Ph ysic al A ctiv ity and Intr insi c

Mo tiva tion 

Ja mes R. W hite head 

UNI VERS ITY OF NOR TH DAK OTA

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS SERIES 1, NUMBER 2, OF THE PCPFS RESEARCH DIGEST.

HI GHLI GHT

“C h ild ren a r e bo rn in t rin sica lly m o t iva t ed t o be p h ysic a lly 

a c t ive . Th a t m o t iva t ion —i f ke p t a l ive by p h ysic a l su cces s,

fr eed o m , a n d fu n —wi ll d o m o re t h a n p r om ot e t h e fi t n es s

be h a vi ors t h a t a d d ye a rs t o li fe. It wi ll m a in t a in t h e p h ysic a l

ze st t h a t a d d s li fe t o t h e ye a rs. ”

IN TROD UCTI ON: THEO RY D EVEL OPME NT

Over the past 20 plus years, we have accumulated considerable evidence to document the health

benefits of physical activity. Researchers have established with a fair degree of confidence just how

much physical activity is necessary to produce fitness improvement and benefits to health (ACSM,

1990; Pate et al., 1995; DHHS, 1990). Given this rather clear picture of how to obtain desirable

benefits, an obvious question is why do less than one quarter of the population engage in light-tomoderate physical activity? The answer to this question is found largely in the realm of

psychology—specifically in the area of motivation. The task of this topic is to review current

knowledge and to translate it into suggestions for enhancing physical activity. Specific guidelines

for fostering intrinsic motivation toward physical activity are outlined.

Motivational studies have long focused on factors that initiate, influence, and modify behavior.

Early theories dealt essentially with the deterministic aspects of those factors; focusing on

instinctual drives (e.g., Freud, 1923/1962), physiological drives (e.g., Hull, 1943), or environmental

influences (e.g., Skinner, 1953, 1971). Although these theories had (and still have) considerable

value, their apparent view of people as passive beings that are pushed and pulled around by their

physiology or environment has given rise to concern and criticism. A different point of view was

published as a monograph by White (1959), who proposed that people are driven by a need to be

competent, or effective in mastering all aspects of our environment. He suggested that when

attempts to master the challenges of our surroundings were successful, the result was positive—a

“ feeling of efficacy” (p. 329)—which, in turn, served intrinsically to motivate further behavior.

White’s monograph led to a wealth of study on intrinsic motivation, and in that respect it can be

seen as the foundation of subsequent studies that are described below.
RE FINE MENT S OF THE THE ORY

A major development of White’s (1959) monograph is represented by the addition of a

formal statement of cognitive evaluation theory (Deci, 1975; Deci & Ryan, 1985). Cognitive

evaluation theory states that intrinsic motivation is driven by an innate need for competence

and self-determination in dealing with one’s surroundings. The intrinsic rewards for the

behaviors motivated by this need are satisfying feelings of competence and autonomy,

positive emotions such as enjoyment and excitement, and possibly the sensation of flow

(complete absorption in the activity). These feelings, in turn, serve to maintain or increase a

person’s intrinsic motivation for the particular behavior.

In a nutshell (according to the theory), an individual’s desire to pursue a particular

activity depends upon whether his or her feelings of competence, autonomy, and positive

affect persist over time. Conversely, if an individual begins to perceive him or herself as

incompetent at the activity and/or under external control to do it, then his or her intrinsic

motivation is undermined. The outcome is then either a state of extrinsic motivation (the

activity might continue dependent on the continuance of external rewards and/or coercion),

or a state of amotivation (further activity unlikely because the perceptions of incompetence

lead to a sense of futility).

A wealth of studies in general psychology have supported the validity of cognitive

evaluation theory Many studies have clearly shown that when individuals receive information

that undermines their sense of competence and/or perception of self-determined choice, their

intrinsic motivation declines. Readers who wish to review that research comprehensively are

referred to Deci and Ryan (1985). However, of immediate interest to this paper is an overview

of the ways in which intrinsic motivation is enhanced—or undermined—in the field of sport,

exercise, and other physical activities.

IN TRIN SIC MOTI VATI ON I N SP ORTS AND EXE RCIS E

Common sense alone tells us that participation in many sports and physical activities can lead

to feelings of autonomy and competence and may produce joy, excitement, thrills, and other

satisfying emotions. In that respect it is easy to see that physical activities may be inherently

intrinsically motivating. On the other hand, some people say that they would not participate

unless there was a material payoff, or unless they were coerced. Others declare that attempting

physical challenges leaves them feeling incompetent and humiliated, anxious or pressured.

Thus, if we wish to help people reap the benefits of participation and avoid the motivational

pitfalls, it is necessary to understand the processes that may lead to specific perceptual

outcomes.

Persistence at exercise is related to the motivational constructs described above and has

research support. For example, young athletes cite “fun” as a primary reason for

participating in sports (Gill, Gross, & Huddleston, 1983; Scanlan & Lewthwaite, 1986).

Further examination has shown that this feeling of fun depends on experiencing the intrinsic

satisfactions of skill improvement, personal accomplishment, and excitement—rather than

being a result of extrinsic factors such as winning, getting rewards, or pleasing others (Wankel

& Kreisel, 1985; Wankel & Sefton, 1989). Similar findings have also been related by Gould

(1987) in a review of the reasons why children drop out of sports, and by Brustad (1988)

from a study of affective outcomes of competitive youth sport.
However, as researchers know well, circumstantial support for the use of a theory of

motivation to a particular area (in this case physical activity) is not enough to make a case for

its value. The theory should also hold up under experimental testing. In particular,

manipulations of people’s perceptions of competence and control should produce changes in

their intrinsic motivation. Unfortunately, there is not the volume of evidence in the physical

activity setting as there is in general and educational psychology, but several studies do show

support for the hypotheses predicted by intrinsic motivation theory.

For example, Orlick and Mosher (1978) hypothesized that an extrinsic reward (a trophy)

for performance on a stabilometer (balance board) would be perceived by children as

controlling—and thus their intrinsic motivation for what is generally an interesting and

challenging physical task would be undermined. The hypothesis was supported: When given a

free-choice period, the children whose earlier participation was for a trophy showed a

decrease in the time they spent voluntarily playing on the stabilometer compared to the

children who had no expectation of a reward.

In another study of performance at a stabilometer task, Rudisill (1989) hypothesized that

training children to understand that their performance improvement was personally

controllable (i.e., dependent on practice and effort) would improve their subsequent

performance—and would also lead them to persist longer at mastery attempts—even in the

face of perceived failure. Again, the results of the experimental manipulation supported the

hypothesis that perceptions of personal control enhance intrinsic motivation.

Taking research outside the laboratory, Thompson and Wankel (1980) manipulated the

perception of exercise choice of adult women who had recently enrolled in a health club.

After an initial meeting to discuss activity preferences, the women were randomly allocated to

either a perceived choice or a perceived no-choice condition. The initial activity preferences

were actually used as the basis for all of the women’s programs. However, the women in the

no-choice group were led to believe that they had been assigned a standard program

determined by the instructor. Six weeks later the attendance of the women in the perceived

choice group was higher, and they also expressed a greater intention to continue exercising at

the health club.

Experimental manipulations designed to affect perceptions of competence at physical

activities have also been shown to change intrinsic motivation in line with the predictions of

the theory. As before, some studies have employed a stabilometer. For example, Weinberg

and Jackson (1979) gave subjects bogus success or failure feedback for their balancing

ability by telling them that they had either exceeded the 82nd percentile (“...very good...”),

or they had fallen below the 18th percentile (“...not very good...”). In line with intrinsic

motivation theory, success feedback enhanced interest and enjoyment, and reduced boredom

with the task—and failure feedback had the opposite effect.

Using a similar type of protocol and a stabilometer task, Vallerand and Reid (1984, 1988)

manipulated feedback by making verbal comments to subjects suggesting that they were

doing either well or poorly. Like Weinberg and Jackson (1979) the results showed that

success feedback led to enhanced intrinsic motivation while lack of success feedback reduced

it. Additionally, a more in-depth analysis of the results allowed the experimenters to show that

it was not the effect of the feedback per se, but rather it was the effect of feedback on the

subjects’ perceptions of competence that moderated changes in intrinsic motivation. In other

words, this study showed that it was not the feedback itself so much as the meaning of the

feedback to the subjects that produced the motivational outcome.
Wishing to see if similar results would be obtained from manipulations of feedback in a

youth physical fitness testing situation, Whitehead and Corbin (1991) set up an experiment in

a junior high school using a shuttle run-type fitness test (the Illinois Agility Run). Bogus high

or low percentile feedback was given to randomly determined groups, and the results

replicated the Vallerand and Reid (1984,1988) findings. Again, apparently high percentile

scores raised intrinsic motivation and low percentile scores lowered it—and as before, the

motivational outcomes were mediated by the subjects’ perceptions of competence at the task

rather than directly changed by the feedback itself.

Ap plyi ng T heor y to Pra ctic e

The following recommendations represent an attempt to translate logically the

theoretical exposition into guidelines for promoting motivation in practical situations.

Note that although these guidelines are presented as a series of DOs and DON’Ts,

they are not meant to be coercing or controlling. The reader has the choice of which

to accept!

■ DO try to emphasize individual mastery.

Since the foundation of intrinsic motivation is said to stem from a need to be effective

it makes sense to begin with a recommendation for promoting competence

perceptions. For example, when giving feedback to an exerciser or sport participant in

a coaching or teaching situation, try to reinforce the personal progress that has been

made (e.g., “You’re really starting to get the hang of that backhand stroke.”). Also,

sweeten bitter medicine by prefacing comments with a competence-promoting

introduction (e.g., “If you want to make that good shot great—why not try to . . .”).

■ DON’T overemphasize peer comparisons of performance.

This is an alternative form of the previous recommendation. Peer comparisons

inevitably do the greatest motivational damage to those who need encouragement the

most—those with low ability. Teachers, coaches, and fitness leaders should consider

the perceptions that are created by their grading plans, or other evaluation

procedures. In particular, since children’s fitness test scores are determined to a

considerable degree by genetics and level of maturation, the use of rankings, curves,

or percentile tables for evaluation is questionable. What counts is an active lifestyle—

so why not find a plan that reinforces mastery of the learning and participation

process? (See Fox & Biddle, 1988, for an exposition on this point.)

A footnote to this part: Since comments (like those above) about the use of

percentiles have sometimes been interpreted as a blanket castigation, a clarification is

merited. Although the use of percentiles for individual evaluation is questioned, this is

because (by definition) it forces peer comparison—and, consequently, it promotes

competitive competence-seeking orientations. In contrast, the calculation of percentile

scores to follow national fitness changes over time would be an example of a highly

appropriate use of comparative data.

■ DO promote perceptions of choice.

A second conceptual area for recommendations is concerned with the other

fundamental aspect of intrinsic motivation—perceptions of control. In many ways

translating this guideline into action involves awareness of the connotations of words
and phrases. For example, consider the meaning of the term “exercise prescription.”

This language certainly doesn’t suggest choice. On the other hand, this does not

mean that exercise leaders and teachers have to let participants do whatever they want!

A perception of choice can be fostered—even within fairly narrow guidelines—

providing reasons are given for constraints. Thus an exercise leader might be advised

to explain which activities, equipment, facilities, etc., are appropriate for a client’s

current fitness level—but then a choice should be allowed from within that range.

■ DON’T undermine an intrinsic focus by misusing extrinsic

rewards.

This guideline is a different way of expressing recommendations concerning

perceptions of control. If the answer to the question: “Why are we doing this exercise,

skill, fitness test, sport, etc.?”—is “Because it’s for a payment/trophy/reward,” or

“Because you have to do it,” then the focus is moved to external regulation. In that

case the behavior will most likely cease when the extrinsic motivator is won, lost, or

removed. This does not mean all forms of awards are harmful. It depends on how

they are perceived. Because of a growing appreciation of this point, recently

disseminated youth fitness programs have emphasized individual competence

attainment by using recognition (of exercise participation and mastery) schemes,

rather than employing the extrinsically focused traditional awards that are solely

dependent on fitness test results (Fitness Canada, 1992; Prudential FITNESSGRAM,

1992).

■ DO promote the intrinsic fun and excitement of exercise.

Fortunately, this is easy to do because many physical activities are naturally

intrinsically motivating—so long as we keep them that way by attention to the other

guidelines.

■ DON’T turn exercise into a bore or a chore.

To use an analogy: Rather than a bland repetitive “diet” of a physical activity, think

of a “menu” in which taste is enhanced by variety, new “recipes,” and the “sugar

and spice” of fun, excitement, and thrills (Whitehead, 1989). In the same vein, it

should be remembered that health-related fitness is a construct that is adult-oriented

(Malina, 1991). This is not meant as a criticism of health-related fitness itself. The

point (particularly when dealing with children) is that we should not overshadow the

play value inherent in physical activity with an overbearing view of its potential as a

“medicine.”

■ DO promote a sense of purpose by teaching the value of physical

activity to health, optimal function, and quality of life.

This recommendation is designed to highlight the motivational value of cognitive

learning. Even if many forms of exercise do not produce the intrinsic rewards of

excitement, pleasure, etc., knowledge of the benefits of exercise may promote a sense

of purpose for choosing to do it. It may also require the development of cognitive

skills such as fitness self-evaluation and problem solving (Corbin, 1987). Research on

the outcomes of conceptually based fitness classes does support the premise that

learning fitness knowledge and skills promotes activity in the future (Slava, Laurie, &

Corbin, 1984).

■ DON’T create amotivation by spreading fitness misinformation.
While this might seem painfully obvious, the sobering reality is that many people

believe in ineffective or dangerous methods of weight management (e.g., fad diets,

spot reducing, sauna suits), and many others are hoodwinked into paying for quack

methods of fitness improvement such as passive exercise or unproven dietary

supplements (Gauthier, 1987; Jarvis, 1992; Lightsey & Attaway, 1992).

Unfortunately, the likely motivational penalty for the continued failure that results

from the use of ineffective or useless products and methods is amotivation. True

fitness professionals are thus urged to make every effort to disseminate knowledge

that is derived from good science and experience.

TH E IN DIVI DUAL ITY OF P ERCE PTIO NS

So far, and in its simplest form, the theoretical model of motivation has been presented as

follows: Our intrinsic need to be competent or effective motivates mastery behaviors. If the

attempts are self-determined and successful, then intrinsic motivation is maintained or

enhanced. If not, intrinsic motivation is undermined and may be replaced by extrinsic

motivation or amotivation. However, as several of the studies above have shown (e.g.,

Thompson & Wankel, 1980; Vallerand & Reid, 1984; Whitehead & Corbin, 1991) this is an

oversimplification. It is a person’s perception of events that counts. A person’s motivation

will depend on his or her personal cognitive evaluation (through intuition and appraisal) of

success and autonomy in any particular situation. Given that point, it is obviously important

to try to understand factors that lead to individual differences before the theory can be

translated into guidelines for motivational enhancement (see the box earlier in this topic).

A primary concern is the need for an understanding of differences in the ways in which

individuals form perceptions of competence. There appear to be three main ways (or

orientations) in which individuals judge their competence. Those with a competitive

orientation tend to compare their abilities or performance to those of their peers. Those with a

cooperative orientation tend to look for social approval while involved in group activities.

Those with an individualistic orientation tend to focus more on their individual improvement

and task mastery (Ames & Ames, 1984). Logically, an obvious potential problem with a

competitive orientation is that it leads to perceptions of winning and losing that are dependent

on who beats whom, or where a person ranks in a hierarchy (e.g., a percentile table). In

contrast, a cooperative, or more particularly, an individualistic orientation would seem to hold

more hope of personal success because improvement under those conditions almost

inevitably results from effort and practice.

This logic has been supported by research in sport and fitness settings. For example,

Marsh and Peart (1988) randomly assigned eighth-grade girls to fitness classes that either

stressed competition or cooperation. Results showed that the cooperative program led to

enhanced perceptions of physical competence. Similarly, Lloyd and Fox (1992) studied

adolescent girls in a fitness program. They found that putting the focus on an individualistic

orientation led to improvements in enjoyment and motivation compared to the outcomes of a

competitively focused environment. The logic also held in a sport setting: Seifriz, Duda, and

Chi (1992) found that when high school basketball players perceived an individual masteryoriented climate in their practice sessions they experienced more enjoyment and had higher

intrinsic motivation compared to those players who perceived practice as a more competitive

performance-oriented environment.
Also of immediate concern is the need to appreciate how events may be perceived as

controlling. The previously mentioned Thompson and Wankel (1980) study showed that the

perception of choice can be modified and other studies have revealed that the context in

which potentially controlling events occur makes a difference. For example, Ryan (1980)

found some sport specificity in whether athletes perceived sport scholarships as affirmations

of their competence (thus supporting intrinsic motivation), or as extrinsically controlling

(thus undermining intrinsic motivation). Specifically, athletes in the sport of football (where

scholarships were common at that time) were more likely to perceive the scholarships as

controlling than were wrestlers or female athletes (for whom scholarships were rare in the late

1970s).

Other research has shown several other factors that may or may not be perceived as

controlling depending on the social context and informational emphasis. For example,

competition, performance awards, and coaching styles can produce alternative outcomes.

Unfortunately, space limitations preclude a detailed citation of individual studies here, but it

may be sufficient to say that a common determining factor of an extrinsic focus is whether an

individual senses an external pressure to perform or behave in a particular way. Readers who

wish to look further at research on those topics are encouraged to read the review by

Vallerand, Deci, and Ryan (1987). Suggestions for practitioners may be found earlier in this

paper.

S UM MA RY 

This paper argues that intrinsic motivation is one key element in promoting active healthy

lifestyles. Figure 5.1, “The Stairway to Intrinsic Motivation,” provides a visual summary of

the various stages of personal motivation. The wise use of the guidelines presented in the

preceding pages will help people avoid the constraints of amotivation, and may help them to

move beyond externally controlled forms of motivation to self-determined and intrinsic

motivation. Well-tested theory suggests that personal competence and control are the essential

foundations of intrinsic motivation. Fortunately, a wide variety of sports and physical

activities are available, and these provide many opportunities for self-chosen optimal

challenges that can help all people to enjoy the sense of autonomy and mastery that

underpins intrinsic motivation. By their very nature, most physical activities are intrinsically

appealing because of their benefits to personal wellness, and because of the fun, excitement,

and thrills that can result from participation in them.

IN TRIN SIC MOTI VATI ON

“I do this beh avio r fo r it s ow n sa ke a nd b ecau se I wan t

to . I like the fee ling s of suc cess and enj oyme nt t hat

co me f rom doin g it rig ht.” 

IN TEGR ATED REG ULAT ION

“I do this beh avio r be caus e it sym boli zes who and what I a m.”

ID ENTI FIED REG ULAT ION

“I pur pose ly c hoos e to do this beh avio r be caus e it ’s a mea ns t o an end 

th at I val ue.” 

IN TROJ ECTE D RE GULA TION 

“I do this behavior because I feel a tension inside me (e.g., guilt) that pressures me

into doing it.”

EX TERN AL R EGUL ATIO N

“I do this beh avio r fo r pa y or a r ewar d—or bec ause I a m co erce d in to i t.”
AM OTIV ATIO N

“I t’s futi le f or m e to eve n at temp t th is b ehav ior beca use I do n’t see much 

ch ance of succ ess at i t— o r of rec eivi ng a ny o ther typ e of pay off. ”

*The different types of motivation are from Vallerand and Reid (1990) and Vallerand and

Bissonnette (1992). The examples of cognitive self-statements in the figure are based upon

their descriptions. The arrangement of the types into a stairway, and the inclusion of t h e

three thresholds is the work of the author of this paper.

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