, it is common for two or more blood lines (lineages) to 

share a common ancestor and collectively form a clan, which is 

the largest social unit. Clans do not have formal leaders or 

organizational structures. Membership is transferred from 

father to child and cuts across ethnic and social boundaries. 

The dramatic social changes in Africa during and after 

colonialism in the last 4 decades have obviously affected the 

traditional family, and variations on these 3 features can be 

found across the continent.

5. Sex and Gender

Sex refers to the biological/reproductive differences between 

males and females, while gender is a more flexible concept 

that refers to a culture’s categorizing of masculine and feminine 

behaviors, symbols, and social roles. Gender roles in Africa 

follow no single model nor is there a generalized concept of 

sex and common standard of sexual behavior. 

Prehistorically, gender role differentiation in Africa’s hunting 

and gathering cultures was based on a division of labor 

featuring different, yet complementary, sets of responsibilities 

for males and females, adults and children. Females gathered 

over half the caloric 

needs from natural 

vegetation, while also 

reproducing and raising 

offspring. Males were 

primarily hunters but also 

assisted with gathering. 

These gender patterns 

continued as agricultural 

practices advanced. 

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Females shared in farming while continuing to provide for the 

family’s subsistence, and males produced the cash crops. 

Pastoralists like the Maasai of Kenya traditionally have featured 

males involved in cattle-raising and females in food production. 

The 19th-century European colonial period introduced a cash 

economy into Africa, with female labor used to produce the 

cash crops. By inserting male authority over females, colonial 

administrators disrupted the distinct yet complementary 

male/female relationship that had been traditionally African. 

More recently, western influence across the continent has 

dramatically altered the traditional gender roles. Educational 

and professional opportunities for females, along with 

increased family migrations to urban areas, have radically

altered traditional male and female gender roles. 

Likewise, the number of singles parents and even child- or 

other relative-led families has increased with the predominance 

of HIV/AIDS-related deaths and warfare, further altering 

traditional gender responsibilities. Additionally, ethnic conflicts 

involving abuse of women are prevalent in many unstable 

countries, and while the rubric of traditional African gender 

generally remains, the forces of change are gradually ripping it 

away.

6. Language and Communication

Language is a system for sharing information symbolically, 

whereby words are used to represent ideas. Communication is 

defined as the cultural 

practice of sharing 

meaning in interaction, 

both verbally and nonverbally. America is 

predominantly a 

monolingual society, 

where traditionally, 

fluency in a second 

language has been 

considered a luxury 

rather than a necessity. 

Conversely, national survival for many societies in Africa 

required them throughout their existence to adopt multilingual 

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practices, if for no other reason than to preserve their native 

heritage. 

You may find it challenging to comprehend the scope of 

Africa’s linguistic diversity. There are over 2,000 African 

languages (many spoken-only) from 6 major language families, 

and perhaps 100 of these languages are used to communicate 

among the more dominant ethnic groups such as Berber, 

Swahili, Yoruba, and others. 

Official languages of African nation-states are few, yet the 

linguistic diversity expressed across the continent (Nigeria has 

250 languages) has prompted an awareness of the value of 

Africa’s linguistic traditions. While most areas of the continent 

speak the adopted language of their colonial past – such as 

French and Portuguese in West Africa, French and Arabic in 

Morocco, and English in Kenya and South Africa – the majority 

of people also speak one or more traditional “indigenous” 

languages of their and other ethnic groups. As African 

independence spread throughout the continent, ethnic groups 

continued to depend on their indigenous identifiers, such as 

language, to celebrate their “release” from colonial rule and to 

preserve a sense of 

indigenous identity. 

While communication 

styles tend to vary by 

ethnic or social groups, 

Africans generally are 

friendly and outgoing 

people although they 

tend to communicate 

with reserve to avoid 

confrontation. As in most kin-based societies, Africans believe 

that saving face or protecting one’s honor and dignity are of 

utmost importance; therefore, they avoid public criticism and 

controversial topics at all costs – even to the extent of 

withholding their honest opinion or modifying the truth. 

Africans admire and even expect extended greetings and small 

talk, and to attempt to rush or avoid social graces is considered 

disrespectful. Similarly, Africans avoid direct eye contact when 

communicating with new acquaintances and people of status, 

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particularly elders. They also are fond of non-verbal gestures, 

and it is common throughout African societies for members of 

the same gender to hold hands or touch while conversing.

7. Learning and Knowledge

All cultures require that the older generation transmit important 

information to the younger generation. This information can be 

strictly factual (for example, how to fulfill subsistence and 

health requirements) and culturally traditional (the beliefs, 

behaviors, and symbols that have meaning to the community). 

This knowledge transfer may occur through structured, 

formalized systems such as 

schools or through informal

learning by watching adults 

or peers.

The contemporary African 

educational system hardly 

resembles the traditional precolonial structure, whereby 

community elders were primarily responsible for preparing 

youth for adulthood. Their instruction included fundamentals of 

ethnic ritual and ceremony, along with customary protocol for 

their distinctive gender roles. A rite-of-passage commemorating 

their successful journey from childhood to adulthood served as 

a form of graduation.

European colonialism brought a more structured, formal 

educational system that catered to a small group of African 

elite who demonstrated potential to administer expanding 

colonial territories. Following independence, many African 

nations adopted the European system because they believed it 

would prepare them to be more competitive in intra-continental 

and global marketplaces, thereby enhancing their quality of life.

However, progress in developing and maintaining reliable 

educational institutions has been slow for a variety of reasons. 

Since most Africans live in rural environments, they continue to 

rely heavily on child labor for family survival, resulting in 

decreased school enrollments or early withdrawals. Likewise, 

widespread HIV/AIDS epidemics, ethnic conflict, teacher and 

resource deficits, and inaccessibility to remote rural areas also 

hamper progress. According to 2005 statistics, only half of the 

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continent’s children were enrolled in primary school, leaving 

over 40 million African children without any schooling at all. 

8. Time and Space

In every society, people occupy space and time in ways that 

are not directly linked to physical survival. In low-context 

western cultures, people tend to be preoccupied with strict time 

management, devoting less effort to relationship-building. 

Conversely, most African cultures are traditionally high-context 

societies, whereby people center their activities on socializing 

and establishing close associations, having little regard for the 

passage-of-time. 

Only after establishing trust and honor will your typical African 

counterpart agreeably proceed with business. In his worldview, 

time is a precious commodity used to establish relationships 

and form alliances. Any 

attempt to accelerate the 

tempo at the expense of 

social pleasantries will 

likely result in deadlock. 

To an African, close 

physical proximity between 

individuals encourages 

cooperative trust, and for 

centuries they have viewed 

human linkage as a core 

element to survival. This closeness is best represented in a 

traditional African village where strong kinship connections are 

evidenced by a display of close interpersonal relations among

family members. 

While conventional African concepts of time and space remain 

intact, throughout the continent western influence and 

globalization have stepped up the pace of African living, mostly 

in urban areas. Consequently, rural-to-urban migrations have 

reshaped traditional social and subsistence patterns. 

9. Aesthetics and Recreation

Every culture has its own forms of creative expression that are 

guided by aesthetic principles of imagination, beauty, skill and 

style. Prior to 19th-century European colonization of Africa, 

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recreation served a vital subsistence role, whereby adolescents 

and adults alike participated in intellectually stimulating 

leisurely activities that concurrently served to develop essential 

hunting and pastoral skills.

Games of chance and skill were important to early childhood 

development, providing social outlets within and outside their 

community. Featuring 

wrestling, jumping and 

running; traditional African 

sport was steeped in 

religious ritual.

Along with colonialism 

came the introduction to 

Africa of western sports 

such as soccer, cricket, 

rugby and track and field. This emphasis on western sport 

continued to thrive with African independence and 

globalization, as seen in sporting events such as the Olympics 

and the World Cup. 

Leaders such as Nelson Mandela skillfully employed sport to 

promote a unified South African nation. Importing the 

predominantly “white” game of rugby, Mandela used it to fuse a 

racially divided country following his election in 1992. This 

event is the theme of the motion picture “Invictus,” exemplifying 

how sport can serve to create national identities and overcome 

ethnic division. His efforts 

have inspired many other 

African nations to follow 

suit.

Likewise, East African 

countries such as Kenya 

and Ethiopia have 

produced the world’s 

dominant male and 

female distance runners, 

and South Africa, Cameroon and Nigeria emerged as strong 

contenders in the 2010 World Cup. African nations are now 

competing in leagues such as the International Basketball 

Association (FIBA) World Championships, and there is also a 

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growing number of African basketball players on US college 

campuses and in the National Basketball Association (NBA). 

10. Sustenance and Health

Societies have different methods of transforming natural 

resources into food. These methods can shape residence 

patterns, family structures and economics. Theories of disease 

and healing practices exist in all cultures and serve as adaptive 

responses to disease and illness. 

Despite having only 11% of the global population, Africa is a 

victim of many of the world’s debilitating health disorders. 

According to the World 

Health Organization, 60% of 

the global HIV/AIDS cases 

and 90% of malarial 

diseases occur in Africa. 

These and other medical 

conditions are attributed 

primarily to viral infection and 

widespread poverty caused 

by extreme climatic 

conditions and civil unrest, coupled with inadequate 

preventative measures. While extensive drought generates 

widespread famine, civil disturbances generate millions of 

displaced persons. Likewise, with only 58% of the SubSaharan African population having access to safe drinking 

water, water-born bacterial diseases 

such as cholera and schistosomiasis

are common.

Many people in Africa lack access to 

western medicine, and as a result 

depend on traditional health 

practices to combat disease. In 

addition, some traditional beliefs run 

counter to western medical practice

and perhaps discourage individuals 

from utilizing those services even 

when they are available. This 

problem is further intensified by lack of federal regulatory 

healthcare management. 

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While modern healthcare procedures are more common in 

urban areas, many rural people rely on traditional practitioners 

who use a variety of plants and herbs to treat patients. 

Similarly, many families have their own secret remedies. While 

in some cases traditional medicine proves effective with fewer 

side effects than modern drugs, traditional practices do not 

adequately treat many of the more serious conditions.

On a positive note, western influence has stimulated some 

progress in combating Africa’s health crisis. More resources 

are devoted to achieving basic human security by assessing

disease symptoms early and with scientific accuracy. 

11. Economics and Resources

This domain refers to beliefs regarding appropriate ways for a 

society to produce, distribute, and consume goods and 

services. Traditionally having an agrarian-based economy, 

Africa today remains predominantly agricultural, featuring less 

industrialization than 

most other parts of the 

world. Post-colonial 

adversities such as 

civil war, disease, 

poverty, and unstable 

dictatorships posed 

unusual hardship on

several young African 

nations; however, 

Africa currently stands 

at the cross-roads of economic development with many nations 

becoming some of fastest growing regions in the world. 

Colonialism institutionalized the exploitation of Africa’s mineral 

resources, resulting in today’s oil industry dominating the 

economic market in several coastal regions. A surge in global 

oil prices; a growing African middle class; and reduction in civil 

wars, foreign aid, and inflation collectively promise a more 

positive outlook for the future.

Countries such as Botswana, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and 

South Africa are economically the wealthiest on the continent, 

with regions such as East Africa showing signs of economic 

stability. Despite the economic upswing, much of sub-Saharan 

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Africa’s future economic prosperity is held hostage by 

devastating diseases such as AIDS, particularly in areas of 

southern Africa, and the growing effects of climate change and 

man-made environmental degradation throughout the 

subcontinent. 

12. Technology and Material

Societies use technology to transform their physical world, and 

culture heavily influences the development and use of 

technology. Africa lags far behind most of the world in 

manufacturing capacity and output. Even the more 

economically-developed nations such as South Africa are 

competitively weak when compared to non-African 

industrialized nations. During the 1970s and 1980s, Africa 

experienced some growth in raw exports although this increase 

did little to boost long-term manufacturing capacity. 

Today, Africa is experiencing an actual decline in 

manufacturing capacity due primarily to a lull in the global 

economy, along with other indigenous issues such as 

environmental stress, poor physical and organizational

infrastructure, and a 

shortage of skilled 

personnel. Likewise, 

African manufacturing 

capacity is no match 

against global powers 

such as China and 

significant Southeast 

Asian markets. 

International aid from 

both governmental and non-governmental organizations has 

helped African nations establish preliminary economic 

footholds. For example, many of them have dedicated 

industrial developmental zones to attract foreign investment 

and increase export-related manufacturing capacity, although 

Africa is far removed from having a significant role in the global 

marketplace in the foreseeable future. 

Now that we have introduced general concepts that

characterize African society at large, we will now focus on 

specific features of Djiboutian society.

GENERAL

CULTURE 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Overview

As a tiny country in a strategically important location, Djibouti 

has long been a crossroads on major international trade routes 

linking the Indian Ocean and the African continent.

Early Djibouti

Djibouti is located on the Horn of 

Africa (HOA), a peninsula on 

Africa’s eastern coast which also 

includes Eritrea, Ethiopia, and 

Somalia. HOA is home to some 

of the earliest sites of human 

occupation, where a number of 

the most complete early human remains continue to be found. 

For example, the oldest known hominid skeletons (“Lucy” and 

“Ardi”) were found in 1974 and 1994 respectively within 100 mi 

of Djibouti in the Afar Region of Ethiopia.

Linguistic evidence suggests that the ancestors of the Somali 

and Afar ethnic groups (see Political and Social Relations) had 

reached Ethiopia by 7000 BC. Fragments of cattle teeth found 

in Ethiopia and Somalia suggest that those populations had 

adopted pastoralism (animal herding) by 1500 BC. Agriculture 

probably developed in Ethiopia between 3,000 and 7,000 years 

ago. Rock paintings depicting cattle are common in the region,

further attesting to the early importance of pastoralism.

Punt

First mentioned in written records around 2450 BC, Punt was a 

region that traded with ancient Egypt for centuries. Although 

historians still debate the precise location of Punt, it probably 

extended from a base in northern Ethiopia to outlying coastal 

territories in present-day Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, or Somalia.

Egyptian texts rarely mention Punt after 1100 BC, suggesting 

that its importance in trade had declined by that time.

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

1. HISTORY AND MYTH
HISTORY &

MYTH

Axum

The next state to emerge in the HOA was Axum, an empire 

based in a city of the same name in northern Ethiopia. 

Although no one knows when Axum was founded, historians 

agree that the city was a thriving center of trade by the 1st 

century AD. Axum reached its apex around 500 AD, when it 

controlled part of what is now the Sudanese and Eritrean Red 

Sea Coast (Pictured: An obelisk in 

Axum).

Axum was one of the greatest 

empires of the early Christian era, 

trading with the Byzantine Empire, 

the Nile Valley kingdoms, Arabia, 

India, and Persia. Through its port 

at Adulis on what is now Eritrea’s 

Red Sea Coast, Axum exported gold, ivory, slaves, and 

aromatic resins in exchange for olive oil, metals, textiles, and 

wine. Axum started to decline in the 7th-century AD when 

merchants from Arabia introduced Islam along the Red Sea 

coast (see Religion and Spirituality).

Zeila

By the mid-7th century, many Arabs already had settled along 

the Horn of Africa’s coastal inlands then controlled by 

Abyssinia, a Christian kingdom in Ethiopia. A collection of 

trade-based Muslim city-states eventually formed in this region. 

The most important such city-state—at least as far as Djibouti’s 

history is concerned—was Zeila (Saylac in Somali) located just 

30 mi southeast of present-day Djibouti City. In addition to 

Arabs, Zeila’s population included Persians and Afars.

By the 9th century, Zeila and other city-states had begun to 

form sultanates, asserting their independence from Abyssinia. 

Centuries of warfare ensued as the lowland Islamic city-states 

fought the highland Christian kingdom for control of the region. 

During most of this period, present-day Djibouti remained

under Islamic control. By the late 13th century, Zeila had 

become the capital of the Ifat Sultanate which waged war 

against Christian Abyssinia until its sultan was killed in battle in 

1415, prompting the rest of the Walashma dynasty to flee to 

what is now Yemen.
HISTORY &

MYTH

The Adal Sultanate

By 1420 the Walashmas had 

returned to the HOA and 

created a new and more 

powerful Adal Sultanate. Like 

the Ifat Sultanate, the Adal 

Sultanate extended across the 

entirety of present-day Djibouti. 

Unlike its predecessor, Adal was based inland from Zeila 

(Pictured: King Salomon I of Abyssinia in battle against the 

Sultan of Adal).

Muslim Adal and Christian Abyssinia soon resumed their earlier 

battle for control of the region, which continued for more than a 

century. During this time, the greatest Adal leader was Ahmed 

the Left-Handed (Ahmed Gurey in Somali; Ahmed Gragn in 

Amharic). Under Ahmed’s leadership, Adal captured most of 

Abyssinia by 1535. The Abyssinians eventually received help 

from the Portuguese and later defeated Ahmed in 1543.

Afar Sultanates and Indian Ocean Traders

Adal declined after Ahmed’s defeat, creating a power vacuum 

in present-day Djibouti. That vacuum eventually was filled by a 

few independent Muslim Afar sultanates based in such places 

as the modern Djiboutian towns of Obock and Tadjoura.

Despite the decline of Adal and the rise of the Afar sultanates,

regional trade driven by monsoon winds on the Indian Ocean 

continued to flourish well into the 19th century. From their 

centers at Tadjoura and Zeila, Indian Ocean traders carried

firearms, cloth, and salt along caravan routes to inland 

Ethiopia. They returned with such commodities as slaves, 

hides, coffee, perfume, and wax. 

Arrival of Europeans

Although Portuguese explorers visited the coast of present-day 

Djibouti during the 16th century, Europeans did not colonize 

the area until 1862. At that time, the French signed a treaty 

with Afar chiefs to purchase Ambado, Obock, and a strip of 

coast to the north of the Gulf of Tadjoura. Apart from planting a 

flag at Obock, the French did little with their new possession for 

the next 2 decades (see Political and Social Relations for a 

map that shows Obock and the Gulf of Tadjoura).
HISTORY &

MYTH

The French finally began to develop the territory in response to 

several strategic factors, the most important of which was their 

increasing colonial activity in Madagascar and Southeast Asia. 

Coupled with the completion of the Suez Canal in 1869, this 

French expansion presented the need to establish a port at the 

mouth of the Red Sea, as the French could not afford to be 

strategically dependent upon the British port of Aden in 

present-day Yemen.

Consequently, in 1884 the French sent Léonce Lagarde, a 24-

year-old diplomat, to lead Obock and Dependencies, as the 

colony then was known. While developing Obock as a port, 

Lagarde negotiated with local chiefs to extend French control 

throughout the lands surrounding the Gulf of Tadjoura. 

In 1888 the French and the British signed a treaty that defined 

a border between their respective claims in the HOA. This 

treaty gave France unambiguous control over Djibouti City, 

which was uninhabited at the time but showed more promise 

than Obock as a port and capital city. In addition to having a 

better supply of drinking water, the new location was easier to 

access from the interior and therefore was better suited to 

handling trade going to and from Ethiopia.

French Somaliland

The French moved the capital 

from Obock to Djibouti City in 

1892 and in 1896 they renamed

Obock and Dependencies as 

French Somaliland, or Côte 

française des Somalis (“French 

Coast of Somalis”). From then 

until the end of World War I, the French focused on developing 

the new capital (Pictured: Djibouti City as depicted on a 

postcard from 1905).

One major aspect of this focus was the construction of railway 

between Djibouti City and Addis Ababa, the newly established 

capital of Ethiopia. Initiated in 1897 yet plagued by financial 

difficulties, the project was not completed until 1917. Djibouti 

City nevertheless grew quickly due to an 1897 treaty that made 

the city the official port of the Ethiopian Empire. Djibouti City 

also benefitted from bustling black markets in arms and slaves.
HISTORY &

MYTH

During the colony’s early years, indigenous inhabitants and the 

French administration got along relatively well. Since the 

French had acquired French Somaliland through peaceful 

means, both Afars and Somalis typically respected agreements 

that their leaders had made with the French. Apart from a few 

violent incidents, resistance to colonial rule only surfaced when 

the French tried to tax or disarm indigenous nomads.

Ethnic Tensions

In contrast to relations between French officials and indigenous 

inhabitants, relations between French Somaliland’s indigenous 

Afar and Issa groups (see Political and Social Relations) were 

troubled during the early years of the colony. To a large extent, 

those bad relations were the result of efforts by Britain, France, 

and Ethiopia to expand their control in 

the region. This expansionary activity 

spurred competition among the region’s

indigenous inhabitants to control ever 

scarcer cattle, pasture, and sources of 

water (Photo: An Afar man in traditional 

attire – see Aesthetics and Recreation).

Since most such conflict occurred in the 

sparsely populated hinterland, the 

French largely ignored it until the late 

1920s, when they sent Alphonse 

Lippmann, an administrator who had learned local languages 

and converted to Islam, to arbitrate. Although he had some 

success, the conflicts did not subside. Lippmann theorized that 

the British were intentionally stoking conflict to prevent France 

from expanding into Ethiopia.

Italian Expansionism

Like Britain and France, Italy established a colonial presence in 

the HOA during the late 19th century. While unsuccessfully 

invading Ethiopia in 1885, Italy acquired a frontier Red Sea 

province, which they named Eritrea, and a portion of southern 

Somalia. This invasion heightened tensions between France 

and Italy since the French quietly supported Ethiopia while the 

Italians demanded the cession of French Somaliland to Italy.

Italy’s actions in the region also increased tensions with Britain, 

which at the time controlled what is now northern Somalia.
HISTORY &

MYTH

World War II

These tensions were consumed by broader issues with the 

outbreak of World War II, in which Britain and France aligned 

with the Allied powers while Italy sided with the Axis powers. 

France was defeated quickly on its home soil, prompting the 

collaborationist Vichy French government to sign an armistice 

that, among other things, 

demilitarized French Somaliland 

and left the colony under Vichy 

French control.

As the Vichy French government 

had switched sides by agreeing 

to collaborate with Germany and 

the other Axis powers, French Somaliland became a target 

both for Britain and for the so-called “Free French” forces that 

rejected the authority of the Vichy French government 

(Pictured: The flag of the Free French). Consequently, the 

British initiated a naval blockade of French Somaliland and 

bombed the colony from the air in September 1940.

By that time, French Somaliland was under the control of Pierre 

Nouailhetas, a French official who used the British attacks as 

an excuse to implement a cruel and brutal regime. During his 2

years in power, he dealt ruthlessly with those he suspected of 

treason, confining some while sentencing others to forced labor 

or death. He executed 6 Africans without 

trial in order to set an “example.”

Meanwhile, the colony descended into 

famine as the effect of the blockade was 

compounded by Britain’s brief occupation

of Ethiopia in 1941. These events left 

French Somaliland with no way to obtain 

food or supplies. Despite the colony’s dire

position, it was not until the end of 1942 

that Nouailhetas’ successor surrendered 

French Somaliland to the Free French and 

their leader, Charles de Gaulle (pictured). A succession of Free 

French officials ruled the colony for the remainder of the war. 

During this period, the famine eased as imports resumed from 

Ethiopia and Madagascar.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Toward Independence

Following World War II, European colonial powers faced strong 

international pressure to move their overseas territories toward 

self-government and independence. Accordingly, in 1956 the 

French National Assembly passed the loi-cadre (Reform Act), 

which delegated new powers of self-government to its colonies.

In French Somaliland, the loi-cadre led to the creation of a local 

government in 1957 and a referendum on independence in 

1958. Many Somalis advocated independence because they 

wanted to unite with British and Italian Somaliland and form a 

Greater Somalia. Since many non-Somalis feared 

marginalization in a Somali-dominated state, voters ultimately 

rejected independence by a large margin.

The French held another referendum in 1967 after former Free 

French leader de Gaulle—who by then was the President of 

France—visited the colony, sparking riots that left several 

people dead. Although the measure again failed, the margin 

was considerably smaller, and the French were accused of 

suppressing Somali turnout in order to maintain control over 

French Somaliland. Shortly after the referendum, the colony 

was renamed the French Territory of the Afars and the Issas.

Due to rapid population growth and the temporary closure of 

the Suez Canal, the decade that followed was turbulent in 

former French Somaliland. Apart from high unemployment, 

there were riots in 1968, attacks on Europeans in 1970, and a 

crime wave in Djibouti City between 1973 and 1976. Over the 

same period, the Somali population grew.

At the urging of the Organization for 

African Unity and other groups, France 

held a third independence referendum on 

May 8, 1977. As the French had by that 

point resigned themselves to the loss of 

the colony, they did little to sway the 

outcome. The measure was adopted with 

90% approval. On June 27, 1977, the 

French Territory of the Afars and the 

Issas became the Republic of Djibouti. 

Having been elected in May 1977, Hassan Gouled Aptidon 

(pictured), a Somali of the Issa sub-clan, became President.
HISTORY &

MYTH

The Gouled Era

Gouled began his term by trying to achieve an ethnic balance 

in government, reshuffling his Cabinet 3 times in 2 years in an 

effort to placate the opposition. The Afars, however, were not 

satisfied. They noted that the Issas still had the most important 

jobs after each reshuffle. Their concerns were reinforced when 

Gouled created the Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progres 

(RPP) in 1979 and banned all other political parties.

Given the lack of legal opponents, Gouled was easily reelected 

in 1981 and 1987, keeping the country together throughout the 

1980s by dispensing government patronage. Nevertheless, his 

regime was accused many times of human rights violations,

such as kidnapping political opponents, harassing journalists, 

and detaining or executing people without due process of law.

Civil War

Gouled’s abuses inspired the formation of several mostly Afar 

opposition groups during the 1980s. In late 1991 those groups 

formed the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy 

(FRUD) and declared war on the central government. By mid1992 FRUD occupied about 2/3 of the country, although the 

captured territory was almost entirely in rural areas.

In 1994 FRUD declared a ceasefire that ultimately led to a split 

in the group. The larger group, known as FRUD-Daoud after its 

leader, signed a peace accord in 1994 in exchange for a few 

ministerial positions. The smaller group, known as FRUD-Dini 

or FRUD-Combattant, continued fighting until the early 2000s.

The Guelleh Era

Gouled at last stepped down in 1999 due 

to poor health. His successor was Ismail 

Omar Guelleh, his nephew and long-time 

confidant. Guelleh (pictured) was elected in 

1999 in what international observers 

described as a “generally fair” election, and 

was later reelected in 2005 and 2011. 

Despite years of civil war and promised 

reforms, Guelleh has ruled largely in his uncle’s tradition. Issas 

still dominate all aspects of Djiboutian politics, while Guelleh 

has often been accused of stifling his political opponents 

through a variety of means (see Political and Social Relations).
HISTORY &

MYTH

Djiboutian Myths

In contrast to history, which is supposed to be an 

objective record of the past based on verifiable facts, 

myth is a type of story that members of a culture use 

to embody their cultural values and explain the 

origins of humans and the natural world. Myths are 

important because they provide a sense of heritage 

and identity to the cultures in which they originate.

In Djibouti, for example, both the Afars and the Issas 

trace their origins to Arabia in accordance with oral 

myths. Issa myth further holds that the clan 

descends from a cousin of the Prophet Mohammed. 

Other myths are meant to be taken less literally but

still capture some of the region's unique culture.

One Somali myth even explains how the sky took its 

present form. According to that myth, the sky once 

hung so low that people could touch it easily with 

outstretched fingers. They liked that the sky hung so 

low because it protected them from the elements.

One day during the time when the sky still hung low, 

two women began grinding millet so that they could 

make meals for their husbands. As they moved their 

pestles up and down, they began unknowingly to 

punch holes in the sky. Annoyed and in pain, the sky 

asked them to stop. When the women ignored this 

request, the sky retreated to its current position.

According to the myth, the wounds that the women 

inflicted are still visible in the form of stars, which are 

lit from behind by the sun. Similarly, clouds are 

women carrying buckets of water, and rain occurs 

when they spill water through star-holes. Due to 

these customary beliefs about the sky, it is known as 

daldaloole (“that holed thing”) in Somali.
Official Name

Republic of Djibouti

République de Djibouti (French)

Jumhuriyyat Jibuti (Arabic)

Jamhuuriyadda Jabuuti (Somali)

Gabuutih Ummuuno (Afar)

Political Borders

Somalia: 36 mi

Ethiopia: 217 mi

Eritrea: 68 mi

Coastline: 195 mi

Capital

Djibouti City

Note: Djibouti refers to both the capital city and the country. For 

clarity, this guide will refer to the capital city as Djibouti City.

Demographics

Djibouti’s population of slightly more than 900,000 is growing at 

a rate of 1.9% per year. With more than 3/4 of its population 

settled in cities and around 2/3 living in Djibouti City alone, 

Djibouti is the most urbanized country in Africa. Although the 

capital is crowded, Djibouti as a whole has a modest population 

density of 99 persons/sq mi, which is only slightly higher than 

the population density of the US.

Flag

The flag consists of a white 

triangle with a red star in its 

center on the hoist side and two 

equal trapezoids of light blue 

and light green on the opposite 

side. Blue signifies the sea, the 

sky, and the Issa people; green 

symbolizes earth and the Afar people; white represents peace; 

and the red star symbolizes unity and commemorates the 

country’s struggle for independence.

2. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Geography

Located in eastern Africa at the strategically important point 

where the Red Sea meets the Gulf of Aden, Djibouti borders 

Somalia to the southeast, Ethiopia to the south and west, and 

Eritrea to the north. Djibouti and these land neighbors together 

comprise a peninsula known as the Horn of Africa. Djibouti also 

lies just 18 mi from Yemen, which is located across a strait 

known as the Bab-el-Mandeb (“Gate of Tears” in Arabic).

With a total area of 8,958 sq mi, Djibouti is slightly smaller than 

New Hampshire. Most of the country consists of volcanic rock 

desert with little vegetation apart from scrub and palm trees. 

Djibouti has almost no arable land, and only about 10% of the 

country is useful for grazing livestock. Djibouti’s landscape 

consists of coastal plains in the East, mountains in the North,

and plateaus in the West and South. The highest point is 

Moussa Ali, a 6,654-ft volcano on Djibouti’s northern border.

Djibouti has almost no groundwater. 

There are no major rivers and only 

two lakes, both of which are saline. 

Located in the center of the country, 

Lake Assal (pictured) is both the 

lowest point in Africa and one of the 

saltiest bodies of water in the world.

Climate

The climate of Djibouti is hot and dry. The most intense months 

are May to September, when daytime temperatures in Djibouti 

City top 100°F and the entire country is buffeted by dusty winds 

known as khamsin. The climate is milder from October to April, 

when humidity is lower and daytime temperatures generally 

stay below 90°F. Djibouti receives slightly more than 5 inches

of rainfall each year, although some years are nearly rainless.

Natural Hazards

The major natural hazards in Djibouti are droughts, floods, and 

earthquakes. Droughts, which occur about once every 5 years, 

are the most serious natural hazards, as they kill livestock and 

force nomadic herders to move to cities for work. Floods and 

earthquakes are less common but still cause serious damage. 

According to one UN measure, Djibouti faces a 20% risk of a 

“destructive or worse” earthquake in the next 50 years.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Government

Djibouti is a presidential republic in which executive power is 

vested in the President and a Council of Ministers (Cabinet), 

while legislative power is vested in a Parliament known as the 

National Assembly. The country is divided into 6 administrative 

units: Djibouti City and the 5 cercles (regions) of Ali Sabieh, 

Arta, Dikhil, Obock, and Tadjourah. Originally incorporated as 

the colony of French Somaliland in 1896, Djibouti became an 

independent republic in 1977. Although multiparty politics has 

been legal since 1992, the ruling People’s Rally for Progress 

(RPP) party has consistently dominated Djiboutian politics.

Executive Branch

The President, currently Ismail Omar 

Guelleh (pictured), is chief-of-state, headof-government, and commander-in-chief 

of the military. The President is elected 

by popular vote to serve a 5-year term. 

Although the 1992 constitution originally 

limited the President to two 6-year terms, 

a 2010 amendment shortened the term 

to 5 years, eliminated the two-term limit, 

and set an age range of 40 to 75.

The President is responsible for appointing a Prime Minister, 

currently Abdoulkader Kamil Mohamed. The Prime Minister 

advises the President and assumes power if the President 

becomes incapacitated. By tradition, the President is an Issa 

Somali and the Prime Minister is an Afar (see “Ethnic Groups”). 

Similarly, one seat each on the Council of Ministers is reserved 

for Arabs, Isaaq Somalis, and Gadabursi Somalis. Of the other 

13 seats, 7 are set aside for Afars and 6 are reserved for Issas.

Legislative Branch

Djibouti’s legislature consists entirely of the National Assembly. 

Although a constitutional amendment passed in 2010 provides 

for the creation of a Senate, that second chamber has yet to be 

established. The National Assembly consists of 65 members 

known as “Deputies” who are elected by popular vote to serve 

5-year terms. In contrast to parliamentary and semi-presidential 

systems, the National Assembly cannot dissolve the Council of 

Ministers through a vote of no confidence.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Judicial Branch

The Djiboutian legal system is based on the Napoleonic code 

(French civil law), shari’a (Islamic law), and the customary 

laws of the indigenous population. Consequently, these 

sources of law are generally used in different contexts.

Customary law deals only with civil matters and is administered 

through 5 regional trial courts and an appeals court in Djibouti 

City. Shari’a deals with disputes arising from Islamic family law 

and is administered through courts supervised by kadis, or 

Islamic judges. Civil law is used mostly for prosecuting urban 

crime and settling appeals arising from customary and Islamic 

courts. Civil law is administered through 5 regional Courts of 

First Instance, a High Court of Appeal, and a Supreme Court.

Political Climate

Although the three branches of the Djiboutian government are 

nominally independent and vested with similar levels of power, 

all real power rests with President Guelleh and a small circle of 

advisors. Many laws are enacted by Presidential Decree, and 

the President controls the income from Djibouti’s few economic 

resources. There is little tolerance for political dissent, and libel 

laws are enforced so strictly that most reporters self-censor.

The main role of the National 

Assembly (pictured) is to add 

an appearance of democratic 

legitimacy to the President’s 

actions. In 2010 for example, it 

amended the constitution so 

that President Guelleh could 

legally seek a third term. The 

National Assembly’s pro-executive stance parallels its 

domination by the President’s RPP allies, who have held every 

seat in the National Assembly since Independence.

RPP supremacy is linked to ethnic and clan divisions. Although 

the RPP maintains an ethnic and clan balance in the National 

Assembly and Council of Ministers, the important positions go 

to Somalis of the Issa clan, who then provide benefits to fellow 

Issas. Afars, Arabs, non-Issa Somalis, and even Issas who are 

not from the President’s Mamasan lineage are often excluded.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Since early in the Djiboutian Civil War (see History and Myth), 

the RPP government has periodically committed to democratic 

reforms, such as adopting a liberal constitution, legalizing 

multiparty politics, and decentralizing power. Partly due to the 

promise of these reforms, the main civil war rebel group now 

belongs to the same political coalition as the RPP. Many of the 

reforms, however, have yet to be fully implemented, so many of 

the grievances that led to the civil war remain unaddressed.

Although the position of the President and the Issa-dominated 

establishment appears secure for the time being, the country’s 

democratic deficit seems likely to cause more conflict, further 

political reforms, or a combination of both. The instability of 

current political conditions was demonstrated clearly in early 

2011, when thousands of Djiboutians staged demonstrations—

some of which turned violent—to protest President Guelleh’s 

refusal to step down. The protestors eventually were dispersed 

with tear gas, beatings, and mass arrests.

Defense

The Djibouti Armed Forces (Forces Armées

Djiboutiennes or FAD) consists of 10,500 

personnel divided between an Army, Navy, 

Air Force, and Gendarmerie. Since US and 

French forces based in Djibouti essentially

guarantee the country’s external security, 

the FAD focuses on internal security duties.

To a limited extent, the FAD participates in 

multilateral peacekeeping efforts, including 

the African Union (AU) Mission in Somalia 

(AMISOM) and the East African Standby 

Brigade (EASBRIG).

The Djiboutian Civil War of 1991-1994 is the only major conflict 

in which the FAD has participated. The FAD underwent a major 

expansion during that conflict, reaching 15,000 personnel with 

the help of a temporary policy of conscription. After the 1994 

ceasefire, the FAD demobilized and began assimilating rebel 

forces. This process presented challenges because at that time 

most of the rebels were Afars, while about 90% of the FAD 

were Issas. Although ethnic and clan divisions still exist within 

the FAD, they have not been as prominent in recent years.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Army: Consisting of around 8,000 active-duty personnel, the 

Army is the largest component of the FAD. Although the Army 

is a small force that depends on small arms and light weapons, 

its mobility is restrained by an insufficient supply of armored 

vehicles. In addition, the Army lacks meaningful artillery and air 

defense capabilities. President Guelleh has publicly expressed 

his commitment to modernizing and restructuring the Army.

Navy: Technically a part of the Army, 

the Navy consists of 200 personnel 

and about 15 patrol boats (pictured). It 

functions primarily as a coastal patrol 

force in the Gulf of Tadjoura, although 

the US’s donation of longer-range 

craft in 2006 enabled the Navy to 

undertake other roles, such as 

monitoring sea approaches, disrupting 

smugglers, and protecting Djiboutian 

fisheries from environmental threats.

Air Force: Established in 1979, the Air Force consists of about 

250 active-duty personnel and a small fleet of fixed- and rotarywing aircraft. With the exception of one Mi-35 attack helicopter 

that was in storage as of late 2012, the entire fleet consists of 

transport or multi-role aircraft. Accordingly, the main role of the 

Air Force is to provide logistical support to the other services.

Gendarmerie: Consisting of more than 2,000 personnel and 

falling under the Ministry of Defence, Djibouti’s Gendarmerie is 

responsible for preventing illegal immigration and policing rural 

areas. The Republican Guard, an independent brigade charged 

with protecting the President, is also a part of the Gendarmerie.

National Police Force

Consisting of 2,500 civilian personnel and falling under the 

Ministry of the Interior, the National Police Force is charged 

with internal security and border patrol duties. These duties are 

conducted by a number of sub-components, including the 

Crime Squad, the Frontier Police, and the Central Directorate 

of General Information (an intelligence agency). The National 

Police Force has attracted criticism from a number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which claim that the force 

regularly commits human rights violations.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Security Issues

Refugees: Due to conflict and 

drought in other parts of eastern

Africa, Djibouti currently hosts 

about 16,000 refugees from the 

other Horn of Africa countries—

Somalia accounts for the vast 

majority. Most refugees live in 

camps at Ali Addeh (pictured) or 

Holhol, which are both located in southeastern Djibouti. This 

large and growing refugee population presents a security risk 

because it places a strain on Djibouti’s already stretched food 

and water supplies and health and sanitation infrastructure.

Land Mines: During the Djiboutian Civil War, both rebel groups 

and the government planted land mines in various parts of the 

country. Many of those land mines remain active, especially in 

the northern highlands but also on the roads outside Tadjoura 

and in the region surrounding the southern city of Ali Sabieh.

Terrorism: Although Djibouti has not been victim of terrorist 

attacks, the risk exists due to its porous borders, strategic 

geographic location, and willingness to host Western militaries. 

Djibouti’s neighbor Somalia is home of al-Shabaab, a cell of the 

militant Islamist group al-Qaeda, and also lies in relatively close 

proximity to Yemen, Kenya, and Tanzania. In recent years all 

three have experienced al-Qaeda attacks on US targets.

The risk of terrorism in Djibouti heightened in late 2011 when it

deployed troops to Somalia in defiance of an al-Shabaab threat 

issued 7 months earlier. Although al-Shabaab did not threaten 

to attack Djibouti, the risk still exists in the context of a previous 

event in Uganda. Al-Shabaab cited Uganda’s deployment of 

troops to Somalia as its reason for July 2010 bombings that 

killed at least 74 people in the Ugandan capital of Kampala.

Piracy: The waters off the coast of Djibouti are infamous for 

their high incidence of maritime piracy, which mostly emanates 

from Somalia. Although piracy poses minimal risk to people on 

land, recent kidnappings of tourists from resorts on the Kenyan 

coast suggest that the pirates’ tactics can be unpredictable.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Foreign Relations

As a bastion of relative stability in a turbulent region, Djibouti

seeks a neutral role in regional affairs and generally maintains 

good relations with neighboring countries. Its closest regional 

relationship is with Ethiopia, based partly on historic ties but 

mostly on mutual economic dependence. Landlocked Ethiopia 

relies mostly upon the Port of Djibouti to handle its seaborne 

trade, while Djibouti receives a large share of its national 

income from Ethiopian trade.

Djibouti’s relations with Eritrea are more complex. In contrast to 

several regional countries that have shunned Eritrea, Djibouti 

has tried to engage with the country, signing a bilateral treaty of 

cooperation in 2004. Relations plummeted to an all-time low in 

2008, however, when the two countries clashed over the 

disputed border region of Ras Doumeira.

Djibouti’s relationship with Somalia is perhaps the most difficult 

to characterize because Somalia has not been a unified entity 

since the toppling of the Siad Barre regime in 1991. In general, 

Djibouti has tried to facilitate an end to the Somali Civil War by 

hosting peace talks, providing military training, and contributing 

troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

Djibouti-U.S. Relations: Djibouti-US

relations expanded greatly following 

the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The two 

countries are now close partners on a 

range of issues related to security, 

regional stability, and humanitarian 

aid. In 2002 Djibouti granted the US 

an initial lease to Camp Lemonnier, a 

former French Foreign Legion base 

located at the airport in Djibouti City. 

The base now supports about 2,500 

personnel and is the headquarters of 

the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA). 

For the US, Camp Lemonnier provides a secure foothold in a 

volatile but strategically important region. For Djibouti, the base 

provides income from rent and expanded US aid (see 

Economics and Resources) (Photo: President Guelleh with 

former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates in Washington, DC).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Djibouti-France Relations: Djibouti maintains close relations 

with France, its former colonial ruler (see History and Myth).

France maintains a military presence of about 3,000 personnel 

in Djibouti, providing about €3 million Euros and 20 technical 

advisors to the FAD in 2009. France also provides substantial 

humanitarian aid to Djibouti (see Economics and Resources),

contributing more in recent years since the US now competes 

for influence with the Djiboutian government.

Ethnic Groups

Djibouti’s ethnic landscape is 

dominated by the Somali and 

Afar ethnic groups, which jointly 

constitute about 95% of its

population. Both Somalis and 

Afars traditionally have subsisted

as nomadic herders. They speak 

Cushitic languages (see 

Language and Communication) and historically have valued

clan relationships over affiliations with nation-states. Despite 

their similarities, Somalis and Afars often have been at odds 

over access to limited resources. During the colonial era, the 

French fueled those disputes in order to exert power more 

effectively in the region. Those tensions persist because Afars 

fear domination by the more numerous Somalis.

Somalis

Numbering about 15 million in their traditional homeland in the 

Horn of Africa, Somalis constitute one of Africa’s largest ethnic 

groups. They inhabit a broad area that encompasses Somalia 

and parts of Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya. Somalis divide into 

5 clan families, hundreds of clans, and thousands of lineages. 

More than half of Djibouti’s Somalis belong to the Issa sub-clan 

of the Dir clan family, while the rest belong to the Gadabursi 

sub-clan of the same Isaaq clan family.

Issas: As with all Djiboutian Somalis, most Issas live south of 

the Gulf of Tadjoura, with a high concentration in Djibouti City. 

Although Issas tend to be individualistic and egalitarian, they 

historically have conceived of individual identity in terms of clan 

and lineage. Their leadership traditionally has been based not 

on heredity but on admirable personal qualities.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Afars

Sometimes referred to as “Danakils,” a 

label now considered derogatory, Afars 

number about 2 million and live in the 

Afar Triangle, a low-lying region located 

in northeastern Ethiopia, northern and 

western Djibouti, and southern Eritrea. 

Since Afars traditionally were nomadic 

and highly cohesive, they have come to 

identify first with their ethnic group and 

only second with the countries in which 

they live. About 300,000 Afars are said to be Djiboutians 

(Photo: Prime Minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita, an Afar).

In contrast to Issas, Afars traditionally have had a hierarchical 

social structure. In the past, the broadest social distinction was 

between the Asaemara (“red ones”) and Adaemara (“white 

ones”). The former lived along the coast and were regarded as 

nobles, while the latter lived in the mountains and were thought 

of as commoners. In addition to this basic distinction, clans and 

lineages historically had a specific place in the social ranking. 

Traditional clan heads made decisions and were respected. 

Political power historically was vested in 4 sultanates that today 

are mostly ceremonial.

Other Groups

In addition to Somalis and Afars, Djibouti is home to significant 

communities of Arabs, Ethiopians, and Europeans. Most of the 

Arabs hail from Yemen, while most of the Europeans are from 

France and Italy, the former regional colonial powers. Smaller

communities of Indians and US citizens also live in Djibouti.

Most US and many French citizens who live there work on 

military bases, while many other immigrants in Djibouti run 

businesses. Those business managers generally must do so in 

conjunction with a well-connected Djiboutian sponsor who 

benefits from the profits or other gifts.

Djibouti also hosts transient groups of migrants who stop in 

Djibouti after leaving regional countries such as Eritrea, 

Rwanda, and Sudan. Members of these groups typically are 

attempting to reach the US or wealthy Gulf states such as the 

United Arab Emirates (UAE).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Social Relations

Although economic inequality in 

Djibouti is not especially high by 

African or even global standards, 

social relations in the country are 

still colored by stark disparities 

between the lifestyles of the rich 

and the poor. The rich generally 

speak French, live in modern houses, drive personal cars, and

travel abroad frequently for business, education, or leisure. By 

contrast, the poor generally speak only Afar or Somali, live in 

poorly constructed dwellings, travel on foot or by public transit 

(see Technology and Material), and have little in the way of a 

meaningful social safety net.

These lifestyles are correlated with, if not fully determined by, 

ethnic and clan affiliations. In theory, the Djiboutian constitution 

entitles all citizens to equal treatment and rights of citizenship. 

In practice, however, both economic opportunity and rights of 

citizenship depend upon access to the powerful politicians who 

control most of the income from Djibouti’s resources.

Accordingly, Issas who belong to President Guelleh’s lineage 

enjoy the most privileges, followed closely by other Issas and 

more distantly by Afars, who gained more political power after 

the Djiboutian Civil War (see History and Myth). Arabs are next 

in the hierarchy, although many of them were driven out of the 

country before independence. At the bottom of the hierarchy 

are Ethiopian migrant laborers. Foreign business owners and 

others who lack political connections can secure a position in 

this hierarchy by utilizing ties with people closer to the center of 

power who can exert influence on their behalf.

The social hierarchy described above is most obvious in the 

capital city, where politicians exercise greater control over the 

resources and jobs that people rely upon for their livelihoods. 

By contrast, rural nomads are less integrated into the modern 

economy and thus are able to retain some of their traditional 

social structure and lifestyle (see “Ethnic Groups”). Djibouti’s 

nomads often have little interest in modern conveniences, and 

those who relocate to Djibouti City sometimes are considered

as sellouts who have abandoned their community.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Overview

Most of Djibouti’s inhabitants are 

Muslim, with estimates ranging from

94% to 99% of the population. The rest

are Christians (Roman Catholics, 

Protestants, Egyptian Copts, Ethiopian 

Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, and 

Jehovah’s Witnesses) or they practice 

Hinduism or Baha’ism, a monotheistic 

religion founded in 19th century Persia. 

While Islam is the state religion, the 

constitution protects religious freedom 

and does not require adherence to 

Islamic teachings or impose sanctions if citizens practice other 

religions. Although most Djiboutians identify themselves as 

Sunni Muslim (see “Muslim sects” below), many combine 

Islamic practices with local cultural traditions and practices.

Muslim Faith

Origins of Islam

Islam dates to the 6th century when Muhammad, whom 

Muslims consider God’s final Prophet, was born in Mecca in 

what is today Saudi Arabia. Muslims believe that while 

Muhammad was meditating in the desert, the Archangel 

Gabriel visited him over a 23-year period, revealing the Qur’an, 

the “Holy Book,” to guide their everyday lives and shape their 

lifelong values.

Meaning of Islam

Islam is a way of life to its adherents. The term Islam literally 

means submission to the will of God, and a Muslim is “a person 

who submits to God.”

Muslim Sects

Islam divided very early in its history into two sects based on 

different interpretations of who should lead the Muslim 

community (Ummah). While the Sunni believed that the leader

(Caliph) of the Muslim community should be elected, Shi’a 

3. RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Muslims believed the religious leader should be a direct 

descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Djiboutian Muslims are 

predominantly Sunni.

Five Pillars of Islam

There are five basic principles of the Islamic faith. 

• Profession of Faith (Shahada): “There is no god but God

and Muhammad is His Messenger.”

• Prayer (Salat): Pray five 

times a day while facing the 

Ka’aba in Mecca. The Ka’aba 

is considered the center of 

the Muslim world and a 

unifying focal point for Islamic 

worship (Photo: US Marine at 

the Ka’aba in 2012).

• Charity (Zakat): Donate a percentage of one’s income to 

the poor or needy. 

• Fasting (Sawm): Abstain from food, drink, and sexual 

relations from sunrise to sunset during the holy month of 

Ramadan.

• Pilgrimage to Mecca (The Hajj): Perform the pilgrimage to 

Mecca, Saudi Arabia once in a lifetime. 

Shared Perspectives

Many Islamic tenets parallel those of two other major world 

religions, namely Judaism and Christianity. In fact, Muslims 

consider Christians and Jews “people of the Book,” referring to 

biblical scriptures, because they also share their monotheistic 

belief in one God. 

Abraham: All three faiths trace their lineage to Abraham, 

known as Ibrahim in Islam, although having different maternal 

origins. Christians and Jews trace their descent to Abraham, 

his wife Sarah, and their son Isaac, while Muslims trace theirs 

to Abraham and his Egyptian concubine, Hagar, and their son 

Ishmael.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Scriptures: Much of the content 

of the Qur’an is similar to 

teachings and stories found in 

the Christian Bible’s Old and 

New Testaments. Likewise,

Muslims view Islam as a 

completion of previous 

revelations to Jewish and 

Christian prophets. However, 

Muslims believe Jews and

Christians altered God’s word

and that Muhammad received the true revelation of God

(Pictured: Qur’an page from 8th century North Africa).

Jesus: The three religions differ significantly in their 

understanding of the role of Jesus. While Christians consider 

him the divine Messiah who fulfills the Jewish Scriptures, Jews 

are still waiting for the Messiah to come. Muslims recognize 

Jesus as a prophet but do not acknowledge the Christian view 

of his divinity. Nor do they believe in the Christian Trinity.

View of Death: Muslims believe that the time of death, like 

birth, is determined by Allah. While people grieve the loss of 

family members or friends, they do not view death itself as a 

negative event, as Muslims believe that a person who lived a 

good life goes on to live in Heaven.

Concept of Jihad

The concept of Jihad, or inner striving, is a fundamental 

element within Islam. Traditionally, it is the principled and moral 

pursuit of God’s command to lead a virtuous life. It should not 

be confused with the publicized violence often associated with

Jihad. Most Muslims are strongly opposed to terrorism, 

considering it contrary to Islamic beliefs. 

Ramadan

Ramadan is a month-long time for inner reflection, self-control,

and focus on God. During this time, Muslims who are physically 

able are required to fast from dawn to sunset. Many Muslims 

believe that denying their hunger helps them to learn selfcontrol, appreciate the difficulties of the poor, and gain spiritual 

renewal – by fasting, one learns to appreciate the good in life. It 

is common for Muslims to break their fast at sunset with and a 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
light snack followed by prayer and then dinner. Ramadan is 

observed during the 9th month of the Islamic calendar (see 

Time & Space) and includes three holy days.

• Lailat ul-Qadr: Known as “The Night of Power,” it marks 

Muhammad’s receipt of the first verses of the Qur’an. 

• Aïd al-Adha: Known as is the “Festival of Sacrifice,” it 

commemorates Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son, 

Ishmael (or Isaac, according to the Christian faith), as proof 

of his loyalty to God. It is celebrated the same day the Hajj 

ends. 

• Aïd al-Fitr: This event is a 3-day “Festival of Fast-Breaking” 

celebrated at Ramadan’s end.

Sufi Tradition: Characterized by mysticism and ritualistic 

prayer, the Sufi tradition historically centered on religious 

brotherhoods whose members adhered to teachings from their 

spiritual leaders known as sheikhs. Although these 

brotherhoods did not have the same level of significance in 

Djibouti as in other African nations, Sufi traditions have 

influenced certain popular devotional practices, such as the 

singing of praise songs (see “Ramadan in Djibouti”).

Introduction of Islam to Djibouti

Because of its position just 18 miles across the Bab-elMandeb strait from the Arabian Peninsula (see Political and 

Social Relations), Djibouti has been a crossroads for millennia.

In the decades following 

Muhammad’s death in the 

7th century, Islam spread 

across the entire Arabian 

Peninsula. Within a few 

centuries, Arabian traders 

had brought the new 

religion to the area around 

present-day Djibouti. Over 

several centuries, Islam 

became firmly established among the local populations in many 

of the region’s coastal communities (see History and Myth) 

(Photo: Air Force chaplain Capt Habash leads a sunset prayer 

for Djiboutians).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Religion Today 

Islam 

Since religion is very important for most Djiboutians, life 

generally is oriented to the annual cycle of religious rituals and 

holidays. Over 80% of respondents in a recent survey reported 

they attend religious services at least weekly. Streets are often 

deserted on Friday afternoons as people go to mosques, which 

are found in every Djiboutian community, or their homes to 

pray. A popular pilgrimage site is the tomb of Sheikh Abu Yazid 

in the Goda Mountains (Photo: The Sultan of Tadjoura hosts 

the commander of CJTFHOA).

For both Afars and Issas in 

Djibouti, Islamic beliefs are 

intertwined with local cultural

traditions and customs, 

resulting in a religious 

landscape much different from 

that of other nearby predominantly Muslim countries. Examples 

of traditional beliefs and practices among Djiboutians include 

appeal to deceased ancestors and the use of rain-making 

ceremonies. 

Djibouti is in many ways much less conservative than many 

other predominantly Muslim countries. Although forbidden in 

Islam and mostly unavailable in some countries, alcohol is legal 

in Djibouti and sold openly in supermarkets, nightclubs, and 

bars (see Sustenance and Health). 

Women’s attire is also less conservative than that seen in other 

Muslim countries and is 

strongly influenced by 

fashions in neighboring 

Somalia and in the Arab 

world. Girls and women 

usually do not wear a full 

veil, for example, but simply 

dress modestly and cover 

their heads with sheer, 

colorful scarves (see Aesthetics and Recreation) (Photo: US 

Army captain with Djiboutian schoolgirls).

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Christianity

Since Djibouti’s Muslim majority is generally tolerant of nonMuslims, there have been no reports of discrimination based 

on religious affiliation, belief, or practice in recent years. The 

French Roman Catholic and Protestant churches and the 

Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church are well-established 

institutions that maintain good relationships with the Ministry of 

Islamic Affairs. Because Muslim societal norms and customs 

discourage proselytization, non-Muslim denominations 

generally engage in few conversion efforts. 

Religion and the Law 

Shari’a (Islamic) law is combined with elements of civil law in 

family court, which has authority over matters such as 

marriage, divorce, and inheritance for Muslims, while civil 

courts address such matters for non-Muslims. The government 

requires the registration of all religious organizations and 

generally monitors all religious 

activities in the country. 

While the Ministry for Islamic 

Affairs provides some 

subsidies to both mosques 

and Christian churches, the 

Ministry has full authority over 

all Islamic matters and

institutions, including mosque activities and religious events. 

Within the Ministry, the High Islamic Council advises the 

government and coordinates the work of all Islamic nongovernmental organizations in the country (Photo: CJTF-HOA

chaplain Dinkins meets with Minister of Islamic Affairs Mogeuh 

Dirir Samatar in 2007).

Religion and Politics 

Although religion generally does not play a major role in 

internal politics, Djiboutian political leaders and moderate 

Muslim clerics have recently condemned a perceived increase 

in Muslim fundamentalist rhetoric. They associate this diversion

with the activities of Djiboutian graduates of Saudi Arabian and 

Yemeni Islamic schools. Some suggest that the government’s 

support in recent decades for Sufi Islamic traditions, such as 

the singing of ecstatic praise songs to the Prophet and his 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
family in Djibouti’s indigenous languages (see “Ramadan in 

Djibouti”), is aimed at countering the influence of Arabic 

language-based fundamentalist Islam while preserving 

Djibouti’s heritage (see Aesthetics and Recreation).

Religion and Education

While no religious education takes place within the formal 

public educational system (see Learning and Knowledge), an

informal system of Qur’anic schools serves both rural and 

urban areas. Community-based Qur’anic preschools are also 

common in which children learn lessons from the Qur’an in 

addition to reading and writing. The Ministries of Islamic Affairs 

and Education oversees all such private religious schools.

Ramadan in Djibouti

On a typical morning during Ramadan in Djibouti 

City, the city center is bustling as citizens complete 

their errands before businesses close at mid-day. 

During the afternoon the streets empty, although

women in kitchens across the city are busy 

preparing traditional foods. Similarly, most people 

are listening to nabi ammaan, joyful praise songs to 

the Prophet, on the radio. As sunset approaches, the 

lyrics change to congratulate listeners upon 

successfully accomplishing their religious fasting 

duties for the day and encouraging them now to 

thank God and indulge. When the muezzin calls for 

sunset prayer, Djiboutians break their fast by first 

consuming dates and drinking water, then enjoying 

fried dough and sambusi (a Somali eggroll-type 

snack filled with ground beef). After eating many 

Djiboutians head to their local mosques for a special 

prayer service. Djiboutians celebrate the end of 

Ramadan with the two-day Festival of Fast-breaking 

during which families come together and children 

receive gifts of toys and sweets.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Overview

In a country with a harsh environment, few resources, and high 

unemployment, families serve as mutual support societies that 

are essential to individual survival. This practice applies to both 

large and small family units.

Residence

Djiboutian dwellings vary widely 

between urban and rural areas.

Urban homes tend to be modest 

shacks built with imported 

materials such as cement, mud, 

tin, and wood. Since Djibouti 

does not mass produce building 

materials in large quantities, the 

choice of building materials for 

each specific home depends upon resources available at the 

Port of Djibouti. Although a small number of wealthy individuals 

own Western-style homes with such amenities as covered 

garages, there is generally a lack of quality urban housing.

Since most rural dwellers are nomadic (see Political and Social 

Relations), rural homes tend to be designed for lightness and 

mobility. Accordingly, the most common type of rural home is 

the toukoul, a round hut that has branches for a frame and 

boiled bark for covering. Women generally are responsible for 

collapsing toukouls when their families move.

Family Structure

Like dwellings, family structures in Djibouti vary between urban 

and rural areas. Extended family structures (see “Clans” below) 

are most common in rural areas, while nuclear families, which 

consist of two parents and their children, are most common in 

urban areas. Due to Djibouti’s high unemployment rate and 

shortage of housing, members of the same extended family 

often live together in order to support each other and reduce

living expenses. In some cases, a household of several dozen 

people is supported by just one or two workers.

4. FAMILY AND KINSHIP

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Most Djiboutian ethnic groups are patrilineal, meaning that 

individuals inherit their clan identity from their fathers, although 

maternal kinship ties also tend to be strong. Men typically are 

expected to ensure the financial and physical security of their 

families, while women are expected to care for children and 

extended family members in need. In some cases, the men 

and women of a Djiboutian household live segregated lives, 

sleeping in different quarters and eating from separate 

communal bowls. 

Polygyny: Refers to a practice in which a man is married to 

multiple women at the same time. Polygyny is permitted by 

Islamic law, which allows men to have up to 4 wives. Still, 

polygyny is rare in Djibouti due to the expense of multiple wives 

and families.

Clans

For Afars and Somalis, clan affiliations are an important aspect 

of social relations. A clan, which is the largest social unit,

collectively consists of two or more blood lines (lineages) 

having a common ancestor. Clans affect spouse selection, 

social security, dispute resolution, inheritance, and networking. 

Djiboutians of the same clan often help one another, even if 

they have never met, while members of different clans may 

regard one another with distrust.

Afar Clans: There are 5 major Afar clans represented in

Djibouti. In the North, the Hassoba live near Tadjoura while the 

Adail and Badoita-Mela live near Obock. In the South, the 

Adarassoul and Debne live near Dikhil.

Somali Clans: Nearly all Djiboutian Somalis belong to the Dir 

or Isaaq clan families. The Dir clan family, which includes the 

Issa and Gadabursi sub-clans, is

larger and more politically 

influential (see Political and Social 

Relations).

Children

Having children, especially boys, 

is much more than a practice of

meeting social expectations. 

Many women, especially if they lack jobs in the formal sector, 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
have as many children as possible in order to maximize their 

odds of having support in old age. Traditionally, nursing 

mothers were secluded with their child for 40 days after the 

child’s birth. At the end of the 40-day seclusion period, a 

celebration traditionally was held to introduce the child to 

society. This practice of seclusion has declined in recent years 

in order to facilitate immunizations. It is also traditional that 

fathers not be present for the birth of their children.

Rites of Passage

Djiboutians observe a number of rites-of-passage ceremonies 

to mark various life stages and events such as birth, marriage, 

and death. Among Somalis, these life events include festive 

meals to commemorate these important occasions. Festive 

meals typically include singing, dancing, or reciting religious 

poetry (see Aesthetics and Recreation). The types of food and 

the people invited depend upon 

the wealth of the host family 

and the nature of the occasion.

Circumcision: Both Somalis 

and Afars have traditions of 

ritual circumcision. Most boys 

are circumcised in early 

puberty, while girls and young 

women historically have been subject female genital mutilation 

(see Sex and Gender).

Marriage

Marriage is important because Djiboutians traditionally are not 

considered fully adult until they are married and contribute in 

some way to their family’s survival, whether through wages or 

household chores. For most Djiboutians, a series of exchanges 

and ceremonies marks the transition to married life.

Spouse Selection: Because marriage historically functioned to 

unite kin groups, older clan males traditionally arranged most 

marriages. Arranged marriages are less common in modern 

Djiboutian society, where the main factors influencing spousal 

selection include love, family background, and socioeconomic

status. Afars are stricter than Somalis about the preferred 

blood relation between spouses. They favor patrilateral crossKINSHIP

FAMILY &
cousin marriage, which occurs when a man weds his father’s 

sister’s daughter. Somalis disapprove of this marriage pattern.

Bridewealth: When a man identifies a potential wife, a male 

relative—usually his father—approaches the girl’s father to 

negotiate “bridewealth.” Usually consisting of money, livestock, 

or qat (a mildly narcotic leaf—see Aesthetics and Recreation), 

bridewealth is a form of compensation which the groom’s family

pays to the bride’s to account for the couple’s children 

belonging to the groom’s family. Bridewealth negotiations are 

time-consuming and often delay the wedding. In Somali 

weddings, the bride’s family typically provides the couple with 

items they will need for married life, 

such as a dwelling and furnishings.

Weddings: Since most Djiboutians

are Muslims, nearly all weddings in 

Djibouti are conducted in the Islamic 

tradition (see Religion and 

Spirituality). The official wedding 

ceremony, known as the nikah, is a 

legal transaction during which the 

marriage contract is finalized and the bridewealth (see above) 

is transferred. The nikah, which only men attend, is followed by 

a party, which occurs up to 1 month later and must happen 

before the newlyweds can move in together. If the couple is 

moving into a new home, friends and family may mark the 

occasion with an additional celebration. If financial conditions 

allow, the bride’s friends and family members sometimes have 

a separate party of their own (Photo: People from the village of 

Kontali, Djibouti, perform a traditional proposal dance).

Death

According to Islamic tradition, burials occur as soon as possible 

after death. The deceased is wrapped in a white cloth and then 

carried to a mosque for prayers and services. Bodies typically 

are buried without a casket. Cremation is virtually non-existent, 

as the practice is considered sinful in the Islamic tradition. After 

the burial, family members of the deceased sit together for as 

many as 3 days while they receive condolences. One year after 

the funeral, family members honor the deceased by sacrificing 

a goat or sheep and holding a remembrance feast.

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Overview

In line with Islamic tradition and Afar and Somali customs, men 

dominate family life, business, and politics in Djibouti. In recent 

years, however, women increasingly have assumed the roles 

of income earner or head-of-household. This shift has been 

driven by migration, regional conflict, and economic difficulties.

Gender Roles and Work

In both urban and rural areas, men and women perform distinct 

types of labor. In rural areas, men are responsible for tending 

livestock and determining the family’s 

movements, while women are 

responsible for cooking, cleaning, and 

other domestic tasks. Men who perform 

female tasks sometimes are disparaged.

The situation is similar in urban areas, 

although men perform wage labor 

instead of agricultural work and do not 

contribute to domestic work at all. Men 

commonly join the civil service or

military, or work at local businesses, the Port of Djibouti, or the 

French and US military bases. Due to economic conditions, 

many women also have started to work outside their homes in 

such industries as domestic service and retail trade (including 

selling qat, a mild narcotic—see Aesthetics and Recreation).

Gender and Politics

Although men historically have controlled Djiboutian politics, 

female representation is increasing. This trend is due partly to 

a law passed in 2002 requiring that women hold at least 20% of 

high-level public sector posts. Similarly, a presidential decree 

issued in 2008 stipulates that women hold at least 10% of 

seats in the legislature.

After the 2008 elections, women held 9 of 65 (13.8%) National 

Assembly seats, 2 of 21 (9.5%) Cabinet posts, and half of all 

magistracies (judgeships). Despite the seemingly progressive 

nature of this increased female representation, many women 

who participate in politics are close relatives of important men.

5. SEX AND GENDER

SEX &

GENDER
Gender and the Law

Djiboutian law is a mixture of French civil law, shari’a (Islamic 

law), and customary law (see Political and Social Relations). 

Most issues of family law, such as divorce and inheritance, are 

adjudicated by customary or shari’a laws which favor men. 

Although civil law is more respectful of women’s rights and can 

supersede other forms of law, many women are uninformed 

about or unable to assert their rights. Consequently, legal 

gender discrimination is common. Under shari’a, for example, 

sons are entitled to twice of their father’s inheritance as 

daughters, although in theory sons also must care for surviving 

wives and siblings.

Rape and Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

Djibouti’s penal code outlaws several forms of GBV, including 

rape, assault, torture, and “acts of barbarity.” Due to social 

norms, however, few cases 

are reported and even fewer 

are prosecuted. Police 

usually do not get involved 

unless a death occurs. 

Consequently, there are no 

reliable statistics about the 

extent of GBV, which is left for clans and families to resolve. In 

this traditional system, harmonious social relations usually are 

privileged over punishment of perpetrators.

There are are no Djiboutian laws that specifically address 

spousal rape. Consequently, spousal rape and other forms of 

domestic violence in most cases are considered family matters

that should be addressed by Islamic courts if at all. 

Sexual Relations and Procreation

Since Djibouti is predominately a Muslim society (see Religion 

and Spirituality), attitudes about sexual relations reflect Islamic 

tradition. Accordingly, sex is only appropriate in the context of 

marriage, while virginity and fidelity are highly valued, 

especially in women. Although shari’a prescribes equal 

penalties for sexual misconduct by either gender, men 

generally suffer fewer repercussions. This fact reflects the 

Islamic social attitude that women, in particular, should display 

modesty in order to guard the family honor.

SEX &

GENDER
Despite the pervasiveness of Islamic influence, Djibouti is more 

liberal in some sexual attitudes than other Islamic countries. 

For example, Djiboutian women typically wear the hijab (a 

shawl that covers the head as a symbol of modesty) only after 

marriage. Similarly, many Djiboutian women wear bright and 

colorful outfits instead of the all-black attire common among 

Muslim women in some other 

Islamic countries (see Aesthetics 

and Recreation).

Reproductive Health: Djiboutian 

women bear an average of 2.63 

children, or about 28% more than 

US women. However, Djibouti’s 

statistic may be understated, as 

some parents do not register their 

children’s births to avoid a fee. 

Although the fertility rate has fallen sharply since 

independence, the government continues to promote the use of 

contraceptives by increasing their availability. About 1/5 of 

Djiboutian women use some form of contraception.

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

FGM is a procedure whereby the female sex organ is modified 

in a way that decreases a woman’s ability to experience sexual 

pleasure. Although now illegal, FGM remains common in 

Djibouti. Nearly all Djiboutian women—98% by one estimate—

have undergone FGM, which occurs as early as age 5. The 

practice remains widespread partly because it is closely linked 

to Djibouti’s religious and cultural traditions. In recent years the 

Djiboutian government has pursued a campaign to educate the 

public about the dangers of FGM, which has negative health 

consequences and can be fatal if performed improperly.

Homosexuality

Homosexuality historically has not attracted much attention in 

Djibouti. Although the practice is illegal, there are no known 

cases in which a person has been prosecuted for homosexual 

activity nor known reports of violence or discrimination based 

on sexual orientation. Nevertheless, adherents of Islam 

consider homosexuality sinful.

SEX &

GENDER
Language Overview

Djibouti’s primary languages are Somali, Afar, French, and 

Arabic. Although French and Arabic are the official languages, 

the most widely spoken ones are Somali and Afar, which 

together are used by about 95% of the population. For rural 

dwellers and the urban poor, Somali 

or Afar is usually their first and only 

tongue. Many other Djiboutians are 

multilingual.

Indigenous Languages

Djibouti’s indigenous Somali and Afar

languages also are spoken widely in 

the neighboring countries of Somalia 

and Ethiopia. The two languages are 

closely related, as both are Eastern 

Cushitic languages in the Semitic 

branch of the Afro-Asiatic family. Moreover, both languages 

have rich oral traditions, as neither had a writing system before 

the mid-19th century.

Somali: Spoken as a first language by 60% of the population, 

Somali is spoken widely in southern Djibouti and is the primary 

language spoken in Djibouti City. Although Djiboutian Somali is 

identical to the form of Somali spoken in northern Somalia, it 

differs in vocabulary from the vernacular of southern Somalia. 

Somalis devised a range of specialized scripts for recording

their language during the 20th century. Eventually in 1972, the 

Somalia government declared the Latin alphabet as the official 

writing system for the Somali language.

Afar: Afar is the first language of about 35% of Djiboutians and 

used widely throughout the “Afar Triangle,” a region that spans 

northern Djibouti and parts of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Afar was 

first documented in the 1970s, when two Afar scholars created 

an alphabet known as the Qafar Feera. Although Afar is rarely 

used outside of northern and western Djibouti, there are Afarspeaking enclaves in Djibouti City.

6. LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
The Origins of “Djibouti”

There is little agreement over the origin of the name 

“Djibouti,” as various groups would like to claim the 

name of the country for their own linguistic heritage. 

One theory proposes that “Djibouti” is derived from 

“Tadjoura,” the name of the gulf that is adjacent to 

Djibouti City. Another theory suggests that “Djibouti” 

means “Land of Tehuti,” in reference to an Egyptian 

deity. Most sources, however, suggest that Djibouti 

takes its name from the Afar word gabouti, which 

refers to a type of palm-fiber plate that is placed on a 

pedestal and used in special ceremonies.

French

Introduced by colonists in the late 19th century, French is one 

of Djibouti’s two official languages. Traditionally associated with 

wealth and prestige, French is the main language of business, 

government, mass media, and education (see Learning and 

Knowledge). Although modern Djibouti retains many signs of 

French influence, only around 3% of the population (mostly

French expatriates) speaks French as a mother tongue.

Arabic

Used primarily to conduct religious ceremonies in mosques and 

Islam-based instruction in Qur’anic schools (see Learning and 

Knowledge), Arabic is the second official language of Djibouti. 

Although most Djiboutians learn some Arabic at an early age, 

few speak Arabic as a first language. The main exceptions are 

Djibouti’s Arabs, who are primarily from Yemen (see Political 

and Social Relations).

English

English is a fairly recent addition to the linguistic landscape of 

Djibouti and not yet widely spoken. Currently, most Englishspeaking Djiboutians are traders, hotel managers, taxi drivers, 

or workers in other parts of the tourism industry. Nevertheless, 

the expansion of international business in Djibouti has led to 

growing demand for private English instruction.

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Communication Overview

Communicating effectively with Djiboutians requires not just the 

ability to speak French, Arabic, Somali, or Afar, but also the 

ability to interact effectively. This broad notion of competence 

includes paralanguage (speech, volume, rate, intonation), 

nonverbal communication (personal space, touch, gestures), 

and interaction management (conversation initiation, turntaking, and termination). When used properly, these forms of 

communication help to ensure that statements are interpreted 

as the speaker intends.

Communication Style

Although Djiboutians are known for their friendliness toward 

foreign nationals, they also value their privacy and place a high 

premium on respect. Consequently, it is advisable to be as 

polite and courteous as possible when talking with a Djiboutian. 

In addition, it is advisable to remain respectful and calm, 

particularly during negotiations, where diplomacy is crucial 

when attempting to persuade. Polite individuals are regarded 

more highly than those who are blunt or use overbearing tones.

Djiboutians typically use language indirectly or in ways that 

convey multiple meanings in order to avoid offending others. 

Conversations may also 

include metaphorical speech 

such as proverbs and lines of 

verse.

Greetings

Greetings tend to follow a 

formal pattern and are 

essential at the start of 

conversations in Djibouti,

where many linguistic and 

ethnic groups involve multiple languages. A typical 

conversation might start with the Arabic-language phrase Assalaamu alaykum (“Peace be with you”), to which the reply is 

Wa ‘alaykum as-salaam (“And also with you”). Alternatively, 

conversations may begin with the Somali phrases Iska waran? 

(“How are you?”) or Ma nabad baa? (“Is it peace?” or “Are you 

okay?”), to which possible replies include Nabad (“Peace”) or 

Haah, waa nabad (“Yes, there is peace”).

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Gender: People of different genders typically are more 

reserved and distant during greetings than those of the same

gender. Same-sexes often touch during greetings, although 

different sexes usually do not. Men greet each other with 

handshakes and shoulder embraces, while women may swap 

bisous (cheek kisses) (see Time and Space). 

Forms of Address

Proper titles are a sign of respect in Djibouti. The Somali word 

Mudane and the Arabic word Sayyid (both mean “honorable”) 

often precede a person’s last name in order to indicate respect. 

President Guelleh, for example, might be addressed as 

Mudane Guelleh. Somalis indicate respect for elders by 

addressing all elderly people—even new acquaintances—as 

“uncle” or “aunt.” Similarly, many Djiboutians use such terms as 

“brother,” “sister,” or “cousin” to address each other.

Gestures

Like most people, Djiboutians use 

gestures to substitute for or 

supplement spoken words. For 

example, Djiboutians indicate the 

word “no” with a light thrust 

upwards of the chin. Similarly,

Djiboutians use the chin rather 

than the index finger to indicate a 

specific direction.

To summon someone, they extend a downward facing hand in 

the person’s direction and draw one finger toward the body, 

without pointing at the person directly. To request that another 

person wait for “just a moment,” Djiboutians press the index 

finger and thumb together and then raise them upwards. To 

indicate “full”—as, for example, when requesting a full tank at a 

gas station—they touch a closed fist with a protruding thumb to 

the bottom of the chin. When Djiboutians make the same 

gesture with the thumb pointed at the mouth, they are 

requesting water.

Language Training Resources

Please view the Air Force Culture and Language Center 

website at http://culture.af.mil/resources/index.aspx for 

language training resources.

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Useful Translations

English French Somali

Do you speak 

English?

Parlez-vous 

anglais?

Ingriis miyaad ku 

hadashaa?

Hello Bonjour Iska warran?

How are you? Comment allezvous?

Iska warran? or 

Sideed tahay?

I’m fine, thanks, and 

you?

Bien, merci, et 

vous?

Waan wanaagsan 

ahay, mahadsanid, 

adigana?

Yes Oui Haa

No Non Maya

Okay Bien Waa yahay

Good morning Bonjour Subax wanaagsan

Good afternoon Bonjour Galab wanaagsan

Goodnight Bonne nuit Habeen wanaagsan

Goodbye Au revoir Nabad galyo

Please S’il vous plaît Fadlan

Thank you Merci Mahadsanid

You’re welcome De rien Adaa mudan

I’m sorry Désolé/Excusezmoi Iga raalli ahow

Today Aujourd'hui Maanta

Tomorrow Demain Berri(to)

What is your name? Comment vous 

appelez vous? Magacaa?

My name is __ Je m’appelle __ Magacaygu waa __

I am pleased to 

meet you. Enchanté Waan faraxsanahay

Who? Qui? Yaa waaye?

What? Quoi? Waa maxay?

When? Quand? Goorma?

Where? Où? Xaggee?

Why? Pourquoi? Sababtu waa 

maxay?

Help! Au secours! Caawimaad!

Stop! Arrêtez! Joogso!

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Literacy

• Total population over age 15 who can read and write: 68%

• Male: 78%

• Female: 58% (2003 estimate)

Traditional Education

Although traditional educational 

methods vary across clans and 

ethnic groups, all Djiboutian 

communities historically have 

used an informal, oral style of 

teaching to perpetuate values, 

skills, and knowledge across generations. Family and 

community historically have played an integral role in this 

process.

Both Somalis and Afars use stories and other forms of folklore 

(see Aesthetics and Recreation) to convey morals, history, and 

political views. Children learn both general storylines and exact 

wordings of such folktales through repetition and memorization.

In some cases, traditional education is gender-specific, passed 

down from father to son or from mother to daughter.

Other forms of traditional education include songs, proverbs, 

and riddles, which typically convey cultural values. For 

example, the Afar use these media to demonstrate their pride 

for military strength, importance of camels, and value of family 

relationships.

Islamic Schools: Since precolonial times, religious instruction 

has been an important part of education in Djibouti (see 

Religion and Spirituality). Since the introduction of Islam, for 

example, Arabic-language Qur’anic schools have provided 

both academic instruction and religious guidance. Since

Qur’anic instructors historically taught mostly from personal 

experience rather than objective academic standards, 

instruction in those schools has tended to be lacking. Today 

many Djiboutian students still study at dugsi—informal, 

neighborhood Qur’anic schools where students learn basic 

Qur’anic literacy and memorize prayers through repetition. 

7. LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Introduction of Formal Education

In 1884 Catholic missionaries living in Obock established 

Djibouti’s first formal, Western-style schools. Although it 

remains unclear who attended these schools, some historians 

claim they were open only to European settlers. Nevertheless,

these mission schools lost government 

funding in 1905 after political 

movements in Europe prompted France 

to enforce a separation of church and 

state in both France and all French 

colonies.

Secularization: Consequently, the 

mission schools closed temporarily while 

they sought new funding sources.

Eventually, they were able to reopen in 1906 as secularized 

mission schools staffed by a number of priests who had taught 

in the former mission schools. Although they did little to 

educate the indigenous population, mission schools were the 

only provider of Western-style education in French Somaliland 

(see History and Myth) until after World War I.

Public Schools: Mission schools declined in popularity after 

French Somaliland’s first public schools opened in 1922. Since 

many public schools lacked resources, the quality of education 

remained low. The public schools awarded only two 

certificates: “elementary,” for learning to read, write, and count; 

and “superior,” for acquiring reading comprehension skills.

Moreover, public schools were unpopular with the indigenous 

population. Nomads were especially wary, as the curriculum 

neither related to their lifestyle nor reflected their beliefs. Many 

nomads believed that the public schools were meant to convert 

them to Christianity. In order to expand enrollment, public 

schools began offering Qur’anic education to Muslim students 

in 1964.

Modern Education System

After Djibouti attained independence from France in 1977, the 

new government continued to follow the French school model. 

As time passed and resources dwindled, educational quality 

decreased. This trend was marked by low attendance, teacher 

shortages, and a crumbling educational infrastructure.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
In 1999 a collection of teachers, students, parents, and officials 

gathered at a National Education Conference to discuss ways 

of overhauling the education system. This gathering led to a 

series of plans designed to improve educational quality, boost 

economic growth, and promote national unity. Specific priorities 

included increasing female enrollment, introducing instruction 

in Somali and Afar, and creating adult literacy programs. Many 

of these priorities have yet to 

be implemented.

Primary: Primary school

extends for 5 years and is 

compulsory, although because 

the law is not enforced 

universally, only an estimated 

35% of Djiboutian children 

finish primary school.

Likewise, improvements in 

attendance and completion have been constrained due to

many parents either lacking the money for supplies and school 

lunches or needing their children, especially girls, to assist with 

household tasks. Nevertheless, enrollment has grown slowly in 

recent years—46% of enrolled students were female in 2006

which represents significant improvement.

Secondary: Secondary school last for 7 years. Due to recent 

educational reforms, schooling is compulsory through age 16; 

however, only about 20% of children who enroll in secondary 

school finish their secondary education. Although French is the 

language of instruction in most secondary schools, advocacy 

groups continue to demand for instruction in Somali and Afar 

(see Language and Communication). Arabic and English are 

taught as foreign languages in some Djiboutian schools. 

Rural Students

Of the 30,000 children enrolled in Djibouti’s schools, only 4,000 

live in rural areas—about half the enrollment one would expect 

based on population statistics. This underrepresentation is due 

partly to the fact that many rural dwellers do not trust the formal 

education system. Another factor is a continuing lack of access 

and resources in rural areas, which the Djiboutian government 

has been slow to address in educational policies.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Boarding schools are scarce and poorly maintained, causing 

many families to worry about security, especially for girls. 

Some rural children live with city-based relatives while 

attending school, although this type of arrangement leads to 

financial difficulties for both sides. Despite these issues, years 

of drought, famine, and cattle losses have compelled many 

nomads to seek an education for their children.

Higher Education

Higher education is a new but fastgrowing commodity in Djibouti. Until 

recently, Djiboutian students could 

pursue higher education only by 

studying abroad. Between the 1920s 

and the 1960s, about 20 students each 

year received scholarships to study at 

universities in Europe and other parts 

of Africa.

In 2000, however, Pôle Universitaire de Djibouti, the country’s 

first institution of higher education, opened in Djibouti City. 

Since a name change to the University of Djibouti in 2006, the 

school now offers many courses of study beyond its original 

arts curriculum, including science, technology, economics, and 

law. With the addition of 2,000 students in 2012, the university 

now educates around 6,000 students. 

Vocational Education

Djibouti’s government sponsors vocational training to promote 

economic growth. In practice, most training is gender-specific 

to reflect common stereotypes. For example, men’s courses 

include auto repair and electrical installation, while women’s 

courses include handicrafts, tailoring, and hairdressing.

Refugees

Approximately 16,000 dispersed people from Somalia, Eritrea, 

and Ethiopia currently live in Djibouti (see Political and Social 

Relations) and look to the Djiboutian education system to

accommodate their children. Some non-governmental 

organizations have sought to ease that burden by educating 

refugees, especially females, and offering skills training that 

contributes to economic growth.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Overview

As in many kin-based African countries, Djiboutians tend to 

value interpersonal relations over strict time management. Due 

to their longstanding involvement in global trade, they are also 

accustomed to the Western concept of time. Djiboutians tend to 

be wary of strangers yet eager to offer warmth, hospitality, and 

assistance once relationships have been formed.

Time and Work

Djibouti’s work week extends from Sunday through Thursday. 

Working hours run from about 7:30am until 1:00pm, when most 

businesses, offices, and schools close for lunch, and townsfolk 

await the daily qat shipment (see Aesthetics and Recreation). 

Businesses usually reopen from 3:00pm to 6:00pm. Djibouti’s 

time zone is 3 hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time (GMT) 

and 8 hours ahead of Eastern Standard 

Time (EST).

Punctuality

Perhaps due to their long experience 

with international trade and Western 

influence, Djiboutians tend to be more 

punctual than other inhabitants of the 

Horn of Africa. Accordingly, it is advisable 

to arrive on time for appointments, 

especially when doing business in 

Djibouti City. In social situations, 

however, punctuality is more relaxed. Similarly, time in rural 

areas depends less on clocks than on seasons, weather 

patterns, and the grazing needs of livestock.

Negotiations

Negotiation requires time and patience in Djibouti, as some 

Djiboutians, especially rural people, can be deeply suspicious 

of outsiders. At the least, foreign nationals should take time to 

exchange greetings and make personal inquiries about health 

and family before “getting down to business.” In some cases, a 

longer-term relationship may be required before serious 

negotiations can occur.

8. TIME AND SPACE

SPACE

TIME &
Lunar Islamic Calendar

Muslims in Djibouti use the Islamic calendar to calculate when 

Islamic holidays should be celebrated. Since that calendar is 

based on the phases of the moon, specific dates fall 11 days 

earlier each year from the perspective of the Western calendar. 

There are 12 months in the Islamic calendar, all of which have 

30 days or fewer. Days begin at sunset on what Westerners 

would consider the previous day.

Personal Space

Along with many other aspects of interpersonal interaction, the 

meaning of personal space in Djibouti varies with the gender 

group composition.

Same Sex: Conversations between people of the same sex 

often involve touching (see Language and Communication). 

Friends of the same gender also often hug each other or hold 

hands for extended periods of time—behaviors that indicate 

platonic affection. When Djiboutians of the same gender chat,

they tend to stand an arm’s length apart.

Holidays

National Holidays

• January 1: New Year’s Day

• May 1: Labor Day

• June 27: Independence Day

• December 25: Christmas Day

Religious Months and Holidays

Religious holidays occur on variable dates set by the 

Islamic calendar (see “Lunar Islamic Calendar”):

• Maulid: Birthday of the Prophet Muhammad

• Al-Isra Wal-Miraj: Ascension of the Prophet

• Ramadan: Holy Month of Fasting

• Aïd Al-Fitr: End of Ramadan

• Aïd Al-Adha: The Festival of the Sacrifice

SPACE

TIME &
Opposite Sex: Conversations between unmarried Djiboutians 

of different sexes tend to be respectful or professional rather 

than familiar. Conversations usually occur at a distance of 2-3 

steps and do not typically involve touching. Indirect eye 

contact, facial expressions, and gestures are appropriate in 

mixed-gender conversations as long as the people speaking 

maintain an appropriate distance.

Due to the standards of social propriety associated with Islam, 

avoiding physical contact is especially crucial when male 

foreign nationals converse with Djiboutian women. On a related 

note, female foreign nationals are advised that Djiboutian men 

may refuse to shake hands with women if these men are highly 

devout or if they have just completed their ablutions 

(purification rituals) and are ready to pray. In such cases, it is 

appropriate for a woman to greet a man by nodding and 

crossing her arms on her chest.

Elders: In the presence of elders, adults may offer a slight 

bow. By contrast, children often kneel and kiss elders on the 

knee, who typically reciprocate by kissing the children’s heads.

Left Hand Taboo

Like people from many cultures in Africa, Asia, and the Middle 

East, Djiboutians typically reserve the left hand for personal 

hygiene and therefore consider it unclean. Consequently, they 

use their right hand when eating, gesturing, accepting items, or 

greeting another person. Foreign nationals are encouraged to 

follow suit, as Djiboutians may take offense to use of the left 

hand in social contexts.

Photographs

Foreign nationals are advised 

to always ask permission prior 

to photographing a Djiboutian. 

Moreover, they also should be 

aware that even subjects who 

consent may expect money or 

a copy of the photograph. 

Taking pictures of public 

infrastructure, such as government buildings, bridges, or ports, 

is illegal in some cases and can result in confiscation of 

equipment or even arrest.

SPACE

TIME &
Overview

Djibouti’s clothing, games, arts, and folklore represent a blend 

of indigenous practices, Islamic traditions, pan-African culture, 

and Western influence that has accompanied urbanization. 

Dress

Men: Although most Djiboutian men wear Western-style attire 

such as button-down shirts and trousers, they sometimes wear 

traditional attire. Afar men, for example, may wear a long, loose 

white cloth called a sanafil, which is wrapped around the body 

and tied at the hip. Some Afars also wear a curved sword 

called a jile and, if they are wealthy, a sash called a harayto. 

Somali men, by contrast, may wear a button-down shirt with a

loose sarong called a macawees, a casual outfit usually worn

in afternoons or evenings. The most common types of men’s

footwear are cheap rubber 

sandals and store-bought dress 

shoes.

Women: Like Djiboutian men, 

Djiboutian women mostly wear 

Western-style clothing. Popular 

styles include dresses as well 

as blouses over pants or a skirt. Married women typically dress 

in more conservative styles and always cover their hair and 

shoulders in public with a shalmat, or head scarf. Some 

Djiboutian women veil their heads as a sign of modesty (see 

Sex and Gender).

Although Djiboutian women no longer wear traditional styles as 

often as Western styles, there are a range of traditional female 

garments. Somali women, for example, historically wore a long, 

flowing gown known as a dirra over an embroidered underskirt 

called a googgarad. Afar women, by contrast, historically wore 

a brown sanafil. As was the tradition, many Djiboutian women 

still wear jewelry such as gold nose studs to complement their 

clothing. On special occasions, some women adorn their arms 

and hands with henna, a brownish dye made from a plant of 

the same name.

9. AESTHETICS AND RECREATION

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Recreation

As is common in many societies, Djiboutian children gather to 

play games (see below) for recreation. Since Djiboutian homes 

tend to be crowded, children usually play in adjacent streets. 

Djiboutian women generally enjoy drinking tea at home with 

friends while talking or sewing. The dominant form of recreation 

among men is chewing qat (see text box below), often in a 

mebraz (café).

Cinemas and nightclubs exist in cities, while wealthier families 

sometimes take vacations to the beach or to northern Somalia 

or Ethiopia, where the weather is cooler. Among the country’s 

nomads, singing or reciting poetry (see below) during religious 

or other social gatherings historically have been common 

pastimes. 

Qat

Qat—a leafy plant grown in Kenya, Yemen, and the 

highlands of Ethiopia—is a major part of daily life in 

Djibouti. Around noon each day, a shipment of qat 

arrives from Ethiopia and is distributed to markets in

Djibouti City. The city then effectively shuts down for 

hours as users chew the leaves, which are mildly 

narcotic and have a stimulating, euphoric effect. Qat 

is more than a simple afternoon pastime, as it is 

used in religious services and even political 

deliberations—it is said that “no political meeting in 

Djibouti is held at which qat is not used.”

Although qat consumption has some negative health 

effects (see Sustenance and Health), its negative 

economic effects probably pose a greater threat, as 

the time and money that Djiboutians spend on qat

drastically affects productivity and economic growth. 

The Djiboutian government tried to place high taxes 

on qat and even ban its sale during the 1970s,

although rescinded those measures after public 

protests and an increase in smuggling. 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Sports

Football (soccer) is probably the 

most popular sport in Djibouti and 

throughout Africa. The country has 

several teams and leagues, 

including a national team known as 

the Riverains de la Mer Rouge 

(“Shoremen of the Red Sea”). The 

national team plays at Stade 

Nationale Gouled (a stadium in Djibouti City used mostly for 

football matches) and has won only a few matches since its 

establishment in 1979. Many Djiboutians lack proper football 

equipment and instead fashion goal posts from stones and 

soccer balls from water bottles. In order to play kwosso, a 

game similar to football, nomads make balls out of goatskin.

Running is also popular among Djiboutians. The sport gained 

much of its popularity after Djiboutian runner Hussein Ahmed 

Sallah won Djibouti’s only Olympic medal—a bronze—at the 

1988 Olympic Games in Seoul, South Korea. Every March, the 

Djibouti International Semi-Marathon draws both runners and 

spectators from throughout the Middle East and North Africa. 

Despite the popularity of running, a stigma still exists in Djibouti 

with regard to women running. This stigma stems from the fact 

that some conservative Muslims find it unacceptable for women 

to be present or active in public without a veil.

Games

Djiboutians traditionally played board games to develop

intellectual skills and foster a sense of community. They still 

play many traditional games today, although to a lesser degree

since Djibouti has urbanized. One traditional game that 

survives today is bub, which is similar to jacks and is played 

with small stones. In 2007 the Djiboutian government and the 

United Nations organized a board game tournament in Djibouti 

to help preserve and promote Djibouti’s cultural heritage.

In addition to board games, Djiboutians enjoy card games and 

dominoes. Some Djiboutians also play pétanque, a French 

game that resembles bocce and involves rolling or throwing a 

ball toward a marker ball while strategically knocking the 

opponents’ balls out of the way.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Music and Dance

Historically, both Somalis and 

Afars have performed a range 

of folkloric dances. Since 

Djibouti nomads historically had 

few instruments, the bulk of the 

music that accompanies 

folkloric dances is vocal. There 

are certain songs for different 

occasions and moods. For example, some folkloric songs are 

war chants, while others are flirtatious songs most commonly 

performed at weddings. Djibouti also has folkloric songs that 

accompany such diverse mental states as bravery, pride, and 

vengefulness. Folkloric dances are seen most often at Afar 

feasts. Djiboutians also enjoy modern music, including such 

bands and musicians as Aïdarous, Dinkara, Père Robert, 

Passengers, and the Soukouss Vibration Band.

Folklore and Literature

Legends and folktales, which 

traditionally have been passed 

down orally, provide Djiboutians 

with a sense of heritage and 

identity (see History and Myth). 

Still, as Djibouti has urbanized 

and its literacy rates have risen, 

folklore’s centrality has declined. 

In recent years, several local cultural associations have created 

transcriptions and recordings of folktales, poems, and songs in 

an effort to preserve Djibouti’s heritage of oral literature.

Poetry: Somalis are renowned the world over for their complex 

and richly metaphorical poems and proverbs, which have been 

used traditionally to transmit history, teach morals and values, 

express sentiment, convey information, and influence public 

debates. Many Somali poems feature metaphors based on 

horses and camels, which traditionally were central to the 

nomadic Somali lifestyle. As with folkloric songs (see above), 

Somalis have different poems for different purposes. A Somali 

man might compose a lengthy gabay, for example, in order to 

explain a political view. Members of local cultural associations 

memorize and recite both Afar and Somali poetry.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Literature: Indigenous Djiboutians have produced little written 

literature most of which is written in French. One of the best 

known pieces of Djiboutian literature is Le Pays Sans Ombre 

(The Land without Shadows), a collection of short stories first 

published in 1994. Written by Abdourrahman Waberi, the work 

includes vignettes about Djibouti in the colonial and postcolonial eras. Djibouti is perhaps best known in the literary 

world for having been the home of Arthur Rimbaud, a French 

poet, during the late 1800s.

Theater

Djibouti’s first European-style theaters were established in the 

1950s. Although those theaters gradually incorporated an 

increasing degree of local folklore into their productions, the 

French colonial government heavily censored any 

performances that suggested rebellion against European rule. 

By the 1960s, the government began to promote the arts in an 

effort to instill a national spirit and identity in its population. In 

the 1980s, some Djiboutian theater groups began using their 

performances to advocate social causes, such as the need for 

vaccinations and HIV/AIDS awareness.

Theatre des Salines (“Salt Theater”), Djibouti’s first and most 

famous theater, opened in Djibouti City in 1964. Designed to 

accommodate 1,200 people, the theater primarily hosts cultural 

events. A second theater and cultural center known as the 

Palais du Peuple (“People’s Palace”) opened in 1994.

Arts and Crafts

Handicrafts traditionally served 

functional purposes in Djibouti. 

For example, Djiboutians made 

baskets not as decorations but as 

containers. Similarly, people 

tanned hides so that they could 

be made into mats for sitting or 

praying. Women still weave baskets, but now other crafts, such 

as making jewelry or metal tools, have expanded as materials 

have become more available. Djibouti’s art scene is varied and 

encompasses both modern art forms (pictured) as well as more 

traditionally Islamic art forms, which depict plants, flowers, and 

patterns instead of people and animals.

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Sustenance Overview

Djiboutian cuisine reflects the influence of many cultures that 

have played a role in the country’s history, from the Arabs and 

Ethiopians to the French and Italians (see History and Myth). 

Historically, Djibouti’s hot, inhospitable climate has rendered 

crop cultivation difficult, causing Djiboutians to rely upon 

imports for most of their food.

Dining Customs

In Djiboutian homes, men and 

women typically eat in separate 

gender groups. Most Djiboutians of 

modest means sit on the floor, using 

their right hand (see Time and 

Space) or a spoon to eat from 

communal platters, although the 

wealthy often use flatware and sit at 

tables. Most Djiboutians eat 3 daily 

meals—lunch is typically the largest 

one. Many schools and businesses 

enjoy a 2-4 hour lunch break. Because it suppresses the 

appetite, men often skip dinner in favor of chewing qat (see 

Aesthetics and Recreation).

Islamic Food Customs: During the holy month of Ramadan

(see Religion and Spirituality and Time and Space), most 

Djiboutians abstain from food and drink—even water—during 

daylight hours. Foreign nationals should respect this practice 

by not eating or drinking in public during Ramadan. Although 

Islamic law forbids it, alcohol is both legal and available in 

Djibouti. Some Afar men drink doum, a palm wine.

Traditional Diet

The traditional nomadic diet consisted of milk and the meat of 

camels, goats, and sheep. It also included a cereal grain called

durra, which was brought to Djibouti by Ethiopian traders and 

historically has served as a primary source of starch. Following 

World War II, the Djiboutian diet diversified as vegetables and 

fruits were imported on a notable scale for the first time.

10. SUSTENANCE AND HEALTH

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Modern Diet

Starches: Most Djiboutians alternate between several different 

starches, the most popular of which are bariis (rice), baasto

(pasta), and lahoh (a sourdough flatbread made from a grass 

called teff). They also sometimes eat anjeelo, or fried dough. 

Djiboutians eat lahoh with most meals, covering it with honey 

for breakfast and scooping stew with it for lunch. When 

Djiboutians eat bariis, they often spice the grains and serve 

them with lamb (see skoudekharis below).

Meats: Although Djiboutians still consume goat, lamb, and 

camel, persistent drought has thinned herds and compelled 

Djiboutians to eat meat more sparingly. Djiboutians now eat 

meat-based dishes mostly on special occasions. One of the 

more popular meat dishes is muqmad, which is made by 

drying any type of meat, cutting it into squares, and then 

preserving it in clarified butter (ghee). Djiboutians often eat 

muqmad with dates. Although seafood is abundant in 

Djibouti’s waters and available 

for purchase, it is rarely eaten 

domestically due to a local 

preference for meat.

Typical Meals: Breakfast often 

consists of honey-covered lahoh

or anjeelo and sometimes 

includes eggs or coffee. Stews 

such as the lamb- and rice-based skoudekharis are typical for 

lunch, while dinner tends to be a simple dish, such as French 

bread served with beans, butter, or jam. Djiboutians also enjoy 

spaghetti, which they usually eat with vegetables or meat.

Health Overview

Although Djibouti has some of the world’s highest mortality and 

disease rates, the Djiboutian government and several nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have collectively achieved

significant improvements in healthcare. At 57.9 years, for

example, a Djiboutian’s life expectancy at birth is among the 

lowest in the world, but it is still 10% higher than it was in 1995.

Global life expectancy has grown just 3.5% over the same 

period. Despite these types of improvements, Djibouti still faces 

many health challenges.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Traditional Medicine

Traditional medicine comprises knowledge, skills, and practices 

grounded in the beliefs, theories, and experiences of 

indigenous populations and used to pursue holistic health. The 

primary practitioners of traditional medicine in Djibouti are 

Islamic teachers who treat illnesses with herbs and prayer.

Many Djiboutian nomads still rely mostly on traditional medicine 

and only seek the help of Western-style medicine for serious 

illnesses or injuries. The Djiboutian government supports this 

approach by offering training to traditional medical practitioners 

who are willing to assist as birth attendants and in other roles 

at local clinics. Traditional medical practitioners of this type now 

account for about 12% of 

Djibouti’s healthcare providers.

Modern Healthcare

Djibouti’s healthcare system 

has 4 types of facilities. The 

most basic are health posts, 

also known as clinics, which 

provide such basic services as 

primary and maternity care 

(Photo: The Guistir Clinic in 

the southern Djiboutian city of Ali Sabieh). The next level of 

care is provided at Community Service Centers, which offer 

more advanced treatments such as surgeries. The third tier 

consists of 5 regional hospital centers, which offer services like 

radiology and tuberculosis treatment.

The highest level of care is offered by 5 national hospitals, the 

largest of which is Hospital General Peltier, having an 

emergency room as well as maternity and psychiatric facilities. 

Patients with illnesses requiring serious intervention are sent to 

Europe, India, the Middle East, or other parts of Africa for care.

As most healthcare facilities are located near urban areas, rural 

dwellers have little access to clinics or medical supplies. There 

is also a shortage of medical personnel. According to the World 

Bank, in 2009 there were 0.23 physicians per 1,000 people in 

Djibouti, which is above average for sub-Saharan Africa (0.16) 

but well below average for the Middle East and North Africa 

(1.45).

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
The government has prioritized healthcare in recent years and 

now spends the equivalent of 7% of GDP on the sector. Since 

most healthcare is subsidized, many Djiboutians do not pay for 

treatment. While medicine is also subsidized, pharmacies and 

clinics are usually poorly stocked. Djibouti relies heavily upon 

NGOs to provide healthcare and supplies in remote areas.

Health Challenges

Malnutrition: Due to poverty, regional drought, and high food 

prices, many Djiboutians do not have enough subsistence and 

therefore are malnourished. Nearly 1/3 

of Djiboutian children, for example, 

suffer from stunted growth or emaciation 

due to insufficient food intake.

Qat: The common practice of consuming 

qat (see Aesthetics and Recreation) for 

hours each day has a negative effect on 

the overall health of Djibouti’s 

population. Although qat does not cause 

serious physical dependence and leads 

to fewer long-term health problems than 

many other drugs, it still contributes to a variety of health 

issues. For example, while qat initially causes mild euphoria, 

the high eventually fades into depression, which can induce 

psychosis in susceptible people. In addition, nearly all qat 

users experience decreased appetite, which promotes 

malnutrition and insomnia.

Malaria and Tuberculosis: Malaria is widespread in Djibouti, 

where approximately 778 per 100,000 Djiboutians reported 

living with the disease in 2008. Djibouti also has one of the 

highest rates of tuberculosis infection in the world, with about 

839 of every 100,000 Djiboutians infected in 2011.

HIV/AIDS: With an estimated 2.5% of adults infected with HIV 

in 2010, Djibouti has an infection rate more than 4 times higher 

than the US although lower than sub-Saharan African average 

of 5%. About 1,000 Djiboutians die annually from diseases 

related to HIV/AIDS. The disease disproportionately affects 

women, who in 2009 were infected at more than twice the rate 

of men.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Overview

Due to its near total lack of arable land, natural resources, and 

skilled workers, Djibouti is largely dependent upon its favorable 

geostrategic location for income. Accordingly, its economy is 

based upon trade at the Port of Djibouti and base rentals to the 

French and US militaries. Although the economy has expanded 

in recent years due to foreign investment in port infrastructure, 

unemployment remains well over 50%, while most Djiboutians 

still live in poverty.

Services

Accounting for 76% of GDP 

and 60% of employment, the 

services sector is the largest 

part of Djibouti’s economy. 

The largest subsectors are

communication and transport 

(28% of GDP), tourism and 

trade (19%), and banking and 

insurance (14%). Most services performed in Djibouti are linked 

to the Port of Djibouti (pictured) and the foreign military bases.

Tourism: With its unique landscape, picturesque islands, and 

attractions such as Lake Abbé and Lake Assal, Djibouti holds 

significant potential as a tourist destination. The industry has 

grown slowly due to a lack of promotion, poor access to tourist 

attractions, and a shortage of skilled personnel. The tourist 

industry currently employs about 1,500 Djiboutians.

Industry

Accounting for about 20% of GDP, industry is the second 

largest component of the economy. The dominant subsector is 

construction and public works, which accounts for about 13% 

of GDP. Manufacturing is limited and consists mostly of small 

factories that produce building materials, bottled drinks, dairy 

products, furniture, and ice. Although Djibouti has few minerals 

or natural resources, it does have large salt pans at Lake Assal 

and commercially viable quantities of perlite, a type of volcanic 

glass with a variety of industrial applications.

11. ECONOMICS AND RESOURCES

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Agriculture

Although it accounts for just 

4% of GDP, agriculture is the 

main source of livelihood for 

some 90% of rural 

Djiboutians and for about 1/3

– 1/2 of the total population. 

The dominant agricultural 

activity is herding livestock, 

although herds have been 

strained in recent years by persistent drought. The most 

commonly raised animals are camels, cattle, goats, and sheep, 

and their hides constitute one of Djibouti’s few export goods.

By contrast, crop cultivation accounts for only a tiny portion of 

the agricultural sector and is limited to small-scale production in 

family gardens of crops such as dates, melons, and tomatoes. 

This situation is due not only to Djibouti’s lack of groundwater 

but also to its severe shortage of arable land, as only 0.004% 

of the country, or about 25,000 acres, is suitable for cultivation.

Despite the country’s expansive territorial waters, Djibouti has 

only a modest fishing industry of about 200 boats and 1,000 

people. The industry’s lack of growth has been attributed to 

several factors, including excessive government regulation on 

fish sales, poor fishing technique, and certain Somali groups’

traditional aversion to fish consumption.

Money and Banking

The currency of Djibouti is the Djiboutian Franc (Dfr), which is 

subdivided into 100 centimes. The Djiboutian Franc is issued 

in 4 banknotes (Dfr 500, 1,000, 5,000, 10,000) and 8 coins (Dfr 

1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500). The value of the Djiboutian Franc 

is pegged to the US dollar at a rate of Dfr 177.72 = $1. As 

Djibouti has no capital controls, the Djiboutian Franc is freely 

convertible with other currencies. Inflation historically has been 

modest in Djibouti, averaging 3.6% between 2000 and 2010.

Due to the high quality of its telecommunications system (see 

Technology and Material) and the non-restrictive nature of its 

banking regulations, Djibouti has become a regional financial 

center. Many businesspeople from nearby countries keep their 

money in Djibouti to avoid stricter rules in their home countries.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Foreign Trade

As most of its economic output consists of services tied to the 

port and bases, Djibouti produces few goods and services for 

export and must import many necessities. Consequently, the 

country has a negative balance of trade. Imports, which consist 

mainly of food, chemicals, petroleum, and transport equipment, 

totaled $413.8 million in 2011, while exports—many of which 

were re-exports of foreign goods—totaled only $96.8 million.

Key trading partners include Somalia, which buys almost 75% 

of Djibouti’s exports, as well as Saudi Arabia, China, and India, 

which jointly account for about half of Djibouti’s imports. France 

historically has been Djibouti’s largest source of Foreign Direct 

Investment (FDI), although it has been matched in recent years 

by Middle Eastern states. For example, the government of 

Dubai in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has invested heavily 

since 2000 in expanding Djibouti’s port facilities.

Foreign Aid

Due to Djibouti’s weak economic foundation, foreign aid has 

been an indispensable source of income since independence. 

In 2010 Djibouti received approximately $140 million in foreign 

aid from both individual countries and multilateral institutions. 

The largest single-country donors were France, Japan, and the 

US, while the largest multilateral donors were the European 

Union and the African Development Bank (Photo: Officials 

commemorating a US donation 

in June 2012 of $2.5 million 

worth of food aid to Djibouti). 

As Djibouti’s former colonial 

ruler, France historically has

been the most important of 

Djibouti’s donors. Although the 

aid that France supplies to 

Djibouti is small by global standards, Djibouti receives more 

French aid per capita than any other country

US aid to Djibouti is tied to 0US military presence (see Political 

and Social Relations). Besides bringing direct aid to Djibouti,

US presence also gives Djibouti competitive leverage to attract 

more aid from France.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Overview

Djibouti’s economy is highly dependent upon the country’s 

favorable location (see Economics and Resources). While its 

ports and other physical infrastructure are comparatively welldeveloped, they are inaccessible to many Djiboutians who do 

not have access due to their 

concentration in Djibouti City.

Transportation

For local trips, many Djiboutians 

simply travel on foot, especially 

in rural areas. For intercity 

travel, the most common 

transport is the private minibus’ 

which usually do not run on a fixed schedule. Instead, 

minibuses usually depart when full, which tends to be early in 

the morning. Many minibuses are poorly maintained or 

operated by drivers who are indifferent to safety. Ferries are 

sometimes available for travel between the Djibouti City and 

other coastal towns such as Obock and Tadjoura.

Roadways: Djibouti has about 1,900 mi of roadways, of which

less than half—as little as 10% by some estimates—are paved.

Most paved roadways are either streets in Djibouti City or main 

highways connecting regional towns. In recent years, Djibouti’s 

highways have become an increasingly popular way of moving

goods between Ethiopia and the Port of Djibouti.

Djibouti’s roadways are dangerous since most are unpaved, 

lack a relative novelty of traffic lights, and the unsafe driving 

habits of local motorists. Posted speed limits are rare in 

Djibouti, while excessively fast driving is common in rural 

areas—even on roads with posted speed limits.

Railways: Djibouti’s only railway is a 62-mi section of the 485-

mi Djibouti-Addis Ababa Railway, which connects the capital of 

Ethiopia to the Port of Djibouti. Although this railway was once 

vital to both countries, it has fallen into disrepair. Nevertheless, 

an effort to repair and expand the railway is now underway. In 

the meantime, service remains sporadic when available at all.

12. TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Airways: Djibouti has 13 airports and airstrips, of which 3 have 

paved runways. The country’s main air transit hub is DjiboutiAmbouli International Airport located 3 mi southeast of Djibouti 

City center. In addition to handling civilian air traffic, DjiboutiAmbouli serves as a base for Djiboutian, French, and US 

military forces. US forces are based at Camp Lemonnier in the 

southeast corner of the airfield (see Political and Social 

Relations).

Although Djibouti no longer has a national airline, the country is 

served both by regional carriers, such as Ethiopian Airlines and 

Kenya Airways, and by global carriers, such as Air France and 

Turkish Airlines. These carriers link Djibouti City with regional 

capitals, including Addis Ababa, 

Mogadishu, and Nairobi, and 

with international cities, including 

Paris, Dubai, and Istanbul.

Waterways: Djibouti has no 

commercially navigable inland 

waterways but does have the 

strategically and commercially important Port of Djibouti having 

facilities in and around Djibouti City. Operated since June 2000 

by DP World, a company owned by the government of Dubai, 

the Port of Djibouti handled 705,000 containers in 2011 or 

around 8% as many as the port that services New York City.

Plans are currently underway to expand Djibouti’s port facilities.

Energy

Djibouti has no known oil or natural gas reserves and depends 

completely upon diesel generators for electricity. Consequently, 

Djibouti has some of the highest energy and electricity costs in 

the world, while petroleum accounts for around 15% of imports. 

Furthermore, electricity is poorly distributed: the electrical grid 

covers only half of the country, while Djibouti City produces and 

consumes about 90% of the country’s electricity.

Food Warehouse

Unlike any other country apart from the US, Djibouti is home to 

a food warehouse operated by the United States Agency for 

International Development (USAID). The purpose of the USAID 

warehouse is to position supplies for faster relief of food crises 

in Africa and Asia.

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Media

The government of Djibouti tightly controls the country’s media 

outlets, and almost all reporters work for L’Agence Djiboutienne 

d’Information, the state news agency. Although the government 

no longer threatens reporters with violence, it still controls their 

jobs and therefore can pressure reporters into self-censorship

(see Political and Social Relations).

Radio and TV: The government agency Radio Télévision de 

Djibouti operates the national stations known as Radio Djibouti 

and Djibouti Television. These stations broadcast in all 4 

languages spoken in Djibouti (see Language and 

Communication). International stations such as Voice of 

America and BBC are also available 

in the country, as is La Voix de 

Djibouti, an opposition station that is 

broadcast from Europe over 

shortwave and the Internet.

Print Media: The state-run daily 

paper comes in two versions: the 

French version La Nation and the 

Arabic Al Qaran. Political parties are 

permitted to print publications, although only Le Progrès, the 

journal of the ruling RPP (see Political and Social Relations), 

consistently makes it to print. The government uses 

harassment tactics such as equipment seizures to discourage 

opposition parties from publishing their journals.

Telecommunications

The government is Djibouti’s only provider of telephone and 

Internet service and is suspected of monitoring usage of both 

technologies. Nevertheless, Djibouti has one of the most 

acclaimed telecommunications networks in sub-Saharan Africa. 

Increasing rapidly in popularity, cell phones have become more 

popular than landlines.

Internet access is available at Internet cafés and libraries in 

Djibouti City although not yet widespread. Social media sites 

such as Facebook are popular, particularly for coordinating

political protests, as demonstrated when online discussions 

about the February 2011 protests (see Political and Social 

Relations) led to several arrests.

T

& MATERIAL

ECHNOLOGY
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