The Federal Highway Administration report “Journey-to-Work Trends in the United 1

States and Its Major Metropolitan areas 1960–1990" describes commuting behavior at both

national and metropolitan levels using the U.S. Decennial Census.

Chapter 4/1

Chapter 4

Journey to Work by Part-Time Workers

INTRODUCTION

Worktrip travel in the United States is affected by several factors including demographic

characteristics of workers, availability of alternative modes of commuting, perceived travel time,

and supply and location of jobs. In the last 30 years, several significant changes in the U.S.

population have directly impacted on the commuting behavior of workers. These trends include

smaller household size, increasing population dispersion and urbanization, a growing workforce

(particularly in the service sector), and increasing female labor force participation. 

1

Although the automobile is the most common form of transportation for workers in the

United States, many people experience difficulty in getting to and from work as a result of lack of

transit alternatives or the opportunity to carpool. The impact of these barriers on work-related

trips may include limited access to jobs that could be easily reached by automobile, longer travel

time, and limited flexibility in combining work and household-related trips.

This chapter provides insights into the degree to which part-time workers experience

work-related transportation barriers and addresses the following questions: (1) What are the

availability and prevalence of automobile usage among part-time workers? (2) How do part-time

workers get to work, and how does travel mode impact travel time? (3) What is the relationship

between transportation, hours worked, occupation, and the worktrip behavior of part-time

workers? (4) Is household income the key factor in automobile availability? 
Chapter 4/2

AUTOMOBILE AVAILABILITY

The automobile is the primary mode of transportation in the journey to work for more

than 100 million Americans. Between 1960 and 1990, the use of private automobiles as

commuting vehicles increased dramatically, with the number of workers who drove alone to work

increasing from 43 million in 1960, to 101 million in 1990. In the same 30-year period, the

number of vehicles per household rose from 1.03 to 1.66 vehicles, while the number of vehicles

per worker declined slightly from 1.34 to 1.32. 

The proportion of households without any vehicle available dropped from 13 percent to

11.5 percent between 1980 and 1990. The proportion of those with three or more vehicles

remained constant. Although the automobile was the dominant mode of transportation in the

journey to work, modes such as public transit and walking provided critical alternatives, especially

in specific geographic locations. In general, automobile availability was similar among part-time

and full-time workers. Only 5 percent of part-time workers lived in households without any

automobile compared to 4 percent of full-time workers (Table 4.1), but, as will be discussed, this

proportion varied by household income.

Income

Automobile availability is directly related to a worker’s household and personal income.

As identified in the literature, part-time workers were more likely to make lower wages than fulltime workers and, therefore, were less likely to be able to afford the cost of purchasing and

maintaining an automobile. Part-time workers who lived in low-income households were more

likely than those living in high-income households to be without an automobile (Table 4.2). 
Chapter 4/3

Of those part-time workers living in households with no automobile, 15 percent had incomes of

less than $10,000. This figure compared to only 1 percent of workers living in households with

incomes of $60,000 or more. Overall, part-time workers earning less than $25,000 a year were

more likely to be without a vehicle. Marital status was also related to automobile ownership.

Proportionately more married than unmarried workers lived in higher-income households. Lowincome minority part-time workers were the group most likely to live in no-vehicle households

(Table 4.3). For example, the proportion of black households with less than a $10,000 income and

no automobile was twice that of the overall part-time workforce in the same income category.

Barrier to transportation may limit the participation of these workers the workforce. 

In terms of personal income, the disparity in automobile availability was dramatic (Table

4.4). Black part-time workers still represented the largest proportion of workers with no

automobiles. This was true across all levels of personal income and among all groups (females,

teens, seniors, and elderly). Most noteworthy was the fact that more than 20 percent of all black

part-time workers between 64 and 75 years old were in households with no auto, while 4 percent

of white elderly part-time workers were without a car. This disparity in automobile access for

seniors and elderly is an issue that may hold significant implications for the part-time workforce as

the population continues to age. Disability and other physical handicaps that accompany the aging

process, as well as diminishing income, have serious implications for automobile transportation

and worktrip behavior for this segment of the population. Accessibility issues for the elderly,

including private vehicle design, road system improvements, and transit alternatives, should be

thoroughly considered.
Chapter 4/4

TRIP MODE

Although 85 percent of part-time workers relied on automobiles for their commute, parttime workers were 6 percentage points less likely than full-time workers to use a car for their trip

to work (Table 4.5). Part-time workers used alternative modes of transportation at rates higher

than full-time workers. Public transit, walking, and bicycles were more important transportation

options among this group than among full-time workers. For example, in 1990, the proportion of

part-time workers who walked to work was almost three times higher than that of full-time

workers (8 percent vs. 3 percent).

Travel Time

Part-time workers spent an average of 21 minutes in their journey to work, with a median

commute time of 20 minutes. Using the median, Table 4.6 reflects the trip mode for two groups

of part-time workers— those who spent less than 20 minutes and those who spent 20 minutes or

more commuting. Because commuting the same distance by public transit typically takes longer

than commuting by private vehicle, most public transit commutes took longer than 20 minutes.

The average travel time for part-time workers using transit was 35 minutes (Figure 4.1). Spending

over one hour a day commuting to and from a part-time job makes the expenditure of time more

burdensome.

No-Vehicle Households

 In 1995, there were 8 million U.S. households without an available vehicle. This dearth

occurred predominantly in the households with the lowest incomes. Although they lived in novehicle households, 30 percent of these part-time workers still made the trip to work by
Chapter 4/5

automobile, as carpoolers (Table 4.7). They also used other important modes of transportation to

commute, including public transit (27 percent) and walking (22 percent). Teenagers were the

most likely to walk to work (Figure 4.2). Compared with the overall part-time workforce, there is

a clear indication that part-time workers with no automobile in the household face significant

commuting disadvantages because they lack the flexibility associated with using an automobile.

These workers had the highest rate of using public transit, as well as the highest rate of walking to

work, a situation that may constrain them in their work search to only those jobs that are within

walking distance of their homes or are easily accessible by public transit.

Carpooling

Although the majority of part-time workers using automobiles drove to work alone, many

carpooled with someone else. Those in households with no cars were more likely to carpool

(Figure 4.3). There was very little difference in the proportion of full-time and part-time workers

who carpooled or drove alone to work (Table 4.8). An automobile in the household does not

necessarily indicate access to a vehicle. Not everyone in the household may be able to drive alone

to work, or have direct access to the vehicle. They may have to ride with others. Six percent of

part-time workers who carpooled lived in households with no available automobile, and close to a

third of them lived in households with only one vehicle available (Table 4.9). 

A slightly larger proportion of part-time than full-time workers who carpooled lived in

households with no vehicle available. From Table 4.9 one can infer, given the rate of carpooling

as worktrip behavior among this group, that part-time workers who lived with limited access to

an automobile found it more convenient to travel to work by car. The data suggest that these

workers opt to carpool because they have easy access to an automobile through someone else, or
Chapter 4/6

because they need an automobile to access their jobs. Despite the fact that a nearly equal

proportion of part-time and full-time workers lived in households with limited vehicle access

(Table 4.1), a higher proportion of part-time than full-time workers carpooled in their journey to

work (Table 4.9). This suggests that part-time workers may carpool out of necessity, while fulltime workers do so by choice.

Part-time workers who lived in households with only one vehicle were more likely to

participate in carpooling than to drive to work alone. This suggests that while a vehicle is

available, there may be more than one worker in the household who wants or needs to use it,

making vehicle-sharing strategy a part of the daily commute. Although carpooling provides an

automobile for those with limited access, work departure times may be more difficult to

coordinate. This, of course, adds another constraint to the automobile transportation barrier. If

part-time workers leave for work at varying times, according to their occupations, carpooling

might not be an easy solution to overcoming the barrier. 

DEPARTURE TIME

Most full-time workers begin their workday in the morning, usually between 7:30 a.m. 

and 8:30 a.m. While part-time work can also conform to these hours, the working hours for jobs

dominated by part-time workers, such as sales and service occupations, are more widely

distributed throughout the day. Part-time workers in these occupations are therefore more likely

to leave for work during hours that differ from those of the regular full-time workforce. 

Table 4.10 reflects the work departure time of full-time and part-time workers in 1990. 

More than two-thirds of all full-time workers left home between 6 a.m. and 8:29 a.m. Only 40
Chapter 4/7

percent of part-time workers departed during this same time period. Part-time workers left in

greater proportions between later morning (8:30 a.m.–10:30 a.m.) and early afternoon (12

noon–4 p.m.) hours. In general, public transit schedules are limited during these hours, and

private automobiles become an important mode in the journey to work because they afford the

necessary flexibility of movement.

The proportion of part-time workers who left for work after 12 noon was three times

higher than that of full-time workers. Almost a third of all female and more than two-thirds of all

teenage part-time workers departed for work after 12 noon. The departure pattern demonstrated

by teenage part-time workers reflects their need to combine school and work.

Table 4.11 reflects the transportation mode used by part-time workers who left for work

during the primary-workforce commuting hours of 6 a.m. to 8:30 a.m. and those who departed

after 12 noon. In general, part-time workers who left for work in the early morning hours used an

automobile more frequently than those departing in the afternoon. The proportion of all groups

using public transit was slightly lower in the afternoon than in the morning, while the proportion

of women and teenagers walking to work increased in the afternoon.

FEMALE PART-TIME WORKERS

Women, who have been identified as a dominant group in the part-time workforce, travel

to work in most part by automobile (Figure 4.4). However, several studies of worktrip behavior

have shown that differences in their travel behavior do exist. Various domestic responsibilities

significantly impact their commuting times. 

Preston et al. (1993) suggest that women have shorter commuting times because they

have greater family responsibilities. Gordon et al. (1989) argue that women have shorter
Chapter 4/8

commutes because the jobs in which they predominate (sales, clerical, and secretarial) are

ubiquitous and offer similar wages at different locations: women, therefore, do not have to travel

far to get an acceptable job.

Travel Time

Part-time workers in general have shorter commutes than the general workforce (Table

4.12). Two-thirds of all part-time workers compared to one-half of the general workforce traveled

to work in less than 20 minutes. Sixty-three percent of female part-time workers compared to 52

percent of the general workforce traveled to work in less than 20 minutes. Although we do not

know the distance traveled, the shorter commute probably reflects the shorter commuting

distances part-time workers opt for. Women who commute by automobile take a much shorter

time to get to work than those who use public transit (Figure 4.5).

In 1990, there were 8.3 million married women and 6.2 million unmarried women, i.e.,

divorced, widowed, separated, or never married, in the part-time workforce. Fifty-nine percent) of

the married and 13 percent of the unmarried women had children under age 18 in the household.

The overwhelming majority of unmarried female part-time workers (87 percent) had no children

under 18 years old in the household. 

Family life has been found to have a profound impact on the travel behavior of women in

the United States. For example, single and married mothers have different travel patterns than do

men and childless women. Table 4.13 reflects the average travel time for married and unmarried

women with and without children in the household. While differences are small, a clear difference

in commuting time between married and unmarried women with children exists. Unmarried

women with children average a longer commute (19 minutes) than any other segment of the
Chapter 4/9

female workforce. This difference could be related to the fact that these women dominate the

low-income groups more likely to depend on public transit for their daily commute, or to the fact

that they accept a longer commute to get a good job because they are also likely to be heads of

household.

Travel Mode

In fact unmarried women with children under age 18 used the automobile for worktrips at

a lower rate than their married counterparts. These single women with children also used public

transport at a rate that was higher than women in other marital and child status categories (Table

4.14). Unmarried women with no children had the lowest rate of auto usage. This may account

for their longer average commute time compared to other women (Figure 4.6). 

Occupation

The work departure times of women across part-time occupation groups are shown in

Table 4.15 and reflect the diversity of departure associated with various part-time jobs. More than

half of all women part-time workers in professional occupations left for work between 

6:00 a.m. and 8:29 a.m., when the majority of full-time workers were also departing. In contrast,

only 20 percent of the part-time sales workers departed for work during these hours. 

Professional occupations are more skilled and women in these jobs are most likely to work

part time voluntarily in order to combine work and family responsibilities. They are also likely to

live in middle-to high-income households with access to automobiles for their journey to work.

Compared to the rest of the part-time or full-time population in similar jobs, a slightly larger

proportion of females working in professional jobs took 20 minutes or more to commute to their

jobs.
Chapter 4/10

TEENAGE PART-TIME WORKERS

The majority of teenagers identified as part-time workers were enrolled in school;

therefore, their work hours and travel options were more limited. They comprised the largest

proportion of workers (76 percent) who traveled to work in less than then 20 minutes. This figure

compared to all workers compared to all workers (52 percent), or part-time workers (63 percent)

in general. Evidence suggests that they worked within walking distance of their home.

Travel Time

Since these teens in most cases combine school and work, teen commuting patterns were

generally different from the rest of the part-time population. A much lower percentage of teens

departed for work during the morning rush hour. A third of them left for work in the early

afternoon between noon and 3:59 p.m., and another third departed in the late afternoon between

4:00 p.m. and 5:59 p.m. (Table 4.10). Teen departure times were consistent even across

occupation groups: more than two-thirds of teenagers left for work in the afternoon, regardless of

occupation (Table 4.15). 

Travel Mode and Occupation

We know that teenagers are more likely to walk to work. However, we do not know the

extent to which they are doing this because they have no automobile. Do these teenagers look for

work within walking distance only because they combine school and work, or would they look for

jobs in other locales if they had access to an automobile? If one leaves for work after midday and

does not have an automobile, the trip will involve, in most cases, the use of public transit. Are

teenage part-time workers hampered in their part-time work access by these factors? 
Chapter 4/11

While these questions cannot be answered here, the evidence shows that the largest

proportion of teenage part-time workers who depart for work after 12 noon work in sales and

service jobs (Table 4.15). More than two-thirds of teens in these occupations leave for work

between midday and 6:00 p.m. These jobs usually afford part-time workers greater scheduling

flexibility for combining school and work, and they tend to match teen skill levels.

SENIOR AND ELDERLY PART-TIME WORKERS

More than a fifth of all senior and elderly part-time workers traveled 30 minutes or more

in their journey to work (Table 4.12). Almost half of this group left for work between the hours of

6:00 a.m. and 8:29 a.m., a higher proportion than that of women or teens, but the same period

during which the majority of full-time workers departed. Slightly more than a third of senior and

elderly part-time workers departed for work in the late morning hours, between 8:30 a.m. and

11:59 a.m. Compared to other part-time workers, very few seniors and elderly left for work in the

afternoon hours. Because public transit runs on a non-rush-hour schedule during these hours,

access to an automobile is increasingly important to this group for mobility.

Travel Mode and Occupation

While most senior and elderly part-time workers departed for work in the morning, there

were slight variations based on occupation. Those seniors and elderly in service, handling, or

laborer positions had a much more varied departure time. They were more likely than any other

occupation group to leave for work in the early morning hours between 12 midnight and 6:00

a.m. (Table 4.15). An automobile is vital to this group during this time of the morning, as public

transit is rarely available.
Chapter 4/12

CONCLUSION 

The automobile remains the single most important mode of commuting transportation for

the majority of part-time workers. Although part-time workers were more likely to face

automobile transportation barriers in their journey to work than their full-time counterparts (even

within households with limited auto availability), part-time workers still traveled to work by car,

through carpooling.

It appeared that part-time workers were more dependent on public transit, due, in part, to

limited automobile access. This dependence limits their flexibility in choice of worksite, jobdeparture times, and freedom to combine worktrip and household-related trips. Part-time workers

departing for work in the late morning or early afternoon were more likely to experience these

limitations posed by public transit, since during those hours most transit services operate with

limited frequency.

We found wide variations in journey-to-work behavior across the various part-time groups

that were identified. Teenagers tended to differ widely from the rest of the population in a variety

of ways. They generally left for work in the afternoon, and a larger proportion of them walked to

their jobs. Unmarried women living with children under 18 years old took longer to get to work.

Although we cannot tell the extent to which trip-chaining caused this slow journey, this is an

important finding since most of these women generally lived in low-income households.

Departure time for work by part-time workers was closely associated with their

occupations. Professionals tended to leave for work in the morning, while those in sales and

service occupations left much later in the day. Most senior and elderly part-time workers
Chapter 4/13

departed for work during the hours when the majority of full-time workers set out on their

worktrip.