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SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY AND LEBANESE

SOVEREIGNTY RESTORATION ACT OF 2003

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON 

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

ON

H.R. 1828

OCTOBER 8, 2003

Serial No. 108–63

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations 
(II)

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 

HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman 

JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa 

DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, 

Vice Chairman 

DAN BURTON, Indiana 

ELTON GALLEGLY, California 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California 

PETER T. KING, New York 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

AMO HOUGHTON, New York 

JOHN M. MCHUGH, New York 

THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado 

RON PAUL, Texas 

NICK SMITH, Michigan 

JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania 

JEFF FLAKE, Arizona 

JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia 

MARK GREEN, Wisconsin 

JERRY WELLER, Illinois 

MIKE PENCE, Indiana 

THADDEUS G. MCCOTTER, Michigan 

WILLIAM J. JANKLOW, South Dakota 

KATHERINE HARRIS, Florida 

TOM LANTOS, California 

HOWARD L. BERMAN, California 

GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey 

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey 

SHERROD BROWN, Ohio 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

ROBERT WEXLER, Florida 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

BARBARA LEE, California 

JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York 

JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania 

EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon 

SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada 

GRACE F. NAPOLITANO, California 

ADAM B. SCHIFF, California 

DIANE E. WATSON, California 

ADAM SMITH, Washington 

BETTY MCCOLLUM, Minnesota 

CHRIS BELL, Texas 

THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel 

ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director 

HILLEL WEINBERG, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel 

MARILYN C. OWEN, Senior Staff Associate 
(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

MARKUP OF 

H.R. 1828, To halt Syrian support for terrorism, end its occupation of Lebanon, stop its development of weapons of mass destruction, cease its illegal 

importation of Iraqi oil and illegal shipments of weapons and other military 

items to Iraq, and by so doing hold Syria accountable for the serious 

international security problems it has caused in the Middle East, and 

for other purposes ................................................................................................ 2

Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 1828 offered by the 

Honorable Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, a Representative in Congress from the 

State of Florida ................................................................................................. 32

Amendment to H.R. 1828 offered by the Honorable Gary L. Ackerman, 

a Representative in Congress from the State of New York .......................... 55

Amendment to H.R. 1828 offered by the Honorable Robert Wexler, a Representative in Congress from the State of Florida ......................................... 68

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD 

Letter from the Honorable Tom Lantos, a Representative in Congress from 

the State of California, dated May 23, 2003, to President Bashar-al-Asad, 

Damascus, Syrian Arab Republic ....................................................................... 26

APPENDIX 

The Honorable Ileana Ros-Lehtinen: Prepared statement ................................... 77

The Honorable Robert Wexler: Prepared statement ............................................. 78

The Honorable Nick Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of Michigan: Prepared statement ........................................................................ 79

The Honorable Joseph Crowley, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of New York: Prepared statement ...................................................................... 80

The Honorable Ron Paul, a Representative in Congress from the State of 

Texas: Prepared statement .................................................................................. 80

(1)

SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY AND LEBANESE 

SOVEREIGNTY RESTORATION ACT OF 2003

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2003

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

The Committee met, pursuant to call, at 11:44 a.m. in Room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Henry Hyde (Chairman 

of the Committee) presiding. 

Chairman HYDE. The Committee will come to order. 

Pursuant to notice, I now call up the bill H.R. 1828, the Syria 

Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003, 

for purposes of markup and move its favorable recommendation to 

the House. 

Without objection, the bill will be considered as read and open 

for amendment at any point. The Chair recognizes the Honorable 

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle 

East and Central Asia, to explain the bill. 

[H.R. 1828 follows:]
2

1

I

108TH CONGRESS

1ST SESSION H. R. 1828

To halt Syrian support for terrorism, end its occupation of Lebanon, stop

its development of weapons of mass destruction, cease its illegal importation of Iraqi oil and illegal shipments of weapons and other military

items to Iraq, and by so doing hold Syria accountable for the serious

international security problems it has caused in the Middle East, and

for other purposes.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

APRIL 12, 2003

Mr. ENGEL (for himself, Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN, Mr. ANDREWS, Mr. BACHUS,

Mr. BALLENGER, Mr. BELL, Ms. BERKLEY, Mr. BERMAN, Mr. BRADY

of Pennsylvania, Mr. BURTON of Indiana, Mr. CANTOR, Mr. CROWLEY,

Mrs. JO ANN DAVIS of Virginia, Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida,

Mr. MARIO DIAZ-BALART of Florida, Mr. FOLEY, Mr. FROST, Mr.

GREEN of Wisconsin, Mr. HOEFFEL, Mr. ISRAEL, Mr. JANKLOW, Mr.

KING of New York, Mr. LANTOS, Mr. LEWIS of Georgia, Mrs. MALONEY,

Mr. MATSUI, Mrs. MCCARTHY of New York, Mr. MCCOTTER, Mr.

MCNULTY, Mr. MICA, Mr. MOORE, Mr. NADLER, Mr. PALLONE, Mr.

PENCE, Ms. PRYCE of Ohio, Mr. REYNOLDS, Mr. ROSS, Mr. SAXTON, Mr.

SHERMAN, Mr. SMITH of New Jersey, Mr. TOWNS, Mr. TURNER of

Texas, Mr. VAN HOLLEN, Mr. VITTER, Mr. WEINER, Mr. WELLER, and

Mr. WEXLER) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the

Committee on International Relations

A BILL

To halt Syrian support for terrorism, end its occupation

of Lebanon, stop its development of weapons of mass

destruction, cease its illegal importation of Iraqi oil and

illegal shipments of weapons and other military items

to Iraq, and by so doing hold Syria accountable for
3

2

•HR 1828 IH

the serious international security problems it has caused

in the Middle East, and for other purposes.

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

4 This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Syria Accountability

5 and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003’’.

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

7 Congress makes the following findings:

8 (1) On September 20, 2001, President George

9 Bush stated at a joint session of Congress that

10 ‘‘[e]very nation, in every region, now has a decision

11 to make . . . [e]ither you are with us, or you are

12 with the terrorists . . . [f]rom this day forward, any

13 nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism

14 will be regarded by the United States as a hostile re15 gime’’.

16 (2) On June 24, 2002, President Bush stated

17 ‘‘Syria must choose the right side in the war on ter18 ror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist

19 organizations’’.

20 (3) United Nations Security Council Resolution

21 1373 (September 28, 2001) mandates that all states

22 ‘‘refrain from providing any form of support, active

23 or passive, to entities or persons involved in terrorist

24 acts’’, take ‘‘the necessary steps to prevent the com-
4

3

•HR 1828 IH

1 mission of terrorist acts’’, and ‘‘deny safe haven to

2 those who finance, plan, support, or commit terrorist

3 acts’’.

4 (4) The Government of Syria is currently pro5 hibited by United States law from receiving United

6 States assistance because it has repeatedly provided

7 support for acts of international terrorism, as deter8 mined by the Secretary of State for purposes of sec9 tion 6(j)(1) of the Export Administration Act of

10 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(1)) and other rel11 evant provisions of law.

12 (5) Although the Department of State lists

13 Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism and reports

14 that Syria provides ‘‘safe haven and support to sev15 eral terrorist groups’’, fewer United States sanctions

16 apply with respect to Syria than with respect to any

17 other country that is listed as a state sponsor of ter18 rorism.

19 (6) According to the most recent Department of

20 State Patterns of Global Terrorism Report: ‘‘[Syria]

21 continued in 2001 to provide safehaven and logistics

22 support to a number of terrorist groups. Ahmad

23 Jibrils Popular Front for the Liberation of Pal24 estine-General Command (PFLP–GC), the Palestine

25 Islamic Jihad (PIJ), Abu Musa’s Fatah-the-
5

4

•HR 1828 IH

1 Intifadah, George Habashs Popular Front for the

2 Liberation of Palestine, and HAMAS continued to

3 maintain offices in Damascus. Syria provided

4 Hizballah, HAMAS, PFLP–GC, the PIJ, and other

5 terrorist organizations refuge and basing privileges

6 in Lebanons Bekaa Valley, under Syrian control.’’.

7 (7) United Nations Security Council Resolution

8 520 (September 17, 1982) calls for ‘‘strict respect of

9 the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and polit10 ical independence of Lebanon under the sole and ex11 clusive authority of the Government of Lebanon

12 through the Lebanese Army throughout Lebanon’’.

13 (8) More than 20,000 Syrian troops and secu14 rity personnel occupy much of the sovereign territory

15 of Lebanon exerting undue influence upon its gov16 ernment and undermining its political independence.

17 (9) Since 1990 the Senate and House of Rep18 resentatives have passed seven bills and resolutions

19 which call for the withdrawal of Syrian armed forces

20 from Lebanon.

21 (10) On March 3, 2003, Secretary of State

22 Colin Powell declared that it is the objective of the

23 United States to ‘‘let Lebanon be ruled by the Leba24 nese people without the presence of [the Syrian] oc25 cupation army’’.
6

5

•HR 1828 IH

1 (11) Large and increasing numbers of the Leb2 anese people from across the political spectrum in

3 Lebanon have mounted peaceful and democratic

4 calls for the withdrawal of the Syrian Army from

5 Lebanese soil.

6 (12) Israel has withdrawn all of its armed

7 forces from Lebanon in accordance with United Na8 tions Security Council Resolution 425 (March 19,

9 1978), as certified by the United Nations Secretary

10 General.

11 (13) Even in the face of this United Nations

12 certification that acknowledged Israel’s full compli13 ance with Resolution 425, Syria permits attacks by

14 Hizballah and other militant organizations on Israeli

15 outposts at Shebaa Farms, under the false guise

16 that it remains Lebanese land, and is also permit17 ting attacks on civilian targets in Israel.

18 (14) Syria will not allow Lebanon—a sovereign

19 country—to fulfill its obligation in accordance with

20 Security Council Resolution 425 to deploy its troops

21 to southern Lebanon.

22 (15) As a result, the Israeli-Lebanese border

23 and much of southern Lebanon is under the control

24 of Hizballah which continues to attack Israeli posi25 tions, allows Iranian Revolutionary Guards and
7

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•HR 1828 IH

1 other militant groups to operate freely in the area,

2 and maintains thousands of rockets along Israel’s

3 northern border, destabilizing the entire region.

4 (16) On February 12, 2003, Director of Central

5 Intelligence George Tenet stated the following with

6 respect to the Syrian-supported Hizballah: ‘‘[A]s an

7 organization with capability and worldwide presence

8 [it] is [al Qaeda’s] equal if not a far more capable

9 organization . . . [T]hey’re a notch above in many

10 respects, in terms of in their relationship with the

11 Iranians and the training they receive, [which] puts

12 them in a state-sponsored category with a potential

13 for lethality that’s quite great.’’.

14 (17) The United States is providing an esti15 mated $36,870,000 in fiscal year 2003 in assistance

16 to the Lebanese people through private nongovern17 mental organizations, $6,180,000 of which is pro18 vided to Lebanese-American educational institutions.

19 (18) In the State of the Union address on Jan20 uary 29, 2002, President Bush declared that the

21 United States will ‘‘work closely with our coalition to

22 deny terrorists and their state sponsors the mate23 rials, technology, and expertise to make and deliver

24 weapons of mass destruction’’.
8

7

•HR 1828 IH

1 (19) The Government of Syria continues to de2 velop and deploy short and medium range ballistic

3 missiles.

4 (20) According to the December 2001 unclassi5 fied Central Intelligence Agency report entitled

6 ‘‘Foreign Missile Developments and the Ballistic

7 Missile Threat through 2015’’, ‘‘Syria maintains a

8 ballistic missile and rocket force of hundreds of

9 FROG rockets, Scuds, and SS–21 SRBMs [and]

10 Syria has developed [chemical weapons] warheads

11 for its Scuds’’.

12 (21) The Government of Syria is pursuing the

13 development and production of biological and chem14 ical weapons and has begun a suspicious nuclear re15 search program.

16 (22) According to the Central Intelligence

17 Agency’s ‘‘Unclassified Report to Congress on the

18 Acquisition of Technology Relating to Weapons of

19 Mass Destruction and Advanced Conventional Muni20 tions’’, released January 7, 2003: ‘‘[Syria] already

21 holds a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin but appar22 ently is trying to develop more toxic and persistent

23 nerve agents. Syria remains dependent on foreign

24 sources for key elements of its [chemical weapons]

25 program, including precursor chemicals and key pro-
9

8

•HR 1828 IH

1 duction equipment. It is highly probable that Syria

2 also is developing an offensive [biological weapons]

3 capability.’’.

4 (23) On May 6, 2002, Under Secretary of State

5 for Arms Control and International Security, John

6 Bolton, stated: ‘‘The United States also knows that

7 Syria has long had a chemical warfare program. It

8 has a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin and is en9 gaged in research and development of the more toxic

10 and persistent nerve agent VX. Syria, which has

11 signed but not ratified the [Biological Weapons Con12 vention], is pursuing the development of biological

13 weapons and is able to produce at least small

14 amounts of biological warfare agents.’’.

15 (24) According to the Central Intelligence

16 Agency’s ‘‘Unclassified Report to Congress on the

17 Acquisition of Technology Relating to Weapons of

18 Mass Destruction and Advanced Conventional Muni19 tions’’, released January 7, 2003: ‘‘Russia and Syria

20 have approved a draft cooperative program on co21 operation on civil nuclear power. In principal, broad22 er access to Russian expertise provides opportunities

23 for Syria to expand its indigenous capabilities,

24 should it decide to pursue nuclear weapons.’’.
10

9

•HR 1828 IH

1 (25) Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

2 of Nuclear Weapons (21 UST 483), which entered

3 force on March 5, 1970, and to which Syria is a

4 party, Syria has undertaken not to acquire or

5 produce nuclear weapons and has accepted full scope

6 safeguards of the International Atomic Energy

7 Agency to detect diversions of nuclear materials

8 from peaceful activities to the production of nuclear

9 weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.

10 (26) Syria is not a party to the Chemical Weap11 ons Convention or the Biological Weapons Conven12 tion, both of which entered into force on March 26,

13 1975.

14 (27) United Nations Security Council Resolu15 tion 661 (August 6, 1990) and subsequent relevant

16 resolutions restrict the sale of oil and other commod17 ities by Iraq, except to the extent authorized by

18 other relevant resolutions.

19 (28) Syria, a nonpermanent United Nations Se20 curity Council member, has been receiving between

21 150,000 and 200,000 barrels of oil per day from

22 Iraq at a substantial discount per barrel in violation

23 of United Nations Security Council Resolution 661

24 and subsequent resolutions. Recent estimates indi25 cate that as much as 230,000 barrels of oil per day
11

10

•HR 1828 IH

1 were shipped from Iraq to Syria in March 2003, or

2 up to 60,000 barrels per day more than in February

3 2003.

4 (29) Syria’s illegal imports and transshipments

5 of Iraqi oil have earned Syria $50,000,000 or more

6 per month as Syria continues to sell its own Syrian

7 oil at market prices.

8 (30) Syria’s illegal imports and transshipments

9 of Iraqi oil have earned Iraq approximately

10 $2,000,000 per day.

11 (31) Syrian President Bashar Assad promised

12 Secretary of State Powell in February 2001 to end

13 violations of Security Council Resolution 661 but

14 this pledge has not been fulfilled.

15 (32) United Nations Security Council Resolu16 tion 661 (August 6, 1990) and subsequent relevant

17 Security Council resolutions restrict the sale or sup18 ply of ‘‘weapons or any military equipment’’ to Iraq.

19 (33) The Government of Syria has utilized the

20 railway network linking Mosul, Iraq, to Aleppo,

21 Syria, to transfer a wide range of weaponry and

22 weapon systems to Iraq.

23 (34) On March 28, 2003, Secretary of Defense

24 Donald Rumsfeld warned: ‘‘[W]e have information

25 that shipments of military supplies have been cross-
12

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•HR 1828 IH

1 ing the border from Syria into Iraq, including night2 vision goggles . . . These deliveries pose a direct

3 threat to the lives of coalition forces. We consider

4 such trafficking as hostile acts, and will hold the

5 Syrian government accountable for such ship6 ments.’’.

7 (35) According to Article 23(1) of the United

8 Nations Charter, members of the United Nations are

9 elected as nonpermanent members of the United Na10 tions Security Council with ‘‘due regard being spe11 cially paid, in the first instance to the contribution

12 of members of the United Nations to the mainte13 nance of international peace and security and to

14 other purposes of the Organization’’.

15 (36) Despite Article 23(1) of the United Na16 tions Charter, Syria was elected on October 8, 2001,

17 to a 2-year term as a nonpermanent member of the

18 United Nations Security Council beginning January

19 1, 2002, and served as President of the Security

20 Council during June 2002.

21 SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

22 It is the sense of Congress that—

23 (1) the Government of Syria should imme24 diately and unconditionally halt support for ter25 rorism, permanently and openly declare its total re-
13

12

•HR 1828 IH

1 nunciation of all forms of terrorism, and close all

2 terrorist offices and facilities in Syria, including the

3 offices of Hamas, Hizballah, the Popular Front for

4 the Liberation of Palestine, and the Popular Front

5 for the Liberation of Palestine—General Command;

6 (2) the Government of Syria should imme7 diately declare its commitment to completely with8 draw its armed forces, including military, para9 military, and security forces, from Lebanon, and set

10 a firm timetable for such withdrawal;

11 (3) the Government of Lebanon should deploy

12 the Lebanese armed forces to all areas of Lebanon,

13 including South Lebanon, in accordance with United

14 Nations Security Council Resolution 520 (September

15 17, 1982), in order to assert the sovereignty of the

16 Lebanese state over all of its territory, and should

17 evict all terrorist and foreign forces from southern

18 Lebanon, including Hizballah and the Iranian Revo19 lutionary Guards;

20 (4) the Government of Syria should halt the de21 velopment and deployment of medium and long

22 range surface to surface ballistic missiles and cease

23 the development and production of biological and

24 chemical weapons;
14

13

•HR 1828 IH

1 (5) the Government of Syria should halt illegal

2 imports and transshipments of Iraqi oil and illegal

3 sales and supplies of weapons and military-related

4 equipment to Iraq and come into full compliance

5 with United Nations Security Council Resolution

6 661 and subsequent relevant resolutions;

7 (6) the Governments of Lebanon and Syria

8 should enter into serious unconditional bilateral ne9 gotiations with the Government of Israel in order to

10 realize a full and permanent peace;

11 (7) the United States should continue to pro12 vide humanitarian and educational assistance to the

13 people of Lebanon only through appropriate private,

14 nongovernmental organizations and appropriate

15 international organizations, until such time as the

16 Government of Lebanon asserts sovereignty and con17 trol over all of its territory and borders and achieves

18 full political independence, as called for in United

19 Nations Security Council Resolution 520; and

20 (8) being in violation of several key United Na21 tions Security Council resolutions and pursuing poli22 cies which undermine international peace and secu23 rity, Syria should not have been permitted to join

24 the United Nations Security Council or serve as the
15

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•HR 1828 IH

1 Security Council’s President, and should be removed

2 from the Security Council.

3 SEC. 4. STATEMENT OF POLICY.

4 It is the policy of the United States that—

5 (1) Syria will be held responsible for attacks

6 committed by Hizballah and other terrorist groups

7 with offices or other facilities in Syria, or bases in

8 areas of Lebanon occupied by Syria;

9 (2) the United States shall impede Syria’s abil10 ity to support acts of international terrorism and ef11 forts to develop or acquire weapons of mass destruc12 tion;

13 (3) the Secretary of State will continue to list

14 Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism until Syria

15 ends its support for terrorism, including its support

16 of Hizballah and other terrorist groups in Lebanon

17 and its hosting of terrorist groups in Damascus, and

18 comes into full compliance with United States law

19 relating to terrorism and United Nations Security

20 Council Resolution 1373 (September 28, 2001);

21 (4) efforts against Hizballah will be expanded

22 given the recognition that Hizballah is equally or

23 more capable than al Qaeda;

24 (5) the full restoration of Lebanon’s sov25 ereignty, political independence, and territorial in-
16

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•HR 1828 IH

1 tegrity is in the national security interest of the

2 United States;

3 (6) Syria is in violation of United Nations Se4 curity Council Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982)

5 through its continued occupation of Lebanese terri6 tory and its encroachment upon its political inde7 pendence;

8 (7) Syria’s obligation to withdraw from Leb9 anon is not conditioned upon progress in the Israeli10 Syrian or Israeli-Lebanese peace process but derives

11 from Syria’s obligation under Security Council Reso12 lution 520;

13 (8) Syria’s acquisition of weapons of mass de14 struction and ballistic missile programs threaten the

15 security of the Middle East and the national security

16 interests of the United States;

17 (9) Syria is in violation of United Nations Se18 curity Council Resolution 661 (August 6, 1990) and

19 subsequent relevant resolutions through its contin20 ued purchase of oil from Iraq and shipments of

21 weapons and other military equipment to Iraq;

22 (10) Syria will be held accountable for any

23 harm to Coalition armed forces of Operation Iraqi

24 Freedom caused by shipments of military supplies

25 from Syria to Iraq; and
17

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•HR 1828 IH

1 (11) the United States will not provide any as2 sistance to Syria and will oppose multilateral assist3 ance for Syria until Syria withdraws its armed

4 forces from Lebanon, halts the development and de5 ployment of weapons of mass destruction and me6 dium and long range surface to surface ballistic mis7 siles, and complies with Security Council Resolution

8 661 and subsequent relevant resolutions.

9 SEC. 5. PENALTIES AND AUTHORIZATION.

10 (a) PENALTIES.—Until the President makes the de11 termination that Syria meets the requirements described

12 in paragraphs (1) through (4) of subsection (d) and cer13 tifies such determination to Congress in accordance with

14 such subsection—

15 (1) the President shall prohibit the export to

16 Syria of any item, including the issuance of a license

17 for the export of any item, on the United States Mu18 nitions List or Commerce Control List of dual-use

19 items in the Export Administration Regulations (15

20 C.F.R. part 730 et seq.); and

21 (2) the President shall impose two or more of

22 the following sanctions:

23 (A) Prohibit the export of products of the

24 United States (other than food and medicine)

25 to Syria.
18

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•HR 1828 IH

1 (B) Prohibit United States businesses from

2 investing or operating in Syria.

3 (C) Restrict Syrian diplomats in Wash4 ington, D.C., and at the United Nations in New

5 York City, to travel only within a 25-mile ra6 dius of Washington, D.C., or the United Na7 tions headquarters building, respectively.

8 (D) Prohibit aircraft of any air carrier

9 owned or controlled by Syria to take off from,

10 land in, or overfly the United States.

11 (E) Reduce United States diplomatic con12 tacts with Syria (other than those contacts re13 quired to protect United States interests or

14 carry out the purposes of this Act).

15 (F) Block transactions in any property in

16 which the Government of Syria has any inter17 est, by any person, or with respect to any prop18 erty, subject to the jurisdiction of the United

19 States.

20 (b) WAIVER.—The President may waive the applica21 tion of paragraph (2) of subsection (a) for one or more

22 6-month periods if the President determines that it is in

23 the vital national security interest of the United States

24 to do so and transmits to Congress a report that contains

25 the reasons therefor.
19

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•HR 1828 IH

1 (c) AUTHORITY TO PROVIDE ASSISTANCE TO SYRIA

2 AND LEBANON.—If the President—

3 (1) makes the determination that Syria meets

4 the requirements described in paragraphs (1)

5 through (4) of subsection (d) and certifies such de6 termination to Congress in accordance with such

7 subsection;

8 (2) determines that substantial progress has

9 been made both in negotiations aimed at achieving

10 a peace agreement between Israel and Syria and in

11 negotiations aimed at achieving a peace agreement

12 between Israel and Lebanon; and

13 (3) determines that the Government of Syria is

14 strictly respecting the sovereignty, territorial integ15 rity, unity, and political independence of Lebanon

16 under the sole and exclusive authority of the Govern17 ment of Lebanon through the Lebanese army

18 throughout Lebanon, as required under paragraph

19 (4) of United Nations Security Council Resolution

20 520 (1982),

21 then the President is authorized to provide assistance to

22 Syria and Lebanon under chapter 1 of Part I of the For23 eign Assistance Act of 1961 (relating to development as24 sistance).
20

19

•HR 1828 IH

1 (d) CERTIFICATION.—A certification under this sub2 section is a certification transmitted to the appropriate

3 congressional committees of a determination made by the

4 President that—

5 (1) the Government of Syria does not provide

6 support for international terrorist groups and does

7 not allow terrorist groups, such as Hamas,

8 Hizballah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of

9 Palestine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation

10 of Palestine—General Command to maintain facili11 ties in Syria;

12 (2) the Government of Syria has withdrawn all

13 Syrian military, intelligence, and other security per14 sonnel from Lebanon;

15 (3) the Government of Syria has ceased the de16 velopment and deployment of medium and long

17 range surface to surface ballistic missiles and has

18 ceased the development and production of biological

19 and chemical weapons; and

20 (4) the Government of Syria is no longer in vio21 lation of United Nations Security Council Resolution

22 661 and subsequent relevant resolutions.

23 SEC. 6. REPORT.

24 (a) REPORT.—Not later than 6 months after the date

25 of the enactment of this Act, and every 12 months there-
21

20

•HR 1828 IH

1 after until the conditions described in paragraphs (1)

2 through (4) of section 5(c) are satisfied, the Secretary of

3 State shall submit to the appropriate congressional com4 mittees a report on—

5 (1) Syria’s progress toward meeting the condi6 tions described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of sec7 tion 5(d);

8 (2) connections, if any, between individual ter9 rorists and terrorist groups which maintain offices,

10 training camps, or other facilities on Syrian terri11 tory, or operate in areas of Lebanon occupied by the

12 Syrian armed forces, and the attacks against the

13 United States that occurred on September 11, 2001,

14 and other terrorist attacks on the United States or

15 its citizens, installations, or allies; and

16 (3) how the United States is increasing its ef17 forts against Hizballah given the recognition that

18 Hizballah is equally or more capable than al Qaeda.

19 (b) FORM.—The report submitted under subsection

20 (a) shall be in unclassified form but may include a classi21 fied annex.

22 SEC. 7. DEFINITION OF APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL

23 COMMITTEES.

24 In this Act, the term ‘‘appropriate congressional com25 mittees’’ means the Committee on International Relations
22

21

•HR 1828 IH

1 of the House of Representatives and the Committee on

2 Foreign Relations of the Senate.

Æ
23

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. I very 

much appreciate your bringing H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability 

and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003, before our Committee today. 

The Syria Accountability Act enjoys wide bipartisan support. At 

the present time, we have over 280 co-sponsors in the House of 

Representatives, including House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, Majority Whip Roy Blunt, Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and Minority 

Whip Steny Hoyer. 

Why such strong support? Because threats posed by the Syrian 

regime for years have been of grave concern to us in the Congress. 

Syria is a charter member of the state sponsors of terrorism list. 

It reportedly condones al-Qaeda’s use of Lebanon and supports and 

harbors Hizballah, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the PFLPGC and 

Hamas, providing basing privileges and camps. 

Syrian sponsored groups have perpetrated acts of terrorism 

against Americans, most notably the bombing of the U.S. Marine 

barracks in Syrian-occupied Lebanon in 1983, which killed 241 

American Marines, as well as suicide bombings in Israel which 

have claimed the lives of scores of innocent Israeli and American 

citizens. 

Syria provided assistance to the terrorists who perpetrated the 

attacks on the Khobar Towers in 1996, killing 19 American servicemen; and recently in Iraq, despite repeated American warnings, 

there has been Syrian involvement in a series of attacks against coalition forces. 

Syria allowed military equipment to flow into Iraq prior to and 

during Operation Iraqi Freedom. Syria is still permitting these terrorists to pass into Iraq to attack and kill our service members. 

Most of these so-called volunteers or irregulars have been Syrians, 

and most of those who are not have carried Syrian travel documents, in some cases specifically marked Reason for Entry: Jihad. 

Length of Stay: Indefinite. 

In fact, Syria’s foreign minister stated: ‘‘Syria’s interest is to see 

the invaders defeated in Iraq,’’ adding that that resistance is extremely important. Further, just 2 weeks ago Ambassador Paul 

Bremer stated during his testimony before the Committee that the 

number of third country national detainees we now have is 278, of 

which 123 are from Syria. ‘‘We believe that these are rat lines,’’ as 

they call them, ‘‘from Syria into Iraq where both fighters and in 

many cases terrorists are still coming in.’’ That is his exact quote. 

In addition to the terrorist threats, Syria has increased and diversified its weapons of mass destruction program to pose a potentially serious threat to our interest in the region, with the Syrian 

defense minister indicating in an April 2000 article: ‘‘The Syrian 

military plan is to integrate biological weapons in its tactical and 

strategical arsenal.’’ This is not a United States reference, but a 

Syrian quote. 

To address and evaluate Syria’s support for terrorism, its weapons of mass destruction program and its violation of Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity, the Subcommittee on the Middle 

East and Central Asia, which I Chair along with my wonderful colleague from New York, Mr. Elliot Engel, has held hearings and nu-
24

merous open and classified hearings and briefings addressing these 

important issues. 

The final assessment, based on all of these discussions, is that 

the time has come to hold Syria accountable for its actions. The 

Congress of the United States cannot allow Syria to continue activities that could pose a threat to the safety of the United States 

and our allies. 

The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration 

Act offers the Administration the right mechanism to press the 

Syrian regime to immediately halt its destructive policies. This act 

bans all military and dual use exports to Syria. It requires the imposition of two or more of the wide range of sanctions provided for 

in the bill. It includes a Presidential waiver on the latter sanctions 

if it is vital to the national security of the United States. 

It authorizes the provision of assistance to Syria only if the 

President certifies, among other requirements, that Syria is not 

providing support for international terrorists, that it has withdrawn all military, security and intelligence personnel from Lebanon, that it has stopped its development and deployment of ballistic missiles and that it has ceased its weapons of mass destruction program. 

The bill also has a requirement calling on the Secretary of State 

to report on the progress made by Syria on the withdrawal from 

Lebanon, the connections between Syrian sponsored and supported 

terrorists or terrorist groups to the 9/11 attacks and on United 

States efforts against Hizballah. 

I will be offering an amendment, Mr. Chairman, in the nature 

of a substitute that will update the bill to address and reflect the 

current situation with respect to Syria, particularly its linkage to 

attacks against coalition forces, United States citizens and other innocents in Iraq. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for bringing this important measure 

before our Committee today, and I strongly urge my colleagues to 

support this important legislation that Mr. Engel and I are offering 

today. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from California, the Ranking 

Member of this Committee, Mr. Lantos. 

Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Let me first 

commend you for scheduling this truly historic markup. 

At the outset, I want to pay tribute to my good friend from Florida, Ms. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, for her leadership, and I want to 

identify myself with her entire statement. I also want to commend 

my friend from New York, Mr. Engel, for his very effective leadership on this matter. 

Mr. Chairman, nobody in Damascus should be surprised by our 

action today on this legislation. You might even say that the Syrian 

Government is the moving spirit behind it. As you know, Mr. 

Chairman, I visited Syria about 6 months ago and had a long meeting with President Bashar al-Assad. I warned him at the time that 

this legislation would be marked up in our Committee on its way 

to passage in the House and in the Senate unless Syria changed 

its ways in fundamental ways. President Assad understood me per-
25

fectly well. I found that he was very familiar with the Syria Accountability Act. 

Secretary of State Powell visited Assad 1 week after I did and 

basically read him the same list of demands, which all of us here 

are so familiar with. Syria must close terrorist offices in Damascus. 

Syria must end its support of Hizballah on Israel’s northern border. 

Syria must cease its function as a transit point for Iranian weaponry designed and destined for Hizballah. 

It must remove its 17,000 occupying troops from Lebanon. It 

must remove the thousands of Syrian military intelligence officers 

who honeycomb Lebanese society. There is not a Lebanese institution which is not effectively run by Syrian intelligence officers. It 

must stop working on its weapons of mass destruction. It must stop 

undermining the efforts of our coalition in Iraq. It must free its political prisoners, and it must terminate its hostile action in Iraq. 

After my meeting with President Asad, I repeated my warning 

at a press conference in Damascus; and subsequently upon returning to Washington, I wrote a detailed letter to President Asad reviewing the issues I raised and reminding him that congressional 

action was looming unless he took appropriate action. 

I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Chairman, to put my letter to 

President Asad in the record. 

Chairman HYDE. Without objection. So ordered. 

Mr. LANTOS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

After 6 months of waiting, we have seen that Syria has done absolutely nothing to comply with the long list of overdue demands 

that Secretary of State Powell, and a week earlier I, had submitted 

to him. Syria has made some cosmetic changes, moving terrorists 

from one address to another, but it is self-evident that nothing has 

changed in Syria’s fundamental policy with respect to terrorism, its 

position in Iraq and its role as a country in the region. 

I pointed out to Mr. Asad that soon there will be four friends of 

the United States surrounding him—Turkey, Jordan, Israel and 

Iraq—and the notion that the second largest dictatorship in this region can continue its policies ad infinitum and ad nauseam despite 

the tremendous changes which are underway in the region is simply not realistic. 

I want to commend the Administration, which used to oppose 

this legislation. While it has formally not yet endorsed it, it is clear 

that its new stance represents implicit support for the Syrian Accountability Act. 

Mr. Chairman, I went to Syria with a sincere desire to have that 

government recognize the new realities in the region. After all, 

there are plenty of examples for this. Pakistan and their President 

Musharraf changed its policy dramatically from being a supporter 

of the Taliban, from being a safe haven for terrorists. It is now assisting in the fight against terrorism. It was our hope that Syria 

would do the same. 

Events of this past weekend reinforce the importance and timeliness of our bill. The training camp for terrorists on Syrian territory 

is an outrageous affront to the entire civilized world. Israel’s action 

against this camp could hardly be more justified. Twenty Israelis 

are dead, and that is the equivalent of 1,000 Americans on a basis 
26

of proportional population ratios. Sixty Israelis are injured, which 

would be equivalent to 3,000 Americans being injured. 

Mr. Chairman, if a neighboring country were supporting a terrorist group that killed 1,000 Americans and injured 3,000 Americans in one incident, who among us would not call on our government to demonstrate determination? As President Bush put it on 

Monday, we would be doing the same thing as Israel. I could not 

agree more strongly with the President. 

Mr. Chairman, I wish that this markup had never taken place, 

but the Syrian regime has made it imperative that we do proceed 

with this markup. Despite warning after warning, it has refused to 

heed the dictates of common good sense. The door to good relations 

with the United States has been wide open to Syria, but the Syrian 

regime has contemptuously slammed it shut. Now it must pay the 

consequences. 

I strongly support this legislation and urge all of my colleagues 

to do likewise. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The letter referred to follows:]

U.S. CONGRESS, 

HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE, 

Washington, DC, May 23, 2003. 

His Excellency, PRESIDENT BASHAR AL-ASAD, 

Damascus, 

Syrian Arab Republic. 

DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Once again I would like to thank you for receiving me in 

your office recently. Our discussion was valuable, and I believe it could mark the 

beginning of a productive dialogue that benefits both our nations. 

I have therefore been surprised and deeply dismayed by Syria’s failure to take 

truly meaningful action on the issues we discussed in the weeks since my visit. Notwithstanding press reports that some of the offices of Palestinian terrorist organizations in Damascus may have been closed, I am deeply disappointed by your failure 

to confirm this definitively and to affirm that their closure is the result of a decision 

by the Syrian government, not by the terrorists. I was also disturbed by your failure 

to join the U.N. Security Council consensus in favor of UNSC Resolution 1483 ending sanctions on Iraq and by the Syrian state media’s harsh and inaccurate accusations against the U.S. regarding that resolution. 

Mr. President, closing the offices of Palestinian terrorist organizations is the most 

basic of steps you must take if we are to make a start toward improving U.S.-Syrian 

relations, as you and I discussed. But it is crucial not only that you actually close 

the offices and prevent these groups and their partisans from carrying out activities 

in Syria but that you also make clear, publicly and formally, that you are doing so. 

Only if such actions are executed in a transparent and definitive manner can Syria 

demonstrate to the world that it opposes the actions of these terrorist organizations. 

A stealthy closing of the offices, or a sham closing in which terrorist personnel continue to carry out their activities less publicly and from different locations—or a 

closing which you claim is strictly the result of the terrorists’ decision, as you so 

far have done—will only leave the world skeptical of your real intentions and will 

prevent you from reaping any benefits in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. 

I was pleased that, in our meeting, you said you oppose terrorism ‘‘anywhere.’’ 

Since the Palestinian groups with offices in Damascus have claimed credit for numerous terrorist attacks in Israel—and sometimes have issued these claims from 

Damascus itself—they surely have no business in Syria, and you should have no 

trouble making public declarations to that effect. As we agreed, there is no point 

in discussing semantics. Whether one calls them information offices or terrorist 

headquarters, it is imperative that they be closed and their cadre expelled—and 

that this decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented—if we hope 

to begin a new era in bilateral relations. 

You will recall that we discussed the Syria Accountability Act. I told you at that 

time that, depending on your decisions and actions, Congressional action on that bill 

will be delayed, halted, or accelerated. I also told you that I would be looking for 

the earliest possible positive action on your part and in particular in the immediate 
27

aftermath of the Powell visit. Based on what I have seen and read thus far, such 

positive action from you has not been sufficiently forthcoming. Should that continue 

to be so, I will have no choice but to join with like-minded colleagues in the near 

future to accelerate action on the Syrian Accountability Act. 

So that there be no misunderstanding, I think it is important that I review with 

you the content of our discussion and my reflections on it. As I indicated to you, 

Syria made many regrettable decisions in the months leading up to the Iraq war, 

during it, and in its immediate aftermath. These mistakes were reflected in both 

your statements and actions during this period. My impression during our meeting 

was that you understand this. In fact, it is crucial that your future performance 

fully reflect this understanding, that you expel any Iraqi officials and Saddam Hussein family members who took refuge in Syria, that you seal your border so as to 

prevent the smuggling of arms and other military equipment into Iraq as well as 

the infiltration of anti-US personnel, and that you fully cooperate with the United 

States’s Iraq policy in all other ways. Indeed, my overwhelming concern—and I believe that of all of my colleagues in the U.S. Congress—is that you cooperate to the 

fullest extent with ongoing United States efforts in Iraq. Based on Syria’s absence 

from yesterday’s UN Security Council vote, you clearly have not comprehended the 

urgency of this concern. 

Beyond cooperation regarding Iraq, several steps are necessary in order to reverse 

the recent erosion of bilateral ties. Let me once again enumerate these steps:

1) The offices of the Palestinian terrorist groups must be closed and their activities ended immediately, and this decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented, as discussed above.

2) All military assistance to Hizballah, both directly and as a conduit for Iran, 

must be terminated.

3) Hizballah must be removed from the Lebanese-Israeli border area as well 

as from the area of Shebaa Farms, and the Lebanese Armed Forces must 

be deployed throughout the length of the border. Hizballah also must cease 

its attacks on Israeli territory and personnel, including in the Shebaa 

Farms area.

4) Hizballah must be disarmed, as every other Lebanese militia has been.

5) Iranian Revolutionary Guard cadre must be expelled from Lebanon.

6) All terrorist bases in Lebanon and Syria must be closed, and all other support for terrorism must end.

7) Syrian military forces must be evacuated from Lebanon.

8) All Israeli prisoners held by Hizballah or Syria must be released.

9) Syria must take immediate steps to address the many serious human rights 

problems addressed in the U.S. State Department’s recent human rights report. In particular, it must release the academicians, journalists, and members of the Syrian parliament currently in prison for crimes of speech and 

thought.

10) Hostile anti-U.S. propaganda in state media must be terminated.

All of these steps are required urgently, but again I emphasize that an affirmative 

decision to close the offices of the Palestinian groups in Damascus must be announced and implemented definitively and immediately. 

During our meeting, you asked me whether I expect you to undertake these actions ‘‘for free.’’ To reiterate, I am not asking anything for free. In English, there 

is a saying that virtue is its own reward. Indeed, a state that supports terrorist 

groups and violates the sovereignty of a neighboring nation cannot be fully accepted 

as member in good standing of the civilized world in the twenty-first century. But 

of course I understand that you were asking what the political pay-off would be for 

Syria. The reward, Mr. President, is immeasurable and of the greatest significance. 

It is the goodwill of the Congress, the Administration, and the American people. 

This goodwill is a priceless commodity, and it has long been lacking in our bilateral 

relations precisely because of Syria’s failure to take the necessary actions I enumerated in our talk and have underscored here. From the establishment of goodwill all 

other benefits flow. 

If you show clear indication that you are progressing in the direction I outlined—

beginning with full cooperation regarding Iraq and the immediate and definitive 

closing of the offices of the Palestinian terrorist organizations and the cessation of 

their activities on Syrian or Lebanese soil—I will do everything I can to prevent 

Congressional consideration of the Syria Accountability Act. Let me add something 

else: Once it would be fully clear that Syria no longer belongs on the list of state-
28

sponsors of terrorism, nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to advocate 

its removal from that list. 

Absent such indication, however, I can only foresee the worst. I must again underscore the importance of your acting immediately. Time is running out. 

You asked that I sound out the Israelis about their interest in pursuing negotiations regarding the Golan Heights and Syrian-Israeli peace. I did indeed raise this 

matter with Prime Minister Sharon during my visit to Israel. He assured me that 

he is ready to engage in negotiations, on an unconditional basis, at any time. I 

would be delighted to be of any further assistance to you on this matter. 

Let me reiterate that I foresee the prospect of a new and positive era in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. The recent war in Iraq is a cataclysmic development that will 

usher in great changes in the region. A Middle East that is more politically liberal 

and increasingly friendly to the United States is on the horizon. This trend is typified by some of your bordering neighbors, such as Jordan, Israel, Turkey, and, soon 

no doubt, the new Iraq. It is my fervent wish that Syria be seen as fully in step 

with these regional trends. It is my firm conviction that Syria indeed must be fully 

in step with these trends if U.S.-Syrian relations are to improve and prosper rather 

than suffer still further damage. The path our relations follow will depend, Mr. 

President, on your vision, your leadership, and, most important, your willingness to 

take bold decisions along the lines we have discussed. 

Sincerely, 

TOM LANTOS, Ranking Democratic Member.

Chairman HYDE. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. 

We will take one more opening statement, and then we will get 

to the markup. All other Members who have statements may be received into the record and printed in the record, without objection. 

Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I very much 

appreciate your holding today’s markup on H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003. I 

want you to know, Mr. Chairman, that I greatly appreciate your 

assistance and support and that of our Ranking Member, Mr. Lantos, as well, as we move this bill forward. 

I would also like to extend my sincere thanks to the lead Republican sponsor of this bipartisan bill, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. She has 

worked very hard on behalf of this bill, and I want everyone to 

know it has been a delight to work with her. 

Mr. Chairman, it has been a long road. When I sat down with 

my staff nearly 2 years ago and wrote this bill, we had hoped that 

Syrian behavior would change and that perhaps there would not be 

a necessity for a bill like this. Unfortunately, in the 2-year period 

not only has Syrian behavior not changed. It has indeed gotten 

worse. 

It has become plain to ordinary Americans, Members of Congress, across party lines and officials in the Administration, what 

has been plain to me for many years—that Syria is among the 

most dangerous, destabilizing countries in the Middle East. 

Syria has been on our State Department’s terrorist list since the 

inception of the list in 1979, and yet it currently is the only member on that list with which we have normal diplomatic relations. 

I never understood that. I did not understand it 2 years ago, I did 

not understand it 20 years ago, and I do not understand it now. 

Syria has occupied and controlled Lebanon for over 2 decades, ostensibly to keep the peace; in reality, destabilizing Lebanon and 

strangling the legitimate rights of the Lebanese people. Syria possesses a fleet of scud missiles, which can deliver its arsenal of 

chemical weapons, and it is now permitting terrorists to enter Iraq 

to attack and kill United States troops. 
29

As President Bush said on June 24, 2002, and I quote:

‘‘Syria must choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.’’

In fact, terrorist groups that have thrived under Syrian protection 

have taken American lives on several occasions. In 1983, Hizballah 

killed 241 United States Marines in a terrorist attack near Beruit 

and killed more in the bombing of the U.S. Embassy annex the following year. 

Syria also plays host to a number of terrorist groups in its capital, Damascus, and terrorist camps throughout Syria and Syrian 

occupied Lebanon. In fact, the leader of the Palestine Islamic 

Jihad, which just murdered 19 innocent people in the Israeli city 

of Haifa, lives in Damascus. Not only has the Palestinian Islamic 

Jihad murdered scores of Israelis, but it has killed several United 

States citizens. Israel was absolutely correct and justified in its recent attack on the Palestinian Islamic Jihad training camp in 

Syria. 

The threat of collusion between terrorist groups and the Government of Syria must be addressed forcefully, especially because of 

Syria’s arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Undersecretary of 

State John Bolton testified last month before our Middle East Subcommittee, and I quote him:

‘‘Since the 1970s, Syria has pursued what is now one of the 

most advanced Arab states chemical weapons capabilities and 

is continuing to develop an offensive biological weapons capability.’’

The CIA has echoed these concerns about Syrian weapons of 

mass destruction. An unclassified CIA report released earlier this 

year stated that...

‘‘Damascus already holds a stockpile of the nerve agent Saren, 

but apparently is trying to develop more toxic and persistent 

nerve agents.’’

Interestingly, the CIA’s annual weapons of mass destruction report discloses that Syria is developing a nuclear research center. 

For a country with Syria’s history with weapons of mass destruction, this development is a cause for serious concern. 

Even with all this damning evidence about the threat Damascus 

poses to the United States and the world, some have suggested 

that we should not hold Syria accountable. The reasons they give 

have varied, but the most common is that Syria has somehow 

helped the United States in our war on terror. 

Damascus is at best two-faced, throwing a few small bones of information to American sources while continuing to aid the most 

violent terrorist groups in the Middle East. As General Aoun, the 

former leader of Lebanon, has said, in Lebanon Syria acts as both 

the arsonist and the fireman. It starts the fires, then puts them out 

and wants everybody to pat them on the back and tell them how 

wonderful they are. This is not an acceptable deal in the post 9/

11 world. 

Syria must be made aware that we are not fooled by their double 

dealing. In response to these dangerous provocations, I and Representative Ros-Lehtinen, and in the Senate Senators Boxer and 
30

Santorum, introduced the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act. Under this bill, unless Syria meets four 

key criteria it will face several sanctions. 

First and foremost, Syria must end its support for terrorism. It 

must close the offices and end the operations of the Palestinian terrorist groups in Damascus and clean out the Lebanese Beca Valley, 

a hornet’s nest of the most deadly fundamentalist militants in the 

world. It must also stop harboring terrorist groups and come into 

full compliance with the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which directs all countries to fight terror. 

Secondly, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

Mr. ENGEL. Okay. 

Chairman HYDE. Without objection, the gentleman may have 2 

additional minutes. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

For years, Lebanon was a window on the west within the Arab 

world. Nothing will do more for peace and the promotion of democracy in the Middle East than a free and sovereign Lebanon. 

U.N. Security Council Resolutions 425 and 520 call clearly for 

the removal of all foreign forces from Lebanon, and with strict respect for Lebanese sovereignty the U.N. long ago certified Israel’s 

complete withdrawal from Lebanon, but the Syrian military occupation remains. It is time to let the Lebanese, not the Syrians, run 

Lebanon. 

Thirdly, Syria must halt development and procurement of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. The Syrian force of 

hundreds of scud missiles topped with unconventional warheads 

poses a serious danger to the Middle East. 

Finally, Syria must take intermediate steps to stop guerrillas 

from traveling from Syria to Iraq to attack and kill American 

troops. We all stand together in demanding that Syria stop permitting transit of militants and shipments of weapons into Iraq. 

I am pleased to inform our Committee that this bipartisan legislation has gathered 283 co-sponsors in the House of Representatives, including a majority of Democrats and Republicans in the 

House and on this Committee and the Majority and Minority leaders and the Majority and Minority Whips of the House. The Senate 

version of our bill tells a similar story, with 76 co-sponsors, including a majority of both parties and a majority on the Senate Foreign 

Relations Committee. 

Again, Mr. Chairman, I thank you and the Ranking Member for 

moving ahead today with this markup; I thank the Chair of the 

Subcommittee for her hard work on the bill and all 33 Members 

of this Committee who have co-sponsored this important bill. I urge 

the Committee to pass this legislation with a clear and strong vote 

today. 

I yield back. 

Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes the gentlelady from Florida, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for purposes of an amendment. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute at the desk. 

Chairman HYDE. The clerk will designate the amendment. 
31

Ms. RUSH. Amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by 

Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Strike all after the enacting——

Chairman HYDE. Without objection, the amendment in the nature of a substitute will be considered as read and will be considered as original text for purposes of amendment. 

[The amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 1828, offered by Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, follows:]
32

1

H.L.C.

AMENDMENT IN THE NATURE OF A SUBSTITUTE

TO H.R. 1828

OFFERED BY MS. ROS-LEHTINEN

Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the

following:

1 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

2 This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Syria Accountability

3 and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003’’.

4 SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

5 Congress makes the following findings:

6 (1) On September 20, 2001, President George

7 Bush stated at a joint session of Congress that

8 ‘‘[e]very nation, in every region, now has a decision

9 to make . . . [e]ither you are with us, or you are

10 with the terrorists . . . [f]rom this day forward, any

11 nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism

12 will be regarded by the United States as a hostile re13 gime’’.

14 (2) On June 24, 2002, President Bush stated

15 ‘‘Syria must choose the right side in the war on ter16 ror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist

17 organizations’’.
33

2

H.L.C.

1 (3) United Nations Security Council Resolution

2 1373 (September 28, 2001) mandates that all states

3 ‘‘refrain from providing any form of support, active

4 or passive, to entities or persons involved in terrorist

5 acts’’, take ‘‘the necessary steps to prevent the com6 mission of terrorist acts’’, and ‘‘deny safe haven to

7 those who finance, plan, support, or commit terrorist

8 acts’’.

9 (4) The Government of Syria is currently pro10 hibited by United States law from receiving United

11 States assistance because it has repeatedly provided

12 support for acts of international terrorism, as deter13 mined by the Secretary of State for purposes of sec14 tion 6(j)(1) of the Export Administration Act of

15 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(1)) and other rel16 evant provisions of law.

17 (5) Although the Department of State lists

18 Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism and reports

19 that Syria provides ‘‘safe haven and support to sev20 eral terrorist groups’’, fewer United States sanctions

21 apply with respect to Syria than with respect to any

22 other country that is listed as a state sponsor of ter23 rorism.

24 (6) Terrorist groups, including Hizballah,

25 Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular
34

3

H.L.C.

1 Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the Pop2 ular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General

3 Command, maintain offices, training camps, and

4 other facilities on Syrian territory, and operate in

5 areas of Lebanon occupied by the Syrian armed

6 forces and receive supplies from Iran through Syria.

7 (7) United Nations Security Council Resolution

8 520 (September 17, 1982) calls for ‘‘strict respect of

9 the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and polit10 ical independence of Lebanon under the sole and ex11 clusive authority of the Government of Lebanon

12 through the Lebanese Army throughout Lebanon’’.

13 (8) Approximately 20,000 Syrian troops and se14 curity personnel occupy much of the sovereign terri15 tory of Lebanon exerting undue influence upon its

16 government and undermining its political independ17 ence.

18 (9) Since 1990 the Senate and House of Rep19 resentatives have passed seven bills and resolutions

20 which call for the withdrawal of Syrian armed forces

21 from Lebanon.

22 (10) On March 3, 2003, Secretary of State

23 Colin Powell declared that it is the objective of the

24 United States to ‘‘let Lebanon be ruled by the Leba-
35

4

H.L.C.

1 nese people without the presence of [the Syrian] oc2 cupation army’’.

3 (11) Large and increasing numbers of the Leb4 anese people from across the political spectrum in

5 Lebanon have mounted peaceful and democratic

6 calls for the withdrawal of the Syrian Army from

7 Lebanese soil.

8 (12) Israel has withdrawn all of its armed

9 forces from Lebanon in accordance with United Na10 tions Security Council Resolution 425 (March 19,

11 1978), as certified by the United Nations Secretary

12 General.

13 (13) Even in the face of this United Nations

14 certification that acknowledged Israel’s full compli15 ance with Security Council Resolution 425, Syrian16 and Iranian-sponsored Hizballah continues to attack

17 Israeli outposts at Shebaa Farms, under the false

18 guise that it remains Lebanese land, and Syrian19 and Iranian-sponsored Hizballah and other militant

20 organizations continue to attack civilian targets in

21 Israel.

22 (14) Syria will not allow Lebanon—a sovereign

23 country—to fulfill its obligation in accordance with

24 Security Council Resolution 425 to deploy its troops

25 to southern Lebanon.
36

5

H.L.C.

1 (15) As a result, the Israeli-Lebanese border

2 and much of southern Lebanon is under the control

3 of Hizballah which continues to attack Israeli posi4 tions, allows Iranian Revolutionary Guards and

5 other militant groups to operate freely in the area,

6 and maintains thousands of rockets along Israel’s

7 northern border, destabilizing the entire region.

8 (16) On February 12, 2003, Director of Central

9 Intelligence George Tenet stated the following with

10 respect to the Syrian- and Iranian-supported

11 Hizballah: ‘‘[A]s an organization with capability and

12 worldwide presence [it] is [al Qaeda’s] equal if not

13 a far more capable organization . . . [T]hey’re a

14 notch above in many respects, in terms of in their

15 relationship with the Iranians and the training they

16 receive, [which] puts them in a state-sponsored cat17 egory with a potential for lethality that’s quite

18 great.’’.

19 (17) In the State of the Union address on Jan20 uary 29, 2002, President Bush declared that the

21 United States will ‘‘work closely with our coalition to

22 deny terrorists and their state sponsors the mate23 rials, technology, and expertise to make and deliver

24 weapons of mass destruction’’.
37

6

H.L.C.

1 (18) The Government of Syria continues to de2 velop and deploy short and medium range ballistic

3 missiles.

4 (19) According to the December 2001 unclassi5 fied Central Intelligence Agency report entitled

6 ‘‘Foreign Missile Developments and the Ballistic

7 Missile Threat through 2015’’, ‘‘Syria maintains a

8 ballistic missile and rocket force of hundreds of

9 FROG rockets, Scuds, and SS–21 SRBMs [and]

10 Syria has developed [chemical weapons] warheads

11 for its Scuds’’.

12 (20) The Government of Syria is pursuing the

13 development and production of biological and chem14 ical weapons and has a nuclear research and devel15 opment program that is cause for concern.

16 (21) According to the Central Intelligence

17 Agency’s ‘‘Unclassified Report to Congress on the

18 Acquisition of Technology Relating to Weapons of

19 Mass Destruction and Advanced Conventional Muni20 tions’’, released January 7, 2003: ‘‘[Syria] already

21 holds a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin but appar22 ently is trying to develop more toxic and persistent

23 nerve agents. Syria remains dependent on foreign

24 sources for key elements of its [chemical weapons]

25 program, including precursor chemicals and key pro-
38

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1 duction equipment. It is highly probable that Syria

2 also is developing an offensive [biological weapons]

3 capability.’’.

4 (22) On May 6, 2002, Under Secretary of State

5 for Arms Control and International Security, John

6 Bolton, stated: ‘‘The United States also knows that

7 Syria has long had a chemical warfare program. It

8 has a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin and is en9 gaged in research and development of the more toxic

10 and persistent nerve agent VX. Syria, which has

11 signed but not ratified the [Biological Weapons Con12 vention], is pursuing the development of biological

13 weapons and is able to produce at least small

14 amounts of biological warfare agents.’’.

15 (23) According to the Central Intelligence

16 Agency’s ‘‘Unclassified Report to Congress on the

17 Acquisition of Technology Relating to Weapons of

18 Mass Destruction and Advanced Conventional Muni19 tions’’, released January 7, 2003: ‘‘Russia and Syria

20 have approved a draft cooperative program on co21 operation on civil nuclear power. In principal, broad22 er access to Russian expertise provides opportunities

23 for Syria to expand its indigenous capabilities,

24 should it decide to pursue nuclear weapons.’’.
39

8

H.L.C.

1 (24) Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

2 of Nuclear Weapons (21 UST 483), which entered

3 force on March 5, 1970, and to which Syria is a

4 party, Syria has undertaken not to acquire or

5 produce nuclear weapons and has accepted full scope

6 safeguards of the International Atomic Energy

7 Agency to detect diversions of nuclear materials

8 from peaceful activities to the production of nuclear

9 weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.

10 (25) Syria is not a party to the Chemical Weap11 ons Convention or the Biological Weapons Conven12 tion, which entered into force on April 29, 1997, and

13 on March 26, 1975, respectively.

14 (26) Syrian President Bashar Assad promised

15 Secretary of State Powell in February 2001 to end

16 violations of Security Council Resolution 661, which

17 restricted the sale of oil and other commodities by

18 Saddam Hussein’s regime, except to the extent au19 thorized by other relevant resolutions, but this

20 pledge was never fulfilled.

21 (27) Syria’s illegal imports and transshipments

22 of Iraqi oil during Saddam Hussein’s regime earned

23 Syria $50,000,000 or more per month as Syria con24 tinued to sell its own Syrian oil at market prices.
40

9

H.L.C.

1 (28) Syria’s illegal imports and transshipments

2 of Iraqi oil earned Saddam Hussein’s regime

3 $2,000,000 per day.

4 (29) The Government of Syria also utilized the

5 railway network linking Mosul, Iraq, to Aleppo,

6 Syria, to transfer a wide range of weaponry and

7 weapon systems to Saddam Hussein’s regime.

8 (30) On March 28, 2003, Secretary of Defense

9 Donald Rumsfeld warned: ‘‘[W]e have information

10 that shipments of military supplies have been cross11 ing the border from Syria into Iraq, including night12 vision goggles . . . These deliveries pose a direct

13 threat to the lives of coalition forces. We consider

14 such trafficking as hostile acts, and will hold the

15 Syrian government accountable for such ship16 ments.’’.

17 (31) According to Article 23(1) of the United

18 Nations Charter, members of the United Nations are

19 elected as nonpermanent members of the United Na20 tions Security Council with ‘‘due regard being spe21 cially paid, in the first instance to the contribution

22 of members of the United Nations to the mainte23 nance of international peace and security and to

24 other purposes of the Organization’’.
41

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H.L.C.

1 (32) Despite Article 23(1) of the United Na2 tions Charter, Syria was elected on October 8, 2001,

3 to a 2-year term as a nonpermanent member of the

4 United Nations Security Council beginning January

5 1, 2002, and served as President of the Security

6 Council during June 2002 and August 2003.

7 (33) On March 31, 2003, the Syrian Foreign

8 Minister, Farouq al-Sharra, made the Syrian re9 gime’s intentions clear when he explicitly stated that

10 ‘‘Syria’s interest is to see the invaders defeated in

11 Iraq’’.

12 (34) On April 13, 2003, Secretary of Defense

13 Donald Rumsfeld charged that ‘‘busloads’’ of Syrian

14 fighters entered Iraq with ‘‘hundreds of thousands

15 of dollars’’ and leaflets offering rewards for dead

16 American soldiers.

17 (35) On September 16, 2003, the Undersecre18 tary of State for Arms Control and International Se19 curity, John Bolton, appeared before the Sub20 committee on the Middle East and Central Asia of

21 the Committee on International Relations of the

22 House of Representatives, and underscored Syria’s

23 ‘‘hostile actions’’ toward coalition forces during Op24 eration Iraqi Freedom. Undersecretary Bolton added

25 that: ‘‘Syria allowed military equipment to flow into
42

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H.L.C.

1 Iraq on the eve of and during the war. Syria per2 mitted volunteers to pass into Iraq to attack and kill

3 our service members during the war, and is still

4 doing so . . . [Syria’s] behavior during Operation

5 Iraqi Freedom underscores the importance of taking

6 seriously reports and information on Syria’s WMD

7 capabilities.’’.

8 (36) During his appearance before the Com9 mittee on International Relations of the House of

10 Representatives on September 25, 2003, Ambas11 sador L. Paul Bremer, III, Presidential Envoy to

12 Iraq, stated that out of the 278 third-country na13 tionals who were captured by coalition forces in

14 Iraq, the ‘‘single largest group are Syrians’’.

15 SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

16 It is the sense of Congress that—

17 (1) the Government of Syria should imme18 diately and unconditionally halt support for ter19 rorism, permanently and openly declare its total re20 nunciation of all forms of terrorism, and close all

21 terrorist offices and facilities in Syria, including the

22 offices of Hamas, Hizballah, Palestinian Islamic

23 Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Pal24 estine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of

25 Palestine—General Command;
43

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H.L.C.

1 (2) the Government of Syria should—

2 (A) immediately and unconditionally stop

3 facilitating transit from Syria to Iraq of individ4 uals, military equipment, and other lethal items,

5 except as authorized by the Coalition Provi6 sional Authority or a representative, inter7 nationally recognized Iraqi government;

8 (B) cease its support for ‘‘volunteers’’ and

9 terrorists who are traveling from and through

10 Syria into Iraq to launch attacks; and

11 (C) undertake concrete, verifiable steps to

12 deter such behavior and control the use of terri13 tory under Syrian control;

14 (3) the Government of Syria should imme15 diately declare its commitment to completely with16 draw its armed forces, including military, para17 military, and security forces, from Lebanon, and set

18 a firm timetable for such withdrawal;

19 (4) the Government of Lebanon should deploy

20 the Lebanese armed forces to all areas of Lebanon,

21 including South Lebanon, in accordance with United

22 Nations Security Council Resolution 520 (September

23 17, 1982), in order to assert the sovereignty of the

24 Lebanese state over all of its territory, and should

25 evict all terrorist and foreign forces from southern
44

13

H.L.C.

1 Lebanon, including Hizballah and the Iranian Revo2 lutionary Guards;

3 (5) the Government of Syria should halt the de4 velopment and deployment of medium- and long5 range surface-to-surface missiles and cease the de6 velopment and production of biological and chemical

7 weapons;

8 (6) the Governments of Lebanon and Syria

9 should enter into serious unconditional bilateral ne10 gotiations with the Government of Israel in order to

11 realize a full and permanent peace;

12 (7) the United States should continue to pro13 vide humanitarian and educational assistance to the

14 people of Lebanon only through appropriate private,

15 nongovernmental organizations and appropriate

16 international organizations, until such time as the

17 Government of Lebanon asserts sovereignty and con18 trol over all of its territory and borders and achieves

19 full political independence, as called for in United

20 Nations Security Council Resolution 520; and

21 (8) as a violator of several key United Nations

22 Security Council resolutions and pursuing policies

23 which undermine international peace and security,

24 Syria should not have been permitted to join the

25 United Nations Security Council or serve as the Se-
45

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H.L.C.

1 curity Council’s President, and should be removed

2 from the Security Council.

3 SEC. 4. STATEMENT OF POLICY.

4 It is the policy of the United States that—

5 (1) Syria will be held responsible for attacks

6 committed by Hizballah and other terrorist groups

7 with offices, training camps, or other facilities in

8 Syria, or bases in areas of Lebanon occupied by

9 Syria;

10 (2) the United States shall impede Syria’s abil11 ity to support acts of international terrorism and ef12 forts to develop or acquire weapons of mass destruc13 tion;

14 (3) the Secretary of State will continue to list

15 Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism until Syria

16 ends its support for terrorism, including its support

17 of Hizballah and other terrorist groups in Lebanon

18 and its hosting of terrorist groups in Damascus, and

19 comes into full compliance with United States law

20 relating to terrorism and United Nations Security

21 Council Resolution 1373 (September 28, 2001);

22 (4) efforts against Hizballah will be expanded

23 given the recognition that Hizballah is equally or

24 more capable than al Qaeda;
46

15

H.L.C.

1 (5) the full restoration of Lebanon’s sov2 ereignty, political independence, and territorial in3 tegrity is in the national security interest of the

4 United States;

5 (6) Syria is in violation of United Nations Se6 curity Council Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982)

7 through its continued occupation of Lebanese terri8 tory and its encroachment upon its political inde9 pendence;

10 (7) Syria’s obligation to withdraw from Leb11 anon is not conditioned upon progress in the Israeli12 Syrian or Israeli-Lebanese peace process but derives

13 from Syria’s obligation under Security Council Reso14 lution 520;

15 (8) Syria’s acquisition of weapons of mass de16 struction and ballistic missile programs threaten the

17 security of the Middle East and the national security

18 interests of the United States;

19 (9) Syria will be held accountable for any harm

20 to Coalition armed forces or to any United States

21 citizen in Iraq due to its facilitation of terrorist ac22 tivities and its shipments of military supplies to

23 Iraq; and

24 (10) the United States will not provide any as25 sistance to Syria and will oppose multilateral assist-
47

16

H.L.C.

1 ance for Syria until Syria ends all support for ter2 rorism, withdraws its armed forces from Lebanon,

3 and halts the development and deployment of weap4 ons of mass destruction and medium and long range

5 surface to surface ballistic missiles.

6 SEC. 5. PENALTIES AND AUTHORIZATION.

7 (a) PENALTIES.—Until the President makes the de8 termination that Syria meets all the requirements de9 scribed in paragraphs (1) through (4) of subsection (d)

10 and certifies such determination to Congress in accord11 ance with such subsection—

12 (1) the President shall prohibit the export to

13 Syria of any item, including the issuance of a license

14 for the export of any item, on the United States Mu15 nitions List or Commerce Control List of dual-use

16 items in the Export Administration Regulations (15

17 C.F.R. part 730 et seq.); and

18 (2) the President shall impose two or more of

19 the following sanctions:

20 (A) Prohibit the export of products of the

21 United States (other than food and medicine)

22 to Syria.

23 (B) Prohibit United States businesses from

24 investing or operating in Syria.
48

17

H.L.C.

1 (C) Restrict Syrian diplomats in Wash2 ington, D.C., and at the United Nations in New

3 York City, to travel only within a 25-mile ra4 dius of Washington, D.C., or the United Na5 tions headquarters building, respectively.

6 (D) Prohibit aircraft of any air carrier

7 owned or controlled by Syria to take off from,

8 land in, or overfly the United States.

9 (E) Reduce United States diplomatic con10 tacts with Syria (other than those contacts re11 quired to protect United States interests or

12 carry out the purposes of this Act).

13 (F) Block transactions in any property in

14 which the Government of Syria has any inter15 est, by any person, or with respect to any prop16 erty, subject to the jurisdiction of the United

17 States.

18 (b) WAIVER.—The President may waive the applica19 tion of paragraph (2) of subsection (a) for one or more

20 6-month periods if the President determines that it is in

21 the vital national security interest of the United States

22 to do so and transmits to Congress a report that contains

23 the reasons therefor.

24 (c) AUTHORITY TO PROVIDE ASSISTANCE TO

25 SYRIA.—If the President—
49

18

H.L.C.

1 (1) makes the determination that Syria meets

2 the requirements described in paragraphs (1)

3 through (4) of subsection (d) and certifies such de4 termination to Congress in accordance with such

5 subsection;

6 (2) determines that substantial progress has

7 been made both in negotiations aimed at achieving

8 a peace agreement between Israel and Syria and in

9 negotiations aimed at achieving a peace agreement

10 between Israel and Lebanon; and

11 (3) determines that the Government of Syria is

12 strictly respecting the sovereignty, territorial integ13 rity, unity, and political independence of Lebanon

14 under the sole and exclusive authority of the Govern15 ment of Lebanon through the Lebanese army

16 throughout Lebanon, as required under paragraph

17 (4) of United Nations Security Council Resolution

18 520 (1982),

19 then the President is authorized to provide assistance to

20 Syria under chapter 1 of Part I of the Foreign Assistance

21 Act of 1961 (relating to development assistance).

22 (d) CERTIFICATION.—A certification under this sub23 section is a certification transmitted to the appropriate

24 congressional committees of a determination made by the

25 President that—
50

19

H.L.C.

1 (1) the Government of Syria has ceased pro2 viding support for international terrorist groups and

3 does not allow terrorist groups, such as Hamas,

4 Hizballah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular

5 Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the Pop6 ular Front for the Liberation of Palestine—General

7 Command to maintain facilities in territory under

8 Syrian control;

9 (2) the Government of Syria has withdrawn all

10 Syrian military, intelligence, and other security per11 sonnel from Lebanon;

12 (3) the Government of Syria has ceased the de13 velopment and deployment of medium- and long14 range surface-to-surface ballistic missiles, is not pur15 suing or engaged in the research, development, ac16 quisition, production, transfer, or deployment of bio17 logical, chemical, or nuclear weapons, has provided

18 credible assurances that such behavior will not be

19 undertaken in the future, and has agreed to allow

20 United Nations and other international observers to

21 verify such actions and assurances; and

22 (4) the Government of Syria has ceased all sup23 port for, and facilitation of, all terrorist activities in24 side of Iraq, including preventing the use of territory

25 under its control by any means whatsoever to sup-
51

20

H.L.C.

1 port those engaged in terrorist activities inside of

2 Iraq.

3 SEC. 6. REPORT.

4 (a) REPORT.—Not later than 6 months after the date

5 of the enactment of this Act, and every 12 months there6 after until the conditions described in paragraphs (1)

7 through (4) of section 5(d) are satisfied, the Secretary of

8 State shall submit to the appropriate congressional com9 mittees a report on—

10 (1) Syria’s progress toward meeting the condi11 tions described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of sec12 tion 5(d);

13 (2) connections, if any, between individual ter14 rorists and terrorist groups which maintain offices,

15 training camps, or other facilities on Syrian terri16 tory, or operate in areas of Lebanon occupied by the

17 Syrian armed forces, and the attacks against the

18 United States that occurred on September 11, 2001,

19 and other terrorist attacks on the United States or

20 its citizens, installations, or allies; and

21 (3) how the United States is increasing its ef22 forts against Hizballah given the recognition that

23 Hizballah is equally or more capable than al Qaeda.
52

21

H.L.C.

1 (b) FORM.—The report submitted under subsection

2 (a) shall be in unclassified form but may include a classi3 fied annex.

4 SEC. 7. DEFINITION OF APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL

5 COMMITTEES.

6 In this Act, the term ‘‘appropriate congressional com7 mittees’’ means the Committee on International Relations

8 of the House of Representatives and the Committee on

9 Foreign Relations of the Senate.

10

Amend the title so as to read: ‘‘A bill to halt Syrian

support for terrorism, end its occupation of Lebanon, and

stop its development of weapons of mass destruction, and

by so doing hold Syria accountable for the serious international security problems it has caused in the Middle

East, and for other purposes.’’
53

Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes Representative Ileana 

Ros-Lehtinen to explain the amendment in the nature of a substitute. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. All of 

the Members have a copy of the amendment in the nature of a substitute. 

Briefly, this amendment merely updates the bill to reflect the 

current developments in Iraq, most importantly the end of the brutal Hussein regime and its threatening, destructive policy. 

As my good friend and colleague, Mr. Engel, has stated, since the 

drafting and filing of the bill, Syria’s behavior has deteriorated. 

This amendment adds paragraphs to the findings, to the sense of 

Congress and to the statement of policy reflecting the threats posed 

by the Syrian regime’s support for and facilitation of all terrorist 

activities inside of Iraq, particularly attacks on our coalition forces. 

It strikes provisions relating to the United Nations Security 

Council resolutions that pertain to the former Iraqi regime that is 

no longer there, while modifying clauses that detail the ongoing relationship between the Syrian regime and Saddam Hussein’s regime, a relationship which provided an onslaught of financial benefits to both pariah states and a relationship which reportedly extended to cooperation into other more ominous issues. 

The amendment further modifies the certification requirements 

by striking the paragraph relating to Syria’s compliance with U.N. 

Security Council resolutions. The purpose of this change is to ensure that U.S. foreign policy is not dictated by nor contingent upon 

United Nations’ action, or rather, inaction. 

The amendment makes the bill prospective by modifying the certification requirement concerning weapons of mass destruction to 

include research, development, acquisition, production, transfer or 

deployment of biological chemical or nuclear weapons. 

Through this amendment, Mr. Chairman and Members, we are 

ensuring that if Syria engages in any of these activities after passage of this act, sanctions will be maintained unless or until the 

President certifies that Syria has ceased such behavior, has provided credible assurances that such behavior will not be undertaken in the future, and has agreed to allow on-site verification to 

confirm such action and assurances. 

The amendment modifies the authorization of assistance by 

striking the reference to Lebanon, so that there is no question that 

Lebanon can continue receiving United States assistance as authorized by other laws. 

I have worked on this amendment with Mr. Engel, who is the 

lead sponsor of the bill, with Chairman Hyde, with our Ranking 

Member, Mr. Lantos. We are engaged in consultation with the 

leadership, as well as with the Senate co-sponsors, and they are 

also supportive of this amendment. 

I ask the Members to vote in favor of this amendment. It merely 

updates the egregious behavior of the Syrian regime. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New 

York, Mr. Ackerman, for purposes of an amendment. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. I have an amendment at the desk, Mr. Chairman. 
54

Chairman HYDE. The clerk will designate the amendment. 

Ms. RUSH. Amendment offered by Mr. Ackerman. Page 13, Line 

20——

Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment is dispensed with. 

[The amendment to H.R. 1828, offered by Mr. Ackerman, follows:]
55

1

H.L.C.

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 1828

OFFERED BY MR. ACKERMAN

Page 13, line 20, strike ‘‘and’’.

Page 14, line 2, strike the period and insert ‘‘; and’’.

Page 14, after line 2, add the following new paragraph:

1 (9) the President should withhold the nomina2 tion of any United States Ambassador to Syria, and

3 refuse to accept the credentials of any proposed Am4 bassador from the Government of Syria to the

5 United States, until the Government of Syria meets

6 all the requirements described in paragraphs (1)

7 through (4) of section 5(d) of this Act.
56

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in 

support of his amendment. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My amendment simply adds an additional sense of Congress provision that the President should not nominate an Ambassador to Syria, nor accept the 

credentials of any proposed Ambassador to the United States appointed by the Governor of Syria, until such time as Syria permanently breaks its ties with terrorism, ceases its pursuit of materials 

and technology for weapons of mass destruction, ends its opposition 

to the United States and coalition reconstruction efforts in Iraq, 

and withdraws its armed forces from Lebanon. 

Mr. Chairman, before the Committee today the bill is basically 

about tightening sanctions on Syria because of the wide range of 

Syrian policies that are hostile to the United States and our interest in the Middle East; but, in reality, the bill is about sending a 

message to Syria that the time for your double dealing is over, that 

you no longer get a pass for nominal help on al-Qaeda while you 

continue to arm and support Palestinian terrorists, that we will no 

longer look the other way while you acquire weapons of mass destruction. 

What better way, Mr. Chairman, to tell the Syrians that business 

as usual is over than by withholding our Ambassador and refusing 

to accept theirs? Diplomatic contact at the highest levels ought to 

be reserved for those states that actually follow the norms of reasonable state behavior. 

The Syrian Government has made it painfully obvious that they 

are not interested in the normal discourse of civilized nations. We 

should take them up on their offer. The case against Syria is manifold. During combat operations in Iraq, there was credible evidence 

of arms and people moving from Syria into Iraq. Today there is no 

question that Syria is directly responsible for providing safe passage and transit documentation to many of the terrorists now seeking to undermine our relief and reconstruction efforts in Iraq. 

Syrian cooperation in battling al-Qaeda has also waned dramatically. In the words of Ambassador-at-Large J. Cofer Black, the 

State Department’s counterterrorism coordinator:

‘‘We clearly do not have the full support of the Syrian Government on the al-Qaeda problem. They have allowed al-Qaeda 

personnel to come in and virtually settle in Syria with their 

knowledge and support.’’

Moreover, for decades Damascus is continuing its active opposition to United States efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through its ongoing aid and support for Hizballah. That organization, of course, is continually seeking to increase its presence 

in the West Bank and Gaza in order to facilitate and support ever 

greater levels of Palestinian terrorism against Israel. 

Damascus is also recently reported to have again supplemented 

Hizballah’s arsenal with weapons from Syria’s own depots, filling 

in for the Iranian weapons that can no longer transit through Iraqi 

air space. There is no question that the recent escalation of tensions on Israel’s northern border could not have taken place without Syria’s approval. 

On July 22, President Bush said:
57

‘‘Syria continues to harbor and assist terrorists. This behavior 

is completely unacceptable, and states that support terror will 

be held accountable.’’

To date, we have done nothing to hold them accountable, and subsequently there has been no positive change in Syria’s behavior, 

nor has there been any indication at all that Damascus is prepared 

to change its offensive policies. 

I fail to understand why there has been no action on the part of 

the Administration to date. The Baathist regime in Damascus has 

made it indisputably clear that they will not be an ally in the war 

on terrorism and that they are, in fact, deeply committed to supporting, sponsoring, facilitating, and underwriting international 

terrorism directed against the United States, Israel and Iraq. 

Syria continues to illegally occupy Lebanon and is an active 

threat to peace in the Middle East and to vital United States security interests. Damascus has been given every opportunity for reproachment, and it is now clear that these chances were wasted on 

the Asad dictatorship. There is nothing left to say to a regime that 

repeatedly chooses to support terror. 

As President Bush told Congress and the American people only 

days after September 11, every nation in every region now has a 

decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists, said the President. Syria is clearly with the terrorists. 

Now it is time for our Administration to match its bold words 

with action. By coincidence, both the United States and Syria are 

in between ambassadorial appointments. Both countries are currently represented by a charge ́ d’affaires. My amendment simply 

calls upon the Administration to maintain this status quo. 

Mr. Chairman, should the President choose, and it will be his 

choice under this measure, to impose the economic sanctions under 

the bill before us today, they will make only a modest difference 

in the current state in our relations with Syria, but withholding 

our Ambassador will make it crystal clear to Syria that business 

as usual is over. 

I urge all of our colleagues to support this amendment. 

Chairman HYDE. The Chair recognizes himself for 5 minutes. 

I appreciate the spirit in which the amendment is offered by Mr. 

Ackerman. It is certainly well intentioned, and it is in keeping with 

the spirit of the entire legislation. I just think it is depriving the 

Administration, the State Department, the people who would actively negotiate with Syria, of a tool. It is limiting their flexibility 

by denying the right to the President to nominate an Ambassador. 

In the Middle East, you get things done through personal contact, and the only way to reach past the bureaucracy in Syria is 

through an Ambassador. I do not see how peace is attainable if you 

do not talk to people. 

I will never forget Andy Young when he was our Ambassador to 

the U.N., and he got caught talking to a Palestinian and lost his 

job. I thought removing him was a big mistake back then because 

you are not going to reach peace if you cannot talk to people, understand each other. 

Telling the President he should not nominate anybody to be an 

Ambassador to Syria, without being able to talk, cutting off all official contact, it seems to me is limiting us. Despite Syria’s bleak 
58

record as far as human rights and supporting freedom and democracy, at least we have the ability to talk, and it is in talking, 

whether on the record or off the record, that progress can be made. 

This legislation sends a very strong message, the fact that we are 

marking it up today, and the sanctions that are in the legislation 

are severe enough, and I think that this is short of totally breaking 

any relationship with an important country in the Middle East. 

I am not ready to give up. I am trying to negotiate some decency 

over there, and so I would respectfully suggest we do not support 

this well-intentioned amendment. 

The Chair recognizes——

Mr. ACKERMAN. Would the distinguished Chairman yield? 

Chairman HYDE. Surely. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just several brief 

points. 

Almost the entire measure before us is advisory. They are all 

sense of the Congress resolutions basically. The President can 

waive everything in the entire bill before us, with the exception of 

the dual use sanctions, which is one small paragraph of the entire 

legislation. It is about sending a message. 

Secondly, my amendment does not cut off all contact. It maintains the status quo that we currently have at the charge ́ d’affaires 

level. I for one agree with the Chairman. We should try to keep 

talking to everybody, but there are some people that we really do 

not talk to at the ambassadorial level. 

I do not think that the Chairman, in his eloquent remarks, is 

suggesting that we have an Ambassador to North Korea, because 

we do not; or an Ambassador to Burma, because we do not; or an 

Ambassador to Iran, because we do not; or an Ambassador to Cuba, 

because we do not. 

Chairman HYDE. Would the gentleman give back my time for a 

comment? 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Absolutely, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. I think we should be talking to all those countries, and I think it is a mistake if we do not. 

Whether you call them Ambassadors or whatever you want to 

call them, I would not oppose Ambassadors talking at the highest 

levels where peace is the issue, but that is an idiosyncratic view 

of mine, and I will carry it to my grave. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Idiosyncratic you are not, Mr. Chairman. The 

President has that right, and as with almost everything within this 

bill, he can basically waive it. I would fully expect him to waive it 

possibly. 

This is about sending a message. Everything else in the bill is 

about sending a message. The President can waive almost every 

single thing in the bill. This is not about cutting off dialogue. The 

charge ́ d’affaires is always referred to anyway as Ambassador 

nonetheless, but it is the message that we would be sending. The 

dialogue is important, and nobody is suggesting that end. 

Chairman HYDE. I do not want to involve Mr. Lantos beyond any 

borderline that he wanted to be involved, but he just visited the 

President of Syria, and I gather if you are a congressman you can 

probably get through. At least today you can, but below that an 

Ambassador could not, as the official representative of the country 
59

and of the President. When you get down to the level of charge ́, I 

do not think you have the access. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. That is what we have now, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. Yes, but we are proposing an Ambassador. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. I do not believe we have proposed any Ambassador yet. 

Chairman HYDE. There is a name, I am told. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. It is not Mr. Lantos, I hope, although he would 

be excellent. 

Chairman HYDE. I would sleep easily if it were he. In any event, 

thank you. 

Mr. Leach. 

Mr. LEACH. I will be very brief, Mr. Chairman. I want to say I 

think your observations are extremely thoughtful. 

It is self-evident that when you have the most concerns with a 

country, you want to have the most available means of communication in the most professional way. 

I do not think when you talk about messages, Mr. Ackerman, 

that you want to send a message that the United States Congress 

does not want to have communication with a country of great difficulty. I think it should be the reverse message. 

I would also note a statement of the President because he has 

been quoted here very widely. He has said to the Government of 

Israel that he hoped this situation would not escalate. I think the 

Congress should hope the same thing. To escalate to the point that 

we say we do not want to have a United States Ambassador, I 

think, would be inappropriate. 

There are aspects of this resolution that are awfully stern, and 

to then indicate that communications will be more difficult, and the 

ability to seek reconciliation harder, I think is not a message that 

Congress wants to send. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Would the gentleman yield? 

Mr. LEACH. Of course. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank the gentleman for his exceptional 

thoughtful observations, which I agree with in very strong measure. 

The gentleman and I had a briefing by the CIA this morning at 

code level about North Korea. Nobody is suggesting that we, in 

order to maintain the dialogue, have an Ambassador going to 

North Korea. I mean, we do not even have a charge ́ in North 

Korea. They are just as important, and I do not think anybody 

would argue that they are less dangerous than is Syria, and yet 

that is the normal thing that we do. 

Syria is the only country on the list of terrorist states and it has 

been there since the initiation of the list, as Mr. Engel so aptly 

pointed out in his comments, where we have a real full ambassadorial level exchange. We do not have Ambassadors to the other 

terrorist states. 

If they are on the list, there is a message. The message we send 

by not even including them in this, which is waivable, as is the rest 

of the bill. I feel everything in there is rather punitive on the Syrians. You know, should we do that? Does it send the wrong message? 
60

It is time we sent the strong message. This is a strong message 

and, like all of the other messages, I would expect the President, 

if he feels it is in the security interest of the United States, will 

waive it. That is within his prerogative. 

Mr. LEACH. If I could recapture my time? We want to proceed 

with this bill, but I want to be very careful about this. 

Sometimes we withdraw Ambassadors for the security of the mission, and that is a very appropriate circumstance. That is one of 

the issues why we do not have an Ambassador in Iran. 

The Chairman of the Committee, because you said no money supports Ambassadors to certain countries, indicated he did. I would 

be closer to sharing his perspective on that than others. 

I do not think it is mandatory that the United States always 

have an Ambassador to every country, but I think it is generally 

helpful, and it is particularly helpful the more disagreement we 

have. The deeper the disagreement, the more important it is that 

we have appropriate diplomatic contact. 

Chairman HYDE. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. LEACH. Of course. 

Chairman HYDE. In other words, the bill is giving the President 

another card to play. It is giving him some flexibility in negotiating 

when you can or cannot send an Ambassador or pull an Ambassador, but the amendment is taking that out of the arsenal. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. No. No, we are not. 

Mr. LEACH. As usual, the Chairman says things better and more 

wisely than most of us. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. May I ask for an additional moment? 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman, Mr. Ackerman, is recognized 

for 2 minutes without objection. 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Yes. We are not removing any arrows from the 

quiver of the President. Certainly it is within his prerogative to fail 

to appoint an Ambassador if he so chooses. That is constitutional 

prerogative. 

We are not, as Mr. Leach indicated, denying the President that 

opportunity. We are suggesting that this be on the list of things 

that he consider not doing. He can do all of the things that are in 

this rather substantial piece of legislation that is before us. Everything in here is waivable by the President. Everything in here is 

within the President’s prerogative, as is the appointment of an Ambassador. 

We are not taking that away. We are saying it should be included on the list to get the attention of the Syrians that we can 

do an additional thing if the President so deems it. We are not removing any negotiating tools. I think we should keep talking to the 

Syrians. If we keep talking and doing nothing else, my eventual 

view is that the nuance is, and they read that very well in the Middle East, talk is cheap. 

We finally have to take an action. That would be the least offensive I think of the actions that are all waivable within this legislation, and certainly the President still maintains his prerogative to 

appoint the Ambassador. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from California, Mr. Sherman. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 
61

First I want to compliment Elliot Engel and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen 

for putting forward this bill. It is long overdue. I would like to 

speak with great eloquence about the importance of the bill, but 

that has already been done by the sponsor and co-sponsor. 

Second, Mr. Chairman, I would like to put in a plug for having 

a markup of the Iran Democracy and Freedom Support Act, because every crime we have talked about from Syria is also being 

committed by the government in Tehran, plus, and this is a big 

plus, they are developing nuclear weapons. That bill has bipartisan 

co-sponsors numbering a couple of dozen at this point, and I hope 

that we can have a markup of that bill. 

As to the amendment, I would simply say this is a sense of Congress. We are not tying anybody’s hands. This is less binding than 

a motion to instruct, and certainly it strengthens this bill to put 

Congress on record that the President ought to take a look at not 

having that seal of approval for the government in Damascus that 

comes with having an Ambassador. 

Now, given how negotiations on the most important matters usually take place, they take place at the foreign minister level. They 

take place at the United Nations where we have a cabinet level 

Ambassador. 

There are many ways we can talk to Syria. Having, though, 

someone called an Ambassador rather than a charge ́ is a way of 

saying that this is a government that we fully recognize as a legitimate member of the family of governments, and I think that is the 

wrong signal to send. The best signal is for Congress to say that 

we urge the President to take this action. 

I yield back. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from Texas, Mr. Paul. 

Mr. PAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to speak against 

the amendment, but also about the bill in general. 

I certainly agree with the Chairman’s comments on the need to 

allow the President to have the ability to appoint an Ambassador, 

and I think he made some very, very good points. I also think that 

all the points that he made also apply to the bill and actually are 

the reasons why I oppose the bill—because I think we are going in 

the opposite direction. 

I see that some people see this as just one step too far, and I 

agree, and I will vote against the amendment. I would hope that 

we reconsider the whole piece of legislation, because this looks like 

it is deja vu all over again. It looks like we are just taking on another problem for ourselves. 

We have nation building going on in Afghanistan, which now is 

the opium capital of the world once again. We are in Iraq begging 

and pleading for others to come in and help us and fund it. It is 

a great burden to the American taxpayer. At the same time now 

we are in many ways threatening the Syrians to do exactly as we 

say or else, and I just do not think that is a good way to get along. 

Now, it is not that the Syrians are an ideal nation, but I understand they were helpful to the United States. As a matter of fact, 

just yesterday on AP Service it said Syria claims, and this is supported by United States intelligence, that Damascus has provided 

the United States with valuable assistance in countering terrorism. 
62

The Syrians have in custody Mohammed Zamar, believed to have 

been the recruiter for the hijackers, and quite a few people that 

they have had on a list have ended up in U.S. custody. So it is not 

like it is all black and white that they have not been helpful at all. 

I do question No. 8 under the statement of policy as being something that may be absolutely true, but you are going to have trouble convincing the people of this country. It says Syria’s acquisition 

of weapons of mass destruction poses a threat to the national security interest of the United States. 

I mean, here we go. Do they really have them? Who is going to 

believe it? Are they really a threat to the security of the United 

States? There is a little bit of credibility there that does not really 

exist, and it just looks like we are looking for more trouble. 

Now, all these groups are bad groups, but not one of those groups 

have in the last 20 years directed any attack toward the United 

States, so I see this as a dangerous move. I see this as inviting 

trouble; that these groups who have not targeted the United 

States—these are not the al-Qaeda. These are other groups. We are 

literally saying to them we are going to come and get you, and 

maybe then the United States and U.S. interests around the world 

will become the direct target. 

I just do not see how we can take on another nation, another nation which will probably end up in nation building just before we 

go into Iran. When will it ever end? In other words, this confirms 

some of the deepest suspicions of the Arab Muslim world. They suspect us for what our motives are and our intentions are, and they 

see this as a Jihad. Here we are going into another country, another Muslim country, and I do not see how it will serve our interest. 

Like the Chairman pointed out, you go too far if you do not even 

have a dialogue. I would say this is getting awfully close to closing 

the dialogue with Syria. The sanctions, you know, are just one 

more affront to our relationship with them. 

I know the motivations are very good, and I know there are a 

lot of people over there, but in our self interest I think we ought 

not to pass this legislation and that we certainly should oppose the 

amendment dealing with the Ambassador. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. PAUL. I will be glad to yield. 

Mr. SHERMAN. You say that the Syrians have not caused the 

death of our service people since 20 years ago in 1983, but it is 

with the complicity of the Syrian Government that Syrian ‘‘volunteers’’ and other militants from the Arab world have gone through 

Syria——

Mr. PAUL. I would like to reclaim my time. 

Mr. SHERMAN [continuing]. And are killing our people in Iraq. 

Mr. PAUL. Well, that may or may not be true, but to assume that 

the Syrian Government has absolute control of those borders is like 

assuming Pakistan has absolute control of their borders. They are 

our allies, and Osama bin Laden is probably in Pakistan, so I do 

not think that argument holds up. 

I yield back the balance of my time. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Hoeffel. 

Mr. HOEFFEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 
63

I support the Ackerman amendment. I support the Ros-Lehtinen 

substitute. I support the Engel underlying bill, which I co-sponsored. 

Clearly, we have to tell Syria that it is completely unacceptable 

to be a state sponsor of terror. We need to take the strongest possible diplomatic action to register our opposition. It is long overdue. 

I would say to our Chairman, with all respect, I do not believe 

that we will achieve peace in the Middle East through the work of 

our Ambassadors. I do not think that is enough. The recent Israeli 

military strike in Syria is understandable. I agree with President 

Bush that we would do the same if we were in that similar position. 

It is a very legitimate question to ask how much more terror can 

Israel take without a massive military response, but I think we 

also have to face the reality that violence will not achieve peace in 

the Middle East. 

There is obviously no moral equivalency between the horrible violence of terror against innocent civilians that Israel faces and the 

understandable military self-defense that Israel must take. I view 

this strike into Syria as an understandable and supportable military effort at self-defense, but it is not going to bring peace. 

While there is no moral equivalency between the terror against 

Israel and her self-defense, I think it is necessary for this Committee and Congress to understand that violence will not bring 

peace in the Middle East, nor will the work of our Ambassadors, 

which is why I think the Ackerman amendment is an important 

symbolic step to take. 

We need the President to become directly and personally and enthusiastically involved in the peace process in the Middle East. We 

need a passionate diplomacy from the White House. That is the 

only thing that is going to get the peace process back on track. We 

have not seen that enthusiastic and personal and direct involvement of the President. We need that passion from him, and I hope 

we will get it. He wants peace as much as all of us do in the Middle 

East. That is not the issue. 

The question is what will bring us back to the peace process? The 

Syria Accountability Act will help as a symbolic gesture. The Ackerman amendment should be part of it as a symbolic gesture. Our 

Ambassadors cannot get us, Mr. Chairman, to the peace table, I do 

not believe. I believe the President must, with our support of the 

President, which I certainly pledge. 

I yield back my time. 

Chairman HYDE. I would tell my friend that I have known some 

passionate Ambassadors. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. It is pretty hard to have passion if you have the 

office vacant, but nonetheless I would like to move along. 

We have a recording quorum, so to close debate if you will 

agree—let us recognize Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. I ask my 

colleagues to oppose this amendment. 

I approach this amendment perhaps from a different perspective 

from some who have spoken because I strongly believe that diplomacy with Syria has indeed failed. That is why we are here today 
64

going to pass a bill that seeks to impose sanctions that is adding 

teeth to our policy efforts. 

The bill sends the strongest possible message. That is why the 

Syrian Embassy is asking its supporters to lobby against the bill. 

An additional sense of the Congress statement as proposed by my 

wonderful friend and Ranking Member, Mr. Ackerman, does not in 

any way strengthen the underlying bill. 

While I support any step which further pressures the Syrian regime, I must oppose this amendment because it does not offer any 

substantive change or add any policy value to the bill. It may actually be superfluous in the sense that the penalty sections of the underlying bill already provide the President with diplomatic sanctions against the Syrian regime. 

The main difference between Mr. Ackerman’s well-meaning 

amendment and the bill before us is that this amendment places 

the Congress in a position to essentially dictate to the President 

how to implement the range of sanctions which the bill has. The 

bill offers the President this cafeteria menu style sanctions. 

This is a critical distinction. The bill before us ensures that the 

President has the discretion to maintain those contacts required to 

protect U.S. interests or to carry out the purpose of the bill. If that 

means that the Ambassadors must stay while other diplomatic contacts are halted, then it is a matter of national security. 

I do not think we should deny that flexibility to the President. 

That flexibility is already there in the bill. We do not need to further tie his hands, and I ask my colleagues to vote no on this wellmeaning but already covered and already provided for amendment 

in the underlying bill. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. If there is no further discussion, and I hope 

there is not——

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman HYDE. I am wrong, I guess. 

Mr. ENGEL. I will be very brief. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I rise in support of the Ackerman amendment. I will not go over 

all the reasons, but I think that not sending an Ambassador to Damascus again sends another signal. This bill is important in that 

it sends signals to tell the Syrians that we are angry, and we are 

not going to tolerate their bad behavior. 

If we do not send an Ambassador, we can certainly have other 

people not at the ambassadorial level to negotiate and talk to the 

Syrians if that needs to be the case. I look at the Ackerman amendment as something which enhances the bill, not something which 

pulls away from it, and I urge my colleagues to support the Ackerman amendment. 

Chairman HYDE. The question occurs on the Ackerman amendment, and Ms. Rush will call the roll. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Leach? 

Mr. LEACH. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Leach votes no. 

Mr. Bereuter? 

[No response.] 
65

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Burton? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Gallegly? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen? 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen votes no. 

Mr. Ballenger? 

Mr. BALLENGER. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Ballenger votes no. 

Mr. Rohrabacher? 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Rohrabacher votes no. 

Mr. Royce? 

Mr. ROYCE. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Royce votes no. 

Mr. King? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Chabot votes no. 

Mr. Houghton? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. McHugh? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Tancredo? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Paul? 

Mr. PAUL. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Paul votes no. 

Mr. Smith of Michigan? 

Mr. SMITH OF MICHIGAN. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Michigan votes no. 

Mr. Pitts? 

Mr. PITTS. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pitts votes no. 

Mr. Flake? 

Mr. FLAKE. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Flake votes no. 

Mrs. Davis? 

Mrs. DAVIS. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mrs. Davis votes no. 

Mr. Green? 

Mr. GREEN. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Green votes no. 

Mr. Weller? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pence votes no. 

Mr. McCotter? 

Mr. MCCOTTER. No. 
66

Ms. RUSH. Mr. McCotter votes no. 

Mr. Janklow? 

Mr. JANKLOW. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Janklow votes no. 

Ms. Harris? 

Ms. HARRIS. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Harris votes no. 

Mr. Lantos? 

Mr. LANTOS. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Lantos votes yes. 

Mr. Berman? 

Mr. BERMAN. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Berman votes no. 

Mr. Ackerman? 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Ackerman votes yes. 

Mr. Faleomavaega? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Payne? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Menendez? 

Mr. MENENDEZ. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Menendez votes yes. 

Mr. Brown? 

Mr. BROWN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Brown votes yes. 

Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Sherman votes yes. 

Mr. Wexler? 

Mr. WEXLER. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Wexler votes yes. 

Mr. Engel? 

Mr. ENGEL. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Engel votes yes. 

Mr. Delahunt? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Meeks? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Lee? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Crowley? 

Mr. CROWLEY. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Crowley votes yes. 

Mr. Hoeffel? 

Mr. HOEFFEL. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Hoeffel votes yes. 

Mr. Blumenauer? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Berkley? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Napolitano? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Schiff? 
67

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Watson? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Washington? 

Mr. SMITH OF WASHINGTON. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Washington votes no. 

Ms. McCollum? 

Ms. MCCOLLUM. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. McCollum votes no, 

Mr. Bell? 

Mr. BELL. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Bell votes yes. 

Chairman Hyde? 

Chairman HYDE. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Chairman Hyde votes no. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Burton of Indiana? 

Mr. BURTON. Mr. Chairman, how am I recorded? 

Ms. RUSH. He is not recorded. 

Mr. BURTON. Then I vote no. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Burton votes no. 

Chairman HYDE. Have all voted who wish? If so, the clerk will 

announce the vote. 

Mr. Tancredo of Colorado? 

Mr. TANCREDO. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Tancredo votes no. 

Chairman HYDE. The clerk will——

Ms. RUSH. On this vote there are 10 ayes and 22 nays. 

Chairman HYDE. The amendment is not agreed to. 

The Chair recognizes Mr. Wexler for purposes of an amendment. 

Mr. WEXLER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I have an amendment at the desk which simply places the Government of Syria on notice that they must immediately halt all espionage activities and operations at our military bases in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. 

Chairman HYDE. The clerk will designate the amendment. 

Ms. RUSH. Amendment offered by Mr. Wexler. Page 13, Line 

19——

Chairman HYDE. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment is dispensed with. 

[The amendment to H.R. 1828, offered by Mr. Wexler, follows:]
68

1

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 1828

OFFERED BY MR. WEXLER

Page 13, line 19, strike ‘‘and’’.

Page 14, line 2, strike the period and insert ‘‘; and’’.

Page 14, after line 2, add the following new paragraph:

1 (9) the Government of Syria should imme2 diately halt all espionage activities and operations on

3 United States military installations and personnel

4 and prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, which is

5 a direct threat to the national security interests of

6 the United States.

Page 15, line 25, strike ‘‘and’’.

Page 16, line 8, strike the period and insert ‘‘; and’’.

Page 16, after line 8, add the following new paragraph:

7 (12) Syria should be held accountable for any

8 harm to the national security interests of the United

9 States and the war on terrorism caused by Syrian

10 spies who are under suspicion of espionage at Guan11 tanamo Bay, Cuba.
69

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman from Florida is recognized for 5 

minutes. 

Mr. WEXLER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The amendment holds the Syrian Government accountable for 

any harm to America’s national security as a result of the espionage or alleged espionage activities in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. 

The Committee is well aware that there is a current Pentagon 

investigation into several American interpreters and clergy at the 

military prison in Cuba——

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chair, I cannot hear the author of the 

amendment. 

Mr. WEXLER [continuing]. Who are under suspicion of espionage. 

I am deeply disturbed by press reports suggesting Syria may be 

linked to this spy network. 

According to the Washington Post and Associated Press, military 

authority has alleged that a senior airman attempted to deliver 

sensitive information to Syria, including more than 180 notes from 

prisoners, a map of the installation, the movement of military aircraft to and from the base, intelligence documents and the names 

and cell block numbers of captives at the prison in Cuba. 

As of today, there are 10 people who worked at the camp under 

suspicion in this probe. Each of us is deeply concerned about the 

discovery that individuals alleged to be spies to the Syrian Government may have infiltrated Guantanamo Bay posing as military 

translators and clergy, sabotaging interviews with al-Qaeda terrorists, compromising the security of the facility and transmitting 

classified information to Syria. 

It is imperative that the Bush Administration take every step 

necessary to investigate this disastrous situation and to punish 

those individuals and nations who may have seriously damaged our 

national interest. 

Mr. Chairman, if these reports prove accurate and Syria is in 

fact implicated in these acts of espionage, it only strengthens the 

argument that President Asad’s regime is a direct threat to the 

United States. We must hold the Syrian Government accountable 

for these actions, which may have grave implications for our intelligence operations, as well as for American-Syrian relations. 

Syria’s hostile actions must be dealt with with consequences. The 

time has come for President Asad to choose whether he wishes 

Syria to be viewed as a viable partner in the international community or remain a terrorist pariah state. 

Four months ago, I traveled to Syria and met with President 

Asad. During our meeting, President Asad expressed his strong desire to improve his relationship with Washington and reinvigorate 

peace negotiations with Israel. I expressed in no uncertain terms 

that his efforts would be futile unless he responded to the visit of 

Secretary Powell to Syria in May with significant positive steps, including closing its border with Iraq, taking definitive action against 

Hizballah and Islamic Jihad and shutting down Palestinian terrorist offices in Damascus. 

Mr. Chairman, President Asad’s policies appear unchanged, and 

he has undeniably failed to meet Secretary Powell’s demands. Just 

2 weeks ago, Ambassador Bremer revealed that the largest group 
70

of foreign nationals captured in Iraq have been Syrians, some of 

whom are guilty of targeting and killing American troops. 

Events of the past week, including the discovery of a terrorist 

camp near Damascus and allegations of Syrian spies in the United 

States, only demonstrate President Asad’s increased contempt for 

America and an insatiable propensity for feeding the flames of terrorism in the Middle East. 

For too long, American policy has kowtowed to an undeserving 

Syrian regime as it played a duplicitous game of providing Washington with intelligence sometimes, while at the same time continuing its support for the infrastructure of global terror. 

I hope that President Asad understands that no one in Washington is fooled anymore, and the time for soft-pedaling with Syria 

is over. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I urge support of the amendment. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentlelady from Florida, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, and I 

thank Mr. Wexler for bringing up this very important issue, which 

not only has Syrian implications but, to an extent, to other individuals, groups, states who are classified as enemies of the United 

States. 

For this reason, I have been working with Chairman Hyde on securing a classified Members briefing with Department of Defense 

officials, and, in keeping with our Committee’s jurisdiction over intelligence activities related to foreign policy, I have formulated a 

series of questions to be answered at such a briefing by DOD, 

which due to the sensitive nature of this issue I will not discuss 

in this open forum. 

I believe that this amendment, however, is premature, given that 

we have to gather more facts. This is an ongoing investigation on 

an intelligence issue. We all know that legislating on such issues 

without being fully briefed could potentially interfere with efforts 

by our agencies to determine the extent of the problem, to determine the parties involved, how the information was used, the impact of such espionage activities and a series of other critical 

issues. 

To reiterate, I strongly believe that the proper course of action 

for us to follow is that which I have already initiated, which is to 

hold classified Member briefings with the appropriate officials, 

which will be forthcoming. I congratulate my colleague, Mr. 

Wexler, for highlighting an important piece of the puzzle. I would 

pose to my colleague, my good friend, Mr. Wexler, that we agree 

to proceed with such sessions so that we can put the puzzle together. 

If he would consider withdrawing his amendment at this time, 

we will work together with him to put such briefings together. 

Mr. WEXLER. If I could just defer to Mr. Menendez, and then I 

will respond to the Chairwoman, if that is okay with the Chairman? 

Chairman HYDE. Does the gentlelady yield to Mr. Menendez? 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Yes, absolutely. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Menendez. 
71

Mr. MENENDEZ. I appreciate the gentlelady yielding. I am seeking my own time on the amendment. 

Chairman HYDE. Very well. The gentleman from New Jersey is 

recognized to strike the last word. 

Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to support Mr. Wexler’s amendment and his effort, and 

I want to take the opportunity of his amendment to also say that 

I agree totally with not only his effort in this regard, but with the 

sponsors and this legislation. 

It is time for Syria to be held accountable for supporting terrorism. They must be held accountable for harboring terrorists in 

their own country, for supporting Hizballah in Lebanon and for allowing terrorists to use their border to attack our troops in Iraq. 

They will be held accountable for their acts of support of terrorist 

organizations carrying out suicide attacks on innocent Israeli citizens. 

Syria harbors, Syria cradles, Syria provides a refuge, a home 

base, a safe haven for terrorists. Within their protectiveness in 

Syria, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, among others, train and plan for 

the attacks they carry out in Israel and, as Mr. Wexler points out, 

even their espionage. 

Now, we all saw the results of that training and planning this 

past weekend. Last Saturday, right before the holiest day in the 

Jewish year, Islamic Jihad carried out one of the most violent attacks in recent history, when they killed 19 people, including three 

children, and wounded 50 more. This attack, killing both Arabs and 

Jews, was despicable, and I certainly extend my deepest sympathy 

to the family members of those who were killed and to all Israelis. 

That is why I urge my colleagues to fully support this bill, and 

I personally fully support Israel’s decision to bomb a terrorist training camp inside Syria. That attack sends a clear message that 

Israel cannot tolerate the incubation of terrorism by other states, 

just as we have not been able to accept that as well. 

The United States also must use this opportunity to send a clear 

message to Syria. We must not tolerate the continued attacks on 

American soldiers in Iraq by fighters who cross into Iraq through 

Syria’s border. Hundreds of thousands of volunteers, so-called volunteers, have used the Syrian border to rush in to help the Saddam regime prior to the war, and to this day fighters continue to 

cross the Syrian border into Iraq. 

President Asad claims that Syria does not know who is crossing 

the border into Iraq. He also claims that Palestinian terrorist 

groups are merely ‘‘existing forces that you must deal with.’’ These 

statements are ridiculous attempts to avoid responsibility for Syria’s support of terrorism, and that is why we need to support this 

bill which holds Syria accountable. 

It simply says that until Syria stops supporting terrorist organizations bent on the destruction of Israel, until Syria stops supporting Hizballah, Islamic Jihad and Hamas, until Syria pulls out 

of Lebanon, until Syria ceases its development of any weapons of 

mass destruction and until Syria cleans out its nest of terrorists 

that Syria will be sanctioned by the United States of America, period. 
72

That is the message that we should be sending. It is a clear message not only to Syria, but to others similarly situated, and I urge 

my colleagues to support Mr. Wexler’s amendment, as well as the 

underlying bill. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Wexler, I am told that if there is appropriate report language you are willing to withdraw your amendment. Is that so? 

Mr. WEXLER. Yes, Mr. Chairman. The answer is yes, with the 

representations that the Chairwoman has made, which I respect 

very much, and her commitment to this bill, as I do Mr. Engel. 

With the report language and with the hope that subsequent to 

the hearings that the Chairwoman speaks about that, if the facts 

warrant inclusion in the bill at a later date, that she and Mr. Engel 

would consider it. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. If the gentleman would yield? 

Mr. WEXLER. Yes, of course. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Absolutely, and I very much agree with everything that you are trying to do with this very important amendment. I agree that it could be a real threat, and I will be glad to 

do that. 

Mr. FLAKE. Will the gentleman yield to me? 

Mr. WEXLER. Yes, of course. 

Mr. FLAKE. Yes. First of all, I thank the gentleman for his very 

timely amendment, and I certainly support it, and I support the efforts of Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen as well, and I think that we 

have identified this issue. We have brought it up front, and I think 

now is the time to move on it. 

I thank the gentleman for raising this very, very important issue. 

I think it gives a very well-rounded picture of the mischief that the 

Syrian regime has done in so many different aspects, and I yield 

back to the gentleman. 

Chairman HYDE. Does the gentleman withdraw his amendment? 

Mr. WEXLER. Yes. 

Chairman HYDE. Thank you. The question occurs on the amendment in the nature of a substitute. 

All in favor say aye. 

[Chorus of ayes.] 

Chairman HYDE. Opposed, nay. 

[No response.] 

Chairman HYDE. The ayes have it. 

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, on that I respectfully request a rollcall. 

Chairman HYDE. The gentleman requests a rollcall. 

Mr. LANTOS. I withdraw my request. 

Chairman HYDE. Okay. The ayes have it, and the question occurs 

now on the motion to report the bill, H.R. 1828, favorably as 

amended. The clerk will call the roll. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Leach? 

Mr. LEACH. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Leach votes yes. 

Mr. Bereuter? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of New Jersey? 

Mr. SMITH OF NEW JERSEY. Aye. 
73

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of New Jersey votes yes. 

Mr. Burton? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Gallegly? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen? 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen votes yes. 

Mr. Ballenger? 

Mr. BALLENGER. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Ballenger votes yes. 

Mr. Rohrabacher? 

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Rohrabacher votes yes. 

Mr. Royce? 

Mr. ROYCE. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Royce votes yes. 

Mr. King? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Chabot votes yes. 

Mr. Houghton? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. McHugh? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Tancredo? 

Mr. TANCREDO. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Tancredo votes yes. 

Mr. Paul? 

Mr. PAUL. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Paul votes no. 

Mr. Smith of Michigan? 

Mr. SMITH OF MICHIGAN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Michigan votes Yes. 

Mr. Pitts? 

Mr. PITTS. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pitts votes yes. 

Mr. Flake? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mrs. Davis? 

Mrs. DAVIS. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mrs. Davis votes Yes. 

Mr. Green? 

Mr. GREEN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Green votes yes. 

Mr. Weller? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Pence votes yes. 

Mr. McCotter? 

Mr. MCCOTTER. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. McCotter votes yes. 
74

Mr. Janklow? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Harris? 

Ms. HARRIS. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Harris votes yo. 

Mr. Lantos? 

Mr. LANTOS. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Lantos votes yes. 

Mr. Berman? 

Mr. BERMAN. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Berman votes yes. 

Mr. Ackerman? 

Mr. ACKERMAN. Yes. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Ackerman votes yes. 

Mr. Faleomavaega? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Payne? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Menendez? 

Mr. MENENDEZ. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Menendez votes yes. 

Mr. Brown? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Sherman votes yes. 

Mr. Wexler? 

Mr. WEXLER. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Wexler votes yes. 

Mr. Engel? 

Mr. ENGEL. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Engel votes yes. 

Mr. Delahunt? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Meeks? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Lee? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Crowley? 

Ms. CROWLEY. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Crowley votes yes. 

Mr. Hoeffel? 

Mr. HOEFFEL. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Hoeffel votes yes. 

Mr. Blumenauer? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Berkley? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. Napolitano? 

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Schiff? 

Mr. SCHIFF. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Schiff votes yes. 

Ms. Watson? 
75

[No response.] 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Washington? 

Mr. SMITH OF WASHINGTON. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Smith of Washington votes yes. 

Ms. McCollum? 

Ms. MCCOLLUM. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Ms. McCollum votes yes. 

Mr. Bell? 

Mr. BELL. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Bell votes yes. 

Chairman Hyde? 

Chairman HYDE. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Chairman Hyde votes yes. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Janklow? 

Mr. JANKLOW. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Janklow votes yes. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Burton? 

Mr. BURTON. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Burton votes yes. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. Flake? 

Mr. FLAKE. No. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Flake votes no. 

Chairman HYDE. Mr. McHugh? 

Mr. MCHUGH. Aye. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. McHugh votes yes. 

Chairman HYDE. The clerk will report. 

Ms. RUSH. On this vote there are 32 ayes and two nos. 

Chairman HYDE. The ayes have it. 

Is it too late to get Mr. Brown in? All right. Would you record 

him? There he is. 

Did you announce your vote, Mr. Brown? 

Mr. BROWN. I vote yes, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman HYDE. Thank you. 

Ms. RUSH. Mr. Brown votes yes. 

Chairman HYDE. Now, what kind of a count do we have? 

Ms. RUSH. On this vote there are 33 yeses and two nos. 

Chairman HYDE. The ayes have it. The motion to report favorably is adopted. 

Without objection, the Chairman is authorized to move to go to 

conference pursuant to House Rule 20, and without objection the 

staff is directed to make any technical and conforming changes. 

The Chair thanks everyone for their attendance. 

The Committee stands adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 1:04 p.m. the Committee was adjourned.] 

(77)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING RECORD

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, A

REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF FLORIDA

Mr. Chairman, I very much appreciate your bringing H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003, before the Committee today. 

The Syria Accountability Act enjoys broad bipartisan support. At the present time, 

we have over 280 co-sponsors in the House of Representatives, including the House 

Majority Leader Tom Delay, Majority Whip Roy Blunt, Minority Nancy Pelosi, and 

Minority Whip Steny Hoyer. 

Threats posed by the Syrian regime, for years, have been of grave concern to Congress. Syria is a charter member of the state-sponsors of terrorism list. It reportedly 

condones al-Qaeda’s use of Lebanon and supports and harbors Hizballah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the PFLP–GC, and Hamas, including providing basing privileges and camps. 

Syrian-sponsored groups have perpetrated acts of terrorism against Americans, 

most notably, the bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Syrian-occupied Lebanon 

in 1983, which killed 241 American Marines; as well as suicide bombings in Israel, 

which have claimed the lives of scores of innocent Israelis and American citizens. 

Syria provided assistance to the terrorists who perpetrated the attack on the 

Khobar Towers in 1996, killing 19 American servicemen; and, recently in Iraq, despite repeated American warnings, there has been Syrian involvement in a series 

of attacks against Coalition forces. 

Syria allowed military equipment to flow into Iraq prior to and during Operation 

Iraqi Freedom. Syria is still permitting these terrorists to pass into Iraq to attack 

and kill our service members. Most of these so-called ‘‘volunteers’’ or ‘‘irregulars’’ 

have been Syrian, and most of those who are not, have carried Syrian travel documents, in some cases specifically marked ‘‘reason for entry: Jihad. Length of stay: 

Indefinite.’’

In fact, Syria’s Foreign Minister stated that ‘‘Syria’s interest is to see the invaders 

defeated in Iraq,’’ adding that resistance is extremely important. Further, just two 

weeks ago, Ambassador Paul Bremer stated during his testimony before the Committee that, ‘‘The number of third country national detainees we have now is 278, 

of which 123 are from Syria. And we believe that there are rat lines, as they call 

them, from Syria into Iraq where both fighters and, in many cases, terrorists are 

still coming in.’’

In addition to the terrorist threat, Syria has increased and diversified its weapons 

of mass destruction programs to present a serious threat to our interests in the region—with the Syrian Defense Minister indicating in an April 2000 article the Syrian military’s plan to integrate biological weapons in its tactical and strategic arsenals. 

To address and evaluate Syria’s support for terrorism, its weapons of mass destruction program, and its violations of Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity, the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, which I chair, has held 

hearings and numerous open and classified briefings addressing these important 

issues. 

The final assessment based on all of these discussions is that the time has come 

to hold Syria accountable for its actions. The Congress of the United States cannot 

allow Syria to continue activities that pose a direct threat to the safety of the 

United States and our allies. 

The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act offers the Administration the right mechanism to press the Syrian regime to immediately halt 
78

its destructive policies. This Act bans all military and dual-use exports to Syria and 

requires the imposition of two or more of the wide range of sanctions provided for 

in the bill. It includes a Presidential waiver on the latter sanctions, if it is vital to 

the national security of the United States. 

It authorizes the provision of assistance to Syria only if the President certifies, 

among other requirements, that Syria is not providing support for international terrorists; has withdrawn all military, security, and intelligence personnel from Lebanon; and has ceased the development and deployment of ballistic missiles and has 

ceased its WMD programs. 

The bill also has a requirement calling on the Secretary of State to report on 

progress made by Syria on withdrawing from Lebanon; connections between Syrian 

sponsored or supported terrorists with terrorist groups to the 9/11 attacks; and U.S. 

efforts against Hezbollah. 

I will be offering an amendment in the nature of a substitute that will update 

the bill to address and reflect the current situation with respect to Syria, particularly its linkage to attacks against coalition forces, U.S. citizens, and other innocents 

in Iraq. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for bringing this important measure before the Committee today, and I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ROBERT WEXLER, A REPRESENTATIVE IN

CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF FLORIDA

Mr. Chairman, 

Over a year ago, this Committee held a hearing on the Syria Accountability Act 

of 2002. At that time, I expressed my concern for Syria’s support of terror, occupation of Lebanon, continued development of weapons of mass destruction and growing 

relationship with the Iraqi regime. I also conveyed my fear that these developments 

threatened to undermine the security of the United States, our success in the war 

against terror, the stability of the Middle East, and American attempts to contain 

Saddam Hussein. 

Mr. Chairman, since last year’s hearing it has become painstakingly clear that the 

situation in Syria has not improved. We know that President al-Asad has acquired 

and developed weapons of mass destruction, occupied a sovereign country for over 

twenty years, supports and harbors Hizballah and Palestinian terrorists, and continues to allow Syrian nationals—as well as foreign terrorists—to enter Iraq, undermining the security of the region and posing a direct threat to American troops. 

The very notion that fewer U.S. sanctions apply to Syria than any other country 

on the State Department’s terrorist list is unconscionable. This is why I strongly 

support this legislation, because it sends an unequivocal message to Syria—a message that is long overdue—that its hostile actions will be met with consequences. 

That it will face a series of diplomatic and economic sanctions until Syria changes 

its ways. That the time has come for Bashar al-Asad to choose whether he wants 

Syria to be viewed as a viable partner in the international community or remain 

a pariah, terrorist state. 

To add insult to injury, in the past week we have discovered that members of the 

U.S. military may have infiltrated Guantanamo Bay, posing as translators and clergy, sabotaging interviews with al-Qaeda terrorists, compromising the security of the 

facility, and transmitting classified information to Syria. I trust that the Bush Administration is taking every step necessary to investigate this potentially grave situation and punish those individuals who have damaged our national security. It is 

in this vein that I plan to offer an amendment that holds Syria responsible for the 

harm its espionage activities may have caused to the United States. 

Mr. Chairman, four months ago I traveled to Syria and met with President Asad. 

During our meeting, President Asad expressed his strong desire to improve his relationship with Washington and reinvigorate peace negotiations with Israel. I expressed, in no uncertain terms, that his efforts would be futile unless he responded 

to the visit of Secretary Powell to Syria in May with significant positive steps—including closing its border with Iraq, taking definitive action against Hizballah and 

Islamic Jihad, and shutting down Palestinian terrorist offices in Damascus. 

Mr. Chairman, President Asad’s policies appear unchanged, and he has undeniably failed to meet Secretary Powell’s demands. Just two weeks ago, Ambassador 

Bremer revealed that the largest group of foreign nationals captured in Iraq have 

been Syrians, some of whom are guilty of targeting and killing American troops. 

And events of the past week—including the discovery of a terrorist camp near Damascus and allegations of Syrian spies in the United States—only demonstrate 
79

President Asad’s increased contempt for America and insatiable propensity for feeding the flames of terror in the Middle East. 

One of the most consistent and disconcerting Syrian policies has been its continued military rule over Lebanon and use of Hizballah as a proxy for violence against 

Israel. Make no mistake, Syria—through its illegal occupation of Lebanon—controls 

the policies of Hizballah, which have included the recent shooting of an Israeli soldier through the so-called ‘‘good fence’’, the tragic bombing of the U.S. embassy and 

marine barracks in Beirut in 1983, the unprovoked kidnaping of Israeli soldiers, and 

Katushya and mortar attacks on Israel’s northern border aimed at escalating violence in the Middle East. 

It is clear, Mr. Chairman, that the Syrian occupation of Lebanon threatens American interests in the region, the security of our ally Israel and the future of the Lebanese people, who deserve the right of self-governance and freedom. 

For too long U.S. policy has cow-towed to an undeserving Syrian regime as it 

played a duplicitous game of providing Washington with intelligence, while at the 

same time, continuing its support for the infrastructure of global terror. I hope that 

President Asad understands that no one in Washington is fooled anymore, and the 

time for soft pedaling with Syria is over. This is why I urge Congress and the Bush 

Administration support this critical legislation and pass the Syria Accountability 

Act. 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE NICK SMITH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN

CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MICHIGAN

Mr. Chairman, the Syrian regime’s open state sponsorship of terrorism and abetting of forces actually attacking American troops would be shocking if we were not 

already so acquainted with Syria’s nefarious activities. 

Syria has been included on the State Department’s list of countries that support 

terrorism since 1979. Its terrorist beneficiaries include organizations like Hamas, 

Hizballah, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Hizballah, of course, is the terrorist group 

responsible for killing 241 Marines in Lebanon in 1983 and seizing American hostages in Lebanon throughout the ’80s. 

Syria’s most recent activities include smuggling military equipment to Saddam 

Hussein’s troops before and during the war and assisting anti-American ‘‘volunteers’’ with crossing the border to attack U.S. troops even now. Again, this is not 

shocking—Syria’s foreign minister declared just six and a half months ago: ‘‘Syria’s 

interest is to see the invaders defeated in Iraq.’’

Mr. Chairman, members of the Subcommittee on the Middle East had the opportunity to hear Under Secretary Bolton when he addressed us just a few weeks ago. 

Mr. Bolton testified that Syria ranks just behind Iran, North Korea, and Libya 

among the greatest threats to national security. And yet, unlike these two Axis of 

Evil nations and Libya, our policies relating to Syria have sometimes seemed . . . 

optimistic. 

In the immediate aftermath of 9–11, Syria reportedly helped investigate Al Qaeda 

operatives and operations. Various reports credited Syrian supplied tips with foiling 

Al Qaeda plots and saving American lives. Since that time, however, President 

Bashar al-Asad has been visited by Secretary Powell and advised to sever ties with 

terrorism, help the U.S. find key Saddam Hussein officials, and discourage the 

spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs). The U.S. has also warned Syria 

to control the terrorist groups operating across its borders, bring quiet to the IsraeliLebanese border, and secure the border with Iraq. All of these points seem to have 

fallen on deaf ears. 

Mr. Chairman, I support this bill today because it is time to send a serious message to the Syrian regime: their actions against American troops and other allies 

in the region will not be tolerated. Their efforts to acquire deadlier weapons-of-mass 

destruction will not be unanswered. I am not a co-sponsor of this bill because I have 

reservations about the effectiveness of sanctions—they often seem to exhaust Congress’ will to act without achieving actual results. Still, this bill is a logical increase 

of pressure and I hope that the Syrian government appreciates the serious message 

that it contains. If not, I trust the committee will not be satiated by its actions here 

today and will remain committed to working towards a full resolution of these 

issues. 
80

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOSEPH CROWLEY, A REPRESENTATIVE IN

CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for bringing this important bill before 

the Committee, and I would also like to thank Mr. Lantos for his strong words of 

support for this piece of legislation that was introduced by my fellow New Yorker, 

Mr. Engel, and my good friend from Florida, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. 

I strongly support this bill. It makes it clear to the regime in Damascus that it 

must take steps to rejoin the community of responsible nations or suffer consequences. 

For too long, Syria has been given a pass by the United States. As far as I am 

concerned, Syria is a rogue regime. The Syrian government facilitates violent attacks against Israel and its neighbors through its support for Palestinian extremists 

and the Lebanese Hizballah. They have conducted and supported cross-border terrorist attacks against Israel, such as the attack in Haifa that claimed 19 innocent 

Israeli lives, for which Israel recently struck back. I fully support Israel’s right to 

defend herself against the terrorists who threaten her citizens. 

Syrian troops have occupied Lebanon for more than 25 years, trampling on the 

sovereignty of the Lebanese people and stifling opportunities for economic reconstruction and political reconciliation. If the Syrian regime wants to continue these 

activities and remain isolated from the international community, the United States 

should assist it in this effort by treating it like the outlaw state that it is. 

That is why I am so pleased to see the Committee taking action on this bill. Congress must pass this bill into law, which will put an end to economic and commercial cooperation with Syria. 

Hopefully this legislation will give President Asad an incentive to contribute to 

international peace and security rather than undermine it. It is critical that Congress send President Asad a clear message that the Syrian government needs to 

change its stripes. 

The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act sends just 

such a message. 

Thank you. 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE RON PAUL, A REPRESENTATIVE IN

CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS

Mr. Chairman, I would like to express my strong opposition to this ill-conceived 

and ill-timed legislation. This bill will impose what is effectively a trade embargo 

against Syria and will force the severance of diplomatic and business ties between 

the United States and Syria. It will also significantly impede travel between the 

United States and Syria. Worse yet, the bill also provides essentially an open-ended 

authorization for the President to send U.S. taxpayer money to Syria should that 

country do what we are demanding in this bill. 

This bill cites Syria’s alleged support for Hamas, Hizballah, Palestine Islamic 

Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and other terrorist groups 

as evidence that Syria is posing a threat to the United States. But none of these 

organizations targets the United States. Not since the Hizballah bombing of a U.S. 

Marine barracks in Lebanon in 1983 has any of these organizations attacked the 

United States. After that tragic attack on our Marines, who were sent to Beirut to 

intervene in a conflict that had nothing to do with the United States, President Ronald Reagan very wisely ordered their withdrawal from that volatile area. Despite 

what the interventionists constantly warn, the world did not come to an end back 

in 1983 when the President decided to withdraw from Beirut and leave the problems 

there to be worked out by those countries most closely involved. 

What troubles me greatly about this bill is that although the named, admittedly 

bad, terrorist organizations do not target the United States at present, we are basically declaring our intention to pick a fight with them. We are declaring that we 

will take pre-emptive actions against organizations that apparently have no quarrel 

with us. Is this wise, particularly considering their capacity to carry out violent acts 

against those with whom they are in conflict? Is this not inviting trouble by stirring 

up a hornet’s nest? Is there anything to be gained in this? 

I am also concerned about the timing of this bill. As we continue to pursue AlQaeda—most of which escaped and continue to operate—it seems to me we need all 

the help we can get in tracking these criminals down and holding them to account 

for the attack on the United States. As the Associated Press reported this week:

‘‘So, too, are Syria’s claims, supported by U.S. intelligence, that Damascus has 

provided the United States with valuable assistance in countering terror. 
81

‘‘The Syrians have in custody Mohammed Haydar Zammer, believed to have 

recruited some of the September 11 hijackers, and several high-level Iraqis who 

were connected to the Saddam Hussein government have turned up in U.S. custody.’’

If Syria is providing assistance to the United States in tracking these people 

down—any assistance—it can only be considered an extremely positive and welcome 

development. Does anyone here care to guess how much assistance Syria will be 

providing us once this bill is passed? Can we afford to turn our back on Syria’s assistance, even if it is not as complete as it could be? 

That is the problem with this approach. Imposing sanctions and cutting off relations with a country is ineffective and counterproductive. It is only one-half step 

short of war and very often leads to war. That is why I am very pleased to hear 

Chairman Hyde’s comments here today regarding the necessity of maintaining full 

diplomatic relations with Syria. As Chairman Hyde has stated, you cannot make 

peace if you do not talk to each other. Unfortunately that is just what this bill does: 

it will severely restrict trade with Syria and may well even completely eliminate 

any trade between the two countries. It will almost completely shut the door on diplomatic relations. It sends a strong message to Syria and the Syrian people: that 

we no longer wish to engage you. This cannot be in our best interests. 

This bill may even go further than that. In a disturbing bit of de ́ja` vu, the bill 

makes references to ‘‘Syria’s acquisition of weapons of mass destruction (WMD),’’ 

and threatens to ‘‘impede’’ Syrian weapons ambitions. This was the justification for 

our intervention in Iraq, yet after more than a thousand inspectors have spent 

months and some 300 million dollars, none have been found. Will this bill’s 

unproven claims that Syria has WMD be later used to demand military action 

against that country? 

Mr. Chairman: history is replete with examples of the futility of sanctions and 

embargoes and travel bans. More than 40 years of embargo against Cuba have not 

produced the desired change there. Sadly, embargoes and sanctions most often hurt 

those least responsible. A trade embargo against Syria will hurt American businesses and will cost American jobs. It will make life more difficult for the average 

Syrian—with whom we have no quarrel. Making life painful for the population is 

not the best way to win over hearts and minds. I strongly urge my colleagues to 

reject this counterproductive bill.

Æ