RWANDA

Lagos

ExpeditionaryCulture

FieldGuide

Kigali

Burundi Rwanda

Byumba

Kibungo

Butare

Rwanda
This guide is designed to help prepare you for deployment to 

culturally complex environments and successfully achieve 

mission objectives. The 

fundamental information 

it contains will help you 

understand the decisive

cultural dimension of 

your assigned location

and gain necessary skills 

to achieve mission 

success.

The guide consists of two 

parts: 

Part 1: Introduces “Culture General,” the foundational 

knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global

environment. 

Part 2: Presents “Culture Specific” Rwanda, focusing on 

unique cultural features of Rwandan society and is designed to 

complement other predeployment training. It 

applies culture-general 

concepts to help increase 

your knowledge of your 

assigned deployment 

location.

For further information, 

visit the Air Force Culture 

and Language Center 

(AFCLC) website at https://wwwmil.maxwell.af.mil/afclc or

contact AFCLC’s Region Team at AFCLC.Region@us.af.mil.

Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not 

be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be 

reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission 

of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the 

US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated.

About this Guide

ECFG Rwanda
What is Culture?

Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes 

the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to 

adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the 

sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that 

have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, 

and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs 

and values. 

Members of a culture also 

usually assign the same 

meanings to the symbols in 

that culture. A symbol is 

when one thing – an image, 

word, object, idea, or story –

represents another thing. 

For example, the American 

flag is a physical and visual 

symbol of a core American value – freedom. At the same time, 

the story of George Washington admitting to having chopped 

down a cherry tree is also symbolic, representing the 

importance Americans place on personal honesty and 

leadership integrity. 

Force Multiplier

The military services have learned through experience the 

importance of understanding other cultures. Unlike the 20thcentury bipolar world order that dominated US strategy for 

nearly half a century, today the US military is operating in what 

we classify as asymmetric or irregular conflict zones where the 

notion of cross-cultural interactions is on the leading edge of 

our engagement strategies. 

We have come to view the people themselves, rather than the 

political system or physical environment, as the decisive 

feature in conflict areas. Our primary objective hinges on 

influencing constructive change through peaceful means where 

possible. We achieve this endeavor by encouraging local 

nationals to focus on developing stable political, social, and 

PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL

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CULTURE 
economic institutions that reflect their cultural beliefs and 

traditions.

Therefore, understanding the basic concepts of culture serves 

as a force multiplier. Achieving an awareness and respect of a 

society’s values and beliefs enables deploying forces to build

relationships with people from other cultures, positively 

influence their actions, and ultimately achieve mission success.

Cultural Domains

Culture is not just represented by the beliefs we carry 

internally, but also by our behaviors and by the systems 

members of a culture create to organize their lives. These 

systems, such as political or educational institutions, help us to 

live in a manner that is appropriate to our culture and

encourages us to perpetuate that culture into the future. 

We can organize these behaviors and systems into categories 

– what the Air Force refers to as “cultural domains” – in order to 

better understand the primary values and characteristics of a 

society. A cross-culturally competent military member can use 

these domains – which include kinship, language and 

communication, and social and political systems among others

(see chart on next page) – as tools for understanding and 

adapting to any culture. For example, by understanding the 

ways different cultures define family or kinship, a deployed 

military member can more effectively interact with members of 

that culture.

Social Behaviors Across Cultures

While humankind shares basic behaviors, various groups enact 

or even group those behaviors differently across cultural 

boundaries. For example, 

all societies obtain food for 

survival, although agrarian 

societies generally produce

their own food for limited 

consumption using very 

basic techniques.

Conversely, industrialized 

nations have more 

sophisticated market economies, producing foodstuffs for 

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universal consumption. Likewise, all cultures value history and 

tradition, although they represent these concepts through a 

variety of unique forms of symbolism. While the dominant world 

religions share the belief in one God, their worship practices 

vary with their traditional historical development. Similarly, in 

many kin-based cultures where familial bonds are foundational 

to social identity, it is customary for family or friends to serve as 

godparents, while for other societies this practice is nearly nonexistent.

Worldview

One of our basic human behaviors is the tendency to classify 

others as similar or different according to our cultural standard. 

As depicted in the chart 

below, we can apply the 12 

cultural domains to help us 

compare similarities and 

differences across cultures. 

We evaluate others’

behavior to determine if 

they are “people like me” or 

“people not like me.” 

Consequently, we assume 

that individuals falling into the “like me” category share our 

perspectives and values. 

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This collective perspective forms our worldview – how we see 

the world and understand our place in it. Your worldview 

functions as a lens through which you see and understand the 

world. It helps you to interpret your experiences and the values 

and behaviors of other people that you encounter. Consider 

your worldview as a way of framing behavior, providing an 

accountability standard for our actions and a logical 

explanation of why we individually or collectively act in a certain 

manner. 

Cultural Belief System

An important component of a worldview is our belief system. A 

community’s belief system sets its universal standards of what 

is good and bad, defines right and wrong behavior, and assigns 

a value of meaningful or meaningless. Our beliefs form the 

fundamental values we hold to be true – regardless of whether 

there is physical evidence to support these ideas. Beliefs are a 

central facet of human culture. They are shared views about 

world order and how the universe was physically and socially 

constructed. 

While all people have beliefs, their specific components tend to 

vary depending upon respective world views. What people 

classify as good or bad, right or wrong depends on our deeplyheld beliefs we started developing early in life that have help 

shape our characters. Likewise, 

these values are ingrained in our 

personalities and shape our 

behavior patterns and our selfidentities. Because cultural beliefs 

are intensely held, they are 

difficult, though not impossible, to 

change. 

Core Beliefs

Core beliefs shape and influence 

certain behaviors and also serve 

to rationalize those behaviors. 

Therefore, knowledge of individual 

or group beliefs can be useful in 

comprehending or making sense of their activities. We will use 

the iceberg model for classifying culture to illustrate two levels 

of meaning, as depicted. Beliefs and values, portrayed by the 

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deeper and greater level of the submerged iceberg, are seldom 

visible, but are indicated / hinted at / referenced by our 

behaviors and symbols (top level). It is important to recognize, 

though, that the parts of culture that are not visible (under the 

waterline) are informing and shaping what is being made 

visible (above the waterline). 

In many cases, different worldviews may present behaviors 

that are contrary to our own beliefs, particularly in many 

regions where US forces deploy. Your ability to suspend 

judgment in order to understand another perspective is 

essential to establishing relationships with your host-nation

counterparts. The ability to withhold your opinion and strive to 

understand a culture from a member of that culture’s 

perspective is known as cultural relativism. It often involves 

taking an alternate perspective when interpreting others’ 

behaviors and is critical to your ability to achieve mission 

success. 

As you travel throughout the African Continent, you will 

encounter cultural patterns of meaning that are common

among most African countries. What follows is a general 

description of 12 cultural domains which are used to frame 

those commonalities. 

1. History and Myth

History and myth are related concepts. History is a record of 

the past that is based on verifiable facts and events. Myth can 

act as a type of historical record, 

although it is usually a story which 

members of a culture use to explain 

community origins or important events 

that are not verifiable or which occurred 

prior to written language. 

Africa has a history that spans the

entire existence of humankind. In 

ancient times prior to the emergence of 

written languages, history and wisdom 

were preserved across generations and 

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CULTURAL DOMAINS
ethnic boundaries through oral folk legends or myths. Most 

early human evolution began as hunting and gathering cultures 

in East and South Africa, with countries such as Ethiopia, 

Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa renowned for their early 

human sites. In the last several millennia, the development of 

agriculture and pastoralism (animal herding) replaced hunting 

and gathering lifestyles (Photo: Kutubiyya Mosque courtesy of 

CultureGrams, ProQuest, 2013).

Ancient civilizations evolved in all corners of Africa, inspired in 

part by peoples from the Middle East bringing trade, beliefs, 

customs, language, and on occasion, colonization. Far from 

being isolated empires, the African civilizations were intimately 

connected by commerce and marriage throughout various 

regions of the continent, and when confronted by outsiders, 

managed to adapt to their influences. Eventually, Arab traders 

introduced Islam to Africa and also instituted the TransSaharan African slave trade that lasted from the 7th to 19th 

Centuries. 

The “golden age” of European exploration, which lasted from 

the 18th to mid-20th century, prompted the wholesale 

exploitation of Africans resources – first human assets through 

slavery, followed by natural resources such as minerals, 

precious gems and 

metals, and wildlife, 

thereby diminishing most 

of what was traditional 

and African. 

The introduction of the 

European Trans-Atlantic 

Slave Trade altered the 

slave trade through both 

the sheer number of 

Africans enslaved and

through the cementing of a racist ideology of Black inferiority to 

legitimize the institution of slavery. Slavery decimated the 

African continent for over 400 years through the forced 

relocation of an estimated 25 to 30 million Africans worldwide. 

This figure does not include those Africans who died aboard 

ships or during capture. While abolition of the slave trade 

dissolved the institution of slavery, it did not end the European 

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presence on the African continent nor did it drastically alter 

their attitudes towards Africans.

Starting in the mid-19th century, European colonialism served 

to redefine African ethnic relations on a large scale; however,

as African societies began to resist colonial rule and seek their

independence, widespread ethnic conflict and genocide

occurred. Sustained westernization and globalization continue

to shape the continent through poverty, disease, and social 

reform. A history still to be recorded, Africa’s future identity 

faces many challenges in critical areas such as environmental 

change, ethnic strife, women’s health and security, and 

education. 

2. Political and Social Relations

Political relations are the ways in which members of a 

community organize leadership, power, and authority. Social 

relations are all of the ways in which individuals are linked to 

others in their community. 

Traditional African political 

organizations in the form of 

bands, tribes, and 

chiefdoms have existed for 

several millennia and 

continue to influence 

contemporary African 

governments. Uncommon 

in modern society, bands 

are limited to hunting and gathering economies, such as the

!Kung of the southern African Kalahari Desert and foragers of 

central African forests. 

Tribes are still represented today across the African political 

landscape, although the use of the word “tribe” is sometimes 

misinterpreted due to its western notion of “primitiveness” and 

oftentimes substituted with the term “ethnic group.” Lacking 

centralized authority, tribes are organized around segmented 

descent groups or in some cases age groups. 

Everyday governance is discharged through councils of 

respected elders and sanctioned through ritual and other 

means. East African pastoralist groups such as the Maasai, 

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along with some West African tribes and the Berbers in North 

Africa, represent this type of organization. 

Chiefdoms or kingdoms are ruled by kings or queens from a 

royal clan and generally incorporate millions of subjects. 

Kingdoms such as the Zulu or Swazi in southern Africa 

developed through conquest, while others like Ghana’s 

Ashante developed through an association of related traditional 

states. However, colonialism eventually diluted the power and 

reach of these empires, 

whose leaders were often 

retained as indirect rulers 

or figureheads. 

Today, all three of these 

political organizations still 

exist, although in the 

confines of modern African 

nation-states created by 

colonial powers who had little regard or understanding of 

African cultures. This juxtaposition of modernity with tradition 

has caused severe conflict throughout the continent. 

Challenged to construct their respective “national” identities, 

regional leaders attempt to do so by diluting the traditionally 

cohesive power of ancestry. These national ruling elites, who 

derive their power from wealth and commerce rather than tribal 

affiliation, feel threatened by loyalty to these traditional 

organizations, labeling their rule as “tribalism.” 

This “class versus descent” scrimmage for power has resulted 

in conflicts across the continent and a dramatic divergence of 

interests. As a means to overcome these and other issues on 

the continent, a 53-nation federation, the African Union (AU), 

was formed in 2002. AU’s charter is to promote “greater unity 

and solidarity between African countries and peoples” by 

building partnerships in all segments of “civil society.”

3. Religion and Spirituality

Religion is a cultural belief system that provides meaning to 

members of a community. Religious and spiritual beliefs help 

preserve the social order by defining proper behavior. They 

also create social unity by defining shared identity, offer 

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individuals peace of mind, and explain the causes of events in 

a society. Prior to the arrival of Islam and Christianity, the 

African continent consisted of orally transmitted indigenous

religious practices. As in many societies, African indigenous 

beliefs influenced diet, subsistence patterns, family structures, 

marriage practices, and healing and burial processes. In 

essence, Africans constructed their worldview through their 

indigenous religions. 

Today, the African continent

is primarily either Muslim or 

Christian. Other faiths such 

as Judaism and Hinduism 

exist as pockets in different

regions of the continent, 

primarily in urban areas. The 

historical trajectories of 

Islamic and Christian 

expansion in Africa offer intriguing commonalities in how 

Africans across the continent initially reacted to the introduction 

of each of those religions. For example, it is common 

throughout the continent to find a blending of many elements of 

indigenous religious practices with local Islam and Christianity

(Photo courtesy of Wikimedia).

Consequently, many African native religions share similarities 

with religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in their 

understanding of God as the creator 

and ruler of all life, although He is 

considered untouchable by humans. 

However, unlike Christianity and 

Islam, many African indigenous 

religions believe that God is not 

directly involved in people's lives. To 

them there is a spirit world 

populated with former good and bad 

human beings. The good spirits 

intercede with God on behalf of their 

living families to whom they then 

relay God's will through dreams and acquired possessions. 

The bad spirits work to bring misfortune through sickness, 

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death, or natural disasters to those who behave 

inappropriately. 

Many indigenous African religions revere "nature" spirits living 

in the sky, water, and forests. These impersonal spirits help 

protect people from harm and provide them with life’s essential 

ingredients such as water, sun, and wildlife. This belief system 

is commonly referred to as animism.

Just as spirits mediate relations between God and humans,

religious specialists act as mediators between spirits and 

humans to provide protection from harm. 

4. Family and Kinship 

The domain of family and kinship refers to groups of people 

related through blood ties, marriage, or through strong 

emotional bonds that influence them to treat each other like 

family members (often called “fictive kin”).The traditional 

African family with respect to marriage, family structure, and 

descent is a much 

different arrangement

than is found in most 

American families. 

Likewise, there are 

several components of 

the traditional African 

family that are common 

to all African cultures. 

First, perhaps the most 

difficult feature to 

reconcile to Americans 

is that of polygyny – the practice of a husband having more 

than one wife. A benefit of this arrangement is that it promotes

societal alliances through marriage, procreation, and family 

wealth through female labor. 

Second, due to polygyny, the family in most African cultures 

has historically consisted of an expanded set of kin or relatives 

that extends well beyond the American notion of a nuclear 

family. This arrangement created a family environment where 

children considered all siblings as “brothers and sisters” and all 

of the wives/mothers as “mother.” 

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Third, the extended African family traces descent through 

either the male or female side of the family, a practice which 

differs considerably from the American family. Patrilineal 

descent (through the male side of the family) is the more 

common approach and usually features polygyny. The

matrilineal (through the female bloodline) marriage pattern is 

more uncommon and almost always features monogamy – it is 

rare to encounter a wife having more than one husband. 

Lastly, it is common for two or more blood lines (lineages) to 

share a common ancestor and collectively form a clan, which is 

the largest social unit. Clans do not have formal leaders or 

organizational structures. Membership is transferred from 

father to child and cuts across ethnic and social boundaries. 

The dramatic social changes in Africa during and after 

colonialism in the last 4 decades have obviously affected the 

traditional family, and variations on these 3 features can be 

found across the continent.

5. Sex and Gender

Sex refers to the biological/reproductive differences between 

males and females, while gender is a more flexible concept 

that refers to a culture’s categorizing of masculine and feminine 

behaviors, symbols, and social roles. Gender roles in Africa 

follow no single model nor is there a generalized concept of 

sex and common standard of sexual behavior. 

Prehistorically, gender role differentiation in Africa’s hunting 

and gathering cultures was based on a division of labor 

featuring different, yet complementary, sets of responsibilities 

for males and females, adults and children. Females gathered 

over half the caloric 

needs from natural 

vegetation, while also 

reproducing and raising 

offspring. Males were 

primarily hunters but also 

assisted with gathering. 

These gender patterns 

continued as agricultural 

practices advanced. 

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Females shared in farming while continuing to provide for the 

family’s subsistence, and males produced the cash crops. 

Pastoralists like the Maasai of Kenya traditionally have featured 

males involved in cattle-raising and females in food production. 

The 19th-century European colonial period introduced a cash 

economy into Africa, with female labor used to produce the 

cash crops. By inserting male authority over females, colonial 

administrators disrupted the distinct yet complementary 

male/female relationship that had been traditionally African. 

More recently, western influence across the continent has 

dramatically altered the traditional gender roles. Educational 

and professional opportunities for females, along with 

increased family migrations to urban areas, have radically

altered traditional male and female gender roles. 

Likewise, the number of singles parents and even child- or 

other relative-led families has increased with the predominance 

of HIV/AIDS-related deaths and warfare, further altering 

traditional gender responsibilities. Additionally, ethnic conflicts 

involving abuse of women are prevalent in many unstable 

countries, and while the rubric of traditional African gender 

generally remains, the forces of change are gradually ripping it 

away.

6. Language and Communication

Language is a system for sharing information symbolically, 

whereby words are used to represent ideas. Communication is 

defined as the cultural 

practice of sharing 

meaning in interaction, 

both verbally and nonverbally. America is 

predominantly a 

monolingual society, 

where traditionally, 

fluency in a second 

language has been 

considered a luxury 

rather than a necessity. 

Conversely, national survival for many societies in Africa 

required them throughout their existence to adopt multilingual 

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practices, if for no other reason than to preserve their native 

heritage. 

You may find it challenging to comprehend the scope of 

Africa’s linguistic diversity. There are over 2,000 African 

languages (many spoken-only) from 6 major language families, 

and perhaps 100 of these languages are used to communicate 

among the more dominant ethnic groups such as Berber, 

Swahili, Yoruba, and others. 

Official languages of African nation-states are few, yet the 

linguistic diversity expressed across the continent (Nigeria has 

250 languages) has prompted an awareness of the value of 

Africa’s linguistic traditions. While most areas of the continent 

speak the adopted language of their colonial past – such as 

French and Portuguese in West Africa, French and Arabic in 

Morocco, and English in Kenya and South Africa – the majority 

of people also speak one or more traditional “indigenous” 

languages of their and other ethnic groups. As African 

independence spread throughout the continent, ethnic groups 

continued to depend on their indigenous identifiers, such as 

language, to celebrate their “release” from colonial rule and to 

preserve a sense of 

indigenous identity. 

While communication 

styles tend to vary by 

ethnic or social groups, 

Africans generally are 

friendly and outgoing 

people although they 

tend to communicate 

with reserve to avoid 

confrontation. As in most kin-based societies, Africans believe 

that saving face or protecting one’s honor and dignity are of 

utmost importance; therefore, they avoid public criticism and 

controversial topics at all costs – even to the extent of 

withholding their honest opinion or modifying the truth. 

Africans admire and even expect extended greetings and small 

talk, and to attempt to rush or avoid social graces is considered 

disrespectful. Similarly, Africans avoid direct eye contact when 

communicating with new acquaintances and people of status, 

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particularly elders. They also are fond of non-verbal gestures, 

and it is common throughout African societies for members of 

the same gender to hold hands or touch while conversing.

7. Learning and Knowledge

All cultures require that the older generation transmit important 

information to the younger generation. This information can be 

strictly factual (for example, how to fulfill subsistence and 

health requirements) and culturally traditional (the beliefs, 

behaviors, and symbols that have meaning to the community). 

This knowledge transfer may occur through structured, 

formalized systems such as 

schools or through informal

learning by watching adults or 

peers.

The contemporary African 

educational system hardly 

resembles the traditional precolonial structure, whereby 

community elders were primarily responsible for preparing 

youth for adulthood. Their instruction included fundamentals of 

ethnic ritual and ceremony, along with customary protocol for 

their distinctive gender roles. A rite-of-passage commemorating 

their successful journey from childhood to adulthood served as 

a form of graduation.

European colonialism brought a more structured, formal 

educational system that catered to a small group of African 

elite who demonstrated potential to administer expanding 

colonial territories. Following independence, many African 

nations adopted the European system because they believed it 

would prepare them to be more competitive in intra-continental 

and global marketplaces, thereby enhancing their quality of life.

However, progress in developing and maintaining reliable 

educational institutions has been slow for a variety of reasons. 

Since most Africans live in rural environments, they continue to 

rely heavily on child labor for family survival, resulting in 

decreased school enrollments or early withdrawals. Likewise, 

widespread HIV/AIDS epidemics, ethnic conflict, teacher and 

resource deficits, and inaccessibility to remote rural areas also 

hamper progress. According to 2005 statistics, only half of the 

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continent’s children were enrolled in primary school, leaving 

over 40 million African children without any schooling at all. 

8. Time and Space

In every society, people occupy space and time in ways that 

are not directly linked to physical survival. In low-context 

western cultures, people tend to be preoccupied with strict time 

management, devoting less effort to relationship-building. 

Conversely, most African cultures are traditionally high-context 

societies, whereby people center their activities on socializing 

and establishing close associations, having little regard for the 

passage-of-time. 

Only after establishing trust and honor will your typical African 

counterpart agreeably proceed with business. In his worldview, 

time is a precious commodity used to establish relationships 

and form alliances. Any 

attempt to accelerate the 

tempo at the expense of 

social pleasantries will 

likely result in deadlock. 

To an African, close 

physical proximity between 

individuals encourages 

cooperative trust, and for 

centuries they have 

viewed human linkage as 

a core element to survival. This closeness is best represented 

in a traditional African village where strong kinship connections

are evidenced by a display of close interpersonal relations 

among family members. 

While conventional African concepts of time and space remain 

intact, throughout the continent western influence and 

globalization have stepped up the pace of African living, mostly 

in urban areas. Consequently, rural-to-urban migrations have 

reshaped traditional social and subsistence patterns. 

9. Aesthetics and Recreation

Every culture has its own forms of creative expression that are 

guided by aesthetic principles of imagination, beauty, skill and 

style. Prior to 19th-century European colonization of Africa, 

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recreation served a vital subsistence role, whereby adolescents 

and adults alike participated in intellectually stimulating 

leisurely activities that concurrently served to develop essential 

hunting and pastoral skills.

Games of chance and skill were important to early childhood 

development, providing social outlets within and outside their 

community. Featuring 

wrestling, jumping and 

running; traditional African 

sport was steeped in 

religious ritual.

Along with colonialism 

came the introduction to 

Africa of western sports 

such as soccer, cricket, 

rugby and track and field. This emphasis on western sport 

continued to thrive with African independence and 

globalization, as seen in sporting events such as the Olympics 

and the World Cup. 

Leaders such as Nelson Mandela skillfully employed sport to 

promote a unified South African nation. Importing the 

predominantly “white” game of rugby, Mandela used it to fuse a 

racially divided country following his election in 1992. This 

event is the theme of the motion picture “Invictus,” exemplifying 

how sport can serve to create national identities and overcome 

ethnic division. His efforts 

have inspired many other 

African nations to follow 

suit.

Likewise, East African 

countries such as Kenya 

and Ethiopia have 

produced the world’s 

dominant male and 

female distance runners, 

and South Africa, Cameroon and Nigeria emerged as strong 

contenders in the 2010 World Cup. African nations are now 

competing in leagues such as the International Basketball 

Association (FIBA) World Championships, and there is also a 

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growing number of African basketball players on US college 

campuses and in the National Basketball Association (NBA). 

10. Sustenance and Health

Societies have different methods of transforming natural 

resources into food. These methods can shape residence 

patterns, family structures and economics. Theories of disease 

and healing practices exist in all cultures and serve as adaptive 

responses to disease and illness. 

Despite having only 11% of the global population, Africa is a 

victim of many of the world’s debilitating health disorders. 

According to the World 

Health Organization, 60% of 

the global HIV/AIDS cases 

and 90% of malarial 

diseases occur in Africa. 

These and other medical 

conditions are attributed 

primarily to viral infection and 

widespread poverty caused 

by extreme climatic 

conditions and civil unrest, coupled with inadequate 

preventative measures. While extensive drought generates 

widespread famine, civil disturbances generate millions of 

displaced persons. Likewise, with only 58% of the SubSaharan African population having access to safe drinking 

water, water-born bacterial diseases 

such as cholera and schistosomiasis

are common.

Many people in Africa lack access to 

western medicine, and as a result 

depend on traditional health 

practices to combat disease. In 

addition, some traditional beliefs run 

counter to western medical practice

and perhaps discourage individuals 

from utilizing those services even 

when they are available. This 

problem is further intensified by lack of federal regulatory 

healthcare management. 

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While modern healthcare procedures are more common in 

urban areas, many rural people rely on traditional practitioners 

who use a variety of plants and herbs to treat patients. 

Similarly, many families have their own secret remedies. While 

in some cases traditional medicine proves effective with fewer 

side effects than modern drugs, traditional practices do not 

adequately treat many of the more serious conditions.

On a positive note, western influence has stimulated some 

progress in combating Africa’s health crisis. More resources 

are devoted to achieving basic human security by assessing

disease symptoms early and with scientific accuracy. 

11. Economics and Resources

This domain refers to beliefs regarding appropriate ways for a 

society to produce, distribute, and consume goods and 

services. Traditionally having an agrarian-based economy, 

Africa today remains predominantly agricultural, featuring less 

industrialization than 

most other parts of the 

world. Post-colonial 

adversities such as civil 

war, disease, poverty,

and unstable 

dictatorships posed 

unusual hardship on

several young African 

nations; however, 

Africa currently stands 

at the cross-roads of economic development with many nations 

becoming some of fastest growing regions in the world. 

Colonialism institutionalized the exploitation of Africa’s mineral 

resources, resulting in today’s oil industry dominating the 

economic market in several coastal regions. A surge in global 

oil prices; a growing African middle class; and reduction in civil 

wars, foreign aid, and inflation collectively promise a more 

positive outlook for the future.

Countries such as Botswana, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and 

South Africa are economically the wealthiest on the continent, 

with regions such as East Africa showing signs of economic 

stability. Despite the economic upswing, much of sub-Saharan 

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Africa’s future economic prosperity is held hostage by 

devastating diseases such as AIDS, particularly in areas of 

southern Africa, and the growing effects of climate change and 

man-made environmental degradation throughout the 

subcontinent. 

12. Technology and Material

Societies use technology to transform their physical world, and 

culture heavily influences the development and use of 

technology. Africa lags far behind most of the world in 

manufacturing capacity and output. Even the more 

economically-developed nations such as South Africa are 

competitively weak when compared to non-African 

industrialized nations. During the 1970s and 1980s, Africa 

experienced some growth in raw exports although this increase 

did little to boost long-term manufacturing capacity. 

Today, Africa is experiencing an actual decline in 

manufacturing capacity due primarily to a lull in the global 

economy, along with other indigenous issues such as 

environmental stress, poor physical and organizational

infrastructure, and a 

shortage of skilled 

personnel. Likewise, 

African manufacturing 

capacity is no match 

against global powers 

such as China and 

significant Southeast 

Asian markets. 

International aid from 

both governmental and non-governmental organizations has 

helped African nations establish preliminary economic 

footholds. For example, many of them have dedicated 

industrial developmental zones to attract foreign investment 

and increase export-related manufacturing capacity, although 

Africa is far removed from having a significant role in the global 

marketplace in the foreseeable future. 

Now that we have introduced general concepts that

characterize African society at large, we will now focus on 

specific features of Rwandan society.

GENERAL

CULTURE 
istorical Overview

For the past 400 years, Rwandan history has been 

characterized by a struggle among elites to control power and 

wealth. The tools they have used – including military force, 

opportunistic alliance, and labor exploitation – have shaped the 

complex ethnic landscape of modern Rwanda.

Ancient Rwanda

Artifacts unearthed in Rwanda suggest that humans first began 

to settle in the region over 10,000 years ago. The diverse

geography supported many different socio-economic systems,

including hunting and gathering, nomadic cattle-herding, and a 

system of combined farming and herding that became the 

dominant mode of production over 1,000 years ago. 

The mountainous landscape shaped Rwanda’s earliest political 

structure: the hill. Because the rugged terrain made 

communication over long distances difficult, the people living 

on each hill tended to form a 

distinct community. Herders 

and farmers shared the hills 

and were linked through social 

and economic ties. 

Control of land and cattle, the 

signs of wealth in the region, 

became the basis of political 

power as chiefs distributed 

rights to land and cattle in 

exchange for tribute. Population growth and the resulting

competition for land encouraged political centralization, 

eventually resulting in a patchwork of small kingdoms, some 

organized around control of cattle and others around land. The 

system of patron-client relations that emerged in much of the 

region has been characterized as feudal, though there was 

much more mobility than in a classic feudal regime.

1. HISTORY AND MYTH

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

1. HISTORY AND MYTH

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

Photo Credit: Rachel Strohm

HISTORY &

MYTH
The Nyiginya Kingdom

The roots of modern Rwanda lie in the Nyiginya Kingdom, a

dynastic monarchy established in the 17th century when a 

wealthy herder named Nuganzu Ndori united several small 

kingdoms. Ndori established a permanent army and paid chiefs

for political and military support, resulting in a political system 

that functioned more like a military state than a feudal kingdom. 

The Nyiginya monarchy was plagued by deception, as diverse 

elites, ranging from military commanders to ritual specialists, 

competed for resources and royal favor. This scramble for 

power left the Nyiginya Kingdom in a near constant state of war 

and impoverished the vast majority of the population, aiding the 

emergence of permanent and unequal social groups.

The Emergence of Ethnicity

One tool the Nyiginya Kingdom used to extend its authority was 

to exploit social divisions and ally itself with the most powerful 

The Myth of Gihanga

In ancient times, African myths were used to preserve 

history and wisdom across generations and ethnic 

boundaries. A popular Rwandan legend is that of 

Gihanga. When he founded the Nyiginya Kingdom, 

Nuganzu Ndori sought legitimacy by styling himself 

as the direct heir of Gihanga, a popular mythical 

conqueror. According to myth, Abanyiginya, the 

grandmother of Gihanga, revealed the secret of life to 

Nkuba, the god of thunder. Using this secret, Nkuba 

sculpted a small clay man and placed it in a jar 

containing milk and the heart of a bull. Nine months 

later, a man named Sabizeze emerged. Angry that 

his mother had told Nkuba the secret of life, Sabizeze 

fled to earth and fathered Gihanga, who eventually 

founded the Kingdom of Rwanda in the 10th or 11th 

century. Although there is no evidence that Gihanga 

was an actual historical figure, his story remains 

popular among Rwandans to this day.

HISTORY &

MYTH
social groups. Growing population density and political 

centralization contributed to the emergence of increasing social 

inequality. The monarchy helped to expand an economic

patronage system that extended court control and allowed its 

supporters to become increasingly wealthy. Around the 18th 

century, standard labels emerged for the diverse social groups. 

The term Tutsi meant elite and referred to those with power 

and wealth (particularly cattle). Hutu referred to commoners, 

mostly farmers, while Twa referred to the socially marginal 

hunter-gatherer community. This system allowed for a degree 

of social mobility. Hutu families that gained cattle and clients 

would take on the label Tutsi. However, this sort of mobility was 

generally not available to the Twa, who were seen by both 

Hutu and Tutsi as inferior, unclean, and primitive. 

Rwabugiri and the Rise of Centralized Rule

In the middle of the 19th century, after several decades of 

instability due to conflicts between the elite and the monarchy, 

Kigeri IV Rwabugiri reasserted the power of the monarchy. 

During his 4-decade rule, he expanded the territory of the 

kingdom, by this time known as Rwanda, and greatly enhanced 

the power of the monarchy. Rwabugiri maintained his power 

through force and terror, murdering many political opponents.

The divide between Hutu and Tutsi also grew during this time. 

Rwabugiri imposed harsh taxes on Hutu farmers, while 

completely exempting Tutsi herders who produced the milk and 

beef needed to feed the royal military. Rwabugiri dispatched 

Tutsi representatives into peripheral regions to help extend his 

control, imposing the Hutu-Tutsi categories even in areas 

where they had not previously been common. 

The Colonial Era

The colonial era began when Ruanda-Urundi (present-day 

Rwanda and Burundi) was designated a part of German East 

Africa in 1885, although German 

presence and influence in the 

area were limited. German rule 

came to an end in 1916 when 

Belgium invaded Ruanda-Urundi

(Photo: Postage stamp from 1916 

indicating the Belgian occupation 

of German East Africa).

HISTORY &

MYTH
Both Germany and Belgium attempted to rule the colony 

through indigenous power structures. Belgium was awarded 

international recognition through the Versailles Treaty, which 

legitimized their role in Rwanda. Similarly, Belgium simplified

the complex political system of pre-colonial Rwanda, 

eliminating the land chieftaincies usually held by Hutu,

bolstering the power of the Tutsi elite and the central court.

“Scientific” Racism: Belgian administrators further reinforced 

Tutsi dominance by their adherence to a system of “scientific” 

racism based on apparent differences in height, skin tone, and 

bone structure among Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa. The Belgians 

measured differences precisely in order to create a 

classification system that they later used to issue ethnic identity

cards. 

The Tutsi were regarded as being taller, fairer-skinned, and 

having longer noses than 

the Hutu and Twa, and for 

the Belgians, these were 

indicators that the Tutsi were 

their natural masters. Many 

Belgians believed that the 

Tutsi had some Caucasian 

blood. The Belgians placed 

severe restrictions on the 

Hutu and Twa, removing 

them from government 

positions and restricting their 

access to education (see 

Learning and Knowledge). (Photo: Twa at the 1904 World’s 

Fair in St. Louis).

Some modern researchers have suggested that many of the 

variations in appearance among the ethnic groups may simply 

have reflected their nutrition. Height is an especially clear 

example: Tutsi herders consumed milk and beef, which 

promoted growth, while Hutu farmers subsisted on calorie-rich

but nutrient-poor staple crops, limiting their growth. The legacy 

of rigid classification introduced by the Belgians persisted long 

past the end of the colonial era and obscured the flexible, 

class-based origin of these ethnic labels.

HISTORY &

MYTH
Independence

In the late 1950s, an impatient Tutsi elite adopted a powerful

nationalist stance and began to demand an immediate 

independence under a Tutsi monarchy. Hutu leaders feared 

continued Tutsi dominance and sought a government more 

representative of the Hutu majority. They formed Parmehutu; a 

political party led by Grégoire Kayibanda and began to 

advocate reform.

An uprising against Tutsi chiefs in November 1959 led many 

Tutsi elite to flee Rwanda – an action which marks the period 

when serious ethnic-based violence emerged. The Belgians, 

angered by the strident nationalism of the Tutsi elite, installed

new Hutu chiefs and helped Parmehutu dismantle Tutsi rule. In 

1961, the administration removed the monarch and supported 

Kayibanda in forming a Hutu provisional government.

The Kayibanda Era

On July 1, 1962, Belgium granted independence to Rwanda 

and Burundi as separate countries. The new government led 

by Kayibanda aggressively pursued an explicit policy of 

empowering the Hutu at the expense of the Tutsi. Attacks on 

Rwanda by groups of armed Tutsi refugees in 1961-1964 led to 

reprisal massacres by the new Hutu army that killed many Tutsi 

and drove over 150,000 (constituted over half of the Tutsi 

population) to flee Rwanda.

After a decade in office, as Rwanda’s economy stagnated, 

Kayibanda lost popular support and sought to consolidate his 

power around trusted 

people from his home

region in southern Rwanda. 

His action alienated 

northern Hutu, including

Defense Minister Juvénal 

Habyarimana (pictured) who 

feared dismissal. The 

massacre of Burundian 

Hutu in 1972 by the Tutsi Burundian army inspired attacks on 

Tutsi in Rwanda in 1973, destabilizing the country and setting 

the stage for a July 5, 1973 coup d’état that made 

Habyarimana the President.

HISTORY &

MYTH
The Habyarimana Era

Habyarimana consolidated power by forming a new single 

political party and focusing on economic development. By the 

late 1980s, an economic downturn led to growing discontent

and demands for political reform. Habyarimana used Tutsi 

scapegoats in an attempt to win back Hutu support. In October 

1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a rebel group formed 

by Tutsi exiles whose ancestors were displaced to neighboring 

Uganda in the early 1960s, attacked northern Rwanda.

Habyarimana quickly suppressed the invasion with the help of 

French, German, and Zairian mercenaries. Habyarimana then 

expanded and strengthened the Rwandan army while 

instituting reprisals against Tutsi and their southern Hutu

supporters.

The RPF continued attacks on Rwanda, prompting the 

international community to broker the August 1993 Arusha 

Accord, which stated that Habyarimana must share political 

power and allow Tutsi refugees to return to Rwanda. The 

Arusha Accord was widely perceived as pro-Tutsi and did little 

to calm ethnic tensions, which were further inflamed by antiTutsi propaganda and the assassination of Burundi’s Hutu 

president by Tutsi members of the Burundian military. These 

tensions translated into broad support for “Hutu Power,” a 

movement closely associated with Habyarimana that promoted 

Hutu solidarity against the 

ambitions of the RPF and the 

Tutsi.

Genocide

These rising tensions led the 

Hutu regime to develop the tools 

that would ultimately make the

genocide so grimly successful. 

The regime procured $100 million worth of military support and 

armed the Interahamwe, a paramilitary death squad. The 

spark for the Rwandan genocide came on April 6, 1994, when 

a plane carrying Habyarimana was shot down near Kigali 

International Airport, killing everyone onboard. Although it is

still unknown who was responsible, the incident prompted the 

Hutu regime to call for the elimination of its opponents, 

including the complete extermination of the Tutsi. Orders were 

Photo Credit: Adam Scotti

HISTORY &

MYTH
issued through the bureaucracy and mass media for the

Interahamwe to organize “work” groups that were responsible 

for setting up barriers, capturing victims, and shelling them with 

small arms or hacking them to death with machetes.

Some Hutu took part in this gruesome process because they 

harbored an intense hatred of the Tutsi. Others were motivated 

by ambition, seeking the political rank given to the most 

efficient killers, or by greed, hoping to steal the property of 

those they murdered. Many more, probably the vast majority, 

were motivated by the simple fact that they would become 

victims if they did not become killers.

In less than 100 days, the Hutu militia, backed by the army and 

police, murdered an estimated 800,000 Tutsi and moderate 

Hutu. The death squads murdered men, women, and children, 

even infants, hoping to prevent the Tutsi from ever regaining 

power. Neighbors, friends, and even relatives of perpetrators 

were shown no mercy. 

Hundreds of thousands of 

girls and women were raped 

or sexually enslaved during 

the genocide.

While some Hutu in Kigali 

were killed for their political 

views, most Hutu who died 

(up to half of the total 

population of those killed) 

did so as a result of mistaken 

identity or an unwillingness on the part of the Interahamwe to 

make any attempt to determine who they were killing at the 

mass killing sites.

International Response: The international community did 

nothing to interrupt this attempt to eliminate an entire social 

group. Before the genocide, there were 2,500 UN troops in 

Rwanda who were responsible for monitoring compliance with 

the Arusha Accord. Two weeks after the start of the genocide, 

the UN reduced this force to 270 in response to the torture and 

murder of 10 Belgian soldiers. Neither the original nor the 

reduced force was legally permitted to intervene. At the end of 

April 1994, the UN Security Council passed a resolution that

Photo Credit: United Nations

HISTORY &

MYTH
condemned the events in Rwanda but studiously avoided the 

word “genocide,” as its use would have created a legal 

obligation to intervene under the 1948 Genocide Convention. In 

mid-May, after the genocide was well underway, the UN finally 

voted to send 5,500 troops to Rwanda for the protection of 

civilians. However, the Security Council failed to act quickly 

enough, so these troops were not deployed until the end of the 

genocide.

Invasion by the RPF: On April 8, two days after the start of the 

genocide, the RPF launched a major invasion to force the Hutu 

regime from power. The RPF reached the outskirts of Kigali by 

April 11, causing the interim Hutu government to flee to the city 

of Gitarama. After nearly 3 months of steady progress, the RPF 

entered Kigali on July 4. The Hutu regime and militia, along 

with many Hutu civilians, fled to Zaire. 

The RPF declared victory on July 18, 

1994, and established a unity 

government headed by a Hutu, Pasteur 

Bizimungu. The Tutsi head of the RPF, 

Major General Paul Kagame (pictured), 

was named Vice President and 

Minister of Defense. Kagame became 

Rwanda’s current President when 

Bizimungu resigned in 2000 (see 

Political and Social Relations).

It is noteworthy that there were actually 

two wars conducted simultaneously, 

and while distinct, they were closely 

linked. One was a conventional civil war, while the other was 

the actual genocide. The civil war actually drove the genocidal 

killing, which it appears the Hutu initially had hoped would deter 

the RPF advance. When it failed to do so, the Interahamwe 

escalated the killing in retribution as it soon became clear the 

RPF would slowly take control of the country.

Aftermath

Despite the RPF’s definitive victory, the violence did not end 

with the genocide. Hutu militants who had fled to Zaire began 

to regroup, eventually forming a rebel group allied with Mobutu 

Sese Seko, then leader of Zaire. They staged attacks on Tutsi

in Zaire which prompted the Rwandan army to invade Zaire in 

HISTORY &

MYTH
1996. By 1997, the Rwandan army had toppled the Mobutu 

regime and installed Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila, as 

President of Zaire, which he renamed the Democratic Republic 

of the Congo (DRC) (not to be confused with the neighboring 

country – the Republic of Congo).

The region was still not peaceful. Although the Rwandan army 

drove over 600,000 Hutu back to Rwanda from the DRC, most 

of the rebels fled deep into the Congolese forests and 

proceeded to earn a fearsome reputation for rape, murder, and 

slavery. Meanwhile, Rwanda and Uganda began to grow 

mistrustful of Laurent Kabila, leading them to support a largely 

Tutsi rebel group based in Eastern DRC.

These and other ongoing tensions eventually resulted in the 

Second Congo War, which according to one estimate, by 2008

had claimed 5.4 million 

lives and resulted in

displacement of vast

populations. All sides of 

the conflict plundered the 

Congo’s mineral wealth in 

order to fund continuing 

hostilities (see Economics 

and Resources). Although 

the Rwandan army

formally withdrew from 

the DRC at war’s end in 

2002, Rwanda remains deeply involved in conflicts in the 

region.

Recovery and Reconciliation

Recovery from the genocide continues. Although the RPF 

government initially imprisoned over 100,000 people on 

charges of genocide, it was estimated that the resulting legal 

cases would take over a century to resolve. Therefore, the 

government chose to try all but the most serious perpetrators at 

the local level through non-professional gacaca courts, which

require perpetrators to face their communities, publicly 

apologize for their crimes, and atone for their actions through 

community service. The legal backlog was reduced, but it also 

resulted in genocide survivors living side-by-side with 

perpetrators. 

Photo Credit: Rwandan Refugee Camp 

 Courtesy Wikimedia

HISTORY &

MYTH
Official Name

Republic of Rwanda

République Rwandaise

Republika y’u Rwanda

Political Borders

Burundi: 180 mi

Democratic Republic of 

the Congo (DRC): 134 mi

Uganda: 105 mi

Tanzania: 134 mi

Capital

Kigali

Demographics

Rwanda’s population of 11.4 million is growing about 3% per

year. About 40% of the population is under the age of 14, and 

about 80% of the population lives in rural areas and engages in

subsistence farming. With a land area roughly equal to that of 

Vermont but with twice as many people, Rwanda is the most 

densely populated country in Africa.

Flag

The flag consists of three 

horizontal bands of sky blue, 

representing happiness and 

peace; yellow, representing 

economic and mineral wealth;

and green, representing

natural resources and the 

hope for prosperity. The sun 

in the upper right corner symbolizes unity, enlightenment, and 

freedom from ignorance. This flag was adopted in 2001 to 

replace Rwanda’s former flag, which had become associated

with the genocide (see History and Myth).

2. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Geography 

Rwanda is located in the African Great Lakes region, bordering 

Uganda to the North, Tanzania to the east, Burundi to the 

south, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west. 

Lake Kivu, with a surface area of over 1,000 square miles, is 

the largest of 28 lakes that fall within Rwanda’s borders. 

Rwanda is about 750 miles from the nearest ocean.

Rwanda is known as the “Land of 

a Thousand Hills” because of its 

high and hilly landscape, which 

ranges from volcanoes and steep 

mountains in the West to gently 

rolling hills and uninhabited 

swampy valleys in the East. The 

highest point is Mount Karisimbi, a 

14,790-foot volcano on the 

Congolese border in Volcanoes 

National Park. This park is home to 

Rwanda’s famous mountain 

gorillas, which draw thousands of visitors each year. Rwanda is 

also home to zebra, antelope, buffalo, impala, monkeys, and 

around 200 distinct bird species.

Natural Hazards: Mount Nyiragongo is an active volcano 

located just across Rwanda’s northwest border near the 

Congolese city of Goma. It has erupted twice in the past 35 

years, most recently in 2002. Another eruption would directly 

threaten the one million residents of the city of Goma in the 

DRC and create severe secondary effects for the residents of 

nearby Gisenyi, Rwanda. There is also earthquake activity in 

the area: in January 2008, an earthquake injured 700 people, 

including residents of the Rwandan border town of Cyangugu.

Climate

Rwanda enjoys a mild and temperate climate. Temperatures 

hover within a few degrees of 75°F throughout the year, 

although the mountainous Northwest tends to be cooler than 

the lower-lying East, with temperatures ranging from 50°F to 

59°F. It gets hotter in the savanna area in the East bordering 

Tanzania and the tropical area bordering Burundi in the South. 

Rwanda owes its pleasant weather to the fact that no part of 

Photo Credit: d_proffer via Flickr 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
the country lies lower than 3,000 feet above sea level. Rwanda 

has two rainy seasons (from February to May and from 

September to December), which account for nearly all of 

Rwanda’s 31 inches of annual rainfall. The West experiences 

nearly twice as much rainfall as 

the East.

Government

Rwanda is a presidential republic

divided into 5 intara, or provinces: 

Northern, Southern, Eastern, 

Western, and Kigali City. These

provinces are divided further into 

30 uterere or districts composed 

of 418 imirenge, or sectors, each 

of which contains 8-12 utagari, or cells. Rwanda has 10 

political parties, with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) 

currently leading a governing coalition of 5 parties.

Executive Branch

The President, currently Paul Kagame, is head-of-state, 

commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and guardian of 

national unity. The President also appoints the Prime Minister, 

currently Pierre Habumuremyi, to lead his Cabinet and execute 

the laws of the republic. The President is limited to 2 terms of 7

years, so that Kagame, currently serving his second term, is 

ineligible for reelection when his current term expires in 2017.

Legislative Branch

Rwanda has a 2-chamber Parliament composed of a Senate 

and a Chamber of Deputies.

Senate: it consists of 26 members who serve 8-year terms and

are not elected by popular vote:

• 12 are elected by local councils.

• 8 are appointed by the President.

• 6 are chosen by other organizations.

Chamber of Deputies: It consists of 80 members who serve 5-

year terms.

• 53 are elected by popular vote.

• 24, who must be women, are appointed by local councils.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
• 3 are appointed by youth and disability organizations.

Political Climate

President Kagame is widely admired for ending the genocide 

and restoring peace, order, and security to a broken nation

(see History and Myth). However, he has faced criticism for his 

allegedly authoritarian tendencies and his controversial military 

expeditions in the Congo. Although Kagame’s position remains 

secure, splits are becoming evident within the RPF as exiled 

former allies join a growing group of international observers in 

affirming governmental civil and political rights violations.

Defense

Rwanda’s armed forces are known as the Rwandan Defense 

Forces (RDF). The RDF is almost entirely a light infantry force, 

comprising an army, a small, rotary wing air force, and a few 

specialized inter-service units. While the RDF currently 

includes approximately 32,000 active-duty personnel, the 

government plans to demobilize many regulars and create a 

reserve force of 100,000. In addition to the RDF, there is also a 

local defense force with

approximately 10,000 personnel.

The RDF is known as a welleducated, well-trained, and highly 

disciplined force – particularly for 

its competency in guerilla tactics. 

Highly regarded by the Rwandan 

population, the RDF generally enjoys high troop morale. Of 

note, the RDF has conducted joint military training exercises 

with the US, the UK, and South Africa, in addition to receiving 

military training and $700,000 of military equipment from China. 

Air Force: The small Rwandan Air Force (RAF) is primarily 

used for transporting senior government officials and 

supporting counter-insurgency operations. Based at Kigali 

International Airport, the RAF has a small fleet of French and 

Russian helicopters. Due to a lack of resources, the RAF has 

no rapid deployment capability and relies upon cargo aircraft 

chartered from regional airports for troop deployment. Although 

the RAF has few experienced personnel, increasing numbers 

are being trained by South African and Indian personnel at a 

training facility opened in a Kigali suburb in 2005.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Security Issues

The Congo: Instability in eastern Congo is likely Rwanda’s 

most pressing security concern, emerging in 1994 when 

genocide perpetrators and the remnants of the Hutu regime 

fled there from Rwanda to 

escape the advancing 

Rwandan Patriotic Front 

(RPF) (see History and 

Myth). These Hutu forces 

later regrouped in Zaire and 

formed the FDLR (Forces 

Démocratiques de Libération 

du Rwanda), a paramilitary 

group intent on restoring the 

Hutu to power and finishing 

the work of the genocide. Although the Rwandan army has 

fought two wars against the FDLR in the past 15 years, the

FDLR is still active in Eastern Congo, Burundi, Tanzania, and 

Uganda. Although the FDLR is not a genuine military threat to 

Rwanda, they do sometimes fire shots across the border and 

stage small incursions into the western part of the country. In 

addition, the conflict has flooded Rwanda with almost 50,000 

Congolese refugees, whom the country is ill-equipped to 

accommodate.

Attacks with Small Explosives: Although Rwanda is relatively 

free of crime and violence, there have been several attacks 

with small explosives since 2007, most recently five grenade 

attacks in Kigali in 2010. Two of these attacks were staged at 

genocide memorial centers, and the government claims to 

have linked a number of the attacks to FDLR operatives, but 

many observers blame the attacks on former RPF members 

now opposing Kagame’s rule. Overall, Kigali is one of Africa’s 

safest urban areas.

Diplomatic Relations

Rwanda enjoys generally good diplomatic relations with most 

Western governments, especially the US and the UK. The US, 

which is Rwanda’s biggest single-country donor, has shifted 

since the genocide from providing primarily humanitarian and 

security aid towards supporting development projects. Although 

Rwanda attracts high levels of foreign aid from international 

 Photo Credit: RPF Patriotic Flag

 Courtesy Wikimedia

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
organizations (see Economics and Resources), many partners 

have expressed concern about allegations of Rwandansponsored atrocities in Congo. These concerns were detailed

in a 545-page UN report released in August 2010 that 

associates Rwanda with 617 war crimes committed between 

1993 and 2003 in its wars in the Democratic Republic of the 

Congo. The report, which details incidents of mass murder, 

rape, child slavery, and destruction of property, suggests that 

some of Rwanda’s crimes amount to genocide. Rwanda has 

angrily dismissed the report and even threatened to withdraw 

its peacekeeping forces from Darfur if the UN stood by its 

allegations.

Rwanda’s current government also has a troubled relationship 

with France, a close ally of the Habyarimana regime. This 

relationship reached a low point in 2006, when a French judge 

issued a warrant for Kagame’s arrest that implicated him in the 

death of Habyarimana (see History and Myth). Rwanda 

responded by ending diplomatic relations with France and, in 

2008, released a report accusing France of complicity in the 

genocide and calling for the arrest of several former Presidents 

and Prime Ministers. Recently, however, the relationship

between France and Rwanda has begun to thaw after French 

President Nicolas Sarkozy visited Kigali in 2010 and 

acknowledged French mistakes during the genocide.

Ethnic Relations

Ethnicity plays a complicated 

role in post-genocide Rwanda. 

Rwanda’s new constitution, 

ratified in 2003, prohibits ethnic 

discrimination in absolute terms. 

Although it has become a social 

taboo to converse openly about 

ethnicity (see Language and 

Communication), it remains a 

subtle but powerful organizing 

force in Rwandan society. 

Ethnicity and Power: Although the RPF party comprises both 

Hutu and Tutsi, political power and authority in post-genocide 

Rwanda are firmly controlled by the Tutsi, who make up about 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
14% of the population but hold about half of all government 

positions and dominate the civil service. This mismatch has 

resulted in tension between the government and the Hutu 

majority. Some commentators have suggested that the RPF’s 

economic policies have intentionally included too little support 

for agriculture, the backbone of the economy and a source of 

employment for 90% of the predominantly Hutu workforce.

Ethnicity Today: Ethnicity has not been an identifiable 

characteristic in Rwanda during the past century, especially in 

cities like Kigali. Hutu and Tutsi wear the same clothing, speak 

the same language, live in the same neighborhoods, attend the 

same social events, and even marry one another. Yet

individuals still identify themselves by ethnicity and generally 

know the ethnicity of others, even though it is not discussed 

openly. Powerful stereotypes regarding the physical 

characteristics of each ethnicity endure; despite the widely 

shared sense that there is limited truth behind such stereotypes

(see History and Myth). Although inter-ethnic relationships are 

fairly common, especially among the young, many Rwandans 

report that the events of 1994 make it difficult to fully trust 

members of other 

ethnicities.

Social Relations

Rwandans emphasize

respect in interactions, and 

usually award it according 

to social status, which 

includes gender, education, 

age, wealth, and personal 

relationships.

Gender: Rwandan society generally accords higher status to 

men than to women (see Sex and Gender). Dining etiquette is 

an example: men sit in chairs and eat first, while women and 

children sit on the floor and eat once the men have finished. 

Age: Respect for elders, like respect for men, is an important 

part of social relations regardless of other social classifications. 

Rwandans usually address elders with respectful titles (see 

Language and Communications).

Photo Credit: Dave O'Flynn

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Personal Relationships: Rwandans are loyal to family and

friends, often demonstrated within professional contexts: it is 

common for powerful figures to grant preferential treatment to 

those close to them. As a result, some individuals enjoy high 

social status simply through their connections.

Status Indicators: The characteristics of Rwanda’s social elite 

have changed in response to the events of recent decades. 

Prior to the genocide, the members of Rwanda’s social elite 

retained close ties to rural life and their native hills (see History 

and Myth). This profile changed dramatically after the genocide 

when the RPF drove the Hutu elite from Rwanda and took 

control of the government, becoming the new social elite. 

The members of the RPF primarily come from families who 

were forced to flee Rwanda decades before the genocide for 

cities in neighboring countries. As a result, the accession of the 

RPF has enabled a shift in indicators of social status away from 

those associated with rural life towards those associated with 

urban life. One example of this shift is the growing significance 

of money as a standard of wealth, as opposed to land or cattle 

(see Economics and Resources). 

Gift Giving

Rwandans give gifts to one another both in formal 

settings such as weddings and informal settings such 

as social visits. If the social visit is a special occasion, 

the guest may present the host with a gift of beer or 

food. Conversely, it is also common for the host to 

present the guest with food at the end of his or her 

visit. Gifts are judged according to a hierarchy: cattle 

are the most significant gift, followed by alcoholic 

beverages, then by food. Cattle are so significant that 

it is common to recognize an extraordinary favor by 

saying, “What you did for me, you gave me a cow.” 

When giving or receiving a gift, it is respectful to use 

the right hand while grasping the right forearm with 

the left hand.

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Religion and Spirituality Overview

Rwanda is a predominantly Christian country (nearly 94% of 

the total population) with a small but growing Muslim minority.

In 2006, the Rwandan government reported religious affiliation

as follows:

• 56.5% Catholic

• 26% Protestant

• 11.1% Seventh-Day Adventist

• 4.6% Muslim

• 1.7% No Religion

• 0.1% Indigenous Religion

The Christian majority is highly diverse, comprising a wide 

variety of denominations which incorporate many aspects of 

indigenous religions into their beliefs and practices. This 

diversity is encouraged by the fact that religion is not a source 

of group identity in Rwanda: all faiths have adherents from 

different ethnicities and regions. It is common for individuals to 

change from one Christian denomination to another, and many 

families include adherents of more than one faith. 

Indigenous Religions

Religious practices have 

historically provided a basis 

for political power in Rwanda

primarily because of the

traditional belief that kings are 

the living embodiment of 

Imana, a term variously 

translated as “God,” “essence 

of life,” or “fertility.” In order to 

establish their legitimacy as 

rulers, kings had to perform rituals which bestowed the 

“essence of life” upon their people. Christian missionaries used 

the word Imana to refer to God, so the term today is widely 

used to refer to the Christian God and appears in many 

Rwandan names (see Family and Kinship).

3. RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

Photo Credit: David Bygott

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Kings also used religion to support royal authority in other 

ways. One of the most common approaches was to establish 

cults for ancestral spirits, who were considered to be actively 

involved in human affairs and who could be pleased or 

angered. Kings often made royal decisions in an ijaboro, a 

small shrine dedicated to the ancestral spirit of the royal family. 

Kings reinforced the importance of the royal ancestral spirits by 

staging elaborate theatrical performances which promoted the 

idea of a divinely ordained social hierarchy.

In addition to these public manifestations of indigenous religion, 

Rwandan families traditionally practiced rituals that showed 

respect to their ancestors and linked the living to the dead. 

Although court rituals disappeared with the demise of the 

monarchy, many families continue to venerate their ancestors.

Christianity

Christianity was first brought to Rwanda by Western 

missionaries at the beginning of the 20th century with the

Catholics first to arrive in 1900, followed by Protestants in 

1907. Many other denominations followed after World War I, 

including Baptists from Denmark, Pentecostals from Sweden, 

and Free Methodists and Seventh Day Adventists from the US. 

Pentecostals would eventually become the largest Protestant 

denomination in the 1990s.

It was the Catholic Church, 

however, that became the 

most powerful social 

institution in Rwanda. The 

Church played a key role in 

promoting ethnic divisions,

backing the “scientific” 

racism of the Belgian 

administration (see History 

and Myth) with passages 

from the Old Testament. 

This ideological support 

allowed the Tutsi ruling class to justify its power and privilege 

by selectively applying Catholic principles. The Church also 

used its control over Rwanda’s schools to bar many Hutu from 

receiving an education (see Learning and Knowledge).

Photo Credit: Amakuru via Wikimedia

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
In the 1950s, as Tutsi leaders sought to gain independence 

from Belgium, both the colonial government and the Church 

switched their support to the Hutu. The Church justified its new 

position as support for a persecuted Hutu majority and backed

the anti-Tutsi policies of Hutu Presidents Grégoire Kayibanda 

and Juvénal Habyarimana (see History and Myth).

Christianity and the Genocide: Christian churches, especially 

the Catholic Church of Rwanda, provided moral support to the 

genocide. Both local Catholic and Protestant leaders remained 

allies of the Hutu government throughout the genocide, 

implicitly allowing 

Hutu extremists to 

use religious 

imagery and rhetoric 

to incite hatred of 

the Tutsi. This 

religious 

propaganda, 

combined with the 

failure of Christian 

leaders to condemn 

the genocide, allowed perpetrators to 

reconcile their brutal actions with their 

Christian faith: genocide perpetrators sometimes attended

mass before a massacre or paused in the middle of killing to 

pray at the church altar (see History and Spirituality).

Some Hutu clergy participated in the genocide, using their 

intimate knowledge of their communities to help identify who 

was Tutsi or allowing the murder of Tutsi who had sought 

refuge in the church. Notorious examples include the

Archbishop of Rwanda, who turned over nuns and priests to 

death squads, and two Benedictine nuns, who provided Hutu 

killers with 7,000 Tutsi victims and the gasoline to burn 500 of 

them alive. In fact, more Tutsi were killed in churches during 

the genocide than anywhere else.

However, not every member of the clergy supported the 

genocide. Many were Tutsi, and therefore, a target themselves. 

Some Hutu clergy opposed the massacres and died defending 

the Tutsi who took refuge in their churches.

Photo Credit: Scott Chacon

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Pentecostalism

Since the genocide, there has been a proliferation of 

Pentecostal Christian churches. By emphasizing forgiveness, 

healing, reconciliation, and hope, Pentecostals have found a 

natural audience in post-genocide Rwanda. Many Pentecostal

churches were established by returned refugees or Western

sponsors and preach themes that resonate strongly with 

Rwandans including

liberation from poverty, 

sickness, and evil. 

These churches also 

provide a sense of 

refuge and community, 

which is particularly 

important in a country 

with large displaced 

populations and a 

society having been 

frayed at the edges. 

This emphasis on 

refuge also contrasts positively with mainstream Christian 

churches, which largely abandoned the responsibility to provide 

refuge during the genocide.

Hybrid Religious Practices

The majority of Rwandans worship in a tradition that blends 

elements of both indigenous religions and Christianity. Many of 

the traditional customs that Rwandans incorporate into their 

Christian practices pertain to death and the afterlife. For 

example, many Rwandans practice traditional funeral rites 

alongside Christian ones. Rwandans also continue to practice 

kwera, a ritual that marks the end of a period of mourning (see 

Family and Kinship). Finally, many Rwandans continue to 

revere ancestral spirits in hopes of contacting Imana, who is 

seen as benevolent but distant.

Witchcraft

Both women and men can be accused of being a murozi, 

which is translated as “poisoner,” “enemy of the community,” or 

simply “witch.” Accusations of witchcraft are common in 

Rwanda, as they are in the African Great Lakes region more 

Photo Credit: Philip Kromer

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
generally, and they often accompany political violence and 

turmoil. They are most common in rural areas, where 

neighbors and family members often clash over scarce land 

and resources.

Islam

Islam was introduced to Rwanda by Swahili-speaking traders in 

the early 20th century. Although Rwandan Muslims enjoyed 

good relations with German colonizers, the Belgians 

marginalized them by barring them from education, 

government, and most jobs. Muslims continued to be targeted 

in independent Rwanda, as political crises in the 1960s brought 

organized attacks against allegedly anti-Hutu Muslims. These 

attacks occurred despite the fact that the Rwandan Muslim 

community, like the Rwandan Christian community, includes

both Hutu and Tutsi.

Since the genocide, however, Islam has blossomed in Rwanda 

and developed a more positive social profile. By some 

estimates, 5-8% of Rwandans now practice Islam, a sharp 

increase from just over 1% in 1991. Muslims are believed to be 

less guilty than Christians of 

having participated in the 

genocide, and many stories have 

emerged of Muslims offering 

protection to the Tutsi during the 

genocide. Although some 

Muslims participated in the 

genocide, the Muslim community 

largely refused to divide itself 

along ethnic lines, demonstrating 

a sense of solidarity forged 

through years of marginalization. 

Since the genocide, the Muslim 

community has played a strong 

role in national reconciliation, and 

the head mufti of Rwanda, an

authority on Islamic law, has 

even declared a jihad, or holy 

struggle, against hatred and ignorance between Hutu and 

Tutsi. The photo depicts Nyamirambo Mosque in Kigali.

Photo Credit: Kaj Iversön

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Overview

Across all social and ethnic boundaries, family is one of the 

most important institutions in Rwanda. The ideal family is large

and durable, providing vital economic, political, and social 

support to group members. The particular strength and 

flexibility of family, lineage, and clan relationships have helped 

Rwandans adapt to changes in culture and traditions since the 

colonial era, and they have 

been essential in promoting 

reconciliation after the 

genocide.

Family and Residence

Rwanda’s basic household 

family unit is the inzu,

which resembles a nuclear 

family (consists of parents 

and their offspring). 

Following marriage, a young couple traditionally resides near

the husband’s family and establishes its own inzu. In rural 

areas, each inzu occupies a home which is part of a larger 

urugo, a family homestead or compound that is enclosed by a 

fence or hedge. The urugo from a single umuryango or 

lineage – a group of relatives who trace their ancestry to a 

single common ancestor – often located in close proximity, 

usually on a single hill, the basic historic social and political unit

(see History and Myth). 

Male Authority

The oldest male in each urugo is considered the head-ofcompound and is responsible for ensuring that it functions as 

an economic and social support system for its residents. 

Although he has no formal or legal authority, this man plays an 

important informal role as a dispute mediator. 

The husband is considered head of the inzu, and inheritance is 

traditionally divided among a man’s sons. This system is 

changing in the wake of post-genocide legislation guaranteeing 

women equal property and inheritance rights.

4. FAMILY AND KINSHIP

Photo Credit: rytc via Flickr

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Clans

While members of the smallest social units typically live sideby-side, members of the largest social unit, the clan, are 

dispersed throughout the country. Clans are very large: the 11 

million people in Rwanda today trace their membership to only 

about 18 different clans. However, despite their large size, 

clans do not have formal leaders or organizational structures. 

Clan membership is transferred from father to child and cuts

across ethnic, religious, and social divides: most clans contain 

Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa. Every Rwandan knows his or her own 

clan affiliation. While clans tend to determine business and 

political affiliations, they have little significance in everyday life

beyond determining eligible marriage partners.

Dating

Casual dating is uncommon in rural areas, where young people 

usually meet and get acquainted at school, church, or the 

market. If a young man is interested in a young woman for 

marriage, he asks permission from her father or uncle to court 

her and presents gifts of food and drink to her family. In urban 

areas, young people may date and have several casual 

relationships before settling on a marriage partner.

Marriage

Marriage is an important and 

respected social institution in 

Rwanda. Young people are 

expected to marry, and it is 

considered unusual for someone

to remain single. Individuals are 

generally free to select their own 

spouses, usually from outside their 

clans and subject to parental 

approval. Ethnicity is usually not a 

barrier: marriage between Hutu 

and Tutsi remains somewhat common even after the genocide. 

However, due to social isolation, the Twa rarely marry 

members of other ethnicities.

Weddings: If a couple does not receive parental approval, they 

may enter into common-law marriage. However, Rwandans 

prefer officially sanctioned, often elaborate marriage 

ceremonies that can take place at home, in a church, or before 

Photo Credit: David Bygott

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
civil authorities. During the ceremony, family members of the 

groom proclaim their affection for the bride and her family, as 

well as their intention to care for her and her children. Food and 

drink are shared, and dances are performed. 

Bridewealth: The payment of a bridewealth, traditionally one 

or more cows, is compensation paid by the groom’s family to 

the bride’s family. With this payment, the new alliance between 

the two families is validated, and strong reciprocal relationships 

between families, lineages, and clans are forged. Today, the 

bridewealth is often monetary, and because it is reimbursable 

upon divorce, family pressure will discourage dissolution of the 

marriage to avoid having to repay the bridewealth.

Polygyny: In the past, it was considered a sign of wealth and 

social standing for a man to have more than one wife. In such 

arrangements, each wife lived with her children in a separate 

urugo. Although the spread of Christianity and Western-style 

education has made polygyny less common, it is still 

widespread in some rural areas of the Northwest.

Children

Rwandans view children 

as a sign of wealth and 

well-being, and the birth

of a child is welcomed as 

a natural and happy 

event. Families are 

typically large: on 

average, each woman 

gives birth to six children, although a high infant mortality rate 

impacts family size (see Sustenance and Health). Despite 

cultural and religious reservations about the use of 

contraception, a combination of overpopulation and scarce 

resources has compelled the government to promote family 

planning. Rwandans take great care to raise their children to

behave respectfully, especially towards elders.

Rites-of-Passage

Birth: Most children are born at home, where the mother and 

child remain for 7 days after birth in order to rest and recover. 

On the 8th day after birth, the child is given a name in an 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Traditional Family Expressions

Wedding Toast

Murumbuke, mubyare hungu na kobwa...

“Be fruitful, may you have many sons and 

daughters...”

Greeting to a New Mother

Nimwonkwe kandi usubireyo nta mahwa!

“Congratulations, and go back for more!”

General Saying

Abana ni umutungo.

“Children are your wealth.”

elaborate ceremony. During this ceremony, the child is 

presented for the first time to friends and family members, who 

suggest names for the child as they enjoy refreshments.

However, the honor of making the final selection of the child’s 

name is reserved for the father. Names often reflect 

circumstances at the time of the child’s birth, such as war, 

peace, famine, or abundance, or patriotic and religious themes, 

such as Imana (supreme being – see Religion and Spirituality). 

Sometimes, names are even inspired by cattle, which are 

traditionally a prized possession for Rwandans (see Economics 

and Resources).

Death: Even in Rwanda’s predominantly Christian society, 

funeral rites still include elements of indigenous faiths (see 

Religion and Spirituality). Prior to burying the deceased, the 

bereaved observe a mourning period of several days which

concludes with kwera, a purification ceremony, and the ritual

consumption of food and drink. Narrowly defined, family 

members must jointly perform these rituals: since the married 

daughters of the deceased are considered part of their 

husbands’ families, they sometimes do not participate in the 

mourning ceremonies.

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Social Change

Rwanda’s kinship traditions were severely disrupted by the 

genocide. The majority of genocide deaths were male, resulting 

in a large number of widows and female-headed households. 

Similarly, the majority of the 120,000 prisoners remaining in jail 

since the genocide are males. The traditional practice of 

levirate marriage, in which a widow marries the brother of her 

deceased husband, has collapsed due to the death toll and 

disintegration of social structure brought on by the genocide. 

Women have stepped in to fulfill traditionally male roles (see 

Sex and Gender), changing family dynamics and relationships.

In order to survive, many 

widows have been forced to 

engage in undesirable and lowstatus occupations. Because 

widows and their children are 

often socially marginalized and 

considered a symbol of social 

disorder, the family and 

household are no longer their

primary source of social identity and economic support. 

Instead, support often comes from women’s associations and 

cooperatives that have been formed in recent years (see Sex 

and Gender for a further discussion on the changing roles of 

women since the genocide).

Genocide, along with the 

HIV/AIDS epidemic (see 

Sustenance and Health), has 

also led to an upsurge in 

Rwanda’s orphan population. 

After the genocide, as many as 

one million Rwandan children 

lived in child-headed 

households, in underfunded orphanages, or on the street.

Because of the psychological trauma they endured, children 

orphaned during the genocide are particularly vulnerable to 

post-traumatic stress or self-destructive behavior as they now 

enter adulthood. These disorders can further impede them from

successfully integrating into employment training or schooling. 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Overview

In pre-colonial Rwanda, women enjoyed some political and 

economic power. Within the royal court (see History and Myth), 

the queen mother was so powerful that some European 

explorers spoke of Rwanda as a territory ruled by a queen. 

However, the status of women eroded considerably during the 

colonial period, and following independence women held few 

political positions and had little economic power. Recently, 

opportunities for women have expanded due to government 

support for gender equality, changes in inheritance law, and 

the work of women’s organizations. Rwanda has the highest 

percentage of women in Parliament of any African nation.

Gender Values

Rwandans use the expression “uli umugabo,” or “you are a 

man,” to praise excellent performance by either gender. 

Ubugabo, or manliness, connotes courage and steadfastness,

although its primary meaning is 

“virility.” The link between moral 

fortitude, accomplishment, and

masculinity sends a subtle yet

powerful message that maleness 

is more highly valued. 

Conversely, female gender 

stereotypes depict the ideal 

woman as modest, silent, and 

submissive. These values have 

shifted due to the broad societal changes which have occurred 

since the genocide and now include a broader understanding 

of the role of women (see Family and Kinship). 

Traditional Gender Roles

Traditionally, labor within the family is defined by gender: males 

perform productive labor (cultivating crops, grazing livestock, 

constructing houses, and negotiating business deals), while

females perform reproductive labor (caring for kin) in addition to 

domestic duties and subsistence farming. The husband has 

ultimate authority over all family matters; therefore, wives are

subordinate to their husbands in household decision-making.

5. SEX AND GENDER

Photo Credit: configmanager 

via Flickr

SEX &

GENDER
Gender and the Genocide

There were both female victims and female perpetrators in the 

genocide. The main victims were the approximately 250,000 

Tutsi women and Hutu wives of Tutsi men who were targeted in 

an organized campaign of rape, sexual slavery, genital 

mutilation, and murder. The main female perpetrators were 

women who spied on their Tutsi neighbors and located hidden 

Tutsi for the Interahamwe, the Hutu regime’s paramilitary 

death squad (see History and Myth).

Gender Issues

Changing Gender Roles: High male mortality during the 

genocide changed household composition and, in many cases,

gender roles: after the genocide 60% of households in Rwanda 

were headed by women, approximately half of whom are 

widows. This shortage of male household members resulted in 

a serious labor deficit,

particularly for activities 

requiring physical strength 

and tasks culturally 

restricted to men (see 

Family and Kinship).

Some women in rural 

areas have been forced to 

engage in undesirable and 

low-status wage labor and petty trade in order to make ends 

meet. In urban areas, a number of women have become 

bankers, cab drivers, or mechanics – jobs previously viewed as 

men’s work. Family members also support many of the roughly 

80,000 men who remain imprisoned from the genocide, a 

responsibility which strains households economically.

Prostitution and Sexual Abuses: Although illegal, prostitution 

is present in Rwanda. Most sex workers are women, although

some children are also exploited in the urban sex industry. In 

addition, a small number of Rwandan women and children are 

trafficked to nearby countries and Europe, where they are

forced to perform sexual, domestic, or agricultural labor.

Another significant issue is the extensive rape and ostracism 

prevalent during and after the genocide, resulting in a tarnished 

lifestyle for many women.

SEX &

GENDER
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): Unlike many African 

societies, Rwanda does not promote the traditional FGM

practice, which is an extensive physical alteration of the female 

genitals and known to cause serious health issues. FGM is 

intended to promote chastity and fidelity among women by 

reducing or eliminating female sexual pleasure. In contrast, 

Rwandans perform a genital modification that is intended to

promote both male and female sexual pleasure. Most Rwandan 

females view this modification as an attractive improvement.

Female Education: Female education historically has not been 

a priority in Rwanda. Following independence, for example, 

less than 15% of secondary schools admitted girls. After the 

genocide, many orphaned girls were forced to assume head of 

household duties and care for younger siblings, which 

prevented them from attending school. The government 

established several programs to address this problem and 

motivate girls to attend school. While these programs have 

proven effective, many girls are still needed at home, resulting

in lower attendance and higher drop-out rates.

Gender and Politics 

A few female political players were prominent in Rwanda 

before the genocide. Most notable were Agathe Habyarimana, 

the former first lady who controlled a powerful political clique 

instrumental in planning the genocide, and Agathe 

Uwilingimana, the Hutu Prime Minister 

killed in the genocide. Today, women are 

participating in politics in unprecedented 

numbers, aided by a constitutional 

mandate to reserve seats for women in the 

Chamber of Deputies (see Political and 

Social Relations).

The Rwandan Patriotic Front’s (RPF) 

gender equity program has aided women 

in obtaining positions in all three branches 

of government and instituted an electoral 

system that reserves 30% of the seats in 

all public decision-making bodies for 

women. While women constitute over 50% of Rwanda’s 

Parliament today, these political opportunities have primarily 

benefitted the small minority of urban educated women.

Photo Credit: AWI via 

Wikimedia

SEX &

GENDER
Languages

Having three official languages (Kinyarwanda, French, and 

English), Rwanda is unusual in Africa for its lack of ethnic 

linguistic diversity –

Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa 

(see Political and Social 

Relations) all speak 

Kinyarwanda as their 

native tongue. Limited

use of French and 

English primarily occurs 

in official contexts such 

as education, business, 

and government.

Kinyarwanda: Nearly every Rwandan speaks Kinyarwanda, a 

Bantu language from a sub-branch of the Niger-Congo 

language group that is written in the Latin alphabet. 

Kinyarwanda is a tonal language, meaning that the tone of 

speech can affect its meaning. Kinyarwanda is mutually 

intelligible with Kirundi, the national language of Burundi, and 

the two languages are sometimes considered dialects of a 

single language known as Rwanda-Rundi. Kinyarwanda is also 

closely related to Mashi, spoken in the South Kivu region of the 

Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Kiha, spoken in 

northwestern Tanzania. Kinyarwanda is a language of 

instruction in primary school (see Learning and Knowledge).

French: French was introduced to Rwanda during the Belgian 

colonial rule (see History and Myth), remaining the language of 

choice among Rwanda’s educated elite for many years. Since 

the genocide, English has steadily replaced French as the 

language of business, government, and education. Some 

commentators have speculated that this shift may partially stem 

from troubled diplomatic relations between France and the 

ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) (see Political and Social 

Relations). Similarly, the language shift may be due to the 

influence of English-speaking Pentecostal missionaries who 

have proliferated Rwanda since the genocide.

6. LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION

Photo Credit: Laura Darby

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
English: Although Rwanda is traditionally considered part of 

French-speaking Africa, neighboring countries such as Kenya, 

Tanzania, and Uganda are former British colonies. 

Consequently, the use of English spread into Rwanda when

the RPF took power following the genocide (see History and 

Myth). Since many of the RPF’s top 

leaders had spent their entire lives in 

Uganda, they learned English instead 

of French. Although the official policy of 

the RPF government is to promote 

English and French equally, Rwanda 

has moved steadily closer to the 

English-speaking world: in 1995, 

English was made an official language; 

in 2008, English replaced French as 

the second language of instruction in 

Rwanda’s schools (see Learning and Knowledge); and, in 

2009, Rwanda joined the Commonwealth of Nations, an 

international organization composed almost entirely of former 

British colonies. The official reason for these changes is to 

promote fuller integration into the global economy and the 

mostly English-speaking East African Community (EAC).

Swahili: Swahili is the vernacular language in many 

surrounding countries. Although Swahili is not an official 

language in Rwanda, it is spoken by 

those engaged in regional trade, 

particularly the Muslim minority.

Kinyarwanda includes many Swahili 

loanwords.

Communication Style

Rwandans are known to be subtle and 

modest in their speech and usually 

address controversial or potentially 

sensitive topics indirectly. Rwandans 

may even withhold solicited feedback if 

they suspect the response could be 

offensive. Rwandans generally avoid 

direct confrontation, so disagreements 

tend to be resolved through third 

parties or calm, deliberate discussion.

Photo Credit: Paul Scott

Photo Credit:Common-

 wealth Secretariat

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Place Names and Pronunciation

Most Kinyarwanda words are pronounced 

phonetically, meaning they are spoken just as they 

are written. There are occasional regional variations 

which can make interpretation difficult. For example:

• An initial k pronounced as ch

• An initial cy pronounced as sh

• j substituted for g

• r and l used interchangeably

You might hear the capital city of Kigali referred to as 

“Chigari,” the port city of Cyangugu referred to as 

“Shangugu,” or the northwestern city of Kinigi 

referred to as “Kiniji.” In addition, the French suffix -

ville is sometimes added to the end of a city name in 

order to distinguish it from a broader region with the 

same name. Therefore, a share-taxi driver (see 

Technology and Material) may pronounce the stop in 

downtown Kigali as “Chigariville.”

While this indirect style can pose a challenge for foreign 

nationals working with Rwandans, there are basic guidelines 

for enhancing communication. When giving feedback, state 

criticisms generally and address them to the group at large 

rather than pinpointing an individual. When seeking feedback, 

ask for general opinions about the organizational environment

or a certain project in order to generate open discussion

without reprisal. When negotiating, prepare to debate more 

extensively and to progress more slowly (see Time and Space).

Greetings

Greetings are considered essential social graces in Rwandan 

culture, and it is considered rude to rush, skip, or fail to return a 

greeting. The most common type of greeting is the handshake, 

an important sign of respect which initiates nearly every 

conversation (see Time and Space). Rwandans may also 

briefly embrace close friends whom they have not seen in a 

while. The most common verbal greeting is Muraho (“Hello”).

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Other greetings include Mwaramutse (“Good morning”) and 

Mwiriwe (“Good afternoon”). These greetings are often followed 

by the question Amakuru? (“How’s the news?”), which in turn is 

usually answered with a simple Ni meza (“Fine”).

Titles

When addressing superiors or new acquaintances, Rwandans 

use formal modes of address such as Monsieur, Madame, and 

vous (the French formal form of “you”). If applicable, titles such 

as Father, Director, Sergeant, or Captain are also used. 

Rwandans address elders with 

the respectful titles umusaza or 

umuzee (old man) or 

umukechuru (old woman). With

close friends or acquaintances

Rwandans use first names, 

nicknames, occupational titles, 

or even familial roles. 

Rwandans are typically given two names shortly after birth (see 

Family and Kinship). Thus, relatives often do not share a last 

name, and Rwandans who do share a last name are not 

necessarily related.

Conversational Topics

Safe: Rwandans usually limit discussions to uncontroversial, 

general-interest topics when speaking with a person they do 

not know well. Foreign nationals should try to confine their 

conversations to these sorts of topics, which include sports, 

weather, and Rwanda’s beautiful landscape.

Handle with Care: Some topics are very likely to carry social 

sensitivities, particularly when discussed with outsiders, and 

therefore require tactful diplomacy. A prime example is family: 

visitors will likely be asked basic questions about their spouses 

and children. Although it is socially acceptable to ask the same

questions in return, you should remember that many Rwandan 

families were destroyed during the genocide. Asking 

Rwandans even basic family questions may provoke extremely 

painful memories they may prefer not to discuss. Similarly, it is 

considered suspicious behavior to ask detailed questions about 

an acquaintance’s personal life. As a precaution, it is best that 

you avoid inquiring about a Rwandan’s family. Another 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
example is religion: because Rwandans tend to be devout (see 

Religion and Spirituality), you can expect to be asked about 

your religious affiliation. In these situations, it is usually best to 

be vague and diplomatic.

Taboo: Never ask a Rwandan about ethnicity! It is 

considered inappropriate to inquire about a Rwandan’s 

ethnicity. In some circumstances, it could be illegal: according 

to Rwanda’s constitution, “Propagation of ethnic, regional, 

racial, or discrimination of any other form of division is 

punishable by law.” It is also inappropriate to talk about war or 

politics. In recent history, some Rwandans were killed for 

expressing views on war or politics; therefore, it is not 

surprising that many prefer to keep their views private. Finally, 

Rwandan modesty dictates that sex not be discussed publicly.

Gestures

Pointing: It is considered impolite to point using the hand or 

finger. Instead, the chin and mouth should be extended in the 

appropriate direction.

Emphasis: Rwandans often emphasize a point by quickly 

brushing the hands together a single time.

Disbelief: Rwandans express disbelief by turning their heads 

to the side and saying, “Eh.” This 

gesture can also mean dismissal.

Visits

Informal, impromptu visits to a

friend’s or neighbor’s home are both 

common and expected in Rwanda. 

These visits begin with extended

greetings and continue with light 

refreshments and social time. The host usually presents the 

guest with bottled soda or beer, only removing the bottle cap in 

the presence of the guest. If the visit marks a special occasion, 

the guest may reciprocate the host’s hospitality with a gift of 

beer or food. It is customary for the entire family to engage in 

conversation with the guest. These exchanges are viewed as 

open-ended discussions that will be resumed at the next visit. 

Once the conversation has been “postponed,” the host will 

escort the guest to the road.

Photo Credit: Peace Corps

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Rwandan Translations

English Kinyarwanda French Swahili

Do you speak 

English?

Mbese uvuga 

icyungereza?

Parlez-vous 

anglais?

Unasema 

kiingereza?

Hello Muraho Bonjour Hujambo

How are you? Amakuru? Comment allezvous? Habari yako?

I am fine Ni meza Bien Mzuri/Nzuri

Yes Yee/Yego Oui Ndiyo/Nnh

No Oya Non Hapana

OK Sawa Bien Haya

Good day (AM) Mwaramutse Bonjour Habari ya 

asubuhi

Good day (PM) Mwiriwe Bonsoir Habari ya 

mchana

Goodbye (AM) Mwirirwe Au revoir Tutaonana

Goodbye (PM) Muramuke Au revoir Tutaonana

Please Nyabuneka S’il vous plaît Tafadhali

Thank you Urakoze Merci Asante

You are welcome Murakaza neza De rien Karibu

Sorry Mbabarira Désolé/Excusezmoi Pole

Today Uyu munsi Aujourd’hui Leo

Tomorrow Ejo Demain Kesho

What is your name? Witwa nde? Comment vous 

appelez vous?

Jina lako ni 

nani?

My name is __ Nitwa __ Je m’appelle __ Jina langu ni 

__

I am pleased to 

meet you

Ndishimye 

kubamenya Enchanté

Nimefurahi 

kukutana 

nawe

Who? Inde?/Ni nde? Qui? Nani?

What? Iki? Quoi? Nini?

When? Ryari? Quand? Lini?

Where? Hehe? OÙ? Wapi?

Why? Kuki?/Kubera 

iki? Pourquoi? Kwani/Kwa nini?

How much does it 

cost? Bigura angahe? Quel est le prix? Kiasi gani?

How far? Kure kungana 

iki?

Comment est 

loin? Jinsi mbali?

Calm down Tuza/Gira ituze Calmer Tulia

Help! Mfasha Au secours! Msaada!

Stop! Hagarara Arrêtez! Simama!

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Literacy

• Total population over age 15 who can read and write: 70.4%

• Male: 76.3%

• Female: 64.7% (2003 estimate)

Traditional Education

Prior to colonialism the mother was primarily responsible for 

early childhood education, although some children received 

instruction in specified skills such as metal-working and basketmaking through more formal training programs and 

apprenticeships. History, traditions, and laws were preserved 

and taught to children through chants, myths, poems, proverbs,

and songs (see History and Myth). The sons of chiefs were 

trained in martial arts and court etiquette and learned to

perform Intore, which is Rwanda’s traditional Ballet and a byproduct of Belgian colonial rule, at the royal court.

Formal Education

The Catholic Church provided 

the first formal education in 

Rwanda focusing on teaching 

a few students to read and 

write religious texts and 

training future priests. In the 

1930s the Catholic Church

assumed responsibility for all 

schooling in the country and began to offer instruction in other

subjects such as agriculture and administration. 

During this period, the Belgians assigned an ethnic identity to 

everyone based on physical measurements and issued identity 

cards (see History and Myth). Educational opportunities were 

largely reserved for those identified as Tutsi, who were 

generally regarded as more deserving of education due to their 

social and political dominance in society. 

A 1948 UN mission to assess Belgian efforts in preparing the 

colony for independence strongly condemned this bias. This

public pressure, along with the Church’s growing distrust of 

Tutsi leaders who were pushing for independence (see 

7. LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE

KNOWLEDGELEARNING &
Religion and Spirituality), led many Church missions to shift 

their focus to the Hutu. 

By the late 1950s, the Catholic Church was vocally pro-Hutu, 

and the Belgian administration switched its support to the Hutu 

ostensibly to remedy past injustices. After independence in 

1962, ethnic and regional quotas were introduced and, in 1973,

Tutsi were virtually purged from many schools. A few years 

later the government sponsored educational reforms that 

espoused “Rwandanization” and the increased use of

Kinyarwanda in schools, although these efforts were short-lived 

and had little effect. 

Since the genocide, the Rwandan government has made 

equitable access to education its mission, attempting to install

an educational system free of discrimination and respectful of 

human rights.

Present-Day Primary and Secondary Schools

Rwanda’s public education 

system includes 6 years of 

primary school, 3 years of 

lower secondary school, and 

3 years of upper secondary 

school. To gain admittance 

to an upper secondary 

school, students must pass a 

comprehensive entrance 

examination. 

While public education is free, expenses for required supplies 

and uniforms make attendance cost-prohibitive for some 

families. There are also private, fee-charging schools, many of 

which are run by Protestant and Catholic churches. 

Kinyarwanda is the language of instruction in primary schools, 

while English and French are used at secondary and postsecondary schools. The government has pledged to provide all 

children under age 10 with basic education by 2015.

Post-Secondary Schools

There are 17 public institutions of higher learning in Rwanda, 

including the National University of Rwanda in Butare and 

institutes for finance, science and technology, education, and 

KNOWLEDGELEARNING &
health in Kigali. While admission to these institutions is highly

competitive, the quality of education also is considered 

impressive despite a lack of resources. Additionally, there are 

13 private institutions of higher learning in Rwanda.

Recent Challenges and Changes in the System

History Instruction: As noted earlier, a pattern of unequal 

access to education was fundamentally linked to notions of 

ethnic identity during the colonial period. After independence, 

members of the Hutu government instituted a policy favoring 

children from their regions of the country, with both Tutsi and 

Hutu from other regions 

severely disadvantaged in 

having access to education. 

Almost all Rwandans have 

grown up with distortions of 

history that were exploited 

by one group or the other 

for political purposes.

Educators in Rwanda today

confront the challenge of 

teaching history without bias, which is an explicit part of the 

government’s social reconstruction plan. There was a 

moratorium on teaching history for over a decade after the 

genocide, although the Rwandan government today claims to 

be committed to the difficult task of accurately presenting

colonial and post-colonial events in order to promote a unified 

Rwandan identity. 

However, political constraints inhibit free discussion of 

Rwanda’s past. One recent effort is Itorero ry’lgihugu, an 

intensive 20-day civic education program for those completing 

the 12th grade. It offers lessons in Rwandan history, the 

national development plan, gender-specific topics, and 

students’ role in development. It is in effect illegal to inquire 

about anything having to do with state-sponsored violence or 

the genocide/civil war. It is best that outsiders avoid these 

issues.

Switch from French to English: Although early missionaries 

translated some biblical texts and hymns into Kinyarwanda, 

KNOWLEDGELEARNING &
French became the primary language of educational instruction 

when the Belgian clergy founded the first formal educational 

institutions. However, in 2008, the government announced that 

the entire educational system would eventually drop French 

completely, leaving English and Kinyarwanda as the official 

languages of instruction. With this move, the government 

intends to strengthen its ties to English-speaking east African 

neighbors and improve its position in international commerce.

(See Language & Communication).

This ambitious approach will pose a challenge to the 

government: as of 2009, only 600 of 12,000 secondary school 

teachers were fluent in English. Secondary schools will remain 

bilingual for a time, with some subjects taught in French and 

others in English. English is now the only language of 

instruction at Kigali’s elite Institute of Science and Technology, 

and it is a primary language of instruction at the National 

University of Rwanda.

One Laptop Per Child

Since 2008, Rwanda has participated in the One 

Laptop per Child program, having recently completed 

a pilot program in which 20,000 laptops were 

distributed to schoolchildren. In 2011, another 

100,000 laptops were to be distributed, and by mid2012, if the program continues, half of all of Rwanda’s 

2.5 million schoolchildren are slated to receive 

computers. Participation in this program is part of the 

government’s ambitious plan to make Rwanda a 

technology and services hub in East Africa. By 

providing electricity and internet access to those 

schools having laptops, the government eventually 

aims to provide access to global information

throughout the surrounding communities. In addition, 

the implementation of English-language computers is 

intended to aid in the transition from French to English 

as the primary language of instruction.

KNOWLEDGELEARNING &
Concept of Time and Space

Rwandans view the body as a unified whole that is intimately 

connected with an environment filled with forces and symbols. 

All bodily movements are therefore intertwined with language, 

memory, and tradition.

For Rwandans, the body has a “vital 

center” located near the navel, with 

“planes” in the body forming the 

basis of “correct gestures” for all

situations. These gestures are 

fundamental to how Rwandans 

experience time and space and can 

be observed in all aspects of 

Rwandan life, from walking and 

gesticulating to dancing and manual 

labor. Rwandan children learn these gestures very early, 

absorbing rhythms of speech and movement while spending 

several months after birth strapped to their mother’s back.

Handshakes

Every conversation begins with a handshake. It is common 

courtesy to shake hands with every person upon entering a

room, even when not talking 

directly with each of them. To

convey particular respect, you 

should grasp your right forearm 

with your left hand while shaking 

hands. This elaborate type of 

handshake is usually used with 

elders or when presenting an 

item such as a business card.

Eye Contact

Prolonged eye contact can sometimes be interpreted as 

impolite or insubordinate behavior. If eye contact is established 

inadvertently, individuals are often quick to look away. It is best 

to avoid initiating or sustaining eye contact with individuals who 

merit particular respect, such as superiors. 

8. TIME AND SPACE

Photo Credit: rytc via Flickr

SPACE

TIME &
Personal Space

Personal space in Rwanda depends upon the familiarity of the 

people involved in the interaction. A Rwandan may show

discomfort if a casual acquaintance stands closer than an

arm’s length during conversation. However, this distance may 

be considerably shorter when 

close friends or family converse. 

Similarly, it is common for close 

friends to hold hands during

conversation, particularly when

walking together. Although you will 

often see this behavior in males 

and occasionally in females, it is 

rarely practiced between people of opposite sexes. Physical 

contact is also an important part of greetings: close friends or 

family members often greet one another with a hug or, when 

greeting a woman, a kiss on the cheek. 

Photographs

Rwandans generally value their privacy and expect outsiders to 

be respectful. It is always advisable to ask permission to 

photograph local citizens. Also, note that taking photos near 

Kigali Prison, located on Avenue de la Justice opposite Rue de 

l’Epargne, is strictly 

prohibited.

Rwandan Work Week

The Rwandan work week 

extends from Monday to

Friday, with business

hours from 8:00am to

12:30pm and 1:30pm to 

5:00pm. Banks maintain a 

slightly different schedule of 8:00am – 12:00pm and 2:00pm –

6:00pm during the week and 8:00am – 1:00pm on Saturday. 

These schedules may change slightly in the future due to a 

2009 labor law increasing the maximum workweek to 45 hours 

from 40. For National Holidays, see Aesthetics and Recreation.

Business Etiquette and Punctuality

Rwandans tend to take a relaxed view of time management, 

believing that there will always be time tomorrow for tasks 

which are not completed today. Deadlines are flexible and

SPACE

TIME &
frequently extended, and for those that cannot be extended, 

Rwandans are often willing to work after hours to complete 

work on time. This understanding of time management does 

not extend to foreign nationals, who are generally expected to 

work in a timely fashion. In general, absenteeism is not 

acceptable except in the case of emergencies, such as 

sickness, or family events, such as weddings or family illness.

Negotiations

Negotiating in Rwanda is similar to negotiating in the 

US and is largely based on reaching a mutually 

beneficial agreement through respectful discussion. 

Rwandans are willing to agree to almost any terms in

a negotiations setting, particularly if it involves 

avoiding confrontation and protecting one’s honor. 

Foreign nationals should be mindful that a Rwandan 

may not follow through on an agreement exactly as 

promised – in a word, be prepared for compromise.

• Rwandans have a very flexible view of time, so 

negotiations should never be rushed.

• Discuss disagreements in a calm, diplomatic 

manner and never involve shouting or anger.

• In the marketplace, foreign nationals should expect 

to pay a markup of 20-100%.

o Vendors generally charge white people, known 

as muzungu (abazungu, plural) in Kinyarwanda, 

a higher price for most items because they 

believe that white people can afford to pay more.

• However, there is often room for bargaining – give 

yourself some room to make concessions. A 

Rwandan usually would expect you to bargain hard, 

and failing to do so could risk your losing his 

respect.

SPACE

TIME &
Overview of Aesthetics and Recreation

There is an old Kinyarwanda proverb which says, “Tragedy 

doesn’t go away, but it doesn’t remain forever.” This statement 

neatly describes the role of aesthetics and recreation in postgenocide Rwanda. The events and emotions of the genocide 

are being captured for future generations in artworks 

attempting to make sense of the tragedy. Similarly, a new and 

more unified society is emerging from the sense of community 

created by sports, games, and performing arts.

Dress

Rwandans wear a variety of 

traditional and Western styles, 

which they frequently combine in 

a single outfit. This fusion often

results in unconventional outfits 

featuring bright colors and loud 

patterns. Proud of a presentable

public appearance, Rwandans

rarely wear dusty, unpolished shoes or wrinkled, soiled shirts.

Since the majority of Rwandans are farmers (see Economics 

and Resources), work attire is generally a t-shirt paired with

shorts, pants, or a skirt. Even modest garments are extremely 

expensive for the average Rwandan, so it is common to see 

the rural poor walking barefoot in worn Western-donated 

clothing. The government has introduced legislation intended to 

eliminate these outward signs of poverty by requiring citizens to 

wear shoes and intact clothing. Strict enforcement of this law 

often means that poor Rwandans are effectively banned from 

public buildings and marketplaces.

Special Occasions

Men: For special occasions, men typically wear a fedora hat or 

special head wrap. Men are also occasionally seen wearing a 

boubou, a West African ensemble consisting of a loose, long 

shirt worn over embroidered trousers. Older men, particularly in 

rural areas, may still wear a traditional white wrap-around kilt.

9. AESTHETICS AND RECREATION

Photo Credit: David Mason 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Women: Women often wear a dress cut from igitenge, a 

colorful and elaborately patterned fabric, or a pagne, a type of 

wraparound skirt. Mothers wear a headband symbolizing 

motherhood.

Sports and Games

The most popular sports and games are soccer, basketball, 

volleyball, chess, cycling, cricket, and tennis.

Soccer: Introduced by missionaries in the 

late 19th century, soccer is extremely 

popular in Rwanda and throughout Africa. 

Children fashion soccer balls from plastic 

bags or banana leaves and twine, while 

adults watch televised soccer matches in 

social settings. The most popular soccer 

teams are Kiyovu Sportif, Rayon Sport, 

and the Rwandan Patriotic Army. 

Rwandan soccer fans are well known in 

Africa for their devotion, exceedingly 

enthusiastic cheers, chants, and toasts.

For example, after the Rwandan national 

team defeated Uganda in 2004, 10,000 fans greeted the victors 

at the airport, escorting them to the national stadium for a 

victory celebration.

Igisoro: Rwandans of all ages play igisoro, a traditional, twoplayer board game. Players try to capture each other’s seeds, 

which symbolize cows, on a board with 32 pits.

Dance and Theater

Rwandan dance and theater are highly refined art forms with a 

long history of ties to the political and military establishment. In 

the pre-colonial era, royal courts used the performing arts to 

promote their own legitimacy and underscore their military 

power. For example, in the Nyiginya Kingdom (see History and 

Myth), young men known as Intore dancers were specially 

trained to perform highly symbolic dances that represented the 

supremacy of the ruling family. The Hutu Power regime 

instituted a similar ritual known as animation that required 

farmers to sing songs praising the state and its rulers.

Photo Credit: Jason Hall 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
In the years since the genocide, the performing arts have 

become a powerful tool for national reconciliation. Dance and 

theater groups have emerged across the country, providing a 

stimulus for genocide perpetrators and victims to rebuild their 

communities. One government official compares this broad 

participation in performing arts to Kugangahura, a traditional 

ritual where people cleanse themselves following a bad event.

Music

Traditional: Like dance and theater, 

traditional Rwandan music was

significant in pre-colonial royal courts. 

Court musicians used instruments such 

as the ingoma (drum), unwirongi

(pipes), inanga (lyre), and kalimba 

(thumb piano) to play ikinimba, songs

which praised heroes and kings. 

Although many traditional musicians

were driven out of Rwanda during the 

genocide, traditional music is currently 

experiencing a rebirth due to active 

government support and the popular music of artists like Jean 

Paul Samputu.

Popular: Rwanda first developed its own modern pop music 

after independence in 1962 (see History and Myth). Following 

the lead of Zairian bands playing in Kigali on regional tours, 

Rwandan bands adopted the style of soukous (African rumba), 

later mixing it with Caribbean zouk and reggae. These

influences persist in modern Rwandan pop, which also borrows 

from American genres like rock, hip hop, and R&B. One 

example of this mix is guitarist Aimé Murefu, a popular 

emerging artist whose music is clearly influenced by B.B. King, 

Jimi Hendrix, and Carlos Santana. Just like the traditional 

musicians, many pop musicians fled Rwanda to escape years 

of war and genocide. The best known of these artists is Cécile 

Kayirebwa, who sings evocative songs about Rwanda which 

incorporate elements of Gregorian chants and traditional 

Rwandan music.

Music and the Genocide: The broadcasts of RTLM (Radio 

Télévision Libre des Milles Collines) played a key role in 

Photo Credit: youngrobv 

via Flickr

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
propagating Hutu ideology during the genocide. The anti-Tutsi 

music of Simon Bikindi became popular among the 

Interahamwe, a paramilitary death squad (see History and 

Myth). In 2008, Bikindi was sentenced to 15 years in prison for 

incitement to commit genocide.

Literature

Although little Kinyarwanda literature exists, several notable 

Rwandan authors have written in French. The best known is 

Alexis Kagame, a philosopher and historian who wrote 

extensively about Rwandan culture. Another famous Rwandan 

author is Yolande Mukagasana, a genocide survivor who 

moved to Europe and wrote two novels about her experiences. 

Saverio Nayigiziki also gained wide acclaim for his writings, 

which include an autobiography and a novel.

Hotel Rwanda

The most famous big screen portrayal of Rwanda is the 2004 

film Hotel Rwanda, which tells the story of Paul Rusesabagina, 

a Hutu hotel manager who sheltered hundreds of Tutsi during 

the height of the genocide. Although Rusesabagina has been 

hailed as a hero in the West, he remains a controversial figure 

at home, because of his criticism of the Kagame regime. 

Rwandan authorities have criticized him from profiting from the 

genocide and have accused him of funding a rebel group.

National Holidays

• January 1: New Year’s Day

• February 1: Heroes’ Day

• March 8: Women’s Day

• March: – April: Good Friday

• April 7: Genocide Memorial Day

• May 1: Labor Day

• July 1: Independence Day

• July 4: Liberation Day

• August 15: August Assumption

• October 1: Patriotism Day

• December 25: Christmas

• December 26: Boxing Day

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Arts and Crafts

Rwandans produce a wide variety of traditional handmade 

goods, including pottery, wood carvings, clay statues, jewelry, 

instruments, baskets, and woven 

textiles.

Twa Pottery: The Twa ethnic group

(see Political and Social Relations) 

produce pottery famous for its 

durability and clean design. In 

recent years, cheap industrial 

substitutes and limited raw 

materials have made Twa pottery 

increasingly uneconomical. 

Nevertheless, pottery production

remains an important means for the 

traditionally marginalized Twa to 

interact with broader Rwandan 

society.

Imigongo: Since the late 18th century, Rwandans have 

decorated their homes with imigongo, a type of geometric 

painting made using cow dung and wooden plates. Although 

imigongo almost disappeared after independence, it has been 

revived recently through the work of women’s cooperatives.

Congolese Wooden Sculpture: Congolese wooden 

sculptures, a staple in Rwandan marketplaces, generally 

belong to one of two genres. The first genre depicts “traditional 

African culture” and caters mainly to tourists, while the second 

genre depicts scenes of repression from the colonial era and 

provides commentary on colonial and contemporary politics.

Art and the Genocide: In the years since 1994, the 

government has constructed a network of memorials and 

museums and sponsored works depicting the horrors of the 

genocide. These works range from the highly polished artworks 

featured in tourist areas to the gruesome displays of human 

remains found in churches and schools throughout the 

countryside. The Kigali Memorial Centre, constructed at a site 

where over 250,000 victims are buried, houses a permanent 

exhibition of the genocide.

Photo Credit: 

cliff1066 via Flickr

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Diet

Rwandans consume most of their daily calories from a core 

group of foodstuffs including bananas, plantains, sweet 

potatoes, corn, beans, sorghum, and cassava. A starchy root 

vegetable common throughout Africa, cassava is a staple that 

can be eaten raw or processed into chips or a powdery starch 

used to make bread. The traditional reliance on fruits and 

vegetables for sustenance often results in serious protein 

deficiency, as most Rwandans can afford meat only for special 

occasions and celebrations. 

Common Dishes

A popular dish is ugali, a thick cornmeal paste that is either 

eaten alone or is used to make a corn porridge uji. Also 

popular is fufu, which is a thick paste usually made by boiling 

starchy root vegetables in water 

and pounding to the desired 

consistency. Ubugali, a porridge 

made of cassava, is often eaten 

with stew. A common bread is a 

type of flatbread called chapati. 

Food was traditionally consumed 

in public only during ceremonies 

and rituals. However, this practice has changed in recent times, 

and restaurants serving both Rwandan and Western fare are 

found across the country.

Cafeteria-style restaurants are popular and usually serve meat 

kebabs, tilapia, and meat or bean stews accompanied by 

ubugali, matoke (cooked banana or plantain), boiled potatoes, 

rice, or French fries. Many towns also offer sit-down 

restaurants with a variety of cuisine including Chinese, French, 

Italian, and Indian. American-style hamburgers and pizza are 

available at fast-food restaurants, and street vendors sell 

roasted corn and mandazzi, sweet or spicy doughnuts.

American soft drinks, bottled water, and locally produced fruit 

juice are widely available. Although coffee beans have become 

a major export crop, the coffee served in Rwandan restaurants 

10. SUSTENANCE AND HEALTH

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
is often of the instant variety. The most popular beverage in 

Rwanda is icyayi (tea) in which water, milk, sugar, and tea are 

boiled together to result in a very hot, very sweet and sticky 

drink. The most common alcoholic beverage is locally brewed 

beer (sold under the brand names Primus and Mutzig)

urwagwa, a locally brewed banana beer, and whiskey.

Food Scarcity

Although 90% of the population is engaged in subsistence 

agriculture, Rwanda does not produce enough food for its 

people. Much of its arable land has been subject to 

deforestation and over-cultivation. Rwanda must import food 

and is heavily dependent on foreign aid (see Economics and 

Resources).

Food Customs

Both dairy products and alcoholic beverages such as honeyed 

sorghum beer were centerpieces during royal rituals of ancient 

Rwanda (see History and Myth). The symbolic conferring of 

gifts of food to relatives and friends during social and religious 

Rwandan Coffee

Coffee was introduced to Rwanda in the early 20th

century by German missionaries, and by the 1930s it 

was a significant source of income for rural families. 

Until the 1990s, cultivation was performed primarily by 

small land-holders following non-standardized 

production methods. Since the genocide, coffee has 

played an important role in the stabilization and 

rehabilitation of the economy (see Economics & 

Resources). Both private investors and aid agencies 

have supported the National University of Rwanda in 

developing all aspects of the industry. About 450,000 

small-scale farmers grow coffee today in the western 

part of the country near Kigali. Bourbon Coffee, a 

coffee house featuring only Rwandan coffee, has 

several shops in Kigali and branches in Washington 

and New York.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
ceremonies continues to be important today. For example, at a 

wedding or funeral, guests may be served a small piece of

meat and some roasted potato. A pot of sorghum beer with 

several straws may be placed in the center of the room to be 

shared and calabashes of banana beer may be passed around.

Similarly, beer consumed from a shared gourd is considered an 

honor in rural homes when offered by the male head-ofhousehold.

Rwandans will customarily serve refreshments to guests in 

their homes, and refusing to accept their generosity is

considered a grave insult. Guests are usually given the first 

choice of food and drink, although hosts may first taste items in 

the presence of their guests to indicate food safety. Similarly, 

hosts may present guests food items as gifts upon their 

departure.

Rwandan View of Health and Wellbeing

For the inhabitants of pre-colonial Rwanda, the cosmological 

and social orders were naturally intertwined. Political and social 

stability were seen as dependent on the king’s (and his ritual 

specialists’) fulfillment of divinely ordained rituals that kept 

production, consumption,

and fertility in motion. 

Both the health of the body 

and the well-being of 

society in general were 

conceptualized through 

notions of flow and 

blockage of fluids. By 

managing the flow of milk, 

honey, rain, and blood; the 

king and his ritual specialists insured the health and fertility of 

the people, their land, their cattle, and society in general.

This cosmology gives insight into how Rwandans think about 

their bodies and their well-being today. Rwandans regard 

health and disease not as bodily conditions alone, but rather as 

states of social integration and disintegration. Liquids and 

bodily secretions are important symbols that express and 

produce relationships and states of being. The transfer of 

liquids between the self and other (breast milk from mother to 

Photo Credit: Flickr via Wikimedia

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
child, or a drink from host to visitor) produce, and reproduce, 

social relations. 

Since continuously exchanging fluids maintains social 

harmony, obstructing any flow of bodily fluids is considered 

unnatural. These ideas are reflected throughout Rwandan 

culture today and help to explain the importance of drinks in 

rituals and as gifts, the reluctance to impede the exchange of 

bodily fluids through the use of contraception (See Family and 

Kinship) among other beliefs and practices.

Overview of Health Challenges

Following the war and genocide of 1994, which left 

approximately one million dead and much of the country 

destroyed (see History & Myth), Rwanda has made notable

improvements in healthcare. For example, Rwanda offers a 

universal health insurance, with HIV/AIDS treatment reaching 

almost all eligible patients. 

However, serious health challenges remain. Having the highest 

population density in Africa, Rwanda’s population is expected 

to increase from 11.4 million today to 16 million by 2020 with 

almost 60% of the population 

living in poverty.

Each woman bears an average 

of 6 children, with 1 of every 10

children dying before age 5 and

an estimated 27% of all 

Rwandan children underweight. 

The entire population is at risk 

for malaria, and poor sanitation 

and a lack of clean drinking water aggravate the effects of 

disease. In 2004, life expectancy at birth was only 49 for males 

and 53 for females.

Other challenges to the health care system include natural 

disasters, such as volcanic eruptions and floods, and the 

ongoing effects of conflict, such as the 2006 return of 84,000 

Rwandans from Burundi and Tanzania. Mental health problems 

directly resulting from the events surrounding the genocide 

have spurred the government to invest in an expansion of 

mental health care facilities.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Communicable Diseases

Accounting for 90% of complaints in health facilities, the most 

common communicable diseases are malaria and HIV/AIDS,

followed by respiratory infections, diarrhea, tuberculosis, 

typhus, cholera, measles, and meningitis. 

In the early years of 

the AIDS epidemic, 

over 17% of 

Rwanda’s urban 

population was HIV 

positive. During the 

genocide, thousands 

of women contracted 

HIV as a result of 

systematic sexual 

violence and rape: it 

is estimated that 70% of women who were raped contracted 

HIV/AIDS. Since that time, the overall national HIV/AIDS 

prevalence rate has fallen to approximately 3%.

Healthcare System

While Rwanda suffers from a severe shortage of medical 

personnel, fortunately, there are over 400 health facilities

throughout the country, with 75% of the population living within 

3 miles of a facility. There are 5 national hospitals, 2 university 

teaching hospitals, 1 military hospital, 1 psychiatric hospital, 

and a hospital which offers specialized services. Kigali’s 2 main 

hospitals are much better supplied than those found elsewhere 

in the country. Most Rwandans receive healthcare at small 

clinics which vary greatly in quality and resources.

Other Healing Practices: Traditional medicine remains the 

preferred choice for about 70% of the rural population. Such 

service is much less expensive, and healers often accept

bartered goods as payment. The Ministry of Health is presently 

working with healers to regulate traditional medicine, organize 

healers into associations for better supervision and oversight, 

and research the indigenous plants used in traditional 

medicine.

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH

Photo Credit: Tasja via Wikimedia
Economic Overview

Rwanda is small, landlocked, and 

has few natural resources. As a 

result, the country historically has 

had very little income to invest in 

infrastructure and human capital 

development. Instead, the 

economy remains overwhelmingly

dependent upon agriculture, 

which accounts for nearly 40% of Gross Domestic Product 

(GDP) and employs 90% of Rwanda’s labor force. Rwanda is 

especially dependent upon coffee and tea production, leaving 

the economy highly vulnerable to bad weather and price 

fluctuations. 

Despite these impediments, Rwanda’s economy has 

experienced a remarkable turnaround since 1994, with an 

average annual growth rate of 10%. However, this growth has 

done little to help the poor: 77% of Rwandans still live on less 

than US$1.25 per day. This imbalance between economic 

growth and poverty reduction largely is a result of widening 

income inequality, especially between increasingly rich urban 

professionals and persistently poor rural subsistence farmers.

Natural Resources

Rwanda’s primary natural resource is its exceptionally fertile 

land, with about one third of Rwanda’s 9,500 square miles of 

land under cultivation. Major cash crops include coffee, tea, 

bananas, sweet potatoes, cassava, beans, sorghum, and corn.

Another non-food cash crop is chrysanthemums, which are

used to make an insecticide called pyrethrum.

In addition to land, Rwanda has limited mineral deposits, 

including gold, tin ore, tungsten ore, and coltan (a dull black 

metallic mineral whose extracts are used to manufacture 

electronic capacitors). However, international groups have 

questioned the legality of Rwanda’s mineral export industry. In 

a 2009 report, the group Global Witness accused Rwanda of 

re-exporting minerals extracted illegally in the eastern part of 

the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). These minerals, 

11. ECONOMICS AND RESOURCES

Photo Credit: Graham Holliday

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
which are needed to manufacture a variety of consumer

electronics, generate huge profits used to fund ongoing civil 

war in the DRC. Conversely, wars often occur because groups 

are trying to control the extraction of various minerals, a 

substantial volume of which are exported through Rwanda.

Subsistence Farming and Land Policy

In the pre-colonial era, there were two different systems of land 

tenure. Under ubukonde, land rights fell to the first clan that

settled a given area, while under igikingi, land rights 

transferred from the king to 

regional chiefs and then to 

farmers. During the colonial era,

Belgian authorities declared that 

all unsettled lands were available 

to foreigners. 

Today, Rwanda’s countryside is

characterized by small, denselyscattered farms unsuitable for agro-business and often 

inadequate to feed even a single family. This situation has

worsened with a growing shortage of arable land resulting from

rapid population growth, return of refugees, soil depletion, 

deforestation, and lingering environmental impact of past wars.

Other Industries

In addition to agriculture and mining, Rwanda has a services 

sector which includes tourism, financial services, and 

government activities among others and manufacturing

industries, which jointly account for about 58% of GDP. Due in 

part to government efforts, tourism to Rwanda’s national parks 

has grown rapidly in recent years, generating $209 million 

revenues in 2008. On the downside, the gorilla population is 

endangered and not stable, while the national parks in the east 

are largely void of large animals. Manufacturing is largely 

limited to cement, import substitutes, and small-scale food and 

beverage production.

Currency, Money, and Banking

The currency of Rwanda is the Rwandan franc (RWF), which is 

subdivided into 100 centimes and denoted by a variety of 

symbols, including Rfr, Rwf, Frw, and RF. Although the 

exchange rate fluctuates, recently US$1 has been worth about

Photo Credit: CIAT 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Rfr600. The Rwandan franc is issued in 6 coins (1, 5, 10, 20,

50, 100 denominations) and 4 banknotes (500, 1,000, 2,000, 

5,000 denominations). Credit and debit cards and traveler’s 

checks are generally useful only at banks and high-end 

merchants in Kigali, so visitors should plan on using Rwandan 

cash. Rwanda’s central bank, the National Bank of Rwanda, 

oversees the country’s banking sector comprised of 11 banks, 

8 of which are standard, deposittaking consumer banks. The 

remaining 3 banks provide 

specialized niche financial services, 

including microfinance which is the 

provision of banking to the poor.

Foreign Trade

Rwanda’s predominant trading 

partner is Kenya, which accounts 

for 17% of imports and 34% of 

exports. Other important regional 

partners include the DRC, which accounts for 14% of exports, 

and Uganda, which accounts for 15% of imports. To a lesser 

extent, Rwanda trades with global powers such as China, 

Germany, and the US, along with its former colonial ruler, 

Belgium, which accounts for 5-6% of both imports and exports. 

Foreign Aid

Last year, Rwanda received $945 million in foreign aid, with

41% going to direct budget support and 59% to development 

projects. The World Bank was the largest donor at $180 million, 

followed by the US at $173 million. In 2005, Rwanda received 

$1.2 billion of debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor 

Country initiative sponsored by the International Monetary 

Fund and the World Bank.

Standards of Wealth

Since land has always been closely tied to economic and 

political power (see History and Myth), land holdings are a 

traditional standard of wealth. Cattle, a symbol intimately 

related to large land holdings (see Political and Social 

Relations), are also an important symbol of wealth. The recent 

emergence of a significant money economy has elevated 

luxury goods such as televisions and automobiles into 

important status symbols.

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Technology Overview

Technologically underdeveloped, Rwanda is burdened with a 

limited physical infrastructure and an underdeveloped energy 

sector. The government is currently in the process of 

implementing ambitious plans intended to transform Rwanda 

from an aid-dependent, agrarian economy into a more selfsufficient, knowledge-based economy by 2020. These projects 

are focused on improving transit links, expanding 

telecommunications networks, and securing stable energy and 

water supplies for the entire population.

Railways and Roads

Since Rwanda has no railway system, roads are the primary 

means of moving both people and commercial goods 

throughout the country. Of its 8,704 miles of roadway, only 

19% are paved, although the roads linking major cities are in 

generally good condition. 

Share taxis (privately-operated 

minibuses) are the most 

popular form of mass transit.

Share taxis follow either a local 

schedule, in which they stop 

frequently and continue only 

when the taxi is full, or an 

express schedule, in which they 

travel between set locations on 

a fixed timetable. Motorcycle 

and bicycle taxis are also common, although they are generally 

only used for short trips within a single city.

The bulk of Rwanda’s international trade passes through the 

ports of Mombasa, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. To 

reduce the high cost of moving goods to those ports by truck,

the Rwandan government is constructing a high-speed rail link 

between Kigali and the inland transit hub of Isaka, Tanzania.

Ports and Waterways

Rwanda has three commercial ports, all of which lie on the 

shores of Lake Kivu: Cyangugu in the South, Kibuye in the 

12. TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL

Photo Credit: Amakuru via Wikimedia 

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
East, and Gisenyi in the North. These ports can only 

accommodate barges and other shallow-draft watercraft.

Airways

Rwanda has nine 

airports and airstrips, 

four of which have 

paved runways. The 

only true international 

airport is Kigali 

International Airport, 

where commercial airlines share with the Rwandan Air Force. 

To support Rwanda’s rapid economic growth since 1994 (see 

Economics and Resources), the government has undertaken a 

$700 million project to construct New Bugesera International 

Airport in the town of Nyamata, about 25 miles south of Kigali. 

The new airport is expected to handle one million passengersper-year when it opens in 2015. RwandAir, the national carrier, 

operates a fleet of six airliners out of Kigali, with several direct 

flights-per-week to regional cities like Bujumbura, Dar es 

Salaam, Entebbe, Goma, Nairobi, Johannesburg, and 

Kilimanjaro.

Energy

Electricity is rare in Rwanda, available to only 9.5% of the 

population, mainly in urban areas, and accounting for only 3% 

of Rwanda’s energy usage. The bulk of Rwanda’s energy 

comes from biomass, a category which includes wood, 

charcoal, peat, and agricultural 

waste. Biomass is widely used in 

rural Rwanda, where 80% of the 

population is largely not connected to 

the electrical grid. Using wood for 

fuel, which accounts for 57% of 

Rwanda’s total energy capacity, 

results in deforestation – a process 

which releases greenhouse gases, 

reduces biodiversity, and erodes soil.

The government is working to 

address Rwanda’s energy problems

by opening new hydroelectric dams, 

increasing electricity imports from 

Photo Credit: Fanny Schertzer 

Photo Credit: Lake Kivu

Courtesy Wikimedia 

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
neighboring countries, expanding methane extraction from 

Lake Kivu, and evaluating hot springs near Lake Kivu as a 

potential source of geothermal power.

Telephone

Rwanda’s small and substandard landline system serves over 

30,000 lines primarily associated with schools, businesses, and 

government offices. Rwanda’s mobile cellular system has 

grown substantially in recent years, providing about one line for 

every 4 Rwandans. This rate of mobile penetration is over 6

times the 2005 rate. In addition, 3G mobile data service is now 

available in Rwanda and is currently used by more than

235,000 people.

Television and Radio

The government owns and operates Television Rwandaise, the 

only free broadcast television station. DSTV, a South African 

firm, and Star Media, a Chinese firm, both offer paid satellite 

television service. The government also owns and operates 

Radio Rwanda, which broadcasts out of Kigali on 100.7 FM in 

English, French, Kinyarwanda, and Swahili. Unlike Television 

Rwandaise, Radio Rwanda has a number of competitors on the 

airwaves including international services, like the BBC and 

Voice of America, in addition to a number of domestic stations 

which have sprung up since the government first permitted 

private radio stations in 2004.

Internet and Computers

The government recently extended internet connectivity 

throughout Rwanda by installing a combination of fiber optic 

cables and wireless broadband 

transmitters. After linking this 

domestic infrastructure to major 

fiber optic networks submerged in

the Indian Ocean, Rwanda 

experienced quadrupled efficiency 

in internet connectivity, with its 

costs decreasing by 75%. Rwanda 

now has the third fastest internet 

service in Africa. Similarly, internet 

cafes are common, providing easy external access.

Photo Credit: Graham Holliday

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
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