U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office

Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800

Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001

76–692 PDF 2012

S. HRG. 112–605 

THE NEXT TEN YEARS IN THE FIGHT AGAINST 

HUMAN TRAFFICKING: ATTACKING THE PROBLEM WITH THE RIGHT TOOLS 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

JULY 17, 2012 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 

( 

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts, Chairman

BARBARA BOXER, California 

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey 

BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland 

ROBERT P. CASEY, JR., Pennsylvania 

JIM WEBB, Virginia 

JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire 

CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware 

RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois 

TOM UDALL, New Mexico 

RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana 

BOB CORKER, Tennessee 

JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho 

MARCO RUBIO, Florida 

JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma 

JIM DEMINT, South Carolina 

JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia 

JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming 

MIKE LEE, Utah 

WILLIAM C. DANVERS, Staff Director

KENNETH A. MYERS, JR., Republican Staff Director

(II)

C O N T E N T S 

Page 

Abramowitz, David, vice president, Policy and Government Relations, 

Humanity United, Washington, DC ................................................................... 11 

Prepared statement .......................................................................................... 13 

Burkhalter, Holly, vice president, Government Relations, International Justice Mission, Washington, DC ............................................................................. 21 

Prepared statement .......................................................................................... 24 

Kerry, Hon. John F., U.S. Senator from Massachusetts, opening statement ..... 1 

Pinkett Smith, Jada, actress and advocate, Don’t Sell Bodies, Los Angeles, 

CA .......................................................................................................................... 7 

Prepared statement .......................................................................................... 9 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Two articles submitted as an attachment to David Abramowitz’s prepared 

statement: 

Testimony of Neha Misra, senior specialist, Migration and Human Trafficking, Solidarity Center ............................................................................. 54 

Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking letter to U.S. Senate Committee 

on Appropriations ......................................................................................... 59 

(III)

(5) 

THE NEXT TEN YEARS IN THE FIGHT 

AGAINST HUMAN TRAFFICKING: ATTACKING 

THE PROBLEM WITH THE RIGHT TOOLS 

TUESDAY, JULY 17, 2012 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:35 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John F. Kerry 

(chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Kerry, Boxer, Cardin, Webb, Durbin, and 

Rubio. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN F. KERRY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

The CHAIRMAN. The hearing will come to order. 

Thank you all very much for being here with us this morning. 

We meet this morning to discuss one of the great moral challenges of our time, the fight against human trafficking. Really, that 

is almost a light word for what it is. It is really slavery, modernday slavery. 

We have barely broken the seal on the 21st century, but already 

it has been marked by an all too familiar nightmare: the enslavement of men, women, and children for the purposes of forced labor, 

sexual exploitation, and other egregious violations of human rights. 

Trafficking in persons is really a blight on world communities. It 

can be found on Thai fishing boats where Cambodian men are 

lured under false pretenses and subjected to forced labor at sea. It 

ensnares young Nepalese women who are coerced into a sex industry that ships them off to destinations in the Persian Gulf, and it 

steals away the lives of Haitian children who are taken from their 

families, deprived of education, and forced to labor in a home that 

is not their own. 

It is remarkable that there are an estimated 27 million people 

enslaved in the world today and up to 800,000 people trafficked 

across international borders each year. With annual profits as high 

as $32 billion, this criminal enterprise—and that is what it is, a 

criminal enterprise—has inhumanely commercialized large swaths 

of humanity where everything, even the lives of young boys and 

girls, are up for sale. 

This is not a new issue and it is not one that Americans come 

to without bearing our share of responsibility. According to the 

2012 Trafficking in Persons Report, ‘‘the United States is a source, 

6 

transit, and destination country for men, women, and children, 

both U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, subjected to forced labor, 

debt bondage, involuntary servitude and sex trafficking.’’ That is 

an amazing statement and I hope it would inspire outrage in everybody. 

Edmund Burke once said that all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing. Well, we cannot stand 

by and do nothing as housekeepers brought to the United States 

found themselves imprisoned in their homes. We cannot stand by 

as migrant agricultural laborers are enslaved by their American 

employers and subjected to unfair wages and labor practices while 

they toil to pay off large recruiting debts. Slavery, whether in the 

United States or abroad, must be recognized, rejected, and eliminated. We must identify the problem in all its forms, confront the 

challenges that undermine our best efforts and pinpoint the tools 

that are most effective at overcoming them. And that is what we 

are here to discuss today. 

The fight against trafficking in persons has always inspired 

strong bipartisan support in Congress. In 2000, Congress passed, 

and President Clinton signed, the historic Trafficking Victims Protection Act which established a coordinated U.S. Government 

framework based on the so-called three P’s: prevention, protection, 

and prosecution. To these three P’s, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has added a crucial fourth, partnerships with local governments and organizations. 

A comprehensive U.S. response to the global scourge of human 

trafficking is long overdue and we know that much work remains 

to be done. We can start by focusing our development efforts on the 

underlying causes of human trafficking, including the economic factors that render men, women, and children vulnerable to exploitation. We must also engage in a multifaceted approach and work in 

coordination with law enforcement agencies, victim services, and 

community organizations. We must focus on prevention strategies 

that target transparency and business supply chains, eliminating 

the market for slave-made goods, and of course, we must assist 

other governments in their efforts to build sustainable public justice systems so perpetrators of human trafficking are held accountable. 

It is a pleasure to be here today. There are a number of colleagues who will join us. Senators Boxer and Cardin have been 

very involved in this issue and have shown leadership on it along 

the way, and last year, along with Senator Leahy and others, we 

introduced the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act. 

I intend to continue to work closely with my colleagues to ensure 

that we put together a strong and effective antitrafficking program 

that can tackle this obviously horrific and unfortunately widespread challenge. 

In the end, none of us can escape our moral obligation to be a 

leader in the fight against this modern-day slavery. History teaches 

us that we are safest and stronger when the world hears from 

America and when America takes the lead and we share the destiny of all people on this planet. That has always inspired people 

and it always will. But the triumph of injustice is manmade and 

7 

so too can injustice be undone at the hands of good men and 

women who take action. 

To help us do that today, we are fortunate to have three people 

who understand their obligation. 

Jada Pinkett Smith is a passionate and articulate advocate for 

combating human slavery. Inspired by her daughter, Willow, who 

is here with us today, she conceived the campaign ‘‘Don’t Sell Bodies,’’ and today she is applying her talents to raise awareness of 

this issue around the world. 

David Abramowitz is vice president for Policy and Government 

Relations at Humanity United, and previously David served as 

chief counsel of the House Foreign Affairs Committee where he 

helped author the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 and 

the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008. 

And finally, we have Holly Burkhalter, vice president for Government Relations at the International Justice Mission. Holly is one 

of our leading advocates against human slavery, and together with 

her colleagues at IJM, she has pioneered innovative partnerships 

with local law enforcement agencies and worked tirelessly to promote sustainable public justice systems across the globe. 

So we welcome all of you and look forward to hearing your 

insights about how we can take on this complex and pressing 

challenge. 

Senator Lugar, I think, is tied up at the Agriculture Committee, 

so we will proceed directly to your testimonies. Jada, if you would 

lead off, and then Mr. Abramowitz and Ms. Burkhalter. And thank 

you again very much for being here with us. Your full testimonies 

will be placed in the record as if read in full. If you want to summarize, it is up to you, but we appreciate your time. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF JADA PINKETT SMITH, ACTRESS AND 

ADVOCATE, DON’T SELL BODIES, LOS ANGELES, CA 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Lugar, and the distinguished members of the committee and 

staff. It is an honor to be here with you all today to discuss the 

important issue of human trafficking. 

In 1865, just 3 months after Congress approved the 13th amendment abolishing slavery, Frederick Douglass addressed the American Anti-Slavery Society, urging the society not to disband. ‘‘They 

would not call it slavery, but some other name,’’ he said. ‘‘Slavery 

has been fruitful in giving itself names and you and I and all of 

us had better wait and see in what new skin this old snake will 

come forth.’’ 

So as we all know, Douglass was right. This old monster is still 

with us. Today there are an estimated 27 million slaves worldwide, 

more than at any point in history. We call these men and women 

and children the victims of human trafficking. They represent 

every nationality, ethnicity, age group, and they can be found 

everywhere, including here in the United States. Here, almost 150 

years after the abolition of slavery in the United States, conservative estimates suggest that 40,000 people are enslaved on our soil 

at any moment. 

8 

Now, this is an ugly and too often invisible problem. Until 

recently, I like many people was unaware of its prevalence and 

magnitude. It took my 11-year-old daughter, Willow, who is here 

with us today, to bring it to my attention. After watching the Kony 

2012 video and learning that children in Africa were being stolen 

from their families, forced into sexual slavery or used as child soldiers, she started doing some research. She discovered that this 

was not only happening to children in Africa or far-off places, but 

that children in every country, including our own, are being forced 

into slavery. Now, this spurred me into action. I began to educate 

myself on this issue as well—reading, traveling, meeting survivors 

and service providers, law enforcement, public officials, and everyday citizens fighting against slavery. 

Now, here with us today I decided to bring three survivor soldiers that I would like to recognize. We have Minh; we have 

Monica; and we have Jamm. 

Now, Minh was sexually abused by her father beginning at the 

age of 3. At age 11, her father began selling her to other men. At 

14, Minh’s mother felt she was not receiving her fair share of the 

money that Minh was generating, so she began selling her herself. 

All of this torture and abuse was taking place while Minh attended 

public school, received straight A’s, and played competitive soccer. 

It happened right underneath everyone’s noses. 

Now, here we have Monica who ran away from an abusive home 

and was on the streets at the age of 15 where she was kidnapped 

by seven men. They all beat her, raped her, and eventually turned 

her over to another man who forced her to sell her body for his 

financial gain. Monica was constantly in and out of the juvenile 

justice system 16 times between the ages of 15 and 17. 

Jamm was an HIV-negative child born to parents diagnosed with 

AIDS who died by the time she was 10. Jamm was forced to live 

with her mother’s sister, a woman who is a unified district school 

teacher in Los Angeles Public School System. And there she experienced further sexual abuse from her aunt, her aunt’s husband, and 

her cousins. For 4 years, her aunt sold her to over 100 pedophiles 

and child rapists. Trying to escape, Jamm stole her aunt’s cell 

phone to try and call for help. Her aunt called the police to report 

the phone stolen and at age 15, Jamm was arrested. 

Now, today through hard work, perseverance, and support of 

social programs, Minh is a graduate student at UC-Berkeley getting her MSW and Ph.D. in social welfare. The recipient of a prestigious fellowship, Minh is studying the long-term impact of child 

abuse, trauma recovery, and studying the health and well-being of 

survivors of human trafficking. 

Monica was introduced to a wonderful program that serves commercially sexually exploited children called MISSSEY. She progressed on to become a part-time MISSSEY staff member and 

began working part-time for Youth Radio. During her time at 

Youth Radio, Monica was one of two key reporters that produced 

‘‘Trafficked’’ which was later awarded the Peabody Award, Gracie 

Award, and the Edward R. Murrow Award. Currently Monica is a 

full-time staff member at MISSSEY and a part-time student. 

And finally, we have Jamm, and she was finally recognized as a 

victim and offered the specialized help that victims of human trafVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00008 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6601 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
9 

ficking need. She is enrolled at West LA College for the fall term. 

She is working hard so that she can transfer to USC in the fall of 

2013. 

These women are just three of the faces of human trafficking, but 

they remind us of why we are here today. The United States has 

been a leader in the fight against human trafficking for more than 

a decade, and Congress has been at the forefront of those efforts. 

In 2000, again in 2003, 2005, and 2008, members of both parties 

came together to pass the Trafficking Victims Protection Act containing provisions to combat domestic and international trafficking 

and to assist victims of trafficking. The law also authorized millions of dollars in expenditures across a range of Government agencies to support these efforts. Now, I have met beneficiaries of those 

expenditures in the United States and abroad, and I have seen 

firsthand the transformative effects of those programs, women, 

girls, men, boys whose lives were stolen and restored. 

Now, despite these great efforts, the problem of human trafficking is growing here in the United States and abroad. Meanwhile, 

the TVPA expired last year. While some TVPA programs have received appropriations for fiscal year 2012, future funding is not 

guaranteed. Now, as a result, Government agencies and their implementing partners are constrained in their ability to develop and 

implement long-term interventions. 

As we look forward to the next decade, we must renew our commitment to ending the scourge of slavery. This means reauthorizing the TVPA, ensuring that antitrafficking programs receive 

adequate funding. Fighting slavery does not cost a lot of money. 

The costs of allowing it to exist in our Nation and abroad are much 

higher. It robs us of the thing we value the most, our freedom. And 

we know what that freedom is worth. We have paid a high price 

to defend it here and abroad. 

For those of us joined in this effort now, let our legacy be to 

deliver on the promise of the Emancipation Proclamation, making 

freedom a reality for all who have been victimized, like the women 

who are here with us today, and for our future generations. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Pinkett Smith follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JADA PINKETT SMITH

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Lugar, and distinguished members 

of the committee and staff. It is an honor to be here with you all today to discuss 

the important issue of human trafficking. 

In 1865, just 3 months after Congress approved the 13th amendment abolishing 

slavery, Frederick Douglass addressed the American Anti-Slavery Society, urging 

the Society not to disband. ‘‘They would not call it slavery, but some other name,’’ 

he said. ‘‘Slavery has been fruitful in giving itself names . . . and you and I and 

all of us had better wait and see . . . in what new skin this old snake will come 

forth.’’ 

Douglass was right, this old monster is still with us. Today there are an estimated 

27 million slaves worldwide—more than at any point in history. We call these men, 

women, and children the victims of human trafficking. They represent every nationality, ethnicity, and age group, and they can be found everywhere, including here 

in the United States. Here, almost 150 years after the abolition of slavery in the 

United States, conservative estimates suggest that 40,000 people are enslaved on 

our own soil at any moment. 

This is an ugly, and too often invisible, problem. Until recently, I—like many people—was unaware of its prevalence and magnitude. It took my 11-year-old daughter, 

Willow, who is here with us today, to bring it to my attention. After watching the 

10 

Kony 2012 video and learning that children in Africa were being stolen from their 

families, forced into sexual slavery or used as child soldiers, she started doing some 

research. She discovered that this wasn’t only happening to children in Africa or far 

off places, but that children in every country—including our own—are being forced 

into slavery. Spurred into action, I began to educate myself on this issue as well— 

reading, traveling, meeting survivors and service providers, law enforcement and 

public officials, and everyday citizens fighting against slavery. 

Here with us today we have three incredible survivors that I would to recognize: 

Minh, Monica, and Jamm. 

Minh was sexually abused by her father beginning at the age of 3. At age 11, her 

father began selling her to other men. At 14, Minh’s mother felt she wasn’t receiving 

her fair share of the money Minh was generating so began selling Minh herself. All 

of this torture and abuse was taking place while Minh attended public school, received straight A’s and played competitive soccer. It happened right under everyone’s noses. 

Running away from an abusive home, Monica, on the streets at the age of 15, was 

kidnapped by seven men. They all beat and raped her and eventually turned her 

over to another man, who would force her to sell her body for his financial gain. 

Monica was recidivated in and out of the juvenile justice system 16 times between 

the ages of 15 and 17. 

Jamm was an HIV negative child born to parents diagnosed with AIDS who died 

by the time Jamm was 10. Jamm was forced to live with her mother’s sister, a 

woman who is a unified district schoolteacher in the Los Angeles Public School System. There, she experienced further sexual abuse from her aunt, her aunt’s husband, and her cousins. For 4 years, her aunt sold her to over a hundred pedophiles 

and child rapists. Trying to escape, Jamm stole her aunt’s cell phone to try and call 

for help. Her aunt called the police to report the phone stolen and at age 15, Jamm 

was arrested and treated like a criminal. 

Today through hard work, perseverance and the support of social programs, Minh 

is a graduate student at UC-Berkeley getting her MSW and Ph.D. in Social Welfare. 

The recipient of a prestigious fellowship, Minh is studying the long-term impact of 

child abuse and trauma recovery, and studying the health and well-being of survivors of human trafficking. 

Monica was introduced to a program that serves commercially sexually exploited 

children (MISSSEY, Inc.). She progressed on to become a part-time MISSSEY staff 

member and began working part-time for Youth Radio. During her time at Youth 

Radio, Monica was one of two key reporters that produced ‘‘Trafficked,’’ which later 

was awarded the Peabody Award, Gracie Award and the Edward R Murrow Award. 

Currently Monica is a full-time staff member at MISSSEY and a part-time student. 

Jamm was finally recognized as a victim and offered the specialized help that victims of human trafficking need. She is enrolled at West LA College for the fall term. 

She is working hard so that she can transfer to USC in the fall of 2013. 

These women are just three of the faces of human trafficking, but they remind 

us of why we are here today. The United States has been a leader in the fight 

against human trafficking for more than a decade, and Congress has been at the 

forefront of those efforts. In 2000, and again in 2003, 2005, and 2008, members of 

both parties came together to pass the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), 

containing provisions to combat domestic and international trafficking and to assist 

victims of trafficking. The law also authorized millions of dollars in expenditures 

across a range of government agencies to support these efforts. I have met beneficiaries of those expenditures in the United States and abroad. I have seen firsthand the transformative effects of those programs. Women, girls, men, and boys 

whose lives were stolen and restored. 

Despite these great efforts, the problem of human trafficking is growing, here in 

the United States and abroad. Meanwhile, the TVPA expired last year. While some 

TVPA programs have received appropriations for fiscal year 2012, future funding is 

not guaranteed. As a result, government agencies and their implementing partners 

are constrained in their ability to develop and implement long-term interventions. 

As we look forward to the next decade, we must renew our commitment to ending 

the scourge of slavery. This means reauthorizing the TVPA and ensuring that 

antitrafficking programs receive adequate funding. Fighting slavery doesn’t cost a 

lot of money. The costs of allowing it to exist in our Nation and abroad are much 

higher. It robs us of the thing we value most—our freedom. 

We know what that freedom is worth. We have paid a high price to defend it here 

and abroad. For those of us joined in this effort now, let our legacy be to deliver 

on Emancipation’s promise, making freedom a reality for all who have been victimized—like the women here with us today—and for future generations. 

11 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Jada. I appreciate it. 

Mr. Abramowitz. 

STATEMENT OF DAVID ABRAMOWITZ, VICE PRESIDENT, POLICY AND GOVERNMENT RELATIONS, HUMANITY UNITED, 

WASHINGTON, DC 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Mr. Chairman, Senator Rubio, Senator Durbin, 

thank you for holding this very important hearing and thanks for 

giving me the opportunity to testify today. 

I work for Humanity United, which is a philanthropic organization based in San Francisco that works on building peace and 

advancing human freedom, including through the fight to combat 

modern-day slavery. 

Mr. Chairman, as you know and as you stated in your fine opening statement, human trafficking remains a huge problem around 

the globe. Just last month, the International Labor Organization 

issued a new global estimate that used a definition very similar to 

the one in U.S. law that you have worked so hard on that estimated that any given moment, there are 21 million people in forced 

labor in modern-day slavery. 

But these are not just numbers. I just want to compliment Ms. 

Pinkett Smith for raising out three specific examples of survivor 

voices, which has always been an important element of the trafficking movement, to elevate survivor voices, to demonstrate that 

this is an abuse that can be overcome and people can move on with 

their lives. So I just want to thank you for doing that and I want 

to thank the courage of those who are willing to stand forward and 

have their stories, which are very difficult stories, be told. 

As we continue to combat this challenge, Mr. Chairman, I want 

to highlight several lessons of the past decade that I think we have 

learned. 

First, we have learned that traffickers most often use coercion 

and fear not chains to enslave victims. But that is often not well 

understood by the U.S. public who more focus on the inability to 

leave as opposed to these subtle forms of coercion. 

Second, we have learned that sex and labor trafficking frequently 

go hand in hand. When I was in Nepal in 2010, I was shocked to 

hear from service providers that such dual exploitation is as high 

as 90 percent of those who have left their villages seeking better 

opportunities. 

Third, we have learned how widespread trafficking is and that 

in any given week, each of us may well have eaten, driven, dressed, 

or texted with some product that involves in part modern-day 

slavery. 

Fourth, and in that connection, we have learned that we need an 

all-of-the-above approach embracing many disciplines and engaging 

many actors. And perhaps we can talk about that in the dialogue 

to come. 

Mr. Chairman, let me sketch out some of the solutions to these 

problems which are described in detail in my written statement. 

First, developing coalitions and partnerships can maximize impact. At Humanity United, we support the Alliance to End Slavery 

and Trafficking, which is a group of 12 U.S. human rights organizations that work on slavery both here and in the United States, 

12 

and we are also trying to foster collaboration between civil society 

at the State and local level around the United States with law 

enforcement. We have to build these types of local partnerships not 

only in the United States, but also globally. 

Second, as you indicated, Mr. Chairman, we need to address supply chains but also foreign labor recruiters. Some companies are 

signing up to a zero tolerance policy in their supply chains, and in 

2010, a number agreed to more detailed implementation guidelines 

that could make a real difference in fighting modern-day slavery. 

Additionally, the new California Transparency in Supply Chains 

Act now requires transparency on what companies are doing to 

eliminate modern-day slavery from their supply chains. This will 

allow us to learn from the leaders in this field but also urge the 

laggards to do more. 

Civil society and the private sector are also developing new 

standards to reduce exploitation by foreign labor recruiters, many 

of whom you suggested are creating some of the terrible exploitation that we have seen in the fishing industry in Thailand. These 

sometimes unscrupulous actors not only lure girls to the brothels 

of Phnom Penh but have also put legal H–2B workers in forced 

labor in the U.S. shrimping industry on the gulf coast. The new 

standards to address this issue include greater transparency on 

terms of employment and the complete prohibition of fees, and all 

businesses that use foreign labor recruiters should demand that 

these standards be met. 

We also have to develop smarter interventions in vulnerable communities, expand our assistance to survivors, and increase prosecution of perpetrators. And I think we can discuss some of these later 

in the hearing. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I have to say that as much as we have 

learned over the last 10 to 12 years, we must be honest that we 

still need to invest more in learning. We need to hone in on the 

interventions that really work and while we know something, some 

important elements, we need to learn more. 

Mr. Chairman, as my colleagues will say and as Ms. Pinkett 

Smith has said, much of what has happened in the last 10 years 

is based on strong U.S. leadership which has to continue. 

First, we need to strengthen U.S. diplomacy, as discussed in my 

written statement. 

Second, the United States can do more on supply chains. The 

Department of Agriculture recently put out voluntary guidelines on 

trying to keep slavery out of food supply chains, and they have just 

put out at the end of last month a $5 million RFA, request for proposals and agreements, to try to see how we can pilot those new 

guidelines. I think it is very exciting and something we should be 

looking at carefully. 

Senator Rubio is going to be holding a briefing on supply chains 

on this Thursday afternoon, and hopefully that can lead to Federal 

legislation mirroring the California Transparency Act. 

And I would also like to see the Department of Labor issue longdelayed supply chain guidelines as mandated by current law. 

Third, the United States can reinforce standards on foreign 

recruiters as laid out in my statement. I note that recent Department of Labor rules for H–2B workers actually put in some key 

13 

protections, not enough in our view, but certainly very important 

steps forward. But those rules are now under attack in the U.S. 

courts and they are subjects to an appropriation rider that I hope 

the Senate reconsiders during the legislative process. 

Fourth, the United States can pass the TVPRA, S. 1301, which 

you have had such a huge role in authoring, Mr. Chairman, as well 

as Senator Rubio with the cosponsorship of both Senator Durbin 

and Senator Cardin. And I do not think I could speak any more eloquently about the importance of that legislation than Ms. Pinkett 

Smith did. But there are also some other legislation regarding Government contracting and strengthening child welfare protections 

that I think deserve a review. 

Finally, this committee can help increase the priority trafficking 

is given by ensuring that assistant secretarial and ambassadorial 

nominees are routinely asked questions about trafficking and you 

bring this issue up when you travel abroad. This is a low or nocost intervention that can yield tremendous benefits over the long 

term as countries and officials see this as a continuing important 

element of U.S. foreign policy. 

Mr. Chairman, we obviously still have a distance to travel in our 

efforts to end this scourge. As we approach the 150th anniversary 

of the Emancipation Proclamation this September, we must be 

humbled that slavery is still present in the United States and even 

prevalent around the world. We in civil society stand ready to partner with you and together to try to take more steps on the path 

toward eradicating this modern-day slavery and advancing the 

cause of human freedom. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Abramowitz follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DAVID S. ABRAMOWITZ

Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, and other distinguished members of the committee, thank you for holding this hearing on one of the most terrible human rights 

abuses of our times—the widespread occurrence of modern-day slavery and human 

trafficking, and thank you for giving me the opportunity to testify today. 

Mr. Chairman, I am the Vice President of Policy and Government Relations at 

Humanity United. Humanity United is a philanthropic organization based in San 

Francisco, CA, that works to build peace and advance human freedom by combating 

human trafficking and ending modern-day slavery and also works to build peace 

here in the United States and around the globe. As I will discuss below in more 

detail, our work targets several key tipping points toward advancing human freedom, from funding people who directly combat human trafficking in their communities to engaging multinational corporations, who have the ability to eliminate 

forced labor in their products and services. 

SCOPE AND NATURE OF TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS AND MODERN DAY SLAVERY

Mr. Chairman, human trafficking continues to inflict suffering on tens of millions 

of people around the globe. It is one of the most pressing human rights challenges 

of our time, yet also crosses over into such diverse areas as transnational crime, 

international humanitarian law, domestic and international labor frameworks, and 

migration, among others. 

Just last month, the International Labor Organization (ILO) issued a new report 

on the prevalence of forced labor, using a definition that substantially overlaps with 

most forms of human trafficking and modern-day slavery. ILO estimates that at any 

given moment, 20.9 million suffer from this these abuses,1 with private estimates 

ranging as high as 27 million. The U.N. Office of Drugs and Crimes has cited estimates that human trafficking in all its forms yields $32 billion in profits every 

year.2 And despite this committee’s good work and international efforts by a wide 

array of countries, some believe that the worldwide economic downturn has led to 

14 

a surge in human trafficking as those desperate for some way to sustain themselves 

become more vulnerable to the predators who perpetuate modern-day slavery.3

Mr. Chairman, this is not a matter of numbers: each individual story of tremendous suffering and exploitation is a human rights tragedy that violates our values 

and beliefs. As you know, this is also not a far away problem that affects distant 

lands. It remains a shock to most Americans but thousands of adults are trafficked 

into forced or exploitative labor right here in the United States, and some experts 

estimate that 200,000 to 300,000 U.S. children and youth are at risk of being trafficked into commercial sex.4 Moreover, the number of calls to the National Human 

Trafficking Resource Center hotline has grown by 338 percent from 2008 to 2011, 

from 5,748 to 19,427.5

Each victim of trafficking and modern-day slavery deserves to become a survivor. 

They deserve the assurance their own lives will be protected, their perpetrators will 

be convicted, and the trafficking of others will be prevented. And we need to help 

raise their voices. 

LOOKING FORWARD: FOUR LESSONS FROM THE LAST 10 YEARS

As we look forward, Mr. Chairman, we should also think about the lessons we 

have learned over the last 10 years, a few of which I will highlight here. 

First, Mr. Chairman, we have learned so much about the many forms and pernicious nature of this abuse, which is less visible and harder to identify than in previous centuries. Instead of shackles and chains, traffickers use debt, coercion, fear, 

and intimidation. Actions of modern-day slavers include seizing travel documents, 

creating hidden fees that become impossible debts to pay off, and threatening police 

retribution or violence against family members at home if the victim tries to leave. 

Yet the public remains confused about these techniques. Humanity United recently commissioned research on U.S. commodities and their relationship with slave 

labor. Preliminary findings suggest that the average citizen focuses on the physical 

inability to leave, rather than these more subtle forms of coercion. This antiquated 

public perception is something that we need to change if we expect the broader public to become fully engaged on the full spectrum of issues that are of concern. 

Second, we have learned that the sometimes-divisive dichotomy between sex and 

labor trafficking is an unhelpful lens for examining this phenomenon, as sexual 

abuse is a driver of vulnerability and those exploited for labor also find themselves 

sexually exploited as well. When I was in Nepal in 2010, service providers suggested 

that the figure for such dual exploitation is as high as 90 percent of those who have 

migrated, a figure I found shocking. 

Third, given our understanding that in any given week each of us may well have 

eaten, driven, dressed or texted with some product that is made, at least in part, 

with forced labor or slavery, we must look to a wider range of actors to really impact 

this problem. 

Fourth, and in that connection, the multidimensional challenges of this issue requires us to collectively address this abuse from all its different perspectives. 

Whether one views trafficking and slavery through a prism of human rights, 

transnational crime, labor violations, humanitarian law, migration, sexual violence, 

child welfare or other varied frameworks, we must all come together and find new 

ways to collaborate with each other in order to create a comprehensive approach to 

this issue. Let me give one example of how this comprehensive approach is evolving: 

Even though domestic service in homes has often been excluded from traditional 

‘‘work’’ and therefore has remained unregulated, last year a new convention negotiated under the auspices of the ILO was developed that will help prevent abuses 

by creating a new framework to protect those who are all too often exploited out 

of sight of everyone but the abuser.6 We are not there yet but we are getting there. 

DEVELOPING APPROACHES TO COMBATING TRAFFICKING

IN PERSONS AND MODERN-DAY SLAVERY

Mr. Chairman, at Humanity United we believe there are achievable solutions to 

this heinous abuse. As I have just suggested ending trafficking and slavery requires 

a unity of effort between civil society, the private sector, and governments around 

the world. Nongovernmental organizations and law enforcement can reach out to 

communities to educate at the local level, help free victims, and provide essential 

services to survivors, as well as advocate for improved policies and practices. The 

private sector can help ensure that its supply chains are free of slavery and labor 

exploitation, down to the raw material level, and that their employees do not personally reap the benefits of trafficking. Philanthropic institutions can fund and 

produce new learning from path-breaking initiatives. And governments can ensure 

that they are not inadvertently involved in modern-day slavery and can also instiVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00014 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
15 

tute policies and fund programs that can reduce and eventually eliminate widespread use of these human rights crimes in individual countries. 

Developing Coalitions 

At Humanity United, we lead and support a coalition of 12 U.S.-based human 

rights organizations working to end modern-day slavery and human trafficking in 

the United States and around the world. The Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking, or ATEST, advocates for lasting solutions to prevent labor and sex trafficking, hold perpetrators accountable, ensure justice for victims and empower survivors with tools for recovery. ATEST has been working on the implementation of 

the groundbreaking Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 20007 (TVPA) and its progeny as well as making proposals for the reauthorization of the TVPA that has been 

under consideration during this Congress and related legislation. ATEST also seeks 

to further elevate the voices of survivors, help advance the broader U.S. movement, 

and enhance its engagement with the business community. (Humanity United is 

also looking to engage the business community and other stakeholders directly to 

try to eliminate forced labor, trafficking, and modern-day slavery around the world, 

as I will refer to later in my testimony.) 

Humanity United is also working with State and local law enforcement officials 

and civil society organizations in California, Texas, Illinois, and New York to further 

the establishment of intelligence-driven and evidence-based investigations and related collaboration to assist in better understanding and responding to human trafficking and modern-day slavery in the United States. Our efforts began in California 

and have achieved significant gains through the committed leadership and partnership of California Attorney General Kamala Harris, with the collaboration of the 

California Police Chiefs Association, the California State Sheriffs Association, and 

the Fusion Center established after the terrorist attacks of September 11, which 

was created to share information on combating terrorism threats. By utilizing 

counterterrorism methodologies, increasing education, and creating and widening 

networks, early findings suggest that more intensive collaboration can allow law enforcement and civil society to: 

• Better understand the scope and diversity of the human trafficking problem; • Increase recognition of the indicators of human trafficking, and better understand the profiles of human trafficking victims and perpetrators; and • Increase individual and community capacity and resources to investigate and 

respond to identified and suspected human trafficking incidents. 

Coalitions and partnerships, including south-south partnerships, are also starting 

to occur in other countries, and can similarly be effective in dealing with national 

and regional issues. 

Addressing Supply Chains 

Humanity United is currently leading research and initiatives to better understand forced labor, trafficking, and modern-day slavery in global supply chains. At 

Humanity United, we believe business and markets can be influential partners and 

instruments in building peace and advancing human freedom. Corporations, with 

their worldwide reach and deep engagement with labor—either directly or through 

their contractors and subcontractors—have the opportunity to ensure that severe exploitation is eliminated in all their operations from the assembly of their products 

to the sourcing of raw materials. Increasingly, members of the business community 

are recognizing that they have not only the opportunity but also the responsibility 

to stop trafficking and modern-day slavery, and consumers are increasingly expecting them to exercise that responsibility. So do we. 

We also need to recognize, however, that this work is not easy. Much of the most 

severe exploitation occurs at the very bottom of the supply chain. Whether it is the 

charcoal mined with slave labor that is used to make the pig iron to build the automobiles we drive or the shrimp on our tables that are peeled in sheds by unpaid 

Burmese refugees in Thailand, global corporations will need to go deep into their 

supply chains to ensure the products we all use are untainted by modern-day slave 

labor. Humanity United is conducting research and engaging in initial programming 

on shrimp, palm oil, and gold, as well as other commodities, and hope to engage 

with companies in the near future on ways they can ensure they are not using 

forced labor or other forms of modern-day slavery. 

Over the last 10 years, companies have begun to demonstrate an interest in doing 

more themselves. In 2006, the Athens Ethical Principles were agreed to by hundreds 

of partners, which include zero tolerance for trafficking, promoting awareness, encouraging adoption of the principles by the suppliers and their subcontractors, and 

reporting and sharing information on best practices.8 In 2010, a number of leading 

companies agreed to the Luxor Implementation Guidelines to the Athens Ethical 

16 

Principles, which described 68 different standards, 31 mandatory and 37 recommended, that put real flesh on the bones of these very general principles.9 These 

68 standards are serious benchmarks, which, if implemented widely, would make 

a real difference in reducing and eventually eliminating trafficking and modern-day 

slavery. 

Mr. Chairman, despite those companies who are beginning to implement these 

guidelines, others are further behind, particularly on implementing the more detailed guidelines. This lack of consistency needs to be addressed. We were encouraged when Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger signed into law S.B. 657, the California 

Transparency in Supply Chains Act of 2010. Beginning this year, S.B. 657 requires 

every company that does $100,000,000 of business in that State to disclose what 

efforts—if any—they have in place to eliminate slavery and trafficking from their 

supply chains. This will allow all of us to assess the companies reached by that law, 

and whether business leaders are doing what they should and to identify the stragglers that need to be worked with and urged to do more. ATEST is in the process 

of reviewing the disclosures that have been made in order to help determine the 

effectiveness of this legislation and ways to move forward given these new disclosures. 

Foreign Labor Brokers 

In addition, Mr. Chairman, the governments and the business community need 

to address the issue of foreign labor recruiters and brokers—one of the leading drivers of the phenomenon of slavery and trafficking today. Using clever lures and subtle forms of coercion, unregulated and unscrupulous labor brokers can induce people 

to cross borders thinking that they are going for legal work, only to trap them into 

modern-day slavery. Last year the Helsinki Commission received detailed testimony 

on these practices, and I have attached a statement from that briefing by Ms. Neha 

Misra of the Solidarity Center on May 23, 2011, to my testimony. 

In this regard, Mr. Chairman, let me make a few brief points. Mr. Chairman, it 

has become clear that exploitation is not only occurring in the brothels of Pnomh 

Penh or in the rice mills of southern India. It is happening as labor recruiters and 

brokers supply workers to the palm oil plantations of Malaysia and construction 

projects in the Gulf countries. It is happening as recruiters deceive young girls with 

promises of legitimate work only to bind them into sexual exploitation. 

The continuing difficulty of working on these issues, whether within a framework 

combined with sustainable development and multistakeholder initiatives or on their 

own, is demonstrated both in Ben Skinner’s recent reporting on modern-day slavery 

in the fishing industry,10 or the story told by the Department of State’s 2012 TIP 

Hero, Vannak Anan Prum, who was trafficked into that industry and then, upon 

escape, sold into slavery at a palm plantation in Malaysia. 

Finally we must recognize that action is needed at home, as this exploitation is 

happening in our fields, in our factories, and on our maritime areas. You may well 

have recent news reports that legal foreign guest workers brought here under the 

H–2B program became victims of forced labor while working in the shrimp industry 

on the Gulf Coast.11

As you may also know, in 2010 the Justice Department handed out indictments 

related to a case of 400 Thai workers who were lured to the United States with the 

promise of good work at fair pay in U.S. agriculture, and even obtained a visa under 

the H–2A program. Instead they were forced to take on crushing debt, their passports were confiscated, and they were told that if they complained, they would be 

deported.12

Mr. Chairman, it has been good to see the private sector and civil society also collaborating to develop reforms in this area. Earlier this year, Manpower Group, a 

private foreign labor recruiting firm, and Verite ́, a U.S. nongovernmental organization, unveiled ‘‘An Ethical Framework for Cross-Border Labor Recruitment.’’13 Similarly, after extensive consultations with a wide range of stakeholders, the Institute 

of Human Rights and Business, located in London, issued the Dhaka Principles for 

migration with dignity.14 Both the Dhaka Principles and the Manpower/Verite ́

Framework includes an emphasis on compliance with legal structures, including immigration; transparency on terms of employment; and the complete prohibition of 

fees related to recruitment and training. These are critical benchmarks that should 

be adopted by all foreign labor brokers, and all businesses relying on foreign labor 

should demand their use. I will say more about U.S. efforts on this score in a 

moment. 

Developing Smart Interventions in Vulnerable Communities 

Mr. Chairman, beyond these structural reforms, we also need to continue to develop smart interventions at the local level to prevent trafficking and reduce vulnerVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00016 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
17 

ability. USAID’s new Counter Trafficking in Persons Policy released earlier this 

year is an example of how programs on education, microcredit, and other locally 

based development tools can be targeted toward vulnerable communities in ways 

that can help reduce the prevalence of modern-day slavery. 

In my view, this integrated approach is critical. In the late 1990s and in the years 

after the TVPA of 2000 was adopted, antitrafficking prevention efforts tended to 

focus solely on improving awareness, with an emphasis on the dangers of trafficking 

and the need to remain in local communities. Yet these efforts were unable to overcome the ‘‘push factors’’ of social discrimination, gender-based violence, and the 

dearth of economic opportunities. Nor was it able to always compete with the ‘‘pull 

factor’’ reflected by stories of individuals who had successfully left their communities 

for a better life. And it did not impact the local communities around the world who 

were suffering under debt bondage in their own villages, bonded into generational 

work at rice mills or brick kilns. At the same time, traditional community development projects to improve health, education, and economic opportunities were frequently not specifically targeted to communities who are vulnerable to trafficking 

Increasingly, we have seen the development of programs that integrate traditional 

development and tailored antitrafficking approaches—increasing access to education 

as a way to pull children out of domestic servitude; awareness raising to help communities understand both the right to, and the risks of migration; promotion of 

workplace rights; microcredit to create new opportunities, and agricultural assistance to allow for at least successful subsistence or more. For example, World Vision 

is conducting a program in the Philippines funded by the International Labor 

Affairs Bureau (ILAB) at the Department of Labor (DOL) that combines radio and 

television awareness raising with policy advocacy, improved education, raising livestock and microcredit to help prevent the use of children in domestic work, mining, 

and the sex trade. I understand that this program has been estimated to reach 

31,000 children and their families. 

Of course, not all donors, including private donors, have the resources to always 

program such integrated approaches, and there remains value in looking at individual interventions to see if they can make a difference. However, that should be 

the direction that we all aim toward as we try to work at the various aspects of 

the challenges in vulnerable communities. 

Still, Mr. Chairman, we have to recognize that the ‘‘push’’ and ‘‘pull’’ factors I described above are ever-present in vulnerable communities. As long as social discrimination exists and women do not have equal access to economic opportunities, 

or work such as domestic labor is not recognized and protected, disadvantaged communities will seek work in locations or industries that make them vulnerable to exploitation. Therefore, we also need to equip vulnerable populations with tools to ensure they are not exploited, as well as put in place some of the protections I have 

described above. Otherwise we are like the king who commanded the tide to stop 

coming in. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, despite some of the learning I have described above, we 

must be honest that we do not yet know all that we need to understand in order 

to create the sustainable interventions that address the many factors that allow this 

scourge to persist. A high investment must be made in learning what works, including by expending resources on both long-term and short-term studies. In the few instances this has been done, we have come to better understand what works. Of 

course we must simultaneously recognize that phenomena is highly localized, and 

that traffickers frequently change their approaches, and we must not overgeneralize. Yet, with the multidimensional aspects of these phenomena, and the profound 

impact we can have on people’s livelihoods, we must do more to learn what works. 

Helping Survivors and Prosecuting Perpetrators 

In addition to many of the prevention mechanisms I have just described, we of 

course need to continue to address protection and prosecution, the other two pillars 

of the so-called three P’s. Clearly we will not be able to eradicate every form of slavery in the near term, so we must increase our ability to care for the victims and 

be relentless in pursuing the perpetrators. 

The road from victim to survivor is a long one. First, they remain at risk if they 

are left in a vulnerable situation or are treated as criminals themselves, perpetrating the fear of law enforcement instilled by so many of their traffickers. Law 

enforcement and other first responders, sometimes those who are inspectors or immigration officials, must be trained to identify trafficking victims so they can either 

be brought out of their situation or, if found, are not treated like a criminal, as are 

many women who are forced into commercial sex. 

Second, once they are freed, they must be provided with critical services. Not all 

countries can provide all services, but security in a supportive environment is one 

18 

service that should have priority. Recognizing this, the U.S. Government has 

pressed other countries to provide shelters for trafficking victims. However, in a 

number of cases, detention facilities have been simply renamed shelters, and those 

countries have claimed credit for compliance. This is simply not an acceptable approach, and shelters must be combined where possible with psychosocial services to 

allow victims to overcome the trauma of being under the control of others. In countries with more resources, having case managers who can identify particular needs 

and find available resources for victims can be critical. Legal assistance for the victim can also be critical, as victims may have access to civil or administrative remedies to help them start a new life, but no understanding of how to access them. 

Third, as they move to becoming survivors, victims need help reintegrating into 

society. This may mean overcoming stigma faced back in their local communities, 

or assistance in finding new ways of supporting themselves economically and socially in the communities where they have been freed. 

Nor should we ignore prosecution of perpetrators. Despite all the dimensions of 

the issue, at the end of the day, trafficking is a crime, as recognized by the Palermo 

Anti-Trafficking Protocol to the Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. 

While there may be at times alternative approaches in particular cases, prosecution 

is a key tool to creating deterrence and achieving justice. Labor frameworks and cooperation with business have their place, but the worst perpetrators, including the 

pimps who enslave children and the unscrupulous who seek to increase profit by exploiting workers must be under threat of prosecution from national authorities. One 

area that needs to continue to be addressed is prosecution of corrupt government 

officials who create a safe space for trafficking to take place. I draw your attention 

to the 2011 UNODC report, which provides important data on the nature of this 

corruption.15

MAINTAINING THE LEADERSHIP ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES

Mr. Chairman, much of what we have learned and much of the positive developments we have seen would not have been possible without U.S. leadership. I want 

to commend this committee for the work it has done in helping to sustain this leadership, including the work it has done this Congress on S. 1301, the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2011. 

Maintaining Diplomacy. In particular, the Department of State’s Trafficking in 

Persons report mandated by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, has 

been a real catalyst for change, and given civil society around the world an opening 

to reduce many of these terrible practices. Whether inducing cooperation between 

the United States and Cambodia on combating sex trafficking, increasing the urgency of stopping exploitation of foreign labor among the Gulf Cooperation Countries or increasing the efforts of Nigeria to impede trafficking of women to Italy, the 

political impact of the report and its tier system is well recognized, even by its original skeptics.16 We should be taking steps to strengthen the Office to Monitor and 

Combat Trafficking, ensure that it continues to be a center of excellence and drafter 

of the report, and the report itself remain a catalyst for change. In that context I 

am concerned by some of the recommendations in the Report of the Office of the 

Inspector General, including some implicit criticism of the TVPA itself, and the idea 

of ending the physical publication of the report. While I am still studying this justissued report, I do note that it also raises fair concerns regarding the lack of cohesion within the Department and the effect of the so-called ‘‘automatic downgrade’’ 

provision that may be skewing assessments under the tier system. 

In addition, in many ways, the U.S. Government is making progress in many of 

the topics that I have discussed above: 

Engaging Civil Society. Since the beginning, the TIP office has engaged with civil 

society to determine how to most effectively combat human trafficking. And in the 

last 5 years, other Departments, including the Department of Justice and the 

Department of Homeland Security, have been engaged in an increasingly interactive 

dialogue with civil society, for which both the Bush and Obama administrations 

should be commended. We are currently engaged in an active conversation with the 

administration regarding how best to improve assistance to survivors in the United 

States and to prevent U.S. Government contracts from intersecting with trafficking, 

areas the Senate more generally should be looking at more concretely. 

Supply Chains. With respect to supply chains, the United States is doing more 

to help identify solutions. The voluntary guidelines issued by the Consultative 

Group created by the Department of Agriculture point to key principles for this 

work, and I want to commend the Department of Agriculture for dedicating $5 million to support project(s) to pilot test specific elements of the guidelines. In addition, 

we also hope that the standards being reviewed by the Department of Labor as 

19 

mandated by the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2005, which 

have been delayed by some time, will also make a contribution in this area. We hope 

Congress can push the Department of Labor to issue those guidelines soon. We also 

understand that other agencies are developing learning in this area and we look forward to their conclusions as well. 

Finally, we believe that the policies behind the California transparency law I described earlier could be strengthened by requiring similar provisions in Federal law 

covering the broadest possible range of companies throughout the United States. 

H.R. 2759, the Business Transparency on Trafficking and Slavery Act, has been introduced in the House to implement this very recommendation, and I want to commend Senator Rubio, a member of this committee, for offering to hold a briefing 

later this week to educate Members of this body on this important reform more generally. And later today, ATEST will host a live Webcast that will consist of a panel 

of experts on supply-chain issues that will be very illuminating. 

Foreign Labor Brokers. The United States is also looking at the issue of foreign 

labor recruiters. If the United States adopts a framework for ensuring that these 

types of abuses does not occur here, and applies it to both foreign recruiters and 

recruiters based in the United States, we can make a huge impact—both to prevent 

abuses within our borders and to promote the elimination of abuses around the 

world. 

This House has already adopted such an approach once. In the House-passed 

version of the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization 

Act of 2007, the House adopted such a structure by a near unanimous vote. Unfortunately, that did not become part of the final legislation.17

ATEST has reviewed this House-passed provision and made suggestions to improve this foresighted measure. ATEST’s proposal, which has been provided to the 

committee, provides for a number of different protections, many of which mirror the 

recommendations of the Ethical Framework and the Dhaka Principles: elimination 

of fees, transparency and disclosure of contract terms, and a registration and enforcement system that penalizes recruiters and complicit employers who do not follow the requirements of the system. 

Mr. Chairman, the focus of this provision is on disclosure, although the revised 

provision has some enforcement mechanisms as well. There may be some skepticism 

about the ability of disclosure to address such serious abuses. I note, however, that 

I have repeatedly heard that one of the most effective parts of the 2008 reauthorization was a requirement to give all legal visa holders information on their rights in 

the United States, which has led to a significant increase in reporting of trafficking 

victims through the national hotline. 

A provision that reflected many of ATEST’s recommendations was included in the 

introduced version of the Smith-Berman version of the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2011,18 but this version of the legislation does not appear to be moving through the legislative process at this time. The Senate version 

of the legislation, S. 1301, addresses this issue by requiring a GAO study of these 

issues. This is certainly an important step, but many think we know enough about 

these phenomena and we should be moving on to reform now. 

Indeed, the DOL recently promulgated regulations for one visa category, the H– 

2B nonagricultural workers that took some important steps toward limiting abuses 

by foreign labor recruiters as one part of a much-larger rule. Unfortunately, these 

regulations are being challenged in court, arguing that DOL does not have the authority to issue such regulations. Moreover, the FY 2013 Labor-HHS Appropriations 

bill includes a rider that would prohibit funds for the implementation of these new 

regulations. Mr. Chairman, given the abuse of these programs, demonstrated by 

such cases as the Thai workers, Indian welders, and the recent Gulf shrimp case, 

I hope that you and other Members of the Senate will seek to eliminate provision 

as the bill moves through the legislative process. I have attached to my testimony 

a letter from the ATEST relating to this provision. 

Reauthorizing the TVPA and other legislation. Another key element of U.S. leadership is ensuring continuing reauthorization of the TVPA. I want to commend, you, 

Mr. Chairman, for your leadership with S. 1301, and also the other 46 Senators who 

are supporting this legislation. We would urge the Senate to move on this legislation 

as soon as possible. I and other civil society organizations are eager to work with 

you and the other leaders of this legislation to address any unresolved issues and 

bring this bill the floor. 

Mr. Chairman, there are other individual pieces of legislation that are moving 

through Congress that I note that S. 2234, the End Trafficking in Government Contracting Act of 2012, introduced by Senator Blumenthal, Senator Portman, and nine 

other Senators, looks to end trafficking and related conduct by entities that receive 

Federal grants or contractors. At the same time, House is reviewing H.R. 2730, the 

20 

Strengthening the Child Welfare Response to Human Trafficking Act of 2011, a bill 

that would make combating trafficking a higher priority in state child welfare systems. A briefing is being held on this legislation tomorrow on the House side. I have 

already referred to H.R. 2759, the Business Transparency on Trafficking and Slavery Act. 

Helping to Make Combating Trafficking a Priority for U.S. Diplomats and foreign 

governments. Finally, Mr. Chairman, there is a way this committee can make a singular contribution to combating trafficking. As you know, Mr. Chairman, there is 

always a debate as to whether it is better to create a special office, or ensure that 

all Ambassadors and Regional Assistant Secretaries and other senior State and 

USAID officials see this as their responsibility. You can make both a reality by ensuring that these officials get asked questions about this issue, making them understand that they will be held accountable for their actions in this area. Senator Rubio 

asked such questions at the confirmation hearing for Deputy Secretary Bill Burns 

to great effect, and I believe that similar questioning can go a long way to creating 

a more cohesive approach by the State Department in response to this critical issue. 

Similarly, when you travel internationally, asking questions at embassies and of foreign governments can demonstrate that this is a congressional as well as executive 

branch priority. This is a low or no cost intervention that could yield tremendous 

benefits over the long term. 

CONCLUSION

Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, we have obviously learned much about efforts to 

end human trafficking and modern day slavery, but we still have a distance to travel. As we approach the 150th anniversary of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation this September, we must be humbled that slavery is remains present around 

the United States and even prevalent elsewhere. If this committee continues to act 

in a bipartisan manner, you can ensure an even greater impact, save ever more victims, and help the exploited in their journey to move beyond their terrible experience and become survivors. We in civil society stand ready to deepen the conversation and work with you to ensure that we are working together as partners on the 

path toward eradicating human trafficking and modern-day slavery and advancing 

the cause of human freedom. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Senator Lugar for all the work you have done on 

this and so many other issues. 

———————— 

End Notes 

1 ILO Global Estimate of Forced Labour, http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---edlnorm/ 

---. 2http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/abolishing-slavery-eradicating-human-trafficking. 

html. 3David Arkless, Manpower, Inc., Speech at Carnegie Council, February 18, 2010, reprinted 

at http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/resources/transcripts/0260.html. 4http://ecpatusa.org/2011/10/ecpat-usa-turns-20/. 

5This number reflects both crisis calls by victims but also tips and other communications. 

http://www.polarisproject.org/resources/hotline-statistics. 6 International Labour Organization, Convention Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers (No. 189), 2011, available at http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=1000:12000:0::NO:::. 7Pub. L. 106-386, Div. A, Oct. 28, 2000, 114 State. 1466, codified at title 22 USC 7101-7102. 

8 Athens Ethical principles, www.ungift.org/docs/ungift/pdf/Athenslprinciples.pdf. 9Luxor Implementation Guidelines to the Athens Ethical Principles: Comprehensive Compliance Programme for Businesses, available at http://www.unglobalcompact.org/news/92-12-12- 

2010. 10The Fishing Industry’s Cruelest Catch, http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-02-23/ 

the-fishing-industrys-cruelest-catch. 11Foreign Labor on American Shores, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/09/opinion/forced-laboron-american-shores.html?lr=3&smid=fb-share. 12 ‘‘Six People Charged in Human Trafficking Conspiracy for Exploiting 400 Thai Farm Workers,’’ Press Release, U.S. Department of Justice (Sept. 2, 2010), found at http://www.justice.gov/ 

opa/pr/2010/September/10-crt-999.html. 13See http://www.verite.org/ethical-framework-for-intl-recruitment. 14http://www.ihrb.org/about/programmes/dhakalprincipleslforlmigrationlwithldignity. 

html. 15 UNODC, ‘‘The Role of Corruption in Trafficking in Persons,’’ www.unodc.org/documents/ 

human-trafficking/2011/IssuelPaperl-lThelRoleloflCorruptionlinlTraffickinglinl 

Persons.pdf. 16See, e.g., Anne T. Gallagher. ‘‘Improving the Effectiveness of the International Law of 

HumanTrafficking: A Vision for the Future of the U.S. Trafficking in Persons Reports’’ Human 

Rights Review12.1 (2010). 

21 

17Sec. 202(g), William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2007, 110th Cong., 1st 

Sess. (passed by the House on December 4, 2007). 18See section 234, Trafficking Victims Reauthorization Act of 2011, H.R. 2830, 112th Congress, 1st Sess. (as introduced). 

[EDITOR’S NOTE.—The two articles submitted with Mr Abramowitz’s prepared statement can be found at the end of this hearing in the ‘‘Additional Material Submitted 

for the Record’’ section.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mr. Abramowitz. Thank you very 

much. 

Ms. Burkhalter. 

STATEMENT OF HOLLY BURKHALTER, VICE PRESIDENT, GOVERNMENT RELATIONS, INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE MISSION, 

WASHINGTON, DC 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Thank you, Chairman Kerry. I have two 

things to thank you for before beginning my testimony. One is for 

the great honor of appearing before four of the U.S. Senate’s great 

antitrafficking heroes, Mr. Rubio, yourself, Mr. Cardin, and Mr. 

Durbin. It is really a treat for me. 

The other thing I just have to say is that for this 58-year-old 

mom, you have made me awesome to my teen daughters and modern and cool. It is not every day one gets to testify with David 

Abramowitz. 

[Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. We get it. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I was just waiting, just giving you a little moment to appreciate it. 

The CHAIRMAN. No. You gave us plenty of time. Thank you. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Thank you for having us. 

My name is Holly Burkhalter. I am vice president for Government Relations at International Justice Mission. We have 15 and 

soon to be 16 overseas offices. We are a human rights service provider. Six of those offices work with local police to help actually 

rescue trafficking victims from both labor exploitation and sexual 

exploitation, and the rest of the offices work on sexual assault and 

other violent crimes against the poor and vulnerable. 

Much of what I have to say today is taken from our field work 

in Cambodia and the Philippines and India. 

You do not need me to tell you that this is a sad story; we hear 

about it every single day at IJM. When we pray for our clients and 

for the victims and for the investigators who are going into the 

field and looking for victims of slavery and working with authorities to bring them out. We do not always succeed and it breaks our 

hearts. 

But at the risk of minimizing their suffering and pain, which I 

do not mean to do, rather to honor it, I would also say that in the 

year 2012, the story of confronting modern-day slavery is actually 

a good news story. And I will tell you why I think that is the case. 

First of all, it is quite clear to me that trafficking and slavery can 

be stopped. Having been in the human rights field for 30 yearsplus, something of a child worker myself back in the late 1970s, I 

have never seen other violent, massive, pervasive crimes respond 

so quickly to pressure from both diplomacy and from local law 

enforcement. We do not see this on rape. We do not see it on genocide. We do not see it on child sexual assault. We do not see it on 

22 

property grabbing from widows. But uniquely, because trafficking 

and slavery is a crime motivated by greed and motivated by the 

desire to make vast amounts of money off another’s body, it is 

actually quite responsive when the law is enforced. There are all 

kinds of other things that are needed, and I do not need to minimize them. Education and development and poverty reduction. But 

it is first and foremost a crime of violence and abuse that must be 

treated as a crime as you said in your opening statement, sir, and 

I could not agree more. 

Let me give you a picture of what it looks like when a country 

that had a real problem with child sexual exploitation did something about it and what the numbers can show us, I think, by way 

of encouragement and highlighting something that could be and 

should be replicated. 

IJM was given several years ago a grant from the Gates Foundation, quite unique for the foundation, to work on improving our 

antitrafficking and rescue model and our perpetrator apprehension. 

Both those things are integral to IJM’s work in the field: Victim 

rescue and perpetrator apprehension and accountability. And they 

helped us do a baseline prevalence study in the place we selected 

to do this work which was Cebu in the Philippines, the secondlargest city in the country which has a significant child sexual exploitation problem, sex tourism, a large red light district, lots of 

children in the trade. 

We had an independent criminal research association conduct 

the survey. We taught them how to go looking for minors in the 

sex industry posing as potential customers, and then we got a baseline. They found several hundred children. And then we went to 

work with our Philippine Government partners to do everything we 

could to help develop a justice system that was predictably and 

professionally responsive to the crime. We went under cover with 

them. We trained the police. They designated a special unit. There 

were a number of things that were integral to the success of the 

regional antitrafficking task force, which eventually rescued about 

380 girls and apprehended about 90 perpetrators. We now have a 

number of those cases in the Philippine courts wending their way 

slowly. That is an area for needed improvement. 

But the part of the story I want to leave with you is what we 

found after 3 years of work—and it really is the Philippine Government’s success, not IJM’s. When we did another baseline prevalence study, the investigators found that the availability of minor 

girls in the brothels and karaoke parlors and bars and sex entertainment venues in Cebu had been reduced by 79 percent. Now, it 

does not mean it is gone forever and it does not mean that the 

Philippines has a Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval, but it did 

show that a concentrated effort, an investment by an NGO, not by 

a government, but in this case by an NGO and a wonderful donor— 

the Gates Foundation—and a serious engagement and a long-term 

engagement with a government could make big improvements. 

I will tell you that effective and unified U.S. diplomacy was a big 

part of what helped make that model work. When the Trafficking 

in Persons Office and the embassy and our regional bureaus all 

speak from the same song sheet and are amplifying the voices of 

reformers within the foreign government, then something can hapVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00022 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6602 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
23 

pen. We do not get that bang for the buck when our TIP Office is 

being undermined by our regional bureaus or by an embassy that 

has lots of other things that are on their minds, quite understandably. But if the trafficking issue is undermined, then we have the 

TIP Office out here on the fringe and that does not work so well. 

That will not give you the results that we saw in the Philippines. 

The end of that piece of a good news story is that the Philippine 

Government has asked us to replicate the model in two other locations and we are doing so. We have gotten small grants from both 

the Trafficking in Persons Office and USAID to continue and 

amplify that work. 

It is just a tiny sliver, a piece of good news, but one I think that 

shows that law enforcement and victim care and appropriate prosecution can start to dry up the trade quite disproportionately fast 

because once a number of people go to jail, the other people who 

are in this business look around and say, ‘‘hey, I do not want that 

to happen to me’’ and they get out of that business. 

A second piece that I think is good news for us in July 2012 is 

that the American people from across the political spectrum not 

only support this issue and care about this issue but they are 

demanding that our Government do something about it. And I 

think it is reflected in the wide number of members and Senators 

from across the political spectrum who do care about this and are 

doing something about it. You know, you can see it in the original 

odd couple marriage of Chris Smith and Paul Wellstone back in 

1999, and it has been that way ever since. And that is kind of 

unique in this town and in the international human rights field. It 

is a joy to work on the issue with our friends from across the political spectrum. 

But it gives you not only the opportunity but the obligation to 

do something bigger. You have done many good things and it is not 

enough. And as the Nation that still leads the world, we have an 

American public that is animated both by our experience of freedom but also the American experience of slavery and that toxic 

piece of our historic DNA, that wants you to do something more 

and wants the President to do something more. 

I think a great model for what can happen when the U.S. Congress and the American President work together on a big, big problem is PEPFAR where George W. Bush and a democratically controlled Senate and a Republican controlled House put together an 

enormous foreign aid package to break the back of the modern-day 

global AIDS pandemic. All of you were a part of that and continue 

to be a part of that, and it has changed the world. It has changed 

the world. We need a PEPFAR for slavery. We need Focus Countries like we had in the bill that Senator Boxer introduced several 

years ago, the Child Protection Compact Act. We need strategies 

and we need money and we need political pressure directed where 

the resources go so that they will be used well and we need data 

to monitor how well programs are working. It is not impossible. It 

is not like we do not know what could work. There are all kinds 

of things going on. There just is not enough of them. They need to 

be scaled because I can tell you slavery is at scale and the response 

to slavery has to be at scale as well. 

24 

Finally, I will echo my colleagues’ support for the TVPRA. It just 

does not look good, when there are innovations in slavery and 

trafficking every day, that we cannot pass the innovations we need 

to keep our tools sharp to deal with it. 

I would also highlight the End Slavery in Government Contracting bill that some of you have worked on. It is a wonderful 

piece of legislation moving through the Senate now. It was passed 

by the House. It is another bipartisan effort that we would love to 

see because it cleans up slavery in our own labor supply chain in 

our embassies abroad, and it is a must-do legislation this year. I 

am sure it can be done. 

Finally, I think I would like to just say a word about the wonderful tools and institutions that we have to combat slavery. The 

genius of the 2000 act that put in place an office to do just this 

thing has borne enormous fruit over the years. We have an annual 

report. We have a grantmaking program. We have the best expertise in the world that works for the U.S. Government at the TIP 

Office. It should be a bureau because they deserve to be standing 

on equal footing. They negotiate in good faith—and everyone is in 

good faith, but they negotiate the trafficking issues with the regional bureaus, which have a much bigger portfolio. But Congress 

said we want one office to have one portfolio, the antitrafficking 

and antislavery portfolio. They have grown a lot thanks to you and 

your investment in the TIP Office, but diplomatically and politically in this town, they are standing about 6 feet lower than their 

interlocutors at the State Department, and it is well past time that 

they should be a bureau. 

I would like to close belatedly by thanking you for your kind attention and by thanking my own staff, especially Melanie Beifuss 

and Annick Febrey, for helping prepare this testimony and keeping 

me sane year-round. I would also like to thank your staff. It is a 

delight to work with Emily Mendrala and Paul Foldi with Mr. 

Lugar’s staff and, of course, our good friend, Ann Norris, and 

Ariana from Senator Boxer’s staff. We love you and you have made 

us so welcome in your offices. It matters greatly; it gives us great 

encouragement. We even tell our field offices when friends in Congress care about what is going on with them, and it matters to 

them as well. 

A special word of thanks to Mr. Lugar. I would have loved to tell 

him personally how much he has meant to both the human rights 

movement and every great cause, and I hope you will pass the 

word on to him. Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Burkhalter follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HOLLY J. BURKHALTER

Thank you, Chairman Kerry and Senator Lugar for inviting me to testify at this 

important hearing on modern day slavery and ways to confront and eradicate it. It 

is an honor. I also wish to express my thanks to you both for having made this issue 

a priority in the United States Senate. My name is Holly Burkhalter, and I am the 

Vice President for Government Relations for International Justice Mission (IJM.) 

IJM is a human rights organization with 15 overseas offices that works with local 

governments to rescue victims of sex trafficking and labor slavery and helps local 

police and prosecutors apprehend and prosecute perpetrators. Our antislavery 

25 

1 IJM offices in Africa and Latin America investigate the crimes of sexual assault of children, 

property expropriation from widows and orphans, and police abuse of power. 2 In this testimony I use the term ‘‘trafficking’’ in the way it is defined in the TVPA. As such, 

I view it having the same meaning as slavery. Accordingly, the words are used interchangeably 

in this document. 

offices are in the Philippines, Cambodia, and India.1 IJM’s on-the-ground experience 

in combating trafficking will inform my recommendations today for a roadmap for 

the coming decade.2

Why does slavery persist today? Mr. Chairman, you have asked us to reflect on 

the major factors that facilitate the proliferation of trafficking and slavery around 

the world. Explanations abound for the modern prevalence of slavery, including poverty, women and girls’ subordinate status, the caste system, lack of education, cultural traditions, migration, and so on. These and other factors are of course part 

of slavery’s context, and investments in such things as poverty reduction and girls’ 

education can and should be directed toward slavery-prone countries. But it is a 

mistake to imagine that the worst forms of trafficking cannot be eradicated until 

poverty has been abolished, or all children are educated, or international migration 

has been rationalized. 

The most important feature of slavery is that it is a crime. There are victims, and 

there are perpetrators. Furthermore, it is a violent crime but it is also an economic 

crime that generates enormous wealth for perpetrators, be they traffickers, pimps, 

slaveowners, or complicit government officials. Unless and until local police, prosecutors, and judges join forces to deter the crime of slavery by providing a credible 

and predictable threat of imprisonment for those engaged in it, there are no natural 

limits to its spread. 

If donor governments and international agencies were to expose and stigmatize 

governments that are complicit in or tolerant of slavery and provide extensive 

assistance to help deserving governments build robust public justice systems that 

locate and free slaves and apprehend perpetrators, this crime would diminish and 

eventually vanish. 

What tools do we have to confront slavery? When Congress enacted the Trafficking 

Victims Protection Act in 2000 there weren’t many models for study and replication. 

Today, thanks to the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, USAID, 

nongovernmental organizations, and U.S. diplomats in Washington and around the 

world, we have a whole array of effective tools—diplomatic, financial, technical, and 

political—that can inform U.S. antitrafficking policy in the coming decade. I have 

seen some of the most promising in countries where IJM is working. 

Diplomacy: As you know, the TVPA includes minimum standards by which to 

evaluate governments’ response to trafficking and authorization of an annual 

antitrafficking report. Over the past 10 years, the TIP Office has fielded talented 

and hardworking researchers, analysts, and diplomats to gather information on the 

phenomenon of slavery around the world. Their excellence is apparent in the quality 

of the report. The creation of three ‘‘Tiers’’ (and eventually a fourth, the Tier 2 

Watch List) to rank countries gives the report additional seriousness and weight. 

These tools have been so valuable to the cause of eradicating slavery that other 

human rights interest groups, such as international women’s rights advocates, are 

requesting a ‘‘TIP Office’’ of their own. 

Not surprisingly, there are sometimes tensions between the TIP Office, which has 

only one mandate—to confront slavery—and the State Department’s regional 

bureaus and embassies, which have a host of issues and concerns to steward with 

foreign governments. This reality should not be a criticism of the TIP Office or a 

deterrent to TIP’s monitoring, reporting, and diplomacy. Congress created the office 

with a specific antitrafficking mandate precisely because the traditional bureaucracy 

was not giving the issue the prominence it deserves. The TIP Office exists to do 

that. In my view, the TIP Office should not be encouraged to water down its mandate or conform to the broader mandate of the regional bureaus or the embassies. 

Rather, the regional bureaus and embassies should be instructed to step up their 

own messaging to amplify the TIP Office—and Congress’—concerns about modern 

day slavery. 

This committee’s legislative language in the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, S. 1301 would, if enacted, engage embassies and regional bureaus 

more directly in the fight against modern day slavery. The SFRC recommended that 

antitrafficking specialists be named at U.S. Embassies to help collect information 

and convey concerns on a regular basis. The provision also requires regional 

bureaus to be engaged in developing country antitrafficking strategies. While the 

TIP Office should retain leadership on U.S. antitrafficking policy and drafting authority for the TIP Report, your provision would enhance diplomacy, reporting, and 

26 

a unified U.S. voice on slavery. I hope and expect that the Senate will enact S. 1301 

before adjournment this year and send it to the House for consideration so that 

these and other important provisions can take effect in 2013. 

When the TIP Office and regional bureaus or embassies are out of sync, governments failing to meet minimum standards to eradicate trafficking get mixed messages. Invariably slavery eradication is the loser—and that means children, women, 

and men in slavery are the losers. Speaking in a strong and consistent voice about 

trafficking and slavery, with regional officials and embassy staff endorsing and amplifying the TIP office’s concerns does not mean sacrificing other U.S. interests. 

Surely our diplomatic corps is capable of advancing an antislavery policy while simultaneously engaging effectively on economic, military, and geopolitical concerns. 

I have seen how effective the U.S. Government can be when it does speak in one 

voice about trafficking. The Philippines is a country with a significant trafficking/ 

slavery problem and its Government was not taking significant steps to address it. 

Accordingly, the State Department ranked Philippines on the Tier 2 Watch List. 

Pursuant to 2008 changes to TVPRA, countries could only stay on Tier 2 Watch for 

2 years and then would be downgraded to Tier 3 if substantial improvements were 

not forthcoming. The U.S. Government used this political tool to encourage the Government of the Philippines to undertake serious measures to address both labor and 

sex trafficking. The U.S. Embassy, led by Ambassador Harry Thomas, Jr., engaged 

the Philippine authorities with the same strong message they were hearing from 

JTIP authorities. The Government of the Philippines took the matter very seriously. 

Among other measures, the authorities issued a judicial circular that placed 

antitrafficking cases on a fast track. While prosecutions are still slow, the circular 

has begun to make a difference. 

The Philippine Government solicited IJM’s help in scaling up investigations of 

child prostitution, rescue, and apprehension of suspected perpetrators. IJM’s collaboration with local police and judicial authorities in Cebu under the auspices of a 

grant from the Gates Foundation had resulted in a 79-percent reduction in the 

availability of children for exploitation in Cebu’s sex venues. The key to these 

important results was the police designating a specific antitrafficking unit which 

received training and worked closely with IJM investigators, lawyers, and social 

workers. The Government of the Philippines is now replicating that model with IJM 

in Manila and in Pampanga (Central Luzon). 

Another innovation in Cebu that is now being replicated elsewhere in the Philippines is the creation of a separate, comfortable, victim-friendly office to receive 

trafficking victims where they can meet with social workers and provide their testimony to judicial personnel. Before the creation of this separate space, called ‘‘Her 

Space,’’ by IJM in collaboration with the Philippines Department of Social Welfare 

and Development, victims were questioned in the presence of perpetrators. 

In recognition of these and other efforts, the Philippines was removed from the 

Tier 2 Watch List last year and raised to Tier 2. The Government of the Philippines 

deserves full credit for the advancement. But the U.S. Government’s effective and 

unified diplomacy played an important role, and reflects well on the Embassy, the 

Regional Bureau and the TIP Office. 

Law Enforcement: I’d like to single out the importance of professional law enforcement as an area where donor governments and international development institutions can and should make strategic investments. Donors have, for good reason, 

been reluctant to invest in police forces. Ill-disciplined police in many, if not most, 

countries around the world actually prey upon the poor. As the expression goes, if 

you are a poor person who had a crime committed against you, you have a problem. 

If you go to the police, you have two problems. Nowhere is the problem of police 

abuse more apparent than in the abuse of women and men in the sex industry. Serious human rights organizations, have reported extensively on violence, illegal detention, theft, rape, and other abuses by law enforcement officials against those in prostitution. In many countries police themselves are complicit in trafficking or ignore 

it. It is understandable that donors are wary about strengthening an institution 

that is itself implicated in trafficking. 

It is not acceptable for police to abuse, arrest, and extort money from women 

under the cover of ostensible ‘‘antitrafficking’’ sweeps. Roundups where dozens of 

women are swept into prisons, only to be released when their pimps pay off a bribe, 

have absolutely nothing in common with effective and professional policing. Donors 

and NGOs that work with local police can and should condemn such behavior, which 

hurts innocent women and sets back the antitrafficking cause. In IJM’s experience, 

27 

3For more information on police and trafficking, see http://www.antitraffickingreview.org/, 

‘‘Sex Trafficking, Law Enforcement and Perpetrator Accountability,’’ by Holly Burkhalter, June 

2012. 

mentoring and professionalizing police to rescue trafficking victims and apprehend 

perpetrators also improves their behavior with regard to adults in the sex industry.3

One important innovation that was immensely helpful in improving the capacity, 

competence, and will of local police to rescue trafficking victims and apprehend perpetrators is a specialized local force designated for this work. In Cebu, for example, 

IJM worked closely with a newly created Regional Anti-Trafficking Task Force 

(RATT Force) whose sole function is enforcement of local antitrafficking law. By 

keeping key police and officers within the force (as opposed to rotating them out), 

giving them specific duties, and providing through IJM extensive training and mentoring the Cebu RATT Force was the key to sharply reducing child victimization 

there. 

IJM has had a similar experience in Cambodia, where the Anti-Trafficking and 

Juvenile Protection force, under the excellent leadership of Gen. Bith Kim Hong, 

has largely ended the exploitation of young children in the sex industry. Recently, 

the ATJPF led efforts to investigate and prosecute a corrupt major in the municipal 

division of the ATJPF who was receiving kick-backs from brothel owners for protecting them from police rescue operations. Major Rattana (who fled) was convicted 

in absentia. This is an exceedingly positive development for Cambodia that speaks 

well for the Cambodian Government, which, to our knowledge, has not previously 

tried and convicted a member of its own police officials for complicity in trafficking. 

State Department Bureau: Given the importance of its work and the enormity of 

slavery around the world, the United States Government’s antitrafficking capacity 

should be enhanced considerably. IJM strongly recommends that the State Department Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking be upgraded to a State Department 

Bureau. There are several reasons for this recommendation. First, the U.S. Government should do everything in its power to recruit and retain the best of its personnel, including career Foreign Service officers, to the cause of combating slavery. 

Joining an office does not offer the same opportunities for advancement within the 

diplomatic service that joining an embassy or a bureau does and most likely discourages some excellent officers from joining it. Second, it is vitally important that the 

Office’s Coordinator have the same status as his counterparts at other State Department Bureaus. There is a stature gap between an Office Director and an Assistant 

Secretary that does not serve the antislavery cause well. 

Reporting and Monitoring: Honest and thorough reporting on trafficking issues 

and government’s responses are the necessary backbone of effective diplomacy. Fortunately, the State Department TIP Office is home to our Nation’s brain trust on 

modern day slavery—the highly expert men and women who research, monitor, and 

write the annual State Department Report on Trafficking in Persons. Many of those 

individuals have been in that role since the office was created. I would single out 

Mark Taylor, who leads the research and production of the report, as one of the 

world’s greatest experts on modern day slavery in the world. 

The TIP Report’s usefulness as a diplomatic tool was enhanced 2 years ago when 

Secretary Clinton directed the TIP Office to include the United States in the report, 

along with 186 countries. In the past, the Justice Department has issued a separate 

report on the U.S. Government’s response to trafficking. By including it in the actual volume that foreign leaders read, the U.S. has signaled its willingness to be 

judged by the same standard as the rest of the world—standards in the TVPA that 

are drawn directly from international law and universally applicable. 

The quality of the report is very high, but I believe that political considerations 

occasionally erode the ranking system. We note this especially with respect to countries on the Tier 2 Watch list. A number of countries that did not actually meet Tier 

2 standards were ‘‘promoted’’ to it from the Tier 2 Watch List at the end of the 2- 

year limit. There are a handful of countries on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second 

year right now, including China, Russia, and Uzbekistan that certainly do not meet 

the Tier 2 standard. But the State Department because of political considerations 

unrelated to trafficking may feel that they should be moved up to Tier 2. 

Rewarding countries with an improved TIP tier that they do not deserve is not 

what Congress had in mind when it passed the TVPA in 2000. There is general 

agreement among policymakers who care about trafficking and NGO’s that the Tier 

2 Watch List is an appropriate category to maintain. The standards for each of the 

four tiers are well-known by policymakers at home and abroad, and are a realistic 

and appropriate ranking process. Unwittingly, the automatic up-or-down-grade is 

complicating the work of assessing a country’s position on one of four tiers. Even 

though the ‘‘up or out’’ provision was extremely helpful in persuading the GovernVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00027 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
28 

ment of the Philippines to address trafficking seriously, elsewhere the provision has 

been used to move undeserving countries up to Tier 2, rather than down to Tier 2 

where they belong. This year the Congress should maintain the Tier 2 Watch List 

as a fourth tier but eliminate the 2-year time limit. 

One final recommendation about the JTIP Report deserves mention. A recently 

released report by the State Department Office of the Inspector General recommends ending the publication of the report in book format and making it available exclusively online so as to accrue a small cost savings. I respectfully disagree 

with this recommendation and urge the committee to insist on annual publication. 

This report is a precious tool in the hands of people all over the world. Many do 

not have access to the Internet. It is important that it be physically present on the 

desk of every diplomat, judge, prosecutor, and police commander who serve in slavery-burdened countries. It is important that it be on each of your desks, and that 

it be handed to visiting officials. Please do not throw away a tool whose importance 

has been acknowledged by antislavery activists around the world, including our 

own. Resources: We in the NGO community are grateful to the Congress for protecting 

antitrafficking funds from cuts and even increasing them modestly in the past several years. We do not take it for granted in the current difficult budget climate. 

Having said that, however, we know, and you know, that eradicating modern day 

slavery requires more resources than are available. The world needs to see effective 

models of slavery eradication that can be documented and replicated. Our dream is 

for the President and Congress to do for slavery what President George W. Bush 

and the 108th Congress did for global HIV/AIDS. 

The State Department JTIP Office and USAID should each be resourced to engage the struggle effectively around the world. USAID’s February 2012 CounterTrafficking in Persons Policy is excellent and provides an outstanding framework for 

the Agency’s contribution to slavery eradication which I commend to your attention. 

IJM appreciates USAID’s commitment to data collection and impact assessment. 

The antislavery movement desperately needs information and data from various investments and innovations to rescue slaves, apprehend perpetrators, and deter the 

crime. USAID’s expertise in community-based solutions (including development 

models for successful, community-supported civilian police forces) is highly valuable 

to the field. 

I would also like to applaud USAID’s Counter-Trafficking Code, which includes 

high standards for USAID employees that extends, importantly, to contractors, subcontractors and grantees. IJM has called for all U.S. agencies to adopt comparable 

standards. 

Getting the United States House in Order: In closing, I wish to say a word about 

S. 1301, the TVPRA. As you know, the bill passed out of the Senate Judiciary last 

October and is still awaiting a vote by the full Senate. We’re missing a critical opportunity to sharpen our tools to fight the crime of trafficking. The Senate bill includes a number of important innovations, including a provision to pursue slavery 

eradication in several ‘‘focus countries,’’ enhanced protection for victims of trafficking in the U.S., and increased capacity for JTIP to respond to situations of emergency and disaster. Failure to reauthorize this landmark legislation for the first 

time in 12 years sends the wrong signal about U.S. leadership on this issue to the 

rest of the globe and sends us a step backward. We need to pass S. 1301 this year. 

One other piece of significant legislation will be before the full Senate in the near 

future: the ‘‘End Slavery in Government Contracting’’ bill, sponsored by Senators 

Blumenthal, Rubio, and others. The legislation, if enacted, would require contractors 

of overseas labor for U.S. Embassies and bases to adhere to certain standards that 

would eliminate bonded labor slavery among third country nationals working in 

such countries as Iraq and Afghanistan. Current standards and practices by the 

Department Of Defense have not eliminated the problem of subcontractors pocketing taxpayer money and exploiting poor men and women who had been promised 

well-paying jobs. Both the House and Senate have held extensive hearings on this 

matter, and there has been considerable media exposure of the problem. S. 2234 offers a sensible roadmap to end exploitation, and in some cases out-right slavery, in 

overseas operations. When this measure comes up, most likely in the context of the 

national defense authorization, I urge all Senators to support it. 

In conclusion, I would like to thank the Chairman for his attention to the issue 

of human trafficking over many years. I would also like to say a special word of 

thanks to Senator Lugar, who is one of the great foreign policy leaders of our day. 

It has been a great honor to appear before you, Senator Lugar. I would want this 

occasion to reflect how grateful I am to you for your commitment to the great foreign policy issues of our day, including trafficking, violence against women and girls, 

and genocide. I also wish to recognize and thank your superb staff, who have always 

29 

welcomed me and other NGO representatives. Their excellence reflects on you and 

on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, we certainly will. Thank you very much, 

Ms. Burkhalter. I really appreciate all of your comments and particularly the expressions of thanks to the staff and others. 

I want to thank all of you for the very important testimony that 

was presented here today. And I know my colleagues are going to 

want to dig in a little bit and we are going to want to explore this. 

Let me begin, if I may, by—first of all, I want to thank Humanity United and the International Justice Mission for their long commitments on this and for all that you have accomplished. I remember back in the year 2000—1999 actually—Senator Frist and I 

began the effort to write the first AIDS bill which became PEPFAR 

ultimately, and I am proud of that and I am proud of what we did 

particularly getting the support of Senator Jesse Helms and ultimately passing it in a divided Congress, but we came together 

around that. And I think everybody can be proud of the story that 

followed from that, and it really is predicate for what could be done 

here and I want to explore that a little bit now if we can because 

I think we can build a critical mass to do more. 

It is disturbing, obviously, that there are as many people, that 

it has probably grown, not diminished even though we have made 

progress in certain places. And so there has to be a much more concentrated global effort on this. 

I particularly want to thank Minh and Monica and Jamm for 

coming here today. I think it is so important for people to be able 

to see real people that it has affected and whose lives were turned 

completely upside down but who have turned their lives back by 

yourselves, by your courage. It is really a remarkable thing and we 

are very, very grateful to you for coming here today and being willing to put yourselves out there as leaders now. 

One of the things I want to ask—and first, just as a matter of 

information, with respect to both Minh and Monica, the crimes that 

you describe and the lives that they led, were those both in the 

United States also? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Yes. 

The CHAIRMAN. So all three represent extraordinary—— 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. What trafficking looks like in our country. 

The CHAIRMAN. In our own country. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Absolutely. 

The CHAIRMAN. Can you share with us perhaps a little bit more 

about at the end Ms. Burkhalter was saying do something more. 

And I wonder if each of you could sort of flesh that out a little bit 

now. What is the single most important thing that we can do. Give 

us an order of priorities, if you will, of what you think would have 

the most impact here. Needless to say, I think if there were a little 

more naming and shaming and public face to some of this, it would 

be particularly helpful, and I think we ought to work a way into 

this, into the prosecution and tracking of this in order to guarantee 

that happens more. 

I used to be a prosecutor. I spent a number of years running one 

of the 10-largest county prosecution offices in this country. And 

frankly, until I came to the Senate and began to learn about this 

off of this committee, I had no idea that these kinds of things were 

30 

happening right here in our own country in such a broad criminal 

enterprise without the kind of focused attention of the Justice 

Department and others that I think we ought to have. And there 

is a huge question as to why. 

So maybe you could share with us what that order of priority 

might be that we can step up our effort here within the Congress 

to focus on this. Anybody who wants to lead off. 

And the other question I wanted to ask you, Jada, particularly 

is what have you learned in the course of Don’t Sell Bodies and in 

your involvement with these survivors about how you make this 

transition from victim to survivor and whether there is, obviously, 

much more that we could be doing with respect to that for people. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Yes. I believe that we need more adequate 

funding for programs that can actually, first, protect young women 

and men who are victims of trafficking and then also the programs 

that help transition our young people from those traumas into 

being able to create and develop lives so that they are not only survivors, but they are thriving. These young ladies that are here with 

us today are young women who are not just surviving but they are 

thriving. 

The CHAIRMAN. Did they each come through a program? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Monica has come through a fantastic program that I believe is based in Oakland called the MISSSEY program which happens to be a very, very strong program that I got 

introduced in going to the HEAT Watch conference in Oakland. 

And Minh, no. But as I said before, Minh is at Berkeley. Minh 

is also very active with the Californians Against Slavery. 

And we are going to work very hard in California to push the 

CASE Act that we have right now which will be the toughest 

antitrafficking law that we have in this country. 

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Abramowitz, Ms. Burkhalter, can you speak 

to the order of priority? 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Well, Mr. Chairman, you have really put forward a very difficult challenge because, as I think I laid out and 

as I laid out in my testimony, one of the major challenges with respect to this phenomenon is that it covers so many different areas. 

You have got labor. You have got crime. You have got human 

rights. You have got child welfare. So really to try to talk about 

things in isolation I think is somewhat of a mistake. We need to 

think about an overall, integrated approach. 

For example, in the U.S. law enforcement context, I think I 

would just point to two things that we need to do. One is, I think 

that we need more training at the local level including our own 

Federal agencies but also the Wage and Hour Division for the 

Department of Labor and also State and local law enforcement. 

These are the people who first come in contact with these victims 

if they are involved in a situation where they are doing a law enforcement investigation, and I think some of the problems that we 

have heard about today go to the point where they do not identify 

these individuals as trafficking victims. They think that they are 

prostitutes or they are illegal aliens or whatever the situation is, 

and then it just goes into this very negative slope downward in 

terms of trying to not only help these individuals but also using 

them to craft the various crime organizations that are out there. 

31 

We need to be able to have them identified. Then we need to have 

a comprehensive service approach. I am somewhat familiar with 

the Oakland program. I have heard very, very good things about 

it. 

And it is really this integrated approach to victim services. In 

particular, there are actually, under the TVPA and other things 

that Congress has done, a number of different programs that are 

available, but they are spread out among various different entities 

in the Federal Government and the State government. And one of 

the things that many service providers ask for is there needs to be 

additional money for some sort of case management system so that 

an individual—whereas one individual can say, OK, if you need 

that, let us go to HHS. Oh, you need that? The Office of Victims 

Crimes at the Department of Justice actually does very well on 

that one. Oh, let us go to the local law enforcement because California happens to have this great program. So you need someone 

who knows, who has expertise, and can really bring that together. 

And then I would say just on the international front, Mr. Chairman, I think there is a similar sort of approach that needs to be 

done as well. We know about how to deal with survivors and how 

to prevent trafficking, but we have to create a similar integrated 

approach. You know, it used to be that awareness alone was the 

idea. Let us just create awareness and people will move. It is very 

unrealistic. Between the push factors of gender discrimination, 

social discrimination, and other reasons, there are ways that we 

need to overcome in a much broader fashion. 

Thank you for the time, sir. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Can I ask the cameras to minimize the clicking, if possible? I 

know you have got to take some pictures, but you must have more 

than a million pictures of Will Smith in the last half hour. 

[Laughter.] 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. But we don’t have enough pictures of Holly 

Burkhalter, Mr. Chairman. 

[Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Holly, did you want to answer that? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Just real quickly. I would just reiterate, first 

of all, you have some models, tools, diplomatic and foreign aid. And 

what we need is political support. You know, for example, governments really do care where they land on the four tiers that are in 

the law that you passed and that the TIP Office, in collaboration 

with the regional bureaus, assigns. Those that get downgraded may 

not like it very much, but they care a lot. We hear about it in the 

field because they come and say ‘‘what can we do to get off that 

bad tier?’’ I mean, that is exactly what happens. At IJM we are 

there to work with the governments and help bring them along and 

get them to rescue kids. We are not going to be involved in public 

naming and shaming. But others need to be. We are there to be 

technical assistants on rescue and perpetrator apprehension. 

But if the tier-ranking process becomes politicized and becomes 

undermined and the report becomes weakened because of other 

considerations, then we have lost this marvelous tool that has, I 

think, made the United States response to trafficking and slavery 

since 2000 so strong. 

32 

And I will tell you—you know this—the executive branch cares 

about what you care about. If you have ambassadorial nominees up 

here and you ask them about trafficking and slavery in the country 

where they are going and when the administration does something 

bone-headed and gets a letter from Republican and Democratic 

Senators saying what is up, they care and they listen and it supports the movement inside the bureaucracy. Please do not neglect 

your own significance in terms of boosting strong diplomacy. 

Second of all, I really do not think that we can expect to see trafficking confronted successfully around the world or at home without money, and I think the American people want the money spent 

for this. They want it spent successfully and in outcome-producing, 

carefully monitored interventions that are collaborative with governments that want to respond well. We need many, many more 

models like that. That is why I like the PEPFAR model of making 

long-term commitments. But you could add in a sort of MCC component where you have an agreement, you have a strategy that 

holds up and it is going to bear fruit, and the receiving government 

is accountable for measurable outcomes. I think the American people would love that. 

And we could build the knowledge base on what worked. I mean, 

what can Brazil teach India? You know, what kind of interventions 

for survivors worked in Cambodia and should be looked at for Vietnam? I think we are just at the beginning of that conversation. It 

could be built but it is not going to be built without a large investment, and it is one I think we can afford even in these tough times. 

The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate those answers. My time is up. I 

want to pass on and get everybody else involved here. 

But here is what I am very clearly drawing from this, and I 

think I want to work with my colleagues here, each of whom have 

an interest in this predating this. The legislation we have now, I 

think, is frankly too tame and too limited compared to what this 

needs. And thinking back to the experience that I alluded to a 

moment ago about prosecuting, I started one of the first victim witness programs and several task forces, including rape counseling 

and other things, and it was not until we created the concentrated 

effort that the awareness grew and people began to do exactly what 

you have just said, to sort of teach people about it or talk about 

it and integrate it into what we were doing. 

This needs to be more integrated. This needs to be clarified in 

a way that instructions are going out to assistant U.S. attorneys, 

that there is coordination with the district attorneys offices, that 

there is a national understanding about this, and that investigations are undertaken with the interconnectedness, the connecting 

of the dots sort of integrated into that. And I think we can do that. 

I think we have the ability to make that happen in a legislative 

effort. So I am going to try to work with my colleagues here to see 

if we cannot piece that together. It is not dissimilar to what we did 

in the context of AIDS, but it has a whole prosecutorial/law 

enforcement component to it as well as victim witness services and 

other kinds of things. So I think you have clearly put that on the 

table in a way that inspires me to at least say that I think we 

ought to try to piece that together, and we will do that. 

33 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. And, Mr. Chairman, just briefly. The National 

Association of Attorneys General for the 50 attorneys general 

around the States have a very strong interest in this matter, and 

I am certain that would be very interested to work with you on 

this. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, we work with them closely. We work with 

them anyway. But I promise you we will follow up with them and 

work with them very closely. 

Senator Rubio. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for having 

this hearing. I think this is fantastic. I appreciate the time you 

have given it and all of you for being a part of the panel today. 

I care a lot about the international component of this, but I think 

one of the things that gives us credibility to address it is the stuff 

we are doing here domestically at home. And let me just share with 

you my experience. And I think, Mr. Abramowitz, you started to 

touch upon this, and I want to dig deeper on it. 

In our work on this, both in my time in the State legislature and 

here, one of the things I run into is this conflict. By the way, what 

I am about to say in no way should be taken as an assault on the 

intentions of the people that are involved in this. But some folks 

in law enforcement and interested parties who struggle with the 

notion that the young ladies and others who are being trafficked 

are actually victims as opposed to perpetrators—I struggled with 

trying to explain to people that, in fact, these folks are not willing 

participants in a criminal enterprise even if they are 21 or 19 or 

20. In essence, it is hard to explain that to people because when 

you interact with a victim, they have been so emotionally battered 

and so psychologically battered that they may act like a willing 

participant but, in fact, they have been trapped by those circumstances. I am probably not explaining it right, but I think you get 

the gist of it. And it has been difficult to interact with some in law 

enforcement who want to have the ability to treat them as perpetrators, in essence, to put them on the stand, to force them to 

testify against the pimp or the trafficker, and more importantly, to 

be able to punish them. And it has gotten really difficult to overcome that with some groups. 

I was hoping we can dig into that a little bit deeper today not 

just through your testimony here but when we leave here today 

because I think it is one of the things that is holding us back from 

making more progress. 

There was a State legislative initiative this year in Florida that 

created a safe haven, basically a safe harbor for people who have 

been trafficked. And we ran into some resistance from law enforcement. That was ultimately overcome about not being able to put 

the victims in jail and treat them as willing participants. I think 

you get the gist of what I am getting at. 

So you have probably encountered that as well, and I do not 

know what we can add to the debate about that today. I would love 

to hear your insight on that. And I hope we will concentrate more 

on that because it is really one of the things that is holding us back 

from getting even more people on board. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Senator Rubio, I think this is an issue that 

really harkens back to the very beginning of the efforts to combat 

34 

human trafficking. You know, when I was on staff on the Foreign 

Affairs Committee and we had our first meeting with the Justice 

Department to try to discuss implementation, this issue immediately came up. These individuals are part of the conspiracy and 

we need to turn them against their traffickers so that we should 

withhold assistance, we should withhold various things until they 

are willing to testify. 

And I think one of the pernicious aspects of that particular attitude is that it makes the victims more afraid of law enforcement. 

So the very thing that they are trying to accomplish, which is to 

try to bring the victims out and then perhaps, if they can, be as 

brave as some of the women behind me and come forward with 

their stories, then actually prosecute them, they are actually diminishing that. 

Now, I will say that we have made strides in this area. I think 

that the whole notion of a victim-centered approach, which was 

sort of the buzzwords that were created in the Bush administration, which they have really been trying to implement, have made 

a difference. Yet, there is still a prosecutorial imperative to try to 

get the bad guys, and that creates an incentive to try to turn these 

often women but also men and boys to try to provide testimony 

when they are not ready for it. 

And I guess I would say that the real challenge in this area— 

and I think you felt this when you were in Florida—is that even 

though at headquarters you do see evolving approaches on this 

score—and they really do believe this—when you get out in the 

field, I have talked in candor with DHS and they will say, ‘‘yes, we 

do have field agents who still just see these people as illegal prostitutes who need to be thrown out of the country right into the 

hands of their trafficker back in Mexico who will then be retrafficked right back across the border.’’ So I think that is the real 

challenge. I always try to get State and local law enforcement and 

also in the field people understanding this. That requires training 

and I think with some of the work that we are trying to do to try 

to bring civil society in closer partnership with law enforcement so 

that they can try to really educate them as to the needs here. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. To add to what you were just saying, which 

I feel very strongly about, I also think it could be helpful, too, to 

have support for survivor leadership that can help with that education. Many of us who speak about this issue—we have secondhand information or thirdhand information versus we have survivors that have firsthand information and we have a lot of 

survivors out here who are willing and very capable to lead us in 

these efforts as well. So I think that that could also be an aspect 

of our education and continue to learn what this is about and what 

it looks like. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. I totally agree with that. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. If I could make a quick comment. We work 

internationally and domestic issues are not my expertise, but I 

have had the good fortune to talk with many of my fellow 

antitrafficking friends. 

And one of the issues that troubles me greatly is the fact that 

something like 80 percent of the children who are picked up in 

prostitution on the streets come out of the foster care system. And 

35 

the foster care system can be literally a training ground for children to be pimped out. They are abused in foster care. They are 

on the street. They get picked up. They go to juvenile detention. 

They are abused in juvenile detention. When they get out, they 

have no place to go and they have no home, and they are back on 

the street again. There has got to be a stop to that immediately. 

If jail is the only safe place for a child who has had crimes committed against them, then something is very badly broken. 

We are working in IJM, in collaboration with the Polaris Project, 

to try to get State laws passed that would require this safe haven 

approach that you referred to, Senator Rubio. New York has one. 

They are hard laws to pass because they cost money. But giving 

a child from the streets a safe place to live and caregivers who love 

them and trauma-focused care and getting them health care and 

mental health care and life skills and schooling—you do not get 

that in juvie. The only way to break that cycle is to start treating 

child victims as exactly what they are, and we are not doing it in 

the United States. And do please take a look at that foster care 

system. There is legislation out there and it deserves a look. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. My time is up. My only comment— 

and you might be able to help me with this afterward—is it would 

be great—and maybe it exists—if there were a, for lack of a better 

term, speakers bureau of survivors available that we could use to 

interact with both folks who I think need to be convinced about the 

victimization aspects of this, but also for educating young people 

who might be susceptible. I do not know. Maybe that exists already 

if there is such a place, but I would love to know about it. 

Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Rubio. 

Senator Boxer. 

Senator BOXER. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. Thank you 

all. 

It is horrifying to think about what is going on sometimes right 

in our neighborhoods and certainly around the globe. To me, when 

we just look at the issue of children, the facts are that today right 

now 5.5 million children are somehow being forced into labor that 

they do not want to do that they should not be doing. The total 

number of people, 21 million people, right now as we sit here and 

5.5 million of them kids. So we need to have a zero tolerance starting with the kids, just zero tolerance. And I want to talk a little 

bit about that and ask you some questions. 

Ms. Pinkett Smith, I thank you so much. You know, in California, we see a lot of celebrities and many of them do wonderful 

things. You are one of those. I thank you so much. And I thank 

your whole family because we all know when one puts on the uniform of social justice, the whole family puts it on. And I am very, 

very grateful. 

So in your testimony, you tell the stories of three brave young 

survivors who are here, and their stories are so important because 

they focus on America. And I know, because I have asked, that 

each of them experienced—Minh, Monica, and Jamm—this horror 

in California and the cities that were mentioned to me were Oakland and Los Angeles and San Jose. Is that correct? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Yes. 

36 

Senator BOXER. And I have a home in Oakland, and this is going 

on right in my neighborhood. There is no question about it. 

And I know about HEAT Watch, which stands for Human Exploitation and Trafficking Watch, which you have been involved in, Ms. 

Smith. 

And so instead of going into all that, I want to ask you about 

Prop. 35 because it is a chance—— 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Yes, it is. 

Senator BOXER [continuing]. To get the word out. 

Mr. Chairman and colleagues, our State has a measure on the 

ballot, Prop. 35, so that Californians can take a stand against 

human trafficking. And what it does is some of the things you were 

talking about. It would increase prison terms for human traffickers. It would require convicted sex traffickers to register as sex 

offenders. It would require all registered sex offenders to disclose 

their Internet accounts. It would require criminal fines from convicted human traffickers to pay for services to help victims so that 

we would have some resources to match what we are trying to do 

here with our resources being limited, unfortunately, and in my 

view wrongly, but that is another debate for another time. 

So I want to ask you—I think both Mr. Abramowitz and Ms. 

Smith know about this proposition. Can you give us a little bit of 

discussion about how it is going and do you feel comfortable and 

confident? Do you have a lot of endorsements? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Oh, absolutely. I would say that we have 

gained a lot of support as far as the prop is concerned. We still 

have a ways to go as far as awareness and getting people to understand, once again, how important it is to have these laws in place 

because this is something that is actually occurring in our own 

country, and being that California—we have three of the major 

hotspots in regards to trafficking. But I would say that, yes, we are 

gaining a lot of support. I feel very confident. 

Senator BOXER. Good. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. I feel very confident. And we are going to 

go, starting in September, real hard campaigning for that prop. 

Senator BOXER. Good. And before I ask Mr. Abramowitz, I would 

like to take a page out of what Senator Rubio said. I think for that 

proposition to gain credibility, hearing the stories of these young 

people would be very, very helpful to do that. Whatever I can do 

to help, whether we have a few fora around the State, whatever, 

let me know if I can be of help. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. OK, thank you. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Well, briefly, Senator Boxer, I just want to say 

that another factor here is Attorney General Kamala Harris and 

the work that she is doing. As you know, she is a huge leader in 

this issue, has been for years, and she is in the process of doing 

a statewide review of the activities of law enforcement, et cetera to 

try to determine what the next steps are. And I think that that 

report, which hopefully will be due well before the November elections, can really be a platform to really talk about how these issues 

are so important and create greater awareness about the proposition and also perhaps a platform to try to bring out some of these 

stories. 

37 

Senator BOXER. Well, we owe it to these three women who came 

forward to get that done. 

Ms. Burkhalter, let me thank you for everything you do. You 

thanked us but you are the leader and we are just following 

because we know that you speak truth to us. 

I want to ask you about a specific case because sometimes we get 

lost in the big numbers, the millions. I want to ask about one case. 

This is an international case that you were involved in at your 

organization. A Russian pedophile, Alexander—how do you pronounce it? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Trofimov. 

Senator BOXER. Trofimov. He was arrested in Cambodia in 2007 

for buying sex from 17 very young girls and originally sentenced 

to about 15 years in prison. But he was pardoned by the Cambodian Government in 2011 and released after serving a fraction 

of his sentence. And I joined a number of colleagues in expressing 

outrage, particularly since Cambodia has received significant antihuman trafficking assistance from our Nation. 

Fortunately, the Cambodian Government ultimately relented, rearresting Mr. Trofimov, and extraditing him to Russia. But this 

never should have happened. At the time of his rearrest, he was 

living with a 12-year-old girl. Those were the reports that we got. 

Why do you think we saw the release of Mr. Trofimov by the 

Cambodian Government? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Thanks for bringing it up and thank you for 

helping us with it—as did Mr. Rubio and others—I am really 

grateful. 

That case was our case. IJM investigated Alexander Trofimov. 

He did not pay young girls for sex. He abducted them and he did 

have at least 17 young victims that IJM discovered and, working 

with local police, got the girls to safety and into aftercare, and 

arrested Mr. Trofimov. We helped represent the girls at trial. We 

have a Cambodian lawyer that is a member of the bar, and he told 

me, Holly, when you were in that courtroom—and this is not a 

courtroom like this room. It is a small room and the windows are 

open and it is full of people and there are benches. And he said half 

the benches in the courtroom were filled with the victims, the little 

girls, who Trofimov had hideously, sadistically abused. He was 

quite a monster. And I am sorry to say that in public, but it is the 

truth. 

It was interesting because at the time the Russian Government 

had warrants pending against Alexander Trofimov for raping girls 

as young as nine in Russia. But he went to Cambodia thinking that 

with his many millions, he could do what he wanted. 

It was actually a great testimony to the Cambodian Government 

in spite of the millions of dollars that Alexander Trofimov had invested in the country in an entertainment center of some kind on 

Snake Island, that the judge, even though there was a lot of money 

flashing around, did the right thing. They sentenced Alexander 

Trofimov to 7 or 8 years. 

And then he was pardoned and released. And I think that that 

is simply a story of a government that is in transition where there 

are tendencies to go both ways. There are modernizing and reforming tendencies. We are working with them and they are excellent. 

38 

The head of the antitrafficking force is superb. He has a very good 

group of people who are trying their hardest. And then you have 

other factors in that country and other members of law enforcement and other political actors who are not on the up and up. And 

I imagine that money had a big part to do with it. 

The really great part about this story is there are Cambodians 

of good will to support. The United States Government, which 

started out with a rather modest response, was a little disappointing. I was wanting more of a shouting from the rooftop sort of response on this. But then, along came six good Senators who urged 

the administration to really speak out and demand that the Cambodians rearrest Trofimov and extradite him to Russia. It was in 

a way to try to support the people in Cambodia and the Cambodian 

Government that were asking for this. And that is exactly what 

happened. They changed their position from the December release 

until the rearrest which I believe happened just last month, and 

he will now be prosecuted in Russia for crimes against Russian 

kids. 

I think this goes to show that in some, not all, countries, what 

the United States cares about becomes a matter of importance, and 

then that helps develop—not our standards but international 

standards and Cambodian law standards and help those who want 

to do the right thing. The United States is capable of doing so with 

the good, strong push from the U.S. Senate and the administration. 

Thanks for asking. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Boxer. 

Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, for conducting 

this hearing, and let me thank our witnesses for their testimony. 

I particularly want to thank Minh, Monica, and Jamm for being 

here. We hear about numbers and the statistics and they are 

shocking to us, and then we move on to the next subject. But when 

we see the individual that is affected by it, it does motivate us to 

action. So I just really want to underscore how important it is for 

victims to come forward and to tell their stories. 

In my capacity on the Helsinki Commission, I have had a chance 

to visit the victims. I have been to rescue centers in Europe and 

talked one on one with victims of trafficking. And you hear their 

stories, which are in many cases kind of similar. Usually young 

women in a country where there is little opportunity read an advertisement about an opportunity in another country for legitimate 

employment, by the way, and a legitimate future. They basically 

have to mortgage themselves in order to get there. Once they get 

to the country, they are abused. They have no papers. And you 

have the complicity of the local law enforcement. So the person is 

trapped and many are unable to escape that. 

So I really do applaud the efforts that you all are making. We 

have made progress. Make no mistake about it, but we have a lot 

further that we need to go to end this modern-day slavery. 

Ms. Burkhalter, I just want you to know in naming and shaming, 

we are taking action in this Congress. The bipartisan Magnitsky 

bill has been approved by this committee, will be approved by the 

Senate Finance Committee later this week, which says to human 

rights violators that we are going to name you and shame you and 

39 

take action if the country in which you live fails to do that. We do 

not want you living with impunity when you have done these horrible things. So we are taking action. 

I want to get to the point that you raised, though, about elevating the Trafficking in Person Bureau and how the TIP reports 

currently operate. First, I applaud Secretary Clinton for including 

the United States in the TIP reports. We now get a status as to 

progress within our own country because I think many of us 

thought America was immune from this form of modern-day slavery and that if it existed, maybe it was on the fringes of a few people coming in from other countries that were being abused. But as 

has been pointed out by the testimony today, it is a problem in our 

own country that needs to be addressed. 

My question to you is, could you just talk a little bit more how 

you elevate the current capacity that we have within the State 

Department dealing with trafficking and particularly how—I would 

invite any one of you to respond to that—how do we use that type 

of information? And you are right. What tier you are on is important to a country, and when they come into our offices—and I 

would encourage Members to take up your recommendation as we 

meet with nominees for ambassadors or we meet with foreign dignitaries—to have that TIP report in our possession and to challenge the country that you are either going to represent the United 

States or they are represented in our office to take steps to improve 

their records. And we know exactly what they need to do. The TIP 

report is pretty specific as to why they are on a certain tier. 

But how do we improve our capacity here, and how do we use 

that, our international interests that the United States has been a 

leader? In the OSCE, we have established high priorities. Countries are taking note of it. But how do we elevate that? And the 

comment you made that it is not on par with other commitments 

we have made in other bureaus in the State Department. Could 

you be more specific? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Well, I think it should be a bureau. I mean, 

it has been an office. It is a good office. It is an excellent office. But 

there are really important implications about it not being a bureau. 

For one thing, Foreign Service officers who want to move in their 

career and do well and thrive, when they come to an office, it does 

not have the prestige as going to a bureau. They are not on the 

same sort of promotion track. It is not to say that the office is not 

getting excellent staff, but it is not a place where Foreign Service 

officers would automatically want to go, ‘‘you know, like gee, it is 

a career builder to go work on these issues because it is an office.’’ 

No, people want to go to the bureaus. I am not a Foreign Service 

officer and I have never worked inside the executive branch, but 

this is my understanding. 

Second of all, when you do not have someone on the level of an 

assistant secretary to go into a tough meeting where the issues are 

going to be on the table and you have got any number of proper, 

competing important U.S. concerns, and then you have another 

concern which is trafficking, those interlocutors are not playing on 

the same field because you have an assistant secretary versus a coordinator of an office. It would not matter to me. I think the coordinator is quite wonderful. But it matters a lot to people in the 

40 

Career Foreign Service. That is another problem, and it shows. It 

really tells. 

So I think it should just be a bureau. We have many bureaus. 

The Secretary of State created several new bureaus unilaterally 

relating to conflict and reconstruction at the end of last year. I 

think that was great. I think she should have created the Trafficking in Persons Bureau or End Modern-Day Slavery. I think it 

would just be great. 

Senator CARDIN. Mr. Abramowitz, I will let you respond, but if 

you could also tell us how you think we could better coordinate our 

focus internationally on rooting out trafficking but use that also to 

advance our actions here in America. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Just, yes, very 

briefly. I also think there is an issue of resources in the JTIP 

Office. There has been cuts in the amount of money that has been 

available to them to do their own programming. I think one of the 

things that has stood them well in their efforts is that when they 

say, look, country X has a challenge here, but we can do something 

about it, we have grant money that we can do to try to help them 

with the recommendations that you cited. And that has been a very 

powerful lever for them to work collaboratively at times both with 

the country, as in the Philippines case, but also with the regional 

bureaus to try to move these issues forward. So that is one point. 

Second, I think that we have a very profound moment here on 

your second question, which is the USAID has just put out their 

countertrafficking in persons policy that is trying to look at how to 

mainstream this issue within their development work so that when 

they are looking at the awareness, education programs more generally, microcredit, agriculture, how it is that they can start looking 

at this in an integrated way. And I discussed that in my testimony 

in terms of some of the things we have learned. 

I think one of the key issues here is that USAID, who has been 

working in this area for quite some time—this is not a new program for them, but they are really trying to put more emphasis on 

it—is to look at what we have learned elsewhere. For example, 

World Vision is implementing a program that the Department of 

Labor has funded, the International Labor Assistance Bureau, or 

ILAB, and they have come up with quite a bit of learning on how 

to do some of these integrated approaches. So one of the things we 

need to do is encourage our own agencies who are working on these 

issues to learn from each other so as they go forward, they use the 

best practices. 

Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. I thank you all. 

And Ms. Pinkett Smith already commented about the need for 

more resources, and that I think is across the board, not just in the 

TIP Bureau but also as it relates to victims so that they have confidence that they can come forward and know that they will have 

the support that they need. 

Mr. Chairman, I thank you very much. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

Senator Durbin. 

Senator DURBIN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and 

thank you for this hearing. 

41 

It was a pleasure for me to bump into and meet Mr. Smith and 

his daughter, Willow, and his lovely wife this morning, and I am 

glad to be with you here. And I thank all of you for being part of 

this. 

I am chairing the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution and Human Rights, and we have had two hearings on 

human trafficking. The more I get into this issue, the more I learn 

how many different facets there are of exploitation of women, children, even exploitation of men. It is happening not just around the 

world, but right here at home. There are aspects of it that are 

frightening. To think that there is a form of diplomatic slavery, 

which has been uncovered by the Washington Post, where servants 

are brought from foreign countries working here in this Capital 

City enslaved, literally enslaved right here within a stone’s throw 

of the U.S. Capitol, that we are dealing with the reality of the fact 

that we carry around in our pockets these cell phones and many 

of them contain conflict minerals which are being mined in the 

Democratic Republic of Congo and other places by slave labor and 

we have passed legislation still waiting for the SEC to implement 

it to try to make corporations be more responsible and more 

accountable. 

What we did in the committee as well is consider this whole 

aspect of accountability. The law was written so that if you did not 

commit the crime of trafficking in the United States, you could not 

be prosecuted in the United States. We became a safe haven. Well, 

that has changed. We passed a new law and it gives the authority 

to prosecutors in this country to hold human traffickers accountable even if their actions were overseas. We are not going to be a 

safe haven in this circumstance. And I am glad that that passed. 

But there are a couple aspects of this that I still think need to 

be addressed. One of them is what I call legal slavery in foreign 

countries, child marriage, literally that a 12-year-old girl in 

Niger—I think we have a poster here that came recently from the 

Washington Post—a 12-year-old girl in Niger married off and practically died in child birth at age 14. Twice—Mr. Chairman, I thank 

you for this—we have passed in this committee resolutions in the 

previous Congress and this one condemning child marriage and 

this exploitation of children in other countries. And twice it has 

died in the U.S. House of Representatives. Want an assignment? 

Call them. Ask them why they will not take this up. It has passed 

on a bipartisan basis here. We need to make sure that it becomes 

kind of a standard principle of our Government that we are going 

to protect children and protect, in this case, young girls from this 

form of exploitation. 

And the other aspect of it is—and I agree with Senator Rubio 

and Senator Kerry and others—let us look at ourselves too. Nicholas Kristof is a friend and inspiring writer for the New York 

Times and he has taken up this cause not just in foreign lands but 

here in the United States. He takes a look at the Web sites in 

America that are legally—right now legally—really leading to prostitution but also exploitation of children. He named one of them 

here, backpage.com—I hate to give any publicity but only in a negative sense I am giving that publicity—that is, in fact, financed by 

some of the major investment banks on Wall Street. And 19 of us 

42 

joined in a letter protesting their trafficking not just of prostitution 

but of children. And Kristof came up with chapter and verse. 

My suggestion, as I step back and look at this, is thank you for 

drawing our attention to it, but you have given us a big assignment. Ms. Pinkett Smith, thank you for bringing in these brave, 

young women and tell their story. But we have a big assignment 

if the United States wants to establish a standard and live by it 

and then enforce it in our foreign policy around the world. 

So I would like to just ask at this point the aspect of child marriage, the aspect of using the Internet for this exploitation. Ms. 

Pinkett Smith, do you have any thoughts on those two issues? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. Well, my thoughts are, I am in complete 

agreement that I need to write a few letters myself in support of 

being against child marriage. And so now that I am thinking, I am 

like that is something that we probably need to figure out as a 

movement on dontsellbodies.org for our young people to get involved with that for sure. And I will look to my team to get more 

information on that definitely. But I am in complete support of that 

idea. Absolutely. 

Senator DURBIN. Ms. Burkhalter, you have testified before our 

subcommittee. Thank you for doing that. And we have made 

progress. I think we have. We have a long, long way to go. And I 

would like to ask you, as you look at this on the child marriage 

aspect or on the use of the Internet even in the United States for 

these purposes, where you think we need to go. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Internet issues are definitely not my expertise, 

so I will not waste your time, though I do know that there is some 

very good work being done by the DNA Foundation and by the 

Center for Missing and Exploited Children. There was a recent 

meeting in California. A number of these groups got together. And 

I will work with your staff and get those names and some of that 

information about what they are doing to you after this hearing, 

sir. 

I would love to see the child marriage bill pass. I had not realized it had not. 

Senator DURBIN. Twice. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. And I do think that giving governments and 

communities tools to help deal with this, you need both norm 

change and you also need alternatives for girls as well as law 

enforcement. It is not legal in almost all of the countries. And so 

sort of a combination of approaches are the way to go. 

But just as female genital cutting used to be the norm, it is now 

changing. Child marriage can change too. I really am happy that 

people have made it an issue. I know there is a huge head of steam 

behind it in the NGO movement. But seeing it both as a law 

enforcement and a development and a cultural norm issue and 

finding ways to help vulnerable countries address it on all three 

fronts is the way to go. 

Senator DURBIN. Thank you. I will just close by saying that this 

exploitation takes so many forms, the sexual bondage which we 

have heard of and is just ghastly, the debt bondage which is also 

a close parallel, the forced labor issue, and other aspects which 

were brought out in some of the Helsinki Commission reports, I 

43 

think really is a call to arms for all of us to live these standards 

in America and then promote them around the world. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Senator Durbin, if I may just briefly. I would 

just call your attention to a new U.S. global strategy on children 

in adversity that the administration is working on. I do not know 

very much about this. I have not been tracking it, but some of our 

partners have. And it seems to try to put exploitation in the widest 

possible frame. So I think it would be useful to take a look at that 

as that comes out and see whether child marriage is something 

that is also a priority there. 

Senator DURBIN. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Durbin. 

Senator Webb. 

Senator WEBB. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for 

holding this hearing and for all the witnesses. There are people 

who have been speaking to you today, as you know, who have 

worked in this area for a very long time. 

I have been very concerned about an issue that I do not think 

has been discussed yet, and I would like to raise it. Ms. Pinkett 

Smith, your testimony today illuminates a big part of this, and that 

is the notion that we need to be maintaining the objectives and the 

standards of the existing legislation. But, at the same time, I think 

we need to work harder to eliminate some confusion and even 

resentment that exists in a number of the countries where these 

TIP reports have been creating some feelings that they have not 

been measured fairly. 

The chairman mentioned in his opening remarks the four P’s. 

And certainly when we talk about prevention and prosecution and 

then try to figure out how we can develop and maintain partnerships with some of these countries, I think we really need to work 

here in the Congress on having a clear, objective methodology that 

everyone can understand around the world. 

Right now, the TIP reports that we are talking about—these 

annual rankings are actually rankings of countries against themselves year by year. For instance, we started hearing about this in 

East Asia where I have spent a lot of time. I am the chairman of 

that subcommittee on the East Asian and Pacific. We were hearing 

about this not only from the governments, but also from our embassies. These are people who are dedicated to solving these problems and these are not secondary issues over there. 

For instance, in 2010, we saw that Nigeria was listed as a Tier 

1 on the TIP report, Japan was a Tier 2, Singapore was a Tier 2 

Watch List because they were being rated against themselves year 

by year rather than on some sort of an international standard. And 

first, I think we can all agree that different cultures around the 

world, different governmental systems have different approaches, 

in prevention versus prosecution for instance, that may not fit into 

the matrix that we have been using. 

If you take the same year 2010, and look at Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, we see that Singapore was 

tied for No. 1 as the least corrupt country in the world with Denmark and New Zealand in terms of perceptions. Japan, which was 

a Tier 2 Watch List, was given a 7.8, ranked 17. The United States 

was ranked 22nd. 

44 

We have been trying to encourage a formula where you could 

have countries ranked on an international scale rather than a yearby-year scale against themselves or perhaps maybe two scales to 

give these countries a way to deal with the ratings that the United 

States are giving them and to be able to explain them to their own 

people and internationally. 

As this process was moving forward, the Ministry of Foreign 

Affairs in Singapore issued a statement, and this goes directly, Ms. 

Pinkett Smith, to your testimony here. They said ‘‘We note that the 

United States has again unabashedly awarded itself a Tier 1 ranking. Yet, the New York Times observed that teenage girls coerced 

into prostitution in the United States are treated not as trafficking 

victims but as miscreants who are arrested and prosecuted instead 

of protected. This is directly opposite to Singapore’s approach. The 

United States also suffers from serious problems with illegal immigrants, many of whom are trafficked by well-organized criminal 

gangs which seem to operate with impunity. On any objective criteria, the United States has a more serious trafficking-in-persons 

problem compared with Singapore.’’ 

Now, I am not saying I agree with this 100 percent, but you can 

get an idea of the resentments that exist in cultures that are well 

developed and governments that are well run. 

And so my question really is how do we reduce this resentment 

and still maintain the objectives and the standards of our legislation? 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. I personally think that we have to take trafficking as seriously on our own soil as we do in approaching other 

countries as far as how other countries are handling their trafficking matters. The chairman and I were talking about this a little 

earlier. Just as far as prosecution, we really have to hold accountable those people who are trafficking on our soil. We have to really 

hold up the standards of prosecuting those criminals. And so I 

think that would definitely make a big difference in how we are 

looked upon in that way. 

Senator WEBB. Thank you. 

Mr. Abramowitz, what would your thoughts be in terms of trying 

to create an international standard? 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Well, a couple of pieces. I think that as Ms. 

Burkhalter was discussing earlier, I think some confusion with respect to how countries respond to some of the rating is because of 

some lack of cohesion within the State Department as there is a 

discussion of what the exact standards mean, there is sometimes 

a different view in the field versus what is happening at headquarters. And I think one of the things that JTIP and the regional 

bureaus together have been addressing is trying to figure out how 

to create a more cohesive messaging approach. 

So as you know, Senator—and I want to say that we really appreciate your strong interest in this issue and following up on these 

issues—there has been an effort to try to have conversations with 

regional officers in the field so that there can be greater alignment 

within the Department about how they talk about these issues and 

what is necessary. 

I think that there is a challenge with respect to the system because there is some relativity based in the law. For example, on the 

45 

issue of resources, there is a question when the State Department 

is looking to evaluate where a country goes, they fairly, I believe, 

look at the resources that the country has to devote to the particular problem. So if a country does not have very many resources 

but is really doing quite a bit, that is, I think, seen as an important 

step by that country even though a country that has more and is 

in a better position to do some things apparently is doing less. So 

there is some of that kind of relative approaches that are built into 

the law in a way that is fair. 

I would say that one point that I think is important to mention, 

as Senator Cardin was earlier, is that while there are some of 

these challenges, I think that countries know what they need to do 

in order to improve their standing. Every year, I think starting 

about 5 years ago, there were recommendations that were instilled 

in the report itself saying this is what a country has to do in order 

to perform better. And I think that even if there is some discontinuity and they point to different countries, it is fairly clear from 

the State Department as to what they need to actually—— 

Senator WEBB. I agree. Well, let me ask Ms. Burkhalter because 

I am over my clock here. But, would you not think there would be 

a good argument for, at a minimum, two different standards? 

Something like a Transparency International standard where a 

country like Singapore or Japan, which has organized governmental systems, can see where we are ranking them on a scale 

rather than simply against themselves? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Sir, I have had the pleasure of talking with 

your excellent staff, Marta and her colleagues, a number of times, 

and so I feel like I am pretty familiar with the issue. I have wrestled around with it for many months because of the genuine effort 

to make our antitrafficking policies the most successful, that animates the issue, is well worth our support and consideration. I 

think some of the issues you raised would take hours and a couple 

beers to really do justice to. 

But I would say—— 

The CHAIRMAN. We are for that. We are adjourned. 

[Laughter.] 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I guess we are done. 

Senator WEBB. It is all about the beer. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I think maybe just on behalf of my organization, which is a Christian human rights group, you may just strike 

that last sentence from the record. 

But I would say, not meaning to be argumentative and appreciating where you are coming from, particularly when you refer to 

the Transparency International numerical system—I would say in 

defense of the current system, which I think is a good one, it is 

based on an international system. It is based on the Palermo Protocol and it is an international standard that governments are 

bound by. 

Now, is each rendition and each tier ranking perfect? No, because we already know that there are political considerations that 

come in. I think it should be done as the clearest possible articulation of how a country is doing on its own trafficking problem. My 

problem with ranking countries vis-a-vis others is that it is no help 

to a trafficking victim in Singapore for its country to be ranked 

46 

ahead of the Congo. It is no help to a trafficking victim in Nigeria 

if their country gets on Tier 1 but neighboring—— 

Senator WEBB. Well, if I may, because I know the chairman 

wants to shut this down. I have actually held a hearing on this 

issue, and I am not trying to cut you off. I appreciate very much 

the work that all of you have done on this. 

But you could make that same argument about ratings on media 

openness and these sorts of things. You could rate a country 

against itself a year ago and have one rating, but if you rated 

media openness among all countries, it would be something completely different. 

I am committed to trying to make this policy work, at the same 

time to reduce the frictions that are causing it problems—particularly in these more advanced cultures like the Japanese and the 

Singaporean, and to a certain extent, Thailand. 

I do not mean to cut you off. If you want to say something else, 

I am very—— 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Well, I have a meeting with Marta in a couple 

of days, so we will have time to talk about this. 

Senator WEBB. All of you, thank you for your testimony today 

and for your work on this issue. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Senator Webb. I know you 

are trying to find a way to deal with a problem, and I know there 

is some resistance to it. 

Is it fair to say that the four-tier system is kind of only just now 

beginning to take hold and that people are beginning to understand 

the brand, so to speak? Is that part of the tension here or not, Ms. 

Burkhalter? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. From our experience in the countries where we 

work—and we deal very closely with the governments. It is not the 

universe. We are doing antitrafficking work in four countries. They 

have a clear understanding of the tiers and they have a clear understanding particularly when the embassies are clear about it and 

are working with them on a regular basis. They know what they 

are supposed to do. Sometimes there are things that they need to 

do that they do not want to do and sometimes they want help with 

things they need to do. So if there is a lack of clarity, it is probably 

on the U.S. side and that we can fix. If there is a lack of clarity 

in the field, then having the U.S. Embassy team up with our TIP 

experts in making sure that everybody is clear about the things 

that will help a country really end its own trafficking problem, 

then that is the system we need. 

The CHAIRMAN. I gather that the 17 countries got a failing report 

were Tier 3 and 42 were near the failing level. That is Tier 3 

versus Tier 2 Watch List. Is the distinction clear between those, do 

you feel, sufficiently? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Yes, I think it is clear. 

The CHAIRMAN. What makes it clear? 

Ms. BURKHALTER. As David has testified, there is a broad range 

in the crime and there is a number of things that need to be done. 

And the things to solve slavery in our time cannot all be done overnight. It is very hard to point to one proven formula. There are 

things that clearly governments are responsible to do: protect vicVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00046 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6602 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
47 

tims, prevent the crime, deter the crime, put the bad guys in jail, 

et cetera. And to the best of their ability, our TIP officers and 

experts are trying to monitor that. They ask governments for data. 

Sometimes they get it; sometimes they do not. But those are good 

measurements of a government’s political will to end this crime of 

modern-day slavery. 

And I think three categories are not enough. ‘‘You are making it. 

You are doing well. You are not making it, but you are trying or 

you are flunking.’’ I think Congress was smart to create a fourth 

tier, and frankly I think they ought to just keep the Tier 2 Watch 

between Tier 2 and Tier 3. 

Am I answering your question? No. It seems not. 

The CHAIRMAN. No. Well, you are. But what troubles me is that, 

for instance, the quote from the Government of Singapore. I mean, 

there is some legitimacy to the notion. You, yourselves here, have 

articulated it that a lot of departments look at some people who are 

brought in and they do not see a victim of a conspiracy or slavery 

or trafficking or whatever. They just see somebody who was on the 

street, throw them in the clinker, you know, do what they do, and 

then they are back in the hands of their pimp and they are back 

out on the street before long. 

And so how we look at this attitudinally is pretty critical in 

terms of our own bona fides, which is why I commented earlier that 

I think we need to do a much better job of coordinating all law 

enforcement initiatives with respect to this and putting them into 

kind of a coordinated effort, if you will. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Well, Senator Kerry, if I may make a couple 

of points. First of all, I think that it is also a question of the state 

that you are looking at. I understand the urge to have one objective 

standard. But if you look at some of our evaluations of India, for 

example, which the rating is always controversial because of the 

large number of debt bondage that is in India, you often hear from 

those who look at these issues say, well, you know, there is a Federal system there. Many of these responsibilities are with the individual smaller six state units. And some of them are doing well and 

some are not, but we should not just throw out the baby with the 

bath water. A similar issue exists here. 

I think there is a clear line in terms of is the state really showing a commitment, taking affirmative steps that differentiates Tier 

2 Watch List with Tier 3. 

I think something that has come up in our conversations with 

Senator Webb’s office is a couple of other elements, including the 

automatic downgrade provision that is going to force countries from 

Tier 2 Watch List down to Tier 3 starting really next year. And 

that is a provision that has done a lot of good, but it also may lead 

to very difficult conversations over the course of the coming year, 

and it is something I think we do need to take a look at. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, I think what we need to do is this. I think 

Senator Webb’s reduction to effectively two tiers from the four that 

we have today—I am not in favor of moving in that direction. But 

I do think we can improve the metrics, if you will, by which we are 

making our own judgments so that people have confidence in it. 

Hopefully, you could deal with some of the diplomatic unrest that 

occurs as a result because people have a clarity as to how we are 

48 

approaching it. I think there may be some ways to improve on that. 

You might want to think about that as you meet with Senator 

Webb. You are shaking your head. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Only, sir, because I have just been in the 

human rights field so long and I have never once in my life experienced that a foreign government enjoys being criticized for their 

human rights record. They just do not. 

The CHAIRMAN. They would enjoy it a lot more if they had confidence that the country criticizing them had done due diligence in 

its own efforts. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Well, I think we certainly can do due diligence 

here at home. 

The CHAIRMAN. That is what I am talking about. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. But I think what Mr. Webb is talking about 

is the—he is talking about changing the system by which we rank 

them, and I disagree with that. 

The CHAIRMAN. And I am not and I just predicated my comments 

by saying I am not talking about doing that. But I am talking 

about establishing our own bona fides—— 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I agree with that. 

The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. As much as we can, and I think that 

would help enormously to address some of Senator Webb’s 

concerns. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. Well, that I do not disagree with. 

But I would say that both Singapore and Japan have a long way 

to go, and whether they are developed countries or not, they are 

not doing well on trafficking and slavery. And that is what they are 

being ranked on in the TIP report, and they are never going to be 

happy with us until they clean up their act. 

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Abramowitz, could you say a little more 

about the brokers and in what industries these brokers tend to 

operate—we find them and what are the key protections that are 

needed? 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This is a very important issue. I know Senator Rubio is very familiar with this issue 

as well. 

I think that the problem here is that foreign labor brokers are 

working to supply labor to a huge number of industries. We have 

had the cases of the Indian welders in construction. That was a 

case that was in this country in the gulf coast. We have seen a 

number of recent articles come out in the fishing industry. I do not 

know if you have seen Ben Skinner’s article that came out earlier 

this year about the New Zealand fishing industry and some of the 

terrible trafficking that has been going on there and the horrible 

abuses on these fishing boats that are sometimes at sea for long 

periods of time and the workers are forced to work 30 hours in a 

row and 40 hours in 2 days. It is really horrific. 

And then you have got a number of other agricultural settings 

where this is occurring. For example, in palm oil, you see that 

there are plantations where there is a significant amount of labor 

that is provided that is needed and then the brokers are trying to 

deliver that supply to these plantations and it is a major problem. 

In terms of protections, I think that the standards that we are 

looking at are, first of all, being very, very clear with the workers 

49 

on the transparency of what is actually going to happen, what they 

are going to do. One of the reasons the government contracting bill 

has come up is because there were these issues in Iraq where we 

had labor recruiters who were recruiting labor to do work inside 

Iraq and their countries actually prohibited them from going to 

Iraq. And so when they got visas and exit permits to leave, it was 

all about how they were going to the gulf to do construction 

projects in the gulf countries. Suddenly they were in Iraq and they 

were outside any protection because their home embassy did not 

have a particular mission there. 

The CHAIRMAN. So where could the most effective work be done 

on this? In the source country or in the destination country? 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. My personal view is you need to do both. There 

are these very interesting south-to-south partnerships that are 

developing that are so-called corridor type of programs where you 

have NGOs in the source country who are trying to educate, you 

know, talking about they should not be taking fees, which is the 

other big issue is that should not be having fees that will get them 

in debt and then require their family to pay these large fees off if 

they end up leaving their employment. But then you have also 

someone in the destination country that can follow up with them, 

ensure that they are getting the protections that they need. And 

it is working from both ends that is really going to be effective in 

this area. 

The CHAIRMAN. No doubt we could do a lot in our diplomacy to 

advance that. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Well, it is one of the reasons that a number 

of organizations have been pressing for increased protections here 

in the United States on foreign labor recruiters not because we 

have a huge wealth of terrible foreign labor recruiters—we do have 

our problems—but because we need to show leadership in this 

area. Just as you were indicating, how can we complain and say 

you need to have a very integrated foreign labor recruiter system 

if we do not have one ourselves? So it goes exactly to the issue that 

you were just building on a few minutes ago. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Rubio. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. 

I just want to take the opportunity that we are having this hearing here today since one of the strategies we have discussed today 

is naming and shaming people or organizations that facilitate trafficking. And there is an issue I have been involved in along with 

18 other colleagues of mine and others who I think have joined 

since then, and it regards Village Voice Media, and I wanted to 

take a moment to talk to you about that. 

As you know, the classified Web site, backpage.com, is the leading U.S. Web site for prostitution advertising. It is estimated they 

make about $24 million a year off of these ads. Some of those ads 

include a pimp who advertises services of a 14-year-old girl in Atlanta. He kept her in line by beatings, threatening her with a 

knife, and shocking her with a taser. Another of these advertisements was a Minnesota man who was charged later with eight 

counts of child prostitution for advertising two girls on 

backpage.com. 

50 

In fact, 51 attorneys general have asked Village Voice to take 

down adult services ads as a result of this. In fact, the National 

Association of Attorneys General found more than 50 instances of 

charges filed against people who trafficked or tried to traffic minors 

on backpage.com. And just 2 months ago, 19 colleagues on a bipartisan basis here in the U.S. Senate signed a letter asking them to 

close this down and a subsequent letter to other advertisers on 

Village Voice asking them to remove their advertisement because 

of their unwillingness to stop this kind of advertising. 

I know many of you have been involved in this and other groups. 

Over 90,000 people—maybe it is now 100,000—have signed a petition asking them to stop these advertisements. The bottom line is 

that we know that on the leading advertiser in this country of 

adult services, children, 14 years of age and younger, 15-year-old 

girls, are being advertised and their services are being advertised. 

And I wanted to utilize this forum here today to call attention 

to that. I know many in the audience are aware of it. It is grotesque. It is unacceptable. It is disgusting. There is no first amendment protection for child pornography and child trafficking and 

prostitution. And I hope they will reconsider the decisions they 

have made, and if they do not, I think all of us here today and 

those interested in this issue have a continuing obligation to shame 

them into doing the right thing. 

So I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you, Senator Rubio. I think everybody here would agree with you, and I thank you for taking that 

moment to make your statement. 

Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to follow 

up and concur with Ms. Burkhalter’s comments in response to 

Senator Webb. 

I can tell you my own experience in dealing with countries of 

Europe and Central Asia that is very clear. They understand why 

they are in a certain ranking on the tiers and they know what they 

need to do in order to improve. I do not think there is any misunderstanding. 

But I think perhaps a point that we could reach an agreement 

with Senator Webb is that if you are a country that has the resources and you have mature democratic institutions, I think more 

is expected of you and that you should be leading. And I think the 

United States can do a lot more. So I do not take comfort that we 

can sit back and do nothing because we are the highest rating 

under the TIP report. To me, the resources America has, its leadership internationally on these issues indicate that we should be 

doing more. And perhaps we can figure out a way in which we can 

make that clearer so that we are not trying to say that we have 

done what needs to be done. We have a lot more that needs to be 

done. And I think that may be a point where we could agree with 

Senator Webb. 

But I think, though, the TIP report is very valuable. It is not the 

only tool available and it should not be the only evaluations that 

are being made. We should be doing a lot more in that regard, but 

I would not want to see us let countries off the hook because of trying to politicize the way that these TIP ratings are made. 

51 

The second point I would make on law enforcement, if I might. 

Some of the areas that I think have been the most effective in dealing with trafficking is when you have law enforcement cooperation 

between the origin country and the receiving country and also transit countries, but the way. Let us not forget the transit countries. 

You cannot get from A to B without going through a lot of other 

countries. But when law enforcement works together and sets up 

a strategy, it has been much more effective in dealing with it because it is just not a problem of one country or another. It really 

is in multiple areas. And I think that is one area that we could perhaps improve is the cooperative relationships among the different 

countries in effective law enforcement in stopping these rings. 

By the way, these trafficking centers are usually connected with 

organized crime and they are hugely motivated by greed and 

money, as has been pointed out. And without that type of commitment from more than just one country, it is very difficult to really 

root out these networks. 

So, Mr. Chairman, I think this hearing has been extremely valuable. I think we should look at some of the suggestions that have 

been made, including elevating the presence within the State 

Department and expecting more from our own country as far as 

dealing with some of the root problems. 

And once again, I particularly want to thank those who have 

experienced firsthand the savage of slavery for being here and 

thank our witnesses for their presentation. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Cardin, thank you very much. Thanks 

also for your longtime leadership on this. I thank each of the 

Senators who are here. They have all had an interest in this for 

a period of time. 

I do think your comments about the law enforcement effort really 

leap out at me. And I mentioned earlier there is no question there 

is a huge amount of space here for significant global law enforcement coordination on this and for some major sting operations, 

some major inside efforts. This can be significantly reduced. I 

mean, we are all still coping with gambling and prostitution and 

other issues in every county in America practically. But there is a 

difference between it absolutely ripping at the fabric of life itself 

in a country and in communities versus being a large nuisance and 

something that you kind of put up with and cope with on an ongoing basis. But it is not as damaging as this is. And I think we 

have a long way to go to get to that with respect to this issue. 

So it needs focus and we are going to find a way to do that. 

Senator Cardin, I look forward to working with you and others in 

order to try to do that. 

I just have one last question maybe each of you could answer, 

and that is sort of for the average person listening to this, for the 

general public, a lot of people know about this, but they feel pretty 

helpless. They say, well, what do I do about that. That is law enforcement or that is the State Department or whatever it is. Obviously, Willow felt differently and I congratulate you for that, Willow. Is she still hiding back there? OK. But I really tip my hat to 

her because she got her mom involved and she has made a difference. And I wonder if you each might just take a moment to 

52 

comment on how you think the average person could get more involved and make a difference. Let us perhaps end on that note. 

Ms. Burkhalter. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I think they should send you 200,000 letters— 

you—from Massachusetts and urge you to do for slavery what you 

did on HIV/AIDS. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, I will save them the mailing and the writing. We are going to do that. 

So what else do they do? What else can they do? I am in it. 

Ms. BURKHALTER. I actually do think that citizens need to tell 

the people that represent them in Congress and their President, 

whoever that is in the next term, that this is something they care 

about, and the message can just be simple. You know, I live in 

Ames, IA, and I care about modern-day slavery and I want our 

country to lead and end it. And I actually think it is why we have 

gotten as far as we have because you gentlemen have enormous political space to operate in, and you have the support of the American public. And what we do at IJM is try to organize that support 

and tell you. We have lobby days. We have a million postcards and 

make a total nuisance of ourselves. But it is people in 50 States 

telling you please lead, please spend my money, please end slavery 

at home and abroad. That is what we are doing. We are leaving 

this hearing and going right back to what we do, tweet, blog, all 

those things I do not understand, but we are getting the word out 

and giving people things to do. 

Ms. PINKETT SMITH. My daughter made a fantastic suggestion as 

far as engaging people to start movements even in your communities. I know that in Oakland and recognizing that there was a 

motel that was basically supporting child prostitution and neighbors watching young girls being brought in and out of hotel rooms 

and gathering together and eventually with HEAT Watch being 

able to have that motel shut down. So the more that we can educate ourselves and being able to recognize what this crime looks 

like, we can in our own communities keep our eyes open, be very 

vocal about what is happening, and do something about it. 

Mr. ABRAMOWITZ. Just following up on a couple of points. I think 

being aware is a very important issue. The invisibility of this 

crime, as Ms. Pinkett Smith said, is so challenging, and if we are 

going to try to bring out victims, create synergies with law enforcement, try to build civil society, individual citizens have to help. 

They have to help identify. I think it is fantastic that the national 

hotline that Polaris Project runs has seen a massive increase in the 

number of both crisis calls from victims but also tips they have got. 

I think the figure has gone up something like 340 percent over the 

last 4 years. It is very impressive. It is something we really need 

to try to promote. 

Second, of course, supporting resources. We are in a difficult 

budget environment, Mr. Chairman. I do not have to tell you that. 

You know much more about that than I do. And I think while 

maybe 200,000 letters from Massachusetts is not necessary, I think 

thousands of people acting in these areas and pressing this across 

the wide political spectrum is very important, and we are trying to 

build that. 

53 

And third, I think there is something about demanding more 

from companies. This is a very difficult area. Humanity United is 

actually doing some research on public attitudes regarding how 

they view these issues, as I alluded to earlier. But individuals need 

to try to demand more from their companies, whether it is the code 

of conduct that hotels are signing up to that ACPAC USA has been 

promoting for people to say, is your hotel signing up to this code 

of conduct to make sure there is no trafficking here because if it 

is not, then I am not staying there. Or even asking about it and 

showing that there is a demand or taking the slavery footprint program that will tell you how much you are really involved in slavery 

and then trying to talk about that more. 

I went to Whole Foods the other day and said do you know where 

your shrimp comes from, and do you know that that is a problem? 

And they said, yes, we know that is a problem. We are really thinking about what we do. So I think generating that kind of energy 

with the private sector and making people understand they care is 

another aspect of these issues that we need to follow up on. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, that is the purpose of this hearing and of 

other hearings. And I really appreciate everybody’s contribution to 

that effort. 

I do think when you think about the fact that the three survivors 

who are here today, Minh, Monica, and Jamm, each come out of 

Los Angeles, Oakland, and I think it was San Jose—I mean, think 

about that, folks. A lot of people in local communities need to start 

opening their eyes and asking questions and figuring out what they 

can do with their local police departments, with their city councils, 

their mayors, their State representative, the legislature, and other 

people. There has got to be an increased awareness about this and 

we have to think hard about the ways in which we, obviously, can 

try to increase that. 

I want to thank all of you. I want to thank spouses and families. 

I know David Abramowitz’s wife is here and children also, and we 

are grateful to you for coming and being part of this. And Mr. 

Smith did come to Washington today. We thank you for that. 

[Laughter.] 

And we are grateful to everybody for helping to shed light on 

this. 

Transparency, sunlight go a long way toward holding people 

accountable. That is the purpose of the TIP program, and we are 

going to be very focused on this and I promise you, Ms. Burkhalter, 

work with us. We want to try to put together this comprehensive 

piece that we could introduce and hopefully get bipartisan—I am 

confident we will get bipartisan support for it. 

So with that, we thank you for coming and we stand adjourned. 

Thank you. 

[Whereupon, at 11:35 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

54 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

TWO ARTICLES SUBMITTED BY DAVID ABRAMOWITZ WITH HIS PREPARED STATEMENT

TESTIMONY OF NEHA MISRA, SENIOR SPECIALIST, MIGRATION AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING, SOLIDARITY CENTER BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE (U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION)—‘‘SLAVERY WITHOUT SHACKLES’’: 

LABOR EXPLOITATION AND THE TRAFFICKING OF VULNERABLE WORKERS AROUND

THE WORLD

Thank you to the U.S. Helsinki Commission for the opportunity to present the 

Solidarity Center’s view about ‘‘labor trafficking in troubled economic times,’’ and especially to highlight the vulnerability of immigrant workers1 to trafficking and 

forced labor within legal structures in the U.S. and around the world. 

My name is Neha Misra. I am the Senior Specialist for Migration and Human 

Trafficking at the Solidarity Center. We are an international NGO that promotes 

and protects worker rights globally, working in over 60 countries. The Solidarity 

Center is an allied organization of the American Federation of Labor—Congress of 

Industrial Organizations (AFL–CIO), and a member of the Alliance to End Slavery 

and Trafficking (ATEST). Building upon more than 20 years of experience in the 

areas of child labor and immigrant worker exploitation, the Solidarity Center raises 

awareness about the prevalence and underlying causes of trafficking for labor exploitation, and strives to unite disparate forces to combat the problem. Since 2001, 

the Solidarity Center has implemented more than 20 programs combating human 

trafficking in countries such as Thailand, Indonesia, Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, the Philippines, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Kenya, and the Dominican Republic. 

These programs include initiatives that address each of the four ‘‘Ps’’ that have become part of the antitrafficking paradigm: prevention, protection of victims, prosecution (or as we prefer to describe it, ‘‘rule of law’’), and partnerships. 

TRAFFICKING FOR LABOR EXPLOITATION IN TODAY’S GLOBAL ECONOMY

The Solidarity Center especially appreciates the Helsinki Commission’s focus in 

this hearing on trafficking for labor exploitation and the focus on ‘‘abusive, unethical, and illegal business practices that . . . contribute to human trafficking and 

forced labor.’’ As a worker rights organization, the Solidarity Center has seen firsthand how violations of worker rights and the lack of labor standards and protections 

for workers increase their vulnerability to human trafficking. 

Too often the media and the public see human trafficking only as a crime of organized syndicates, of criminal gangs, or underground criminals who exploit undocumented immigrant workers. While this is of course true in some contexts, we are 

increasingly seeing trafficking for labor exploitation happening in the context of 

legal structures of employment and business—with traffickers who are employers 

and labor recruiters, not gang members. 

Examples abound around the world of human trafficking thriving in the context 

of worker exploitation: 

• When immigrant workers are forced to pay high fees, often at exorbitant interest rates, to labor recruiters to work in another country, they are vulnerable 

to debt bondage—one of the most pervasive forms of modern day slavery. This 

is the case for 400 Thai workers who, according to a U.S. Department of Justice 

indictment, were allegedly trafficked to the United States by Global Horizons 

Manpower under the H–2A visa program through false promises of decent work. 

The Thai workers ‘‘took on crushing debt to pay exorbitant recruiting fees, 

about $9,500–$21,000. After they arrived in America, according to the indictment, their passports were taken and they were set up in shoddy housing and 

told that if they complained or fled they would be fired, arrested, or deported.’’ 2

Millions of other workers—including for example, Moldovan migrant agriculture 

workers in Italy and Vietnamese workers toiling in factories in Malaysia—can 

tell a similar story. 

• When buyers pressure suppliers all along supply chains to achieve cutthroat 

prices for their products, workers are the ones that bear the burden as labor 

costs are often the first ones to be cut, increasing workers vulnerability to severe forms of labor exploitation, including human trafficking. This is the case 

for thousands of Burmese migrant workers who have been subject to forced 

labor and physical, emotional, and sexual intimidation in seafood-processing factories in Thailand, which export to the United States. The factories rely on trafficked workers to stay within the cost structure. 

55 

• When labor laws and regulations are not implemented, monitored, or enforced— 

when labor inspection is weak or nonexistent—workers are vulnerable to trafficking for forced labor and other forms of severe labor exploitation. When workers face retaliation for trying to exercise their rights or when workers lack 

access to avenues to address abuse, workers are vulnerable to human trafficking. This is the case for millions of domestic workers,3 agricultural workers, 

and immigrant workers in the United States and around the world who face 

extreme conditions of exploitation, including physical and sexual violence, confiscation of passports, illegal confinement, dangerous working conditions, and 

nonpayment of wages. These workers are often explicitly excluded from the protection of labor laws, even when they are citizens or nationals of a country, and 

their work is often relegated to the informal economy where there is little labor 

inspection. 

In 2011, a slave may not be in chains or shackles, but they are no freer. Slavery 

is not simply ownership of one person over another. Modern day slavery is much 

more subtle. Trafficking victims toil in factories that produce products that are exported to the United States, Europe, and other destinations. Trafficking victims harvest vegetables and process food that ends up on our dining room tables. They pick 

crops or mine minerals that are raw materials in the products we buy. They make 

the clothes and shoes we wear. They clean people’s homes and take care of the 

young, elderly, and sick. They are enslaved not only through physical restraint, but 

also through coercion, fear, and intimidation. In today’s global economy, workers can 

be enslaved by threats of deportation, lack of viable alternatives, and especially 

debt. 

While trafficking for labor exploitation has many facets, several major trends in 

our globalized world endanger workers, particularly those most at risk and most in 

need of protection. In developed economies like in the United States and Europe, 

we are seeing an increase in cases of trafficked immigrant teachers, nurses, construction, and service sector workers—all in these destination countries with valid 

visas, shining a light on the structural failures within our economic and employment systems that increase immigrant workers’ vulnerability to severe forms of 

labor exploitation. Multinational corporations, employers, businesses, labor recruiters and others exploit these failures. 

TRAFFICKING AS AN INHERENT VULNERABILITY IN

TEMPORARY LABOR MIGRATION SCHEMES

Of particular concern are temporary labor migration schemes—sometimes referred 

to as guestworker, sponsorship or circular migration programs—that are increasingly being promoted by governments around the world to fill demand for cheap 

labor. In practice, these schemes create a legalized system and structure for employers to exploit workers, and increase workers’ vulnerability to human trafficking and 

other forms of severe labor exploitation. Such programs have been plagued by a long 

history of abuses ranging from labor violations to visa fraud, debt bondage, involuntary servitude and trafficking for labor exploitation. This includes, among many others, the U.S. H–2 visa guestworker program, seasonal agricultural programs in Canada and Europe, and the ‘‘kafala’’ or sponsorship system in the Gulf Cooperation 

Council (GCC) countries. 

The Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking or ATEST, of which the Solidarity 

Center is a member, recently described the problem in a submission to the U.S. 

Department of Labor as follows4: 

It is by now beyond dispute that temporary ‘‘guestworker’’ programs have 

long worked to the detriment both of the U.S. workers who are bypassed 

in favor of foreign workers, and for the foreign workers who fall prey to unscrupulous employers and their labor contractors.5 Of particular concern to 

our members, key aspects of the program lead to human rights violations 

such as debt peonage (or debt bondage), trafficking for labor exploitation 

and involuntary servitude, all forms of modern-day slavery. Guestworkers’ 

vulnerability is greatly increased by the use of labor recruiters or foreign 

labor contractors who lure impoverished and desperate foreign workers to 

jobs within the United States described as plentiful and lucrative. The opportunity to work in the U.S. comes with an intolerably high price tag that 

includes inflated transportation, visa, border crossing and other costs, and 

‘‘recruitment fees.’’ Often, workers literally mortgage family properties or 

take out loans from loan sharks at exorbitant rates in order to meet these 

obligations. Companies within the United States claim no knowledge of 

their recruiters’ actions and escape legal liability on these grounds. The recruiters themselves often remain beyond the reach of the U.S. legal system. 

56 

Once guestworkers arrive in the United States, the well-paid jobs that 

have been offered [often] do not materialize. Workers are left without work 

at all, or without work for the length of time promised them. Favorable 

terms and conditions of work offered in the home country are replaced by 

harsh conditions. Job contractors transfer workers, for a price, to other contractors. Workers who are dissatisfied with the jobs face overwhelming subtle and not-so-subtle pressures to acquiesce. Passports and other immigration andidentity documents are confiscated [by employers] to ensure that 

workers do not run away. Families back home are threatened [by recruiters] with physical violence, as well as family bankruptcy due to loss of their 

investment in the worker. Workers who dare speak up for their rights face 

job loss, followed by deportation to their home countries and blacklisting. 

These factors lead workers to fall into myriad situations that rise to the 

level of a severe form of human trafficking, most notably coercion through 

abuse or threatened abuse of the law or legal process. 

As noted in a recent ILO report, these conditions create a program that 

is ripe for human rights violations. Human trafficking abuses involving H– 

2B visas have been documented with frequency in recent media. 

While the description above refers to the U.S. temporary guestworker program, 

the same scenario repeats itself around the world—for example, in Canada, Europe, 

the GCC, and around Asia. The common element is that these workers are trafficked within legal visa systems, fully documented, and that structural flaws within 

these programs allow workers to be trafficked. 

Two other major common themes emerge: 

1. The role of foreign labor recruiters in taking advantage of the lack of labor 

rights and inherent structural failures in these programs to exploit immigrant 

workers; and, 

2. The need to provide greater protections to workers and opportunities for 

them to report abuses and advocate for their own rights. 

THE ROLE OF LABOR RECRUITERS IN PROMOTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING

Foreign labor contractors or recruiters are increasingly relied upon by employers, 

businesses, and multinational corporations to facilitate the movement of labor from 

one country to another. While many labor recruiters behave ethically and are engaged in lawful conduct, other recruiters are often complicit with or directly involved in trafficking of workers. Recruiters often charge exorbitant fees for their 

services, forcing workers into debt bondage, falsifying documents, and deceiving 

workers about their terms and conditions of work increasing vulnerability to human 

trafficking. 

The incidence of known human trafficking cases involving foreign labor recruiters 

is increasing dramatically in the United States. The aforementioned Global Horizons case and the Signal workers case are just two recent examples. Many U.S.- 

based service providers state that regulating labor recruiters is one of the most important initiatives needed to combat human trafficking in the United States—both 

labor recruiters based in the U.S. and abroad. Employers rely on labor recruiters 

who have operations both in the U.S. and in foreign countries—as they use a system 

of subcontracting to find workers. The operations of such recruiters need to be regulated on both ends of the spectrum. 

Stricter regulation of labor recruiters is needed to protect workers entering 

the United States from human trafficking and other abuses such as wage theft. 

Stronger legal frameworks will help to prevent unregulated actors from conspiring 

to fraudulently deceive workers about the terms and conditions of work. 

To that end, ATEST has made a series of recommendations to include regulation 

of labor recruiters/foreign labor contractors in the 2011 Reauthorization of the Trafficking Victim Protection Act (TVPRA 2011). Similar provisions were passed in the 

2008 House of Representatives version of the TVPRA. We have learned even more 

since 2008 about the need for greater regulation of foreign labor recruiters. As such, 

ATEST recommends, with the support of a number of worker and immigrant rights 

groups in the United States, the following for inclusion in the 2011 TVPRA: 

1. Elimination of Fees: No foreign labor contractor, or agent or employee of a foreign labor contractor, should be allowed to assess any fee (including visa fees, processing fees, transportation fees, legal expenses, placement fees, and other costs) to 

a worker for any foreign labor contracting activity. Such costs or fees may be borne 

by the employer, but these fees cannot be passed along to the worker. This is one 

of the most crucial elements to eliminate debt bondage for immigrant workers. 

57 

2. Disclosure: Foreign labor contractors and employers must be required to fully 

disclose to the worker in writing in English and in the language of the worker being 

recruited, all of the terms and conditions of their work. This includes: 

• The identity of the employer and the identity of the person conducting the recruiting on behalf of the employer, including any subcontractor or agent involved in such recruiting. 

• A signed copy of the work contract, including all assurances and terms and conditions of employment, from the prospective employer for whom the worker is 

being recruited, including the level of compensation to be paid, the place and 

period of employment, a description of the type and nature of employment activities, any withholdings or deductions from compensation and any penalties 

for terminating employment. 

• The type of visa under which the foreign worker is to be employed, the length 

of time the visa is valid and the terms and conditions under which this visa 

will be renewed with a clear statement of whether the employer will secure renewal of this visa or if renewal must be obtained by the worker and any expenses associated with securing or renewing the visa. 

• An itemized list of any costs or expenses to be charged to the worker. Including 

but not limited to: the costs of housing or accommodation, transportation to 

and from the worksite, meals, medical examinations, health care or safety 

equipment costs, and any other costs, expenses or deductions to be charged the 

worker. 

• A statement describing the protections afforded the worker by U.S laws and 

regulations, including protections in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 

2000 (Division A of the Public Law 106486), as well as relevant information 

about the procedure for filing a complaint and the telephone numbers for the 

Department of Labor hotline and the National Human Trafficking Resource 

Center hotline number. 

3. Registration: A Department of Labor administered process for foreign labor contractors to obtain a certificate of registration. Employers must be required to use 

only foreign labor contractors who are properly registered under this system. 

4. Enforcement: A Department of Labor established administrative process for receiving, investigating, and adjudicating complaints against the compliance of either 

employers or foreign labor contractors. Criminal and civil rights of action for workers themselves are also key to preventing trafficking. 

5. Accountability: Workers must be protected from retaliation and employers must 

be held accountable for the actions of foreign labor contractors that they hire. 

WORKER RIGHTS AS A MEANS TO PREVENT TRAFFICKING FOR LABOR EXPLOITATION

As described earlier, immigrant workers must be included fully in the protection 

of labor laws and have access to mechanisms to exercise their rights and report 

abuses to reduce their vulnerability to trafficking. Threats of retaliation, deportation, and visas being tied to a particular employer all increase the incidence of trafficking for labor exploitation. For this reason, ATEST also recommends a provision 

for the 2011 TVPRA that provide temporary immigration relief to workers who are 

whistleblowers of severe labor exploitation. There have been a number of human 

trafficking cases recently in the United States where workers who raised the alarm 

about severe abuse by employers have initially been threatened with deportation as 

a way to keep them quiet. These workers have had to remain in the United States 

in an undocumented status in order to stay in the country to pursue their cases 

against the abusive employers. After many years, these same workers have been 

certified as trafficking victims and receive ‘‘T’’ visas, but had to struggle for many 

years without status. Examples of this include the Global Horizons case and a group 

of Indian workers known in the media as the Signal Workers. ATEST recommends 

that a provision be included in the TVPRA 2011 to give trafficked workers like these 

access to temporary immigration relief in the United States while they pursue 

claims here, even if they are not initially identified as trafficking victims. 

TRAFFICKING IN SUPPLY CHAINS

Another major trend in the global economy is the use of trafficking, forced labor, 

and slavery victims all along supply chains. It is difficult to quantify the exact number of trafficking victims who work in global supply chains but, as those supply 

chains reach down to smaller and smaller suppliers, the chances increase that the 

labor force includes trafficked people. 

58 

• When employers (buyers and multinational corporations (MNCs)) demand cheap 

or unrealistic pricing structures, they should not be surprised to find severe 

labor abuses, including slavery, in their supply chains. • Similarly, when employers contract out or hire unregulated subcontracted suppliers, they should not be surprised to find that they have trafficking victims 

in their production lines • When employers refuse to enforce or claim that it is too difficult to monitor adherence to core labor standards in their supply chains, they will find forced 

labor, debt bondage, and other severe forms of labor exploitation there. 

The Solidarity Center believes that the most effective way to eliminate forced 

labor, debt bondage, and other forms of slavery in supply chains is by empowering 

workers to have a voice in their workplace, and supporting their right to organize 

and join unions. We believe that governments, MNCs, employers, labor recruiters 

and others must adhere to core labor standards and respect workers’ human and 

labor rights in order to affect change in practices all along supply chains. 

The existence of MNC codes of conduct have failed to curtail trafficking practices 

in any number of sectors including garment/textile, agriculture, and seafood processing. There is no easy solution to this problem, but we know that a key deterrent 

is the ability of unions and labor rights organizations to shine a light on these practices through on-the-ground investigations. We believe it is important that the Congress and administration support such monitoring efforts, and the efforts of workers 

to monitor their own workplaces. Ultimately, workers and trade unions must be 

empowered to monitor supply chains because history shows that abuses in the 

workplace only end when workers have the power to ensure that their rights in 

both International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions and national laws are 

respected. 

Governments must also play a major role in eliminating slavery in supply chains. 

Examples abound of governments around the world reluctance to hold employers 

accountable for trafficking in their workplaces. Even when trafficking for labor exploitation is addressed, the labor recruiter is blamed and not the employer who perpetrates the exploitation. 

This lack of political will translates into ridiculously few cases of human trafficking for forced labor or other forms of severe labor exploitation from being prosecuted around the world. When cases are prosecuted, they often result in small fines 

and no jail time for the perpetrators—barely a deterrent for exploitative employers. 

The U.S. Department of Justice is playing an important leadership role globally, by 

prosecuting high-profile cases, such as the Global Horizons case, that may educate 

other governments of trafficking of temporary workers and within supply chains. 

The Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (G/TIP) at the State 

Department also plays an important role through its annual Trafficking in Persons 

Report in highlighting the lack of (but need for) prosecutions for forced labor and 

other forms of trafficking for labor exploitation in countries around the world. 

The U.S. Government, however, must do more to ensure that U.S. corporations 

are held accountable for their practices abroad. We must increase government scrutiny of imports and exports to ensure goods made by slave labor are not allowed 

in the U.S. marketplace. To this end, the State Department needs to put more emphasis on site visits overseas to suspect industries. To do this, it must expand the 

number of labor officers and attache ́s in the field, something that the Congress has 

called for generally but which the Department has yet to act upon in any meaningful way. 

In addition, the Department of Homeland Security must review and rework the 

role of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in overseas inspections. Currently, ICE must notify foreign governments of their intent to inspect workplaces 

that export products to the United States. Such notification results in the ‘‘cleansing’’ of these workplaces to remove any signs of trafficking or forced labor. U.S. law 

does not allow evidence collected by unions or nongovernmental sources to be the 

basis for restricting the importation of products made by slave labor. This must be 

reformed. 

CONCLUSION

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said, in the opening of the 2010 TIP Report, 

‘‘Ending this global scourge is an important policy priority for the United States 

. . . and no one should claim immunity from its reach or from the responsibility 

to confront it.’’ 

We agree. It is not an oversimplification to say that if we end worker exploitation, 

we can end human trafficking. As the International Labor Organization (ILO) has 

noted, ‘‘Where labor standards are rigorously adhered to, workers are well unionized 

59 

and labor laws are monitored and enforced—for all workers, indigenous or migrant—the demand for trafficked people and services is likely to be low.’’ 

Thank you, again, for the opportunity to testify and for your help in combating 

global trafficking and supporting the rights of workers everywhere. I welcome your 

questions. 

———————— 

End Notes 

1The term ‘‘migrant worker’’ is the internationally accepted term for a person who migrates 

for employment, whether temporary, seasonal, or permanent. In the United States, in everyday 

language, ‘‘migrant worker’’ refers to a seasonal or temporary worker, and ‘‘immigrant worker’’ 

refers to someone who migrates for work on a more permanent basis, or who has residency 

rights. I will use the common U.S. term of ‘‘immigrant worker’’ in my testimony modifying it 

slightly to refer to any person who leaves his or her country of origin to find a job abroad— 

whether temporary, seasonal or permanent. 2 Editorial, ‘‘Forced Labor,’’ September 7, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/08/opinion/ 

08wed2.html?lr=2. 3The term ‘‘domestic worker’’ refers to a person who provides services—such as childcare, 

cooking, and cleaning—to or within a household. 4 ATEST Comments on RIN 1205–AB58, Temporary Non-Agricultural Employment of H–2B 

Aliens in the United States (Employment and Training Administration, 20 CFR Part 655 and 

Wage and Hour Division, 29 CFR Part 503), May 17, 2011. 5Southern Poverty Law Center, 2007. ‘‘Close to Slavery: Guestworker Programs in the United 

States,’’ http://www.splcenter.org/pdf/static/SPLCguestworker.pdf; Closed and Criminal Cases 

Illustrate Instances of H–2B Workers Being Targets of Fraud and Abuse, GAO 10–1053; testimony submitted by members of the Guestworker Alliance for Dignity to the House Committee 

on Oversight and Governmental Reform Domestic Policy Subcommittee, ‘‘The H–2B Program 

and Improving the Department of Labor’s Enforcement of the Rights of Guestworkers,’’ April 

9, 2009; The Costs of Coercion: Global Report under the Follow Up to the ILO Declaration of 

the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, International Labor Organization, International Labor Conference, 98th Sess. 2009 Report I(B), http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/l—edlnorm/l—relconf/documents/meetingdocument/wcmsl106230.pdf. 

ALLIANCE TO END SLAVERY AND TRAFFICKING, 

Washington, DC, June 13, 2012. 

Hon. DANIEL K. INOUYE, 

Chairman, U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations. 

Hon. THAD COCHRAN, 

Vice Chairman, U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations. 

DEAR CHAIRMAN INOUYE AND VICE CHAIRMAN COCHRAN: On behalf of the Alliance 

to End Slavery and Trafficking (ATEST), a national advocacy coalition of antihuman trafficking groups, we write to urge you to vote NO on any amendments that 

will deny funding or delay the enforcement of the U.S. Department of Labor’s (DOL) 

H–2B prevailing wage and comprehensive rules. We understand that such an 

amendment will be offered during the Labor/HHS markup this week, and we urge 

you to vote NO. 

DOL’s H–2B prevailing wage and comprehensive rules are critical measures necessary to prevent human trafficking in the United States. The DOL rules will make 

important progress towards eliminating the history of criminal abuses that continue 

to plague this program. These violations range from labor violations to visa fraud, 

debt bondage to involuntary servitude, and discrimination to trafficking for labor 

exploitation. 

The DOL rules are a crucial piece of the United States fight against human trafficking. Specifically, the DOL rules impose common sense recruitment requirements 

so that companies first look to U.S. workers to fill seasonal jobs, including those 

they have recently laid off; they outlaw the exorbitant ‘‘recruitment fees’’ that have 

led to human trafficking and debt bondage for many foreign guestworkers; they require employers to disclose the names of their recruiters and to prohibit them from 

charging fees—a major step in preventing human trafficking; and they beef up DOL 

oversight of employers who use the program in order to ensure compliance with the 

rules. 

From December 2007 through March 2011, the National Human Trafficking 

Resource Center (NHTRC) received 459 calls referencing the H–2A or H–2B programs. The majority of calls referenced situations of labor exploitation of immigrant 

workers, including wage and hour concerns, unsafe or hazardous working conditions, potential discrimination, and forced labor. 

Of particular concern to ATEST members, key aspects of the H–2B program lead 

to human rights violations such as debt bondage and trafficking for labor exploiVerDate Nov 24 2008 09:54 Nov 20, 2012 Jkt 072394 PO 00000 Frm 00059 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 S:\HEARING FILES\112TH CONGRESS, 2ND\2012 ISSUE TEXT HEARINGS\071712-W.TX
60 

tation and involuntary servitude, all forms of modern-day slavery. Relying on unscrupulous labor recruiters and foreign labor contractors greatly increases 

guestworkers’ vulnerability. Labor recruiters and contractors, who operate in a climate of impunity, lure impoverished and desperate foreign workers to jobs within 

the United States described as plentiful and lucrative. They rely on coercive tactics, 

charging guestworkers exorbitant illegal fees that often force workers to stay in abusive or exploitative working conditions under debt bondage. 

Once guestworkers arrive in the United States, the well paid jobs that recruiters 

and labor contractors offered do not materialize. Workers are left without work at 

all, or without work for the length of time promised them. Harsh conditions replace 

the favorable terms and conditions of work offered in the home country. Workers 

who are dissatisfied with the jobs face overwhelming pressures to acquiesce: 

• Job contractors transfer workers, for a price, to other contractors. 

• Employers confiscate passports and other immigration and identity documents 

are confiscated to ensure that workers do not run away from exploitative conditions. 

• Families back home face threats of physical violence, as well as family bankruptcy due to loss of their investment in the worker. 

• Abuses from the H–2B program further stem from the fact that guestworker 

visas are tied to a specific employer and thus they may not change jobs even 

when abused. Workers who dare speak up for their rights face job loss, followed 

by deportation to their home countries and blacklisting. This fear of deportation 

or retaliation increases their vulnerability to a whole host of workplace abuses 

including underpayment of wages, lack of overtime pay, discrimination, document confiscation, restriction of movement, verbal abuse, threats, blacklisting, 

and unsafe work conditions. 

These exploitative conditions trap workers in myriad situations that rise to the 

level of a severe form of human trafficking, as defined by federal law, most notably 

coercion through abuse or threatened abuse of the law or legal process. 

In addition to protecting workers from abuse, these new rules can promote change 

around the world. If the United States is to continue as a leader in the fight to end 

human trafficking and modern-day slavery, we need to start with our own government policies. This is why we urge your support for the DOL rules, and ask you 

to vote NO on any amendments to deny funding or delay enforcement of the H–2B 

prevailing wage and comprehensive rules. 

Thank you for your time and consideration. Please contact Cory Smith, ATEST 

Senior Policy Advisor at csmithhu@gmail.com if you have any questions or need 

additional information. 

Sincerely, 

Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking (CAST); Coalition of 

Immokalee Workers (CIW); ECPAT–USA; Free the Slaves; International Justice Mission; Not For Sale; Safe Horizon; Solidarity Center; Verite ́; Vital Voices Global Partnership. 

Æ