Crime Victims 

Take Action

September 1998
Noël Brennan

Deputy Assistant Attorney General

Kathryn M. Turman

Acting Director, Office for Victims of Crime

Office of Justice Programs

World Wide Web Homepage:

http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov

Office for Victims of Crime

World Wide Web Homepage:

http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/

For grant and funding information, contact:

Department of Justice Response Center

1–800– 421– 6770

This document was prepared by Victim Services, supported by

grant number 96-VF-6X-K0008, awarded by the Office for Victims of Crime,

U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or

recommendations expressed in this document are those of the author(s) and

do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the

U.S. Department of Justice.

The Office for Victims of Crime is a component of the Office of Justice Programs which

also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, Bureau of Justice Statistics, the National

Institute of Justice, and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
Take Action

September 1998
y N, 

Executive Director

Victim Services

2 Lafayette Street, 3rd Floor

New York, New York 10007

(212) 577–7705

Since 1978, Dr. Friedman has served as the Executive and Founding

Director of Victim Services, the largest victim assistance provider in

the nation. Dr. Friedman has worked to incorporate victim services

into all system components that come into contact with victims—

including schools, hospitals, and the courts. Among her innovations 

are a domestic violence program that teams police officers with 

counselors to reach domestic violence victims; New York City’s 

first school-based mediation program, which teaches young people

non-violent conflict resolution; the country’s first domestic violence

service program in a public housing setting; and a counseling program

for families of homicide victims. Dr. Friedman is a 1994 recipient of

the President’s Crime Victim Service Award.
tance. She previously taught and practiced law in New York City.

Peter Neville

Program Assistant

Victim Services

Peter Neville is Program Assistant in the Policy Office at Victim

Services, where he works on a broad range of crime, victimization 

and violence prevention topics. Previously, he worked at the Bush

Center in Child Development and Social Policy at Yale University,

focusing on public policy in the areas of early education and family

services. He holds a B.A. in psychology from Wesleyan University.
to find services herself as a deaf sexual assault victim; Azim Khamisa,

who joined with the grandfather of the 14 year-old gang member who

murdered his son to provide gang prevention programs in San Diego

schools; and the many parents who came together after their children

were killed by drunk drivers to support Mothers Against Drunk Driving

in its successful efforts to strengthen laws, provide victim impact

classes, and educate the public about the devastating impact of 

this crime.

This monograph chronicles ways in which many crime victims 

are channeling their pain into helping others, improving their 

communities, and healing themselves at the same time. It describes

opportunities for victims who want to become active and makes

important recommendations for victim service programs regarding

ways to involve victims in community service.

The monograph was written by Victim Services, a New York City-based

program which is the largest victim assistance provider in the nation.

The monograph is part of a larger document entitled New Directions

From the Field: Victims’ Rights and Services for the 21st Century, a

comprehensive report and set of recommendations on victims’ rights

and services from and concerning virtually every community involved

with crime victims across the nation.
Acting Director

Office for Victims of Crime
“Pain falls drop by drop upon the heart until, in our own

despair, against our will, comes wisdom.”

—Agamemnon, Aeschylus
Reducing Isolation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12

Regaining a Sense of Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Dealing with Fear and Anger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Examples of Community Involvement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

Victim Assistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

Victims’ Rights Advocacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

Violence Prevention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17

Caveats Regarding Victim Activism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

Barriers to Involvement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22

Victim Activism Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25

Recommendations for Victim Service Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25

Recommendations for Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .26

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29

Appendix: Victim Involvement in Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Parents of Murdered Children (POMC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32

P.O.W.E.R. (People Opening the World’s Eyes to Reality) . . . . . . .33

Remove Intoxicated Drivers (RID) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34

In a Victim Services support group for families of homicide victims 

in New York, he began to speak out, telling his family’s story to the

police, criminal justice officials, social service providers, and the 

public. He found that telling others what his family had gone through

helped him cope with his pain and anger and inspired other victims 

to address their feelings. He started a self-help group for men who

had lost family members to violence. He also became an adviser 

to New York’s Crime Victims’ Board, vice president of Justice For 

All, a victims’ rights advocacy group, and a board member of the 

National Organization for Victim Assistance. A leading spokesperson

for victims’ rights in New York State, Hubbard feels no less compelled

to be an advocate for victims ten years after his son’s murder: 

“It’s something I need to do. This is therapeutic for me.”

Survivors from the 1993 Long Island Railroad massacre were 

determined to prevent similar atrocities from happening to others.

Colin Ferguson’s shooting spree transformed a number of those 

who were either on the train or lost family members into outspoken

advocates for gun control and victims’ rights. Today, they speak at 

vigils, rallies, on television talk shows, and with legislators about the 

Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 1
2 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 3

y , y y

From the ashes of criminal violence, victims and their families are

struggling to rebuild their communities, as well as their own lives.

Through community activism, individuals like Ralph Hubbard and 

Tom McDermott are transforming their pain into power, helping

change society, and healing themselves in the process. Moving from

the personal to the political, they work to correct causes of crime that

are systemic, such as poverty, racism, sexism, the culture of violence

and easy access to guns; to hold those who commit crimes accountable; and to enact victim-sensitive reforms and programs. As the

crime victims’ movement enters its third decade, advocates should

look for ways to nurture victims’ desires to help others by providing

educational and organizational opportunities for community action.

Without intervention, victims can become chronically dysfunctional—

afraid to venture out at night, unable to work productively, alienated

from neighbors and friends, distrustful of police and courts, and 

overly dependent on social services. Their withdrawal from life hurts

their families and weakens the fabric of the community.
4 From Pain to Power ain to Power

into efforts for reform.

The history of grass roots efforts in other movements shows that 

community activism can be a powerful catalyst for social change.

Individual stakeholders—those whose lives were directly affected 

by the movement’s cause—have brought about landmark reforms. 

The movements for civil rights, elder rights, welfare, environmental

protection, and AIDS research and treatment have been spearheaded

by those directly affected by the issues. Like crime victim activism,

each of these movements arose from victimizing conditions of neglect,

persecution, or marginalization; and the involvement of “victimized”

individuals legitimized the cause.

A crucial step toward activism may be the individual’s selfidentification as a member of a group victimized by particular social

conditions. Yet within the crime victims’ and battered women’s 

movements, the “victim” label remains controversial. Some believe it

is a stigmatizing label that hinders recovery and reinforces society’s

perception of victims as helpless, hopeless, and dependent. Others 

see it as an empowering identification that promotes connection with

others and spurs community involvement.
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 5

its consequences must be explained without defining the woman 

herself by the experience of abuse; second, the woman’s perceptions

and the context of her life must be explained—defending the reality 

of this woman’s experience—in a way that locates her experience

within patterns of systemic power and oppression.”3 By acknowledging themselves as victims and survivors, some people achieve 

a more realistic understanding of blame, realize a connection with

other victims, and mobilize to address the social conditions that 

contribute to victimization.

The impetus for community involvement and political 

empowerment often comes from victims themselves or from 

their families and friends. Victim Services’ Families of Homicide

Victims program initially offered individual counseling. By talking 

with each other, participants found they were not alone in their 

suffering and could give each other valuable affirmation and support.

They formed a self-help group, which provided the first real sense of

community since their tragedies. When members wanted to become

more politically active, the group spun-off as an independent organization. Those who wanted to help other survivors were trained to

work with Victim Services staff as group co-facilitators. More recently,
6 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 7

unrecognized when the 1982 Final Report of the President’s Task Force

on Victims of Crime was written. The report only indirectly touched

on victim involvement in communities, addressing “involvement” 

primarily in terms of permitting victims to participate in their own

court cases. Many of the 1982 recommendations for judicial reform

have been enacted, including provisions for victim impact statements

and victim allocution. In addition, 29 states have enacted some kind

of constitutional amendment to guarantee victims the right to be

involved in the prosecution of their cases. Many of these successes

were attributable to the efforts of crime victims. For example,

Mothers Against Drunk Driving and Parents of Murdered Children

played a key role in moving the 1988 amendments to the 1984 

Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) that expanded the kinds of victims 

eligible for services supported by the legislation.

Victim leadership and activism can be credited with many of the 

substantive public policy and legislative achievements that have 

been won over the past 20 years. Aside from its trauma healing 

benefits, victim involvement is important because it helps maintain

the direction and integrity of the movement.

This paper expands the original focus of the 1982 Final Report of the

President’s Task Force on Victims of Crime by considering how victim
8 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 9

ness, and depression are common reactions.4 Like combat veterans,

crime victims may suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, including recurrent memories of the incident, sleep disturbances, feelings of

alienation, emotional numbing, and other anxiety-related symptoms.

Janoff-Bulman suggests that victimization can shatter basic assumptions about the self and the world which individuals need in order to

function normally in their daily lives—that they are safe from harm,

that the world is meaningful and just, and that they are good, decent

people.5 This happens not only to victims of violent assaults but also

to victims of robbery and burglary6 and to their friends and family.7

Herman has suggested that “survivors of prolonged, repeated trauma,”

such as battered women and abused children, often suffer what she

calls “complex post-traumatic stress disorder,” which can manifest as

severe “personality changes, including deformations of relatedness

and identity [which make them] particularly vulnerable to repeated

harm, both self-inflicted and at the hands of others.”8

The emotional damage and social isolation caused by victimization

also may be compounded by a lack of support, and even stigmatization, from friends, family and social institutions, that can become a

“second wound” for the victim. Those closest to the victim may be

traumatized by the crime in ways that make them unsupportive of the

victim’s needs. Davis, Taylor and Bench found that close friends and
by victimization and make recovery even more difficult.

When victims do seek help, they may be treated with insensitivity.

They may feel ignored or even revictimized by the criminal justice

process, which has traditionally been more concerned with the rights

of the accused than with the rights and needs of the victim. Family

members of homicide victims in particular may feel left out of the 

justice process. When one woman whose child had been murdered

asked to be informed as the case progressed, she was asked, “Why 

do you want to know? You’re not involved in the case.”

10 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 11

challenges, striving for justice and giving something back to the 

community can provide recovery benefits not achieved solely by 

traditional counseling or therapy.

Rebuilding Low Self-Esteem

Participating in peer self-help groups can improve victims’ 

self-images by demonstrating they are neither abnormal nor 

guilty for the victimization. Before joining groups such as Families 

of Homicide Victims, survivors often blame themselves for their 

children’s deaths, seeing themselves as inadequate parents because

they could not protect their children from harm. By talking with other

parents who seem nurturing and loving, they are able to look at themselves and the question of blame more realistically. When those who

once lamented, “If only we had moved to a safer neighborhood,” meet

residents of safer neighborhoods who have also lost family members,

they begin to recognize that it was not their fault. Self-help groups 

can create an “adaptive spiral”; acceptance by other group members

boosts the individual’s self-esteem, in turn increasing his or her 

empathy and support for others.11

Community involvement generally involves some degree of risk; 

there is no guarantee that victims’ efforts will pay off. Efforts to 
empowerment that may be considerably greater than victims might

receive through individual action. When victims share their personal

experiences with others, they are no longer alone in their struggle.

Reducing Isolation

Victims of crime often feel alienated from family, friends and 

community. They may consider themselves stigmatized or tainted 

by the crime, a feeling reinforced by insensi-tive treatment from 

those who “shun victims, sensing their ‘spoiled identities.’”13

Battered women are especially at risk of feeling isolated because 

they are often separated from society by their abusers. According 

to Stark, “the hallmark of the battering experience [is] ‘entrapment’. . .

a pattern of control that extends. . .to virtually every aspect of a

woman’s life, including money, food, sexuality, friendships, transportation, personal appearance, and access to supports, including

children, extended family members, and helping resources.”14

Lebowitz, Harvey and Herman describe the process of overcoming this

isolation and reestablishing ties with others as one of the key stages

of trauma recovery.15 Social action can serve as one effective means

of achieving this reconnection. When victims work with those who

have had similar experiences, they begin to realize they are not alone.

12 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 13

A common reaction to crime is to ask, Why me? Unable to find a

reason for their victimization, crime victims may feel a loss of control

over their surroundings. By joining with others to prevent violence or

improve the treatment of crime victims, victims can have an impact

on the community and recapture a sense of power. They “transform

the meaning of their personal tragedy by making it the basis for 

social action.”18 Victims who are able to answer “Why?” perhaps by

taking on a survivor mission, may be less likely to be psychologically

incapacitated;19 they create something positive out of a negative

experience by carving out an area of their lives where they are in 

control. Sarah Buel, a battered woman who became a district attorney

specializing in domestic violence cases, said, “I feel very much like

that’s part of my mission, part of why God didn’t allow me to die in

that marriage, so that I could talk openly and publicly. . .about having

been battered.”20

Dealing with Fear and Anger

Fear of revictimization, which is related to feelings of powerlessness

and isolation, is a powerful, sometimes paralyzing result of crime.

Fear of crime can be “divisive. . .creat[ing] suspicion and distrust,”21

but it also can “motivate citizens to interact with each other and

engage in anti-crime efforts.”22
safety of his environment, he no longer felt the need to be overly

defensive or to resort to violence to protect himself.

The anger that follows victimization—at the offender, at the criminal

justice system and at society for letting it happen—can productively

be redirected through activism. By speaking out at conferences,

schools, churches and public hearings, Tom McDermott found that he

“transferred [his] hatred, bitterness and white-hot anger into something positive.” Some victims may focus on the pursuit of justice, 

not only for their own suffering but also because they recognize 

the detrimental impact of crime on society. Herman notes that in 

the later stages of recovery, victims often embrace abstract principles

that “transcend [their] personal grievance against the perpetrator 

[and]. . .connect the fate of others to their own.”25 Thus, in addition

to wanting the individual offender brought to justice, they might work

to ensure that victims are given the support they need or to fight the

social conditions that may have contributed to the crime. In these

ways, feelings of rage and anger are transformed into constructive

social action.

Some victims find release by sharing their experiences with others,

who also are helped in the process. After telling the story of his son’s

murder at conferences, Ralph Hubbard found that his words helped

14 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 15

describe as feeling “historically appointed ‘to bear witness in favor of

those plague-stricken people, so that some memorial of the injustice

done them might endure,’”27 victims sometimes need to testify to feel

that some degree of justice is achieved. Describing the survivors of

the Holocaust, Felman and Laub note that, “The witness’s readiness 

to become himself a medium of the testimony—and a medium of 

the accident—in his unshakable conviction that the accident [or the

crime]. . .carries historical significance. . .goes beyond the individual

and is thus, in effect, in spite of its idiosyncrasy, not trivial.”28 By

continuously reminding the populace of the injustice, victims prevent

society from acquiescing to what they may prefer to deny or forget.

Lorna Hawkins was frustrated that no one else seemed outraged by

the death of her two sons by gang violence; random shootings were so

common in Los Angeles that her story was not considered “news” by

the media. To raise awareness about the pain, suffering, and injustice

of urban violence, Hawkins began “Drive-By Agony,” a weekly cable

show.29 Countless other victims have spoken out against violence 

and advocated for reforms. Since 1990, 72 noteworthy activists have

been recognized by the President’s annual National Crime Victim

Service Award.
victim assistance, victims’ rights advocacy, and violence prevention.

(See appendix for more detailed descriptions of programs.)

Victim Assistance

If crime victims have sufficiently recovered from their own traumatic

experiences and have received appropriate training, they often are

well-suited to help other crime victims because of their capacity to

empathize. Facilitating victim support groups (such as the Families 

of Homicide Victims or the nationwide Parents of Murdered Children

(POMC)), accompanying victims through the criminal justice process,

or becoming in-court advocates are practical, valuable services. The

Youth Empowerment Association in New York City trained teenagers

recovering from sexual assault to work as peer counselors with youth

victims who were at earlier stages of recovery. Victims also have

played large roles in establishing and staffing rape crisis centers.30

Victims’ Rights Advocacy

Having experienced poor treatment from the criminal justice and

social service systems, some victims choose to advocate for social

change. By speaking to government officials, legislators, or the 

press and by campaigning for reform, victims often find that they 

16 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 17

Some victims may work to ensure that the criminal justice system

functions as it should and that offenders are brought to justice. 

The Roper Foundation, the direct service component to the Roper

Committee, operates a Courtwatch program that places volunteers,

many of them victims, in courtrooms to monitor whether victims’

rights are being respected. Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD)

and Remove Intoxicated Drivers (RID) developed Victim Impact

Panels, through which victims speak directly to offenders about the

devastating impact of drunk driving. POMC’s Truth-In-Sentencing 

program mobilizes its national membership to make sure that 

those convicted of murdering their children serve at least the 

minimum sentences; when an offender comes up for early parole, 

the network launches a letter-writing campaign to oppose the 

offender’s release. Taking another approach, Murder Victims Families

for Reconciliation, a national group based in Virginia, campaigns 

against capital punishment.31

Violence Prevention

Victims often say that what they want most is for the crime never to

have happened. Accordingly, some focus their efforts on crime prevention through public awareness and education campaigns or by 

creating programs for at-risk youth and self-defense training.
result from a life of drugs and violence. The group also has advocated

for stricter state legislation against assault guns, and has testified 

in Washington, D.C. at a hearing on gun control before the House

Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice.

18 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 19

community action is not necessarily appropriate for all crime victims.

The individual’s personality and history of victimization may play a

role in determining whether community involvement will be helpful 

to recovery, while the availability of emotional and financial supports

may be a factor in determining whether the victim has the time and

energy to spend on community issues. Some victims of crime, though

able to lead normal lives, may never feel prepared to deal with 

the pain of others or the frustrations of advocacy efforts. Being a 

victim may not be enough by itself to lead to activism; there is some

evidence that victims who become active in community efforts are

likely to have been activists before the crime.32 In the absence of

clear criteria for when activism is likely to benefit a traumatized 

individual, a victim’s own interest and desire to participate should 

be the determining factor. Rather than prescribing activism as a 

necessary part of the recovery process, professionals can provide

people with opportunities for action, and support those who choose

to get involved.

Timing is also an important consideration in community involvement.

Advocating for legislative reform or helping others before coming 

to terms with their own trauma may impede some victims’ recovery.

Lebowitz, Harvey and Herman note that what they call the third 

stage of trauma recovery—reconnecting with others—should not be
too close to the incident—they were still using coping strategies, 

such as denial, that conflicted with telling their stories publicly.35

This suggests that victims who invest themselves in advocacy efforts

too soon may be taking on more than they are ready to handle. 

If individual change is difficult, societal change is even more so, 

especially in the face of political opposition. To avoid these pitfalls,

activism generally should be encouraged later rather than earlier 

in the recovery process.

Certain types of activism may cause victims to feel exploited, 

potentially revictimizing them and setting back their recovery. For

example, some victims who have spoken out through television and

other news media feel that they have been taken advantage of—that

their messages were misrepresented or their words cut or edited to

alter their meaning. In an attempt to make a story more compelling,

some journalists recast victim activists’ identities, portraying them as

powerless and pitiable rather than empowered and brave. As a result,

victims may feel embarrassed or betrayed, and may be less likely to

speak out in the future. To avoid revictimization and to appropriately

access the power of the media, victim activists need to understand

how the media works—for example, that their page-one story may

fade completely from the news a day later. Victim services organizations can provide training for crime victim activists as to what they

20 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 21

Some individuals who already have ties with these groups may 

feel more comfortable taking action in familiar settings within 

their support networks than venturing into new organizations. 

Thus, institutions outside the victim field need to be supportive of 

victims, and recognize that victim involvement can benefit both 

their own individual members’ well-being and their efforts for 

community improvement.
crime victims who see conditions in their communities improving 

are more likely to try to do something about crime, whereas people

living in more traumatized neighborhoods may feel relatively more

“incapacitated” by fear for their safety.36 Research has suggested

that, although victimization may lead to community involvement, 

the very social conditions that contribute to victimization can also 

discourage activism. A disproportionate number of crime victims

already feel disempowered by racism, poverty, sexism, and a lack of

political power. Victimization makes them feel even more helpless 

and estranged from society. For many, the combined effects of living

on the margins of society, being victimized and living in constant fear 

of crime can make social activism seem irrelevant and futile.

Society’s tendency to blame victims further inhibits their ability to

become effective public players. The common misperception that 

victims are responsible for their victimization (especially victims of

domestic violence or sexual assault) can inhibit them from becoming

advocates, damage their credibility as victim activists and cause them

to pull back. In this way, some crime victims miss out on the recovery

benefits of involvement, and society loses their potential contributions for social reform. This tendency to blame victims suggests that

the friends or relatives of crime victims who fight on their behalf may

22 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 23

can inhibit the capacity of women (and no doubt others suffering 

persistent victimization) for living, much less taking public action.39

In some cases, individuals may not even imagine the possibility of

activism because they do not identify or label themselves as victims,

or they may be silenced out of shame and embarrassment. This 

is often the case where community violence is the norm, when 

society explicitly or tacitly condones men’s power and control over

women,40 or if the violence occurring within families (against women,

children or the elderly) is denied. Of course, real fear of being found

or of violent retribution keeps other victims (women who have fled

violent relationships, gang members) from going public who might

otherwise want to.

In view of such substantial barriers, the effective activism of 

some victims is especially noteworthy. For example, Barbara Hart 

in Pennsylvania, Vickii Coffey in Chicago and Sarah Buel in Quincy,

Massachusetts are formerly battered women whose names are 

synonymous with the leadership to end violence against women.

Many others across the country—perhaps less publicly and without

necessarily identifying themselves as battered women—work in 

shelters and provide peer counseling for other battered women. 

In recent years, adult victims of child sexual assault have become a

vocal and effective force in raising awareness about the prevalence
victims lack the opportunity or support they need to become involved.

By creating structures for community involvement, forging links with

existing victim programs and conducting further research, the public

sector and victim assistance organizations could mobilize many 

more crime victims to help others and to participate in grass roots 

initiatives for victims’ rights and crime prevention, thereby enhancing

their recovery and helping to improve society.

The self-determination that contributes to victims’ healing needs to 

be supported but not co-opted. By placing a higher priority on victim

activism, government and assistance organizations can ensure that

community involvement efforts remain community-based, rooted in

the soil of individual victims’ dedication and experience. 

24 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 25

social ontext of crime and violence and to create opportunities for

activism. Victim service programs should:

1. Train staff to understand the benefits of community activism for

victims and to be aware of opportunities for victims both within

and outside victim assistance organizations.

2. Engage crime victims in the leadership and guidance of the 

organization through serving on boards and developing new 

services and programs.

3. Create speakers’ bureaus which recruit and prepare victims to

speak at conferences and with legislators, criminal justice officials,

police, medical personnel, and others about the needs and rights 

of victims and the causes of violence.

4. Include battered women as presenters in domestic violence training programs for police, service providers and others.

5. Actively engage victims in paid and volunteer positions throughout

the organization, from facilitating self-help groups to managing

programs.
Recommendations for Government

As new legislation and criminal justice reforms have increased 

the involvement of victims in their own cases, the public sector 

has gained the ability to expand victims’ involvement in their 

communities, even with current financial constraints. Many of the 

following recommendations require little or no new resources;

instead, they focus on shifting priorities for decision making or 

program funding. Public-sector agencies and organizations should:

1. Actively engage crime victims in the policy decisions that affect

them. Public hearings on legislation and public policies that affect

victim services, victims’ rights, and violence prevention should

always include testimony from victims themselves.

2. Require victim involvement as part of professional curricula in 

all disciplines that work with victims (e.g., criminal justice, social

work, medicine, and law enforcement).

3. Incorporate community involvement as a funding guideline. This

will encourage the creation of programs that engage crime victims

in service, advocacy and violence prevention roles. Requests for

proposals should require victim participation on advisory boards,

26 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 27

battered women and increase their sense of self-determination—

including education, job training, and placement—would provide

them with the skills and confidence they need to reach out to 

others. Public education programs that debunk the myth of 

battered women as helpless would increase society’s acceptance 

of women who do speak out.

6. Engage crime victims through community policing programs.

Designed to create partnerships between police and the communities they serve, these efforts are ideal situations for victims 

to work with police to reduce crime and help others in need.

7. Encourage the involvement of all citizens, along with crime 

victims, on issues of victim assistance and violence prevention,

through public education (public service announcements, 

news and entertainment media). When victims initiate or join 

community-based efforts, they often do so with the understanding

that the injustice they experienced affects all of society. A more

widespread recognition that crime affects everyone would create 

a more supportive atmosphere for victim involvement, and could

reduce some of the social barriers to community activism, such as

the common tendency to blame the victim.
28 From Pain to Power ain to Power
would encourage partnerships between victim assistance programs

and community initiatives. Expanded opportunities for involvement

would create new avenues for reintegrating crime victims into society

while mobilizing a dedicated force for social change. Through better

communication between groups, victim activists might stimulate 

victim assistance professionals to look beyond individual needs to 

the broader social conditions that lead to violent crime.

Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 29
30 From Pain to Power ain to Power
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 31

and they include programs created to encourage victims to get

involved, as well as entire organizations initiated and operated 

by victims. 

Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD)

Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) was founded in 1980 by Candy

Lightner and Cindy Lamb, whose daughters were, respectively, killed

and maimed by drunk drivers. In the case of Cari Lightner, the driver,

who was out on bail from another drunk-driving crash only two days

before, had three prior drunk-driving arrests; sentenced to only two

years, he was allowed to serve his time in a work camp and a halfway

house. Laura Lamb became the country’s youngest quadriplegic after

being hit by a driver without a license who had a record of 37 traffic

violations, three for drunk driving. 

MADD is one of the most successful victim activist organizations in 

the nation. With three million members and more than 600 chapters,

MADD provides a wide range of victim assistance, advocacy and 

prevention activities. The Victim Advocate Training Program is a 

40-hour course that teaches volunteers to counsel victims, accompany
32 From Pain to Power ain to Power

to be forgotten. I cant have her back, but I do believe that by telling

her story, I am making a difference for my three beautiful grandchildren.”42 MADD also has played a key role in the passage of state and

federal bills, including the Age 21 Law (setting the minimum age for

drinking at 21). Other efforts, like the Project Red Ribbon “Tie One On

for Safety” campaign and Designated Driver programs, have helped

raise awareness of the problem and prevent drunk driving injuries

through simple, straightforward messages. Victim involvement is at

the heart of all of MADD’s activities. The majority of local volunteers,

two-thirds of board members, and a considerable portion of the

employed staff are victims of drunk drivers or family members of

those killed or injured.

Parents of Murdered Children (POMC)

Parents of Murdered Children (POMC) is a nationwide network of 

self-help groups and advocacy and assistance programs which help

families deal with the aftermath of homicide. The organization was

founded in 1978 by Charlotte and Bob Hullinger in Cincinnati, Ohio,

after their daughter, Lisa, was murdered. The loss of a child to 

violence is often an intensely isolating experience; survivors often

find that others are unable to understand how it feels and are 
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 33

justice, the TruthinSentencing program mobilizes the POMC 

membership to ensure that the convicted murderers of members’ 

children serve at least their minimum sentences. When an offender

comes up for early parole, the network helps victims respond. 

POMC’s annual national conference offers survivors the chance 

to meet one another, network, and participate in workshops and 

seminars. National and local newsletters serve as a forum for 

members to communicate and express themselves. Survivors also 

help provide a range of other services on behalf of POMC, including

court accompaniment, writing anniversary letters of consolation to

other survivors, and serving on a speakers’ bureau.

P.O.W.E.R. (People Opening the World’s Eyes to Reality)

Following the shooting deaths of two New York City high school 

students in 1992, mobility-impaired victims of gun violence at

Goldwater Memorial Hospital created P.O.W.E.R., a group that visits

at-risk youth in schools, community organizations, and detention 

centers to show what can result from a life of drugs and violence.

Ranging in age from 19 to 44, most of the group’s members are former

drug dealers, addicts, or gang members. Their personal stories and

physical conditions present a compelling argument for youth to
34 From Pain to Power ain to Power

Remove Intoxicated Drivers (RID)

In 1977, Karen and Timothy Morris, ages 17 and 19, were killed by a 

22-year-old drunk driver. A newspaper article about this tragedy

struck a nerve with Doris Aiken, the mother of two children the same

ages as the victims. She was particularly concerned that the offender

was not only not jailed, but allowed to continue driving. Together with

friends, she began investigating how drunk driving cases were handled

by the criminal justice system. They were stunned to learn that drunk

driving was rampant—killing 25,000 people each year—yet arrests,

convictions and suspended licenses were rare.

In 1978, in Schenectady, New York, Aiken formed Remove 

Intoxicated Drivers (RID). RID currently consists of 151 chapters in 

41 states. Its activities include counseling and guidance for victims 

and family members, legislative advocacy, court monitoring, speakers’

bureaus and public education. Based on the work of victims and other

volunteers, a string of successful legislative efforts in New York State

have reduced plea bargaining by drunk drivers, ensured that drivers

lose their license temporarily if they refuse to take an alcohol test,

and instituted other strategies to strengthen the state’s response. 

One study by the New York State Police Superintendent estimated
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 35

tion by victims and their families. In many instances, one victims

story has served as the spark to create new chapters. In 1981, RIDMissouri was founded by Marge Charleville, whose letter to a local

newspaper about her daughter’s death in 1980 received 128 letters in

response and led to funding to establish the chapter.

Victims are empowered and trained to work actively to monitor

courts, review pending legislation and appear as spokespersons on

national radio and television programs, with RID acting as sponsor

and agent. These public activities help to heal the wounds inflicted by

drunk drivers. In one survivor’s words, “Since the most tragic loss. . .

that anyone can endure [one’s child], I have been clinging to everyday

survival by my work helping other DWI victims, and by giving talks 

to high school assemblies,. . .state troopers, and in victim witness

panels to defendant drunk drivers. It is my reason for living.”

The Stephanie Roper Committee and Foundation

Based in Maryland, the Stephanie Roper Committee and Foundation

were created in 1982 to improve the criminal justice system’s treatment of victims and their families. After the brutal murder of their

daughter Stephanie, Roberta and Vince Roper were astounded both 
36 From Pain to Power ain to Power

half of whom are themselves crime victims. The Committee focuses 

on legislative reforms to protect victims’ rights and increase services

in Maryland, and it has been a major force in passing three dozen 

victims’ rights bills since 1983 (e.g., laws ensuring mandatory victim

impact statements, restitution and court attendance rights, and a state

constitutional amendment for victims’ rights). The Committee issues a

regular newsletter to inform members of pending legislation and to

encourage them to support the bills.

The Foundation provides direct services to crime victims, including

support groups, a Court Companion program to help victims and their

families during the trial, and a Courtwatch program to monitor the

enforcement of victims’ rights. Through its newsletter and other 

channels, the Foundation actively recruits new volunteers to be

trained in providing these services.

Teens on Target (TNT) 

Following an increase in the number of on-campus shootings, the

Oakland Unified School District in California started Teens on Target 

in 1989 to involve young victims of violence and at-risk youth in 

violence prevention. An additional chapter was later opened in 
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 37

become TNT advocates. In addition to providing a voice that other

youth will listen to, these advocates find that their actions help their

recovery. One advocate who was paralyzed by a gunshot wound said,

“Talking to other kids in the program and in classes has helped me get

through it.” By speaking out, he has received support and encouragement from others that has helped him rebuild his own life.

TNT recently began “Caught in the Crossfire,” a peer visitation 

program for victims of gun violence. TNT advocates visit young 

victims at Highland Hospital in Oakland. By sharing their own 

personal experiences and statistical information on gun violence, 

they attempt to dissuade victims and their friends from seeking

revenge. These advocates can give a uniquely convincing argument

against continuing the violence because they often speak from the

same perspective as the victim.

Youth Empowerment Association

Created by a young adult survivor of sexual assault, the Youth

Empowerment Association (YEA) was initiated to improve the treatment of teen survivors of sexual assault by the mental health system

and to enhance their recovery through peer counseling and personal
38 From Pain to Power ain to Power

sometimes criticized for failing to diagnose sexual abuse among 

its patients.

To participate in the training, young people had to express an interest

in serving as counselors and to have been out of the inpatient ward

for at least six months to demonstrate sufficient progress in their own

recovery. If substance abuse had been a problem, they also had to

have been clean and sober for six months. To prepare participants 

to counsel other youth in the hospital’s inpatient ward, the training

program gave basic information on sexual assault, substance abuse,

and other mental health consequences of victimization, as well as

communication and peer counseling skills. 

YEA also prepared young people to speak publicly about their 

treatment and other experiences before professional conferences,

policymaking task forces, and legislative hearings. YEA participants

found that, by becoming peer counselors and youth advocates, they

advanced their own recovery, increased their feelings of control over

their lives and realized they had something of value to contribute.

Many first entered the inpatient ward feeling they had somehow failed

in life and were incapable of helping themselves or others. By taking

on these new responsibilities, participants were able to increase their
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 39

Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 41

Violence, and Agency, in The Public Nature of Private Violence: 

The Discovery of Domestic Abuse, ed. M.A. Fineman and R. Mykitiuk

(New York: Routledge, 1994), pp. 59-92.

4 R.C. Davis and L.N. Friedman, “The Emotional Aftermath of Crime

and Violence,” in Trauma and Its Wake, ed. C.R. Figley (New York:

Brunner/Mazel, 1985), pp. 90-112; A.J. Lurigio and P.A. Resick, 

“Healing the Psychological Wounds of Criminal Victimization:

Predicting Postcrime Distress and Recovery,” in Victims of Crime:

Problems, Policies, and Programs, eds. A.J. Lurigio, W.G. Skogan, 

and R.C. Davis (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990), pp. 50-67.

5 R. Janoff-Bulman, “The Aftermath of Victimization: Rebuilding

Shattered Assumptions,” in Trauma and Its Wake, ed. C.R. Figley 

(New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1985), pp. 15-33.

6 Lurigio and Resick, “Healing the Psychological Wounds of

Criminal Victimization: Predicting Postcrime Distress and Recovery,” 

pp. 50-67; D.S. Riggs and D.G. Kilpatrick, “Families and Friends:

Indirect Victimization by Crime,” in Victims of Crime: Problems,

Policies, and Programs, eds. A.J. Lurigio, W.G. Skogan, and 

R.C. Davis (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990), pp. 120-138.

7 R. Davis, B. Taylor and S. Bench, The Impact of Sexual and 

Non-Sexual Assault on Secondary Victims (New York: Victim Services,

1994).
42 From Pain to Power ain to Power

12 B. Simos, A Time to Grieve: Loss as a Universal Human Experience (New York: Family Service Association of America, 1979), p. 228.

13 W.G. Skogan and M.G. Maxfield, Coping with Crime: Individual

and Neighborhood Reactions, (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1981), p. 230.

14 E. Stark, “Framing and Reframing Battered Women,” in 

Domestic Violence: The Criminal Justice Response, ed. E. Buzawa 

(New York: Auburn House, 1992), p. 282.

15 L. Lebowitz, M.R. Harvey, and J.L. Herman, “A Stage-ByDimension Model of Recovery from Sexual Trauma,” Journal of

Interpersonal Violence, 9 (3) (1993), pp. 378-391.

16 A.A. Stein, “Conflict and Cohesion: A Review of the Literature,”

Journal of Conflict Resolution, 20 (1976), pp. 143-172.

17 Herman, Trauma and Recovery.

18 Ibid.

19 R.L. Silver, C. Boon and M.L. Stones, “Searching for Meaning in

Misfortune: Making Sense of Incest,” Journal of Social Issues, 39

(1983), pp. 83-103.

20 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, p. 209.

21 Skogan and Maxfield, Coping with Crime: Individual and

Neighborhood Reactions, p. 230.
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 43

25 Herman, Trauma and Recovery, p. 209.

26 Susan Sontag, Illness as Metaphor (New York: Ferrar, Straus 

and Giroux, 1978).

27 S. Felman and D. Laub, Testimony: Crisis of Witnessing in

Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History (New York: Routledge, 1992),

p. 24.

28 Ibid.

29 “Mother of Two Murder Victims Provides Solace for Others on 

Her Talk Show,” New York Times, 17 April 1995.

30 S. Schechter, Women and Male Violence (Boston: South End, 1982).

31 D. Terry, “Victims’ Families Fight for Mercy,” The New York Times, 

1 February 1996, p. A-10.

32 F.J. Weed, “The Victim-Activist Role in the Anti-Drunk Driving

Movement,” The Sociological Quarterly, 31 (3) (1990), pp. 459-473.

33 Lebowitz, Harvey, and Herman, “A Stage-By-Dimension Model 

of Recovery from Sexual Trauma.”

34 Skogan and Maxfield, Coping with Crime: Individual and

Neighborhood Reactions.
44 From Pain to Power ain to Power

misperception of battered women as victims without agency 

fails to recognize their capacity to act even within a system of 

oppression. M.R. Mahoney, “Victimization or Oppression? 

Women’s Lives, Violence and Agency”; K.W. Crenshaw, “Race, 

Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimization in

Antidiscrimination Law”; E.M. Schneider, “Particularity and Generality:

Challenges of Feminist Theory and Practice in Work on WomanAbuse,” New York University Law Review, 67 (3) (1992), pp. 520-568.

40 Stark, “Mandatory Arrest of Batterers: A Reply To Its Critics,”

American Behavioral Scientist, pp. 651-680.

41 J.H. Lord, Victim Impact Panels: A Creative Sentencing

Opportunity (Dallas: Mothers Against Drunk Driving, 1990);

D. Mercer, R. Lorden, and J. Lord, “Victim and Situational

Characteristics Facilitation of Impending Post-Victimization

Functioning.” Presentation at the International Society for 

Traumatic Stress Studies, San Antonio, 27 October 1993.

42 Lord, Victim Impact Panels: A Creative Sentencing Opportunity.
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 45

Review, 101 (1331) (1988).

Davis, R.C., and L.N. Friedman. “The Emotional Aftermath of Crime

and Violence.” Trauma and Its Wake. Ed. C.R. Figley. New York:

Brunner/Mazel, 1985, pp. 90-112. 

Davis, R., B. Taylor, and S. Bench. The Impact of Sexual and 

Non-Sexual Assault on Secondary Victims. New York: Victim

Services, 1994.

Felman, S., and D. Laub. Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in 

Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge,

1992.

Herman, J.L. Trauma and Recovery. New York: Basic Books, 1992.

Janoff-Bulman, R. “The Aftermath of Victimization: Rebuilding

Shattered Assumptions.” Trauma and Its Wake. Ed. C.R. Figley.

New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1985, pp. 15-33.

Katz, D. “A Journey We Did Not Want to Take.” Worth, (April 1995), 

pp. 87-96, 118-125.
46 From Pain to Power ain to Power

of Criminal Victimization: Predicting Postcrime Distress and

Recovery.” Victims of Crime: Problems, Policies, and Programs.

Ed. A.J. Lurigio, W.G. Skogan, and R.C. Davis. Newbury Park, CA:

Sage, 1990, pp. 50-67.

Lord, J.H. Victim Impact Panels: A Creative Sentencing Opportunity.

Dallas: Mothers Against Drunk Driving, 1990.

Lord, J.H. Personal communication, 1995.

Mahoney, M.R. “Victimization or Oppression? Women’s Lives,

Violence, and Agency.” The Public Nature of Private Violence: 

The Discovery of Domestic Abuse. Ed. M.A. Fineman and 

R. Mykitiuk. New York: Routledge, 1994, pp. 59-92.

Mercer, D., R. Lorden, and J. Lord. “Victim and Situational

Characteristics Facilitation of Impeding Post-Victimization

Functioning.” Presentation at the International Society for

Traumatic Stress Studies. San Antonio, 27 October 1993.

“Mother of Two Murder Victims Provides Solace for Others on 

Her Talk Show.” New York Times, 17 April 1995. 
Crime Victims T Crime Victims Take Action 47

y , 7 (3) (99), pp55

Silver, R.L., C. Boon, and M.L. Stones. “Searching for Meaning 

in Misfortune: Making Sense of Incest.” Journal of Social Issues, 

39 (1983), pp. 83-103.

Simos, B. A Time to Grieve: Loss as a Universal Human Experience.

New York: Family Service Association of America, 1979.

Skogan, W.G., and M.G. Maxfield. Coping with Crime: Individual and

Neighborhood Reactions. Beverly Hills: Sage, 1981.

Sontag, S. Illness as Metaphor. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux,

1978.

Stark, E. “Framing and Reframing Battered Women.” Domestic

Violence: The Criminal Justice Response. Ed. E. Buzawa. 

New York: Auburn House, 1992, pp. 271-289. 

Stark, E. “Mandatory Arrest of Batterers: A Reply to Its Critics.”

American Behavioral Scientist, 36 (5) (1993), pp. 651-680.
48 From Pain to Power ain to Power

gQy, 3(3) (99), pp459473

NCJ 166604