47

INTRODUCTION

This chapter describes current environmental

conditions along El Camino Real NHT and the

trail’s environmental context, including the

current context of landownership, human uses

and values, and resource values, as well as the

historic context within which El Camino Real

developed and functioned during its centuries

of use. El Camino Real NHT generally follows

the Río Grande river north from what is now El

Paso, Texas, up to San Juan Pueblo, in today’s

northern New Mexico. In this chapter and the

one which follows on Environmental

Consequences, resource potentials, values, and

impacts are analyzed with respect to a study

“corridor” that extends approximately 5 miles

on either side of the identified trail route. This

corridor is an analytical unit only; whenever

possible in the discussion that follows, this corridor is differentiated from actual trail resources

(high-potential sites and trail segments), trail

routes, route duplicates, and route variants. The

chapter begins with an overview of landownership and land use, presnt human uses and values, and the historic cultural environment and

its associated ethnographic and archaeological

resources. Next, the chapter offers a brief

overview of geology, scenery, soils, vegetation,

and noxious weeds. Resources available to visitors are reviewed in the sections on Visitor

Experience/Information and Education;

overviews of current water and air quality and

wildlife and fisheries resources follow. Resource

uses reviewed in this chapter include energy and

mineral resources, livestock-grazing, lands and

realty uses, and recreation uses.

Natural landmarks are the geographic features

that have played an important role in guiding

travelers and traders who lived and worked

along the trail. The Río Grande Valley is the

predominant natural feature associated with El

Camino Real in Texas and New Mexico. The

Río Grande Valley is defined by imposing

mountain ranges. Among the most prominent

are the Franklin, Organ, San Andres, Caballo,

San Mateo, Magdalena, Ladron, Manzano,

Sandia, Ortiz, Jemez, and Sangre de Cristo

mountains.

In addition to the mountains along the Río

Grande Valley, there are several other interesting physiographic features along El Camino

Real: Jornada del Muerto, Tomé Hill, and the

Santa Fe River Canyon. Jornada del Muerto,

stretching for almost 80 miles, is a segment of El

Camino Real. It is framed by the San Andres

Mountains to the east and the Caballo

Mountains to the west. The mountains frame a

mostly undeveloped landscape—an excellent

example of the Chihuahuan desert landscape

that contains abundant evidence of its use

throughout the period of significance. It retains

a substantial amount of integrity in some

stretches, which are evocative of the scenery

travelers experienced centuries ago. The most

significant intrusions on the landscape are periodic glimpses of an interstate highway. Noise

and the visual intrusion from the highway and

the Santa Fe Railway railroad tracks disrupt the

solitude and the feeling that the sweeping views

produce. The present lack of shelter and water

highlight the remoteness of the area and recall

the anxiety that many travelers experienced

when they were getting ready to cross Jornada

del Muerto.

Along this stretch of the trail, shallow ruts are

often visible amidst the typical Chihuahuan

desert vegetation: mesquite, yucca, creosote

bush, four-wing saltbush, and snakeweed.

Basins with no outlet drain into shallow playas.

Dust devils hover over these playas during the

hot summer months. Sand dunes are common.

In a few locations are small beds and isolated

buttes of black lava. After the July–October torrential summer rains, the sparse brown and

ocher vegetation experiences a dramatic

change, when yellow, pink, red, and white flowChapter 3

EXISTING ENVIRONMENT
48 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

ers in full bloom appear almost overnight, and

bright green grasses invade the normally bare

soil. The usually dry arroyos fill with rainwater

run-off. In some areas of Jornada del Muerto,

reddish soils highlight the greenness of the

desert vegetation and the darkness of the lava

outcroppings.

Tomé Hill (Cerro de Tomé) is in a transition

zone between the Chihuahuan desert and the

New Mexico plateau. This distinctive site, 5

miles north of Belen, rises about 350 feet from

the valley floor. The vegetation includes mostly

four-wing saltbush and scattered mesquite, as

well as desert shrubs. It is much sparser than in

the southern stretches of the Chihuahuan

desert; in many areas, it is found principally

along the road. The gray-brownish sandy soils

that predominate in this landscape highlight

even more the greenness of the lush vegetation

that grows along the acequias (irrigation ditches) and the Río Grande.

The original route of El Camino Real followed

by Oñate in 1598 passed around the east base of

the hill, which subsequently became a significant landmark for travelers on the road. For

North American Indians, the hill itself is a

sacred feature, as evidenced by petroglyphs.

The hill has since become a Catholic shrine, and

remains a pilgrimage site, with several crosses

on its crest. Petroglyphs in this area are similar

to those found elsewhere along the Río Grande.

Scattered adobe ruins and an occasional old

homestead lend a picturesque character to the

area.

The Santa Fe River Canyon segment (formerly

called Cañon de las Bocas), a stretch of El

Camino Real along the Santa Fe River near the

state capital of New Mexico, possesses highly

attractive visual qualities. This area, mostly in

public ownership, crosses a region that typifies

the New Mexico plateau. The most salient features of this landscape are the tablelands, having

moderate to sizable relief. The area also contains large basalt blocks that were cleared from

a bench surface and placed in two parallel lines

adjacent to the road. The canyon is fairly narrow and not particularly deep. Along the stream

that flows year-round are a few sizable cottonwoods and the riparian vegetation typically

found in permanent streams in this ecoregion.

Grasses seldom cover the ground completely;

many areas remain bare. Sagebrush, rabbit

brush, four-wing saltbush, snakeweed, cholla,

and prickly pear are prevalent in the flats and in

disturbed areas. The ground is blanketed with

blooming flowers during the rainy summer season. One species of juniper covers the northfacing hillsides.

There are pueblo ruins here, too—near the

southern end of the canyon. The most impressive feature of the site is the steepness of the

canyon, which early trail users had to negotiate.

The imposing entrance to the canyon can be

seen from miles away to the south.

LANDOWNERSHIP/LAND USE

The route from San Juan Pueblo, New Mexico,

to El Paso, Texas, is approximately 404 miles

long. Total trail mileage, however is 654.5 miles.

This includes the 404-mile length of the trail

and variant or alternative routes that parallel

other trail segments. About 55% of this route is

privately owned; the rest is divided among federal and state land managing agencies and

North American Indian lands or reservations.

Ownership of land through which the trail

passes (in New Mexico and Texas) is detailed in

Table 1, page 49.

Segments of the trail pass through or near to the

cities of Santa Fe, Albuquerque, Socorro, Las

Cruces, and El Paso. The trail also passes

through the North American Indian communities of San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso,

Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana,

Sandia, Isleta, and Ysleta del Sur. The urban

areas total approximately 16% (65 miles) of the

total length of the trail from San Juan Pueblo to

El Paso (see Table 2, page 49). Approximately

12% (45 miles) of this distance is in rural development and/or farm areas. Most of the trail

(about 77%) is in a less developed condition,

with most of this land being in private ownership.
Landownership/Land Use 49

Table 2: Land Uses

Urban Areas

Agriculture

Rangeland

Forestland

Water/Wetlands

Total

Land Use/Cover Total Mileage % of Trail

65

45

212

69

13

404

16

12

52

17

3

100

Table 3 illustrates the mileage of trail by federal

administrative jurisdiction and the mileage of

trail meeting the high-potential route segment

definition.

Table 3: Trail Mileage on Federal Components*

BLM – Las Cruces Field Office

BLM – Socorro Field Office

BLM – Taos Field Office

USFS – Santa Fe National Forest

USFWS – Sevilleta NWR

USFWS – Bosque del Apache NWR

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

Total

Administrative Jurisdiction Mileage w/Route

Variants

Mileage of High-potential

Routes

28.6

14.2

16.9

7.7

33.3

56.8

4.6

163.6

9.3

0.0

0.3

4.6

0.0

4.8

0.8

19.8

*GIS calculations based upon data collected at the 1:24,000 scale

Table 1: Landownership

Private

State

Federal/BLM

Federal / 

USDA Forest Service

Federal/USFWS

North American Indian 

Reservation

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

Total

Ownership/Management Total Mileage (% of total) Total Mileage, Including

Duplicate Routes (% of total)*

222 (55)

24 (6)

57 (14)

11 (3)

28 (7)

62 (15)

—

404

376.7 (57)

24.7 (4)

59.7 (9)

9.2 (2)

90.1 (14)

89.5 (14)

4.6 (1)

654.5
50 CHAPTER 3 EXISITNG ENVIRONMENT

SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS

The proposed project could potentially affect

eight counties in New Mexico, one county in

Texas, and the Mexican State of Chihuahua.

These counties and the Mexican state comprise

an economic study area (ESA), and form the

basis for the socioeconomic profile for the area

of the proposed project. The socioeconomic

setting for each U.S. county and the Mexican

state is described below in north-to-south

order.

The following section summarizes the socioeconomic conditions in the study area for the

latest available year that data are available. In

most cases, the data are for the year 2000. In

certain cases as noted, 1999, 1997, and 1990 data

are used as the most recent available sources. 

Study Area Population Summary

The United States portion of the study area

consists of eight counties in New Mexico and

one county in Texas. Additionally, the state of

Chihuahua, Mexico is included because of the

close involvement of Mexico with the history

and economics of the area. Table 4 summarizes

the general population characteristics of the

study area by county. It is significant to note

that, of the total study area population, about

59% of the study area's residents identify themselves as being of Hispanic or Latino origin. In

terms of racial characteristics, the study area's

population is predominantly white with smaller

proportions of individuals of other races.

Persons reporting Some Other Race, or Two or

Two or More Races are the second and third

largest categories represented, followed in order

of total numbers of residents by the Black or

African American, Asian, American Indian or

Alaskan Native, and Native Hawaiian or Other

Pacific Islander groupings.

Río Arriba County, New Mexico

The county seat of Río Arriba County is Tierra

Amarilla. Río Arriba County’s year 2000 population was 41,190, which represents an overall

increase of 64.8% from the 1950 population of

24,997, or an annual average growth rate of

1.3%. Most of this growth took place during the

period 1970-2000, when population grew from

25,308 to its current level. 

Total

Population

Table 4: Study Area 2000 Population by Race and Hispanic or Latino

Bernalillo, NM

Dona Ana, NM

Rio Arriba, NM

Sandoval, NM

Santa Fe, NM

Sierra, NM

Socorro, NM

Valencia, NM

El Paso, TX

Total Study Area

County

and 

State Total White

Black or

African

American

533,198

168,437

39,837

86,791

124,024

12,933

17,305

63,140

657,970

1,703,635

393,851

118,478

23,320

58,512

95,053

11,541

11,365

44,001

502,579

1,258,702

15,401

2,723

143

1,535

826

64

116

837

20,809

41,614

23,175

2,580

5,717

14,634

3,982

197

1,974

2,183

5,559

60,001

10,751

1,330

56

894

1,133

23

206

235

6,633

21,261

574

117

47

98

94

11

10

57

669

1,677

233,365

110,665

30,025

26,437

63,405

3,488

8,810

36,371

531,654

1,044,420

American

Indian or

Alaskan

Native Asian

Native

Hawaiian

or Other

Pacific

Islander

556,678

174,682

41,190

89,908

129,292

13,270

18,078

66,152

679,622

1,768,872

Some

Other 

Race

Two or

More

Races

Hispanic

or Latino

(any race)

One Race

89,446

43,209

10,554

11,118

22,936

1,097

3,634

15,827

121,721

319,542

23,480

6,245

1,353

3,117

5,268

337

773

3,012

21,652

65,237

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000
Socioeconomic Conditions 51

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources such as

investments and transfer payments including

age-related sources (retirement, disability,

insurance, and Medicare) and welfare. NonLabor income rose from $73 million in 1970 to

$244 million in 2000, an increase of 234%. The

second fastest growing component of personal

income was Services and Professional. Average

earnings per job, in real terms, dropped from

$23,500 in 1970 to $19,140 in 1999. Persons below

the poverty level were 22.5% of the population,

based on the latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 7,946 new jobs

were created, with Services and Professional

accounting for 5,529 of the new jobs and

Government accounting for 1,155 new jobs.

These sectors are the largest and second largest

employers, respectively. Construction is the

third largest employment sector. The unemployment rate in 1970 was 13.5%, dropping to

6.9% by 2000. Of the total 1990 population (latest available data), persons 25 years of age or

over who were college graduates totaled 6.0%

of the total population, and high school graduates were 38.3% of the total population.

The county had 18,016 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 83.5%. The rental

vacancy rate was 8.0%, and the home ownership rate was 81.6%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $285.

Santa Fe County, New Mexico

The county seat of Santa Fe County is Santa Fe,

which is also the state capitol. Santa Fe County’s

2000 population was 129,292, which represents

an overall increase of 238.9% from the 1950

population of 38,153, or an annual average

growth rate of 4.8%. Most of this growth took

place during the period 1970-2000, when population grew from 55,026 to its current level. 

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $238 million in 1970 to $1,333

million in 2000, an increase of 460%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Services and Professional. The

growth curves for Non-Labor and Services and

Professional sectors are almost identical.

Growth in the Government, Manufacturing,

Construction, Mining, and Farm and

Agricultural Services sectors was much smaller.

Average earnings per job, in real terms, rose

from $25,535 in 1970 to $26,471 in 1999. Persons

below the poverty level were 11.9% of the population, based on the latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 58,718 new jobs

were created, with Services and Professional

accounting for 42,545 of the new jobs and

Government accounting for 8,059 new jobs.

These sectors are the largest and second largest

employers, respectively. Construction is the

third largest employment sector. The unemployment rate in 1970 was 3.3%, dropping to

2.7% by 2000. Of the total 1990 population (latest available data), persons 25 years of age or

over who were college graduates totaled 21.2%

of the total population, and high school graduates were 54.3% of the total population.

The county had 57,701 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 91.0%. The rental

vacancy rate was 5.6%, and the home ownership

rate was 68.6%. Median gross rent (1990 data)

was $489.

Sandoval County, New Mexico

The county seat of Sandoval County is

Bernalillo. Sandoval County’s 2000 population

was 89,908, which represents an overall increase

of 622.8% from the 1950 population of 12,438, or

an annual average growth rate of 12.5%. Most of

this growth took place during the period 1970-

2000, when population grew from 17,703 to its

current level. 

From 1970 to 1999 net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $47 million in 1970 to $540

million in 2000, an increase of 1,049%. The sec-
52 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

ond fastest growing component of personal

income was Government. Average earnings per

job, in real terms, rose from $25,080 in 1970 to

$28,639 in 1999. Persons below the poverty level

were 12.9% of the population, based on the latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999 a total of 28,035 new jobs

were created, with Government accounting for

3,042 of the new jobs and Construction

accounting for 1,638 new jobs. Services and

Professional, and Manufacturing, are the largest

and second largest employers, respectively.

Government is the third largest employment

sector. The unemployment rate in 1970 was

5.5%, dropping to 3.3% by 2000. Of the total

1990 population (latest available data), persons

25 years of age or over who were college graduates totaled 11.6% of the total population, and

high school graduates were 48.1% of the total

population.

The county had 34,866 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 90.1%. The rental

vacancy rate was 11.4%, and the home ownership rate was 83.6%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $468.

Bernalillo County, New Mexico

The county seat of Bernalillo County is

Albuquerque. Bernalillo County’s 2000 population was 556,678, which represents an overall

increase of 282.1% from the 1950 population of

145,673, or an annual average growth rate of

5.6%. The growth curve was fairly even over

this entire period. 

From 1970 to 1999 net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Services and

Professional income rose from $2,330 million in

1970 to $7,282 million in 2000, an increase of

213%. The second fastest growing component of

personal income was Non-Labor sources.

Average 1999 earnings per job, in real terms,

were $29,675, changing very little between 1970

and 1999. Persons below the poverty level were

14.6% of the population, based on the latest

available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 248,880 new jobs

were created, with Services and Professional

accounting for 188,912 of the new jobs and

Government accounting for 28,779 new jobs.

Services and Professional, and Government, are

the largest and second largest employers,

respectively. Manufacturing is the third largest

employment sector. The unemployment rate in

1970 was 5.4%, dropping to 3.2% by 2000. Of

the total 1990 population (latest available data),

persons 25 years of age or over who were college graduates totaled 17% of the total population, and high school graduates were 52.3% of

the total population.

The county had 239,074 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 92.4%. The rental

vacancy rate was 11.5%, and the home ownership rate was 63.7%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $402.

Valencia County, New Mexico

The county seat of Valencia County is Los

Lunas. Valencia County’s 2000 population was

66,152, which represents an overall increase of

194.2% from the 1950 population of 22,481, or an

annual average growth rate of 3.9%. Growth

during the period 1970-2000, when population

grew from 40,821 to its current level, was irregular, with the population declining steeply (about

50%) between 1980 and 1982, and then

rebounding over the next 18 years. 

From 1970 to 1999 net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $81 million in 1970 to $359

million in 2000, an increase of 343%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Government. Average earnings per

job, in real terms, declined from $25,037 in 1970

to $220,643 in 1999. Persons below the poverty

level were 18.3% of the population, based on the

latest available 1997 estimates. 

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 9,479 new jobs

were created, with Services and Professional

accounting for 5,677 of the new jobs and

Government accounting for 2,224 new jobs.
Socioeconomic Conditions 53

Services and Professional, and Government, are

the largest and second largest employers,

respectively. Mining is the third largest employment sector. The unemployment rate in 1970

was 6.3%, dropping to 4.0% by 2000. Of the

total 1990 population (latest available data),

persons 25 years of age or over who were college graduates totaled 7.4% of the total population, and high school graduates were 44.9% of

the total population.

The county had 24,643 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 92.0%. The rental

vacancy rate was 11.8%, and the home ownership rate was 83.9%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $344.

Socorro County, New Mexico

The county seat of Socorro County is Socorro.

Socorro County’s 2000 population was 18,078,

which represents an overall increase of 86.9%

from the 1950 population of 9,670, or an annual

average growth rate of 1.7%. Most of this

growth took place during the period 1970-2000,

when population grew from 9,775 to its current

level. 

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $29 million in 1970 to $107

million in 2000, an increase of 269%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Government. Average earnings per

job, in real terms, dropped from $23,182 in 1970

to $21,398 in 1999. Persons below the poverty

level were 31.4% of the population, based on the

latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999 a total of 3,759 new jobs were

created, with Government accounting for 1,110

of the new jobs and Construction accounting

for 102 new jobs. Government, and Services and

Professional, are the largest and second largest

employers, respectively. Farm and Agricultural

Services is the third largest employment sector.

The unemployment rate in 1970 was 7.4%,

dropping to 5.5% by 2000. Of the total 1990

population (latest available data), persons 25

years of age or over who were college graduates

totaled 10.0% of the total population, and high

school graduates were 39.2% of the total population.

The county had 7,808 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 85.5%. The rental

vacancy rate was 11.8%, and the home ownership rate was 71.1%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $305.

Sierra County, New Mexico

The county seat of Sierra County is Truth or

Consequences. Sierra County’s 2000 population

was 13,270, which represents an overall increase

of 84.7% from the 1950 population of 7,186, or

an annual average growth rate of 1.7%. Most of

this growth took place during the period 1970-

2000 when population grew from 7,215 to its

current level. 

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $36 million in 1970 to $128

million in 2000, an increase of 256%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Government. Average earnings per

job, in real terms, dropped from $21,400 in 1970

to $19,859 in 1999. Persons below the poverty

level were 23.4% of the population, based on

the latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 2,191 new jobs were

created, with Government accounting for 1,323

of the new jobs and Construction accounting

for 127 new jobs. Services and Professional, and

Government, are the largest and second largest

employers, respectively. Farm and Agricultural

Services is the third largest employment sector.

The unemployment rate in 1970 was 4.2%,

dropping to 2.9% by 2000. Of the total 1990

population (latest available data), persons 25

years of age or over who were college graduates

totaled 6.4% of the total population, and high

school graduates were 48.1% of the total population.

The county had 8,727 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 70.0%. The rental

vacancy rate was 17.4%, and the home owner-
54 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

ship rate was 74.9%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $226.

Doña Ana County, New Mexico

The county seat of Doña Ana County is Las

Cruces. Doña Ana County’s 2000 population

was 174,682, which represents an overall

increase of 341.6% from the 1950 population of

39,557, or an annual average growth rate of

6.8%. Most of this growth took place during the

period 1970-2000, when population grew from

70,254 to its current level. 

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $172 million in 1970 to $1,068

million in 2000, an increase of 521%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Services and Professional. Average

earnings per job, in real terms, dropped from

$28,313 in 1970 to $24,889 in 1999. Persons below

the poverty level were 26.6% of the population,

based on the latest available 1997 estimates.

From 1970 to 1999, a total of 46,300 new jobs

were created, with Services and Professional

accounting for 29,717 of the new jobs and

Government accounting for 8,413 new jobs.

Services and Professional, and Government, are

the largest and second largest employers,

respectively. Farm and Agricultural is the third

largest employment sector. The unemployment

rate in 1970 was 7.8%, dropping to 6.5% by 1999.

Of the total 1990 population (latest available

data), persons 25 years of age or over who were

college graduates totaled 12.2% of the total population, and high school graduates were 39.2%

of the total population.

The county had 65,210 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 91.3%. The rental

vacancy rate was 10.3%, and the home ownership rate was 67.5%. Median gross rent (1990

data) was $347.

El Paso County, Texas

The county seat of El Paso County is El Paso. El

Paso County’s 2000 population was 679,622,

which represents an overall increase of 248.6%

from the 1950 population of 194,968, or an

annual average growth rate of 5.0%. Most of

this growth took place during the period 1970-

2000, when population grew from 359,291 to its

current level. 

From 1970 to 1999, net income grew, with the

fastest component of personal income, in real

terms, being Non-Labor sources. Non-Labor

income rose from $855 million in 1970 to $4,062

million in 2000, an increase of 465%. The second fastest growing component of personal

income was Services and Professional. Total

earnings of persons employed in El Paso

increased from $5.212 million in 1989 to $8.893

million in 1999, a growth rate of 5.5%. Per capita

income in 1999 was $17,216 million, ranking El

Paso County 212th in the State of Texas. By

comparison, per capita income in 1989 was

$11,687, which ranked it 203rd in the state.

Persons below the poverty level were 27.8% of

the population, based on the latest available

1997 estimates. Government, and Services and

Professional, are the largest and second largest

employers, respectively. Manufacturing is the

third largest employment sector. The unemployment rate in 1990 was 11.6%, dropping to

9.4% by 1999. Of the total 1990 population (latest available data), persons 25 years of age or

over who were college graduates totaled 8.4%

of the total population, and high school graduates were 35.3% of the total population.

The county had 224,447 housing units in 2000,

with an occupancy rate of 93.6%. The rental

vacancy rate was 7.8%, and the home ownership

rate was 67.5%. Median gross rent (1990 data)

was $347.
Socioeconomic Conditions 55

North American Indian Reservations

Table 5 summarizes information on the North

American Indian reservations located wholly or

partially within the ESA.

Table 5: Socioeconomic Data Summary

North American Indian Reservations*

Acoma

Cochiti

Isleta

Jemez

San Felipe

Sandia

Santa Ana

Santo Domingo

Ysleta del Sur

Zia

Pueblo County

(ESA area)

Socorro, NM

Sandoval, Santa Fe, NM

Bernalillo, NM

Sandoval, NM

Sandoval, NM

Sandoval, NM

Sandoval, NM

Sandoval, Santa Fe, NM

El Paso, TX

Sandoval, NM

Tourism, gaming, wood products, farming, ranching

ACOE lease, fishing permits, other leases

Recreation, forest products, gaming

Forest products, farming, recreation

Farming and ranching, crafts, gaming

Gaming, farming, leases and permits

Leasing, farming and ranching, crafts, gaming

Farming and ranching, crafts, permits, crafts

Crafts, leasing

Farming and ranching, leasing

364,439

50,681

211,037

89,618

48,859

22,876

61,379

69,401

188

119,538

4.616

1,189

4,296

2,996

3,131

471

698

4,324

804

900

Principal 

Revenue Source

Trust

Acreage

Reservation

Population

*Socioeconomic data for the other American Indian Reservations within the ESA was not available.
56 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

State of Chihuahua, Mexico

The Mexican State of Chihuahua lies immediately to the south of New Mexico and Texas.

The socioeconomic conditions in Chihuahua

are briefly described in this document because

Chihuahua may be affected most directly from

the proposed project and from related National

Park Service management programs. El Camino

Real de Tierra Adentro extends through the

other Mexican states of Durango, Zacatecas,

Aguascalientes, San Luis Potosí, Guanajuato,

Querétaro, and Mexico, D.F., as well, but

detailed socioeconomic data are not provided,

because impacts for these areas are less well

defined than for the border states. The effects of

other ongoing efforts (such as Sister Cities,

Habitat Chat, and cultural tourism workshops)

are described in the Environmental

Consequences and Mitigation section of this

report.

Chihuahua receives approximately 9.4 inches of

rainfall per year. The current (year 2000) population of Chihuahua is estimated to be 3,047,867

individuals (XII Censo General De Poblacion Y

Vivienda, Resultados Preliminares). This represents an increase of 606,000 persons compared

to 1990 (a 25% increase). Also between 1990 and

2000, the population of Mexico grew by about

20%. The population of Chihuahua is evenly

split between males and females. In 1998, there

were 79,336 births and 15,753 deaths in the state.

Table 6 shows selected statistics for Chihuahua

and the largest several towns or cities within the

state.

Table 6: Comparison of Selected Economic Indicators -

State of Chihuahua

State of Chihuahua

Ciudad Juárez

Chihuahua

Cuauhtemoc

Delicias

Hidalgo

Nueva Casas Grandes

Guadalupe

State or City Population2000

(a)

3,047,867

1,217,818

670,208

124,279

116,132

100,881

54,226

48,226

Total

Employment 1998

(b)

Individuals

per House 2000 

(a)

744,450

393,867

194,783

22,327

29,778

21,902

13,100

630

4.0

4.1

3.9

3.9

3.9

4.1

3.9

5.3

88,803

32,068

23,276

4,465

5,219

4,928

2,300

122

Sources:

(a) Preliminary data are for year 2000 (XII Censo General De Poblacion Y

Vivienda, Resultados Preliminares).

(b) Data are for 1998 (Aspectos Economicas de Chihuahua).

Number of Business

1998 

(b)
Summary of ESA Growth Characteristics

Figure 1 below summarizes the population

growth in United States counties from 1950 to

2000. It can be seen from the table that overall

growth curve in the U.S. jurisdictions has been

fairly steady over the past 50 years. This growth

pattern can be expected to continue in the

future. 

Table 7 below provides additional details on

county-by-county growth, along with their

respective rates of increase. 

For comparative purposes, the Mexican State of

Chihuahua is also included.

The data indicate that the largest amount of

growth in New Mexico, both in terms of

absolute numbers and percentage

of increase, has occurred in the

central part of the state, roughly

from Santa Fe to Albuquerque. A

secondary growth node has been

at Doña Ana County. The more

rural counties of both northern

and south-central New Mexico

have lagged in growth and economic development. Growth in El

Paso kept pace with the total

growth of the United States

counties. While data are not

available for a comparable period

for Chihuahua, growth in the single decade 1990-2000 was 26%,

suggesting that growth over the

longer period was quite rapid in

the Mexican state.

Socioeconomic Conditions 57

Figure 1

Population Growth, U.S. Counties 1950-2000

1,800,000

1,600,000

1,400,000

1,200,000

800,000

600,000

400,000

200,000

0

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

Table 7: Comparison of Population Growth in

El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro NHT ESA

Río Arriba

Santa Fe

Sandoval

Bernalillo

Valencia

Socorro

Sierra

Dona Ana

El Paso

Total U.S. Counties

Chihuahua

Grand Total

County 1950 1960 1970

24,997

38,153

12,438

145,673

22,481

9,670

7,186

39,557

194,968

495,123

NA

NA

24,193

44,970

14,201

262,199

39,085

10,168

6,409

59,948

314,070

775,243

NA

NA

25,170

53,756

17,492

315,774

40,539

9,763

7,189

69,773

479,899

898,747

NA

NA

29,282

75,360

34,799

419,700

61,115

12,566

8,454

96,340

479,899

1,217,515

NA

NA

34,365

98,928

63,319

480,577

45,235

14,764

9,912

135,510

591,610

1,474,202

NA

NA

41,190

129,292

89,908

556,678

66,152

18,078

13,270

174,682

679,622

1,702,720

3,047,867

4,750,587

64.8%

238.9%

622.8%

282.1%

194.2%

86.9%

84.7%

341.6%

248.6%

243.9%

NA

NA

1980 1990 2000 Rate
58 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

RESOURCE VALUES

Cultural Environment

The cultural environment affected by the use of

El Camino Real was overwhelmingly complex

and staggering in its scope. Cutting through

north-central Mexico up through the Río

Grande Valley to an area near Santa Fe, El

Camino Real brought armies of Spanish explorers, and later a flood of settlers, into contact

(and often into conflict) with existing populations of distinct indigenous North American

Indian tribes, bands, and sub-bands numbering

in the hundreds. The resulting acculturation

pressure resulted in the cultural extinction of

many of these groups. The legacy of this contact

and acculturation exists today in the unique

mixed cultural heritage of vast areas that extend

well beyond the borders of New Mexico.

This brief overview of the historic cultural environment of El Camino Real provides background material to accomplish three major

objectives. First, the overview provides an outline of those indigenous North American Indian

groups present on the landscape when the trail

was first used by Spanish explorers and settlers.

Second, a brief ethnohistoric description provides the reader with limited insight into the

cultural complexity of the region impacted by

the road’s use. And, third, the report provides

background for the tribal consultation work

required of any project proposals that affect

extant North American Indian tribes. The overall goal of this effort is to aid in consultation

with existing tribes to determine their views

regarding the affects El Camino Real has had on

their history, and what impacts, if any, the present plan’s proposal may have on existing ethnographic resources on or off of federal lands. 

Ethnographic Resources

Cultural or historic resources, such as archeological sites or historic buildings, are determined to be significant by legislation, or by the

collective judgment of a scientific or academic

discipline. Ethnographic resources, on the other

hand, are assigned their significance by members of the living human community associated

with them. A physical resource could be a specific animal or plant species, mineral, specific

man-made or natural object, place, creek,

spring, river, lake, any physiological feature on

the landscape, or perhaps an entire landscape.

Loosely defined, an ethnographic resource is

any cultural or natural resource ascribed value

by an existing ethnic community. The values

associated with these resources come from the

community itself—not from some external entity—and are associated with the cultural or ethnic identity of the community. 

The Road North—Southern End - In the 16th

century Spanish oficials wasted little time in

setting about the tasks of discovery, control, and

economic development. Between 1527 and the

1590s, a number of official and unauthorized

parties set out from the central and eastern

coastal areas of “New Spain” to investigate

lands, minerals, and other resources for economic purposes. There can be little doubt that

these explorers, who usually employed indigenous guides, were well aware of the local North

American Indian populations they encountered

on their travels. Early Spanish routes throughout present-day Mexico, and to areas of the

southwestern United States, were largely established by following existing Indian trails that

had been used for travel and trade for centuries

before the Spaniards arrived. The entire length

of El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro within

New Mexico was traveled in 1598 by Don Juan

de Oñate, and was a patchwork of Indian trails

over mountain passes and river crossings that

facilitated passage through a complex range of

Indian territories and societies. 

The Spanish colonial desire to provide a more

direct link the promising hinterlands of the

north to established provinces in “New Spain”

essentially gave birth to El Camino Real. But this

“new” route north from the region of Santa

Barbara in Present Chihuahua passed through a

host of indigenous tribal territories. However,

Juan de Oñate was not the first to encounter or

deal with these indigenous groups. Decades

before his arrival, incursions into the area by

government sanctioned military operations,

mining exploration and development, and mis-
Resource Values 59

sionary work literally and figuratively paved the

way for Oñate’s expedition in 1598. 

From the standpoint of broad tribal groupings,

north of Querétaro to present Chihuahua El

Camino Real cut through, from south to north,

the territories of the Chichimeca-Pame-Jonaz;

Guamar; Zacatic; Cuachichil; Languero;

Toboso; Cacaxte; Concho; Suma-Jumano; and

Jano-Jocome. The Indian peoples who inhabited this large area were typically nomadic

hunters and gatherers. Some may have practiced

limited horticulture to raise corn, beans, and

squash. Most were organized into small bands

that were tied to one another by kinship and

marriage, common or related languages, or generally common cultural traditions. Most of these

groups, with the exception of the large permanent villages at La Junta, lived in small, mobile

camps of 20 to 50 individuals. Groups of this

size are normally referred as “bands,” rather

than tribes. These bands may have come

together for economic, social, or military purposes, but these instances were probably temporary in character. The smaller band organization was most likely the largest permanent

autonomous political unit that made decisions

concerning the control of people and use of

resources. Band territory seems to have been

well defined, and if strangers entered with

proper introduction, warfare was a likely result.

Individual bands occupying adjacent areas,

exploiting similar resources, and speaking similar languages formed natural clusters during

specific seasons of the year. The larger tribal

territories and the clustering of bands into

“tribes” may to a large extent have been the

result of Spanish contact and administration

record-keeping, and may not reflect the social

reality of band cultural identity or individual

band social organization at the time. 

The response of these tribes to Spanish colonial

incursions into north-central Mexico was hostile raiding. Spanish attempts to control land

and resources, and to exploit the labor of these

small indigenous bands, led to increased military action during the 16th century. As the century progressed, traditional warfare shifted to

some extent by focusing less on intertribal conflict and more on the raiding of emigrant settlements and missions. The acceptance of the

horse by native groups sometimes led to a clustering of more distant bands for the purpose of

carrying out raids. This warfare, or raiding, was

not for purposes of conquest. The Spanish

incursions into native territory brought forced

labor and physical displacement of populations.

The introduction of diseases to native populations had profound demographic impacts.

Perhaps of equal importance, the introduction

of alien domesticated livestock by Spanish settlements resulted in a shift in local plant ecology

and a reduction in wildlife habitat—a plant and

wildlife habitat necessary to support the traditional subsistence livelihood of indigenous

groups. Raiding was a reaction to these intrusions, and an adaptive means of surviving.

This brief description of the ethnographic context of El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro may

be viewed as somewhat irrelevant to a discussion of the context of the road and its impact on

North American Indian populations north of

the present-day United States-Mexico border.

This may especially be true when one considers

Figure 2: Historic tribal territories of north-central México

(from Griffen 1983:329).
60 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

that in the 20th century, all of the original

Indian groups in this region of Mexico—with

the exception of areas that became refuges on

the area’s fringes, such as the Tarahumara to the

west—are culturally extinct. However, the

methods of Spanish colonization are consistent

north and south of the border. North American

Indian reactions to Spanish control in what is

now the United States—although the various

tribes differed in many ways in terms of culture,

language, and subsistence lifestyle—were similar

to their cousin’s reactions to the south. 

El Camino Real should be seen as playing a significant role in the northern movement of

Spanish control in “New Spain,” especially

regarding the impact on New Mexico as far

north as Santa Fe. But it should also be noted

that by 1598, the road itself was the result of

important actions prior to Juan de Oñate’s

expedition. Oñate’s own father was a wealthy

silver baron who derived his wealth from the

mines of Zacateca. Many profound impacts on

Indian populations preceded the common use

of this route. But long before Juan de Oñate traversed El Camino Real to the hinterlands, earlier 16th -century incursions into Indian territory

with the introduction of the horse for transportation, the exploitation of whole Indian

populations for labor, and the displacement of

plant and wildlife species by Spanish administrative and religious settlements all brought

profound changes to Indian culture, society,

and livelihood. The web of prior colonial policies, actions, and events essentially paved the

way for the southern portion of the road. The

road itself might best be viewed as the historical

and technological result of these prior events.

For indigenous populations in the south, Don

Juan de Oñate’s journey north might be viewed

as somewhat anticlimactic to the governmental

policies and practices that preceded him. 

The Road North—Northern End 

Apachean Cultures: In 1598, Juan de Oñate,

the son of a silver baron who had made his

fortune in the mines of Zacateca, received

royal authorization in 1598 to invest in the

colonization of New Mexico. His attempts at

colonization and his travels up El Camino

Real from central Mexico brought him into

contact with a number of North American

Indian tribes. In northern Mexico and southern New Mexico, these tribes were part of a

larger group of southern Athapaskan-speaking tribes whose territories reached from

eastern Arizona through most of New

Mexico, portions of southern Colorado,

western Kansas, Oklahoma, and western and

central Texas. Bands of these Apacheanspeakers were also found in northern Mexico

near the southern borders of New Mexico

and Arizona, and the western border of Texas.

Generally, there are seven recognized

Southern Athapaskan- or Apachean-speaking

tribes. These include the Chiricahua, Jicarilla,

Apache Tribe of Oklahoma (Kiowa-Apache),

Lipan, Mescalero, Navajo, and Western

Apache.

Anthropologists and linguists generally agree

that the Athapaskan-speaking Apachean

groups that populated the Southwest at the

time of Spanish exploration had migrated into

that area from regions in the north and east.

Generally speaking, the various Apachean

groups in New Mexico and Arizona were

originally part of a larger movement of these

peoples from the southern Great Plains to the

Southwest. They were primarily hunters and

gatherers who were subsisting by following

Figure 3: Apachean-speaking tribal locations 

(from Young 1983:394).
Resource Values 61

the movement of the vast buffalo herds of the

Great Plains area. It is difficult to determine

exactly when the various Apache groups differentiated, but it has been surmised that in

some cases the material cultural differences

between these groups may be due to their

proximity and social interaction with the

more sedentary tribes of New Mexico. For the

purposes of this report, the Apachean tribes

most directly impacted (due to their location)

by El Camino Real were the Chiricahua and

the Mescalero.

Juan de Oñate’s travels north through southern New Mexico followed the Río Grande

route, and he passed directly through the traditional territories of the Chiricahua and the

Mescalero Apache. The Chiricahua Apache

occupied lands throughout southwestern

New Mexico, the southeastern corner of

Arizona, and areas straddling what are today

the States of Sonora and Chihuahua in

Mexico. The larger tribal entity is named after

the mountains in southern Arizona of the

same name. Although various authors group

the various bands of Chiricahua differently,

there are three major named bands of the

larger group. The Apache designation for the

eastern band is “red-paint people” (cihéne).

This band occupied most of the Apache territory west of the Río Grande in New Mexico.

Their immediate Apache neighbors to the east

were the Mescalero. The red-paint people

were divided into subgroups, or sub-bands,

and were named after geographic landmarks

within their respective territories. Some of

these names included Mimbreños,

Coppermine, Warm Springs, and Mogollon

Apache. 

The central band of the Chiricahua resided to

the west of the red-paint people. An English

equivalent is not mentioned for the Apache

name for this band—co-kanén. The range of

this band included present-day Willcox,

Duncan, Elgin, and Benson, Arizona, and

included the Chiricahua, Dragoon, Mule, and

Huachuca mountains. 

The southernmost band of the Chiricahua

occupied the region just south of the United

States-Mexico border (eastern Arizona and

western New Mexico). In their own language

they refer to themselves as “enemy people”

(

n

dé’Inda-í), with the implication that they

were feared by their enemies. Sharing this

southern region were tribes referred to in the

historic literature as the Jocome and the Jano.

Various Spanish records make reference to

these latter tribes as Apache, and there is disagreement over the exact identity of these

groups. It is suggested that these groups were

distinct bands of the Chiricahua, but were

nonetheless Apache, while other argue that

they were not Apache. 

The Mescalero Apache occupied a region

directly east of the eastern band of the

Chiricahua—the Río Grande forming the

boundary between the two Apachean tribes.

The lands of the Mescalero were fairly extensive, and while they considered the area of

eastern New Mexico and northern Mexico

their core territory, they also ventured farther

Figure 4: Mescalero tribal territory about 1830 (after Opler

1983:419).
62 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

east for selected commodities—particularly

buffalo. They were also known to travel farther north for short periods to trade.

The third Apachean group considered here is

the Jicarilla Apache Tribe. The Jicarilla occupied much of the area of New Mexico north

of Santa Fe, as well as a portion of southern

Colorado. As is the case with other tribal

“home” territories, especially those relying on

a hunting and gathering economy, traditional

lands were also used by other tribes who

shared a similar lifestyle. In historic times, the

traditional lands of the Jicarilla described here

were also used by various bands of Utes, as

well as by other tribes who passed through the

area. Increasing pressures from non-Indian

settlers from the east and the movement of

tribal groups from the Rocky Mountain area

brought incursions of additional tribal groups

into the area, such as the Comanche. 

The Jicarilla practiced a mixed economy, but

still relied primarily on hunting and gathering.

With the tribal homeland in close proximity to

the Great Plains, the Jicarilla hunted the buffalo and were in contact with other Great

Plains tribes who passed through the mountain passes to trade and hunt. Agriculture

complemented the Jicarilla hunting practices,

and when the Spanish arrived in the area, the

Jicarilla were described as living in flat-roofed

houses or rancherías.

Since all the Athapaskan-speaking Apache

were recent émigrés to the region, they naturally came to settle on or near lands already

occupied or used by others. This, and the fact

that the Apachean groups relied partly on

predatory raiding for a portion of their livelihood, often brought groups into conflict. But

from another perspective, the relationship

between the semi-nomadic Apachean groups

and other tribes, such as the Puebloans of

northern New Mexico, can be viewed as symbiotic in character. The sedentary, horticultural Puebloan peoples and the hunting and

gathering Apache (including Navajo) developed an economic relationship of benefit to

both. Inter-tribal trade brought tribes with

different resources together to trade. When

such relationships exist between different

cultural groups, it is common for more than

subsistence resources to be shared. It was this

relationship, rather than just the individual

tribes, that was severely impacted by the

arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century—and

the Americans in the 19th century. El Camino

Real from the south (as other important trails)

no doubt played a large role in facilitating

these impacts. 

Apache Social and Economic Organization:

What are referred to here as the three bands

were themselves composed of local extended

family groups. Each group consisted of 10 to

30 families, and these groups were closely tied

to a specific territory. These groups were

organized around individuals who were

referred to as “chiefs.” However, these positions were earned and maintained by individuals who exhibited specific skills or traits such

as bravery, eloquence, or generosity. In short,

leadership positions in the groups were fluid,

depending on the need and the abilities

exhibited by individual group members. The

role of a band leader was to lead through

influence rather than through any institutional

authority or power. Such a leader may have

served as a spokesperson in dealing with other

groups, but one of the most important roles of

such a person was to intervene in and/or help

prevent disharmony within the group.

Bands were largely independent of one

another and did not come together to form

any larger social entity. However, the bands

operated under a rule common to all bands:

freedom of access to resources. This common

rule was not enforced by any institutional

authority, but it did constitute a principle of

organization followed by most, if not all,

bands. In this way, the band, if not a political

entity, can be viewed as a corporate entity that

was operated with public goals related to

appropriate subsistence activity. Patterns of

reciprocity related to the sharing of subsistence resources within the band provided the

basis of these public goals. 

The band itself was organized around kinship.

Kinsmen of the leader would form the basis of
Resource Values 63

a group nucleus that was relatively persistent.

But kinship was not necessarily a defining

character of band membership. Close kinsmen

of the leader were free to choose membership

in another band, making the band composition somewhat fluid. 

Subsistence: The band economy relied primarily on the hunting and gathering of resources

within the group’s territory. Men hunted. Deer

was a primary wild game source of food, but

hunters also targeted rats, squirrels, cottontail

rabbits, and opossums. In the later historic period, surplus horses or mules were also used as

food sources, as were cattle captured in raids on

nearby settlements.

Women were responsible for the gathering of

plant foods. Due to the fact that desirable

plants grew at differing elevations or in different locations at differing times of the year, the

extended family group moved frequently to

take advantage of plant availability. Of all

plant food sources, agave (century plant)

(Agave parryi) was perhaps the most prized.

Agave was gathered, the plant shoots were

roasted, and the crown was dug up and

backed in underground ovens. Baked agave—

mescal—was dried and stored, and provided a

food source for many months throughout the

year. Other wild plant foods included

mesquite beans, yucca, juniper berries, locust

blossoms, onions, potatoes, sunflower seeds,

many grasses, acorns, piñon nuts, cactus fruit,

and chokecherries, to mention only a few. The

Chiricahua engaged in some horticultural

practices in areas where suitable tillable lands

were available. Corn and melons were initially

cultivated. Additional cultigens were added

later (chilies, beans, pumpkins, squash, potatoes). 

Apache Territory: As subsistence

hunters and gatherers, the Apache identified

with a larger geographic area, within which

freedom of movement was highly prized.

Bands exercised no control over specific

lands, but they did identify with large, named

geographic regions in which they moved seasonally for hunting and gathering purposes.

Some regions, such as those occupied by the

Mescalero and the Chiricahua, were marked

by high, rugged peaks and generally dry

plains—neither conducive to agricultural settlement. Winters in mountain ranges were

severe; the flats were dry and hot in summer.

While there may have been favored camping

Figure 5: Agave (Century Plant: Agave arizonica: USDA)

Figure 6: Mid-19th century map of Chiricahua Apache band

territories (from Opler 1983:402).
64 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

sites by bands, movement was primarily

determined by the seasonal availability of

resources in a given area. The local ecology

required such movement over large areas, and

limited the size of tribal populations.

With the arrival of newcomers to the region,

such as the Spanish explorers and settlers, and

later American émigrés, Apache subsistence

territory was heavily impacted. The introduction of ranching, irrigation systems, permanent settlement along rivers or streams, or

near springs, brought pressure on native

wildlife habitat and native plant communities—in many ways the basis of Apache hunting and gathering economies. This was especially true in areas heavily impacted by the

introduction of cattle and other domestic

livestock that favored plants near water

sources normally relied upon by the indigenous population for subsistence gathering.

This pattern of environmental disruption was

repeated throughout the West, and brought

about serious negative impacts on Indian lifeways and survival.

Apachean Worldview and Religion:

El Camino Real not only provided a means by

which Spanish colonizers moved men and

material into New Mexico. The road also

provided a means by which the Spanish government could implement one of its major

goals: conversion of the indigenous populations to the Roman Catholic faith. Religious

conversion of the North American Indian, an

adjunct to the colonization of lands and

resources, was a major goal of the Spanish

Crown, as well as of the local colony administrators. Because of this, it is important to

briefly describe the indigenous religious views

of North American Indian populations in

New Mexico, because these views were one of

the immediate targets of colonizers, administrators, and religious officials. In short, El

Camino Real North provided the means not

only to gain physical control of local populations and lands, but also the means by which

control could be gained over the worldviews

and religious beliefs of North American

Indians. Control over these beliefs may have

had the most profound and lasting effects on

Indian peoples of the region. 

It is difficult to provide a generalized description of tribal religious beliefs and practices for

Indian communities. First of all, in traditional

tribal societies, there may be a core set of

beliefs and religious practices, but they are

often personal, not communal; and, while

there may be individuals recognized as having

traditional religious knowledge, there may be

no recognizably distinct social institution such

as an organized church. Second, traditional

religious beliefs and practices are often so

closely intertwined with all other aspects of

tribal social life that it may be difficult to classify any one element as religious, and any

other secular. But this fact alone magnifies the

impacts to Indian life, because Christian missionary attempts to change religious orientation reverberated through almost every element of Indian social and cultural life. 

The Apache bands generally held that there is

a giver of life. Prayers might be addressed to

this life-giver, but he/she may not have been

involved in the ceremonial rounds of the band

Figure 7: Jicarilla territory with band locations circa 1850

(after Opler in Tiller 1983: 441)
Resource Values 65

and its members. Ceremonies were more likely centered on individual ability to acquire

supernatural power that pervades the universe. Conducted after consulting with, or

being aided by, a traditional religious practitioner, a ceremony might last for few days

during which an individual might engage in

ritual smoking, singing, or the administration

of medicinal herbs or special foods.

Ceremonies were conducted to address a

wide range of needs—everything from curing

or diagnosing illness to finding the power to

defeat enemies, provide luck in hunting, or

help locate a mate. Animals and plants—even

celestial bodies—could be used as channels of

supernatural power. Geography also played

an important part in religious life and worldview. Among the Chiricahua, a group of

deities were referred to as mountain spirits

who lived in the highlands that surrounded

tribal territory to protect the tribes from disease and enemies. Often religious legends and

stories focused on tribal identity and origins,

culture heroes who performed feats of

courage, or activities that helped explain the

differences between tribal groups. It is important to note that Indian religious beliefs

encompassed the entire world that surrounded them. Animals, plants, minerals, mountains,

streams, springs-the entire physical world

around them was seen as possessing a diffuse

power or force. The object of ceremony, or of

following a seasonal round of ritual, was to

allow the individual to tap into this power and

manipulate it to meet specific needs. This diffuse power was pervasive; it existed in all

things and, if controlled, could be used for

good or bad purposes. Rituals and prayer to

ensure general success marked all stages of

life.

Religious belief and ritual was pervasive, in

the sense that there were few aspects of the

traditional life that were independent of, or

not affected by, the supernatural power found

in all things. Consequently, supernatural

power and religious ceremony touched every

aspect of life, and formed the very way individuals viewed the world around them. With

this in mind, it is clear that attempts to convert

Indian people to new religious views profoundly affected every aspect of traditional

life. Recruitment to a new religion was also a

wholesale recruitment to a new worldview.

Inasmuch as El Camino Real provided the

pathway for Spanish missionaries, and a route

along which missions were established, it was

a significant instrument in fundamental cultural change for indigenous peoples of New

Mexico. 

The Navajo: When Juan de Oñate traveled up

El Camino Real, the Puebloan peoples were

virtually surrounded by Athapaskan-speaking

peoples. The largest group of Athapaskans in

the Southwest at the time of Spanish arrival

was the Navajo (Apaches de Nabajó). At that

time, the Navajo were a semi-sedentary people who practiced a mixed economy (hunting

and gathering mixed with limited agriculture)

in an area to the west of the Río Grande,

extending to today’s Four Corners region of

New Mexico, Colorado, Arizona, and Utah.

Part of this economy included trade with their

immediate neighbors, who were the various

Puebloan communities in Northern New

Mexico and Arizona.

Anthropologists believe that the Navajo were

part of the larger migration of Athapaskanspeaking peoples into the Southwest from

more northern regions. There is some debate

over the timing and sequence of this migration

Figure 8: Approximate Navajo settlement area bout 1600

(from Brugge 1983: 490)
66 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

and differentiation of the various Athapaskan

groups (various Apachean groups and the

Navajo). The earliest arrival into the Four

Corners region may have been around the

year 1000. Over time, the Navajo and their

Puebloan neighbors developed a symbiotic

relationship: The Navajo traded goods resulting from their hunting and gathering economy

for agricultural goods from the more sedentary Puebloan peoples. This symbiotic relationship resulted in the sharing of cultural

traits.

As was the case with other tribes of the region,

Navajo relations with Puebloan neighbors and

the Spanish ranged from friendly to hostile,

although the Navajo aided the Puebloans during the revolt of 1680. Their alliance with the

Puebloans during the revolt and after the

return of the Spanish had important consequences for the Navajo. Soon divided after the

successful revolt, Puebloan peoples were

eventually once again brought under Spanish

control. As the Spanish military returned to

retake control of the region, many Puebloan

people sought refuge with the Navajo. In certain regions, this mixing of cultures brought

about changes in Navajo culture, which persist to this day. Although the Navajo generally

seemed to reject the highly structured nature

of Puebloan societies, they adopted aspects of

Puebloan religion. The traits compatible with

traditional Apachean values were accepted,

while others that were not compatible were

rejected. A widely dispersed lifestyle based on

animal husbandry; hunting, and manufacture

emerged and became a defining character of

the Navajo people. 

Sheep herding has emerged as a major focus

of Navajo life and identity. Residence groups

in traditional Navajo communities are organized around the sheep herd. Sheep are central

to cooperative aspects of Navajo life, because

almost all family members have an interest in

the welfare of the herd. Children are taught

early on to care for sheep, and soon learn that

caring for and tending the herd are cooperative family activities that reflect upon the

wellbeing and character of the family group.

As in other Apachean groups, the Navajo residence group was traditionally the major element of social and political organization.

Beyond the local matrilineal-based family

group level, there was no clearly defined

political organization. Loosely defined larger

groups were organized around a local headman, but this larger group was usually mobilized only to deal with outsiders—other

Navajos, other Indian tribes, or non-Indians.

Some authors have written that Navajo social

organization was highly flexible—communal

and individualistic at the same time—a characteristic that may account for differing interpretations of Navajo social organization by

different writers. Flexibility allows adaptation

to rapid change and communal action when

necessary, or an emphasis upon the importance of individual choice and action.

As is the case with other tribal groups, Navajo

life relies heavily on traditional religious concepts and ceremonialism. Efforts by the

Spanish (and later by American missionaries)

to convert Indian people in the Southwest to

Christianity were only partially successful,

because traditional religious beliefs and ceremonies are well integrated into contemporary

Navajo life. Navajo religious life is more accurately described as a ceremonial system that

recognizes the links between all things and

generally seeks to restore harmony to all

aspects of Navajo life. Navajo views of their

origins and the sacred nature of all things

around them, as well as of the importance of

place, have important implications regarding

identifying and determining any impacts to

ethnographic resources resulting from projects proposed by outsiders. 

The Navajo today reside on a 16-million-acre

reservation-the largest Indian reservation in

the United States. The reservation surrounds

the present Hopi Indian Nation. A tribal

President and a tribal council govern the

Navajo Nation. The reservation is broken up

into administrative districts called chapters.

When working with the Navajo Nation on

project work, and in consultation, it is important to contact not only the tribal office, but

also the appropriate chapter offices.
Resource Values 67

Figure 9: Original royal land grants and modern reservations. Hopi is not shown since there was not a Hopi grant. 

(From Simmons 1979).

Puebloan Cultures: Initial Spanish contact

with the Puebloan peoples of northern

Arizona and New Mexico took place more

than a half-century before Juan de Oñate’s

march up El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro

in 1598 along the Río Grande corridor. Oñate

followed the earlier contacts made by

Francisco Vázquez de Coronado (1540),

Francisco Sánchez Chamuscado (1581),

Antonio de Espejo (1582), and Gaspar Castaño

de Sosa (1590). These expeditions, or entradas,

gathered considerable information about the

locations and conditions of the Puebloan

communities they encountered in the upper

Río Grande Valley. It is difficult to assess any

complete picture of all the Puebloan communities in the earliest historic period, because

each explorer reported only on his own experience. However, it is safe to say that the early

Spanish travelers along the Río Grande corridor encountered an extraordinarily complex

and sophisticated social environment, consisting of a relatively large and diverse Indian

population that was the product of a number

cultural cross-currents—cultural cross-currents still debated by researchers.

The Puebloan groups of northern New

Mexico form a unit that is quite distinctive

from other Indian groups. Unlike the tribes

surrounding them, the Puebloan peoples

belonged to language groups distinct from the

Apachean tribes, lived in permanent settlements, and engaged in sophisticated agricultural practices that were the center of their

subsistence activities. Agricultural practices 

likely found their way to the upper Río

Grande from the south, and were adopted by

Puebloan ancestors. The introduction of cultivars such as corn, beans, squash, and cotton,

which required a secure water source, led to a

more sedentary life than those of their neighbors who relied heavily on hunting in wideranging territories. The pueblos, or villages,

themselves differed markedly from the temporary encampments of hunting and gathering

groups, because they were built as permanent,

multi-storied compact stone-and-adobe

structures exhibiting central plazas. 

Linguists and anthropologists have divided

the various Puebloan communities into two

major groups: the eastern pueblos of the Río

Grande Valley, and the western pueblos

residing the mesa-and-canyon country. The

Keresan pueblos, found in the center and to

the west of the eastern pueblos, are often

classified as a third grouping. This division is 
68 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

based largely on social and cultural differences between the pueblos. Linguistically, the

pueblos can be arranged into four major

groups. These linguistic differences are

important since they suggest different origins

for the various Puebloan villages. The UtoAztecan language family is found in the Hopi

villages (with variations)—it is a language

closely related to the Numic languages of the

Great Basin region. The Zuni, closely related

culturally to the Hopi, speak a language that is

perhaps distantly related to California

Penutian. The Kiowa-Tanoan language family

is spoken in the Puebloan villages of the Río

Grande Valley—with three linguistic subgroups: Tiwa in the northern and southernmost Puebloan villages; and Tewa and Towa

in the center. As the name suggests, the

Tanoans speak a language related to a Great

Plains tribe—the Kiowa. The Keresans linguistically stand alone, and do not have

known linguistic affiliations. These groupings

are most useful in making more recent historical comparisons. 

The number of occupied Puebloan communities has changed over time. Pressures of colonization, droughts and famine, conflict with

the Spanish administration, inter-tribal or

inter-Puebloan conflict, as well as subsequent

American control, have all taken their toll on

the cluster of Puebloan communities along the

path of El Camino Real. After centuries of

turmoil and acculturation, the following

Puebloan communities are now found in New

Mexico and Arizona: Taos, Picuris, San Juan,

Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Pojoaque,

Tesuque, Sandia, Isleta, Cochiti, Santo

Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez,

Laguna, Acoma, Zuni, Hopi, and Tewa

Village. However, there were Puebloan communities originally observed by early Spanish

explorers and administrators that were abandoned for a variety of reasons, and the inhabitants of these Puebloan villages found refuge

among other Puebloan communities. 

Although Spanish laws protected Indian land

rights, Oñate, and Spanish settlers to follow,

established an administrative system that

extracted tribute and forced labor from the

Puebloan communities. Selected administrators were expected to exercise trusteeship

over specific Puebloan communities—to protect Indian rights, provide military protection,

and aid in efforts to Christianize the population. From the outset of their arrival, Spanish

administrators and colonists required laborers

on the growing number of farms, ranches, and

haciendas established in the area. In response

to this need, a system of forced labor (repartimiento) was established to provide needed

labor. Food, at first freely given to the arriving

Spanish, was now extracted as a tax on each

Puebloan community to support colonial

administrator. In time, the colonial systems

established by Spanish administrators and the

Roman Catholic Church led to severe abuses.

At the same time, church officials feuded with

colonial administrators over the control of the

Puebloans and their resources. These internal

conflicts among the newcomers led to confusion and frustration among the Indian people.

Finally, these abuses and the growing frustration only added to the huge impacts already

visited on Indian populations—perhaps the

most significant being the devastating and

depopulating diseases introduced to by the

colonists—an event not confined to the experience of contact in the Southwest. The

response to such pressures and abuses was a

general Puebloan revolt. In August 1680, after

lengthy preparations by prominent Puebloan

leaders, representatives from various

Puebloan communities ordered the Spanish to

leave or be killed. The resulting conflict saw

the death of over 400 Spanish settlers and a

departure of the Spanish from the Río Grande

Valley for the next 12 years. 

Tribes to the North—the Ute: Any description of the cultural environment of El Camino

Real must address, even if only in a cursory

manner, the tribal groups that found their way

into central and northern New Mexico to

trade or raid. Beyond the northern end of the

road are found the various bands of Ute

Indians. Although the primary territory of the

Ute bands were the mountains of western

Colorado and eastern Utah, they also had a

significant presence in Northern New Mexico

during the historic period. The Ute were allies
Resource Values 69

or enemies of the Navajo, depending on what

was going on at the time. They frequently

raided the Apache and Puebloan communities

in the upper Río Grande—the historic record

reflects nearly 100 reports of such raids.

Variable relations also existed with the Great

Plains Indian tribes to the east. Relations with

the newly arrived Spanish also experienced

some shifts. However, with the Spanish, the

Ute found a partner in the trade for slaves

obtained in raids from other tribes. With the

introduction of the horse and increased pressure from the Spanish for slaves, raids by Ute

tribesmen on Shoshone and Paiute bands

increased. 

Various Ute bands were associated with specific territories. However, the Ute were highly

mobile, and movement through the various

sections of the traditional territory was common. During the early historic period, various

authors reported between 10 and 12 Ute

bands. These included the Weeminuche,

Capote and Muache, on the southern border

of Colorado; the Uncompahgre (Taviwach),

White River (Parusanuch and Yampa), in central and northern Colorado; and the Uintah,

Pahvant, Timpanogots, Sanpits, and

Moanunts of east-central and northeastern

Utah. 

The eastern Ute bands were in contact with

the Spanish not long after they arrived in the

area in the early 17th century. During this

period, and up to the middle of the 18th century, Ute bands raided the settlements of

northern New Mexico to steal horses from

the Spanish and other goods from the

Puebloans. As other tribes to the east

acquired the horse, there was increasing

encroachment on Ute territory from Great

Plains groups such as the Arapaho, Sioux,

Cheyenne, and Comanche. From the early

1600s until the mid-1800s, conflict with the

Spanish was periodic; with the advent of the

American period, an 1855 treaty was signed

with the governor of New Mexico Territory

confining the Ute to Colorado.

Ute influence extended throughout the Rocky

Mountain region in Colorado and the eastern

basin and range provinces of Utah. The arrival

Figure 10: Early 19th century territory of Ute bands in Colorado, Utah, and New Mexico. Underlined band names indicate

approximate 18th century locations; those not underlined are pre-reservation 19th century locations. (from Callaway, et al 1986)
70 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

of the Spanish and the establishment of

Spanish settlements not only affected tribes in

New Mexico and Arizona-the effects were

also strongly felt by tribes that rarely came

into contact with the newcomers. To some

extent, the Ute were a conduit of these

impacts for other tribes. After the arrival of

the Spanish, the Ute bands took advantage of

the Spanish slave market and raided tribes to

the west and north for women and children to

meet the Spanish need for herders, ranch

hands, and general hacienda labor. The memory of such raids, made in concert with

Navajo allies in the 18th and 19th centuries, is

still strong among the Southern Paiute peoples

in southern Utah and northern Arizona. 

With the beginning of the American historic

period in the mid-19th century, the Ute bands

found themselves under pressure from all

directions. The Mormon settlers in valleys of

central Utah displaced Ute bands from their

traditional lands in that territory. By the 1870s,

members of various western Ute bands were

removed from their traditional homes and

confined to the Uintah Reservation in northeast Utah. At the same time, increasing pressures from mining interests and settlers from

the east forced the constriction of the Ute territory in Colorado. By the end of the 19th century, Ute territory in Colorado had been

reduced from 56 million acres to the present

reservations (Southern Ute and Ute Mountain

Ute) of approximately 850,000 acres.

The Great Plains Tribes: Historic records

indicate that Great Plains Indian tribes visited,

raided, or traded with the Puebloan communities, especially those on the eastern periphery of the Río Grande Valley. Great Plains

tribes, like the Apachean groups, were primarily hunters and gatherers who often moved

across the landscape to follow hunting opportunities. They may have taken the opportunity

to raid the more sedentary Puebloans, but

there are ample instances of trade between

Great Plains tribes and Puebloans. Great

Plains tribes offered buffalo hides, deerskins,

meat and tallow, and salt. In exchange,

Puebloans provided cotton goods, pottery,

corn, and turquoise. Visitors from Great

Plains groups included various Apache bands

from the east, as well as the Jumano, Kiowa,

Comanche, and Pawnee, who have traditions

of living in or traveling through the

Southwest. Depending on the time period,

and the ecological and political circumstances,

these groups moved in and out of the area,

providing opportunities for intermarriage and

periodic raiding, as well as cultural exchange,

with the sedentary Puebloans.

The periodic movements of the Great Plains

Indian groups in and out of the area surrounding El Camino Real are complex, and

require a description not only of shifting ecological circumstances, but also of the everchanging political environment. Spanish

alliances with Great Plains groups, such as the

Comanche, as well as with the Ute to the

north, depended on existing hostilities with

the Puebloans and various Apache bands, and

even on pressures from the French, who

sought Indian allies against the Spanish. But

the important point to make is that Great

Plains tribes were certainly in contact with

Puebloan communities along the Río Grande

(and farther west) when the Spanish first

arrived. Regardless of how they are characterized by various authors, the relationships

among these groups were certainly affected by

the introduction of a large contingent of

Spanish military, administrators, priests, and

colonizers. El Camino Real was a major factor

in the introduction of these individuals and

institutions to the region. 

Archeological and Historic Resources

Significant cultural resources associated with El

Camino Real de Tierra Adentro are archeological and historic sites, cultural landscapes,

ethnographic resources, and sites with highpotential for public benefit that have been identified in accordance with the National Trails

System Act, sections 12(1) and 12(2). Many of the

archeological sites and historic structures along

El Camino Real have a direct thematic relation

to the trail. The sites listed in this section are

those that have a significant, direct connection

to El Camino Real. Many sites that are well

beyond the Río Grande Valley and are not

directly related to the route have not been
Resource Values 71

included in this discussion. The sites and segments described are those along El Camino Real

from El Paso, Texas, to San Juan Pueblo, New

Mexico. The development of El Camino Real is

closely tied to the many prehistoric and historic

North American Indian groups who lived along

the corridor and who used it for centuries.

Because of the magnitude of the potential sites,

only those with strong relationships with the

trail have been included.

Archeological Resources - El Camino Real

has been described as the longest and most

extensive archeological site complex in New

Mexico. It is a major archeological resource that

provides new light into significant periods of

the history of New Mexico and the United

States. The artifacts, campsites, and structures

that investigators have identified along the trail

provide a unique view into New Mexico history

and the lives of those who made it.

Although the general route of El Camino Real

de Tierra Adentro is clear and a number of specific locations associated with the trail have

been documented, in many other areas the precise location of the trail is not known. Historic

activities and natural processes of erosion and

deposition have undoubtedly destroyed or

obscured many trail segments. In other areas

actual physical traces of the trail are likely, but

historical and archeological documentation is

incomplete.

This investigation, which focused on 67 miles

(108 kilometers) of the trail, uncovered information to document 39 sites and identified 127

road segments. Most of this work was concentrated on three geographic areas: Jornada del

Muerto, Bosque del Apache, and the regions of

La Bajada and Santa Fe. Marshall’s (1991) investigation revealed evidence of early colonial use.

One of the earliest sites associated with the

colonial period is Las Bocas encampment,

where Glaze E Pecos Polychrome has been

found in Jornada del Muerto near Paraje de San

Diego and Rincon Arroyo. Several other projects have considered specific segments of the

trail, mostly in the Santa Fe area.

La Majada North road is another area where

scattered artifacts document the prehistoric,

colonial, Mexican, and territorial use of El

Camino Real. (Note: La Majada North road is

named for La Majada Grant in Sandoval and

Santa Fe counties. The grant includes La Bajada

[“the descent”], which is the mesa and cliff of

volcanic basalt. La Bajada is the dividing point

between the Spanish provinces of Río Arriba

[“upper river”] and Río Abajo [“lower river”].)

Prehistoric early Glaze period ceramics were

found over the mesa, an area that apparently

was farmed during this time. Three ceramics

clusters from the colonial period have also been

identified: Two Tewa Polychrome from ca. 1650

to 1725, and a plain red soup bowl. A variety of

Territorial period artifacts have also been found

along the road: Hole-in-cap cans, sardine cans,

bottle glass, stonewares, porcelain, and other

earthenwares, and potsherds of ironstone.

One important archeological site is the Paraje de

San Diego near the southern end of Jornada del

Muerto. It was an important campsite where

northbound travelers prepared for the journey

and southbound travelers rested. A New

Mexico State University field school sponsored

by the BLM recovered a wide range of Colonial

period ceramics from this site (Fournier 1996;

Staski 1996).

Scurlock, et al. (1995), have documented archeological resources on Tomé Hill, a topographic

feature that had special significance to the prehistoric pueblos of the area. The site includes a

multi-room-block village site, two probable

shrines, and a number of petroglyphs.

The Archeological Conservancy, a nonprofit

preservation organization based in

Albuquerque, has acquired several sites that are

important to the history of El Camino Real. San

Jose de las Huertas is considered to be the bestpreserved Spanish colonial village in New

Mexico. This 28-acre site north of

Albuquerque, in the vicinity of Placitas, was

occupied from 1764 to 1823. The walled village

contains as many as 10 undisturbed house

mounds.

The Archeological Conservancy also owns the

remains of a Spanish colonial ranch, one of

numerous sites known to date from the

Colonial period. The site, with four rooms and a
72 CHAPTER 3 EXISTIN ENVIRONMENT

torreon (circular tower) feature, was built just

south of Santa Fe along the Santa Fe River

between 1610 and 1680.

Historical Resources -

Prehistory: Long before the coming of

Europeans, North American Indian trails and

pathways crisscrossed many areas of the

Western Hemisphere. Over thousands of

years, North American Indians learned the

best routes or corridors for travel. By the

coming of Europeans, they had identified

river crossings, valleys, canyons, passes

through mountain ranges, and watered areas

for travel in their respective areas of use. In

the deserts and forests of North America, in

particular, Indian people established trade and

hunting routes. In their way and in their time,

they communicated with other people in

other lands. Their trails established the practical routes that crossed large regions in which

they lived. In effect, they influenced the pattern of colonial roads, and, to a great degree,

modern highways that would later be developed by Europeans.

Spanish Exploration: The first explorers and

settlers who developed El Camino Real generally followed indigenous routes that traversed present-day Mexico and what is now

the southwestern part of the United States.

For example, one route used by Aztec and

other native traders originated in the Central

Valley of Mexico, and ran northward through

the meseta central—the central corridor

between the Sierra Madre Occidental and the

Sierra Madre Oriental. It led north to major

Indian centers such as Paquimé (Casas

Grandes), which may have traded with the

New Mexico Indian Pueblos along the Río

Grande. Numerous archeological sites along

the trail document the presence of Indian

groups who lived, traveled, and traded along

the trail corridor. Later, El Camino Real de

Tierra Adentro followed the same corridor.

Soon after Hernán Cortés conquered central

Mexico, Spaniards began to use the route that

would become El Camino Real de Tierra

Adentro. In the early years, the trail facilitated

the development of the northern mining

frontier, particularly as silver was discovered

north of Mexico City in the 1540s. The establishment of Zacatecas by 1546 represented an

important step in the development of the trail.

As Spanish settlers pushed northward in the

discovery of other silver mines, the first part

of El Camino Real became known as El

Camino de la Plata (the silver road). 

With expansion came the demand for services, protection, and pacification of frontier

areas. Cattle drovers moved herds hundreds

of miles to mining areas. Merchants, bakers,

butchers, tailors, and other small entrepreneurs established themselves within mining

camps to sell their wares. In response to the

demand for protection against warring tribes

by investors, the Spanish Crown sent missionaries, soldiers, and settlers northward to

establish religious and military institutions, as

well as communities, along the route.

Movement to the north continued, and by

1575, the frontier line had moved to the Santa

Bárbara-Parral mining area in the province of

Nueva Vizcaya (present-day Chihuahua). 

Spanish Settlement: Leading settlers to New

Mexico in 1598, Juan de Oñate blazed a new

segment of El Camino Real directly north

from Santa Bárbara to the crossing of the Río

Grande at a place that came to be known as El

Paso. From there, Oñate and his settlers

closely followed indigenous routes along the

Río Grande, thus establishing the general

location of the trail, as it would be used for

almost three centuries.

After reaching within sight of the Organ

Mountains near present-day Las Cruces,

Oñate and 60 horsemen departed the slowmoving carreta (horse-drawn cart) caravan

and moved northward in advance to select a

settlement site. Along the way, Oñate and his

men noted the distinctive natural landmarks

that highlight the corridor of El Camino Real.

Following the Río Grande, they passed the

Fray Cristobal Mountains (which the soldiers

derisively named after spotting a silhouette on

the serrated ridge that looked like one of the

priests on the expedition). They continued
Resource Values 73

north, visiting Indian pueblos along the Río

Grande, until they reached San Juan Pueblo.

Meanwhile, the carreta caravan found a flatter

route of travel on the east side of the Fray

Cristobal Mountains. That route of El Camino

Real came to be known as Jornada del

Muerto—”dead man’s journey.” Nearly 80

miles long, Jornada terminated near present

San Marcial, where the caravan rejoined the

river. Short of food, the settlers reached

Teypama, where native people gave them

corn. In remembrance of their kindness, the

settlers remarked that they named the place

Socorro (relief), “because the people there

furnished us with much maize.” Beyond

Socorro, the caravan followed the river past

Isleta, the valley of present-day Albuquerque,

and northward beyond San Felipe, Santo

Domingo, and San Ildefonso pueblos before

reaching their destination at San Juan.

At the confluence of the Río Grande and the

Río Chama, at the small pueblo called Caypa,

which they renamed San Juan de los

Caballeros, the settlers worked hard to establish living quarters and set up their planting

fields while the summer growing season lasted. (Note: The Oñate “Itinerary” refers to this

site as “Caypa”; other sources identify it as

‘Ohke”). Oñate intended to build the capital

of the province next to the pueblo, but the

plan was abandoned. Although some

remained at San Juan de los Caballeros, Oñate

ordered the settlers to move to a new site a

short distance down river during the winter of

1599-1600. This site, which would be the

province’s capital for a decade, was named

San Gabriel, or San Gabriel del Yungue. 

Greater changes affected the colony. After

nine years of strife between Oñate and some

settlers, he was exiled from New Mexico by

Spanish officials. The Crown continued to

support the colonizing efforts and in 1610

appointed Pedro de Peralta governor of the

province. In accordance royal instructions,

Peralta established Santa Fe as the capital.

Throughout the 17th century, it was the only

incorporated Spanish town north of

Chihuahua. Soon after its establishment, Santa

Fe became the terminus for El Camino Real.

Trade caravans from Mexico City reached

Santa Fe, while the mission supply caravan

reached Santo Domingo, the ecclesiastical

capital of New Mexico. 

Fray Cristobal Mountain, 1852.
74 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

Caravans reached New Mexico every one to

three years. Although few details about the

caravans have survived, a composite description can be reconstructed. The 17th -century

mission supply train likely consisted of 32

wagons, escorted by a company of soldiers.

The trail was further enlarged by herds of cattle, goats, sheep, and draft animals, as well as

small farm animals, cats, and dogs. The wagons were heavy, and when fully laden, they

required a team of oxen. Each wagon had two

teams, and alternated between them. Caravans

bound north from Mexico City carried not

only friars and mission supplies, but also settlers, newly appointed officials, baggage, royal

decrees, mail, and even private merchandise.

Southbound caravans from Santa Fe carried

outgoing officials and friars, traders, and the

produce of the province, much of which was

sold in the mining communities to the south

along El Camino Real.

Throughout this early period, there was constant development along El Camino Real from

Mexico City to Santa Fe, including mining,

ranching, and farming. One of the central

activities was milling. By the beginning of the

17th century, mills, animal -driven or waterpowered, characterized the agricultural and

mining haciendas. Mills were built along El

Camino Real, and because of their economic

importance they became associated with place

names along the route. In time, haciendas,

with their mills, were associated with extensive landholding patterns characterized by

large fortified houses. So impressive were certain haciendas that they became towns on El

Camino Real where travelers could find shelter and protection. Spanish frontiersmen

depended on a line of presidios to defend

their properties.

As the 17th century neared its end, the Pueblo

Revolt of 1680 exploded. Pueblo Indians,

united with Utes and Apaches, sent New

Mexico settlers reeling south to El Paso,

where they remained for 12 years. The revolt

resulted from Indian resentment against

Spanish colonial occupation. The Pueblo

Revolt is part of the history of El Camino

Real, for the trail was the route used by the

Hispanic refugees as they fled southward from

Santa Fe, past the pueblos of the Río Abajo,

through the Jornada del Muerto, and beyond

to El Paso. From El Paso, Spanish officials led

sorties northward along El Camino Real to

assess the extent of the revolt, with the hope

of reconquering New Mexico. In 1692, the

reconquest began. Led by Diego de Vargas,

the Spanish army moved northward along El

Camino Real and succeeded in gaining a

foothold in Santa Fe. Although there was

intermittent resistance from the Pueblo

Indians for several years, settlers and

Puebloan peoples learned to live in harmony.

Spanish Military and Commercial Activities:

The Pueblo Revolt and encroachment by

French traders who explored westward from

their Louisiana settlements along the

Mississippi River awakened concerns over the

security of New Spain’s frontiers. During the

course of the 18th century, military installations were established along El Camino Real

to bolster defenses against both European

rivals and resisting Indian groups, who posed

more immediate problems to Spanish settlers.

Periodic inspections by Spanish military officials led to changes in frontier defenses, and

also provided descriptions of the frontier in

their reports, travel accounts, and maps of El

Camino Real and its environs. 

After settlers and missionaries resettled New

Mexico in 1692, increased numbers of caravans headed north. Two important new settlements were founded early in the century:

Albuquerque in 1706, and Ciudad Chihuahua

in 1709. The establishment of these towns

resulted in larger-scale trade activities and

new names for that segment of the trail, which

became El Camino de Chihuahua, running

south from New Mexico, and El Camino de

Nuevo Mexico, running north from

Chihuahua. Aside from commercial use of El

Camino Real, renewed migration also resulted

from the development of trade centers in

communities with colonial roads that connected with El Camino Real.

During the 18th century, New Mexicans traded at a variety of local fairs. Off of El Camino
Resource Values 75

Real, fairs at Taos, Pecos, and Galisteo

attracted many merchants. New Mexican

traders met with Comanches, Apaches, Utes,

Navajos, and others who brought buffalo

hides, deerskins, blankets, and captives to be

sold or exchanged as slaves. They bartered

horses, knives, guns, ammunition, blankets,

aguardiente (alcohol), and small trinkets. In

the fall, large New Mexico caravans moved

south along El Camino Real to attend fairs at

Ciudad Chihuahua.

Spanish law restricted trade and immigration

from outside the empire, but local officials

were often less strict. In the early 19th century,

Taos drew French, English, and AngloAmerican traders and trappers who initiated

immigration from and trade with the United

States. The 1807 capture of an American military party led by Lieutenant Zebulon

Montgomery Pike in Spanish territory north

of Santa Fe symbolized intrusion by the new

country to the east. Just over a decade later,

Anglo-American, French, and British traders

increasingly moved along El Camino Real,

taking advantage of the inability or unwillingness on the part of local authorities to control

their activities.

The Mexican Period: After Mexico gained its

independence from Spain in 1821, El Camino

Real de Tierra Adentro, now a camino

nacional (national road) of Mexico, expanded

in importance as a trade route. Almost

overnight, the camino nacional became linked

with United States markets via the Santa Fe

Trail from Missouri. In time, the trail from

Missouri came to be known as the Santa FeChihuahua Trail. Accordingly, much of the

merchandise hauled across the plains did not

remain in New Mexico; it was carried into the

interior of Mexico along the camino nacional.

New Mexico merchants made important contributions to the growth and geographical

expansion of trade along the former El

Camino Real. They developed their own

commercial networks, and by 1835 they were

the majority of the people traveling into the

Mexican territory, owned a substantial portion of all the merchandise freighted south,

and specialized in hauling domestic goods.

After 1829, they expanded trade along what

came to be called the Old Spanish Trail, which

linked Santa Fe, New Mexico, present-day

Arizona, Utah, and California. Throughout

the 19th century, they continued to trade

along the former El Camino Real, and they

maintained close economic ties with their

Mexican counterparts for decades after the

Mexican-American War.

The Mexican War: In 1846, the former El

Camino Real became an invasion route into

Mexico. During the Mexican-American War,

Stephen Watts Kearny, commander of the

United States Army of the West, led his men

over the Santa Fe Trail. Moving south from

Las Vegas, he captured Santa Fe. Kearny then

proceeded on to California. Meanwhile,

Colonel Alexander Doniphan was appointed

to command the U.S. troops stationed in New

Mexico, and he moved south along the

Chihuahua Trail. Near Las Cruces, at Brazito,

a paraje (stopping place) on El Camino Real

during both Spanish and Mexican periods,

U.S. forces clashed with Mexican troops.

Doniphan’s victory at the Battle of Brazito led

to the U.S. occupation of El Paso. Two

months later, Doniphan captured Ciudad

Chihuahua.

The Mexican-American War produced major

political changes along the former El Camino

Real, but commercial activities on the trail and

across the new border between the United

States and Mexico continued. Equally important, the cultural interaction and communication among the people who lived and worked

along the trail never ceased.

United States Territorial Period: In the early

Territorial Period of New Mexico, international commerce continued along the route

from Santa Fe to Ciudad Chihuahua. During

that time, the former El Camino Real continued to serve as a conduit for trade and immigration. To control the route, forts and garrisons were established along El Camino Real

in the area between Mesilla and Socorro.

In 1862 the Civil War reached New Mexico,

when Confederate forces under Major Henry

H. Sibley came up the Río Grande from El
76 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

Paso to Valverde, an old paraje of El Camino

Real, on the banks of the river. Colonel

Edward R. S. Canby, the commander of the

Union forces in New Mexico, marched his

troops from nearby Fort Craig to attack

Sibley’s forces. After a bloody encounter, the

Confederate forces claimed victory. Soon

after the battle of Valverde, Albuquerque and

Santa Fe fell to the Confederate army. Sibley

had succeeded in capturing strategic point

along El Camino Real, but his plans came to

naught. His objectives to seize the Colorado

gold fields and establish a route to the Pacific

Ocean came to a sudden stop in February

1862, when he was defeated at the battle of

Glorieta Pass, southeast of Santa Fe. As the

Confederates retreated south of Albuquerque,

the final battle in New Mexico took place at

Peralta, on the former El Camino Real.

In the years after the Civil War, the nature of

the commercial activities along the trail from

New Mexico changed again. With the growing

presence of military forces in the West, supplying U.S. Army forts became one of the

major sources of income for New Mexicans.

The merchants associated with the former El

Camino Real depended on federal government expenditures to supply army installations and the various Indian tribes. Most New

Mexicans did not have the resources to continue the type of mercantile activity required

by the evolving trade—the margin of profit

had become so small that they were unable to

make a profit. In 1880, the railroad reached

Santa Fe, eclipsing the use of the Santa Fe

Trail. Two years later, the railroad line had

reached El Paso from Albuquerque, effectively

leading to the decline of the road-based

transportation on the former El Camino Real.

Significance: Roads are a necessary and significant function of the historical process of

nation states. Historic trails throughout the

Americas are indigenous in character and

purpose. Factors regarding their development

before European intrusions influenced the

location of many colonial roads, particularly

El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, which

were established between 1521 and 1821. The

origin of almost all colonial roads in Mexico

and the United States are therefore obscure.

They began in an unspecified time when prehistoric Indian peoples blazed networking

trails north from the Valley of Mexico, ultimately joining those along the Río Grande in

New Mexico and Texas. 

Prehistoric Trails: Prehistoric tribes along the

Río Grande established routes for trade and

communications long before the arrival of the

Europeans. Pre-Hispanic archeological sites

from central Mexico to northern New Mexico

document the varied Indian cultures who

lived along variant trails that later formed the

1,600-mile (404 miles of which lie in the U.S.).

Spanish colonial route for transportation and

communication. Travelers along these prehistoric routes disseminated new ideas and technologies that influenced Indian tribes, principally the Río Grande Pueblos. Although preColumbian roads leading to the New Mexico

Pueblos were not well developed beyond the

central highlands, routes from the Central

Valley to places lying within the edges of the

Aztec domain were, on the other hand, better

defined for travel. Unlike later roads developed by Europeans for wagons and beasts of

burden, indigenous trails were, in contrast,

primitive foot trails.

Historic Roads and Trails: The 16th-century

Spanish colonial roads combined ancient

trails with trails newly constructed, some of

them with bridges, to areas with economic

potential. Historically, the east-west and

south-north pathways from Mexico City followed the pattern of Spanish expansion. Early

colonial roads connected Spanish ports,

towns, fortifications, mines, and Catholic missions, thus forming a new network of trunk

roads known as caminos reales. One such road

was El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, which

ran from Mexico City to Santa Fe in New

Mexico. The northern part of El Camino Real

was established by Juan de Oñate in 1598,

almost a decade before the first English

colonists landed at Jamestown, Virginia. The

trail, 1,600-miles (404 miles which lie in the

U.S.) in length, provided the major link

between the province of New Mexico far in
Resource Values 77

the northernmost reaches of Spain’s vast

empire in North America, and Mexico City,

the capital of the viceroyalty of New Spain.

Notwithstanding the contributing influence of

indigenous routes, the historical period of significance for the portion of El Camino Real in

the United States extends from 1598 to 1882. In

Mexico, the route of El Camino Real began in

the early 1540s. Throughout that period,

traders and travelers along El Camino Real

contributed to the cultural interaction among

all people, European and Native alike, who

lived along it. In its historical development, it

followed the paths of miners, ranchers, settlers, soldiers, missionaries, and native peoples

and European emigrants who settled places

along the way. Narrative accounts of the route

describe its variants throughout the 16th, 17th,

18th, and 19th centuries. These written records

contain a wealth of information about daily

life, settlements, and topography, as well as

place names, along the trail.

El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro fostered

cultural exchanges between Europeans and

Indian peoples. Along it were transmitted elements of western European civilization ranging from language to Christianity, science,

medicine, literature, architecture, folklore,

music, technology, irrigation systems, and

Spanish law. Among legal concepts currently

used in the American legal system that made

their way along El Camino Real are community property laws; the concept of first usefirst priority in water rights; mining claims;

and the idea of sovereignty, especially as

applied to North American Indian land

claims. 

Similarly, Spanish frontiersmen learned new

ways—Indian ways—of surviving in the

remote wilderness of North America. Food

exchanges, medicinal practices, lore, craft

industries, and other cultural amenities

crossed from indigenous hands to those of

Europeans. Interestingly, chile peppers, grown

by natives in the Valley of Mexico, were

introduced by Spanish settlers to the Río

Grande Pueblos. While there were many benefits from the exchange of Spanish and

indigenous cultures, many native ways were

lost because of the influence of Spanish culture, and later, because of the overpowering

exclusivity of Anglo-American culture.

Commerce has always been an integral component of the history of El Camino Real, but

the nature and the extent of the commercial

activities evolved with time. In the early years,

the mission caravan from Mexico City was an

important source for trade in New Mexico.

Throughout the 17th century, other itinerant

traders made their way into New Mexico for

trade. Trading activities, moreover, also

included trade fairs at particular pueblos that

attracted local Spanish settlers. 

El Camino Real and the Santa Fe Trail

Connection: The history of El Camino Real de

Tierra Adentro is shared by two nations—

Mexico and the United States. After Mexican

independence in 1821 and the opening of the

Santa Fe Trail from Missouri to Santa Fe,

Mexico legalized trade with the United States.

By the mid-19th century, El Camino Real,

now a camino nacional of Mexico, had

become an integral part of an international

network of commerce. By the end of the 19th

century, trade within the commercial network

had resulted in the transportation and

exchange of millions of dollars worth of merchandise between Europe, the United States,

New Mexico, and other provinces of the

Mexican republic.

The geographical boundaries of the commercial network developed around a portion of

the old El Camino Real, known as El Camino

de Chihuahua (the Chihuahua Road). Indeed,

the connection of the Santa Fe Trail with El

Camino de Chihuahua became known as the

Santa Fe-Chihuahua Trail. Effectively, it connected commercial interests between Mexico

and the United States at Santa Fe. This extensive pattern of economic relations involved

Europe and North America. 

Trail activities had a major effect on the landscape along El Camino Real corridor. In addition to introducing new foods into New

Mexico, traders and settlers affected biotic
78 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

communities and promoted horticultural diffusion. The introduction of livestock from

Mexico, along with commercial plants such as

apples, apricots, cherries, grapes, garden varieties of smaller plants, and exotic flora,

changed the landscape and its uses on and

along the route of El Camino Real. Other

enterprises, such as mining and large-scale

commercial enterprises, contributed to the

dramatic alteration of the landscape associated with the trail.

El Camino Real has been associated with

notable historic figures of both the American

and Hispanic frontiers and pivotal events in

the history of the western United States. The

first important individual associated with the

segment of El Camino Real in the present-day

United States was Juan de Oñate. He was the

son of one of the founders of Zacatecas and

Guadalajara. In 1598, Oñate established the

northern end of El Camino Real, and founded

the first Spanish capital of New Mexico at San

Juan de los Caballeros. As a result of Oñate’ s

colonizing efforts, Pedro de Peralta established Santa Fe, destined to be the enduring

capital of New Mexico. Another important

Spanish colonial figure, Governor Diego de

Vargas, reestablished New Mexico in 1692

after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 had forced

Spanish settlers to flee south on El Camino

Real to El Paso.

El Camino Real in Historical Travel

Literature: Much has been written about El

Camino Real by travelers who rode along it.

One of the earliest histories of life on El

Camino Real was published in 1610 by Gaspar

Pérez de Villagra and entitled Historia de la

Nueva Mexico, 1610. Over a century later, in

1726-1727, Brigadier Pedro de Rivera inspected fortifications in New Mexico and wrote an

extensive report on conditions in the

province. Fifty years later, in 1777, Father Juan

Agustín Morfi wrote another report describing problems in frontier New Mexico. His

report became an important and enriching literary endeavor of the Spanish colonial period,

and has been printed several times in the 20th

century. Other military reports, principally

those by the Marqués de Rubí (1766) and Juan

Bautista de Anza (1779), also describe conditions in New Mexico during the 18th century.

In the 19th century, accounts by AngloAmerican travelers and traders piqued the

imaginations of Americans. For example, the

adventurous accounts by Zebulon

Montgomery Pike and Josiah Gregg, both of

whom spent an appreciable time along the

route of El Camino Real in New Mexico and

Chihuahua, stimulated U.S. expansion into the

area. Such accounts featuring El Camino Real

tended to highlight the impact the trail has

had on the history of a large part of the present United States.

The Legacy of El Camino Real: The last

years of El Camino Real demonstrated the

diversity of its legacy. New Mexico merchants

of the 19th century, whose ancestors had come

with Oñate or other colonizing groups in the

17th century, carried on commercial activities

along the ancient trail. Among them, José

Felipe Chávez, from Belen, who became a

successful entrepreneur known as El

Millionario (the millionaire), was easily one of

the richest men in New Mexico Territory. His

skillful management of personal resources,

local products, and business connections,

coupled with hard work and determination,

allowed him to strengthen his economic

standing and gain considerable influence. His

career was exceptional, but not unique. Other

New Mexican merchants rivaled him in

wealth, influence, and skills. Miguel Antonio

Otero, New Mexican delegate to Congress

before the Civil War, had been deeply

involved in trading before his political career

and continued to pursue this activity after the

end of his congressional term. 

Once the Santa Fe Trail extended its route to

Chihuahua, Anglo-Americans joined the tradition. As many of the Anglo-American

traders along El Camino Real, Josiah Gregg

first went to New Mexico with a caravan from

Missouri. Eventually, he traveled throughout

Mexico, writing an account of his observations. Another historical figure closely linked

to the trail was territorial governor Henry

Connelly, who had been an influential Santa
Looking south from the top of La Bajada. Camino Real is in center of the photo.
80 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

Fe Trail merchant along El Camino Real.

Military figures of the 19th century also participated in the historical pageantry that

marched along the ancient route. Aside from

General Stephen Watts Kearney, who led his

Army of the West into Santa Fe during the

Mexican War, his colleague, Colonel

Alexander Doniphan, similarly deserves mention. Not only did he defeat Mexican forces at

Brazito, a paraje along El Camino Real, in

1846, but he also later captured Ciudad

Chihuahua. During the Civil War, three

notable leaders appeared on the scene who

would stand out in the history of El Camino

Real. One was Confederate Major Henry H.

Sibley, who marched his troops north along El

Camino Real to capture Albuquerque and

Santa Fe. Another, Colonel Edward R. S.

Canby, the commander of the Union forces in

New Mexico, attempted to stop Sibley at

Valverde. The third was Manuel Chávez, a

New Mexican whose family hailed from

Atrisco, on El Camino Real in Albuquerque’s

South Valley. Chávez played an important role

in Sibley’s defeat at the battles of Glorieta Pass

and Apache Canyon in 1862, and was immortalized in Willa Cather’s novel, Death Comes

for the Archbishop (1999). Cather promoted a

romantic view of Santa Fe and New Mexico.

With the completion of the Atchison, Topeka

and Santa Fe Railroad line between

Albuquerque and El Paso in 1882, the use of

the trail on the U.S. side of the border began

to decline. However, it continued to be

important because it provided an essential

link between New Mexican merchants and

their counterparts in Mexico. Equally important, the railroad line on the U.S. side paralleled the route of El Camino Real between

Albuquerque and Socorro. The close cultural

and economic ties that have characterized the

history of El Camino Real continued into the

20th century. It is no longer used as a trail,

having been supplanted first by the railroads,

and later by highways—particularly portions

of U.S. Highway 66, U.S. Highway 85 and

Interstate 25—but the route of El Camino Real

can still be traced through the development of

the towns it served. In that way, it has maintained its significance. El Camino Real has

become a symbol of the cultural interaction

between Mexico and the United States, and of

the commercial exchange that made possible

the development and growth of the greater

Southwest of the United States.

Geology

The entire length of El Camino Real in New

Mexico lies within the Río Grande Rift. The Río

Grande Valley is the surface expression of the

rift. The Río Grande Rift zone lies within the

larger physiographic zone known as the Basin

and Range Province, bounded on the west by

the Colorado Plateau, on the east by the Great

Plains, and on the north by the Southern Rocky

Mountains. The province occupies the southwestern and central parts of the state, extending

northward to Taos County. The province is

over 200 miles wide in the south, narrowing

northward to several miles wide in Taos

County. It includes fault block mountains and

plateaus; volcanoes and lava flows; and broad,

flat alluvial plains. The Río Grande Rift, a series

of north-south parallel faults, occupies the

western part of the province. 

Rocks of the earliest geologic age (Precambrian)

to the present (Quaternary) occupy the Basin

and Range Physiographic Province. Some of the

mountain ranges have Precambrian granites and

associated igneous rocks exposed in their

uplifted cores. Overlying the Precambrian rocks

are mostly sedimentary rocks (limestone, sandstones, and shales) of Paleozoic and Mesozoic

age, exposed in uplifted fault block mountains

and along mesa and plateau escarpments and

canyon walls. Overlying these are sedimentary

and volcanic rocks of Cenozoic age. Quaternary

alluvium (sand, gravel, silt, and clay) fills the

valleys, including the Río Grande Valley,

through which most of El Camino Real passes.

Scenery

Scenery is the aggregate of features that give

character to the landscape. El Camino Real de

Tierra Adentro National Historic Trail route

traverses a range of natural and cultural landscapes in the Basin and Range and the Southern

Rocky Mountains physiographic provinces. The
Basin and Range province is characterized by

landforms that include rugged and steep faultblock mountain ranges; broad basins, such as

Jornada del Muerto; and volcanic uplands.

Contrasting with the mountain ranges in this

province are broad valleys. The national historic

trail traverses lands within and along one of

these valleys—the Río Grande—as travelers

moved north and south along this trail in the

United States. Draining into the Río Grande are

numerous arroyos and drainages cutting

through terraces. On the northern end of the

trail, travelers encountered landscape features

typical to the Southern Rocky Mountain

province. Typical landform features in the

Southern Rocky Mountain province include

mountain systems, intermountain valleys, hogbacks, mesas, plains, and plateaus.

Cultural influences along the trail corridor have

altered the natural landscapes of seen areas in

many locales. The most prominent cultural features include various transportation and utility

corridors, communication towers, cities and

communities, farming and ranching activities,

and flood control and diversion dams.

Vegetation along segments of the trail has also

been altered from what the original travelers

experienced in moving back and forth along the

trail.

Of the 404 miles of the national historic trail, 60

miles of definite, probable, and speculative trail

segments cross BLM-administered lands within

the boundaries of three BLM field offices. The

BLM uses a Visual Resource Management

(VRM) system to identify and manage scenic

values on federal lands administered by the

agency. The VRM system includes a visual

resource inventory, which classifies visual

resources on BLM land into one of four categories (Class I, II, III, or IV), and sets management objectives through a Resource

Management Plan process. The manner in

which the classifications are determined is

explained in BLM Handbook H-8410-1, Visual

Resource Inventory. In addition to inventory

data, the VRM classes can reflect management

considerations. Each VRM class describes a

different degree of modification allowed in the

basic elements (form, line, color, and texture)

found in the predominant natural features of

the landscape. Classes I and II contain the most

valued visual resources. Class I, the most highly

valued and visually sensitive to modification, is

assigned to those areas in which decisions have

been made to maintain a natural landscape.

Classes II, III, and IV are assigned based on a

combination of scenic quality; sensitivity level;

distance zones; and, where necessary, management considerations. Class III contains those

with moderate values. And Class IV contains

the least valued visual resources. Appendix H

provides a more detailed description of these

classes and their management objectives. Other

non-BLM lands crossed by the national historic

trail are not managed by the VRM classification

system.

In the Las Cruces Field Office, VRM classes

were assigned in the 1993 Mimbres RMP and

the 1985 White Sands RMP. In the Socorro Field

Office, VRM classes were assigned through the

1989 Socorro RMP. The area of concern within

the Taos Field Office has not been classified for

visual resources through the Resource

Management Plan. The approximate mileage of

trail in current VRM classification categories on

public lands managed by the BLM is shown in

Table 8.

Soils/Vegetation/Noxious Weeds

Approximately one-half of the United States

portion of El Camino Real passed through the

Río Grande valley floor and floodplain. The

Resource Values 81

Table 8: 

Visual Resource Management Classifications

For BLM-Administered Lands (in Miles)*

I

II

III

IV

No Assignment

Total

VRM 

Class

Taos 

Field Office

-

-

-

-

16.9 (0.3)

16.9 (0.3)

-

1.1 (1.1)

12.5 (0.0)

29.1 (28.5)

-

42.7 (29.6)

Las Cruces 

Field Office

*Numbers in parenthesis represent miles of high-potential segments
82 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

remainder of the trail, primarily through the

Jornada del Muerto, and elsewhere where an

alternate route was preferable, ran along terraces and uplands well away from the river.

Today much of the vegetation of the Río

Grande Valley has been converted to irrigated

farmland, or is in housing development. Along

the banks of the Río Grande, portions of the

bosque (riverside forest) have been protected

from farming and housing development.

However, even in the protected areas, there

have been extensive invasions by Russian olive

and salt-cedar plants. Both of these species are

considered to be Class C noxious weeds on the

New Mexico Noxious Weed list, published

September 20, 1999.

Most of the valley soils are classified as irrigated

soils, moderately deep to deep soils, including

light, medium, and fine-textured soils mostly

on smooth topography and generally high in

inherent fertility, except nitrogen.

The upland portions of El Camino Real north of

La Bajada pass through short-grass rolling hills

with patches of piñon and juniper trees. Based

on observations of current age classes for the

trees, the trees appear to be increasing in density. The grasses are dominated by species that

are typical of the short-grass region, such as

blue grama, galleta, Indian ricegrass, and hairy

grama. Shrubs include four-wing saltbush,

cholla, and rabbitbrush.

The upland portions of the national historic

trail south of La Bajada pass through a semidesert grassland, which covers about 26 million

acres in Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and

northern Mexico. The region contains a complex of vegetation types ranging from nearly

pure stands of grasses, through savanna types

with grass interspersed by shrubs or trees, to

nearly pure stands of shrubs. On the Jornada

plain, the major grass species on sandy soils are

black grama, mesa dropseed, and red threeawn.

Shrubs or shrub-like plants on sandy soils

include honey mesquite, four-wing saltbush,

soaptree yucca, and broom snakeweed.

Extensive dunes have developed where

mesquite has invades sandy soils. Low-lying

areas with heavier soils, which receive water

from surface runoff, are dominated by tobosa

and burrograss. Tarbush is a frequent invader of

these heavy soils. Slopes with gravelly soils near

the mountains are typically dominated by creosote-bush. In years with favorable winter and

spring moisture, many annual grasses and forbs

are also abundant across soil types.

Within the mountains, shrub types are mixed.

Major dominants include honey mesquite, creosote-bush, sotol, ocotillo, and whitethorn.

Some areas of scrub woodland are dominated

by red-berry juniper and piñon pine.

The increase in brush on the Jornada plain is

well documented. A land survey made in 1858

included notes on soils and vegetation. From

these notes, the relative abundance of brush

types in 1858 was reconstructed. Extent of brush

types was also determined from vegetative surveys made on the Jornada plain in 1915, 1928, and

1963 (see http://jornada-www.nmsu.edu)

Mesquite is the primary invader on sandy soils.

Tarbush has increased on the heavier soils, and

creosote-bush occupies shallow and gravelly

soils. Collectively, the spread of brush has been

ubiquitous and rapid. As a result, livestock

grazing capacities have been lowered. Periodic

droughts, past unmanaged livestock grazing,

and brush seed dispersal by humans, livestock,

and rodents, have all contributed to the spread

of the shrubs. Brush has increased in permanent

livestock enclosures erected during the 1930s,

demonstrating that brush invades grasslands

even in the absence of livestock grazing. Once

established, brush effectively monopolizes soil

moisture and nutrients, and grass reestablishment is generally very limited, without selective

control of brush species. 

Visitor Experience/Information 

and Education

New Mexico and west Texas have long been

destinations for visitors. The region has attracted people drawn to a rich history, blending of

cultures, and awe-inspiring scenery. Today,
Resource Values 83

however, opportunities for visitors to learn

about and travel along El Camino Real are limited. Local residents who know of the existence

of El Camino Real have more opportunities to

participate in related activities and celebrations

than do visitors from other parts of the country

or the world.

Existing El Camino Real activities are limited to

driving a designated byway, participating in a

few local celebrations, touring a historic site, or

visiting an interpretive facility/museum. Related

orientation/information and

interpretation/education are limited to the

Internet and a few museums/interpretive facilities at a few historic sites. Regional recognition

of El Camino Real has occurred, and continues

to occur, through place names, public art, and

other programs. The legacy of El Camino Real is

also reflected in road architecture and place

names.

Orientation/Information: Orientation to and

information about El Camino Real are available

in a variety of formats for local residents and

out-of-state visitors: 

• Chambers of commerce and tourism

organizations in communities along El

Camino Real provide informational and

orientation brochures. Examples include

El Camino Real—A National Scenic &

Historic Byway, by the New Mexico

Department of Tourism; El Camino

Real—The Royal Road, by El Camino

Real Economic Alliance; and The

Official Visitors Guide of Las Cruces,

New Mexico, 2001-2002, by the Las

Cruces Convention and Visitor Bureau.

• The New Mexico Department of

Tourism hosts an Internet website with

general information about El Camino

Real. The site has a map and brief narrative history, and lists the trail as a “scenic

attraction” for a day trip (see

www.newmexico.org/ScenicAttractions/

camino.html).

• Camino Real Administration contracted

with the Public Lands Interpretive

Association to produce a website on the

Internet about El Camino Real de Tierra

Adentro National Historic Trail. The

site contains historic maps, interpretive

text, and will be expanded in the future

with additional features 

(see www.elcaminoreal.org).

• The BLM and the University of Texas at

El Paso have developed an Internet website about the historic El Camino Real

and the national historic trail . This site

will be open to the public in 2003.

Interpretation/Education: There are a few

interpretive and educational materials available,

if local residents and out-of state visitors ask

and search for them.

• El Camino Real Project, Inc., a private,

non-profit corporation, developed an

exhibit, “El Camino Real: Un Sendero

Histórico,” which was displayed

throughout the state in 1990-1991. The

exhibit is still available for showing at

institutions or facilities for a fee. A companion booklet entitled “El Camino

Real” was developed for the exhibit. 

• The Museum of New Mexico developed

a traveling exhibit on El Camino Real,

which began touring in 2002. The exhibit

consists of a three-dimensional carreta

filled with bundles of supplies and goods.

• The BLM and New Mexico Office of

Cultural Affairs are producing audiotapes and compact discs for use by travelers as they drive along El Camino Real.

The tapes will be available in summer

2003.

• The San Elizario Genealogy and

Historical Society of San Elizario, Texas,

developed a self-guided walking tour of

the San Elizario Historic District. An

accompanying booklet interprets historic

sites and the route of El Camino Real

through the community.

• The BLM worked with Statistical

Research, an archeology/environmental

education firm in Arizona, to develop
84 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

educational materials about El Camino

Real. Curriculum materials are written

for middle school students. The materials will be available in fall 2003 on the

Internet. 

• Since 1995, professionals of various disciplines from Mexico and the United

States have collaborated and undertaken

projects focusing on the central theme of

El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro. Both

the NPS and BLM have cooperative

agreements in place with the Instituto

Nacional de Antropolgia e Historia

(National Institute of Anthropology and

History or INAH) in Mexico, and participate in a research, conservation, and

dissemination program concerned with

the cultural values associated with El

Camino Real. “Dissemination” projects

have included book fairs, artifact and

photography exhibitions, and two volumes of recorded music (on CD-ROM)

of “Músicos del Camino Real de Tierra

Adentro.”

• Another aspect of the joint international

effort to disseminate research about El

Camino Real involves a series of colloquia held each year since 1995.

Supported by the NPS, BLM, INAH, and

Ciudad Juárez Universidad, the colloquia

occur in different cities along El Camino

Real in Mexico and the United States.

Mexican and American researchers

present papers on topics related to El

Camino Real. Research results from

several coloquia are available in print, or

on CD-ROM (see www.nmsu.edu/~nps/

and www.unm.edu/~camino/, with text in

Spanish). 

• Additionally, the BLM has published two

volumes of research on El Camino Real

as part of on-going cultural resource

documentation (Palmer, et al., 1993;

Palmer, et al., 1999). 

• The Museum of New Mexico has posted

a lesson plan and activities about El

Camino Real on its website. The lesson

asks the question “What was El Camino

Real, and how did it impact how people

lived in Nuevo Mexico?” and addresses

New Mexico history, United States history, and multi-cultural studies. The lesson is most relevant for students in

grades four and seven who are studying

these areas. Students learn about life in

Spanish colonial New Mexico through

research, visual arts, and role-playing

activities. A bibliography and other online resources are provided (see

www.museumeducation.org/curricula_activity_camino.html).

• Other Camino Real lessons can be found

on the Internet at a site developed by the

Regional Educational Technology

Assistance (RETA) program. RETA

serves the professional development

needs of New Mexico’s K-12 teachers,

and brings technology curriculum integration to school sites around the state.

El Camino Real lessons and projects are

for students in grades 6 through 10, and

address travel on El Camino Real, artistic

traditions and culture, natural environment, agriculture, a timeline, and actions

to preserve cultures and environmental

along El Camino Real. Teacher guides

will be forthcoming. This extensive project was a collaboration among the

Museum of New Mexico; KNME public

television; Department of Agricultural

Communications of New Mexico State

University; Camino Real Project, Inc.;

New Mexico Farm and Ranch Heritage

Museum; Río Grande Historical

Collections; NPS; INAH; and the New

Mexico State Department of Education

(see

reta.nmsu.edu:16080/camino/main.html). 
Resource Values 85

Interpretive and educational programs and

media are also offered at a number of historic

sites, parks, and cultural facilities, including

some of those described below.

Historic Sites/Parks/Cultural Facilities 

(from south to north)

El Paso Missions and Mission Trail, 

El Paso, Texas - The road from Ysleta to San

Elizario is the designated Mission Trail driving

route connecting the communities of San

Elizario, Socorro, and Ysleta. This route represents the historic connection of Socorro and

Ysleta Missions with the San Elizario Presidio

on El Camino Real.

San Elizario Presidio Chapel and Plaza: San

Elizario was established as a presidio in 1789

to protect settlements in the lower Río

Grande Valley downstream from El Paso,

Texas. The chapel was originally built in 1853

as part of the fort compound. The village

plaza, jail, and other historic adobe structures

that reflect Spanish colonial settlement

enhance the present chapel, built in 1877. A

self-guided walking tour is available, with an

accompanying booklet.

Socorro Mission and Ysleta del Sur Mission:

The missions were established in the 1680s as

a result of the Pueblo Revolt. Franciscan

monks established Mission Socorro and

Mission Ysleta to provide refuge for Piro and

Tigua Indians and Spanish settlers who had

retreated from the north. Because of changes

in the Río Grande channel, flooding, and fire,

the missions have been relocated and reconstructed several times.

Chamizal National Memorial, El Paso, 

Texas - Administered by the NPS, the memorial commemorates the peaceful settlement of a

century-old boundary dispute between the

United States and Mexico. The Chamizal Treaty

was a milestone in diplomatic relations between

Mexico and the United States in 1963. Cultural

activities at the memorial are dedicated to furthering the spirit of understanding and goodwill

between two nations that share one border.

New Mexico Farm and Ranch Heritage

Museum, Las Cruces, New Mexico - The New

Mexico Farm and Ranch Heritage Museum

features exhibit galleries and livestock to highlight the history of farming and ranching in New

Mexico. The main gallery displays tools used

Plaza of Albuquerque, 1852.
86 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

years ago to cultivate New Mexico’s farmlands.

A permanent exhibit uses the biographies of 33

New Mexicans to tell the story of 3,000 years of

agricultural history in the state. There is an

extensive display of barbed wire. Temporary

exhibits are also displayed. Milking demonstrations are held twice daily at the dairy barn.

Visitors can also see longhorn cattle, churro

sheep, goats, and Jerusalem donkeys. A wildflower garden, apple orchard, and crops are on

the site. 

La Mesilla, New Mexico - La Mesilla includes

a historic plaza and surrounding buildings that

have been restored to their 19th-century

appearance. During the 1800s, the area was a

camping and foraging spot for both Spaniards

and Mexicans. The first permanent settlers

came to La Mesilla after the Treaty of

Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848. By 1850, there was

an established colony; later, La Mesilla became

a main supply center for garrisoned troops. The

Mexican-American War and the Treaty of

Guadalupe Hidalgo left La Mesilla in a “no

man’s land”—a strip of land claimed by both the

United States and Mexico. The Gadsden

Purchase in 1854 established that La Mesilla was

officially part of the United States.

People can see 19th-century businesses on the

plaza, and 19th-century residences within a

four-block area of the plaza. The town is surrounded by farmland and ditches used since

1850. Visitors can walk around the plaza, see a

historic church, and visit the privately owned

Gadsden Museum.

Fort Selden State Monument, Radium

Springs, New Mexico - Fort Selden was built

near the town of Las Cruces in 1865, and housed

troops for 25 years. The fort housed one company of infantry and cavalry, including units of

black troops known as “Buffalo Soldiers.” By

1890, Apache raiding parties and outlaws were

not considered threats; in 1891, the federal government decommissioned Fort Selden. 

A visitor center at the monument offers exhibits

on frontier military life during the fort’s heyday.

Living history demonstrations of 19th-century

military life highlight most weekends during the

summer. Self-guided walking tours through the

adobe ruins are available.

Geronimo Springs Museum, Truth or

Consequences, New Mexico - The Geronimo

Springs Museum features displays of North

American Indian artifacts; prehistoric Mimbres

pottery; ranching and mining items; paleontological and geological finds; a reconstructed log

cabin; Southwest art; and mementos of Ralph

Edwards, originator of the “Truth or

Consequences” radio show. A Geronimo Days

celebration, featuring Apache dancers, music,

storytelling, crafts, and wine tasting, is held

Columbus Day weekend.

El Camino Real International Heritage

Center, Socorro County, New Mexico - El

Camino Real International Heritage Center is

under development as a joint project of the

BLM and the State of New Mexico through the

Museum of New Mexico's State Monuments

Division. The Heritage Center will offer visitors

a variety of interpretive and educational opportunities on site, including a theater, classrooms,

permanent and temporary exhibits, interpretive

trails, an amphitheater, an observation deck,

and public programs. In addition, the Center

will serve as a focal point for interpretation of

the trail through a variety of media, including

web sites, and other off-site educational and

interpretive tools.

Fort Craig Historic Site, Socorro County,

New Mexico - Managed by the BLM as a special management area within the Socorro

Resource Area, Fort Craig lies at the northern

end of Jornada del Muerto. Established in 1854,

the fort was built to establish a military presence

in the region, to control Apache and Navajo

raiding, and to protect settlers and travelers

along El Camino Real. In 1862, troops from the

fort participated in the Civil War Battle of

Valverde. The adobe fort has been reduced to

low mounds through erosion and vandalism.

Visitors to the site can take self-guided walking

tours of the ruins.

Tomé Plaza and Tomé Hill, Tomé, New

Mexico - Tomé was settled as early as 1650, but

it was abandoned after the Pueblo Revolt of

1680 and remained uninhabited until the Tomé

land grant was established in 1739. Historic

Tomé Plaza includes the Immaculate
Resource Values 87

Conception Church and a museum, a jail, and

several other adobe structures.

The prominent Tomé Hill was a significant

landmark for travelers along El Camino Real.

Tomé Hill Park is open to the public and has

hiking trails, interpretive signs, and a brochure.

A piece of sculpture at the hill, “La Puerta del

Sol,” commemorates El Camino Real.

Indian Pueblo Cultural Center, 

Albuquerque, New Mexico - The Indian

Pueblo Cultural Center is owned and operated

by the 19 Indian pueblos of New Mexico. The

center provides a historical and contemporary

look at the Southwest’s first inhabitants.

Facilities include museum displays, cafe, gift

shops, smoke shop, and the Institute for Pueblo

Indian Studies. 

National Hispanic Cultural Center, 

Albuquerque, New Mexico - The center

offers displays highlighting historic and contemporary Hispanic arts, humanities, and

achievements from the past 400 years. Visitors

can enjoy art exhibits, dance, music, and theater. Facilities include a genealogy center, gift

shop, and restaurant. 

Petroglyph National Monument, 

Albuquerque, New Mexico - Administered

by the NPS, the monument protects hundreds

of archeological sites and an estimated 25,000

rock images carved and painted by native peoples and early Spanish settlers. These images,

and associated archeological sites in the

Albuquerque area, provide glimpses into a

12,000-year-long story of human life in this

area. The monument stretches 17 miles along

Albuquerque’s West Mesa, a volcanic basalt

escarpment that dominates the city’s western

horizon. 

Coronado State Monument, Bernalillo, 

New Mexico - In 1540, Francisco Vásquez de

Coronado arrived in the Río Grande Valley with

armed soldiers, Indian allies from New Spain,

and a moveable food source of pigs, chickens,

and cattle. Searching for fabled cities of gold,

the expedition found thriving agricultural villages inhabited by Pueblo peoples. One of

Coronado’s campsites was near the Tiwa pueblo

of Kuaua (evergreen).

Prominent Southwest architect John Gaw

Meem designed the visitor center, which contains exhibits on the prehistory and history of

the Río Grande Valley. Murals on display in the

visitor center were some of those removed from

a kiva (ceremonial chamber) at the site, and are

among the finest examples of mural art in North

America dating from pre-European contact.

The kiva has been rebuilt and is open to visitors,

with reproductions of the original murals

adorning its walls.

El Rancho de las Golondrinas, La Cienega, 

New Mexico - Las Golondrinas was a historic

paraje (stopping place) along El Camino Real. El

Rancho de las Golondrinas (ranch of the swallows) is a historic rancho dating from the early

1700s, which is now being used as a living history museum. Historic buildings at the rancho

have been restored, imported, or reconstructed,

and archeological sites are on the grounds.

Costumed interpreters present programs about

life in early New Mexico. Special festivals and

theme weekends offer visitors an in-depth look

at celebrations, music, dance, and other aspects

of life. Educational materials, games, and other

publications are available.

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe, 

New Mexico - The Palace of the Governors is

the oldest continuously used public building in

the United States. The building now serves as

the History Museum of the Museum of New

Mexico. The artifact collection consists of over

15,000 catalogued objects, and focuses on the

history and culture of New Mexico and the

Southwest spanning 300 years. El Camino Real

artifacts are included in the collection. Visitors

can tour the museum and see permanent and

changing exhibits. Educational programs are

provided for school groups.

Oñate Monument and Visitor Center, 

Alcalde, New Mexico - This facility offers a

variety of services for the local community,

including Internet access, current weather conditions, acequia and land grant information, and

a GIS center with mapping capabilities. Tem-
88 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

porary, revolving displays and interpretive

materials are offered on the history of northern

New Mexico, the Oñate Expedition, and El

Camino Real. Exhibitions of art are also displayed. Facilities include a kitchen, restrooms,

and a gift shop with local materials.

Scenic Byway/Millennium Legacy

Trail/Highway Markers

The historic El Camino Real corridor has both

state scenic and historic byway and national

scenic byway designations. The national designation, conferred on June 9, 1998, by the U.S.

Department of Transportation, Federal

Highway Administration, denotes that El

Camino Real National Scenic Byway has scenic,

natural, historic, and cultural qualities.

Visitors wishing to follow the scenic byway can

obtain a map, route descriptions, and other

information from the National Scenic Byways

Program website at www.byways.org on the

Internet. Road signs identifying the byway

through New Mexico are in place along the

byway route.

The New Mexico Department of Tourism

released a CD-ROM on El Camino Real in 2001.

Entitled “Centuries Along Scenic Byways,” the

disc contains general information about El

Camino Real, Santa Fe, and Route 66 scenic

byways (See www.newmexico.org).

In 2000, a partnership between the White

House Millennium Council, U.S. Department of

Transportation, and Rails-to-Trails

Conservancy and other agencies and organizations sponsored the Millennium Trails program.

Governors of the states and territories nominated trails for this program, and El Camino

Real de Tierra Adentro was chosen and designated a Millennium Legacy Trail. The designation brought national recognition to the trail.

Even though there are no signs or markers

denoting the Millennium Legacy Trail in place

along the corridor, a commemorative plaque

denoting the designation will be displayed in the

proposed El Camino Real International

Heritage Center. 

El Camino Real Project, Inc., a private, nonprofit corporation, worked with the New

Mexico State Highway and Transportation

Department to develop and install 33 historical

highway markers in New Mexico and 13 in

Chihuahua, Mexico.

Public Art and Activities

Both the cities of Santa Fe and Albuquerque

have public art plans. In 2002, the Santa Fe Arts

Commission chose a winning public art entry

commemorating El Camino Real. Two interrelated artworks will be installed at Frenchy’s

Field on Agua Fria Street and at De Vargas Park

on Guadalupe Street. The works address the

significance of El Camino Real in Santa Fe’s

development, and the importance of exchanges

between Santa Fe and Mexico City. The

Albuquerque art plan is entitled “El Camino

Real: the Road of Life.” 

The New Mexico Arts, a division of the Office

of Cultural Affairs, has begun projects to present public art demonstrations funded through

the Intermodal Surface Transportation and

Enhancement Act (ISTEA). Pilot projects are in

U.S.-Mexico Boundary Marker #1, Sunland Park, New

Mexcico
Resource Values 89

Las Cruces and Belen. An enhancement grant

provided the first El Camino Real public artwork, “La Puerta del Sol,” at Tomé Hill.

In 2002, Magnífico, a private, non-profit

organization, and New Mexico Arts sponsored

an art project, “El Camino Real Billboard Art.”

Artists were solicited to submit artwork commemorating El Camino Real Millennium Legacy

Trail, which was displayed on billboards in

Albuquerque and along Interstate 25. 

Names given to present-day roadside architecture, even if not on the actual El Camino Real,

reflect the trail’s enduring presence on the

landscape. For example, visitors can dine at El

Camino Dining Room and stay at El Camino

Motor Hotel in Albuquerque. In Socorro, they

can visit El Camino Restaurant and Lounge; and

in Las Cruces, they can visit El Camino Real

Restaurante. 

Although roadside architecture may seem a

whimsical way to remember El Camino Real,

permanent place names relate directly to the

trail. As visitors drive along Interstate 25 and

navigate with area maps, they will see evidence

of the trail in names such as El Paso del Norte,

La Cruz de Robledo, Fray Cristóbal, Socorro,

Ojo del Perrillo, and Jornada del Muerto. 

Another avenue for present-day commemoration of the trail is the holding of events and festivals that are related contextually to El Camino

Real in New Mexico and Texas communities.

Representative events and festivals include:

• “Frontier Days”–Fort Selden, New

Mexico

• “Juan de Oñate First Thanksgiving

Festival–El Paso, Texas

• “Juan de Oñate Reenactment–Truth or

Consequences, New Mexico

• “Indian Market”–Santa Fe, New Mexico

• “Spanish Market”–Santa Fe, New

Mexico

• “Spring Festival,” “Summer Festival &

Frontier Market, “ and “Harvest

Festival”–El Rancho de las Golondrinas,

Santa Fe, New Mexico

Water/Air Quality

Although the Camino Real trail corridor crosses

nine counties in Texas and New Mexico, travel

along this corridor will occur primarily on

existing, paved, all-weather roads, including

Interstate 25, and a variety of smaller highways

and roadways in both states. Trail-related travel

along unpaved roads that parallel the trail, or

that actually follow the trail itself will occur in

Doña Ana and Sierra Counties, as visitors follow

the trail through the Jornada del Muerto on

county-maintained roads. While visitors will

not be encouraged to take these roads, which

are not part of the proposed auto tour route,

vehicular travel along these unpaved roads may

reach an estimated maximum of 5,500 visits

(some 2,750 individual car trips) per year. Doña

Ana County, which has fewer than 15 miles of

unpaved road that provides good access to the

historic trail, has significant concerns about

particulate air pollution as seasonal dust storms

often bring the air close to or within air quality

violations. Sierra County, which has about 40

miles of publicly-accessible, county-maintained

gravel road paralleling the historic trail, does

not have significant air quality concerns. Water

quality concerns would primarily relate to erosion and sedimentation. Currently, the only

water quality impaired streams identified by the

New Mexico Environment Department

(NMED) in the area are Caballo and Elephant

Butte Reservoirs which have impaired warm

water fishery uses. Probable causes include

grazing, agriculture, atmospheric deposition and

recreation and tourism activities other than

boating.

The goals of this program are to protect, maintain, and enhance, wherever possible, the water

and air resources of El Camino Real de Tierra

Adentro Management Plan Area for the benefit

of humans, and the wide variety of plant and

animal ecosystems. Reduction of non-pointsource pollution through control of soil erosion
90 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

and sediment production from public lands

remains a high priority management goal. Best

management practices will be applied to reduce

the impacts of surface-disturbing activities.

Prevention and reduction of impacts to air

quality from activities on public lands is accomplished by mitigation measures developed on a

case-by-case basis through the environmental

analysis process.

Throughout the planning area, the BLM and

NPS will coordinate riparian/wetland habitat

management with other programs and activities,

including watershed, rangeland resources,

wildlife, recreation, and lands. Riparian habitat

values will be addressed for all surface and vegetation-disturbing actions.

Location and construction of trail tread-ways

will take into consideration—and avoid, if possible—conflicts with private waters, private

lands, sensitive wildlife and plant habitats, and

sensitive cultural resource sites. As individual

trails are sited for development and where further National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA)

compliance is necessary, all required site-specific studies and clearances will be done and

determination will be made concerning the

environmental consequences of the proposal.

Wildlife/Fishery

BLM’s wildlife program is directed to the management of habitat for all forms of aquatic and

terrestrial wildlife on public lands, including

habitat for special status animals and plants. The

BLM works closely with the New Mexico

Department of Game & Fish, which is responsible for the management of resident wildlife.

The objectives of BLM’s wildlife program are to

improve and protect aquatic and terrestrial

wildlife habitat by coordinating the management of other resources and uses on public

land. This coordination is designed to maintain

habitat diversity, sustain ecosystem integrity,

enhance esthetic values, preserve the natural

environment, and provide old-growth habitat

for wildlife. These two objectives are accomplished to some extent through habitat manipulation, and to a great extent through mitigation

under the National Environmental Policy Act. 

In the lower elevations along the trail (near

4,000 feet), pronghorn antelope and mule deer

are the most widely distributed large game animals, but they are rare along the corridor. The

common white-tailed deer is present in Texas.

Scaled quail and Gambel’s quail are present in

most of the area. Black-tailed jackrabbit, desert

cottontail, kangaroo rat, wood rat, and numerous smaller rodents compete with domestic and

wild herbivores for available forage and are

preyed upon by coyote, bobcat, mountain lion,

golden eagle, great horned owl, red-tailed

hawk, and ferruginous hawk.

The major mammals in New Mexico Plateau

ecoregion (5,000 to 7,000 feet in elevation)

include mule deer, mountain lion, coyote, and

bobcat. Elk are locally important. Pronghorn

antelope are the primary large mammal in the

semi-arid desert grasslands. Smaller species

include wood rat, white-footed mouse, cliff

chipmunk, jackrabbit, cottontail, rock squirrel,

porcupine, and gray fox. The ring-tailed cat and

spotted skunk occur rarely.

The most abundant birds are plain titmouse,

scrub jay, red-tailed hawk, golden eagle, redshafted flicker, piñon jay, and rock wren.

Summer residents include chipping sparrow,

night hawk, black-throated gray warbler,

Northern cliff swallow, lark sparrow, and

mourning dove. Common winter residents are

pink-sided junco, dark-eyed junco, whitebreasted nuthatch, mountain bluebird, robin,

and Steller’s jay. Turkey is locally abundant

during the winter. Reptiles in this ecoregion

include the horned lizard, collared lizard, and

rattlesnake.

RESOURCE USES

Energy/Minerals

The area has not been extensively drilled for oil

and gas deposits. Of the 51 exploratory oil and
Resource Uses 91

gas wells drilled within the corridor, 10 had

shows of oil and/or gas. There are no producing

wells within the corridor, which has mostly a

low potential for the discovery of economic oil

and gas deposits. However, an area along the

western part of the corridor from south of Santa

Fe to the Valencia-Socorro County line

includes geologic structures and stratigraphy

that indicate a moderate potential for oil and

gas discoveries.

Faulting and deep magmatic activity associated

with the Río Grande Rift along the southern

half of the corridor has heated subsurface 

water to above normal levels, resulting in the

formation of hot springs around Truth or

Consequences, Socorro, and Radium Springs.

The corridor from the Caballo Reservoir south

to the Mexico border has a high to moderate

potential for the discovery of economic geothermal resources; the remainder of the corridor

has a moderate to low potential. Twenty-five

geothermal (25) wells have been drilled within

the corridor between Radium Springs and Las

Cruces. These wells include temperature gradient holes, observation wells, and exploratory

wells. Three wells southwest of Tortugas

Mountain produce low-temperature geothermal waters (less than 190( F) for greenhouses

operated by New Mexico State University. To

date, no high-temperature resources capable of

generating electricity have been identified within the corridor.

The corridor includes portions of several small,

economically insignificant coal fields. They are

the Engle Field, northeast of the Caballo

Mountains; the Carthage Field, southeast of

Socorro; an unnamed field, east of San Acacia

(north of Socorro); and the Tijeras, Hagen, and

Cerrillos Fields, between Albuquerque and

Santa Fe.

Potential economic deposits of sand and gravel,

cinder, scoria, and stone occur throughout the

corridor. Mining of a particular deposit

depends upon its proximity to a viable market,

usually an urban area or a highway construction

project. Forty-eight (48) deposits are presently

being mined and processed along the corridor,

mostly between El Paso and Las Cruces, and

between Belen and Santa Fe.

Other active mineral operations include gypsum

mines east of Anthony (north of El Paso) and

near Rosario (south of La Bajada); a perlite mine

and mill south of Socorro; and a pumice mine

west of Española. In addition, there are eight

active plants processing various mineral commodities trucked in from mines outside of the

corridor. Seven are between Albuquerque and

Española, and one is near Belen.

There is no active mining of hardrock (metallic)

and related minerals within the corridor.

Several areas, listed in Table 9, have been

mined or prospected in the past, and are considered to have a moderate potential for future

Table 9: Areas with Moderate Potential for 

Discovery/Development

Tortugas Mountain, east of Las Cruces

Tonuco Mountain, north of Radium Springs

Red Hill, southwest of Socorro

Socorro Peak, west of Socorro

Ortiz Mountains, Santa Fe County

Cerrillos Hills, Santa Fe County

Santa Fe River Canyon near La Bajada

Area Commodity

Fluorspar

Fluorspar

Manganese

Silver, Lead

Gold, Silver

Gold, Silver, Lead, Copper, Zinc, Turquoise

Uranium
92 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

discoveries or development. The potential for

future discoveries of hardrock and related minerals outside these areas is considered low.

Legal Disposition of Mineral Resources

The entire spectrum of mineral estate ownership is included within El Camino Real corridor;

that is, federal, state, Indian, and private.

Privately owned minerals may be leased by the

private mineral owner at his or her discretion.

State-owned minerals may be leased at the discretion of the state. Indian-owned minerals are

leased by the U. S. Bureau of Indian Affairs with

the consent of the Indian mineral owner and/or

Pueblo government. Federal minerals, because

they are a publicly owned resource, are generally available for development, unless specifically

prohibited by federal law or other legal authority.

The Bureau of Land Management is responsible

for administering all federal minerals, including

federal minerals where the surface is managed

by another federal agency or is in non-federal

ownership. The authorities under which federal

minerals are disposed of include the Mineral

Leasing Act of 1920 (oil/gas and coal); the

Materials Act of 1947 (sand and gravel, cinders,

scoria, stone, and other mineral materials); the

Acquired Lands Leasing Act of 1947 (acquired

minerals); the Geothermal Steam Act of 1970

(geothermal); and the Mining Law of 1872

(metallic or hardrock minerals and certain nonmetallic minerals).

Federal leases are issued by the BLM after consultation with the surface management agency

subject to any constraints imposed by the

agency. Mineral materials are sold at the discretion of the surface management agency, subject

to any management constraints. Government

agencies and municipalities may obtain free use

of mineral materials from BLM land. Generally,

federal land that is managed for multiple use

(most BLM and USDA Forest Service land) is

open to entry (prospecting and mining claim

location) under the Mining Law. Land managed

for a specific use or project is usually withdrawn

from entry under the Mining Law, but may or

may not be open to leasing. If open, leasing is

allowed if the specific use or project is protected. Spanish Land Grants, several of which are

included within the corridor, include a royalty

reservation for certain metallic minerals (gold,

silver and quicksilver) to the U.S. Because the

surface owner can only develop such minerals,

they are, for all practical purposes, private minerals. All minerals on Federal acquired land are

leasable, subject to the consent of the acquired

Table 10: Federal Mineral Estate

BLM

National Forest

Sandia Mountain Wilderness

Sevilleta NWR

Bosque del Apache NWR

Little San Pascual Wilderness

Chupadera Wilderness

Jornada Experimental Range

Animal Science Ranch

U.S. Bureau of Reclamation

Tortugas Mountain

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

International Boundary and Water Commission

Land Unit Surface 

Agency

Legal Status

under the Mining Law

BLM

USFS

USFS

USFWS

USFWS

USFWS

USFWS

USDA

NMSU

USBOR

NASA

COE

IBWC

Open

Open

Closed

Closed

Closed

Closed

Closed

Open to “Metalliferous minerals”

Closed

“First form” withdrawals Closed

“Second form” withdrawals Open

Closed

Closed

Closed
Resource Uses 93

land agency. Surface disturbance caused by any

Federal mineral development is usually regulated by the surface management agency. Where

the agency has no applicable regulations or the

surface is in non-Federal ownership, the BLM

regulates the activity. The BLM “Surface

Management under the Mining Law” regulations are contained in 43 CFR 3809. In addition,

hardrock mining activity on all land, except

Indian, is regulated by the State under the New

Mexico Mining Act.

Table 10 indicates the status of federal mineral

estate under the Mining Law within the corridor. All land units, except designated wilderness, are open to leasing under the Mineral

Leasing Act and for mineral material sales;

however, leasing and sales are at the discretion

of the surface management agency.

Federal Mineral Resource Activities within El

Camino Real Corridor are listed in Table 11.

Livestock-grazing

Privately owned livestock graze on the BLM

managed public lands. The livestock graze

under the 43 Code of Federal Regulations 4100.

Consistent with the direction of the Taylor

Grazing Act of 1934, the preference to graze

livestock is attached to base waters owned or

controlled by ranchers. The base waters provide

water to the livestock when they graze on the

public land. Livestock grazing permits issued by

BLM authorize a specific number and type of

livestock. The season of use for grazing is also

established in the permit.

Rangeland Improvements that are needed to

manage and support the livestock operations

are authorized through Section 4 permits and/or

Cooperative Agreements for Range

Improvements. Examples of range improvements include wells and pumps, fences, roads

and corrals.

Table 11: Federal Mineral Resource Activities (by county)

Mining Claims

Mining Notices and Plans

Mineral Material Areas

Oil and Gas Wells (dry and abandoned)

Geothermal Leases

Geothermal Wells

Total Acres

Activity Number Acres

66

4

15

4

3

4

1,320

16

543

-

2,080

-

3,959

Doña Ana and Sierra Counties

Socorro County

Mining Claims

Mineral Material Areas

Oil and Gas Wells (dry and abandoned)

Oil and Gas Leases

Total Acres

2

12

4

3

40

270

-

258

568

Río Arriba, Santa Fe and Sandoval Counties

Mining Claims

Mining Notices and Plans

Mineral Material Areas

Oil and Gas Leases

Oil and Gas Wells (dry and abandoned)

Total Acres

84

2

14

2

2

1,680

14

2,470

3,072

-

7,236
94 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

Ranches along the trail are typical for New

Mexico. The ranches are composed of private,

state, and public lands. The ranches generally

are yearlong cow-calf operations. They are

extensive operations that generally are not a

highly developed with range improvements.

Often, but not always, the rancher or rancher

manager lives on the ranch. The ranches are

generally remote and provide a degree of isolation to the ranch families and their staff. On

average, New Mexico ranches are accessed

about 400 times per year by recreationists,

hunters and hikers (Fowler n.d.; Jemison 2000). 

Lands/Realty

The portion of the trail from El Paso north

through the Mesilla Valley and Las Cruces is

one of the areas with the most public land within the trail boundary and the most heavily used

area of the trail for rights-of-way; Recreation

and Public Purposes (R&PP) leases and patents;

and other land use activities, particularly in the

Las Cruces/El Paso corridor. Because of the

densely populated Mesilla Valley and the cities

of Las Cruces and El Paso, numerous pipelines,

electric lines, highways, fiber-optic lines, and

roads crisscross the trail. Interstate 25 and the

Burlington Northern/Santa Fe railroad line follow the direction of the historic trail. The fastgrowing City of Las Cruces is putting increased

demands upon the public lands in the Las

Cruces area. New rights-of-way, requests for

R&PP leases and patents, and the desire for

more land in private ownership and for open

space have fueled a frenzy of lands activity along

the trail in this segment. The larger rights-ofway are confined to well-established corridors.

These corridors run east and west from Las

Cruces to Deming and Lordsburg, and north

along I-25. Overlapping rights-of-way are

issued whenever possible. Interstate 25 and

Interstate 10 provide corridors for major rightsof-way. The recent increase in fiber-optic and

cellular industries has resulted in the filing of

several rights-of-way for fiber-optic lines

within this corridor.

Approximately 45 R&PP leases and patents have

been issued to Doña Ana County, the City of

Las Cruces, smaller communities in the area,

and the local school boards. An existing memorandum of understanding with both the City of

Las Cruces and Las Cruces School District No.

2 has resulted in the establishment of “set

asides” for future public purposes and school

sites.

Exchanges between the BLM and the New

Mexico State Land Office (NMSLO) have

resulted in the state acquisition of a large block

of land on the east mesa of Las Cruces. This

land will be developed in the future by the SLO.

The state uses a master plan for development of

their large land holdings.

Several large withdrawals are located in the Las

Cruces area, and are either crossed by the trail

or within five miles of the trail. These withdrawals include College Ranch, Jornada

Experimental Range, and National Aeronautics

and Space Administration (NASA). The NASA

withdrawal contains 2,800 acres, including

Tortugas Mountain and the surrounding area.

This withdrawal was for the protection of a

NASA communication site. The College Ranch

is withdrawn for use by New Mexico State

University. The Jornada Experimental Range is

withdrawn to the United States Department of

Agriculture for use as an experimental station.

In the Truth of Consequence area, the withdrawal for the Caballo and Elephant Butte

Dams and Reservoirs are also located within the

trail viewshed. Because the jurisdiction of the

land has been transferred to another agency, the

BLM does not always have the final say on

ongoing land uses. The large White Sands

Missile Range withdrawal including the area for

Fort Bliss is located approximately 10 miles east

of the trail area. All land uses on this withdrawal

are controlled and restricted by the military.

Immediately north of the College Ranch withdrawal, in the area where the trail leaves the Río

Grande and starts its long journey across

Jornada del Muerto, a site known as San Diego

is located on public land. This site has the

potential for an interpretive pull-off from I-25.

A county road leaves I-25 at the Upham Exit

and provides access along the railroad tracks to

Engle across the Jornada del Muerto. This road

in some areas parallels the trail route. This area
Resource Uses 95

includes the most visible remains of the trail. At

two areas adjacent to the road and the railroad,

the actual trail is visible. Both of these sites, Ojo

de Perillo/Point of Rocks, and the Yost

Escarpment have planned interpretive pull-offs.

The Yost Escarpment site is located south of

State land and because of the actual visual location of the trail on State land immediately north

of the Yost Escarpment planned pull-off, there

may be an opportunity for an agreement with

the State Land Office or an exchange could be

completed between the State of New Mexico

and the BLM to bring the trail location into

Federal ownership. Major north/south rightsof-way cross the trail location within the

Jornada del Muerto. These include an El Paso

Electric Company 345 KV power line, a TriState Generation Association 115 KV power line,

and a right-of-way for buried telephone cable

and two ORS sites held by Qwest Corporation.

The power line rights-of-way were issued in

1967 and 1941 respectively. The Qwest right-ofway was issued in 1985. Maintenance of these

rights-of-way is ongoing. In the late 1990s,

public and state lands in the Engle area were

being looked at as a possible location for a

spaceport. At the present time, New Mexico has

not been awarded any contracts for this use.

Public land within the trail corridor between the

Jornada del Muerto and Albuquerque is located

primarily in the Socorro area. Interstate 25 follows the route of the trail, for the most part,

through this area. U.S. Highways 60 and 280

provide east/west transportation corridors

through the area. New Mexico State Highway 1

parallels I-25 from Truth or Consequences to

Socorro and provides a close-up view of the

area traversed by the trail. The Burlington

Northern/Santa Fe Railroad traverses the area

north to south. The trail crosses the Sevilleta

and Bosque del Apache Wildlife Refuges. A

major north/south power line follows I-25 in

this area. Several relay and cell towers are visible

from I-25. These are located mostly on private

land. The R&PP patent issued to the State of

New Mexico for El Camino Real International

Heritage Center is located north of Truth or

Consequences, east of I-25.

The portion of the trail between Albuquerque

and La Bajada Mesa crosses public land in an

area known locally as the Ball Ranch. With

transfers of public lands to San Felipe Pueblo in

2001 and Santo Domingo Pueblo in 2002, the

only remaining public land in this area is within

the Ball Ranch Area of Critical Environmental

Concern (ACEC). A smaller amount of public

land is located adjacent to the community of

Placitas, just north of Albuquerque. Because of

the growth of the Placitas area, this public land

is in demand for school sites, sand and gravel

operations, community uses, and is crossed by

major pipelines and power lines. The Equilon

Pipeline Company LLC’s proposed renovation

and extension of the New Mexico Products

Pipeline Project connecting Odessa, Texas and

Bloomfield, New Mexico affects the Placitas

area of the trail. Equilon proposes to reverse the

flow of the pipeline to transport refined petroleum products from Odessa to Bloomfield.

Previously the pipeline had transported crude

oil from the Four Corners area south to Jal,

New Mexico. The existing Placitas Pressure

Control Station is located south of the trail

location within the five-mile corridor. Several

scattered tracts of public land in the Galisteo

Basin south of Santa Fe are also impacted by the

trail. Interstate-25 follows the route of the trail

through this area. Interstate-40, which intersects I-25 at Albuquerque, provides the major

east/west transportation corridor in this portion

of the trail.

From La Bajada Mesa north, the trail corridor

enters Santa Fe along the Santa Fe River

through La Cienega and then north to Española

and San Juan Pueblo. Much like the El Paso/Las

Cruces portion of the trail, the Santa Fe/

Española area has been subject to heavy growth

in the last 10 years. The demand for services,

including waste disposal sites, power lines,

pipelines, recreation facilities, and other public

purpose uses, has had an effect on the public

land within this area. Most of the existing public

land, with the exception of the large tract of

public land adjacent to the Caja del Río in the

area of La Cienega and La Cieneguilla on the

west side of Santa Fe has been exchanged for

high resource value lands or has been leased or

sold to the City and County of Santa Fe under
96 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

the R&PP Act for various uses. Four major

rights-of-way cross the public land in the La

Cieneguilla area. One is a major 345 KV Public

Service of New Mexico (PNM) power line providing power to the Albuquerque area from

northern New Mexico. A natural gas pipeline

also crosses this land. Three Land and Water

Conservation Fund (LWCF) acquisitions have

occurred along the Santa Fe River Corridor in

the La Cienega area. These LWCF acquisitions

have added land to the corridor and ensured

the protection of a portion of the trail. Recent

completion of the Santo Domingo private

exchange has added an additional 470 acres of

land located adjacent to the La Cienega ACEC.

Between Santa Fe and Española, the major

block of public land is located northwest of

Santa Fe in the Buckman area. Because of the

recent development of the Las Campanas subdivision, the public land is under increased

pressure for use for rights-of-way and recreation. The City of Santa Fe has well sites in the

area near the Río Grande and two pipelines

transport the water to Santa Fe. The well sites

were authorized in the early 1970s. The Las

Campanas subdivision, the City of Santa Fe, and

Santa Fe County are currently working on

rights-of-way that will take water from the Río

Grande, at Buckman, and, after purification,

transport this water to the subdivision and

Santa Fe. The water pipeline rights-of-way

would follow Buckman Road or existing rightsof-way, which may be the original route of the

Trail through this area. Seven major rights-ofway, issued beginning in the early 1970s, follow

the right-of-way corridor from Buckman to

Santa Fe. The PNM right-of-way mentioned

above also crosses this area. The public lands in

the Buckman area have been recommended by

the public for inclusion in an ACEC.

Recreation Use

There are many recreational uses occurring

along the length of El Camino Real on federal,

state, and tribal land. Some of this use can be

tied directly to the trail, such as visitation related to historic sites or museums, while other uses

occur without visitors knowing or learning

about the trail. A brief description of representative recreational uses and locations follows:

National Forests

The USDA Forest Service manages public land

adjacent to El Camino Real corridor.

Cibola National Forest, Sandia Ranger

District - Just east of Albuquerque are the

Sandia Mountains, the most visited mountains

in New Mexico. Millions of people visit these

mountains each year to ride the Sandia Peak

Tram, drive the Sandia Crest National Scenic

Byway, and to enjoy other recreational opportunities. The Four Seasons Visitor Center offers

year-round interpretive exhibits and seasonal

programs, while the scenic byway has picnic

grounds with shelters.

The Sandia mountain range was a landmark on

El Camino Real, and today the mountains provide premier open space to a population of over

700,000 people in the extended Albuquerque

area. Recreation sites within this district offer

hiking trails and picnicking. Downhill skiing is

available at the Sandia Peak Ski Area, located on

the east side of the mountains.

Santa Fe National Forest, Española 

Ranger District - Recreational facilities and

opportunities in the Santa Fe National Forest

are extensive, and include skiing, picnicking,

hiking, fishing, camping, cross-country skiing,

and wildlife viewing. El Camino Real corridor

passes through a section of the Jemez Division

of this national forest. Visitors can hike along

the Santa Fe River Canyon, and up and down

the La Bajada Mesa. Visitors can also drive and

walk along Camino Real ruts on top of the

mesa.
Resource Uses 97

National Wildlife Refuges

The U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service manages two

refuges within the trail corridor:

Bosque del Apache National Wildlife 

Refuge, Socorro County, New Mexico -

Bosque del Apache National Wildlife Refuge is

located at the northern edge of the Chihuahuan

desert, and straddles the Río Grande approximately 20 miles south of Socorro. Tens of thousands of birds—including sandhill cranes, arctic

geese, and many kinds of ducks—winter at the

refuge. The heart of the refuge encompasses

about 12,900 acres of moist bottomlands, providing habitat and protection for migratory

birds and endangered species, as well as providing the visiting public with a high-quality

wildlife and educational experience.

Bosque del Apache was inhabited for over 700

years by the Piro Indians, pueblo-dwellers who

farmed, raised turkeys, gathered wild fruit, and

hunted wildlife. Subsequent Spanish explorers

and colonists on their way north from Mexico

used El Camino Real as a vital trade avenue

between Mexico and Santa Fe for almost 300

years. Remnants of El Camino Real roadbed

and the Piro occupation are protected within

the refuge.

Orientation is provided at the visitor center,

with current information and wildlife sightings,

displays, videos, and a bookstore. A 15-mile

auto tour loop allows visitors to enjoy wildlife

viewing and photography. The Seasonal Tour

Road is open April through September, and is

an excellent place to observe shorebirds and

waders. During the winter, the area is reserved

as a roost area for eagles and cranes. Refuge

trails are easy hikes, with benches and observation points along the way. Hiking and nature

observation also occur at the refuge’s three

wilderness areas. A picnic area is available.

Primitive camping is available on a reservation

basis to educational and volunteer groups only.

Sevilleta National Wildlife Refuge, 

Socorro County, New Mexico - Located in

the Chihuahuan desert 20 miles north of

Socorro, New Mexico, Sevilleta National

Wildlife Refuge provides habitat for desert

bighorn sheep, pronghorn, mule deer, mountain

lion, and bear. Bird species include bald eagle,

peregrine falcon, northern shoveler, northern

pintail, American coot, wood duck, canvasback,

redhead, great blue heron, black-crowned night

heron, sandhill crane, killdeer, long-billed

dowitcher, red-tailed hawk, kestrel, and burrowing owl. There is also a variety of insects,

and also of reptiles, including the endangered

horned lizard.

Sevilleta NWR is managed primarily as a

research area, and is closed to most recreational 

uses. However, limited hunting of waterfowl

and dove is available, and special tours may be

arranged. A visitor center, which opened in

2001, features changing wildlife exhibits. There

is a hiking trail into the San Lorenzo Canyon.

Open-house events occur yearly, with field trips

to research sites, bird and plant identification

field trips, and more.

Public Domain Lands

A wide range of recreational activities occurs on

BLM-managed land within the corridor.

Sandhill Crane at Bosque del Apache, 1846.
98 CHAPTER 3 EXISTING ENVIRONMENT

Las Cruces Field Office - Both developed and

dispersed recreation opportunities are available

in this area, located near Las Cruces. Principal

users are from Las Cruces, Truth or

Consequences and Alamagordo, New Mexico,

and El Paso, Texas. Dispersed recreation use in

the resource area includes hunting, hiking,

camping, picnicking, rockhounding, fishing,

birdwatching, and vehicle recreation. Hunting is

the most widespread use. Developed recreational sites are limited to the Organ Mountains

Special Recreation Management Area and

include the Aguirre Spring Recreation Area, La

Cueva Picnic Area, and Dripping Springs

Natural Area. Camping, picnicking, and hiking

on developed trails take place in these areas.

The Doña Ana Mountains Special Recreation

Management Area was designated in the early

1990s, but no management for recreation is in

place. There is only one developed recreation

area, the Three Rivers Petroglyph and Picnic

Area, but this area is outside the trail corridor.

Socorro Field Office - Residents of

Albuquerque and Socorro and Catron counties

are the primary users of recreational opportunities in the area administered by Socorro Field

Office. The majority of recreation use is dispersed in nature, and includes hunting, camping, picnicking, backpacking, horseback riding,

climbing, caving, hang gliding, motorcycling,

four wheel driving, observing nature, rockhounding and photography. The area has high

elevation forested areas to the west, and low

elevation semiarid regions to the east. There is

only one developed campground, at Datil Well,

which is outside the trail corridor. The field

office contains several areas of local and

national significance for recreation, including

one within the trail corridor, Fort Craig Historic

Site.

Albuquerque Field Office - This field office

provides recreational opportunities for residents of Santa Fe and Albuquerque, the two

largest metropolitan areas in New Mexico.

Most of the recreation use is dispersed, and

includes hunting, camping, picnicking, backpacking, horseback riding, climbing, caving,

hang gliding, motorcycling, four wheel driving

observing nature, rockhounding and photography. These activities take place in a low elevation semi-arid landscape in undeveloped areas.

Taos Field Office - Recreational opportunities

near the trail corridor in the Santa Fe area

include primarily dispersed activities, including

hiking, horseback riding, picnicking and

observing nature and cultural resources. There

are no developed facilities in this area.

State Game Refuge

The state operates a game refuge within El

Camino Real corridor, the Bernardo Waterfowl

Wildlife Management Area. Hunting is allowed

with the area, and visitors can follow a wildlife

trail with watching and photographic towers.

There are no other recreation sites in the area.

State Monuments

There are three state historical sites within El

Camino Real corridor:

Fort Selden State Monument, Radium 

Springs, New Mexico - The historic fort was

built in 1865 to protect Camino Real travelers.

Visitors can visit a museum and walk on trails

throughout the fort site.

Coronado State Monument, Bernalillo, 

New Mexico - The Tiwa pueblo of Kuaua

once stood here on the banks of the Río Grande

near the site where the expedition of Spanish

conquistador Francisco Vásquez de Coronado

camped in 1540. Visitors can visit a museum and

walk on trails.

El Camino Real International Heritage

Center, Socorro, New Mexico-Under development, this visitor center is a joint project of the

New Mexico State Monuments and the BLM.

It will be a focal point for interpretation of the

trail.
Actions common to All Alternatives 99

State Parks

The State of New Mexico provides facilities and

resources for a range of recreational use. Three

parks are within the trail corridor:

Leasburg Dam State Park, Radium 

Springs, New Mexico - Built in 1908, the

Leasburg Dam is one of the oldest diversion

dams in the state, channeling water from the

Río Grande into the Mesilla Valley for irrigation. Recreation activities are an extra benefit,

with camping, picnicking, fishing, and hiking

occurring within the park. Fort Selden State

Monument is nearby.

Elephant Butte State Park, Elephant Butte, 

New Mexico - While not within the trail corridor, this reservoir, created by a dam built

across the Río Grande in 1916, provides 200

miles of shoreline and is the largest and most

visited lake in the state. Numerous park facilities support an array of activities including

camping, picnicking, water-skiing, fishing,

boating, sailing, trails, and wildlife viewing. A

visitor center offers interpretive exhibits on the

region.

Río Grande Nature Center State Park, 

Albuquerque, New Mexico - This state park

is on the central Río Grande flyway and is a

winter home for Canada geese, sandhill cranes,

ducks, and other waterfowl. Facilities include a

nature/visitor center and group shelter, and

people can enjoy hiking on trails through a

bosque, wildlife viewing and nature study.

The State of Texas manages two parks within El

Camino Real corridor:

Magoffin Home State Historic Site, 

El Paso, Texas - Built in 1875 by Joseph

Magoffin, this 19-room adobe home is a prime

example of Southwest territorial style architecture. Three generations of the Magoffin Family

lived in the house. Magoffin was an El Paso

booster, active in a range of civic and political

affairs, and served as mayor for four terms. His

father, James Wiley Magoffin, was a trader on

the Santa Fe and Chihuahua trails, and accompanied Stephen Watts Kearny from Missouri to 

Santa Fe in 1846. Visitors to the home enjoy

docent-led tours; several annual events are held

as well.

Franklin Mountains State Park, 

El Paso, Texas - Opened to the public in 1987,

this urban park is the largest in the nation, covering some 37 square miles within the El Paso

city limits. The Franklin Mountains overlook

the Río Grande, and evidence of their North

American Indian habitation can be seen in

remaining pictographs and mortar pits in rock

outcrops. People through time used a gap

through the mountains, known as Paso del

Norte, as a passageway both north and south.

Activities at the park include camping, trail hiking, rock climbing, mountain biking and picnicking.

North American Indian Pueblos

Several North American Indian pueblos in New

Mexico and Texas on El Camino Real provide

facilities and resources for a range of recreational uses. These include:

Ysleta del Sur Pueblo, El Paso, Texas - The

pueblo was established in 1681 after the Pueblo

Revolt in New Mexico. The Tigua people own

and operate a cultural center with a museum,

gift shop, and café. Indian social dancing occurs

at the center.

Pueblo of Isleta, Isleta Pueblo, 

New Mexico - The pueblo operates several

business enterprises offering recreational

opportunities, including the 45,000 square feet

Isleta Gaming Palace, the championship Isleta

Eagle Golf Course, and the Isleta Lakes

Recreational Complex.

Pueblo of Sandia, Bernalillo, New Mexico -

The pueblo owns and operates Sandia Casino,

with 200,000 sq. ft. of gaming and food services.

The Sandia Lakes Recreation Area is a triballyrun facility with stocked fishing, shaded picnicking, nature trail, playground, group shelters

and a bait and tackle shop. Sandia Trails offers

horseback rides among Río Grande cottonwood trees.
100 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Pueblo of Santa Ana, Bernalillo, 

New Mexico - The pueblo offers a variety of

recreational facilities, including the 27-hole

Santa Ana Golf Course, 22 soccer fields with

parking and concessions, a 7,000-person

capacity stadium, and the Santa Ana Star

Casino.

Pueblo of San Felipe, San Felipe Pueblo, 

New Mexico - San Felipe operates the Casino

Hollywood, and opened a multi-use race track

in 2002. The pueblo holds ceremonial dances

and an annual arts and crafts show each

October.

Pueblo of Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo 

Pueblo, New Mexico - The pueblo hosts an

annual art and crafts show each Labor Day to

showcase their craftsmanship and jewelry

making.

Pueblo of Cochiti, Cochiti Pueblo, New 

Mexico - The pueblo operates the 18-hole

championship Pueblo de Cochiti Golf Course,

and the Cochiti Lake Marina and Recreational

Center. The lake provides opportunities for

numerous water-based recreational activities.

Pueblo of San Ildefonso, Santa Fe, 

New Mexico - The pueblo offers the San

Ildefonso Fishing Lake for recreation, along

with the San Ildefonso Pueblo Museum.

Pueblo of Santa Clara, Española, 

New Mexico - The pueblo provides recreation at its Santa Clara Recreational Area.

Visitors can tour the Santa Clara Puye Cliff

Dwellings, and enjoy the annual Christmas

Bazaar for arts and crafts.

Pueblo of San Juan, San Juan Pueblo, 

New Mexico - The pueblo offers recreation

at its San Juan Lakes, Bison Park, and RV park

and travel center. Visitors can take guided tours

of the First Capital Site, and enjoy gaming at the

pueblo's Ohkay Casino and Best Western

Casino and Resort.
Church at Santo Domingo Pueblo, 1846.
Camino Real at La Bajada Mesa.