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NATO ENLARGEMENT: A VIEW FROM THE

CANDIDATE COUNTRIES

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON 

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

MAY 1, 2002

Serial No. 107–81

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations 

(II)

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 

HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois, Chairman 

BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York 

JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa 

DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

DAN BURTON, Indiana 

ELTON GALLEGLY, California 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California 

PETER T. KING, New York 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

AMO HOUGHTON, New York 

JOHN M. MCHUGH, New York 

JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana 

THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado 

RON PAUL, Texas 

NICK SMITH, Michigan 

JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

ERIC CANTOR, Virginia 

JEFF FLAKE, Arizona 

BRIAN D. KERNS, Indiana 

JO ANN DAVIS, Virginia 

MARK GREEN, Wisconsin 

TOM LANTOS, California 

HOWARD L. BERMAN, California 

GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey 

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey 

SHERROD BROWN, Ohio 

CYNTHIA A. MCKINNEY, Georgia 

EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

ROBERT WEXLER, Florida 

JIM DAVIS, Florida 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

BARBARA LEE, California 

JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York 

JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania 

EARL BLUMENAUER, Oregon 

SHELLEY BERKLEY, Nevada 

GRACE NAPOLITANO, California 

ADAM B. SCHIFF, California 

DIANE E. WATSON, California 

THOMAS E. MOONEY, SR., Staff Director/General Counsel 

ROBERT R. KING, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE

ELTON GALLEGLY, California, Chairman 

DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska 

PETER T. KING, New York 

JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana 

NICK SMITH, Michigan 

BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York 

JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa 

DAN BURTON, Indiana 

ERIC CANTOR, Virginia 

MARK GREEN, Wisconsin 

EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

ROBERT WEXLER, Florida 

JIM DAVIS, Florida 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts 

BARBARA LEE, California 

JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York 

VINCE MORELLI, Subcommittee Staff Director 

VALERIE VAN BUREN, Democratic Professional Staff Member 

PATRICK PRISCO, Professional Staff Member 

KELLY MCDONALD, Staff Associate 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Her Excellency Elena Poptodorova, Ambassador of Bulgaria .............................. 4

His Excellency Fatos Tarifa, Ambassador of Albania ........................................... 10

His Excellency Ivan Grdesˇic ́, Ambassador of Croatia ........................................... 14

His Excellency Sven Jurgenson, Ambassador of Estonia ..................................... 16

His Excellency Avis Ronis, Ambassador of Latvia ................................................ 18

His Excellency Nikola Dimotrov, Ambassador of Macedonia ............................... 21

His Excellency Sorin Ducaru, Ambassador of Romania ....................................... 24

His Excellency Martin Butora, Ambassador of Slovakia ...................................... 30

His Excellency Davorin Kracˇun, Ambassador of Slovenia ................................... 36

His Excellency Vygaudas Usˇackas, Ambassador of Lithuania ............................ 39

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

Her Excellency Elena Poptodorova: Prepared statement ..................................... 8

His Excellency Fatos Tarifa: Prepared statement ................................................ 12

His Excellency Ivan Grdesˇic ́: Prepared statement ................................................ 15

His Excellency Avis Ronis: Prepared statement ................................................... 20

His Excellency Nikola Dimotrov: Prepared statement ......................................... 23

His Excellency Sorin Ducaru: Prepared statement ............................................... 27

His Excellency Martin Butora: Prepared statement ............................................. 33

His Excellency Davorin Kracˇun: Prepared statement .......................................... 37

His Excellency Vygaudas Usˇackas: Prepared statement ...................................... 40

(1)

NATO ENLARGEMENT: A VIEW FROM THE 

CANDIDATE COUNTRIES 

WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 2002

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

The Subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 1 p.m. in Room 2172, 

Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Elton Gallegly (Chairman of 

the Committee) presiding. 

Mr. GILMAN. The Committee will come to order. 

Our Chairman is on his way from voting and will be here momentarily, but in the meantime we will try to save some time and 

get underway. 

I would like to thank the Chairman, Chairman Gallegly, for calling this important and timely hearing today. The proposed NATO 

enlargement will not only contribute to the stability and security 

of the entire Euro-Atlantic area, and strengthen the effectiveness 

of the alliance, but will preserve it’s ability to perform its core functions of a common defense which is so important. 

Over the past 45 years NATO’s membership of like-bonded allies 

working together has fundamentally improved the nature of relations between the member states. Moreover, the commitment by all 

allies to defend one another’s territories has proven in its value as 

an anchor of stability and confidence in Europe. 

This commitment has helped allied countries develop powerful 

and flexible military capabilities firmly under political control. 

NATO’s reliance on collective defense is ensured that no single ally 

is forced to rely upon its own national efforts alone in dealing with 

basic security challenges. 

Sharing these benefits with new members can help extend security and stability throughout Europe. One obvious example of the 

benefit of expanding NATO membership is that states aspiring to 

join NATO are likely to dramatically modify their behavior. Several 

states have resolved longstanding disputes over minority rights 

and borders, including Hungary and Romania, Romania and the 

Ukraine, and Hungary and Slovakia, not least of which make 

themselves more acceptable partners to NATO countries. 

Also, as operations in Bosnia and Kosovo demonstrate, NATO, in 

addition to providing a collective defense for its own members, has 

also begun to embrace a cooperative security mission. The NATO 

door should remain open for all those nations who meet the criteria. 

And I will be pleased to yield to Mr. Hillard. 

2

Mr. HILLARD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, I had planned on just submitting my comments 

for the record, but because the fact the Chairperson is on his way 

in, I think I am going to read it while he is getting himself together. 

Mr. Chairman, Members and distinguished guests, we are now 

advancing to the challenge of a global enlargement for our international European community. As we enter into these hearings 

today, let us be aware of the importance of all the political qualifications of each nation. Whereas I am in favor of enlargement of 

NATO, I am also in favor of NATO maintaining its strength. A 

weaker NATO does not serve the European community nor does it 

serve our true international community. We must continue to promote peace in all regions. After all, we must be very concerned of 

the fact that the two major world wars fought in our lifetime and 

even before our lifetime were fought on the continent of Europe primarily. 

In order to prevent this, perhaps we should encourage all the aspiring countries to focus their efforts on preparing future membership by making full use of all of the membership action plans aspects, but at the same time NATO needs to continue the undertakings of its own internal preparation so that it will be able to absolve to aspiring countries without weakening its mission or without weakening its preparedness and its readiness. 

So with that said, Mr. Chairman, I would just like the rest of my 

statement to be included in the record. 

Mr. GILMAN. Without objection. 

Mr. HILLARD. Thank you very much. 

Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Engel. 

Mr. ENGEL. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is good to be here 

this afternoon. It is good to see so many wonderful Ambassadors 

and good friends here. 

I have long been a supporter of NATO expansion because I think 

that it helps the stability of the alliance, the alliance between Europe and North America, and I believe that many of the countries 

that are trying to get into NATO are very worthy of NATO admission. 

I was delighted several years ago when NATO expanded, thought 

that NATO should have expanded even more, and now I am a 

strong supporter of NATO expanding to the greatest degree. I know 

there are criteria, but I do think that the major criteria is that all 

the nations that are here are eager to get into NATO, eager to do 

whatever is necessary to meet the criteria. 

And as somebody who supports a NATO expansion, I welcome 

these hearings today. I chair the Albanian Issues Caucus. I know 

the Ambassador from Albania is here, and I certainly am a strong 

supporter of Albanian admission to NATO, but there are many, 

many other countries here I think that deserve consideration as 

well, and I hope these hearings will go a long way. 

One of the realities of the change in the climate of Europe with 

the fall of the Soviet Union has been that we have a golden opportunity, I believe, to really have a partnership in both what was 

western and eastern Europe, and I do not believe that NATO expansion should be threatening to Russia or should be something 

3

that Russia opposes. I think that, given the right—in the right context, this can be a very positive thing for all the countries of Europe and North American, including Russia. 

So I look forward to listening to all the Ambassadors. I wish everyone of them well, and good luck, and do hope that in the very 

near future all of them will be admitted to NATO. Thank you. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Engel. 

Today, the European Subcommittee holds its second hearing on 

the issue of NATO and enlargement. 

Would you please hold all my calls? Must be a higher authority. 

[Laughter.] 

I have had a lot of things happen in my life that is silencing, but 

I think this one—— [Laughter.] 

It was probably a telemarketing call. We do not need any. 

[Laughter.] 

Today, the European Subcommittee holds its second hearing on 

the issue of NATO and enlargement. 

Just 2 years ago this month, nine nations of Europe who were 

not included in the last round of NATO enlargement met in 

Vilnius, Lithuania, and proclaimed their intentions to continue to 

seek NATO membership at the next round of the NATO enlargement. 

That enlargement will take place in November at Prague and 

those nine nations, joined now by Croatia, are here today to explain 

why their countries wish to join this alliance and what they have 

done to meet NATO qualifications. 

As we have heard representatives of our government explain, the 

U.S. has three priorities for the Prague Summit. One of those priorities is the addition of new members into the alliance, a priority 

many of us in the Congress strongly support. 

As I said 2 weeks ago at our first hearing, enlarging NATO can 

contribute to our overall security because new nations in the alliance will contribute to the overall stability and security of Europe. 

These 10 aspirant countries not only recognize the importance 

and relevance of NATO to themselves as both a political organization and a military alliance committed to defending its members, 

but their membership in NATO will validate the work they have 

done over the past 10 years to develop democratic structures, market economies, modernized militaries and to address the important 

legal and social issues which NATO considers important to the values espoused by the alliance. 

Each of these Ambassadors here today represent countries who 

consider NATO membership one their highest aspirations. 

Only in America. [Laughter.] 

From what we have heard and seen thus far, remarkable process 

across the spectrum of reforms have been made in each country. 

Our message today is one of hope and encouragement. NATO has 

not made a decision on which of you will receive invitations at 

Prague. Therefore, we encourage you to continue to work hard to 

meet NATO’s requirements between now and Prague, and to commit your nations to continue those efforts beyond November no 

matter what the outcome. 

We in the Congress welcome your interest in joining the alliance. 

We salute your commitment and dedication to meeting NATO 

4

standards. We congratulate you for all the achievements you have 

made thus far, and we look forward to seeing you back here in the 

future, not as an aspirant nations, but as full NATO members. 

I look forward to hearing your testimony today, and the first witness we have is our friend from Bulgaria, Ambassador Elena 

Poptodorova. That is easier than Gallegly, right. 

Welcome, Ambassador. 

STATEMENT OF HER EXCELLENCY ELENA POPTODOROVA, 

AMBASSADOR OF BULGARIA 

Ambassador POPTODOROVA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members of the Committee, Ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen. 

I almost need not speak after all the interventions that were 

made, so thank you all really. Thank you, Chairman. Thank you, 

Representatives, for having been so favorable in opening this hearing. But I do feel greatly honored to face the Committee, to speak 

to this Committee, and moreover, to do so on behalf of my fellow 

Ambassadors who all of us belong to the Vilnius group of countries. 

My task today is to give a brief overview of why we believe 

NATO enlargement is relevant, but not only through the perspective of—— Mr. GALLEGLY. Ambassador, you know, the quarterly evaluation 

of my staff’s competence is coming up shortly. I unplugged all the 

wires down there. If you will just forgive us for a second. The staff 

has tried to check with maintenance. 

Did I do it? I pushed something. 

Madam Ambassador, please forgive the interruption. 

Ambassador POPTODOROVA. Thank you, Chairman. 

I was just saying that my modest ambition will be to give a brief 

outline of why we believe NATO is relevant not only from the perspective of aspirant countries, but also from the American perspective because we believe it is a two-way street process. 

The main message we want to convey to you today is that robust 

NATO enlargement in Prague will contribute to the victory against 

terrorism and all related risks, threats and challenges. In other 

words, the Euro-Atlantic interest of our countries, we believe, coincides with America’s interest to acquire new, reliable allies in the 

war on terrorism, and also to complete the project of Europe whole, 

free and secure; in simple terms, this is the vision which President 

Bush himself had outlined in Warsaw—to create a united Europe 

from the Baltic to the Black Sea. 

All our contrives share the same priority: European and Euro-Atlantic institutions, and here comes the legitimate question, indeed, 

which you yourself, sir, posed. Why do we believe that our countries are eligible and should be considered in a positive way? 

I think in the first place we can claim, I am confident we can 

claim, to be functioning democracies. It is not a yet full 13 years 

since the fall of the Berlin Wall, which means less than a generation span of time. And yet we can say that the peoples of Central 

and Eastern Europe have made tremendous strides since the fall 

of communism in building a political framework, the necessary political foundation to guarantee the irrevocability of democratic institutions. 

5

It has not been easy. It still is not easy. And yet I can assure 

you that we have gone through hard work and made hard choices 

for all of us. It has meant governments coming to power and falling 

out of power because expectations, hopes were riding high, and 

they could not be met automatically and quickly. 

But what we have today is a working democracy. We have 

smooth transition of government. We have free exchange of ideas. 

We have healthy multi-party systems in our countries, with strong 

opposition, just like here. 

Our role model, I must say, for freedom, independence and democracy has always been the United States, and you have long 

been the source of inspiration and vision for Central and Eastern 

Europe. Moreover, at the beginning of the changes, it was your expert teams who came over to our countries and helped us build the 

foundations of parliamentary democracy in our states. 

I would also remind you that during the years of oppression millions of our citizens came over here to look for a better life, and 

today we have kind of a constituency, we share a constituency with 

you, if you permit, because there are ethnic groups of each of our 

nations who are willing to help us in our efforts to become formally 

part of the free and democratic world. 

Secondly, our hard work in all areas ranging from military reform to economic reform, from structural changes to legislative and 

regulatory frameworks will continue because it is in our own interest, in the interest of our respective countries. 

However, on the other hand, a recognition that we are moving 

along the right path, that we add value and would be welcome in 

the most successful security alliance in the 20th century will reaffirm to our nations that we are already beyond the point of return; 

that democracy, freedom and independence, and the gains and responsibilities that they represent are the only one ones our children and grandchildren will ever know in the future. 

You should know that all of us seated together in front of you 

represent no less than 60 million people, and these people are firmly supporting the accession of our countries to NATO. We are here 

because we are preparing to take our place as part of Europe whole 

and free. 

At the Washington Summit in 1999, the fiftieth anniversary of 

the alliance, a communique was issued which named nine countries 

aspiring for NATO, and started a process known as the MAP process. This process demonstrated our countries’ commitment in more 

concrete terms. 

The last round of enlargement was successful, and we believe 

that this will be a prelude to what will be now a very robust enlargement in Prague. But on the other hand, this first round of enlargement posed a series of questions, new questions, and we believe that the MAP process will give answers to these questions. 

Successful MAP implementation enables us to make substantive 

contributions to European security and NATO’s future viability and 

efficiency, an issue which was raised by the distinguished representative in his introductory remarks. 

This Vilnius group, sir, was founded in May 2000 when the Foreign Ministers of our countries met in Vilnius, Lithuania for the 

first time to demonstrate their solidarity and commitment to the 

6

creation of a Europe whole and free in alliance with the United 

States and Canada. That was how the Vilnius group was born, and 

we know that the whole is much greater than the sum of parts. 

Therefore, we decided and we still continue to test the efficiency of 

this group. 

At first there was skepticism, particularly in Europe. But we persisted. We had a series of meetings of different sets of ministers. 

We had the Defense Ministers who met in Sofia in October, 2000; 

Foreign Ministers in Brussels in December, 2000; then in Bled, Slovenia in April, 2001. I really ought to save time in listing all these 

meetings, But you should know that we had them at all important 

political levels—Foreign Ministers, Defense Ministers, Prime Ministers, Presidents. 

I would only mention the Bucharest meeting, which was the last 

one, and which practically set a new phrase with the perception of 

robust enlargement. That meeting was attended by Secretary of 

State Armitage, who was entirely supportive of that approach. 

I would also like to remind you that the NATO Parliamentary 

Assembly meets in Sofia, the capital of my own country, at the end 

of this month, and I would like to encourage all of you—if not all, 

at least a good number of you—to attend this parliamentary assembly in Sofia. 

There is one more meeting, and also very important one, to 

which I would also urge you to go. It is the Raga Summit on July 

5 and 6, and that will be practically the last summit of the V–10 

at the level of Prime Ministers and Baltic Presidents before Prague 

in November. 

We succeeded in patching up and working on smaller formats, 

also sub-regional formats, the Baltic countries, Slovakia with its 

Visograd partners, the four Balkan countries—Bulgaria, Romania, 

Greece and Turkey plus Albania and Macedonia, who were added 

to this format. Croatia was included in V–10 and in the MAP process which helped the process of reform. 

So this is a very vibrant group which tries to keep abreast of the 

demands of the criteria which are being legitimately posed by our 

NATO partners. 

We have all contributed to NATO-led missions in BosniaHerzegovina and Kosovo. We have volunteered to provide troops, 

airspace, airfields, and whatever support we could to the U.S. in 

the war against terrorism. We have already acted like NATO allies 

because we feel we can do and make, indeed, an important contribution to the community of values to which we all belong. 

We believe that we can add security and not just be consumers 

of security, that we can add value to the alliance both militarily 

and politically. Be it air surveillance in the Baltics or mountain 

troops of Romania, the expertise in demining in Slovenia, or the 

airfields in Southeastern Europe, we do believe that in our modest 

scope we add to the strength and vitality of NATO. 

An invitation to us to join NATO will solidify a core alliance of 

those whose trust and credibility can be counted on. We will not 

be just new allies, we will be a part of a stronger, more effective, 

new alliance capable of responding to the entire range of modern 

threats. 

7

Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members, the arrangements for 

this hearing are such that after having had the privilege of speaking on behalf of my colleagues, each one of us has been graciously 

given the opportunity to say a few words about one’s own country. 

So now I take my Vilnius or collective hat off and put my Bulgarian hat on, and I will briefly tell you what Bulgaria has done 

in its earnest desire to be an eligible, qualifiable candidate in 

Prague. 

I would like to mention just specific facts, and I would also like 

to mention problems because I would betray my duty if I did not 

mention what the outstanding issues before us are as well. 

First of all, however, I would like to mention when we have been 

in solidarity with the U.S., in particular, and with NATO as an alliance. 

Very few know that it was back in 1991, at the time of the Gulf 

War, when the Bulgarian parliament voted for a Bulgarian contingent to join the anti-Saddam campaign. So that was good 11 years 

ago. Then we had a vote in parliament which was entirely supportive of joining the anti-Saddam war. 

SFOR and KFOR are operations I already mentioned, and that 

applies to Bulgaria as well. There is one fact which I would like 

to mention with regard to our contribution to Afghanistan. People 

know that we have offered an airfield for U.S. aircraft to refuel. 

However, very few know that this is the first military base ever offered to a foreign country, to a foreign ally. 

Right now Bulgaria is a non-permanent member of the Security 

Council. We happen to have this position at a very troubled time. 

We have excellent cooperation with the U.S. delegation, particularly on the Middle East and in the sponsoring and the adoption 

of the resolutions that were passed. 

We expect to take over the chairmanship of the OSCE, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, in 2004. There, 

again, we have excellent cooperation with your delegation, sir, particularly in the field of human rights. Similar is the cooperation 

with the U.S. in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical 

Weapons in The Hague and other international organizations. 

I am listing all these examples just to illustrate that when we 

say that we are de facto allies, this is not a vain terminology, but 

it is supported by practical political behavior. 

Another thing which I would like to mention is the public support for NATO which now goes up to 67 percent, and has been acquired through a long period of time. It took us some 10 years to 

reach this level, which I think makes it more reliable and steady. 

Our regional policy is one of the strongest arguments we offer in 

favor of our candidature. We have excellent relations with all our 

neighbors, and we succeeded in remaining an island of peace and 

tranquility in a troubled period of 10 years in the 90s. 

Here I will, of course, mention the famous four country format, 

but I think my Romanian friend and colleague would also speak of 

the importance of having this Bulgaria-Romania-Greece-Turkey 

format as a regional effort in enlarging NATO. 

Just very briefly about a few domestic issues. Number one, Bulgaria has succeeded in guaranteeing domestic stability and continuity in foreign policy and security matters. The progress report 

8

on Bulgaria’s MAP participation is positive. We have been assessed 

very favorably in Brussels only last week. As to EU, negotiations 

are progressing at an accelerated pace. We have closed 17 chapters 

and we have position papers adopted in all the remaining ones. We 

expect to conclude the negotiations by the end of 2003. 

With the military reform, we have also progressed according to 

the requirements. We have a military budget of 3.4 percent this 

year. We will decommission the SKUD, Frog 7 and the SS–23 missiles by the latest in October 2002. 

Major army and force equipment holdings will be reduced by a 

further 30 to 40 percent beyond the reductions that were planned 

earlier, which means that we are taking expeditious measures to 

get rid of obsolete equipment and weapons. 

The army has been downsized by half, from 120,000 to 60,000, 

to become 45,000. We have started in a shift in the army structure 

to improve particularly the ratio between officers and NCOs. 

One last issue which I believe is extremely important, and this 

is the ethnic issue. I am happy to say that we enjoy ethnic tolerance in the country. We have no nationalist parties. Now, when 

there is a surge of anti-semitic waves throughout Europe, we have 

not had any. We would rather remind everybody of the years of the 

Holocaust when Bulgaria saved its 50,000 Jews and not a single 

one was deported to the gas chambers. 

We have an ethnic party, the party of the Bulgarian Turks, 

which is now in government. It is the junior coalition partner in 

government. It has cabinet ministers and senior officials in the administration. 

We have a problem with the Roma, which is, I think, a broadly 

shared problem. It is mostly social. It is related to education, training, but there are measures which are being taken by the government and if some one of the distinguished representatives would 

like to know more, in an answer to question I might give more details. But the awareness of the political leadership of the Roma 

issue is there. 

Corruption and organized crime. Yes, we know, we have to cope 

with corruption and organized crime. Again, I am prepared to answer any question regarding the action that has been taken both 

in that field and in the efforts to increase the efficiency of the judicial system, which we also need. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Poptodorova follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HER EXCELLENCY ELENA POPTODOROVA, AMBASSADOR OF

BULGARIA

Mr. Chairman, Member of the Committee, Fellow Ambassadors and Guests: 

Let me first say what a privilege it is to be here and on behalf of the ten countries 

now a part of the Vilnius group to give a short overview of why NATO enlargement 

matters and the relevance of this coalition of aspiring nations. After the overview, 

I will speak specifically about my country, Bulgaria, and then each Ambassador will 

do the same. 

It is only thirteen years since the fall of the Berlin Wall—a remarkably short period of time for democracy to take hold. Yet the fabric of democratic values is as 

strongly interwoven in the consciousness of our peoples as the medieval tapestries 

that adorn our museum walls. The citizenry of Central and Eastern Europe longed 

to be free and have made tremendous strides since the fall of Communism in embedding the necessary framework and infrastructures to guarantee the irrevocability 

of democratic institutions. And it has not been easy. It has required hard work and 

9

tough choices—for all of us. It has meant governments rising and falling due to raising expectations and then falling due to not meeting expectations. But it has also 

shown that democracy works. We can have smooth transitions of government. We 

can have free exchange of ideas. We can have a healthy multi-party system with 

a strong opposition. 

Our beacon for freedom, independence and democracy has always been the United 

States. You have long been the source of inspiration and vision for all of us in Central and Eastern Europe. During the years of oppression millions of our citizens 

came to the shores of the U.S. to seek a better life. Today more than 30 million 

Americans with roots in Central and Eastern Europe have become a successful part 

of the great American melting pot. They have built a better life here, but are working alongside us to help embed these principles in their ancestral homes. They are 

a source of inspiration and experience to help us move at an exponential pace as 

we enter the 21st century. 

The integration of our countries into European and Euro-Atlantic institutions is 

critical to our future. Our hard work in all areas ranging from military reform to 

economic reforms, from structural changes to legislative and regulatory frameworks 

will continue because it is the right thing for each of our individual countries. But 

recognition that we are moving on the right path, that we are becoming ready, that 

we add value, that we are like you and would be welcome in the Alliance of freedom 

and security, the most successful security Alliance in the 20th century, reaffirms to 

our people, both young and old that we walk down the path of irrevocability. That 

democracy, freedom and independence and the values and responsibilities they represent are the only ones our children and grandchildren will ever know. 

We are a part of Europe representing more than 60 million people. We believe 

as your President stated in Warsaw that we should all be striving to see how much 

we can do, not how little. From the Baltic to the Black Sea we are here because 

we are preparing to take our place as part of a Europe whole and free. This is true 

for more than enlargement. We share your values, your ideals, and we are taking 

our responsibilities seriously to build a better world based on these values. 

At the Washington NATO Summit in 1999, the 50th anniversary of the Alliance, 

a communique ́ was issued which named nine countries aspiring to NATO membership and set out a process known as MAP—the Membership Action Plan. The map 

created a set of criteria both political and military. It gave us a roadmap and a 

framework to demonstrate our commitment in concrete terms. The last round of enlargement we believe was very successful and was the predicate for what we hope 

will be a very robust enlargement in Prague, but it also left many process questions 

which the map has helped to clarify. 

In May, 2000 the foreign ministers of these countries met in Vilnius Lithuania 

for the first time to demonstrate their solidarity and commitment to the creation 

of a Europe whole and free in an alliance with Europe, the United States and Canada as the foundation for stability and security in the 21st century. And so was born 

the Vilnius group. We all understood that by working together, by evidencing 

through concrete deeds our actions as allies, we would help build the foundation for 

a stronger, safer world. We know that the whole was much greater than the sum 

of the parts. 

At first there was skepticism, particularly in Europe. But our governments persisted. Our defense ministers met in Sofia in October, 2000; our foreign ministers 

again in Brussels in December, 2000 and in Bled Slovenia in April, 2001; our prime 

ministers in Bratislava in May, 2001 where they heard a visionary speech from 

President Havel; our foreign ministers in Tallinn in July, 2001; our presidents in 

Sofia in October, 2001, the first gathering of heads of state post 9/11; our foreign 

ministers in Skopje, Macendonia in March, 2002; and then our prime ministers met 

again in Bucharest at the end of March, 2002, they heard from President 

Kwasniewski of Poland, Prime Minster Ecevit of Turkey, Prime Minister Zeman of 

the Czech Republic and Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage; all of whom 

spoke about the importance of enlargement. 

The NATO Parliamentary Assembly meets in Sofia (my capitol) at the end of this 

month. I would encourage all of you to come to Bulgaria and meet with other Parliamentarians from not only the Vilnius countries, but throughout Europe. I would also 

encourage all of you to come to Riga on July 5–6 where the V–10 prime ministers 

and Baltic presidents will be celebrating freedom and democracy in the final V–10 

summit before Prague in November. 

The level of bi-lateral, regional and multi-lateral cooperation has exponentially increased—be it the three Baltic countries in defense areas including procurement, 

Slovakia with its Visograd partners, Slovenia as a model of economic success, or the 

relationships among Southern European countries, Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and 

10

Turkey, Albania and Macedonia. The inclusion of Croatia in the V–10 and the map 

has helped them speed the process of necessary reforms. 

We have all contributed to NATO led missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. 

We have all volunteered to provide troops, airspace, airfields and whatever support 

we could to the U.S. in the war against terrorism. We have already acted like NATO 

allies because we feel we can and do make an important contribution to the community of values to which we belong. 

We add value to the Alliance both militarily and politically. Be it air surveillance 

in the Baltics or mountain troops of Romania, the expertise in demining in Slovenia, 

or the airfields in Southeastern Europe, we add to the strength and vitality of 

NATO. Our invitation to join NATO will solidify a core alliance of those whose trust 

and credibility can be counted on. We will not just be new allies, we will be part 

of a stronger, more effective, new Alliance capable of responding to the entire range 

of modern threats. 

With that overview in mind let me turn to Bulgaria and outline our progress in 

a variety of areas.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Madam Ambassador. 

Representing Albania, we are honored to have Ambassador 

Tarifa. Mr. Ambassador. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY FATOS TARIFA, 

AMBASSADOR OF ALBANIA 

Ambassador TARIFA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Members of the 

Committee. 

I am honored to be here today, along with my fellow Ambassadors, representing the Vilnius group, to testify before your Committee on Albania’s readiness to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

It was not too long ago that some maps of Europe left Albania 

blank, as though it was a non-country, an empty space, a country 

with no name. In many ways, those maps were accurate, for as far 

as Europe and the west were concerned, Albania was a blank. It 

was a closed country with a ‘‘no visitor’’ sign hung out for all to see. 

Well, those days are long gone, I am happy to say, because today 

Albania is a well recognized place, a country on the move, anxious 

to be fully integrated into the democratic family of nations. 

Despite a difficult past and tremendous suffering under communism, as well as a few painful years of transition, Albania has 

come a very long way in a very short amount of time. It has made 

impressive steps forward in carrying out democratic, social and economic reform. Slowly by steadily, Albania is becoming a viable democracy and a stabilizing factor in the region of Southeast Europe. 

Albania has made its historical choice: We are a part of Europe 

and we want to join its institutions. Today, I shall discuss why Albania should be considered favorably for membership and what 

benefits the alliance will reap by inviting Albania to join its ranks. 

First, I would emphasize that Albania was the first 

postcommunist country to apply for NATO membership back in 

1992, and among the first emerging democracies to join the Partnership for Peace initiative in 1994. In the past 8 to 10 years, Albania has indeed acted as de facto ally of NATO. Without the binding 

force of a treaty commitment, Albania has taken part actively in 

all of its missions in the region. 

It has already proven its usefulness in the U.S. and NATO campaigns in Bosnia-Hertzegovina and Kosovo. In 1995, Albania welcomed U.S. unmanned planes to be stationed in its territory, proVerDate Feb 1 2002 16:51 Jun 17, 2002 Jkt 079391 PO 00000 Frm 00014 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\EUROPE\050102\79391 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL
11

viding a valuable contribution to NATO’s war against genocide in 

Bosnia. 

In 1999, Albania, a small country with a population of 3.5 million 

people, took in and cared for more than half a million Kosovar refugees that had been forced out of their homes by Slobodan Milosevic 

and also became the base where NATO helicopters were stationed. 

Second, since the Washington Summit in May 1999, Albania has 

taken on a number of far-reaching reforms. The Membership Action Plan has put Albania on the road to fulfill its goal of becoming 

a member of the alliance. Albania hopes to contribute its light infantry and special forces to the defense of the alliance. Like you, 

we are reforming, modernizing and adopting our military to be a 

professional, flexible force, fully interoperable with NATO. Based 

on U.S. recommendations, Albania has conducted the most farreaching structural reforms in the history of its armed forces. 

Third, Albania’s geographical position supports the implementation of NATO’s new Strategic Concept agreed to at the Washington 

Summit. In cooperation with its neighboring states, Italy and 

Grace—both members of the alliance—Albania’s membership in 

NATO naturally expands the alliance on its southeast wing, building another bridge that will strengthen the links between the western part of Europe with the triangle that lays eastward; from the 

Adriatic, to the Baltic and the Black Seas, to finally realize the vision of Europe that is whole and free. 

Fourth, Albania and the other aspirant countries’ membership in 

NATO further enhance the alliance’s ability to meet the challenge 

of terrorism. The Republic of Albania has offered the United States 

and its allies access and use of its territory, airspace, airfields and 

port facilities both for their military operations and peacekeeping 

missions in Bosnia and Kosovo and for the war on terrorism. Albania has committed its intelligence assets, has frozen financial assets linked to criminals, and has troops on call to support the antiterror campaign led by the United States. 

We share the view that terrorism and organized crimes are closely linked. As a result, the Albanian government maintains a tough 

stance against trans-border crime and the illegal trafficking of 

human beings. Recent efforts by the Albanian government have 

met with notable success in dismantling despicable human and 

drug trafficking networks. The war against trafficking in women is 

a war we will win. 

Albania’s eventual inclusion in NATO along with other Balkin 

countries would further strengthen the European barriers against 

criminal and terrorist activities flowing the instability in the Middle East and Central Asia. 

Fifth, support of public opinion for Albania’s members in NATO 

is strong. Since 1992 and recently polls have shown that 90 to 95 

percent of the population of Albania support its members in the alliance. This holds true for all the political parties in Albania. 

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee. The leadership of 

Hungary said, in the first round of NATO expansion,

‘‘If you cannot chose us at Madrid, please choose our friends in 

Prague and Warsaw. They will be fine allies.’’

12

Today, Albania hopes that an invitation will be extended to us 

in Prague. Albania today is here as a member of the Vilnius group. 

If we are not invited in Prague, the Congress should accept our 

Vilnius brothers. They too will be fine allies. Any success for any 

democracy is a success and inspiration for all our democracies. 

And, Mr. Chairman, by way of conclusion, I would like to say 

that Albania’s goal to join NATO is no sudden discovery; neither 

is it an overnight inspiration. It is the result of a continuing struggle to bring Albanian civil society into the European mainstream. 

We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Our 

goal is fundamental and irreversible. We share with President 

Bush the view that we live in a community of shared values. My 

country is committed to these values, and that is not just a phrase; 

that is our will. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Tarifa follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY FATOS TARIFA, AMBASSADOR OF ALBANIA

Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee: 

I am honored to be here today, along with my fellow ambassadors representing 

the Vilnius group, to testify before your Committee on Albania’s readiness to join 

the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

It was not too long ago that some maps of Europe left Albania blank, as though 

it were a non country, an empty space, a country with no name. In many ways those 

maps were accurate, for as far as Europe and the west were concerned, Albania was 

a blank. It was a closed country with a ‘‘no visitors’’ sign hung out for all to see. 

Well, those days are long gone, I am happy to say, because today Albania is a well 

recognized place, a country on the move, anxious to be fully integrated into the 

democratic family of nations. 

Despite a difficult past and tremendous suffering under communism, as well as 

a few painful years of transition, Albania has come a very long way in a very short 

amount of time. It has made impressive steps forward in carrying out democratic, 

social and economic reform. Slowly but steadily, Albania is becoming a viable democracy and a stabilizing factor in the region of Southeast Europe. 

Albania has made its historic choice: we are a part of Europe and we will join 

Europe’s institutions. There are many viewpoints from which the issues of Albania’s 

membership in NATO can be argued. Some are primarily principal. Some are primarily practical. One should, I believe, strive for a balance of both. Since the subjects that can be covered in a statement like this are limited, today I shall discuss 

why Albania should be considered favorably for NATO membership and what benefits the Alliance will reap by inviting Albania to join its ranks? 

First, I would emphasize that Albania was the first postcommunist country to formally apply for NATO membership back in 1992 and among the first emerging democracies to join the Partnership for Peace (PfP) initiative in 1994. In the past eight 

to ten years, Albania has indeed acted as de facto ally of NATO. Without the binding force of a treaty commitment, Albania has taken part actively in all of its missions in the region. It has already proven its usefulness in the US and NATO campaigns in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosova. In 1995 Albania welcomed US unmanned 

planes to be stationed in its military basis, providing a valuable contribution to the 

US and NATO’s war against genocide in Bosnia. And in 1999 Albania, a small country with a population of three and a half million people took in and cared for more 

than half a million Kosovar refugees that had been forced out of their homes by 

Slobodan Milosevic and also became the base where NATO helicopters were stationed. 

Second, since the Washington Summit in 1999, Albania has taken on a number 

of far-reaching reforms. The Membership Action Plan has put Albania on the road 

to fulfill its goal of becoming a member of the Alliance. Albania hopes to contribute 

its light infantry and special forces to the defense of the Alliance. Like you, we are 

reforming, modernizing and adapting our military to be a professional, flexible force, 

fully inter-operable with NATO. Based on US recommendations Albania is conducting the most far-reaching structural reforms in the history of its military. 

Third, Albania’s geographical position supports the implementation of NATO’s 

new Strategic Concept agreed to at the Washington Summit. In co-operation with 

13

its neighboring states, Italy and Greece?both members of the Alliance?Albania’s 

membership in NATO would naturally expand the Alliance on its southeast wing, 

building another bridge that will strengthen the links between the western part of 

Europe with the triangle that lays eastward: from the Adriatic, to the Black and 

the Baltic Seas, to finally realize the vision of a Europe that is whole and free. 

NATO’s southern dimension will not be complete without its Adriatic flank. Albania’s membership in NATO would give the Alliance full control over and access to 

and from the Adriatic Sea on both sides of the Otranto Canal. It is worth to remember that it was precisely on the Albanian costal town of Vlora, just 70 miles away 

from Italy, where the Soviets had their westernmost submarine base a few decades 

ago, from which, as Khrushchev believed, they could scan the whole of Europe. 

Forth, Albania’s and other Balkan nations’ membership in NATO will further enhance the Alliance’s ability to meet the challenge of terrorism. The Republic of Albania has offered the United States and its NATO allies access and use of its territory, 

airspace, airfields and port facilities both for their military operations and peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Kosova and for the war on terrorism. Albania has 

committed its intelligence assets, has frozen financial assets linked to criminals, and 

has troops on call to support the anti-terror campaign led by the Unites States. 

We share the view that terrorism and organized crime are closely linked. As a 

result, the Albanian government maintains a tough stance against trans-border 

crime and the illegal trafficking of human beings. Recent efforts by the Albanian 

government have met with notable success in dismantling despicable human and 

drug trafficking networks. The war against the trafficking in women is a war we 

will win. Albania’s eventual inclusion in NATO along with other Balkan countries 

would further strengthen the European barriers against criminal and terrorist activities flowing from the instability in the Middle East and Central Asia. Italian and 

Greek governments already report that over the past year and recently, illegal trafficking from Albania to these neighboring countries has decreased by nearly 60 percent. 

Fifth, support of public opinion for Albania’s membership in NATO is strong. 

Since 1992 and recently polls have shown that 90 to 95 percent of the population 

of Albania support its membership in the Alliance. This holds true for the support 

given to NATO membership by all political parties in Albania. If there is one issue 

on which there is full agreement across the entire political spectrum, from left to 

right, this is Albania’s membership in the Alliance. 

I cannot let this opportunity pass without saying that the overwhelming majority 

of Albanians view inclusion in NATO as necessary to secure their country’s future. 

This central agreement denotes an underlying willingness to respect general democratic values and standards, despite the burdens communism and other forms of authoritarian rule have placed on our democracy. The hope of eventual inclusion in 

NATO and the EU has become one of the strongest incentives for democratic reform 

in Albania today. 

I do not at all underrate the difficulties and the uncertainties and I am too much 

of a realist to believe that all the problems in my country will be solved in a day. 

Obstacles and challenges remain in Albania as they do remain in other countries 

as well. But all the evidence available to us indicates that progress in Albania is 

real, considerable, and encouraging. Therefore I have the utmost confidence that the 

prospects for its future are bright. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, 

The leadership of Hungary said, in the first round of NATO expansion, ‘‘If you 

cannot choose us at Madrid, please choose our friends in Prague and Warsaw. They 

will be fine allies.’’ Albania, like the other members of the Vilnius group, is hopeful 

that an invitation will be extended to her government to join NATO at the Prague 

Summit. If we are not invited in Prague, the Congress should accept our Vilnius 

brothers. They, too, will be fine allies. In our judgment, any success for any democracy is a success and inspiration for all democracies. 

Mr. Chairman, 

Albania’s goal to join NATO is no sudden discovery; neither is it an overnight inspiration. It is the result of a continuing struggle to bring Albanian civic society into 

the European mainstream. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its 

success. Our goal is fundamental and irreversible. We share with President Bush 

the view that we live in a community of shared values. My country is committed 

to these values. And that is not just a phrase; that is our will.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Representing Croatia, Ambassador Grdesˇic ́. 

14

Ambassador GRDESˇ IC ́. Grdesˇic ́, very good, Mr. Chairman. A lot of 

times I have a hard time pronouncing you too, so do not worry. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you. Welcome. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY IVAN GRDESˇ IC ́ , 

AMBASSADOR OF CROATIA 

Ambassador GRDESˇ IC ́. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee. It is my honor to have the opportunity to present to you the 

Croatian views on the enlargement of NATO. Croatia sincerely believes that all NATO aspirant countries frame in the Vilnius group 

could contribute significantly to the fulfillment of our shared vision 

of democratic, prosperous and united Europe. 

Let me begin this testimony by presenting a short overview of 

Croatian achievements in the last decade, a period of constitution 

of the state and consolidation of Croatian democracy. 

The electorial victory of the coalition of political parties in Croatia in January of 2000 was based on a program that advocated inclusion in the Euro-Atlantic associations, as well as strengthening 

regional cooperation. In the past 2 years, the coalition government 

has brought the country in the World Trade Organization, The European Free Trade Association, and Partnership for Peace. We have 

signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the European Union, and participate actively in the Stability Pact. 

Thus Croatia redefined significantly its international position 

and confirmed itself as a real contributor of security and stability 

in the region. 

For the last decade, the Croatian government has managed to 

maintain the country’s macroeconomic stability. The Croatian currency remains stable, the inflation rate has stayed below 5 percent, 

and foreign debit is below 55 percent of the GDP. Actual foreign 

currency reserves reach one-third of the GDP, and it is $4,700. 

As a newly independent state, Croatia did not have the burden 

of the communist style army, but rather established its armed 

forces modeled on NATO principles. Faced with the Communist 

Yugoslav army aggression the early 1990s, Croatia demonstrated 

its military and strategic capabilities to defend itself and win the 

war. Several hundred military officers have already been trained in 

American and other Western military schools and academies. For 

the last decade, Croatia has provided logistical support to the 

United Nations, United States and NATO missions in BosniaHerzegovina and Kosovo. Croatia is signator of Status of Forces 

Agreement. 

A number of joint military exercises and training with American 

troops, including the U.S. Marine Corps, took place in Croatia. The 

recently passed bill by the Croatian parliament, Bill of Defense and 

National Security Strategy, will accelerate planned military reforms. The government assigns 2 percent of GDP for defense today. 

The overwhelming majority of the population supports Croatia’s 

NATO membership. And all parliamentary parties share NATO 

membership as a country’s strategic goal. 

In the aftermath of September 11, Croatia demonstrated its commitment to act as a de facto ally of the United States, defending 

the values shared by the democratic world. The threat of global insecurity that emerged after September 11 has taught it clearly that 

15

it is necessary to expand the institutional framework of mutual cooperation. All NATO aspirant countries expect to contribute and to 

participate in the process of building a safe, free and democratic 

Europe. There is no place for new division lines in Europe. 

Croatia welcomes the approach that would stimulate and award 

the individual performances of every aspirant. All countries that 

follow the path of irreversible democracy and commitment to share 

the common values of freedom have the potential to contribute to 

the regional and global stability. 

Croatia is aware that membership is conditioned by strict criteria 

which bring additional costs and responsibilities. An admission to 

the Membership Action Plan, which we expect to be approved at 

the NATO ministerial meeting in May of this year, would allow 

Croatia to advance preparations for alliance and be recognized as 

a credible candidate for the post-Prague round of enlargement. 

In the period after the Prague Summit, Croatia will be strongly 

committed to continue to work closely with NATO, invited countries, and all NATO candidates, further fostering the Vilnius process. Croatia firmly believes that the United States will stay committed to a NATO open-door policy and encourage the strengthening of institutional links with all countries that share the common vision of security, cooperation, and solidarity as the principles 

of the North Atlantic Alliance. 

Let me conclude with an answer to the question: What can Croatia contribute to NATO? 

Croatia is ready to defend our common values; has a strong army 

with a real war experience, and readiness to participate with other 

members of the alliance in the peacekeeping missions worldwide. 

Croatia will bring the Adriatic dimension into NATO, strengthening the south wing of the alliance. Croatia considers its NATO 

membership as the most efficient investment in the permanent stability and prosperity of Southeastern Europe. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Members. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Grdesˇic ́ follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY IVAN GRDESˇ IC ́, AMBASSADOR OF CROATIA

CROATIA

Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee. It is my honor to have the opportunity to present to you the Croatian views on the enlargement of NATO. Croatia 

sincerely believes that all NATO aspirant countries framed in the Vilnius group 

could contribute significantly to the fulfilment of our shared vision of a democratic, 

prosperous, and undivided Europe. 

Let me begin this testimony by presenting a short overview of the Croatian 

achievements in the last decade, a period of constitution of the state and consolidation of Croatian democracy. The electoral victory of the coalition of political parties 

in Croatia in January 2000 was based on a program that advocated inclusion in the 

euro-atlantic associations, as well as the strengthening regional cooperation. In the 

past two years, the Coalition Government has brought the country into the World 

Trade Organization (WTO), the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), and the 

Partnership for Peace. It signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement with 

the European Union, and participate actively in the Stability Pact. 

Thus Croatia redefined significantly its international position and confirmed itself 

as a real contributor of security and stability in the region. For the last decade, the 

Croatian government has managed to maintain the country’s macroeconomic stability. The Croatian currency remains stable, inflation rate has stayed below 5 percent, and the foreign debt below 55 percent of the GDP. Actual foreign currency reserves reach one third of the GDP. The GDP per capita is $ 4,700. 

16

As a newly independent state, Croatia did not have the burden of the Communist 

style army, but rather established its armed forces modeled on NATO principles. 

Faced with Communist Yugoslav army aggression in the early 1990s, Croatia demonstrated its military and strategic capabilities to defend itself and win the war. 

Several hundred military officers have been trained already in American and other 

Western military schools and academies. For the last decade, Croatia has provided 

logistical support to the United Nations, United States and NATO missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. Croatia is a signatory of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) agreement. A number of joint military exercises and trainings with 

American troops, including U.S. Marine Corps, took place in Croatia. The recently 

passed Bill of Defense and National Security Strategy will accelerate planned military reforms. The government assigns 2 percent of the GDP for defense. The overwhelming majority of the population supports Croatia’s NATO membership. All parliamentary parties share NATO membership as the country’s strategic goal. 

In the aftermath of September 11, Croatia demonstrated its commitment to act as a de facto ally of the United States, defending the values shared by the democratic world. The threat of global insecurity that emerged after September 11, has 

taught us clearly that it is necessary to expand the institutional framework of mutual cooperation. All NATO aspirant countries expect to contribute and participate 

in the process of building a safe, free and democratic Europe. There is no place for 

new division lines in Europe. 

Croatia welcomes the approach that would stimulate and award the individual 

performances of every NATO aspirant. All countries that follow the path of irreversible democracy and commitment to share the common values of freedom have the 

potential to contribute to the regional and global stability. Croatia is aware that 

NATO membership is conditioned by strict criteria which bring additional costs and 

responsibilities. An admission to the Membership Action Plan (MAP), which we expect to be approved at the Reykjavik NATO Ministerial Meeting in May 2002, would 

allow Croatia to advance preparations for the Alliance and be recognized as a credible candidate for the post-Prague round of enlargement. In the period after the 

Prague summit, Croatia will be strongly committed to continue to work closely with 

NATO, invited countries, and all NATO candidates, further fostering the Vilnius 

process. Croatia firmly believes that the United States will stay committed to a 

NATO open-door policy and encourage the strengthening of institutional links with 

all countries that share the common vision of security, cooperation, and solidarity 

as the principles of the North Atlantic Alliance. 

Let me conclude with an answer to the question: What can Croatia contribute to 

NATO? Croatia is ready to defend our common values. Croatia has a strong army 

with real war experience and readiness to participate with other members of the 

Alliance in the peace keeping missions world-wide. Croatia would bring the Adriatic 

dimension into NATO, strengthening the south wing of the Alliance. Croatia considers its NATO membership as the most efficient investment in the permanent stability and prosperity of South Eastern Europe. 

Thank you Mr. Chairman,

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Representing Estonia, The Honorable Ambassador Jurgenson. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY SVEN JURGENSON, 

AMBASSADOR OF ESTONIA 

Ambassador JURGENSON. Mr. Chairman and distinguished Members of the Committee. 

First, let me thank you all to give us this opportunity to represent our own countries and testify on an issue that is of an extreme importance to the future of all of our countries. 

Mr. Chairman, let me remind you what President Bush said in 

June last year in Warsaw, and I quote,

‘‘We should not calculate how little we can get away with, but 

how much we can do to advance the cause of freedom.’’

This is also a slogan for our country. I think also what we have 

to ask ourselves is how much we can do to advance the cause of 

freedom, how much we can do to prepare ourselves to be the best 

possible candidates for Prague Summit and beyond. 

17

The last 101⁄2 years, a little more than 10 years of independence 

for Estonia, we have witnessed an amazing success. We have one 

of the fastest growing economies in Europe as has the whole region 

of the Baltic Sea. Heritage Foundation in this year’s economic freedom research has ranked Estonia as fourth freest economy in the 

world, the place shared with the United States. 

Just yesterday a Swiss company, IMD, announced its research 

results on economic competitiveness where Estonia is ranked number 21 in the world. And Transparency International for this year 

in its economic—in its corruption perception index shows Estonia 

as having the lowest corruption in Central and Eastern—not only 

in Central and Eastern Europe, but lower than in many U.N. 

NATO countries. 

We have always and often been named as example of social and 

ethnic integration. The 50 years of occupation left a number of ethnic Russians living in Estonia, and the efforts that we have done 

are witnessed by the fact that OSCE mission left Estonia at the 

end of last year, and Al Gore, then Vice President in 1995, gave 

also Estonia as an example to the world how to deal with national 

minorities. 

We have also shown continuity of reform when in 1997 European 

Union decided to invite Estonia as one of the first countries to start 

negotiations for membership, then one of the reasonings was that 

we had shown track record of reform. In spite of the fact that we 

had several different governments, our reform pace and reform direction remained exactly the same. 

We have been successful in reforming our military if it is possible 

to speak about reform on the fact that we started building up our 

military from 10 years ago. We allocate 2 percent of our GDP to 

our defense budget, and Membership Action Plan is giving us a 

great guidance and the best proof that we spend the money cost effectively and put it to the best use. 

But at the same time we understand that a lot still has to be 

done, and we know that there is a saying that a good runner does 

not stop at the finish, but runs through the finish, and that is what 

we intend to do. And we realize that NATO does not end in Prague, 

but there is a new beginning in Prague. 

We are continuing our cooperation with the Baltic states and 

Nordic countries. We just last week got an invitation to join German, Danish and Polish brigade, joint brigade, together with our 

friends from Latvia and Lithuania. 

The support to allocating 2 percent of GDP is very high in Estonia, and that is the proof that it is going to continue well beyond 

Prague. 

The other important issue that we still have to face and that is 

going to continue for a very long time is to continue the integration. What we have been able to create is friendly atmosphere and 

there has not been a single case of ethnic violence in Estonia for 

the last 10 years. But still it is going to be a very long process that 

we are doing in cooperation with the United States, European 

Union and OSCE. 

We are trying to actively engage our neighbors, big neighbors in 

the east, and just yesterday the Chairman of the Russian State 

Dumas Affairs Committee, Dmitri Rocozin was in Estonia, and he 

18

witnessed that Estonian/Russian relations are really going into the 

positive direction and becoming more and more constructive. 

We have always shared the values that United States and NATO 

represent, and during the Soviet occupation got a lot of aspiration 

and encouragement from the non-recognition of the forceful incorporation of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union of the United 

States of that time. And therefore I can assure you if Estonia 

would have been free in 1949, we would have been one of the 

founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

Thank you. 

Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

We have been called to the Floor for a vote, but we will continue 

right through. Our Chairman has gone over to vote and I will preside until he gets back, and then he will take over again. 

Ambassador Ronis of Latvia. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY AVIS RONIS, AMBASSADOR 

OF LATVIA 

Ambassador RONIS. Mr. Chairman, Members of Committee, I 

want to thank you for calling this hearing and for inviting all the 

Ambassadors of candidate countries to present their views on the 

next round of NATO enlargement. 

I also would like to express thanks to the Members of House of 

Representatives for its support of NATO enlargement over the past 

decade as well as for your recent overwhelming vote for Gerald Solomon, Freedom Consolidation Act, 

The people of Latvia well remember the support of United States 

Congress during the 50 years of Soviet occupation. Latvia as the 

euro statehood was sustained these many years by the United 

States policy of nonrecognition and many congressional resolutions 

supporting the captive nations. 

Today our nations are free. We are here with barely 2 months 

to go before Riga Summit in July, the last gathering of NATO candidate countries before the NATO Prague Summit in November. 

Decisions at Prague are of monumental importance to our future. 

I, and as you can see, the other Ambassadors gathered here representing a new generation in our countries. Our generation looks 

to the future. We are hard at work every day building the future 

to make sure we are leaving a different Europe than the one was 

forced on our parents. 

Here in Washington we have opportunity to make a difference. 

That is why we are here representing our countries. The future we 

are constructing is one in which the values of a democracy, rule of 

law and free markets are entrenched. It is only in such future that 

we see a future for our children and ourselves, where our freedom 

is irreversible and our potential bonded. 

Latvia has made significant progress in the last 12 years since 

regaining its independence. A new generation has increasingly assumed leadership in our economy, in our political life, and in our 

military forces. We have been reshaping our country with a resolve 

that Latvia’s economic growth has been one of the most impressive 

in Europe. We are creating the foundation for our economic prosperity which will be further augmented when we would join EuroVerDate Feb 1 2002 16:51 Jun 17, 2002 Jkt 079391 PO 00000 Frm 00022 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\EUROPE\050102\79391 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL
19

pean Union in 2004. I hope you come to Riga to see that for yourselves. 

Our future also includes Latvia’s membership in NATO, an organization that has kept the peace in Europe for over 50 years. If our 

parents were denied the opportunity to make choice of how they 

wanted to live and whom they would befriend, then my generation 

has that freedom to state openly that we want to be part of Europe 

that is whole, free and stable. 

We see NATO membership as an integral part of that future. 

Latvia has taken seriously its aspiration to join NATO with the introduction of Membership Action Plan process at 1999 NATO Summit in Washington. Latvia has developed over the past several 

years our annual national program. We will complete the third 

MAP cycles this year. Latvia’s MAP is not just annual planning 

document, it incorporates eight and 12-year planning cycles. Latvia 

is committed to long-term development of our military and defense 

capabilities so that our forces will be interoperable, modern and capable of undertaking Article 5 and other obligations in the alliance. 

As an expression of that commitment, Latvia’s parliament has 

passed legislation that will boost spending on defense to 2 percent 

of GDP by next year, and will maintain that spending through the 

year 2008. This will ensure the future reforms and procurement 

plans will be implemented over the medium term. It is worth nothing that 68 percent of Latvian citizens support Latvia’s membership in NATO. 

For the last several years, in the context of the Partnership for 

Peace Program, Latvia has joined with Lithuania and Estonia to 

create peacekeeping force called the Baltic Battalion, which has 

served regularly in the Western Balkins. Our soldiers have made 

a real contribution in assisting NATO in its peacekeeping operations there, and will continue to do as well as necessary. 

Latvia and our Baltic neighbors, Estonia and Lithuania, have 

close relations in the military field. We not only have the Baltic 

Battalion, but also joint Baltic Naval Squadron, joint Baltic Air 

Surveillance System and joint Baltic Defense College. 

We are your allies. The terrible events of September 11 brought 

home to all of us how vulnerable we are to acts of terrorism. Our 

response, cementing our laws and introducing procedures, will 

make it harder for terrorists to find a safe haven in Latvia. And 

we have offered our military forces to the international coalition in 

Afghanistan as part of Operation Enduring Freedom. 

Latvia has taken serious its obligations to create democratic society based on the rule of law with an open-free market economy. We 

are committed to creating a modern military that can defend Latvia and that will make a contribution to the North Atlantic Alliance. 

Lastly, I would like to invite the Members of Committee to attend the last of the V–10 international conferences that will be 

held in Riga on 5th and 6th of July. This will be a celebration of 

NATO enlargement before NATO’s summit in Prague in November. 

You are all cordially invited. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Ronis follows:]

20

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY AVIS RONIS, AMBASSADOR OF LATVIA

Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, I want to thank you for calling this 

hearing and for inviting all the Ambassadors of the candidate countries to present 

their views on the next round of NATO enlargement. 

My name is Aivis Ronis, I am the Ambassador of the Republic of Latvia. 

I would like to express thanks to the members of the House of Representatives 

for its support of NATO enlargement over the past decade. As well, for your recent 

overwhelming vote for the Gerald Solomon Freedom Consolidation Act. The people 

of Latvia well remember the support of the United States Congress during the fifty 

years of Soviet occupation. Latvia’s de jure statehood was sustained these many 

years by the United States policy of non-recognition, and many Congressional resolutions supporting the ‘‘Captive Nations’’. Today, our nations are free. 

We are here with barely two months to go before the Riga Summit in July, the 

last gathering of the NATO candidate countries before the NATO Prague Summit 

in November. Decisions at Prague are of monumental importance to our future. 

I and, as you can see, the other Ambassadors gathered here represent a new generation in our countries. Our generation looks to the future. We are hard at work, 

every day, building the future to make sure we live in a different Europe than the 

one forced on our parents. Here in Washington, we have the opportunity to make 

a difference; that is why we are here representing our countries. The future we are 

constructing is one in which the values of democracy, rule of law and free markets 

are entrenched. It is only in such a future that we see a future for our children and 

ourselves, where our freedom is irreversible and our potential unbounded. 

Latvia has made significant progress in the last 12 years since regaining its independence. A new generation has increasingly assumed leadership in our economy, 

in our political life and in our military forces. We have been reshaping our country, 

with the result that Latvia’s economic growth has been one of the most impressive 

in Europe. We are creating the foundations for our economic prosperity, which will 

be further augmented when we join the European Union in 2004. I hope you come 

to Riga to see for yourselves. 

Our future also includes Latvia’s membership in NATO, an organization that has 

kept the peace in Europe for over fifty years. If our parents were denied the opportunity to make a choice of how they wanted to live and whom they would befriend, 

then my generation has that freedom to state openly and unequivocally that we 

want to be part of a Europe that is whole, free and stable. We see NATO membership as an integral part of that future. 

Latvia has taken seriously its aspiration to join NATO. With the introduction of 

the Membership Action Plan (MAP) process at the 1999 NATO Summit in Washington, Latvia has developed over the past several years our Annual National Program. We will complete the third MAP cycle this year. Latvia’s MAP is not just an 

annual planning document; it incorporates 8 and 12 year planning cycles. Latvia is 

committed to the long-term development of our military and defense capabilities, so 

that our forces will be interoperable, modern and capable of undertaking Article 5 

and other obligations in the Alliance. 

As an expression of that commitment Latvia’s Parliament has passed legislation 

that will boost spending on defense to 2% of GDP by next year and will maintain 

that spending through the year 2008. This will ensure that future reforms and procurement plans will be implemented over the median term. It is worth noting that 

68% of Latvia’s citizens support Latvia’s membership in NATO. 

For the last several years, in the context of the Partnership for Peace program, 

Latvia has joined with Lithuania and Estonia to create a peace-keeping force called 

the Baltic Battalion which has served regularly in western Balkans. Our soldiers 

have made a real contribution in assisting NATO in its peace-keeping operations 

there and will continue to do so as long as necessary. Latvia and our Baltic neighbors, Estonia and Lithuania, have close relations in the military field; we not only 

have the Baltic Battalion, but also a joint Baltic naval squadron, a joint Baltic air 

surveillance system and a joint Baltic defense college. 

We are your allies. The terrible events of September 11 brought home to all of 

us how vulnerable we all are to acts of terrorism. In response, we strengthened our 

laws and introduced procedures that will make it harder for terrorists to find a safe 

haven in Latvia, and we have offered our military forces to the international coalition in Afghanistan as part of ‘‘Operation Enduring Freedom’’. 

Latvia has taken seriously its obligations to create a democratic society based on 

the rule of law, with an open free market economy. We are committed to creating 

a modern military that can defend Latvia and that will make a contribution to the 

North Atlantic Alliance. 

21

Lastly, I would like to invite the members of the committee to attend the last of 

the V–10 international conferences that will be held in Riga on 5–6 July. This will 

be a celebration of NATO enlargement before the NATO Summit in Prague in November. You are all cordially invited to attend. 

Thank You.

Mr. GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Ambassador Dimotrov of Macedonia. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY NIKOLA DIMOTROV, 

AMBASSADOR OF MACEDONIA 

Ambassador DIMOTROV. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much, 

distinguished Members of the Committee. It is my privilege and 

honor to address you and present the case of Macedonia in the context of NATO enlargement. 

I would like to on behalf of my nation to thank you for this opportunity to speak here, my fellow Ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen. 

Probably Macedonia especially in the last couple of years was 

mentioned more in the context of NATO in Macedonia than Macedonia in NATO. I am here today to tell you that we are firmly determined to change this, and we are firmly determined to see the 

other way around, to see Macedonia in NATO. 

This is going to be very difficult; but it was also very difficult to 

face three or four embargoes in the last decade, to face three or 

four wars on our borders on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, 

to have disputes with neighbors, and to rebuild an army and police 

force from nothing, from zero. 

That is why I firmly believe that we are going to see Macedonia 

in NATO, and I am going to—when I finish my presentation, ask 

you to support invitation from Macedonia press. 

I am going to start, and I am going to try to be very brief on this 

given the time, and I am going to try to be very clear. 

Now, answering the question: Why Macedonia would like to be 

a NATO member? 

First of all, Macedonia is part of Europe. We would like to see 

the dream Europe: Whole and free implemented, and we share the 

common values with the United States. We were grateful for the 

United States in this decade for helping us to achieve the rule of 

law, to achieve full aspect of funeral rights and minority rights, to 

achieve ethnic harmony and tolerance, and to achieve free market 

economy. 

We see the future of Europe as part of Euro-Atlantic relationship, not only because it is basically the only game in town, but because it supports democracy, it supports human rights, it supports 

free markets, and as the President said after the events of September 11th,

‘‘In respect of this event and after this event, we are all Americans.’’

So in a way the changing world we are all witnesses, we see 

NATO as, first of all, the strongest military alliance in the world, 

but also a very firm political brotherhood that supports democracy, 

human rights, rule of law, and free markets. 

We also want to be a part of NATO because we believe that that 

will bring stability to Macedonia, and we believe that given the reVerDate Feb 1 2002 16:51 Jun 17, 2002 Jkt 079391 PO 00000 Frm 00025 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\EUROPE\050102\79391 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL
22

cent events there can be no real stability in the Balkins without 

Macedonia as a heart of it. 

The last reason is in a poll made by the International Republican 

Institute very recently, 2 weeks ago, NATO membership was seen 

as an issue of similar value which—— Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Ambassador, I am going to have to interrupt. 

We have 2 minutes to get to the Floor. Mr. Gilman will be here 

in just a moment, so we will declare a recess momentary. 

[Whereupon, a recess was taken.] 

Mr. GALLEGLY. I apologize for stopping the hearing because we 

are behind to start with, and I appreciate your indulgence. 

Ambassador Dimotrov, I understand you were about to conclude, 

and so we apologize for the interruption. 

Ambassador. 

Ambassador DIMOTROV. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, it was a very 

short recess. 

I stopped at the polls. Macedonia regards NATO membership 

among the three top issues in our nation’s agenda. First, the first 

issue is peace; the second issue NATO membership; and the third 

issue is fight against corruption. All of these are very interrelated 

in the awareness of the comments of the Macedonians. 

Now, what have we done, what can we do to reach the NATO 

standards? 

We received in relative numbers, taking into account the proportion of the population and the territory, we received the largest 

number of refugees during the Kosovo campaign back in 1999. We 

offered our territory, and we made our capitol, Scopia, the key logistic base to support the NATO operation in Kosovo. We provided 

host nation support and we have agreed on a legal framework to 

support any future NATO mission in our country. 

We are part of SEEBRIG, a common regional military cooperation and peacekeeping force where the United States is an observer, and Italy, Greece and Turkey are members, together with 

Macedonia, Bulgaria and Albania. 

We offered our airspace and our airports after the events of September 11, and we made our national bank and all the banks apply 

the measures that would prevent and block the funds which might 

be used for sponsoring terrorism. 

We have good neighbor relations with all our neighbors these 

days. We concluded a free trade agreement with the Republic of Albania. We cooperate very closely with Bulgaria, not only in the environment. Our southern neighbor, Greece, is our biggest investor, 

and we have very frequent political consultations with Greece. We 

conclude that it is in our very best interest to have a stable Macedonia because it will affect Greece as well. 

We have good relations for Yugoslavia or Serbian Montenegra. 

There are some problems with the border with Kosovo, and with 

Kosovo as an entity given that we see the administration starting, 

commencing with building the democratic institutions there and 

rule of law, and we are very much interested to see democratic institutions working and functioning properly in Kosovo. That is in 

our best interests. 

Macedonia was described as the last best hope as far as a functional multi-ethnic democracy as possible in the Balkins. Very reVerDate Feb 1 2002 16:51 Jun 17, 2002 Jkt 079391 PO 00000 Frm 00026 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\EUROPE\050102\79391 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL
23

cently there were articles in Washington Post and Washington 

Times referring to this phrase. We intend to implement this hope. 

We intend to justify this hope. It is in your hands mostly whether 

we will witness a new alliance of division in Europe. It is in your 

hands whether we are going to see gray zones in Europe. It is in 

your hands and it is going to be mostly your decision that would 

affect the destiny of the whole nations. That is why we feel that 

Prague would be a round with history, and we firmly believe decisions we make on the basis of a long-term policy, on the basis of 

a long-term and strategic observations because it is going to be a 

decision that would build the future architecture of Europe. 

With all the refugees affected, with all the conduct we demonstrated because of our cooperation with the international community, because of our belief in multi-ethnic relations, we even 

amended our constitution last year in order to absorb the crisis, 

avoid a sea of war, another one on the Balkins, and we were successful. 

We invested a lot in our future, trusting nature, and that is why 

we dare to hope that NATO will invest in Macedonia by inviting 

us to join it this year in Prague. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Dimotrov follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY NIKOLA DIMOTROV, AMBASSADOR OF

MACEDONIA

Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members of the Committee, ladies and gentlemen: 

It is my honor and privilege to present the candidature of the Republic of Macedonia in front of such a distinguished forum. Most of you have probably heard 

about Macedonia in a different context—NATO in Macedonia. I am here today to 

convince you that we will change that context and with your support, we will see 

Macedonia in NATO. That certainly is not an easy task. Equally difficult was to 

start from scratch in building an army, surviving four wars in the neighborhood, 

surviving several embargoes against our neighbors, and dealing with the overwhelming consequences of 360,000 refugees (this equals 17% of Macedonia’s population). 

Macedonia was and still is described as ‘‘the last best hope’’ in Southeastern Europe for a functional, multi-ethnic democracy. It was democracy and tolerance that 

helped us avoid yet another bloody civil war in what used to be Yugoslavia, and 

through political solutions, absorb the extremely destructive agenda of those who attacked Macedonia last year. 

We proved that with our capacity for goodwill and our maturity we can overcome 

the most difficult challenges. By answering the questions about why Macedonia 

wants to become member of NATO, how it can contribute to NATO missions, and 

what has been done to date to reach the alliance’s standards, it will become clear 

what our expectations are in receiving a membership invitation in the upcoming 

Prague Summit. 

Mr. Chairman, historically and culturally Macedonia has always been a part of 

Europe and as Europeans, we share the values of the Euro-Atlantic community. Our 

goals are the same: a united and free Europe. 

Bearing in mind the responsibility that we are facing in this historic time of building a new security architecture in Europe, I’d like to emphasize that my country 

is willing to share the responsibility and the burden of this process, including facing 

new challenges such as terrorism, organized crime, trafficking in weapons, drugs 

and people. Active participation of all the aspiring countries, shoulder to shoulder 

with the existing alliance members, which is indubitably the most effective international mechanism, is the best guarantee for the successful implementation of our 

goals. I would like to stress that without Macedonia as part of the Alliance, stability 

in the Balkans is in constant jeopardy since Macedonia is the center of the Balkans. 

For us NATO is not just the most powerful military Alliance in he world. We perceive NATO as a genuine guarantee for the realization of democracy, human rights, 

the rule of law, and free markets. That is to say, NATO is a kind of catalyst for 

all positive democratic processes which are meant to bring us closer together and 

24

provide long-term stability and well-being in the Euro-Atlantic region. This is a conviction of not only the political parties in Macedonia, but the people of Macedonia 

as well. According to a recent public opinion survey done by the International Republican Institute, NATO membership is among the three most important issues of 

the people of Macedonia, along with peace, and fighting corruption. 

What best illustrates our desire to reach NATO standards is the perseverance in 

the implementation of the Membership Action Plan, as well as three annual national programs that were successfully implemented in spite of the conflict in 2001 

and the intense demands made on our government and ministry personnel. We have 

made great efforts to align our legal system to Western standards and we will persevere in these efforts. There are no constitutional obstacles for our future participation in NATO operations, according to article five of the Washington Agreement. 

Last year we also adopted a new defense law which will accelerate considerably 

the army’s transformation into a modern, mobile and effective organization. Recently the Macedonian army created a new and sophisticated rapid reaction unit. 

Based on the SOF Agreement, we have created a complex legal framework for defining and equalizing the status of the NATO forces during their deployment in Macedonia which makes their cooperation with the Macedonian Army, the institutions 

of he system and the local population much easier. 

By fully implementation the framework agreement, all conditions for membership 

in NATO will have been met, and the most difficult reforms in the economy are already behind us. Macedonia has friendly relations with all its neighbors. Recently, 

we signed a free trade agreement with Albania. Greece is the biggest investor in 

Macedonia. Relations with Bulgaria are characterized by cooperation in many fields 

of mutual interest. After the fall of Milosevic, relations with Yugoslavia immediately 

improved and continue to improve. 

It is easy to illustrate how Macedonia can provide assistance to NATO when one 

merely looks at Macedonia’s partnership with NATO over the last, difficult four 

years. Unlike all the other countries that offered financial support, weapons and 

military forces for NATO’s operation against Milosevic, Macedonia offered its most 

valuable asset—its territory. Even though the stakes were high—according to many 

the survival of Macedonia was brought into question—we offered our territory as 

a logistics base for the operation, profoundly aware of the fact that, geostrategically, 

the alliance had no other alternative for stationing their forces before their deployment in Kosovo. Also, proportionally Macedonia received more refugees than any 

other country in spite of the delicate ethnic balance at home. 

Macedonia participated successfully with a select command and military staff in 

the SEEBRIG, together with other NATO members such as Italy, Greece and Turkey with the United States as an observer. 

After the September 11th terrorist attack on the US, the President of Macedonia 

clearly declared that ‘‘after this world tragedy, we are all Americans.’’ Macedonia 

immediately joined the anti-terrorist coalition and once again offered its air space, 

including airports for the needs of the coalition. Also, different measures were taken 

in blocking the bank accounts that were suspected of providing funds for terrorism. 

Mr. Chairman and members of her Committee, it depends on you whether there 

will be new lines of division in Europe. The survival of ‘‘gray zones’’ is in your 

hands, as well as the destinies of many nations. For these reasons, I dare ask you 

to take into consideration the long-term consequences and strategic implications, 

rather than problems of today and the crisis of the week, in making your decision 

to support Macedonia’s entry into NATO. 

With all the difficult decisions made during the Kosovo and the Macedonia crisis, 

starting from refugees to constitutional amendments, Macedonia has risked and invested a lot in its relations and cooperation with NATO. Therefore, I think it is our 

moral right to ask NATO to invest its trust in Macedonia by sending an invitation 

to the Prague Summit. 

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, thank you for your time and attention. I would be willing to answer any questions you may have.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Representing Romania, Ambassador Ducaru. 

Mr. Ambassador. Do you have that turned on? 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY SORIN DUCARU, 

AMBASSADOR OF ROMANIA 

Ambassador DUCARU. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished Members of Congress. 

25

I am indeed extremely honored to have a chance to testify in 

front of you today and follow my distinguished colleagues, and 

would like to thank Ambassador Poptodorova for her comprehensive remarks. 

I have a longer statement which I would like to leave for the 

record, and just to pinpoint some of the specific issues relating on 

the importance of NATO and my country’s candidacy. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Without objection, your entire statement will be 

made a part of the record of the hearing. 

Ambassador DUCARU. Thank you. 

The first question I wanted to address briefly was why enlargement. We think that enlargement is important for the transatlantic 

community. We have seen enlargement as a part of the solutions 

to the new challenges of the new century, and we want part, we 

want to be part of this solution. 

The war on terrorism has proved that more allies are better than 

fewer allies. We share the values and the principles of the transatlantic community, and we think that bringing into the alliance 

like-minded countries with stable democratic systems from the Baltics to the Black Sea is a long-term warranty against the spread 

of the new threats and it will expand stability, democracy and freedom in Central and Eastern Europe leading to the completion of 

a Europe whole and free. 

Second, why we want to join NATO, and I would like to pinpoint 

that at least for Romanians NATO is not just about sharing the 

common values and ensuring our security. NATO membership 

would serve as a validation of my country’s return to its Western 

roots and identity from which it was artificially diverted for more 

than half a century by the Soviet area. 

This is why more than 80 percent of the Romanian public supports NATO membership and why our contribution to NATO’s objectives and mission is not just an obligation, but also a matter of 

pride. This contribution and pride has been reflected in Romanian 

soldiers’ participation in the Gulf War, in Bosnia, Kosovo, and most 

recently in Afghanistan. 

Third, I want to pinpoint the guiding principles of our preparations for NATO membership And these are, first, performance; second, contribution; and third, solidarity among aspirants. 

On performance, I wanted to mention that more than a decade—

after more than a decade of transformations we have established 

a democracy—established democracy and a functioning market 

economy. This democracy has been tested by three rounds of elections and two democratic transfers of power, having a good record 

in the field of human rights. 

Romania is currently in its third year of economic growth after 

1.6 percent growth in 2000 and 5 percent in 2001. April, this 

month, Standard & Poor’s upgraded Romania’s ratings for the second time in less than a year. 

Romania’s military reform is guided by the vision of transformation from a doctrine of territorial defense to flexible and rapidly deployable, self-sustaining and more professional forces. We 

are focusing on downsizing the army and adopting command structure to NATO standards. We have doubled the amount of resources 

for soldier in the last years. We have put together a modern system 

26

of acquisition in the army, and we use the robust planning, programming for budgeting, and our defense budget accounts for 2.38 

percent in 2000 to be sustained between 2.3 and 2.5 percent for the 

next 5 years. 

We are aware that we still have work to do and problems to overcome. We are mindful of the need to be prepared to assume NATO 

responsibilities, and in the remaining months before the Prague 

Summit, we are focused on the MAP and continued progress in 

military reform, stimulating economic growth, fighting corruption 

and strengthening the rule of law. These are our priorities. 

On the contribution side, I just wanted to mention that in a discussion with a distinguished U.S. senator I was asked a very interesting question. What can NATO candidate countries bring to the 

alliance that the alliance does not already have? 

And I think the response is that, first, we, all the aspirant countries can bring into the alliance the essential elements of our new 

strategic identity. The Romanian Prime Minster Adrian Nostase 

pointed out in his speech at SAIS last November, for example, that 

Romania stands at the border of troubled spots with its troops and 

territory, and the tenacity to promote democracy and stability. 

Furthermore, each of our countries can bring specialized contributions to the alliance and to opening air, land, marketing corridor, sharing intelligence and all the other contributions that have 

been mentioned are proving that we are willing and able to act as 

the de facto allies in the United States. 

At present, Romania’s participation in the international security 

assistant force in Afghanistan accounts 48 military and one C130 

Hercules plane. These troops have been self-deployed in the region. 

Just yesterday the Romanian parliament approved the deployment 

of an additional 405 combat troops and 17 nuclear biological and 

chemical engineers in support of the operation Enduring Freedom 

in Afghanistan. 

On solidarity, I think one of the most valuable assets we have 

acquired in our group, and we have this—promoted this both as a 

group and regionally. And I would just want to mention the cooperation between Romania and Bulgaria in our southern region of 

Europe as well as the cooperation between Romania, Bulgaria, 

Greece and Turkey, which has relevance for the Balkin region, for 

Central Asia and the war against terrorism. 

As conclusions, Mr. Chairman, I want to mention that the principle and actions guiding our preparation for NATO membership 

stem not only from what NATO could bring to us, but also from 

what we can bring to the alliance. This is why especially after September 11 we decided jointly to act as de facto allies. Our reforms 

are not done just for the sake of NATO membership. They are part 

of the internal process of consolidating our democracy, promoting 

rule of law and creating a functioning and prosperous market economy. 

Our preparations are not just aimed at the Prague final exam, 

but also at bringing value added to the alliance beyond the Prague 

Summit. And following on the metaphor of my Estonian colleague, 

I want to highlight the message that my Foreign Minister represented to the administrator earlier this April that

27

‘‘We are not sprinting toward the finish line in Prague, but to 

a starting line which will bring us to something much more 

complex and comprehensive as responsibilities.’’

We are thankful for the constant and substantive guidance provided to us by our friend and partners, especially here in the 

United States: The U.S. Administration, Congress and the think 

tank community. We are especially grateful to the U.S. House of 

Representatives for adopting the Freedom Consolidation Act and 

for the constant openness of the House Members for dialogue with 

our officials. 

We have been encouraged by the message of the two leaders of 

the Senate, Majority Leader Tom Daschle, and Minority Leader 

Trent Lott, addressed to the Bucharest Spring of New Allies Conference, and this was,

‘‘NATO enlargement has enjoyed and continues to enjoy bipartisan support in the U.S. Senate. It is an issue that unites 

Democrats and Republicans.’’

Last, I would mention the special symbolism of Prague to our 

countries. It is a place where in 1916 we were sent an invitation 

to come with thanks to end the ‘‘Prague Spring.’’ And we declined 

that invitation. I would like to assure you, Mr. Chairman, that we 

are doing our utmost to be prepared for this new invitation. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Ducaru follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY SORIN DUCARU, AMBASSADOR OF

ROMANIA

Mr. Chairman, 

Distinguished Members of Congress,

I am extremely privileged to have the opportunity to talk to you about an issue 

of high importance for my country: NATO enlargement. It is also a great honor to 

follow my distinguished colleagues from the NATO candidate countries. I want to 

thank Ambassador Poptodorova for her comprehensive overview of the NATO enlargement process and for bringing specific emphasis on the importance of NATO 

enlargement and Romania’s candidacy. 

WHY IS NATO ENLARGEMENT IMPORTANT FOR THE TRANS-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY?

We see NATO enlargement as part of the solution to the challenges of the new 

century. We want to be part of this solution. The war on terrorism has proved that 

more allies are better than fewer allies. Romania shares the values and principles 

of the Trans-Atlantic community. Bringing into the Alliance like-minded countries, 

with stable democratic systems, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, is a long-term 

guarantee against the spread of the new threats; it will expand the area of stability, 

democracy and freedom throughout Central and Eastern Europe. Our countries 

want to be part of an Alliance that has been successful and whose enlargement 

leads to the completion of a Europe whole and free. 

WHY DOES ROMANIA WANT TO JOIN NATO?

Along with sharing the common values, principles and objectives of the Alliance, 

as well as ensuring our national security, NATO membership would serve as a validation of Romania’s return to its Western roots and identity, from which it was artificially diverted for more than half a century by the Soviet era. This is why more 

than 80% of the Romanian public supports NATO membership and why contribution 

to NATO’s objectives and missions is not just an obligation, but also a matter of 

pride. This contribution and pride have been reflected in Romanian soldiers’ participation in the Gulf War and peace-support missions in Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, 

Kosovo and most recently in Afghanistan. 

28

THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF OUR PREPARATIONS FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP

Mr. Chairman, 

Our preparations for membership in the Alliance are based on three main guiding 

principles: self-performance within the Membership Action Plan, contribution to 

NATO’s objectives and missions, and solidarity with the allies and partners. 

a) Performance 

After more than a decade of difficult transformations, we have an established democracy and a functional market economy. Our democracy has been tested by three 

rounds of elections and two democratic transfers of power, having a good record in 

the field of human rights. On February 24 this year, Allen Kassof, president of the 

U.S.-based foundation ‘‘Project on Ethnic Relations’’, active in Central and Eastern 

European countries for more than ten years, acknowledged the high-level cooperation between the current Romanian Government and the party representing the 

Hungarian minority (UDMR), by naming Romania ‘‘an example for all the countries 

in the region’’ and stating that ‘‘interethnic dialogue and cooperation of such quality 

and with such good results have no equivalent, at this time, in this region of Europe’’. 

Romania is currently in its third year of economic growth, after 1.6% growth in 

2000 and 5 % in 2001. On April 19, 2002, Standard & Poor’s upgraded Romania’s 

ratings for the second time in less than one year, reflecting, as the agency stated, 

‘‘Romania’s reduced vulnerability to external pressures, the lasting robust performance of its export sector, and more sustainable private-sector-driven economic 

growth’’. The Romanian private sector now accounts for 65% of GDP. 

Romania’s military reform is guided by the vision of transformation-transformation from the doctrine of territorial defense to flexible, rapidly deployable, selfsustainable professional forces, fully interoperable with NATO. We have downsized 

peacetime force structure by more than half (from 300, 000 in 1989 to 127,000 at 

present) and adapted our command structure to NATO standards. Qualitative 

changes occurred in training and equipment of armed forces. We have doubled the 

amount of resources per soldier, and made the units earmarked for possible Article 

5 missions the top priority. The decrease in the number of high-ranking officers and 

the increase of professional soldiers has resulted in a structural shift in the armed 

forces. An Air Sovereignty Operational Center (ASOC) pilot program has been initiated and will be linked to the NATO’s Center. A modern acquisition system is in 

place as part of ‘‘2002–2005 Defense Planning Directive’’ and we use a robust Planning, Programming and Budgeting System. The modernization of the armed forces 

is based upon a military budget of 2.38 % in 2002, to be sustained between 2.3 % 

and 2.5 % for the next 5 years. 

We are aware that we still have work to do and problems to overcome. We are 

mindful of the need to be fully prepared for assuming the responsibilities of NATO 

membership. In the remaining months before the Prague Summit, full implementation of our Membership Action Plan (MAP) and continued progress in military reform, further stimulating economic growth, fighting corruption and strengthening 

rule of law are our priorities. 

b) Contribution 

In a discussion with a distinguished US Senator, I was asked a very interesting 

question: ‘‘What can NATO candidate countries bring to the Alliance that the Alliance does not already have?’’ I think that first and foremost, we can bring essential 

elements of our geo-strategic identity. As the Romanian Prime Minister Adrian 

Nastase pointed out in a speech at SAIS last November, ‘‘Romania is on the frontline of conflicts in Southeastern Europe, with territory, with troops and with tenacity. 

The tenacity of pursuing reform and consolidating democracy at home, while promoting regional peace, cooperation and stability.’’

Furthermore, each of our countries can bring specialized contributions to the Alliance. Opening air, land and maritime corridors, sharing intelligence, fighting financial sources of terrorism, offering logistic facilities and even troops on the ground 

are contributions to the war on terrorism we have already made, showing that we 

are willing and able to act as ‘‘de facto’’ allies of the United States and NATO. 

Romania was the first among the candidate countries to bring troops on the 

ground in Afghanistan. We transported the troops there with our airlift capacities. 

At present, the Romanian participation in the International Security and Assistance 

Force in Afghanistan accounts for 48 military, one C130 Hercules plane with its own 

crew. Just yesterday, the Romanian Parliament approved the deployment of additional 405 combat troops and 70 Nuclear, Biological and Chemical engineers in support of the operation ‘‘Enduring Freedom’’ in Afghanistan. 

29

At the recent Donor Conference in Stuttgart (Germany), Romania pledged to help 

the US and other partners to train the Georgian army. The Black Sea port of 

Constanta has been established as a gathering point for all the other contributions 

and for transporting them to Georgia by using the direct ferryboat line that links 

the seaport of Constanta to the Georgian port of Batumi/Poti. 

c) Solidarity 

Solidarity among NATO candidate countries is one of the most valuable achievements of the Vilnius Group process. Our presence here, in this format, is an expression of this principle. We understand that we are not in competition between each 

other, but rather in a competition with ourselves in meeting membership criteria. 

We have learned to promote solidarity as an entire group as well as regionally. My 

distinguished Bulgarian colleague has already mentioned the close cooperation and 

coordination between our two countries, cooperation that has enhanced regional stability and anti-terrorist efforts and promoted a Southern dimension of NATO enlargement. 

Romania and Bulgaria constitute a natural bridge linking the central core of 

NATO with Greece and Turkey. We jointly offered air corridors and logistic facilities 

to NATO operations during Kosovo war and for the US-led coalition against terrorism. Most recently, in February 2002, we established a new format of cooperation, reuniting Romania, Bulgaria Greece and Turkey, with multiple purposes:

• project stability in the Western Balkans, as well as towards Central Asia and 

the Middle East;

• enhance cooperation in the war against terrorism and in countering 

transnational threats;

• strengthening the case for a Southern dimension of NATO enlargement. 

CONCLUSIONS

Mr. Chairman, 

The principles and actions guiding our preparations for NATO membership stem 

not only from what NATO could bring to us, but also from what we can bring to 

the Alliance. That is why, especially after September 11, we decided to jointly act 

as ‘‘de facto’’ allies. Our reforms are not done just for the sake of NATO membership. They are part of the internal process of consolidating our democracy, promoting rule of law and creating a functioning and prosperous market economy. Our 

preparations are not just aimed at the Prague ‘‘final exam’’, but also at bringing 

value to the Alliance beyond the Prague summit. It is this vision that Romanian 

Foreign Minister Mircea Geoana laid out for US Administration officials in April 

this year: ‘‘Romania is not sprinting towards the finishing line in Prague, but to a 

starting line towards much more complex and comprehensive responsibilities’’. 

We are thankful for the constant and substantive guidance provided to us by our 

friends and partners, especially here in the United States: the US Administration, 

Congress and the think tank community. We are especially grateful to the US 

House of Representatives for adopting the Freedom Consolidation Act and for the 

constant openness of House members for dialogue with our officials. We have been 

encouraged by the message the two leaders of the Senate, Majority Leader Tom 

Daschle, and Minority Leader Trent Lott, addressed to the Bucharest ‘‘Spring of the 

New Allies’’ Conference: ‘‘NATO enlargement has enjoyed and continues to enjoy bipartisan support in the United States Senate. It is an issue that unites Democrats 

and Republicans’’. 

I would like to conclude by stressing the special meaning Prague bears for my 

country. As President of Romania, Ion Iliescu, mentioned in his February speech at 

the Woodrow Wilson Center, ‘‘Prague is not only the golden city of Europe. Not only 

the place of President Havel’s Velvet Revolution. It is a place where in 1968 Romania, along with other Warsaw Pact countries, was sent an invitation to come with 

tanks in order to end the ‘‘Prague Spring’’. We declined that invitation. This year, 

the Allies within NATO are preparing for a different kind of invitation, that of defending and promoting the democratic values and of building a Europe, whole and 

free, by joining NATO’’. I would like to assure you that Romania is doing its utmost 

to be best prepared to honor this invitation. 

Thank you.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Representing the Slovak Republic, Ambassador Butora. 

Mr. Ambassador. 

30

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY MARTIN BUTORA, 

AMBASSADOR OF SLOVAKIA 

Ambassador BUTORA. Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members of 

the Committee, ladies and gentlemen. 

We have come here today to respond to questions about our aspirations to joint NATO and about our contributions to the alliance, 

and I would like to ask you to include my longer written statement 

into the record. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Without objection, everyone’s statement may be 

submitted in its entirety for the official record. 

Ambassador BUTORA. Thank you. 

Meanwhile, let me say a couple of remarks in a broader context. 

Slovakia wants to join NATO because of her past and perhaps even 

more because of her future. We are convinced that Slovakia will be 

a better country as a member state of NATO, that NATO will be 

a better alliance with Slovakia, and that the United States’ interests will be better served with a stronger and bigger NATO that 

includes Slovakia. 

We want to join NATO because we never want to repeat our 

past. Believe me, each family in Slovakia remembers the horrors 

of the 20th century when Slovaks underwent two world wars and 

lived under two dictatorships. We have in our bones an experience 

of what it means to be attacked, to be occupied, and to be bombed. 

That is why we were so strongly with you after September 11, why 

thousands of rank and file Slovaks stood in their deep sorrow and 

prayers. And that is why our intelligence, our law enforcement institutions and our military offered total and immediate cooperation 

in the fight against terrorism. 

Mr. Chairman, I am here to testify, to be asked, and to respond. 

Yet for the most of the 20th century we were not asked about our 

opinion. We were not asked when Hitler in September 1938 pushed 

for Munich Agreement, which led to the end of Czechoslovakia. We 

were not asked when Nazis entered our territory to suppress the 

Slovak National Uprising, one of the largest revolts in the wartime 

Europe. 

After communists took over in 1948, thousands of people were 

not questioned when they were sent to prisons for fabricated 

crimes. And obviously, Mr. Chairman, we were not asked when Soviet-led troops invaded our country in August 1968 and crushed an 

attempt to make socialism more human led by Slovak reformist Alexander Dubcek. 

That is why we, the citizens of Slovakia, are today coming with 

an unambiguous answer. We want a different future for our children. 

In the years which have passed from Washington NATO Summit, we have moved ahead. Slovakia has now a functioning market 

economy and firmly anchored democratic institutions. We amended 

our constitution in accordance with our integration needs. We have 

strengthen the independence of our judiciary. Our media are vibrant and free. We moved ahead in decentralization. And we are 

doing well with our minorities. We are fortunate to have the representatives of the Hungarian minority in the government, and are 

sensitive to our Jewish minority. 

31

I just returned from Bratislava to watch the preparation of the 

reopening of the tomb of the famous Rabbi from Bratislava Chatam 

Sofer together with his mausoleum. 

Mr. Chairman, while everyone agrees that both with regard to 

the capacity of our armed forces and to our strategic position, Slovakia is well suited to become a useful member, I would like to remind you that our commitment to the values shared by the alliance 

is deeper and persists longer than just the last decade—and goes 

actually both ways. 

Slovak Americans stood side by side their fellow Americans in 

fight for freedom and peace in Europe in the World War II. One 

of them, Sergeant Michael Strank, stands for them and for all of 

us in the Iwo Jima Memorial here in Washington among five other 

flag raisers. And there are others who have lived to teach us a lesson of friendship and strategic partnership. 

I am proud to introduce to you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. George Bobal 

of Clifton, New Jersey, who is with us here today. [Applause.] 

A devoted American patriot and a good Slovak in his heart, 

George served his country in the 1st Army Corps’ Company A 509 

Special Forces Unit. Later on, he led Company A 713 Military Police Unit protecting President Harry Truman at the Potsdam Peace 

Conference. Staff Sergeant Bobal was one of the first soldiers to 

enter Berlin, and Mr. Chairman, this photograph is a caption of 

this memorable moment. 

Mr. Chairman, Slovakia offers what she can to meet the challenges we face today. Slovak soldiers are operating in East Timor 

and Eritrea/Ethiopia, in Golan Heights and Cyprus. They are serving in the KFOR joint Czecho-Slovak battalion in Kosovo, and a 

common Slovak-Czech-Polish brigade is in preparation. I am sure 

President Rudolf Schuster will also elaborate on this subject while 

meeting with President George Bush in early June. 

Thanks to the intensive modernization of our armed forces aimed 

at building relatively small, but highly qualified and well trained 

units, Slovakia is becoming a trustworthy partner, and this chart, 

Sir, reflects the per capita presentation of the Slovakia’s units serving for these peacekeeping purposes. 

Let me assure you that our population is aware of these challenges. According to polls, during the past 3 years, the support for 

Slovakia’s membership in NATO has spread to the majority of population and grew beyond 60 percent. This steady growth of public 

support for NATO has not been achieved by government alone. It 

is also the work of civil activists. Their participation in the education campaign on NATO has been of vital importance for increasing public understanding of national security issues, and I am confident that in the coming months Slovak civic associations will do 

their legwork to get out the vote and to boost informed and responsible electoral behavior in the September 2002 elections. 

Mr. Chairman, since Washington Summit Slovakia has played an 

active role in the international community. We have improved our 

relationships with our neighbors in the Central Europe, helping to 

restore the spirit of cooperation among Visegrad countries, which 

strongly support our integration. 

From the very beginning, Slovakia has been a dynamic member 

of the Vilnius group, in particular known as a strong advocate of 

32

solidarity. As many people in this room know, we have been systematically struggling for enhancing the chances of our Baltic 

friends. We did our best to promote the strategic importance of the 

southern dimension of enlargement, and we have in our minds and 

hearts integration horizons for those next in line, like Croatia and 

others. It is because we are so deeply convinced about the importance of this ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ a coalition prepared to defend freedom, democracy and open society. The creation of such coalition has required not only leadership back home in candidate 

countries and a coordinated effort of their Embassies here in Washington, but it has needed a determined and visionary American 

leadership. 

Mr. Chairman, let me thank you and the Members of U.S. Congress, the Administration of President Bush, as well as other leading policy makers and devoted supporters such as U.S. Committee 

on NATO for this involvement. 

Dear friends, we are living in unique times. In a few months, the 

map of Europe, and thus the map of the world will be redrawn. As 

this rendezvous with history is approaching, I am thinking of many 

participants and witnesses on this road. 

I am thinking of people of integrity who despite very difficult circumstances did not betray their souls and resisted evil. I am thinking of brave men and women who stood up with the arm in their 

hands in the Slovak National Uprising. And I am thinking of the 

Jewish fighters from Novaky concentration camp who joined them 

in this fight. 

I am thinking of people who opposed the communist regime—dissidents, members of secret church, environmentalists. I am thinking of Vaclav Havel writing his letters from communist prisons. I 

am thinking of the first days of the Velvet Revolution in November 

1989. Although we managed to bring tens of thousands of people 

to the Slovak squares, the victory was not guaranteed yet. Some of 

us had always a toothbrush in our pockets in case we would be arrested. I remember how our movement Public Against Violence 

brought Alexander Dubcek, the hero of 1968, to the podium at the 

main square in Bratislava to address the public after 20 years of 

silence. For many Slovaks, this was the glorius moment of catharsis and reborn hope. 

I remember the unforgettable speech of the then Czechoslovak 

President Vaclav Havel, for whom I worked as his human rights 

advisor, before the Joint Session of Congress in February 1990. 

Twelve years later, I am asking for your continued support for Slovakia, one part of former common states of Czechs and Slovaks, 

and hopefully a future part of a bigger community of NATO’s nations. 

And last, but not least, I have before my eyes an incredible public mobilization before our last 1998 parliamentary elections, when 

84 percent of our citizens turned out and voted out the previous 

government whose undemocratic practices prevented Slovakia’s 

entry into NATO. And I remember why there was so much hope 

in the air: People in Slovakia believed that our country would move 

closer to the community of freedom-loving, democratic nations, and 

would get another chance to join the Alliance. 

33

Since then, we have come a long way. One part of our mission 

is almost accomplished. We are looking with confidence to the 

Prague Summit. 

Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members of the U.S. Congress, dear 

friends, I thank you for your support of Slovakia. We are ready. 

Thank you for your attention. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Butora follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY MARTIN BUTORA, AMBASSADOR OF

SLOVAKIA

Mr. Chairman, 

Distinguished members of the Committee, 

Ladies and Gentlemen, 

Dear Friends,

We have come here today to respond to questions about our aspirations to join 

NATO and our contributions to the Alliance. While my longer written statement 

provides an detailed overview of Slovakia’s accomplishments in political, economic, 

and military reforms, of our capacities to help NATO to meet its mission, as well 

as of our challenges in moving from a de facto ally to a real ally, let me dwell in 

my remarks on a broader context of this process. 

Slovakia wants to join NATO because of her past, and perhaps even more, because of her future. We are convinced that Slovakia will be a better country as the 

member state of NATO, that NATO will be a better Alliance with Slovakia, and that 

the United States’ interests will be better served with a stronger and bigger NATO 

that includes Slovakia. 

We want to join NATO because we never want to repeat our past. Believe me, 

each family in Slovakia remembers the horrors of the 20th century, when Slovaks 

underwent two world wars and lived under two dictatorships. We have in our bones 

an experience of what it means to be attacked, to be occupied, and to be bombed. 

That is why we were so strongly with you after September 11, why thousands of 

rank and file Slovaks stood in their deep sorrow and prayers. And that is why our 

intelligence, our law enforcement institutions, and our military offered total and immediate cooperation in the fight against terrorism. 

Mr. Chairman, I am here to testify, to be asked, and to respond. Yet for the most 

of the 20th century, we were not asked about our opinion. Both foreign and domestic 

dictatorial regimes applied an entirely different approach. We were not asked when 

Hitler in September 1938 pushed for Munich Agreement, which led to the end of 

then Czecho-Slovakia. We were not asked when Nazis entered our territory to suppress the Slovak National Uprising, one of the largest revolts in the wartime Europe. After communists took over in 1948, our monks and nuns were not asked 

when their sanctuaries were assaulted. Our farmers were not inquired whether they 

wanted to be subjugated to enforced collectivization. Thousands of people were not 

questioned when they were sent to prisons for invented crimes. 

And obviously, we were not asked when Soviet-led troops invaded our country in 

August 1968 and crushed an attempt to make socialism more human, lead by the 

Slovak reformist Alexander Dubcˇek. 

Mr. Chairman, in those dark days of Nazi and communist dictatorships, the very 

word ‘‘hearing’’ had a completely different connotation. It meant rather ‘‘interrogation’’ (or vy ́sluch in Slovak language) of someone dangerous for the regime. I still 

see before my eyes the endless corridors and inhospitable rooms in the ominous 

building of the Communist secret police in Bratislava where I was brought to be 

‘‘asked.’’

That is why we, the citizens of Slovakia, are today coming with an unambiguous 

answer to your question: never again. We want to enter NATO as a community of 

freedom-loving nations. We want a different future for our children. We want to realize our dream, a Europe whole and free, democratic and undivided. 

In the years, which have passed from historical 1999 Washington NATO Summit, 

we in Slovakia have moved ahead. The evaluations provided by teams of NATO and 

European Union experts or by independent analysts show Slovakia as a functioning 

market democracy. We have now firmly anchored democratic institutions. We 

amended our Constitution in accordance with our integration needs. We have 

strengthened the independence of our judiciary. Our media are vibrant and free. We 

moved ahead in decentralization. Vast majority of our GDP is generated by the private sector. We are successfully privatizing our banks and natural monopolies. But 

not only that. As it was expressed by an investor like the U.S. Steel, ‘‘one of 

34

Slovakia’s most valuable assets is its well-educated and skilled people,’’ a workforce 

‘‘which can match up with that of any steel company in the world.’’ Yes, that is precisely what we strive to achieve: to catch up with the most advanced ones, as we 

did by becoming a member of the OECD in the year 2000 and as we are doing in 

our negotiations with the European Union. And to match up with the best. 

Mr. Chairman, similarly to other candidate countries, contemporary Slovakia is 

a great social laboratory, which is facing many challenges. We have to cope with 

high unemployment, fight corruption, reform our health care and pension systems, 

improve living conditions of our Roma population—just to name a few of them. We 

have to cope with popular frustration, with disillusion and disenchantment. But we 

are on the right track. 

While everyone agrees that both with regard to the capacity of our armed forces 

and to our strategic position, Slovakia is well suited to become a useful member, 

I would like to remind you that our commitment to the values cherished by the Alliance is deeper and persist longer than just the last decade—and goes actually both 

ways. 

Slovak Americans stood side by side their fellow Americans in fight for freedom 

and peace of Europe in the WWII. One of them, Sgt. Michael Strank stands for 

them and for all of us at the Iwo Jima Memorial here in Washington among five 

other flag raisers. And there are others who have lived to teach us a lesson of 

friendship and strategic partnership. I am proud to introduce to you, Mr. Chairman 

and distinguished members of the Subcommittee, Mr. George Bobal of Clifton, New 

Jersey. A devoted American patriot and a good Slovak in his heart, George Bobal 

served his country in the 1st Army Corps’ Company A 509 Special Forces Unit. On 

June 6, 1944 he stormed the Omaha Beach with thousands of others. Later on, he 

led Company A 713 Military Police Unit protecting President Harry Truman and 

other American dignitaries at the Potsdam Peace Conference. Staff Sergeant Bobal 

was one of the first GIs to enter Berlin—this photograph is a caption of this memorable moment. 

There were also American pilots who flew missions to supply provisions and 

weaponry in support of the 1944 Slovak anti-Nazi resistance. Some of them were 

shot down over Slovakia on their bombing raid missions to Germany and then cared 

for by courageous Slovaks. Last summer, we welcomed them at our newly built Embassy in Washington. 

Mr. Chairman, as you can see in the materials provided for the record, Slovakia 

offers what she can for security challenges we face today. With the Slovak soldiers 

operating in East Timor and Eritrea/Ethiopia, in Golan Heights and Cyprus, with 

the Slovak participation in the KFOR joint Czecho-Slovak battalion in Kosovo, with 

a common Slovak-Czech-Polish brigade in preparation. I am sure President Rudolf 

Schuster will also elaborate on this subject while meeting with President George 

Bush in early June. Thanks to the intensive modernization of our armed forces 

aimed at building relatively small, but highly qualified and well trained units, Slovakia is becoming a trustworthy partner in the struggle against both the traditional 

enemies of freedom as well as against all yet unknown threats of terrorist perpetrators. 

Let me assure you that our population is aware of these challenges. According to 

the polls, during the past three years, the support for Slovakia’s membership in 

NATO has spread to the majority of population and grew beyond 60 percent. And—

what is even more important—this support is based on a serious knowledge about 

the Alliance. Our citizens care much more about the foreign politics than a decade 

ago. They comprehend that to be admitted to NATO means not only to find a safe 

haven for investors like US Steel, Whirlpool, or Motorola who found their place in 

Slovakia, but also to protect our own freedom, democracy, and open society. 

This steady growth of public support for NATO has not been achieved by government alone. It is also the outcome of enthusiastic involvement of our civic activists 

from nongovernmental organizations. Their participation in the educational campaign on NATO has been of vital importance for increasing public understanding 

of national security issues and for strengthening public support for our membership 

in the Alliance. And I am confident that in the coming months, Slovak civic associations will do their legwork to get out the vote and to boost informed and responsible 

electoral behavior in the September 2002 parliamentary elections. 

Mr. Chairman, since Washington Summit Slovakia has played an active role in 

the international community. We have improved our relationships with our neighbors in the Central Europe. We have helped to restore the spirit of cooperation 

among Visegrad countries—Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic—which strongly support our integration aspiration. After a persuasive civic campaign called OK ’98 that 

contributed to an 84 percent voter turnout and to democratic rebirth of Slovakia in 

35

1998, our civic leaders have been also active abroad, sharing their experience and 

democratic know-how with their partners in Ukraine, Croatia, and especially Serbia. 

From the very beginning, Slovakia has been a dynamic member of the Vilnius 

group, in particular known as a strong advocate of solidarity. As many people in 

this room know, we have been systematically struggling for enhancing the chances 

of our Baltic friends. We did our best to promote the strategic importance of the 

Southern dimension of enlargement. And we have in our minds and hearts integration horizons for those next in line, like Croatia and others. It is because we are 

so deeply convinced about the importance of this ‘‘coalition of the willing’’; a coalition prepared to defend the ideas of freedom, democracy, and open society. Now, at 

the threshold of the Prague NATO Summit, it is more and more clear that the creation of such a coalition has required not only leadership back home in candidate 

countries and a coordinated effort of their embassies here in Washington—but it has 

needed a determined and visionary American leadership. 

Mr. Chairman, let me thank you and the members of the U.S. Congress, the Administration of President Bush as well as to other leading policy makers and devoted supporters such as U.S. Committee on NATO for this involvement. 

Dear friends, we are living in unique times: in a few months, the map of Europe, 

and thus the map of the world will be redrawn. As this rendezvous with history is 

approaching, I am thinking of many participants and witnesses on this road. 

As I am sitting here, I think of my relatives who came to this country in the beginning of the twentieth century. Together with almost two million of other hardworking and law-abiding Slovaks, who had decided to escape poverty and to seek 

liberty in their new homeland, they contributed to prosperity and democracy in 

America. 

I am thinking of people of integrity who despite very difficult circumstances did 

not betray their souls and resisted the evil. I am thinking of my father-in-law and 

other brave men and women, who stood up with the arm in their hands in the Slovak National Uprising. And I am thinking of the Jewish fighters from Novaky concentration camp who joined them in this fight. 

I am thinking of people who opposed the communist regime—dissidents, members 

of secret church, environmentalists, independent social scientists, actors and writers. I am thinking of Vaclav Havel writing his letters from communist prisons. I 

am thinking of other ‘‘positive deviants,’’ as we called people trying to live decent 

lives among the prevailing communist oppression and schizophrenia. 

And obviously, I am thinking of the first days of the Velvet Revolution in November 1989. Although we managed to bring tens of thousands people to the Slovak 

squares, the victory was not guaranteed yet. Some of us had always a toothbrush 

in our pockets, in case we would be arrested. I remember how our movement Public 

Against Violence brought Alexander Dubcek, the hero of 1968, to the podium at the 

main square in Bratislava to address the public after twenty years of silence. For 

many Slovaks, this was the glorious moment of catharsis and reborn hope. 

I remember the unforgettable speech of the then Czecho-Slovak President Vaclav 

Havel, for whom I worked as his human rights advisor, before the Joint Session of 

Congress in February 1990. Eleven years later, I am asking for your continued support for Slovakia, one part of former common state of Czechs and Slovaks, and hopefully a future part of a bigger community of NATO’s nations, a community that will 

forever keep both sides of the Atlantic together. 

And last, but not least, I have before my eyes an incredible public mobilization 

before our last 1998 parliamentary elections, when 84 percent of our citizens turned 

out and voted out the previous government whose undemocratic practices prevented 

Slovakia’s entry into NATO in the previous wave of enlargement. And I remember 

why there was so much hope in the air: people in Slovakia believed that the country 

would move closer to the community of freedom-loving, democratic nations and 

would get another chance to join the Alliance. 

Since than, we have come a long way. One part of our mission is almost accomplished. We are looking with confidence to the historical Prague Summit. 

Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the U.S. Congress, dear friends, I ask 

you for your support of Slovakia. We are ready. Thank you.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Representing Solvenia, the Honorable Ambassador Kracˇun. 

Ambassador Kracˇun. 

36

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY DAVORIN KRACˇ UN, 

AMBASSADOR OF SLOVENIA 

Ambassador KRACˇ UN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, distinguished 

Members of the Committee, let me join my colleague Ambassadors 

of the Vilnius group and express my appreciation for having an opportunity to present to you Slovenia as a credible future ally. 

Ten years ago, Slovenia gained independence in order to become 

part of a safe and democratic world, sharing a common system of 

values, and to help consolidate it. When Slovenia opted for independence, we did not opt for isolation; on the contrary—we opted 

for Euro-Atlantic integration. We want to live as an integral part 

of Europe, whole, free, and at peace. 

To meet this objective, two strategic national security and foreign 

policy priorities have been naturally evolved: Namely membership 

in NATO and European Union. These two priorities are not competing with each other, nor is one superior to another. They are 

simply two sides of the same coin. There is the broadest political 

consent among Sloven-parliamentary parties, both in coalition government and in opposition, as well as among the majority of Sloven 

citizens. Slovenia is therefore firmly resolved to meet the required 

criteria for NATO with full responsibility. 

The world after September 11 has changed. In that tragic event 

for American people, we have demonstrated that we can be a trusted ally. Within a few hours of the attack in New York and Washington, intelligence was provided and various forms of aid were offered. Slovenia joined the anti-terrorist coalition with full public 

consensus. In this fight, Slovenia joined the broad coalition of 

democratic countries in order to act comprehensively, thoroughly 

and with determination. The danger posed by international terrorism affect all states and all individuals equally. Slovenia is not 

excluded from this threat. 

The National Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia has adopted 

the declaration on Joint Fight Against Terrorism with which it 

shares the determination of the international community in the 

fight against terrorism and calls for the implementation of concrete 

measures in this fight. The Government of the Republic of Slovenia 

has adopted relevant decisions on concrete activities which have 

been resolutely carried out. 

There are clear and unambiguous geo-political and strategic benefits that Slovenia brings to NATO. Slovenia is a well established 

democracy whose political stability is an important regional asset. 

Slovenia is the success story in the economic field. In the regional 

context, it is one of the most important economic partner to other 

new states in Southeastern Europe. As far as human rights, and 

the rights of minorities are concerned, Slovenia is cited in U.S. reports on human rights as nearly an impeccable case. The rule of 

law is further reinforced by intensive legislative work in the frame 

work of preparation for EU membership. Slovenia is also among 

the countries with the lowest rate of corruption. 

Our relations with neighbors—Italy, Hungary, Austria, and Croatia—are in good shape. 

From the geo-strategic point of view, Slovenia’s inclusion into 

NATO will further strengthen NATO southern flank by first bridging present NATO territory from Italy to Hungary, and then hopeVerDate Feb 1 2002 16:51 Jun 17, 2002 Jkt 079391 PO 00000 Frm 00040 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 F:\WORK\EUROPE\050102\79391 HINTREL1 PsN: SHIRL
37

fully its extension to Romania and Bulgaria. From NATO’s perspective, its Central European position makes Slovenia also easily defendable. 

We believe that our contribution is the most effective in the area 

we know best—our southeastern neighborhood. From today on an 

additional motorized company is ready to be deployed, thus doubling our participation in the NATO-led operations in Bosnia and 

Kosovo. 

International Trust for Demining and Mine Victims Assistance 

(ITF) a joint U.S.-Slovene project, is the leading demining institution in the Southeastern Europe and is responsible for two-thirds 

of all demining in the region. 

Slovenia has made a big step forward in the reforming and modernizing its defense establishment and military forces. A week ago 

the Slovene government adopted a decision on the accelerated 

transformation from present conscript army toward fully professional armed forces. Compulsory military service is planned to 

cease in mid-2004. This will enable us to speed up the creation of 

the main reaction forces of the brigade size which will be totally 

interoperable and compatible in terms of tactics, logistics and 

equipment with NATO standards. 

An accelerated professionalization of the armed forces will require revision of the present budget. The new budget cycle, which 

is to start in July, will take into account this new development. 

Adequate financing through accelerated increase of the budget, redefinition of the priorities under the Basic Development Program 

and other inner reforms within the Ministry of Defense are anxious 

to meet these increased demands. 

Mr. Chairman, distinguished Members of the Committee, all 

above is the best proof that Slovenia does not take NATO membership for granted. On the contrary, we will do everything that is in 

our power to demonstrate that Slovenia is worth it. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Kracˇun follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY DAVORIN KRACˇ UN, AMBASSADOR OF

SLOVENIA

Let me join my college Ambassadors of the Vilnius group and express my appreciation for having an opportunity to present to you Slovenia as a credible future 

Ally. 

Ten years ago, Slovenia gained independence in order to become part of a safe 

and democratic world, sharing a common system of values, and to help consolidate 

it. Slovenia enshrined these values among its priorities at its very birth. When Slovenia opted for independence, we did not opt for isolation; on the contrary—we opted for Euro-Atlantic integration. We want to live as an integral part of Europe, 

whole, free and at peace. 

To meet this objective two strategic national security and foreign policy priorities 

have been naturally evolved: namely membership in NATO and European Union. 

These two priorities are not competing with each other nor is one superior to another. They are simply two sides of the same coin. Because they are stemming out 

of vital national interests it is no surprise that there is the broadest political consent among all Slovene parliamentary parties both in coalition government and in 

opposition as well as among the majority of Slovene citizens. Slovenia is therefore 

firmly resolved to meet the required criteria for NATO membership painstakingly 

and with full responsibility 

The world after September 11 has changed. In that tragic event for American people we have demonstrated that we can be a trusted ally. Within a few hours of the 

attack in New York and Washington, intelligence was provided and various forms 

of aid were offered. All internal measures were swift and to the point. Slovenia 

38

joined the anti-terrorist coalition with full public consensus. In this fight Slovenia 

joined the broad coalition of democratic countries in order to act comprehensively, 

thoroughly and with determination. The danger, posed by international terrorism, 

affects all states and all individuals equally. Slovenia is not excluded from this 

threat. 

By engaging in and implementing the measures adopted by NATO, EAPC and the 

Vilnius group as well as by other international fora Slovenia clearly and resolutely 

places itself on the side of anti-terrorist alliance. 

The National Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia has adopted the Declaration 

on Joint Fight against Terrorism, with which it shares the determination of the 

international community in the uniform and common fight against terrorism, and 

calls for the implementation of concrete measures in this fight. The Government of 

the Republic of Slovenia has adopted relevant decisions on concrete activities, which 

have been resolutely carried out. 

There are clear and unambiguous geo-political and strategic reasons for inviting 

Slovenia to NATO. Slovenia is a well-established democracy whose political stability 

is an important regional asset. She is the success story in the economic field, both 

in terms of transition as well as macroeconomics. In the regional context it is one 

of the most important economic partner to other new states on the South Eastern 

Europe. As far as human rights and the rights of the minorities are concerned, Slovenia is cited in the US reports on human rights as nearly an impeccable case. The 

rule of law is further reinforced by intensive legislative work in the framework of 

the preparation for EU membership. Slovenia is also among the countries with the 

lowest rate of corruption. Our relations with our four neighbors—two NATO members, Italy and Hungary, one EU member-neutral Austria and one aspiring NATO 

candidate—Croatia, are all in very good shape. 

From the geo-strategic point of view, Slovenia’s inclusion into NATO will further 

strengthen NATO’s southern flank by first bridging present NATO territory from 

Italy to Hungary and then hopefully its extension to Romania and Bulgaria. From 

NATO’s perspective, its central European positioning makes Slovenia also easy defendable. 

We believe that our contribution is the most effective in the area we know best—

our southeastern neighborhood. From today on an additional motorized company is 

ready to deploy thus doubling our participation in the NATO led operations in Bosnia and in Kosovo. General Sylvester, commander of the SFOR and general Ralston, 

Supreme Commander have just concluded their visits in Slovenia, and both have 

highly praised Slovene military contribution in the area. 

International Trust for Demining and Mine Victims Assistance (ITF), a joint USSlovene project, is the leading demining institution in the South Eastern Europe 

and is responsible for two thirds of all demining in the region. 

Slovenia has made a big step forward in reforming and modernizing its defense 

establishment and military forces. A week ago the Slovene government adopted a 

decision on the accelerated transformation from present conscript army towards 

fully professional armed forces. Compulsory military service is planned to cease in 

mid 2004 and compulsory service in the reserve force at the end of 2010. 

This will enable us to speed up the creation of the main reaction forces of the brigade size, which will be totally interoperable and compatible in terms of tactics, logistics and equipment with NATO standards. A good deal of the 10th battalion of 

this force is already now deployed under NATO flag in SFOR and KFOR in Bosnia 

and Herzegovina and in Kosovo. 

All this will not be possible without adequate recourses, human, material and financial. Slovenia has invested heavily in proper education and training of its officers, NCOs and soldiers. We have already today approximately the same percentage 

of English speaking members in the armed forces you would find in current NATO 

member’s forces. Through US security assistance all top military officers (more than 

200) of the Slovenian Armed Forces were trained in the American military education institutions. 

Back in 1996 the Slovene Parliament adopted a law according to which all military purchases and acquisitions abroad had to be in accordance with the NATO 

standards for interoperability. We opted for quality in order to keep up with the increasing high technology demands. Right now we are in the process of introducing 

the most sophisticated version of the HUMMVEE vehicles into our reaction forces. 

Proper planning and budgeting are two indispensable elements of a credible defense; therefore we have adopted in last year all necessary strategic and doctrinal 

documents and switched to a two-year rolling budget. Both domestic and foreign estimates have indicated that the present budget of 320 million $ would suffice for 

implementing basic defense reforms. 

39

An accelerated professionalization of the armed forces will require revision of the 

present budget. The new budget cycle, which is to start in July, will take into account this new development. Adequate financing through accelerated increase of the 

budget, redefinition of the priorities under the Basic Development Program and 

other inner reforms within the Ministry of Defense are envisaged to meet this increased demands. 

The width and the depth of activities undertaken by the Slovene Government, 

Parliament, and NGOs is to bring up our military capability in line with our future 

obligations in the Alliance, as well as our concrete participation in NATO peace-support operations and in broader antiterrorist coalition. All above is the best proof that 

we do not take NATO membership for granted. On the contrary. We will do everything that is in our power to demonstrate that we are worth it. 

With your assistance and support and through our commitment we will continue 

with our overall preparations, which will put us in a position to contribute to future 

NATO missions. We are aware that this is a challenging task and that much remains to be done. We are also confident that we will deliver and based on this, we 

hope Slovenia at the Prague Summit will merit an invitation to join the Alliance.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador. 

Now representing Lithuania, Ambassador Usˇackas. We have all 

patiently been waiting for your presentation. 

Mr. Ambassador. 

STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY VYGAUDAS USˇ ACKAS, 

AMBASSADOR OF LITHUANIA 

Ambassador USˇACKAS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Being the last speaker, it also give me the privilege to follow my 

speech, but I am going to disappoint you. I am going to also make 

some—going to use some time and present my remarks with respect to NATO enlargement. 

Let me ask you also for the record to include my oral presentation. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Without objection the entire statement of each of 

the witnesses today will be made a part of the record of the hearing. 

Ambassador USˇACKAS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

What you have just seen and heard from my fellow Ambassadors 

about our countries’ readiness, about our countries’ commitment; 

and the value added to the alliance and the importance of enlargement tells pieces of the story. I will now try to summarize and put 

these thoughts into perspective. 

And let me try to use my personal experience and the history I 

learned in school as a metaphor for what is at stake. 

My country has been occupied three times in the 20th century. 

It was under the yoke of communism for more than 40 years—a political system that pushed hundreds of thousands of my countrymen and those of my Baltic neighbors into forced exile. 

For you in America, Siberia and the Gulag were the embodiment 

of a cold, frozen, barren place—the ends of civilization. For us, it 

was a very real place, a place where our families were sent into 

exile, a place where dreams were meant to die. 

Our dream, like those of your forefathers, was to live in freedom 

and independence, where democracy was a way of life, where morals and values were embedded in the lifeblood of our citizens. Your 

country was always our inspiration and for 50 years we held on to 

your non-recognition of our occupation. 

As a student in the late eighties, I became politically active because I understood that no matter what dangers might be involved 

40

it was imperative that my world needed to change. And this fundamental change was worth fighting for. Like Ambassador Martin 

Butora in the then Czechoslovakia or the many others involved in 

the cause for freedom, we did not stop to think of the consequences; 

we only knew this is the most important fight we would ever wage. 

In this fight, Mr. Chairman, NATO represented to us the ultimate goal of freedom. Thus in 1994, my government committed 

itself to strive for membership, like did many other countries represented here. Many in the West at that time laughed or even 

scoffed at our hopes as highly unlikely, unreal, a pipedream. But 

we persisted and continued the hard work, continued to make the 

hard decisions. 

After Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic were admitted, 

we began to believe that we could succeed too. The 1999 Washington NATO Summit has reinforced that belief. And I am proud 

that a new level of cooperation was born in my country exactly 2 

years ago with the Vilnius group. 

We have all continued the hard work toward reforms. We have 

all made great efforts to act as allies and show how we add value, 

both militarily and politically. Our commitment to reforms reaches 

far beyond the Prague Summit because our long-term objective is 

to make our countries the best democracies and the best allies possible. 

September 11 made us all reassess the criticality of alliances. It 

made us realize how much more important were friends we could 

trust and rely on. We have shown by our deeds we are ready, willing and committed to work with the United States and other allies 

in the war on terrorism. We can be counted on. 

Our inclusion in the security structures of NATO will not make 

NATO unwieldy or unmanageable; quite the contrary, it will add 

a group of nations, prepared to act, who have devoted the resources 

and made the commitment to deal with a changing world, a group 

of nations who truly understand the moral imperative for freedom 

and democracy, and the values and responsibilities that come with 

them. 

What happens in Prague in November has significant long-term 

historical consequences. It is about tearing down the last vestiges 

of an enforced oppression. It is about realigning Europe closer to 

its rightful borders. It is about righting historical wrongs. It is 

about creating the architecture of the Europe of the 21st century, 

and adapting the most successful alliance ever in the history to the 

new challenges of the 21st century. It is probably the most important decisions affecting our countries that will happen during our 

diplomatic careers. It is truly a rendezvous with history. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Usˇackas follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HIS EXCELLENCY VYGAUDAS USˇACKAS, AMBASSADOR OF

LITHUANIA

Mr. Chairman, Excellences, Ladies and Gentleman: 

In my prepared remarks I deal specifically with my country and the value I believe it adds to the Alliance. I will not repeat that here but simply ask that a copy 

of my prepared remarks be included in the record. 

What you have just seen and heard from my fellow Ambassadors about our countries, level of preparation, state of readiness, value added to the Alliance and the 

41

importance of enlargement tells pieces of the story. I will now try to summarize and 

put these thoughts into perspective. 

Let me try to use my personal experiences and the history I learned in school as 

a metaphor for what is at stake. 

My country has been occupied three times in the 20th century. It was under the 

yoke of communism for more than 40 years—a political system that pushed hundreds of thousands of my countrymen and those of my Baltic neighbors into forced 

exile. 

For you in America, Siberia and the Gulag were the embodiment of a cold, frozen 

barren place—the ends of civilization. For us, it was a very real place, a place where 

our families were sent into exile, a place where dreams were meant to die. 

Our dream, like those of your forefathers, was to live in freedom and independence, where democracy was a way of life, where morals and values were embedded 

in the lifeblood of our citizens. America represented to us, everything we longed for, 

everything we hoped for. Your country was always our inspiration and for 50 years 

we held on to your non-recognition of our occupation. 

As a student in the late eighties, I became politically active because I understood 

that no matter what dangers might be involved it was imperative that my world 

needed to change. And this fundamental change was worth fighting for. Like Ambassador Butora in the then Czechoslovakia or the many others involved in the 

cause for freedom, we didn’t stop to think of the consequences, we only knew this 

was the most important fight we would ever wage. 

In this fight, NATO represented to us the ultimate guarantee of freedom. Thus 

in 1994 my government committed itself to strive for membership, like did many 

other countries represented here. Many in the West laughed or scoffed at our hopes 

as highly unlikely, unreal, a pipedream. But we persisted and continued the hard 

work, continued to make the hard decisions. 

After Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were admitted we began to believe 

that we could succeed, that the old barriers were being broken down and that we 

could stand shoulder to shoulder with the Alliance as contributing partners. The 

1999 Washington NATO summit reinforced this belief. And I am proud that a new 

level of cooperation was born in my country in May, 2000 with the Vilnius group. 

We have all continued the hard work towards reforms, militarily and economically, we have all made great efforts to act as allies and show how we add value, 

both militarily and politically. Our commitment to reforms reaches fare beyond the 

Prague Summit because our long-term objective is to make our countries the best 

democracies and best allies possible. 

September 11 made us all reassess the criticality of Alliances. It made us realize 

how much more important were friends we could trust and rely on. We have shown 

by our deeds we are ready, willing and committed to work with the U.S. and other 

allies in the war on terrorism. We can be counted on. Our inclusion in the security 

structures of NATO will not make the Alliance unwieldy or unmanageable; quite the 

contrary, it will add a group of nations, prepared to act, who have devoted the resources and made the commitment to deal with a changing world; a group of nations 

who truly understand the moral imperative of freedom and democracy, and the values and responsibilities that come with them. 

What happens in Prague in November has significant long term historical consequences. It is about tearing down the last vestiges of an enforced oppression, it 

is about realigning Europe closer to its rightful borders, it is about righting historical wrongs; it is about creating the architecture of the Europe of the 21st century 

and adapting the most successful security Alliance ever to the new challenges of the 

21st century. It is probably the most important decisions affecting our countries that 

will happen during our careers. It truly is a rendezvous with history.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador, and 

thank you to all of the witnesses today. There is no question for 

this Committee that you have all made a very articulate and compelling argument for your role in this process, and how important 

this process is to each and everyone of you. 

I have many questions to ask each of you that I would like to 

have a part of the record, but in fairness to everyone that is here 

today I think it would be difficult to start picking one for one and 

one for another, and not have it perceived that I feel one person’s 

testimony is more important than the other, and I do not want to 

get into that, particularly considering the hour. 

42

But with the Committee’s concurrence, I would like to submit 

some of the questions I have, and would invite those of other Members of the Committee for your written response that we could 

make a permanent part of the—or official part of the record of the 

hearing. 

And without objection, that will be the order. 

I thank all of you for your patience. I thank all of you for your 

obvious commitment to the process, and I look forward to continuing to work with you. I wish you all very, very well in this 

process. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Yes. Nick Smith. 

Mr. SMITH. May I just offer one question if it would be appropriate at this time. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. You can ask whatever you would like. This is 

America. [Laugher.] 

Mr. SMITH. Just trying to evaluate where we go and the different 

goals of the new NATO. NATO, of course, originally, as I perceived 

it, was an effort during the cold war period to have some unity in 

Europe, protecting against a potential invasion from the Soviet 

Union. 

Just sort of a far-reaching question. What would happen if we included Russia in NATO? And this is for anybody who would like 

to respond to that. I mean, they have different goals, but how does 

the new Russia play into the concept and goals of the new NATO? 

Anybody wish to respond to that? 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Would you like to direct it to anyone in particular, Mr. Smith. 

Mr. SMITH. No, I am not sure. I think I would rather look for volunteers. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Jurgenson? 

Ambassador JURGENSON. I think it is a very good question, and 

we all welcome very, very warmly the new relationship between 

NATO and Russia, and the new NATO/Russia body that will be 

created. 

But when it comes to Russian membership, then Russia has been 

very ambiguous with its own plans, and secondly, NATO enlargement has criteria from 1995. NATO enlargement study named five 

NATO enlargement criteria. And this is what we have been talking 

all about here. That is coming from Membership Action Plan, earlier on from PFB, and if Russia fulfills the criteria, I think Russia 

will be a very good NATO member. 

Mr. SMITH. Any other thoughts? Ambassador, you had a comment. 

Ambassador USˇACKAS. Yes, Mr. Congressman. 

I think in looking at the long-term perspective and having in 

mind particularly the history of the Baltic states, it is of our interest to have Russia part of integrated Europe, a country which 

would correspond to the same kind of ideals and principles as any 

other, I mean, European democracy. 

At the moment Russia has not expressed an interest to join 

NATO. We respect their right. And I am glad to report to you that 

Russia also respects the right of the Baltic nations to join NATO, 

43

as President Putin did during the meeting with my President, 

Valdao Adamki, exactly 1 year ago. 

At the same time having said this, I believe—I mean, the previous enlargement of NATO has already proved that accession of 

Poland, Czech Republic and Hungary was of benefit not only to this 

nation but to also regions with Russia, and that is going to be also 

the case as Baltic and other nations will join in, and it will 

strengthen the stability in Europe as well as contribute to a new 

relationship which is being shaped between NATO and Russia, 

which we certainly welcome. 

Mr. SMITH. My second question, Mr. Chairman, would be: Do you 

see a diminished role of the United States’ participation in NATO? 

Ambassador USˇACKAS. To me, Mr. Congressman, I think on the 

contrary. I mean, the United States was, is and will remain from 

our point of view the leader of NATO alliance in shaping its policies and contributing militarily, which we strongly welcome and 

wish to preserve. 

Mr. SMITH. Anyone else on the role of the U.S. in the new NATO 

alliance? 

Yes, Ambassador. 

Ambassador DUCARU. Well, I think the mere fact that we want 

to become NATO members and that we are conducting this hearing 

today prove the value that our countries give to the U.S. involvement in Europe, the importance that we award to the U.S. presence and NATO presence in Europe and to the U.S. role within 

NATO and within Europe. 

As a couple of us were able to mention, the U.S. has had a leading role within NATO, and this has been essential in stimulating 

the evolutions in our countries. We consider that this U.S. leadership is a valuable asset that should be preserved within NATO, 

also within a larger NATO. So we very much care in preserving 

U.S. role within NATO and in Europe. 

Mr. SMITH. It would just be my impression that the U.S. role 

probably was more valuable in early years with NATO. And to the 

extent that the greater involvement of military strength of the 

United States that diminishes the efforts of the European NATO 

countries, then I think there is some good arguments for the 

United States maybe to play a lesser role than it has in the past. 

And with that, if somebody would like to respond. 

Ambassador DUCARU. Just shortly. First, there has to be an increased participation of European and contribution of Europeans to 

the security in Europe and also beyond. And that is why there is 

this debate on capabilities within NATO. But while we are looking 

forward to having this European contribution, and our countries’

contribution within NATO, and more articulate, we think that U.S. 

leadership is essential in this process of shaping the evolution of 

a future NATO. 

Mr. GALLEGLY. I see that Ambassador Tarifa would like to contribute. 

Ambassador TARIFA. Brief comment. More role or less rule is 

going to be a leadership role that no other member of NATO can 

play not only within the NATO framework but in today’s world politics, I think. So the NATO is irreplaceable. Thank you. 

44

Mr. GALLEGLY. Again, I thank you all. Thank you, Mr. Smith, 

and with that we will conclude the hearing, and the Subcommittee 

stands adjourned. Thank you all. 

[Whereupon, at 3:27 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.]

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