SJ Opposition & Reply

United States District Court

District of Columbia

Citizens United,

Plaintiff,

v.

Federal Election Commission,

Defendant.

Civ. No. 07-2240 (ARR, RCL, RWR)

Plaintiff’s Memorandum

Opposing FEC’s Summary Judgment Motion &

Replying on It’s Own Summary Judgment Motion

_______________

June 27, 2008

James Bopp, Jr., D.C. Bar #CO0041

Richard E. Coleson*

Jeffrey P. Gallant*

Clayton J. Callen*

BOPP, COLESON & BOSTROM

1 South Sixth Street

Terre Haute, IN 47807-3510

812/232-2434 telephone

812/235-3685 facsimile

 *pro hac vice motion granted

Counsel for Plaintiff

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Table of Contents

Table of Authorities ........................................................... iii

Facts ........................................................................ 1

Argument .................................................................... 1

I. All Campaign Restrictions Must Be “Unambiguously Campaign Related.”. ......... 2

A. The Mandate that “Congress Shall Make No Law” Requires the Government to

Demonstrate Unambiguous Authority Before Regulating Speech. ............. 3

B. Buckley Drew the Disclosure Line Between Unambiguous Campaign Speech

and Ordinary Political Speech. ......................................... 4

C. WRTL II Recognized a Line Between “Campaign Speech” and “Political”

Speech.” .......................................................... 9

D. The FEC’s Proffered Line Is Not Based in the Candidate Election Campaign

Context. ......................................................... 11

1. Ballot-Initiative Campaigns Are Beyond the Relevant Context, But the

Unambiguously-Campaign-Related Requirement Also Prevails in That

Context. ...................................................... 13

2. Lobbying Regulations Have Nothing to Do With Elections, But the Lobbying Would Have to Be Unambiguously Related to its Constitutional Authority. ....................................................... 17

3. MCFL Clearly Employed the Unambiguously-Campaign-Related Requirement and Is in the Relevant Candidate Election Campaign Context. ....... 18

II. The Disclosure Requirements Fail the Required Strict Scrutiny .................. 21

A. Davis Relied on Buckley, Not McConnell, and Distinguished “Exacting Scrutiny” from the Relevant-and-Substantial-Relation Requirement. ............. 22

B. Davis Required the Interest to Match the Burden, and Burdens on Core Political Speech Require Strict Scrutiny. .................................... 22

C. If the Davis Disclosure Was Unconstitutional, the Present Disclosure Is More

So. .............................................................. 26

D. The Use of Synonyms Does Not Alter the High Scrutiny Required. ........... 26

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E. All Governmental Interests in this Context Are Restricted to Disclosure of

“Unambiguously Campaign Related” Expenditures. ....................... 31

III. McConnell Neither Precluded As-Applied Challenges Nor Decided This Case.. ..... 33

IV. Disclosure Imposes Substantial Burdens. ................................... 34

V. The Disclosure Requirements and Prohibition Are Unconstitutional as Applied. .... 38

A. The Ads Are Not Unambiguously Campaign Related ....................... 38

B. Hillary Is Not Unambiguously Campaign Related. ......................... 39

Conclusion .................................................................. 45

Plaintiff’s Statement of Material Issues and Objections to Defendant’s Statement of Undisputed Facts ........................................................ appended

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Table of Authorities

Cases

Alaska Right to Life Committee v. Miles, 441 F.3d 773 (9th Cir. 2006) ................... 29

American Civil Liberties Union of Nevada v. Heller, 378 F.3d 979 (9th Cir. 2004) .......... 29

Austin v. Mich. State Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652 (1990) ................. 8, 25, 29

Black v. Warden, 467 F.2d 202 (10th Cir.1972) ..................................... 35

Brown v. Socialist Workers ‘74 Campaign Comm., 459 U.S. 87 (1982) ................... 34

Buckley v. American Constitutional Law Foundation, 525 U.S. 182 (1999) ......... 25, 28, 29

*Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976) ......................................... passim

Davis v. FEC, No. 07-320, slip op. (U.S. June 26, 2008) ..................... 22, 24, 26, 35

FEC v. Furgatch, 807 F.2d 857 (9th Cir. 1987) .......................... 2, 15-16, 42- 43

FEC v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, 479 U.S. 238 (1986) ................. 18-21, 25, 29

*FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, 127 S. Ct. 2652 (2007) (“WRTL II”) ............... passim

First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765 (1978) ................ 16, 24-25, 27

Jackson v. Leake, 476 F. Supp. 2d 515 (E.D.N.C. 2006) .............................. 30

Kansans for Life v. Gaede, 38 F. Supp. 2d 928 (D. Kan. 1999) ......................... 35

Kerr v. Farrey, 95 F.3d 472 (7th Cir.1996) ......................................... 35

Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 1 (1 Cranch) 137 (1803) ................................. 27

McConnell v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93 (2003) ........................................ passim

Meese v. Keene, 481 U.S. 465 (1987 .............................................. 37

NAACP v. Alabama, 357 U.S. 449 (1958) .......................................... 34

National Electric Mfrs. Ass’n v. Sorrell, 262 F.3d 104 (2nd Cir. 2001) ................... 38

North Carolina Right to Life Committee Fund for Independent Political Expenditures v.

Leake, 524 F.3d 427 (4th Cir. 2008) ........................................... 29

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North Carolina Right to Life v. Leake, 525 F.3d 274 (4th Cir. 2008) ..................... 30

Paton v. LaPrade, 524 F.2d 862 (3rd Cir.1975) ..................................... 35

Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) ................................................ 27

Talley v. California, 362 U.S. 60 (1960) ............................................ 5

Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516 (1945) ............................................ 5

Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622 (1994) ................................ 41

United States v. Harriss, 347 U.S. 612 (1954) ...................................... 17

Statutes, Rules, and Constitutional Provisions

Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act .................................... 17, 25, 27, 30, 36

Federal Election Campaign Act ............................................... 10, 17

U.S. Const. amend I ................................... 3-6, 11, 21-28, 35-36, 40-41, 45

Other Authorities

William McGeveran, Mrs. McIntyre’s Checkbook: Privacy Costs of Political Contribution

Disclosure, 6 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 1 (2003) ...................................... 35

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1Abbreviations employed herein: Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (“BCRA”); Citizens

United (“Citizens”); Citizens’ opening memorandum, doc. 52 (“CU Mem.”); Federal Election

Commission (“FEC”); FEC opening memorandum, doc. 55 (“FEC Mem.”); Federal Election

Campaign Act (“FECA”); Campaign Legal Center & Democracy 21 (collectively “CLC”); CLC

amici curiae memorandum, doc. 58-2 (“CLC Mem.”); electioneering communication (“EC”); political committee (“PAC”); ban on corporate and union electioneering communications at 42

U.S.C. § 441b (“prohibition”).

2As to the prior factual Statement, Citizens corrects any references to “HLW” to “CU.” To

avoid burdening the Court with needless repetition, Citizens does not here reproduce all of the

elements and arguments in its opening summary judgment memorandum. Citizens incorporates

those arguments by reference and asks the Court to consider all of the briefing and factual statements on the cross-motions for summary judgment together in deciding both motions.

SJ Opposition & Reply 1

Facts

Citizens United (“Citizens”)1

 adopts the Facts statement in its opening Memorandum, CU

Mem. 2-6, and in Plaintiff’s Statement of Undisputed Material Facts, Doc. 52 at pdf 53.2

Argument

The answers to four questions of law resolve this case. They have to do with the required

drawing of bright lines concerning compelled disclosure (disclaimers and reporting) as to “political speech,” FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, 127 S. Ct. 2652, 2673 (2007) (“WRTL II”) (“These

cases are about political speech.”), in the candidate election campaign context.

First, when the United States Supreme Court in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), said

that a compelled disclosure law is subject to “exacting scrutiny” and that the Court “has also insisted that there be a ‘relevant correlation’ or ‘substantial relation’ between the governmental

interest and the information required to be disclosed,” id. at 64 (emphasis added), did it then (in

the context of non-political-committee, non-candidate expenditure disclosure) require that the

compelled disclosure may only reach “spending that is unambiguously related to the campaign of

a particular federal candidate” in order to meet this relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement? Id. at 80. In short, must the line where disclosure may be compelled be drawn where comCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 6 of 56
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munications become “unambiguously campaign related”? Id. at 81. See Part I.B.

Second, in applying this unambiguously-campaign-related line specifically to “electioneering

communication” disclosure, must the line be drawn where the Supreme Court drew it with regard

to the electioneering communication prohibition, i.e., whether an “ad is susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.” WRTL II,

127 S. Ct. at 2667 (emphasis added)? In other words, is WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote

requirement the required application of the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement to the

electioneering communication context? See Part I.C.

Third, is a full-length documentary movie the same as the ads that provided the evidentiary

basis for, and to which the trial and Supreme Court limited their analysis in, McConnell v. FEC,

540 U.S. 93, 126 (2003) (“[s]o-called issue ads”), or different in kind and more like a fully-protected book that one must select in order to see its content? See Part V.B.

Fourth, when WRTL II limited “the functional equivalent of express advocacy” to communications that could only be unambiguously “interpreted as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate,” 127 S. Ct. at 2667, does “appeal to vote” require some “exhortation to vote,” i.e.,

a “clear plea for action” that “encourages a vote,” such as FEC v. Furgatch, 807 F.2d 857, 864

(9th Cir. 1987), required for the Ninth Circuit’s now-rejected contextual “express advocacy” definition? See Part V.B. See also infra at 15 n.14 (Furgatch’s express-advocacy standard).

I. All Campaign Restrictions Must Be “Unambiguously Campaign Related.”

Where is the constitutional line dividing expression subject to disclosure from expression

retaining full First Amendment privacy protection? There must be a line, and it must be bright

and speech-protective, for we deal with political speech, which is at the core of First Amendment

protection. Only one line has been articulated by the Supreme Court in the context of non-politiCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 7 of 56
3As Buckley put it, 424 U.S. at 14 (citations omitted):

Discussion of public issues and debate on the qualifications of candidates are integral to the

operation of the system of government established by our Constitution. The First Amendment

affords the broadest protection to such political expression in order “to assure (the) unfettered

interchange of ideas for the bringing about of political and social changes desired by the people.” . . . “[T]here is practically universal agreement that a major purpose of that Amendment

was to protect the free discussion of governmental affairs. . . . of course includ(ing) discussions of candidates . . . .” This no more than reflects our “profound national commitment to

the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open.” 

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cal-committee, non-candidate compelled disclosure of expenditures related to candidate election

campaigns. It is the line where political speech becomes “unambiguously related to the campaign

of a particular federal candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80 (emphasis added). As to electioneering

communications, WRTL II drew a conceptually identical unambiguous-appeal-to-vote line to separate regulable from non-regulable electioneering communications. But the FEC proclaims that it

may go beyond that line to regulate all political speech that seeks to persuade the public. See infra. This Court must follow the Supreme Court’s line—the First Amendment line.

A. The Mandate that “Congress Shall Make No Law” Requires the Government to Demonstrate Unambiguous Authority Before Regulating Speech.

In the quest for the constitutional line at which disclosure may be compelled in this context,

we should first note that we deal with highly-protected core “political speech.” WRTL II, 127 S.

Ct. at 2673.3 So we should follow the example of WRTL II, which said that “it is worth recalling

the language we are applying” “when it comes to drawing difficult lines in the area of pure political speech.” Id. at 2674. WRTL II recited the First Amendment mandate that “‘Congress shall

make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech.’” Id. (quoting U.S. Const. amend I). WRTL II

added that “[t]he Framers’ actual words put these cases in proper perspective” in this line-drawing endeavor. Id. Absent unambiguous constitutional authority to regulate political speech, the

First Amendment forbids doing so.

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4The applicability of these three interests is addressed below. See Part II.E.

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B. Buckley Drew the Disclosure Line Between Unambiguous Campaign Speech and Ordinary Political Speech.

In searching for the line at which disclosure may be compelled in the candidate election

campaign context, the starting point is the seminal Buckley decision, which first drew the relevant campaign-finance constitutional lines and to which the Supreme Court continually returns

for such first principles. Specifically, we must look at Buckley’s Part II, entitled “Reporting and

Disclosure Requirements.” 424 U.S. at 60. In that analysis, id. at 60-84, we must examine the

standards of review applied to disclosure and to the relevant application of those standards. Since

McConnell said that some “electioneering communications” are the “functional equivalent of

express advocacy,” 540 U.S. at 206, we should look in particular at Buckley’s analysis as to the

reporting of expenditures for express advocacy communications by non-political-committee,

non-candidate entities. See Buckley, 424 U.S. at 74-82.

Buckley’s Part II.A, set out “General Principles,” id. at 64, in which it discussed the inherent

First Amendment burdens imposed by compelled disclosure, then set out the required standards

of review, and then discussed three informational interests in requiring disclosure.4Id. at 64-68.

As to standards of review, there were two, divided by an “also.” Id. at 64 (emphasis added). The

first requirement was “exacting scrutiny,” the nature of which is further discussed below, see Part

II, but which, in and of itself, requires that the government prove some adequate level of interest

and that its regulation meets some adequate standard of tailoring to that interest (with “adequate”

here determined by the level of scrutiny that “exacting scrutiny” imposes). The Court then said:

“We also have insisted that there be a ‘relevant correlation’ or ‘substantial relation’ between the

governmental interest and the information required to be disclosed.” Id. (emphasis added; footCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 9 of 56
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notes and citations omitted). Since this inquiry is “also” required, it is distinct from the interest

and tailoring encompassed by “exacting scrutiny.”

For present line-drawing purposes, it doesn’t matter what level of scrutiny “exacting” requires. What matters is what line the Court drew in applying that “exacting scrutiny.” So the

analysis will move on to where Buckley drew the constitutional line specifically as applied to

compelled disclosure of expenditures by non-political-committee, non-candidate entities. This

was in Buckley’s Part II.C. 424 U.S. at 74. The provision at issue “requir[ed] ‘(e)very person

(other than a political committee or candidate) who makes contributions or expenditures’ aggregating over $100 in a calendar year ‘other than by contribution to a political committee or candidate’ to file a statement with the Commission.” Id. at 74-75 (citation omitted). Buckley noted,

which is relevant here, that

Appellants attack § 434(e) as a direct intrusion on privacy of belief, in violation of Talley v.

California, 362 U.S. 60 (1960), and as imposing ‘very real, practical burdens . . . certain to

deter individuals from making expenditures for their independent political speech’ analogous

to those held to be impermissible in Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516 (1945). [424 U.S. at 75

(emphasis added).]

In the General Principles discussion, the Court had already recognized that disclosure imposes a

First Amendment privacy burden, id. at 65 (“compelled disclosure, in itself, can seriously infringe on privacy of association and belief guaranteed by the First Amendment”), and it had already held that the dissolving-distinction problem identified in Thomas (see CU Mem. 10, 14) 

required that the express-advocacy construction be imposed on another expenditure provision,

424 U.S. at 43-44, so the Court did not have to elaborate on those subjects in this context. And

the Court had recognized that disclosure would “undoubtedly . . . deter some individuals who

otherwise might contribute.” Id. at 68.

Buckley summarized the congressional “goal” and the Court’s “task” as follows (to which

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the Court will return in its analysis):

In enacting the legislation under review Congress addressed broadly the problem of political

campaign financing. It wished to promote full disclosure of campaign-oriented spending to

insure both the reality and the appearance of the purity and openness of the federal election

process. Our task is to construe “for the purpose of . . . influencing,” incorporated in § 434(e)

through the definitions of “contributions” and “expenditures,” in a manner that precisely furthers this goal. [Id. at 78 (emphasis added; footnotes omitted).]

With this congressional “goal” (regulate “campaign-oriented spending) in mind, and mindful of

the First Amendment privacy, deterrence, and dissolving-distinction problems it had already addressed, the Court turned to construing “contributions” and “expenditures,” which both had the

operative language “‘for the purpose of . . . influencing’ the nomination or election of candidates

for federal office.” Id. at 77 (citation omitted).

Applying its relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement, the Court construed “contribution” narrowly, id. at 78, so as to “have a sufficiently close relationship to the goals of the Act,

for they are connected with a candidate or his campaign.” Id. (emphasis added). The broad

“goal[] of the Act” had just been identified as being about “disclosure of campaign-oriented

spending,” see supra, and the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement was employed to assure a “close relationship” between “contribution” and “campaign-oriented spending” so as to

meet the privacy, deterrence, and dissolving-distinction constitutional concerns. Note that in this

disclosure context “sufficiently close relationship” is equated with “connected with a candidate

or his campaign.” Note also that while the Court did point to vagueness concerns with “‘for the

purpose . . . of influencing,’ the nomination or election of candidates for federal office,” id. at 76-

78 (citation omitted), it resolved it by applying the relevant-and-substantial-relationship requirement to resolve both vagueness and overbreadth by assuring an unambiguous nexus to elections.

The court then applied the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement to “expenditure.”

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5Buckley said, 424 U.S. at 81 (emphasis added), that

§ 434(e), as construed, imposes independent reporting requirements on individuals and groups

that are not candidates or political committees only in the following circumstances: (1) when

they make contributions earmarked for political purposes or authorized or requested by a candidate or his agent, to some person other than a candidate or political committee, and (2) when

they make expenditures for communications that expressly advocate the election or defeat of

a clearly identified candidate.

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The Court first noted that an “expenditure” by a political committee did not have to be subjected

to this requirement because a “political committee” was already subject to the requirement, in the

form of “the major purpose” test, so that “[e]xpenditures of candidates and of ‘political committees’ so construed can be assumed to fall within the core area sought to be addressed by Congress. They are, by definition, campaign related.” Id. at 79 (emphasis added).

The Court then imposed the express-advocacy construction on “expenditure” in the nonpolitical-committee, non-candidate disclosure context. Id. at 79-81. Again, the Court cured both

vagueness and overbreadth in the phrase “‘for the purpose . . . of influencing,’ the nomination or

election of candidates for federal office” by applying the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement. That overbreadth was at issue, in addition to vagueness, was clarified by the Court’s

expressed concern that “the relation of the information sought to the purposes of the Act may be

too remote.” Id. at 80 (emphasis added). “To insure that the reach of § 434(e) is not impermissibly broad,” the Court said, “we construe ‘expenditure’ for purposes of that section in the same

way we construed the terms of § 608(e) to reach only funds used for communications that expressly advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate.” Id. (emphasis added;

footnote omitted). The Court declared that this narrowing construction avoided overbreadth by

meeting the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement: “This reading is directed precisely to

that spending that is unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular federal candidate.”

Id. (emphasis added).5

 It noted that this construction avoided the dissolving-distinction problem

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6Note from this statement that the line at which disclosure may be compelled does not run

between “partisan discussion” and non-partisan discussion.

7Buckley applied this unambiguously-campaign-related requirement to (1) expenditure limitations, id. at 42-44; (2) PAC status and disclosure, id. at 79; (3) non-PAC disclosure of contributions and independent expenditures, id. at 79-81; and (4) contributions. Id. at 23 n.24, 78.

8The unambiguously-campaign-related requirement applies to contributions, Buckley, 424

U.S. at 78, the regulation of which requires intermediate scrutiny, id. at 25, and to expenditures,

id. at 80, the regulation of which requires strict scrutiny, id. at 19, and to political committees, id.

at 79, the regulation of which requires strict scrutiny. Austin v. Mich. State Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652, 658 (1990). It applies in all campaign-finance contexts.

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because “§ 434(e), as construed, bears a sufficient relationship to a substantial governmental interest,” id., and “does not reach all partisan discussion for it only requires disclosure of those expenditures that expressly advocate a particular election result.” Id.6

 So in this applicable expenditure disclosure context, the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement was clearly restated as

the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement. And this “unambiguously campaign related”

formulation of the required test, id. at 81, echoes the Court’s use of similar “campaign related”

language in applying the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement in other contexts.7 It is fair

to say, then, that in the compelled disclosure context, as in the context of all campaign-finance

regulation, any regulation must be unambiguously campaign related.

Two things are especially significant here. First, the line that Buckley recognized at which

disclosure may be imposed in the relevant context is the line between unambiguous “campaign”

speech and ordinary political speech, which includes issue advocacy and “partisan discussions.”

Id. at 80. This unambiguously-campaign-related requirement applies regardless of whether one

believes that “exacting scrutiny” means strict scrutiny, or intermediate scrutiny, or that the words

after the “also,” id. at 64, define the meaning of “exacting scrutiny” in the disclosure context.

Whatever the standard of review,8 in this expenditure disclosure context the unambiguouslycampaign-related requirement must be met.

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9This principle applies equally to an interest in “enforcement of . . . contribution and expenditure limitations,” which Buckley recognized and similarly limited by its construction. Id. at 76.

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Second, the governmental interests that Buckley cited with respect to the expenditure disclosure provision were entirely satisfied—to the extent constitutionally permissible—by disclosure

limited to speech that meets the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement (i.e., express advocacy in Buckley). Buckley noted that the disclosure provision “serve[s an] informational interest, and even as construed § 434(e) increases the fund of information concerning those who support the candidates. It goes beyond the general disclosure requirements to shed the light of publicity on spending that is unambiguously campaign related.” Id. at 81 (emphasis added). So there

is no cognizable governmental interest here that extends beyond the unambiguously-campaignrelated requirement.9

 Neither Congress nor the FEC has any interest in regulating speech, in this

candidate election campaign context, that is not “unambiguously related to the campaign of a

particular federal candidate.” Id.

C. WRTL II Recognized a Line Between “Campaign Speech” and “Political” Speech.”

 The next question is whether WRTL II applied the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement to electioneering communications, and, more specifically, whether WRTL II’s unambiguous

appeal-to-vote test, 127 S. Ct. at 2667, is the required form of the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement for the electioneering communication context. Since disclosure is at issue in

this case, Buckley’s substantial-and-relevant-relation requirement must be met by some line.

WRTL II provided a dividing line that is applicable to the present quest for the constitutional

line. Since the opinion was very precise and consistent in the terminology used throughout, the

specific terms bear close examination. WRTL II distinguished fully-protected “political speech,”

or “issue advocacy,” from “campaign speech,” see, e.g., id. at 2659, also called “electioneering,”

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10This requirement of an unambiguous connection to candidate election campaigns flows

from Buckley’s recognition that the sole justification for the Federal Election Campaign Act is

“[t]he constitutional power of Congress to regulate federal elections.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 13.

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id. at 2667-69, 2670 n.8, 2672, which may be regulated. For present line-drawing purposes, what

is significant is that “campaign speech” and “electioneering” are about campaigns and elections.

10 In the context of WRTL II and the present case, the relevant campaigns and elections are

candidate campaigns and elections (not ballot measure campaigns). So WRTL II recognized that,

in this context, the proper line establishing the permissibility of regulation is between expression

related to candidate campaigns and expression not related to candidate campaigns. And, just as

Buckley had done, WRTL II required that a communication could only be deemed to be on the

candidate-campaign side of the dividing line if it is unambiguously so. 127 S. Ct. at 2667 (“no

other reasonable interpretation than”). This unambiguous requirement means that “campaign

speech” is determined by whether a communication contains either the “magic words” of “express advocacy,” id. at 2667, 2669 n.7, or its “functional equivalent” under WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote” test. Id. at 2667.

Chief Justice Roberts, the author of WRTL II, was of course aware of Buckley’s “unambiguously campaign related” requirement, 424 U.S. at 81, and was restricting Congress and the FEC

to regulating so-called “electioneering communications” to those that unambiguously contained

“electioneering,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667-69, 2670 n.8, 2672, namely, they were truly about

candidate campaigns because they were “unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular

federal candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80 (emphasis added). WRTL II imposed this same unambiguously-campaign-related requirement by holding that no communication may be deemed the

“functional equivalent of express advocacy,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667, i.e., “campaign

speech,” id. at 2659, unless “the ad is susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than as

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11Criticism does not eliminate the protection for political speech. See CU Mem. 16, 42-43.

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an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.” Id. at 2667 (emphasis added). To reinforce

the “unambiguously” part of the requirement, WRTL II required that “the benefit of any doubt

[goes] to protecting rather than stifling speech.” Id. at 2667. See also id. at 2669 (“Where the

First Amendment is implicated, the tie goes to the speaker, not the censor.”), 2669 n.7 (same),

2674 (same). So the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement is not met in this context

when a communication talks about candidates, or even criticizes them,11 but only when the communication unambiguously talks about their campaign in a way that involves express advocacy

or its functional equivalent under WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test.

In sum, WRTL II applied Buckley’s unambiguously-campaign-related requirement in the

electioneering communication context. Given that this requirement originated in the disclosure

context, Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80, and applies equally to prohibitions and compelled disclosure,

WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test draws the only permissible line for demarcating

when “electioneering communications” may be subjected to compelled disclosure.

D. The FEC’s Proffered Line Is Not Based in the Candidate Election Campaign Context.

The FEC ignores the context of this case (candidate election campaigns), the sole source of

constitutional authority for the FEC and FECA (authority to regulate candidate elections), Buckley’s unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, and WRTL II’s application of that requirement in the electioneering communication context. It asserts that “the government’s interest in

providing information to the public extends beyond speech about candidate election campaigns

to encompass activity that attempts to sway public opinion or action on the specified issues.”

FEC Mem. 22 (emphasis added). So any time a speaker attempts to persuade the public, the FEC

says it may regulate that speech. Note that the Federal Election Commission expressly says that

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12The CLC points to various state grassroots lobbying disclosure laws, CLC Mem. 14-15 &

n.8, but Congress has passed no such law.

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the interest underpinning its regulation here is not limited to the election context for it “extends

beyond speech about candidate election campaigns.” Id.

The FEC overreaches. Attempted persuasion cannot be the dividing line between regulable

and nonregulable speech here in the candidate election campaign context. If the FEC’s line were

correct, it would be the police officer for all “political speech,” or “issue advocacy,” not just the

“campaign speech” that is its proper domain. WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2659 (emphasis added). Hypothetical12 information interests that the government might have in other contexts, do not apply

to the narrowly-confined candidate election campaign context. The relevant question is not what

authority some other agency might have under some other act governing some other subject under some other constitutional authority. The question is how far Congress and the FEC may reach

under the authority to regulate candidate election campaigns. Buckley applied an “unambiguously campaign related” requirement. 424 U.S. at 81 (emphasis added). It drew the line based on

the “constitutional power of Congress to regulate federal elections,” 424 U.S. at 13 (emphasis

added), and held that disclosure of “‘expenditures’ . . . ‘for the purpose of . . . influencing’ the

nomination or election of candidates for federal office,” id. at 77 (emphasis added) (citation

omitted), must be restricted to “funds used for communications that expressly advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate,” in order to be “unambiguously related to the

campaign of a particular federal candidate.” Id. at 80 (emphasis added). WRTL II agreed that

Congress and the FEC may only regulate speech that is unambiguously “campaign speech.” 127

S. Ct. at 2659 (emphasis added). And it applied this requirement by holding that an electioneering communication is only “campaign speech” if it “is susceptible of no reasonable interpretation

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13Ads on the environmental issue featuring House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former House

Speaker Newt Gingrich were recently the subject of tardy disclosure reports because they were

run in Speaker Pelosi’s district during an electioneering communication period. See Josh Gerstein, Group Files Climate Change Ad Disclosure After Delay, N.Y. Sun, June 16, 2008 (online

version). While there was a persuasion attempt, it had nothing to do with an election campaign

and reveals both the overbreadth of the current disclosure requirements and the undue complexity

of the campaign finance laws (trapping the unwary who would not believe that a pro-environment ad would have anything to do with an election campaign).

SJ Opposition & Reply 13

other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.” Id. at 2667 (emphasis added).

The FEC draws the line in the wrong place.

Moreover, the FEC’s “persuasion” line would require that the disclosure requirements not be

applied to “electioneering communications” that do not “attempt[] to sway public opinion or action on the specified issues.” So an ad that simply mentioned a candidate, but lacked any attempt

at persuasion on an issue, would not be subject to disclosure—such as a 10-second ad that simply

encouraged the public to go see a movie with “Hillary” in the title. The FEC’s line effectively

concedes that Citizens’ ads may not be subjected to disclosure.13

1. Ballot-Initiative Campaigns Are Beyond the Relevant Context, But the

Unambiguously-Campaign-Related Requirement Also Prevails in That Context.

The FEC next tries to avoid the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement by insisting it

is solely about candidate campaigns and pointing to ballot-initiative campaigns—which have no

candidates and regulate issue advocacy—where an informational interest has been recognized as

justifying disclosure. FEC Mem. 20, 22. That argument fails for two reasons.

First, this case is not about a ballot-initiative campaign. Rather, the FEC alleges that Citizens’ documentary contains, in WRTL II’s words, an unambiguous “appeal to vote for or against

a specific candidate,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667 (emphasis added), so that it is subject to the

electioneering communication prohibition. FEC Mem. 34 (“is the functional equivalent of express advocacy”). And it clearly believes the Ads are about a candidate. So this is a candidate

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SJ Opposition & Reply 14

election campaign context. The standard applicable to candidate campaigns must govern. That

standard requires that a communication may only be regulated if it is “unambiguously related to

the campaign of a particular federal candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80 (emphasis added).

Second, even in the ballot-initiative context, the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement prevails as applicable to ballot initiative campaigns. In that context, government may only

regulate communications that are unambiguously related to the ballot-initiative campaign. So

they must still be “unambiguously campaign related,” id. at 81 (emphasis added), and the absence of a candidate does not change this requirement in that context.

California Pro-Life Council v. Getman, 328 F.3d 1088 (9th Cir. 2003) (“CPLC I”), illustrates the requirement in the ballot initiative context. Id. at 1091. CPLC I decided that the state

could, as a general principle, “require[] the source and amount of . . . contribution[s] or expenditure[s] to be disclosed for public scrutiny,” even though ballot initiatives deal with issues. Id. But

the relevant part of the analysis is not that the court permitted regulation of “pure issue speech,”

as the FEC would have it, FEC Mem. 16, but how the definition of a reportable “independent expenditure” was handled. This analysis—about the strength and clarity of the connection between

a communication and the campaign—demonstrates the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement at work in the ballot-initiative context.

CPLC had challenged California ’s “independent expenditure” definition (which triggered

“independent expenditure committee” status, with accompanying reporting requirements) as unconstitutionally vague and overbroad. Id. California defined “independent expenditure” as

“an expenditure made by any person in connection with a communication which expressly

advocates . . . the qualification, passage or defeat of a clearly identified measure, or taken as a

whole and in context, unambiguously urges a particular result in an election but which is not

made to or at the behest of the affected candidate or committee.” [Id. at 1096 (quoting Cal.

Govt. Code § 82031) (emphasis in original).]

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14The Furgatch “express advocacy” standard, id. at 864 (emphasis added), was as follows:

We conclude that speech need not include any of the words listed in Buckley to be express advocacy under the Act, but it must, when read as a whole, and with limited reference to external

events, be susceptible of no other reasonable interpretation but as an exhortation to vote for or

against a specific candidate. This standard can be broken into three main components. First,

even if it is not presented in the clearest, most explicit language, speech is “express” for present purposes if its message is unmistakable and unambiguous, suggestive of only one plausible

meaning. Second, speech may only be termed “advocacy” if it presents a clear plea for action,

and thus speech that is merely informative is not covered by the Act. Finally, it must be clear

what action is advocated. Speech cannot be “express advocacy of the election or defeat of a

clearly identified candidate” when reasonable minds could differ as to whether it encourages

a vote for or against a candidate or encourages the reader to take some other kind of action.

SJ Opposition & Reply 15

The first part of this definition—requiring that “communication[s] . . . expressly advocate[] . . .

passage or defeat of a clearly identified measure”—clearly employs the express-advocacy test as

it applies in the ballot-initiative context. CPLC argued that the italicized portion of the definition

was unconstitutional for not conforming to the express-advocacy test (an application of the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80). In response, the CPLC I

court first narrowed the overbroad, contextual express-advocacy test that the Ninth Circuit had

earlier stated in Furgatch, 807 F.2d 857,14 by declaring that:

Indeed, Furgatch instructs that the communication may be considered “as a whole” when determining express advocacy. But a close reading of Furgatch indicates that we presumed express advocacy must contain some explicit words of advocacy. See id. at 864 (noting that

“context cannot supply a meaning that is incompatible with, or simply unrelated to, the clear

import of the words”). “Context,” we emphasized, “remains a consideration, but an ancillary

one, peripheral to the words themselves.” Id. at 863. [CPLC I, 328 F.3d at 1098 (emphasis in

original).]

(WRTL II rejected using context to identify an unambiguous appeal to vote in “electioneering

communications,” 127 S. Ct. at 2669, so that it is now an improper consideration in determining

either express advocacy or its functional equivalent.) Then CPLC I decided that it did not have to

resolve the vagueness and overbreadth of the California statute because state courts had already

cured it (and fulfilled the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement) by imposing the

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SJ Opposition & Reply 16

express-advocacy construction:

We need not decide the difficult question of whether Furgatch saves the California statute. In

Governor Gray Davis Committee v. American Taxpayers Alliance, 102 Cal.App.4th 449, 125

Cal.Rptr.2d 534 (2002), the California Court of Appeal interpreted the PRA definition of “independent expenditure” narrowly “to apply only to those communications that ‘contain expresslanguage of advocacy with an exhortation to elect or defeat a candidate.’” Id. at 471, 125

Cal.Rptr.2d 534 (quoting Iowa Right to Life Comm., 187 F.3d at 969-70) (emphasis added).

Given this narrowing construction of the statute, we cannot say the PRA’s definition of “independent expenditure” overreaches. [CPLC I, 328 F.3d at 1098 (emphasis in original).]

So in regulating issue advocacy in the ballot-initiative context government may only regulate

communications that expressly advocate for or against the initiative, i.e., they must be unambiguously related to the ballot-initiative campaign.

Other decisions in the ballot-initiative context are not to the contrary. In First National Bank

of Boston v. Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765 (1978), the court merely noted in passing that “[i]dentification

of the source of advertising may be required as a means of disclosure, so that the people will be

able to evaluate the arguments to which they are being subjected.” Id. at 792 n.32. The law at

issue barred the corporation “from making contributions or expenditures ‘for the purpose of . . .

influencing or affecting the vote on any question submitted to the voters, other than one materially affecting any of the property, business or assets of the corporation.’” Id. at 768. Since Buckley had already found “for the purpose of influencing” unconstitutionally vague and given it the

express-advocacy construction to implement the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement,

424 U.S. at 77, 81, it is clear in Bellotti that the “disclosure” of the “source” of any “expenditure”

for a communication was only for one that expressly advocated passage or defeat of a measure.

Similarly, Citizens Against Rent Control v. Berkeley, 454 U.S. 290 (1981), spoke of “publication of lists of contributors,” id. at 298, “to committees formed to support or oppose ballot

measures.” Id. at 291 (emphasis added). Buckley said that a contribution “for the purpose of inCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 21 of 56
15The FEC cites United States v. Harriss, 347 U.S. 612 (1954), for support. FEC Mem. 21.

But Harriss construed a lobbyist disclosure act to avoid constitutional difficulties so that it applies only to persons paid to do lobbying, where the lobbying involves direct contact with Congress, and the purpose of the person or a contribution to that person is for the “primary purpose”

of such lobbying. Id. at 619, 622. It does not apply to “persons having only an ‘incidental’ purpose of influencing legislation.” Id. at 622. Only a paid person having the primary purpose of

influencing elections by direct contact with Congress must report “‘the names of any papers, periodicals, magazines, or other publication in which he has caused to be published any articles or

SJ Opposition & Reply 17

fluencing” was not unconstitutionally vague and overbroad (i.e., because it would violate the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement) because it was construed as limited to “[f]unds provided to a candidate or political party or campaign committee.” 424 U.S. at 23 n.24 (emphasis

added). So the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, as applicable in this context, is met

if “contribution” is defined as funds given to a ballot-initiative campaign committee.

2. Lobbying Regulations Have Nothing to Do With Elections, But the Lobbying

Would Have to Be Unambiguously Related to its Constitutional Authority.

The FEC cites lobbying disclosure requirements in an effort to show that Congress and the

FEC have an “interest in informing the public of who is attempting to sway the resolution of public issues . . . .” FEC Mem. 21. The FEC overreaches. Whatever constitutional authority supports

lobbying disclosure is irrelevant in this candidate election campaign context because lobbying

has nothing to do with “[t]he constitutional power of Congress to regulate federal elections,” 424

U.S. at 13 (emphasis added), under the Federal Election Campaign Act and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (“BCRA”). The FEC acknowledges that lobbying “does not involve candidate

campaigns,” FEC Mem. 21, but fails to grasp the implication of its statement. In the present context, Congress may only regulate activity that is “unambiguously related to the campaign of a

particular candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80. While lobbying is irrelevant here, any “issue-oriented political activity,” FEC Mem. 21, regulated in reliance on constitutional authority to regulate lobbying would have to regulate only activity unambiguously related to that authority.15

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editorials.’” Id. at 615 n.2 (citation omitted). That is the reporting concerning “artificially stimulated letter campaign[s]” of which Harriss approved, id. at 620, not the sort of grassroots lobbying at issue in WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. 2652. Notably, the “principal purpose” test of Harriss in the

lobbying context serves to limit regulation to that which is unambiguously lobbying related,

much as the “major purpose” test in Buckley limits regulation to that which is, “by definition,

campaign related,” 424 U.S. at 79, i.e., “unambiguously campaign related.” Id. at 81.

16Although Buckley, MCFL, and WRTL II held that this dissolving-distinction problem required a bright-line test to protect speech, the FEC argues that it is a reason to burden speech.

FEC Mem. 22 n.14. And the FEC argues that protected “political speech” under WRTL II may yet

be regulated because it might “influence an election,” FEC Mem. 22 n.14, even though WRTL II

barred any consideration of intent and effect in as-applied challenges in this candidate election

campaign context, 127 S. Ct. at 2665-66, 2668, 2669 n.7, as did Buckley. 424 U.S. at 43-44.

SJ Opposition & Reply 18

3. MCFL Clearly Employed the Unambiguously-Campaign-Related Requirement

and Is in the Relevant Candidate Election Campaign Context.

The FEC pronounces “nonsensical” Citizens’ identification of FEC v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, 479 U.S. 238 (1986) (“MCFL”), as employing the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement. FEC Mem. 17. Citizens had pointed to MCFL as imposing the express-advocacy

test and recognizing the major-purpose test, both of which were implementations of the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement. CU Mem. 10-11. Citizens’ argument is straightforward.

MCFL was construing the language of 2 U.S.C. § 441b, which forbids corporate “expenditure[s]

. . . in connection with any election.” The Supreme Court noted that

[t]he argument relies on the portion of Buckley . . . that upheld the disclosure requirement for

expenditures by individuals other than candidates and by groups other than political committees. See 2 U.S.C. § 434(c). There, in order to avoid problems of overbreadth, the Court held

that the term “expenditure” encompassed “only funds used for communications that expressly

advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate.” 424 U.S., at 80 (footnote

omitted). The rationale for this holding was:

[T]he distinction between discussion of issues and candidates and advocacy of election or

defeat of candidates may often dissolve in practical application. Candidates, especially

incumbents, are intimately tied to public issues involving legislative proposals and governmental actions. Not only do candidates campaign on the basis of their positions on various issues, but campaigns themselves generate issues of public interest. Id., at 42 (footnote omitted).[16] [479 U.S. at 248-49.]

The portion of Buckley that MCFL cites is exactly the location where Buckley imposed the

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17Buckley then pronounced that its saving construction (1) prevented a situation where “the

relation of the information sought to the purposes of the Act may be too remote”; (2) insure[d]

that the reach of [“expenditure”] [wa]s not impermissibly broad”; (3) precisely targeted only

“spending that is unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular federal candidate”; (4)

assured that “expenditure” would “bear[] a sufficient relationship to a substantial governmental

interest”; (5) assured that “expenditure” would “not reach all partisan discussion for it only requires disclosure of those expenditures that expressly advocate a particular election result”; and

(6) would “shed the light of publicity on spending that is unambiguously campaign related.”

Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80-81. Buckley did this in an expenditure disclosure context, id. at 77, and it

cited an informational interest as justifying disclosure in this context, id. at 81, but only after narrowing the scope of permissible disclosure to what was “unambiguously related to the campaign

of a particular federal candidate.” Id. at 80.

SJ Opposition & Reply 19

bright-line express-advocacy construction on an expenditure definition employing the vague and

overbroad phrase “for the purpose of influencing.”17 MCFL imposed the identical express-advocacy requirement in a prohibition context that Buckley imposed in a disclosure context, citing

Buckley’s “unambiguously campaign related” passage as justification. 479 U.S. at 249 (“We

agree . . . that this rationale requires a similar construction of the more intrusive provision that

directly regulates independent spending.”). So it is clearly not “nonsensical,” FEC Mem. 17, to

say that MCFL recognized and applied Buckley’s unambiguously-campaign-related requirement.

Ignoring the obvious import of MCFL’s identical express-advocacy construction and citation

of Buckley as requiring it, the FEC argues that MCFL “noted the benefits of mandatory disclosure, even when the underlying expenditures to be disclosed were constitutionally exempt from

limitation,” and concludes that “MCFL stands directly contrary to Plaintiff’s argument that

WRTL’s holding regarding EC funding must be extended to the EC disclosure requirement.” FEC

Mem. 17. The FEC evades the relevant issue, which is not whether disclosure is permitted as to

some communications that may not be prohibited. The issue is whether regulation—whether prohibition or disclosure—is restricted to expenditures for communications that are (in this candidate election campaign context) “unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular candiCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 24 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 20

date.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80. MCFL clearly embraced the unambiguously-campaign-related

requirement, specifically citing the Buckley passage that established it when MCFL adopted the

derivative express advocacy test. See supra. And all of the disclosure of non-prohibited activity

that MCFL referenced fell within the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement. MCFL said

that even though it eliminated the independent expenditure prohibition for MCFL-corporations,

an independent expenditure of as little as $250 by MCFL will trigger the disclosure provisions

of § 434(c). As a result, MCFL will be required to identify all contributors who annually provide in the aggregate $200 in funds intended to influence elections, will have to specify all recipients of independent spending amounting to more than $200, and will be bound to identify

all persons making contributions over $200 who request that the money be used for independent expenditures. These reporting obligations provide precisely the information necessary to

monitor MCFL’s independent spending activity and its receipt of contributions. The state interest in disclosure therefore can be met in a manner less restrictive than imposing the full panoply of regulations that accompany status as a political committee under the Act. [470 U.S. at

262 (emphasis added).]

So what did MCFL say must be disclosed? First, “independent expenditure[s],” including the

“recipients of independent spending” must be disclosed. Id. “Independent expenditures” have

been express-advocacy communications ever since Buckley imposed the express-advocacy construction on them, 424 U.S. at 44 & n.52, 80-81, based on the unambiguously-campaign-related

requirement—which MCFL confirmed. 479 U.S. at 248-49. Second, “contributors . . . [of] funds

intended to influence elections” must be disclosed. Id. at 262. Such contributions meet the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement under Buckley’s construction, in the disclosure context,

of “‘contributions’ . . . ‘for the purpose of . . . influencing’ the nomination or election of candidates for federal office,” 424 U.S. at 77, which it construed to be either a donation to a candidate,

political party, or campaign committee or “earmarked for political purposes.” Id. at 78. There is

absolutely no doubt that Buckley applied the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement in

construing the sort of contributions that must be disclosed because it expressly restated the reCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 25 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 21

quirement: “So defined, ‘contributions’ have a sufficiently close relationship to the goals of the

Act, for they are connected with a candidate or his campaign.” Id. This is part of the same analysis in which the Court expressly applied the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement to

“political committee” status and expenditure disclosure, id. at 79-81, to assure that “the relation

of the information sought to the purposes of the Act [would not] be too remote.” Id. at 80.

As to the applicability of an informational interest, MCFL declared that disclosure of the

listed unambiguously-campaign-related information was enough: “These reporting obligations

provide precisely the information necessary to monitor MCFL’s independent spending activity

and its receipt of contributions.” 479 U.S. at 262. MCFL then said that the major-purpose test

would take care of any further information to be disclosed by triggering PAC status if MCFL’s

independent expenditures became its major purpose. Id. This major purpose test was established

as part of Buckley’s analysis applying the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, 424

U.S. at 76-82, and the Court said that “[e]xpenditures of . . . ‘political committees’ so construed

can be assumed to fall within the core area sought to be addressed by Congress. They are, by definition, campaign related.” Id. at 79. In sum, MCFL embraced Buckley’s analysis that campaignfinance regulation may only extend to contributions, expenditures, and entities that are (in this

candidate election campaign context), “unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80.

II. The Disclosure Requirements Fail the Required Strict Scrutiny.

Within the class of First Amendment activities that may be regulated in the candidate election campaign context because they meet the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, the

First Amendment yet requires that a specific regulation must be appropriately tailored to an appropriately important interest, such as preventing quid pro quo corruption. What is “appropriate”

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SJ Opposition & Reply 22

depends on the nature of the burden. As shall be shown, compelled disclosure in this context imposes a per se burden on First Amendment privacy rights that requires a high level of scrutiny.

This was recognized in Davis v. FEC, No. 07-320, slip op. (U.S. June 26, 2008), which requires

that this case be decided for Citizens.

A. Davis Relied on Buckley, Not McConnell, and Distinguished “Exacting Scrutiny” from

the Relevant-and-Substantial-Relation Requirement.

Davis involved a requirement for the reporting of contributions under BCRA’s so-called

Millionaire’s Amendment. The provision required a candidate who contributed over a certain

level to his own campaign to file contemporaneous reports of his contributions instead of waiting

to file the same information on the scheduled reporting dates (so that his opponent could, based

on a formula, raise more funds under raised contribution limits). Davis declared both the earlydisclosure requirement and the raised contribution limits unconstitutional.

The Davis disclosure analysis relied on Buckley, 424 U.S. 1, not McConnell, 540 U.S. 93, so

any argument that McConnell lowered Buckley’s required standard for scrutinizing disclosure in

this context fails. See Davis, No. 07-320, slip op. at 18. The scrutiny burden was on the FEC, not

Davis. Id. The Court relied on Buckley for the requirement of two distinct elements to the required scrutiny: (1) “exacting scrutiny” “and” (2) the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement. Id. (emphasis added). So the two types of scrutiny are not conflated. And the activity at

issue in Davis clearly met the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement because it was about

disclosure of contributions by a candidate to his election campaign.

B. Davis Required the Interest to Match the Burden, and Burdens on Core Political

Speech Require Strict Scrutiny.

Davis reaffirmed that compelled disclosure in this candidate election campaign context is a 

per se burden on First Amendment privacy rights. Id. So it is now clear that there is no “mere disCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 27 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 23

closure” in this context that is subject to little or no scrutiny. Davis applied “exacting scrutiny”

without identifying whether that term meant “strict scrutiny,” but it did indicate that “the strength

of the governmental interest must reflect the seriousness of the actual burden on First Amendment rights.” Id. And the fact that it thought the disclosure at issue was a serious actual burden is

evident from the fact that it struck down disclosure that imposed substantially less burden than is

present in the current case. See infra. This indicates that, whatever one calls “exacting scrutiny,”

it is a formidable level of scrutiny in this context. While, as Davis indicated, the Court has sometimes imposed lesser scrutiny based on lesser burdens, id., as shall be shown, where core political

speech is involved the sufficiency of the burden to trigger strict scrutiny is a given.

There are disclaimer and reporting requirements at issue in this case, both of which impose

burdens on Citizens’ own speech (not a contribution that it wants to make). So preliminarily it

should be observed that Buckley began its analysis of FECA’s contribution and expenditure limitations with a General Principles analysis that noted that the highest First Amendment protection

applied to expenditures for one’s own speech, but that where the speech was indirect, as it said

was the case with typical contributions, then it would apply intermediate scrutiny. 424 U.S. at 14-

23. So intermediate scrutiny would not be not appropriate here as a result of indirect speech.

As to the disclaimer requirement, any “electioneering communication” that lacks an unambiguous “appeal to vote,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667, is not supposed to be restricted. But the

challenged disclaimer provision, which takes at least 4 seconds to intone, so limits Citizens’ 10-

second ads that they are effectively restricted. And the disclaimer seriously limits a 30-second ad.

So we are talking about on-communication, direct limitations on core political speech, which

clearly trigger strict scrutiny as to the disclaimer requirements. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission, 514 U.S. 334 (1995), made it clear that an on-communication disclaimer requirement

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18WRTL II spoke of Buckley’s use of “exacting scrutiny,” 424 U.S. at 44, as “strict scrutiny.”

127 S. Ct. at 2669 n.7. Of course Buckley was there speaking of “the exacting scrutiny applicable

to limitations on core First Amendment rights of political expression,” but the term used to describe the scrutiny is the same, “exacting,” i.e., “strict.”

SJ Opposition & Reply 24

was a serious enough burden to trigger strict scrutiny. Id. at 347.

In the analysis of reporting and disclosure requirements, Davis reaffirmed Buckley’s recognition that, while there was “no ceiling on campaign-related activities, 424 U.S. at 64, “compelled

disclosure, in itself, can seriously infringe on privacy of association and belief guaranteed by the

First Amendment.” Id. Buckley called it a “significant encroachment[] on First Amendment

rights.” Id. So the Court required “exacting scrutiny.” Id. Buckley called it the “strict test.” Id. at

66. When Buckley turned next to consider a reporting requirement for persons making independent expenditures and certain contributions it said that it “must apply the same strict standard of

scrutiny” as it had just applied to the previous disclosure provision to protect the “right of associational privacy.” Id. at 75. So the test is clearly a “strict” one.18 As noted above, Davis reaffirms

Buckley’s recognition that compelled disclosure is an inherent and serious burden, in and of itself, on First Amendment privacy rights.

In McIntyre, 514 U.S. 334, the Court clarified that “[w]hen a law burdens core political

speech, we apply ‘exacting scrutiny,’ and we uphold the restriction only if it is narrowly tailored

to serve an overriding state interest.” Id. at 347 (emphasis added) (citing Bellotti, 435 U.S. at

786). A core political speech burden is not restricted to the “limitation” context. McIntyre was a

case, like the present one, about a disclaimer on a communication. As noted, McIntyre cited Bellotti, which said that “exacting scrutiny” is strict scrutiny,” 435 U.S. at 795. Bellotti was a prohibition case (corporations forbidden to advocate in ballot measure context), but its analysis was

cited and employed in McIntyre, which was about disclosure, not prohibition, which indicates

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19Moreover, WRTL II cited McConnell, 540 U.S. at 205, Austin, 494 U.S. at 658, MCFL, 479

U.S. at 252 (plurality opinion), Bellotti, 435 U.S. at 786; and Buckley, 424 U.S. at 44-45, for the

proposition that a burden on political speech triggers strict scrutiny. WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2664.

WRTL II interpreted all of these, despite varying contexts, as standing for the proposition that a

burden on core political speech mandates strict scrutiny. So debating about the context in which

Buckley used “exacting scrutiny” is unavailing. At least since WRTL II, a burden on political

speech requires strict scrutiny. Note especially that WRTL II said McConnell stood for that propoSJ Opposition & Reply 25

that the applicable determining line for strict scrutiny is not between prohibitions and non-prohibitions, but between burdens on core political speech and burdens on other types of expression.

In Buckley v. American Constitutional Law Foundation, 525 U.S. 182 (1999) (“Buckley II”),

Justice Thomas provided the valuable service of a concurring opinion detailing at length the

Court’s use of strict scrutiny and lesser scrutiny in various First Amendment contexts. Id. at 206.

His whole opinion is an instructive survey of the precedent, but for present purposes the following is decisive here: “When [an] election law directly regulates core political speech, we have

always subjected the challenged restriction to strict scrutiny.” Id. He noted that where core political speech is involved, the Court has “ordinarily applied strict scrutiny without first determining

that the State’s law severely burdens speech,” id. at 207, probably, he added, because “it makes

little difference whether we determine burden first because restrictions on core political speech

so plainly impose a ‘severe burden.’” Id. at 208 (citation omitted).

WRTL II did just what Justice Thomas described, it required strict scrutiny without asking

whether the burden was severe because any burden on core political speech is automatically severe. 127 S. Ct. at 2664. WRTL II affirmed McIntyre, supra, by stating that strict scrutiny is applied where there is a burden, not a limitation, on core political speech: “Because BCRA § 203

burdens political speech, it is subject to strict scrutiny.” 127 S. Ct. at 2664. Since WRTL II was

very careful and precise in its terminology, the fact that it relied on a “burden,” not a prohibition,

is controlling.19 As the challenged provisions here burden political speech, strict scrutiny is man

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sition, too. Id.

SJ Opposition & Reply 26

dated. Whatever lesser scrutiny might apply in other First Amendment contexts, where the burden is on core political speech there need be no further question about the scrutiny required.

C. If the Davis Disclosure Was Unconstitutional, the Present Disclosure Is More So.

If the degree of scrutiny goes up as the burden goes up, then whatever the degree of scrutiny

that was required by “exacting scrutiny” in Davis, No. 07-320, slip op. at 18, must be higher in

the present case because the disclosure requirements at issue here impose greater burdens. And if

the Davis disclosure was unconstitutional, the present disclosure must necessarily be more so. 

Davis involved disclosure by a candidate of contributions that he made to his election campaign. As a candidate, he was already subject to disclosure of all campaign receipts and disbursements, so he was not having to disclose any new contribution information. Rather, he was merely

required to disclose the information contemporaneously instead of awaiting the periodic reporting deadline. By contrast, the present case does not involve disclosure that would have to be

made in any event, but at a later date. This case involves disclosure of donors who would not

have to be disclosed in any event, reports of expenditures that would not otherwise have to be

disclosed, and disclaimer burdens that would not be present in any event. If the disclosure in Davis was unconstitutional, then a fortiori the present disclosure provisions are unconstitutional.

And to the extent that Davis relied on the fact that the disclosure requirements were unconstitutional because they were designed to implement an unconstitutional scheme, this is a close parallel to Citizens’ argument about the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, i.e., disclosure

is unconstitutional if it requires disclosure as to constitutionally impermissible territory.

D. The Use of Synonyms Does Not Alter the High Scrutiny Required.

A word should be said about the use of synonyms in Supreme Court opinions, which use can

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20This precision lends importance to WRTL II’s statement that “BCRA survives strict scrutiny to the extent it regulates express advocacy or its functional equivalent,” id. at 2664 (emphasis added), and the many other uses of “regulate” instead of “restrict.” See CU Mem. 18 & n.19.

Since only a prohibition was at issue, the choice of “regulate” instead of “restrict” cannot be a

holding, but it is the instructional judicial dictum often placed in cases to fulfill the Court’s duty

to “say what the law is.” Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 1 (1 Cranch) 137, 177 (1803). For example,

in Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), there were standards as to different trimesters that had

nothing to do with the particular case about Jane Roe, but lower courts nonetheless followed the

instruction as to the law’s requirements. WRTL II’s instruction may not be brushed aside as mere

obiter dictum. The FEC’s notion that WRTL II said “regulation” in response to the FEC’s argument that the corporate electioneering communication prohibition was not really a restriction because of the PAC-option, FEC Mem. 10, is implausible because WRTL II specifically called the

prohibition a “prohibition.” See, e.g., 127 S. Ct. at 2663 (“The only question, then, is whether it

is consistent with the First Amendment for BCRA § 203 to prohibit WRTL from running these

three ads.” (emphasis added)). And WRTL II expressly rejected the notion that the PAC-option

made the “prohibition” not a prohibition. Id. at 2671 n.9. So WRTL II used “regulation” carefully

and intentionally, and it meant “regulation,” not “prohibition.”

SJ Opposition & Reply 27

cause confusion or be used in an attempt to evade required strict scrutiny. Writing is often enhanced by the use of synonyms to avoid repetition of the same term, so it is common to find synonyms in legal opinions as a stylistic device. But where, as in Supreme Court legal opinions,

advocates may attempt to place heavy reliance on any variant reading, precision is preferred. As

noted above, WRTL II is a particularly well-written opinion in this respect because it consistently

uses “political speech” and “issue advocacy” as distinguished from “campaign speech,” “electioneering,” and “express advocacy.” See, e.g., 127 S. Ct. at 2659.20 But it must be realized that

such precision is not always the case. Confusing synonyms are often used without any intent to

change the analysis. And analytical language often changes over time.

For example, McIntyre used “overriding,” not “compelling,” to describe the required strictscrutiny standard. 514 U.S. at 347. In Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765, which McIntyre said employed strict

scrutiny, 514 U.S. at 347, the Court spoke of “exacting scrutiny” as requiring the State to

“show[] a subordinating interest which is compelling,” 435 U.S. at 786, and “means ‘closely

drawn to avoid unnecessary abridgment.” Id. (quoting Buckley, 424 U.S. at 25 (Buckley’s contriCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 32 of 56
21Citizens argues that Buckley’s “exacting scrutiny” test for disclosure is strict scrutiny and

that the substantial-and-relevant-relation requirement that Buckley “also” required, 424 U.S. at

64, is what the Court later described in an applicable context as the unambiguously-campaignrelated requirement. But if the FEC wishes to conflate the two requirements, then it is bound by

Bellotti’s use of “substantially relevant correlation” language to refer to strict scrutiny.

22Another example is Buckley II, 525 U.S. 182, where the majority used strict scrutiny to review an after-the-fact reporting requirement for petition circulators in the ballot-measure context.

That it was strict scrutiny is clear from a footnote in the majority opinion responding to questions

about the standard of review raised by Justice Thomas. The majority said: “Our decision is entirely in keeping with the ‘now-settled approach’ that state regulations ‘impos[ing] ‘severe burdens’ on speech . . . [must] be narrowly tailored to serve a compelling interest.” Id. at 192 n.17.

Although the Court used strict scrutiny language, it concluded that the challenged provisions

were “no more than tenuously related to the substantial interests disclosure serves,” so that they

“‘fail exacting scrutiny.’” Id. at 205 (citation omitted). Such use of synonyms prompted Justice

Thomas to author an opinion, as noted above, explaining the Court’s scrutiny in various First

Amendment contexts. Id. at 206.

SJ Opposition & Reply 28

bution-limit analysis using intermediate scrutiny)). Bellotti then referred to “exacting scrutiny” as

“critical scrutiny,” id., and after further analysis held that “[a]ssuming, arguendo, that protection

of shareholders is a ‘compelling’ interest . . . , we find ‘no substantially relevant correlation between the governmental interest asserted and the State’s effort’ to prohibit appellants from speaking.” Id. at 795 (citation omitted).21 Bellotti was using strict scrutiny and the requirement of a

“compelling interest” was clear, but the “narrow tailoring” requirement was described with synonyms that might lead one to mistakenly believe that some intermediate standard applied—or

even that the Court was speaking of the relevant-and-substantial-relation requirement that it had

stated in Buckley in the disclosure context.22

From these examples (numerous others could be cited), the use of synonyms does not alter a

required level of scrutiny. So the fact that McConnell spoke of “important state interests” instead

of “compelling state interests” in upholding the electioneering communication reporting and disclaimer requirements facially cannot alter WRTL II’s subsequent statement of the law, i.e., where

political speech is burdened, as by disclaimer and reporting requirements, strict scrutiny is reCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 33 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 29

quired. Id. at 2664. It is true that many courts have in the past been confused about the standard

of review concerning burdens on political speech. This is evident in CPLC I, in which the Ninth

Circuit noted that Buckley’s use of “exacting scrutiny” and then “substantial relation” had caused

some confusion, but then held that strict scrutiny was required in the disclosure context on the

following rationale, which is applicable here:

[W]e subject California’s disclosure requirements to strict scrutiny. In doing so, we follow the

Court’s post-Buckley decision of MCFL, 479 U.S. 238. There the Court subjected disclosure

and reporting provisions of FECA to strict scrutiny because those provisions applied to “organizations whose major purpose is not campaign advocacy, but who occasionally make independent expenditures on behalf of candidates.” 479 U.S. at 252-53. The Court recognized that

reporting and disclosure requirements are more burdensome for multi-purpose organizations

(such as CPLC) than for political action committees whose sole purpose is political advocacy.

See id. at 255-56. Given that the MCFL Court considered FECA’s disclosure requirements to

be a severe burden on political speech for multi-purpose organizations, we must analyze the

California statute under strict scrutiny. Post-Buckley, the Court has repeatedly held that any

regulation severely burdening political speech must be narrowly tailored to advance a compelling state interest. See Austin v. Mich. Chamber of Comm., 494 U.S. 652, 657 (1990); see also

Buckley v. Am. Constitutional Law Found., 525 U.S. 182, 192 n. 12 (1999); McIntyre v. Ohio

Elections Comm’n, 514 U.S. 334, 347 (1995); Ariz. Right to Life PAC, 320 F.3d at 1007-1010.

[CPLC I, at 328 F.3d at 1101 n.16.]

The FEC cites to another Ninth Circuit case and a Fourth Circuit case as saying that “exacting scrutiny” was intermediate scrutiny. FEC Mem. 12. As to the Ninth Circuit case, Alaska

Right to Life Committee v. Miles, 441 F.3d 773 (9th Cir. 2006), the court actually followed American Civil Liberties Union of Nevada v. Heller, 378 F.3d 979 (9th Cir. 2004), in applying strict

scrutiny to all the disclosure provisions. Miles, 441 F.3d at 788. The Fourth Circuit case, North

Carolina Right to Life Committee Fund for Independent Political Expenditures v. Leake, 524

F.3d 427 (4th Cir. 2008) (“NCRL-FIPE”), dealing with disclosure in the different context of public funding, is an example of the confusion over the level of scrutiny because of the frequent failure to distinguish the strict scrutiny requirement from the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement that Buckley “also” required. But neither NCRL-FIPE nor Miles eliminates the latter

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23Since McConnell facially upheld disclosure, the FEC’s burden is easier where “ads” are the

“functional equivalent of express advocacy” under WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test:

The strict scrutiny analysis is, of course, informed by our precedents. This Court has already

ruled that BCRA survives strict scrutiny to the extent it regulates express advocacy or its functional equivalent. McConnell, [127 S. Ct.] at 206. So to the extent the ads in these cases fit this

description, the FEC’s burden is not onerous; all it need do is point to McConnell and explain

why it applies here. If, on the other hand, [the] ads are not express advocacy or its equivalent,

the Government’s task is more formidable. It must then demonstrate that banning [or, in the

present case, regulating] such ads during the blackout periods is narrowly tailored to serve a

compelling interest. No precedent of this Court has yet reached that conclusion. [127 S. Ct. at

2664 (emphasis in original).]

SJ Opposition & Reply 30

requirement because they required disclosure of expenditures for communications that met the

unambiguously-campaign-related requirement. See Jackson v. Leake, 476 F. Supp. 2d 515, 520

(E.D.N.C. 2006) (same case as NCRL-FIPE; plaintiff planned to make “independent expenditures”); Miles, 441 F.3d at 780 (“An ‘expenditure’ does not include the transfer of something of

value for making ‘an issues communication.’”). On the same day as the Jackson decision, another Fourth Circuit panel, in North Carolina Right to Life v. Leake, 525 F.3d 274 (4th Cir. 2008)

(with the author of the NCRL-FIPE opinion dissenting), recognized the necessity of including an

unambiguously-campaign-related requirement in the constitutional analysis in the candidate election campaign context in a much more detailed and extended analysis, but had no occasion to

consider whether “exacting scrutiny” means strict scrutiny. See CU Mem. 20-22. In any event,

WRTL II’s statement that burdens on political speech require strict scrutiny is the latest, and controlling, word on the subject. And regardless of the scrutiny level, the unambiguously-campaignrelated requirement controls this case.

As to the requirements of strict scrutiny, WRTL II set those out: “Under strict scrutiny, the

Government must prove that applying BCRA to WRTL’s ads furthers a compelling interest and

is narrowly tailored to achieve that interest. Id. at 2664 (emphasis in original).23 So it is the

FEC’s burden to prove, as to Citizens’ Ads, that they are the functional equivalent of express adCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 35 of 56
24The FEC may not shift the burden of proof to Citizens by continuing to insist that Citizens

makes an assertion that it does not make, see FEC Mem. 11, i.e., that Citizens asserts that it is the

sort of disfavored organization that is exempt from all disclosure. The FEC’s argument is a straw

man because Citizens has explained clearly that “Citizens only challenges here disclosure as to

communications that are not unambiguously campaign related, not those that are.” CU Mem. 25.

So the FEC’s arguments addressing that straw man must be disregarded. See FEC Mem. 25-29.

SJ Opposition & Reply 31

vocacy (the FEC concedes they are not), or that the disclosure burdens are narrowly tailored to a

compelling governmental interest. As to Citizens’ documentary movie, the FEC has the burden

of proving (1) that it is the functional equivalent of express advocacy under WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test and (2) either that it is the functional equivalent of the “ads” at issue in

McConnell and WRTL II or, in the alternative, that the prohibition and disclosure requirements

are constitutional as applied to a full-length documentary movie that is not only broadcast but

also shown in theaters and sold on DVD.

In sum, strict scrutiny applies and the FEC has the burden of proving narrow tailoring to a

compelling interest as to all applications of the disclosure requirements. And in addition (and

even if strict scrutiny did not apply), the FEC must “also” prove, Buckley, 424 U.S. at 64, that the

disclosure requirements reach only communications that are “unambiguously campaign related.”

Id. at 81. This is an insurmountable task because the FEC must prove that communications that

WRTL II said were not “campaign speech,” 127 S. Ct. at 2659, 2673 (emphasis added), are in

fact “unambiguously campaign related. Buckley, 424 U.S. at 81 (emphasis added).24

E. All Governmental Interests in this Context Are Restricted to Disclosure of “Unambiguously Campaign Related” Expenditures.

Buckley discussed three “governmental interests,” 424 U.S. at 66, namely (1) “provid[ing]

the electorate with information ‘as to where political campaign money comes from and how it is

spent by the candidate,” id. (emphasis added); (2) “deter[ring] actual corruption and avoid[ing]

the appearance of corruption by exposing large contributions and expenditures to the light of

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25The FEC concedes that “WRTL held that the anti-corruption interest did not apply to communications other than express advocacy or its functional equivalent.” FEC Mem. 19 n.12 (citing

WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2672). So “because Plaintiff’s planned ads are not the functional equivalent of express advocacy, the Commission is not relying upon an anti-corruption interest to justify disclosure requirements as applied to Plaintiff’s WRTL ads.” Id.

SJ Opposition & Reply 32

publicity,” id. at 67 (emphasis added) and (3) “gathering the data necessary to detect violations of

the contribution limitations.” Id. at 68. The Court said that “[t]he disclosure requirements, as a

general matter, directly serve substantial governmental interests,” and that “disclosure requirements certainly in most applications appear to be the least restrictive means of curbing the evils

of campaign ignorance and corruption.” Id. at 68 (emphasis added).

Several things should be noted about this part of the Buckley analysis. Preliminarily, “least

restrictive means” is a strict-scrutiny requirement. As to the informational interests, the first is

restricted to information about “campaign money,” which must be governed by the “unambiguously campaign related” requirement later in the same disclosure analysis. Id. at 80-81 (emphasis

added). The second interest is in preventing quid pro quo corruption, which the FEC concedes is

not involved here,25 and speaks of “contributions” and “expenditures,” which are FECA terms of

art. Buckley gave “contributions” an unambiguously-campaign-related construction, 424 U.S. at

23 n.24, 78, and construed “expenditure” to refer only to express advocacy communications, saying that “[t]his reading is directed precisely to that spending that is unambiguously related to the

campaign of a particular federal candidate.” Id. at 80. The third interest has to do with circumvention of contribution limits, which circumvention is not involved here (there is no limit on donations to fund what WRTL II called protected “political speech”) and is based on a quid pro quo

corruption interest, which is not involved here. And as noted above, Buckley took note of governmental interests specifically in the non-political party, non-candidate expenditure disclosure context and limited the permissible disclosure with the unambiguously-campaign-related requireCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 37 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 33

ment. So those interests are already met by disclosure that meets that requirement. Consequently,

in Buckley, the only cognizable informational interest was in the disclosure of express-advocacy

independent expenditures, and in the electioneering communication context it must be similarly

limited to the functional equivalent of express advocacy under WRTL II’s unambiguous-appealto-vote test. 127 S. Ct. at 2667.

III. McConnell Neither Precluded As-Applied Challenges Nor Decided This Case.

As Citizens noted in its opening memorandum, the present Court indicated a belief at the

preliminary injunction stage that McConnell precluded as-applied challenges, based on certain

language in McConnell. See CU Mem. 7, 23. There is no need to repeat the argument made

against this position in that memorandum. See id. The FEC now “stresses . . . that it is not arguing that McConnell’s facial holding precludes as applied challenges to the disclosure provisions,”

FEC Mem. 18 n.10, but it continues to insist that “the holding does belie Plaintiff’s argument that

the Court has categorically excluded from disclosure requirements all ECs that are not the functional equivalent of candidate campaign ads.” Id. The FEC points to the Court’s facial upholding

of “the disclosure requirements as ‘to the entire range of “electioneering communications.”’” Id.

at 18. And it quotes McConnell as “discussing inclusion of some ‘pure issue ads’ within [the] EC

definition.” Id. (quoting 540 U.S. at 207). “This necessarily means,” says the FEC, “that disclosure is not constitutionally limited to ‘unambiguously campaign related’ advertising.” Id.

Ironically, the second McConnell passage quoted (540 U.S. at 207) was the summation of

McConnell’s discussion of facial challenge to the electioneering communication prohibition, as

to which WRTL II did in fact limit the scope of regulated “electioneering communications” to

those that are unambiguously campaign related, i.e., “ad[s] . . . susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.” 127 S. Ct. at 2667.

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 38 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 34

This required analysis mandates that what WRTL II called “political speech,” id. at 2673-74 (distinguished from “campaign speech,” see, e.g., id. at 2659), must similarly be protected in the disclosure context. Just as broad facial language in McConnell did not preclude WRTL II’s limitation of the scope of “electioneering communication” based on the unambiguously-campaign-related requirement, so broad facial language in McConnell does not preclude restricting the scope

of the same term in the disclosure context, based on the same requirement. See CU Mem. Part II.

IV. Disclosure Imposes Substantial Burdens.

The FEC continues to argue that Citizens should have no exemption to the disclosure requirements because it “presents no evidence that its donors will suffer reprisals.” Id. at 25 (citing

McConnell, 540 U.S. at 198-99; Buckley, 424 U.S. at 69-74, 82 n.109, NAACP v. Alabama, 357

U.S. 449 (1958); Brown v. Socialist Workers ‘74 Campaign Comm., 459 U.S. 87 (1982).

There are two answers to this. First, this is a straw-man argument. Citizens has clearly stated

that it is not arguing for what Buckley called a “blanket exemption,” 424 U.S. at 72, so as to be

free from all disclosure out of concern for reprisals against its members. Citizens raises no objection to disclosure of unambiguously-campaign-related activity, but rather that it believes that it

and its donors must be free of any burden for choosing to associate for the purpose of amplified,

collective speech that is not unambiguously campaign related under WRTL II’s appeal-to-vote

test. Citizens has made this clear in its opening memorandum, see CU Mem. 7, 25-26, and, as the

FEC notes, both Citizens and its related entities have provided just such disclosure. The FEC is

attempting to argue that the only as-applied challenge that may be brought to the disclosure provisions is one seeking Buckley’s “blanket exemption” for socially-disfavored organizations. But

just as WRTL brought an as-applied challenge to the electioneering-communication prohibition

based on constitutional arguments, so Citizens brings an as-applied challenge to the electioneerCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 39 of 56
26That there is a First Amendment right of privacy is also clear from cases seeking expungement of disclosed information on First Amendment grounds. Kansans for Life v. Gaede, 38 F.

Supp. 2d 928 (D. Kan. 1999), held first that the request for expungement prevented a case from

becoming moot. Id. at 932 (“See Kerr v. Farrey, 95 F.3d 472, 476 (7th Cir.1996) (request for

expungement of misconduct references from prison records is not made moot by prisoner’s parole); Paton v. LaPrade, 524 F.2d 862, 868 (3rd Cir.1975) (plaintiff may ask for expungement of

information gathered by FBI in violation of plaintiff’s First Amendment rights, although file and

investigation are closed); Black v. Warden, 467 F.2d 202, 204 (10th Cir.1972) (case may not be

dismissed as moot until plaintiff’s disciplinary records are expunged)”). The district court then

ordered the state to expunge an independent expenditure report that had been filed at state insistence, but which the court said could not have been required on First Amendment grounds (beSJ Opposition & Reply 35

ing-communication disclosure requirements on the basis that the challenged provisions require

disclosure beyond the line where compelled disclosure is constitutionally permissible—not based

on reprisals against its members as would be required for the blanket exemption based on socially-disfavored status. As a result, Citizens is not required to come forward with evidence of reprisals to obtain the blanket exemption that it does not seek. If the FEC wishes to continue arguing

against a challenge that Citizens is not making, it is free to do so, but the irrelevant argument

must be disregarded.

Second, as set out in the opening memorandum, CU Mem. Part III, and above, supra at Part

II, compelled disclosure as to core political speech imposes an inherent burden on First Amendment privacy rights that is sufficient to trigger strict scrutiny. The FEC makes no serious effort to

refute the fact that requiring, for example, the disclosure of Mrs. McIntyre’s checkbook register

because she funded a non-“campaign” ad would inherently be a violation of First Amendment

privacy. See McIntyre, 514 U.S. at 342 (“desire to preserve as much of one’s privacy as possible”); Buckley, 424 U.S. at 66 (disclosure is “invasion of privacy”); William McGeveran, Mrs.

McIntyre’s Checkbook: Privacy Costs of Political Contribution Disclosure, 6 U. Pa. J. Const. L.

1 (2003). And in light of the reaffirmation by Davis that compelled disclosure imposes a per se

First Amendment privacy burden, No. 07-320, slip op. at 18, the point is now irrefutable.26

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 40 of 56
cause the purported “independent expenditure” lacked express advocacy):

Maintaining the report on file perpetuates the potentially chilling disclosure which the Court in

Buckley found can infringe on the privacy of association and belief guaranteed by the First

Amendment. 424 U.S. at 64. The court is aware of no government interest which in this instance would justify maintaining the disclosure of information collected in violation of the

First Amendment. Accordingly, the court shall direct defendants to ask the Kansas Secretary

of State to expunge the report filed by plaintiff from the public records. [Gaede, 38 F. Supp. at

936.]

SJ Opposition & Reply 36

The FEC even alleges doubt about whether Citizens is really chilled from exercising its First

Amendment rights. FEC Mem. 29. This argument is a red herring because the real question is

whether disclosure imposes a burden on First Amendment rights, which it does. If disclosure imposed no burdens, Buckley would not have done any constitutional scrutiny of the FECA disclosure requirements. Similarly, if a disclaimer requirement imposes no burden, FEC Mem. 30-33,

then McIntyre, 514 U.S. 334, would not have engaged in any constitutional scrutiny. Central to

the FEC’s argument of no burden is its claim that Citizens has not put in evidence for the “blanket exemption” that Citizens does not claim. Buckley recognized the burdens that disclosure imposes, so those burdens exist as a matter of law apart from any “blanket exemption” argument. 

But Citizens was chilled from broadcasting its Ads at the most opportune time—at the rollout of its new movie—because it was unwilling to assume burdens that it believes are unconstitutional. And whether or not it has run its Ads at other times is irrelevant, as WRTL II held when

the same argument was made and rejected in that case. 127 S. Ct. at 2668 (“WRTL did not resume running its ads after the BCRA blackout period because, as it explains, the debate had

changed. . . . WRTL’s decision not to continue running its ads after the blackout period does not

support an inference that the ads were the functional equivalent of electioneering.”). As in WRTL

II, “the debate has changed” because the roll-out of Hillary: The Movie has come and gone. In

fact, the marketability of a movie about Senator Clinton has declined with the decline of her poCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 41 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 37

litical fortunes—although it is not a moot question because the situation meets the capable-ofrepetition-yet-evading-review standard. At present, the more pressing question is whether Citizens will be able to do an ad blitz in connection with its upcoming documentary movie about a

candidate in whom the public now has greater interest, Senator Obama.

The FEC also continues to argue that the disclaimer doesn’t mislead anyone because it does

not require Citizens to use the word “electioneering” in the communication. FEC Mem. 31. This

evades the point. The public is familiar with similar disclaimers—speaking of not being “authorized by any candidate or candidate’s committee” and including a stand-by-your-ad statement—

as indicating an electioneering ad. Similar disclaimers are required for candidate ads, and the

same disclaimer is required for express-advocacy ads. See 11 C.F.R. § 110.11. Putting the same

disclaimer on an ad that WRTL II said is not the functional equivalent of express advocacy as one

would put on an ad that is functionally equivalent to express advocacy tells the public that this is

really the functional equivalent of express advocacy, i.e., a campaign ad, an electioneering ad.

That misleads the public. The government may not compel misleading speech.

The FEC cites Meese v. Keene, 481 U.S. 465 (1987), for the proposition that Citizens is free

to explain that its communications are not really electioneering. That might work for a movie, but

it clearly has no application to an ad (especially of the 10- and 30-second varieties). Moreover,

Meese relied on the fact that people had a long history with the term “political propaganda” and

knew that it had a neutral meaning: “We should presume that the people who have a sufficient

understanding of the law to know that the term ‘political propaganda’ is used to describe the regulated category also know that the definition is a broad, neutral one rather than a pejorative one.”

Id. at 483. As discussed above, what the public knows about a disclaimer of the sort here imposed on Citizens’ Ads is that it means “campaign speech,” not protected “political speech.”

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 42 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 38

As to the movie and Ads, since this case is “about political speech,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at

2673, a higher standard applies than would be applied to labeling imported movies, as Meese discusses, or to “securities disclosures,” “tobacco labeling,” “ reporting of releases of toxic substances,” and the like. FEC Mem. 32-33 (quoting National Electric Mfrs. Ass’n v. Sorrell, 262

F.3d 104, 116 (2nd Cir. 2001)). In fact, the very quotation that the FEC lifts from Sorrell

acknowledges that the court was dealing with “product and other commercial information” and

was not applying “searching scrutiny.” See FEC Mem. 33. The fact that the government may require, e.g., “nutritional labeling” in no way justifies burdens on core political speech. See id.

V. The Disclosure Requirements and Prohibition Are Unconstitutional as Applied.

A. The Ads Are Not Unambiguously Campaign Related.

In this candidate election campaign context, Citizens’ Ads are not “unambiguously related to

the campaign of a particular candidate,” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 80, because, employing the equivalent test under WRTL II, they “may reasonably be interpreted as something other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.” 127 S. Ct. at 2670. The FEC acknowledges that

the Ads contain no unambiguous “appeal to vote,” but claims that this line is meaningless as applied to disclosure. As addressed at length above, supra Part I, there must be a bright constitutional line beyond which Congress and the FEC may not require disclosure. The FEC argues for a

broad informational interest bounded only by an attempt-to-sway-public-opinion line that is not

anchored to the sole constitutional authority, in this candidate election campaign context, which

is to regulate elections. But the FEC may not replace the Supreme Court’s constitutional line

with an unconstitutional one. Under Buckley’s unambiguously-campaign-related requirement

(from the disclosure context) as applied in the electioneering communication context with the

unambiguous-appeal-to-vote requirement, Citizens’ Ads may not be subjected to the disclosure

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 43 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 39

requirements. Because WRTL II held that such ads are not “campaign speech,” 127 S. Ct. at 2659

(emphasis added) (“We conclude that the speech at issue in this as-applied challenge is not the

‘functional equivalent’ of express campaign speech.”), the FEC cannot demonstrate that Citizens’ Ads are “unambiguously campaign related.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 81 (emphasis added).

B. Hillary Is Not Unambiguously Campaign Related.

In its opening Memorandum, Citizens argued that its documentary movie is neither the functional equivalent of express advocacy nor the functional equivalent of the ads at issue in McConnell, so that it may not be subjected to the electioneering communication prohibition, and therefore it is not unambiguously campaign related, so that it is not subjected to the disclosure requirements. The Court is respectfully referred to that analysis, which is not fully repeated here. See

CU Mem. Part IV.B. The analysis as to the prohibition really comes down to the answers to the

two questions set out in the Argument introduction that relate to the movie. Supra at 2.

The first key question is whether a full-length documentary movie (that has a compendium

book, is sold on DVD, and is shown in theaters) is the same as the “ads” that provided the evidentiary basis for, and to which the trial and Supreme Court limited their analysis in, McConnell,

540 U.S. at 126 (“[s]o-called issue ads”), or different in kind and more like a fully-protected

book that one must select in order to see its content?

Citizens argued that full-length documentary movies were not at issue in McConnell, that a

documentary movie is not like the ads at issue in McConnell, but more like a book (which has

enjoyed full protection from such disclosure requirements), and that the FEC had the burden to

show (regardless of the level of scrutiny) that the movies posed the same problems as the brief

ads at issue in the McConnell evidence. See CU Mem. Part IV.B.

In a minimal response, the FEC first isolates the statement about the movie also being shown

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SJ Opposition & Reply 40

in theaters, sold on DVD, and having a compendium book and says that these distribution methods are not prohibited by electioneering communication prohibition. FEC Mem. 44. That goes

without saying, but the clear point of the description was that these characteristics further distinguish the movie from the ads and show that the documentary is not just a long ad but actually a

bona fide movie that is different in kind from ads. 

The FEC’s further answer is that the electioneering communication definition “draws no distinction between ad[s] and movies,” id., which begs the question of whether the First Amendment mandates that it do so. The FEC then tries to show that the McConnell Court took fulllength movies into account because of the thirty-minute infomercials discussed by the district

court. Id. The FEC makes no answer to Citizens’ argument that the district court was pointing out

that those infomercials had not been taken into account in the studies on which both courts relied.

CU Mem. 40. In any event, full-length bona-fide movies are also sufficiently different in kind

from abbreviated infomercials (not also shown in theaters, or sold on DVD, or having a compendium book) that they would be entitled to constitutional protection even if the infomercials were

not (which remains an undecided, as-applied question). The FEC was unable to show that

McConnell anywhere discussed anything other than ads, but it concludes that the Court was

aware of longer electioneering communications when it decided McConnell. FEC Mem. 44. That

begs the as-applied question and is the same as saying that McConnell was aware of genuine issue ads so that they lacked constitutional protection from the prohibition—an argument that

WRTL II rejected. See 127 S. Ct. at 2670 n.8. Since the FEC has failed to show that Citizens’

movie is at all like the ads at issue in McConnell, it may not take advantage of the argument-byanalogy option. See, e.g., WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2664 (“point to McConnell and explain why it

applies here”). Instead, the FEC had the burden to do what was done in McConnell, namely to

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SJ Opposition & Reply 41

show that movies were an “electioneering” problem like certain “ads” were. The FEC offers no

evidence, and it had the burden here—which is clearly a strict scrutiny burden since a prohibition

is at issue. Id. at 2664. Where First Amendment rights are involved, the government “must do

more than simply posit the existence of the disease sought to be cured. It must demonstrate that

the recited harms are real, not merely conjectural, and that the regulation will in fact alleviate

these harms in a direct and material way.” Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622, 664

(1994) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). 

Of course there are distinct differences between ads and movies that readily come to mind,

such as the fact that ads are imposed unawares on a captive audience that has chosen to watch or

listen to some program on a different topic, whereas Citizens’ movie would have to be selected

by a willing viewer. McConnell and the studies it cited spoke of myriad ads run prior to elections.

127 S. Ct. at 127 n.2 (“In the 1996 election cycle, $135 to $150 million was spent on multiple

broadcasts of about 100 ads. In the next cycle (1997-1998), 77 organizations aired 423 ads at a

total cost between $270 and $340 million. By the 2000 election, 130 groups spent over an estimated $500 million on more than 1,100 different ads.”). But there was, and is, no evidence of

any such problem with movies. The FEC bore the strict-scrutiny burden of showing that ads are

like movies in such respects, but it failed. It could not, of course, because they are not alike. So

movies, like books, retain their historic First Amendment protection against government regulation. The movie may not be prohibited for this reason alone.

The second key question as to the movie was whether, when WRTL II limited “the functional

equivalent of express advocacy” to communications that could only be unambiguously “interpreted as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate,” 127 S. Ct. at 2667, it intended that

“appeal to vote” require some “exhortation to vote,” i.e., a “clear plea for action” that “encourCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 46 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 42

ages a vote,” as Furgatch, 807 F.2d 857, required for the Ninth Circuit’s now-rejected contextual

“express advocacy” definition? See supra at 15 n.14 (Furgatch test). Citizens addressed this at

length. CU Mem. 33-39. The FEC’s response is fourfold. 

First, it leans heavily on the “as” in WRTL II’s test for the functional equivalent of express

advocacy. FEC Mem. 41 (emphasis in FEC Mem.). But that as has no meaning absent the words

that follow it. The communication must be subject to only one interpretation: “as an appeal to

vote for or against a specific candidate,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667. The words are carefully

chosen. It is helpful to note what is not said. The communication is not to be interpreted as “for

or against a specific candidate,” or as “promoting,” “attacking,” “supporting,” or “opposing”

(“PASO”) the candidate. The question is not whether the communication may only be interpreted

as “focusing” on a candidate or as “criticizing” a candidate. And the question is not whether the

communication may be interpreted as “the functional equivalent of express advocacy” because

WRTL II was narrowing the broad McConnell language with careful specificity. Rather, the communication must be interpreted, first, “as an appeal.” But it is not an appeal to consider a candidate’s merits or demerits, or the candidate’s positions on issues, or anything else about the candidate. Rather, the required appeal must be “to vote for or against a specific candidate.” And it is

impossible to interpret a communication— with all doubts and ties resolved in favor of free

speech and no forbidden considerations of intent and effect—as an appeal unless there is some

verb calling for some action, and under WRTL II’s standards, the call to action must be clear and

the action called for must clearly be for a vote for or against a specific candidate. Therein lies the

relevance of Furgatch because its test, too, contained an as, 807 F.2d at 864 (“no other reasonable interpretation but as an exhortation to vote for or against a specific candidate” (emphasis

added)), yet that court still thought that a “clear plea for action” that “encourages a vote” was

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27This seems especially so when the FEC insists that Furgatch is irrelevant because it was

about express advocacy, which (according to the FEC) in turn was only about vagueness, which

is absent in the electioneering communication definition. This response ignores the voluminous

briefing above and in Citizens’ opening brief about how the “express advocacy” construction was

imposed on “expenditure” to prevent a situation where “the relation of the information sought to

the purposes of the Act may be too remote,” to “insure that the reach of [“expenditure”] [wa]s

not impermissibly broad,” and to confine “expenditure” to disbursements that were “unambiguously related to the campaign of a particular candidate.” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 79-80. Those statements all indicate an overbreadth analysis.

SJ Opposition & Reply 43

required. Id. And Furgatch is the one case that suggests what a communication might look like

that goes beyond “magic words” but still might be the functional equivalent of express advocacy

under the unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test. WRTL II in narrowing the “functional equivalent of

express advocacy” could not have intended to go beyond the limits of Furgatch, which had been

the outer limit of courts’ interpretation of the express advocacy test, to create some abstract test

that said “appeal to vote” but really didn’t mean it. The FEC’s dismissal of Furgatch as “irrelevant,” FEC Mem. 41 n.21, apparently seeks to avoid an analysis that it has difficulty refuting.27

Second, the FEC then tries to recast WRTL II’s test by importing details of the application of

that test to grassroots lobbying into the test itself. FEC Mem. 41. What the FEC would like to do

is to skip over the actual words of the unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test, substitute words from

the application of the test to specific grassroots-lobbying ads for the test itself and then say that

there is some general appeal that can be discerned from things like “focusing” on a candidate.

But the actual words of the test require that the ad may only be interpreted by whether there is

“an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate.”

Third, the FEC recasts Citizens’ explanation of WRTL II’s test as being about “the presence

or absence of specific words.” Id. The FEC creates a straw man again. Citizens has demonstrated,

with the Furgatch illustration, how an ad might avoid the “magic words” but still be subject only

to an interpretation “as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate” based on a clear plea

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SJ Opposition & Reply 44

for action that clearly constitutes voting.

Fourth, the FEC tries to make the movie unprotected unless it fits the FEC’s notion of “issue

advocacy,” instead of WRTL II’s idea of protected “political speech.” The FEC’s notion of issue

advocacy is erroneous. It should first be noted that speech fitting the “electioneering communication” definition but lacking an unambiguous “appeal to vote,” id. at 2667, is “political speech.”

Id. at 2659-60, 2664-66, 2669 n.7, 2672-74 (emphasis added). So the fact that the speech may

speak of political matters does not mean that it may be regulated. The relevant line as to what

communications may be prohibited is not drawn at whether they address political issues. Such

political speech is also known as “issue advocacy,” id. at 2659, but issue advocacy is not defined

as being about some particular legislative issue, as the FEC tries to require. See, e.g., FEC Mem.

4 (movie “does not focus on legislative issues”). Rather, issue advocacy is merely speech that

“conveys information and educates,” WRTL II, 127 S. Ct. at 2667, on any subject, including political topics. Because WRTL II dealt with grassroots lobbying, the ads at issue there did deal with

a pending legislative issue, which fact WRTL II noted in the application of its unambiguousappeal-to-vote test. Id. But that application did not define issue advocacy. WRTL II defined it in

the paragraph following the test and following the application of the test in that unique context.

The definition, already noted above, was simple: “Issue advocacy conveys information and educates.” Id. The Court added the following explanatory note, which indicates that such issue advocacy is not sufficiently unambiguous in its relation to a candidate election to warrant regulation:

“An issue ad’s impact on an election, if it exists at all, will come only after the voters hear the

information and choose—uninvited by the ad—to factor it into their voting decisions.” Id. The

definition of issue advocacy (“political speech”) contained no requirement that there be a legislative issue, nor that it be about any public issue.

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SJ Opposition & Reply 45

Issue advocacy, i.e., political speech, is defined by the absence of campaign speech, not the

presence of some particular public issue. Political speech may discuss candidates without including some public issue and still be issue advocacy. So asking “What is the issue?” misses the proper analysis. For example, just as a candidate biography is about that person, not some public issue (although it might address issues in discussing the person), and yet enjoys full First Amendment protection, so a documentary movie about the candidate would also be expected to be about

the person, not some public issue, and would be fully protected by the First Amendment. The fact

that the information conveyed might be political in nature is unremarkable because “[t]hese cases

are about political speech.” Id. at 2673. In fact, WRTL II reaffirmed “the fundamental rule of protection under the First Amendment, that a speaker has the autonomy to choose the content of his

own message,’” id. at 2671 n.7 (citation omitted), so a communication may not be regulated

merely for discussing political matters or not discussing legislative issues. Thus, WRTL II’s unambiguous-appeal-to-vote test disregards the presence or absence of political speech or a legislative issue (instead looking for some call to action constituting an appeal to vote), so whether or

not the speech speaks of political matters or of issues is irrelevant to the test.

In sum, the FEC failed to prove that the movie contains any clear call to action, with that

action clearly being to vote for or against a candidate. Absent that, the prohibition may not be

applied. Absent that, the disclosure requirements are unconstitutional as applied to the movie.

Conclusion

Summary judgment should be granted to Citizens and denied to the FEC.

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SJ Opposition & Reply 46

June 27, 2008

Respectfully submitted,

/s/ James Bopp, Jr.

James Bopp, Jr., D.C. Bar #CO0041

Richard E. Coleson*

Jeffrey P. Gallant*

Clayton J. Callen*

BOPP, COLESON & BOSTROM

1 South Sixth Street

Terre Haute, IN 47807-3510

812/232-2434 telephone

812/235-3685 facsimile

 * pro hac vice motion granted

Counsel for Plaintiff

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 51 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 1

United States District Court

District of Columbia

Citizens United,

Plaintiff,

v.

Federal Election Commission,

Defendant.

Civ. No. 07-2240 (ARR, RCL, RWR)

Plaintiff’s Statement of Material Issues and 

Objections to Defendant’s Statement of Undisputed Facts

Citizens United (“Citizens”) submits the following statement of material issues in opposition

the Federal Election Commission’s (“Commission”) statement of undisputed material facts.

LCvR 7(h), 56.1. The following numbered paragraphs correspond with the Commission’s numbered paragraphs. 

1-3. No response.

4. Citizens objects that the movie speaks for itself. Citizens objects to the Commission’s

conclusory statement that Hillary: The Movie “focuses on the ongoing presidential election, specifically Senator Hillary Clinton’s candidacy for President of the United States.” On the contrary,

Hillary is a feature length documentary film on a prominent American political figure. Amended

Verified Complaint ¶ 14 (Doc. 22) (“AVC”). It discusses Senator Clinton’s record as First Lady

and United States Senator, as well as her presidential bid. Plaintiff’s Statement of Undisputed

Material Facts ¶ 23 (“Pl. Facts”).

5. Citizens objects that the movie speaks for itself. Citizens objects to the Commission’s

conclusory statement that Hillary is “devoted to . . . arguing that [Senator Clinton] lacks the qualifications for, and is not fit to become, President of the United States.” While some interviewees

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SJ Opposition & Reply 2

in Hillary: The Movie do express opinions on whether Senator Clinton would make a good president, Pl. Facts ¶ 23, and the film does criticize her, AVC Exh. 2, Hillary is not devoted to discrediting her qualifications for the presidency.

6. Citizens objects to the Commission’s vague and ambiguous use of the word “issue,” and

the Commission’s conclusory statement that “[l]egislative issues are mentioned only in context

of critiquing Senator Clinton’s character and fitness for the presidency.” The film speaks for itself. AVC Exh. 2.

7-9. No response. 

10. Citizens objects to the Commission’s selective description of “Elections ‘08” as irrelevant. Nothing in the electioneering communications definition, 11 C.F.R. § 100.29, or the Commission’s relevant regulation, 11 C.F.R. § 114.15, considers the nature of the channel on which a

communication is broadcast. And even if this consideration were relevant, one of the primary

goals of “Elections ‘08” is to permit “[p]ublic interest groups, associations, unions, and other

organizations to communicate their respective views and position on important issues.” Defendant’s Statement of Material Facts Exh. 8 (filed under seal). Moreover, what is stated at this

website is irrelevant to interpreting the message of the movie itself and may not be used. See

FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, 127 S. Ct. 2652, 2668-69 (2007) (“WRTL II”). 

11. Citizens’ intention was to broadcast the film within the states and time periods enumerated in ¶ 17 of the Amended Complaint as it believed public interest in the film would be heightened during these times. AVC ¶ 20. However, Citizens did not receive timely judicial relief permitting it to do so and has recognized that the “time-bound details” of those plans are no longer

possible. Affidavit of David N. Bossie ¶ 8. If the situation warrants doing so, and if Citizens

timely receives the judicial relief requested in its Motion for Summary Judgment, Doc. 52, CitiCase 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 53 of 56
SJ Opposition & Reply 3

zens may in fact broadcast Hillary: The Movie during the 30 day electioneering communication

blackout period leading up to the Democratic National Convention (July 29-Aug. 28) and the 60

day period leading up to the November general election. Similarly, upon the completion of its

documentary about Senator Barack Obama, Citizens may broadcast this Obama film on cable

television during these times if they receive an offer to do so, and the situation warrants doing so.

12-13. No response. 

14. Citizens planned to broadcast its Ads in conjunction with the release of Hillary: The

Movie in order to maximize box office and DVD sales of the film. AVC ¶¶ 19-20. However, Citizens did not receive timely judicial relief permitting it to do so and this opportunity has been

irreparably lost. Citizens intends to broadcast materially similar advertisements to promote the

release of its upcoming documentary film on Senator Barack Obama. Pl. Facts ¶¶ 15-16. And, to

the extent feasible, Citizens still intends to broadcast its Ads for Hillary: The Movie at future

times. Pl. Facts ¶ 15.

15. No response.

16. Citizens objects to the Commission’s unfounded speculation that “the use of a segregated account would likely increase Plaintiff’s reporting obligations.” See 11 C.F.R. §

104.20(c)(7) (requiring disclosure of the name and address of donors giving an aggregate of

$1,000 or more to that account); 11 C.F.R. § 104.20(c)(9) (requiring disclosure of “the name and

address of each person who made a donation aggregating $1,000 or more to the corporation . . .

which was made for the purpose of furthering electioneering communications.”). The Commission points to no fact in the record to support this assertion. Furthermore, Citizens has stated it

will not run its Ads absent the requested judicial relief, AVC ¶ 26, so any electioneering communications paid for by Citizens will not be subject to any reporting obligations, regardless of their

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SJ Opposition & Reply 4

source.

17. No response.

18. The timing of Citizens’ production of its film on Senator Obama is not relevant to any

issue in this case.

19-26. Citizens objects to these paragraphs as irrelevant. The Supreme Court has mandated

that compelled disclosure is a burden as a matter of law, Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 64 (1976),

and the Commission’s proposed facts are not relevant to any claim made by Citizens. Furthermore, Citizens is the party in this case and information regarding separate organizations (and

their donors) is not relevant to Citizens’ claims. See California Medical Association v. FEC, 453

U.S. 182, 196 (1981) (“[The] claim that [a PAC] is merely the mouthpiece of [the sponsoring

organization] is untenable. [The PAC] instead is a separate legal entity that receives funds from

multiple sources and that engages in independent political advocacy.”). 

27. Citizens objects to this paragraph as containing a legal conclusion not properly included

as a statement of fact under LCvR 7(h).

28. Citizens objects to the Commission’s vague, ambiguous and irrelevant statement that

“[f]ar from suffering reprisals, Plaintiff holds itself out as a well connected, mainstream organization.” This statement is a legal conclusion not properly included as a statement of fact under

LCvR 7(h). Furthermore, responding to the defamatory characterization of being a “fringe militia” group and noting its “open association” with prominent persons in no way suggests that Citizens does not have prominent political opponents in influential positions.

29. No response.

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SJ Opposition & Reply 5

June 27, 2008

Respectfully submitted,

/s/ James Bopp, Jr.

James Bopp, Jr., D.C. Bar #CO0041

Richard E. Coleson*

Jeffrey P. Gallant*

Clayton J. Callen*

BOPP, COLESON & BOSTROM

1 South Sixth Street

Terre Haute, IN 47807-3510

812/232-2434 telephone

812/235-3685 facsimile

 * pro hac vice motion granted

Counsel for Plaintiff

Case 1:07-cv-02240-RCL-RWR Document 61 Filed 06/27/2008 Page 56 of 56