Connecting the Dots: 

Education and Religious 

Discrimination in Pakistan

A Study of Public Schools and Madrassas

United States Commission on 

International Religious Freedom
Connecting the Dots: 

Education and Religious 

Discrimination in Pakistan

A Study of Public Schools and Madrassas

United States Commission on 

International Religious Freedom

November 2011

By Azhar Hussain (ICRD) and

Ahmad Salim with Arif Naveed (SDPI)

Front Cover: In this April 16, 2011 photo, a Pakistani Christian student

walks past a poster of slain Christian leader Shahbaz Bhatti placed on a school

gate in Khushpur village near Faisalabad, Pakistan. (AP Photo/Anjum Naveed)
Commissioners

Leonard A. Leo

Chair 

Dr. Don Argue

Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou

Vice Chairs

Dr. Azizah al-Hibri 

Felice D. Gaer 

Dr. Richard D. Land

Dr. William J. Shaw

Nina Shea

Ted Van Der Meid

Ambassador Jackie Wolcott 

Executive Director
Professional Staff

Tom Carter, Director of Communications

David Dettoni, Director of Operations and Outreach

Judith E. Golub, Director of Government Relations

Paul Liben, Executive Writer

John G. Malcolm, General Counsel

Knox Thames, Director of Policy and Research

Dwight Bashir, Deputy Director for Policy and Research

Elizabeth K. Cassidy, Deputy Director for Policy and Research

Scott Flipse, Deputy Director for Policy and Research 

Sahar Chaudhry, Policy Analyst

Catherine Cosman, Senior Policy Analyst

Deborah DuCre, Receptionist

Tiffany Lynch, Senior Policy Analyst

Jacqueline A. Mitchell, Executive Coordinator

Kristina G. Olney, Associate Director of Government Relations

U.S. Commission on 

International Religious Freedom

800 North Capitol Street, NW, Suite 790

Washington, DC 20002

202-523-3240, 202-523-5020 (fax)

www.uscirf.gov
This study was sponsored by:

U.S. Commission on

International Religious Freedom (USCIRF)

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) 

was created by the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 as an 

entity separate and distinct from the State Department. USCIRF’s principal responsibilities are to review the facts and circumstances of violations 

of religious freedom internationally and to make independent policy recommendations to the President, the Secretary of State, and Congress. USCIRF Commissioners 

are appointed by the President and the leadership of both political parties in the 

Senate and the House of Representatives.

This research study was conducted by:

International Center for

Religion & Diplomacy (ICRD)

The mission of ICRD is to address identity-based conflicts that exceed the reach 

of traditional diplomacy by incorporating religion as part of the solution. 

Typically, these conflicts involve ethnic disputes, tribal warfare, or religious hostilities. 

Capitalizing on the positive role that religious or spiritual factors can play in facilitating trust and overcoming differences in order to deal with the causes underlying 

conflict is a trademark ingredient of the Center’s approach. 

The Center focuses on areas of strategic importance and partners with indigenous 

organizations in executing its mission. For the past seven years, in partnership with 

local Pakistani educators and religious leaders, ICRD has been working with Pakistani 

madrassa (private Islamic school) leaders to enhance madrassa education through 

teacher-training programs that promote educational and pedagogical enhancement, 

with an emphasis on critical thinking, religious tolerance, human rights, and conflict 

resolution skills. All programs are grounded in Islamic principles and honor the significant educational and social achievements accomplished by madrassas and Islamic 

societies throughout history. This program has grown to involve over 2700 madrassa 

leaders from more than 1600 madrassas throughout Pakistan to date. 

Since its inception, the Center has also (1) helped end the 21-year civil war in 

Sudan; (2) eased religious tensions between Muslim, Hindu, and Buddhist regions in 

Kashmir; (3) opened back-channel communications to promote improved relations 

with Iran; (4) helped secure the release of the 21 Korean hostages from the Taliban 

in Afghanistan; (5) worked with Middle Eastern and American religious leaders 
to establish a religious framework for peace in the Middle East upon which political leaders can build; and (6) brought American Muslim leaders together with U.S. 

government officials to facilitate working together for the common good in addressing issues of mutual concern. 

In partnership with:

Sustainable Development Policy Institute 

(SDPI)

SDPI is an independent Pakistani policy think tank which 

acts as a premier knowledge generator as well as disseminator on issues pertaining to sustainable development. SDPI

has worked extensively on various facets of educational 

reforms in Pakistan. In 2002, along with partner organizations and educationalists, 

SDPI conducted a study called “The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and 

Textbooks in Pakistan.” This study of the curriculum for Social/Pakistan Studies, Urdu, 

and English from Grade 1 to Grade 12 led to a number of recommendations related 

to distortions and omissions in Pakistan’s national history and material discriminating 

against ethnic and religious minorities, women, and other nations. 

SDPI, in collaboration with the Commonwealth Education Fund, also conducted 

a “Citizens’ Review of the National Education Policy 1998-2010,” which examined 

the foundation of the education system including the objectives, aims, quality, and 

management of education. It also studied the examination system, private sector 

education, and higher education. The review included studies across the country 

and made concrete recommendations in each area. SDPI has also proposed alternative textbooks. In one such effort, SDPI’s researchers, in partnership with UK-based 

Minority Rights Group (MRG), developed alternative textbooks from Grades 1-10 

which promote tolerance and peace between different religious groups. Through 

its studies and research, SDPI continues to be deeply committed to removing false 

notions related to extremism and misconceived views of Islam that promote violence 

and terrorism. The tendency to nurture these views in the education system is a major 

concern for SDPI, as is the challenge to create sensitivity to religious diversity in the 

country. SDPI believes that economic and social empowerment cannot be realized 

without individuals exploring their full potential. 
Table of Contents

9 Preface

12 Map of Pakistan

13 Executive Summary

20 Section 1: Introduction and Background

26 Section 2: Literature Review

31 Section 3: Methodology

41 Section 4: Results of the Study

41 Part A: Representation of Religious Minorities in the Textbooks

55 Part B: Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

109 Part C: Case Studies

116 Part D: Expert Interviews

125 Section 5: Findings and Recommendations

131 Appendix

131 List of Textbooks Reviewed

133 Acronyms

134 Glossary

136 Bibliography

139 Acknowledgements
Minorities, to whichever community they may belong, 

will be safeguarded. Their religion or faith or belief will 

be secure. There will be no interference of any kind 

with their freedom of worship. They will have their 

protection with regard to their religion, faith, their life, 

their culture. They will be, in all respects, the citizens 

of Pakistan without any distinction of caste or creed.

They will have their rights and privileges and no 

doubt, along with it goes the obligation of citizenship. 

Therefore, the minorities have their responsibilities 

also and they will play their part in the affairs of this 

state. As long as the minorities are loyal to the State 

and owe true allegiance and as long as I have any 

power, they need have no apprehension of any kind.

—Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Founder of Pakistan (1876-1948)
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Preface

Education is critical.  This is especially true in Pakistan, an ethnically and religiously 

diverse nation of around 180 million people. Precisely because of this diversity, 

education plays a critical role in the fabric of Pakistani life, with the potential of 

bringing the society together or tearing it apart.  Especially important are the roles 

that educators play: how and what they teach and the curricula they use deeply influences whether children appreciate and respect ethnic and religious diversity or view 

religious minorities negatively, as valueless and aliens in their own country.  Once 

instilled early in life, negative attitudes often resist change and can factor into the 

disintegration of the social fabric of communities, discrimination, and even sectarian 

violence.

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), an 

independent and bipartisan U.S. government commission separate from the State 

Department, has actively monitored the troubling rise in violent religious extremism 

across Pakistan that targets religious minorities as well as members of the majority 

Muslim faith.  USCIRF has concluded that promoting respect for freedom of religion 

or belief must be an integral part of U.S. strategy in South Asia.  The conflict with 

violent religious extremists now taking place in Pakistan requires the United States to 

understand and factor into its polices an understanding of the roots of this extremism 

and actively bolster the position of those elements in society that respect democratic 

values, the rule of law, and international standards of human rights, including 

freedom of religion or belief.  Education reform is a key part of this effort. 

In our 2011 Annual Report, USCIRF found that textbooks used in Pakistani 

primary and secondary schools foster prejudice and intolerance of religious minorities, especially Hindus and Christians. Such intolerant references are not restricted to 

Islamic studies textbooks:  they are found in both early elementary and more advanced 

social studies texts used by all public school students, including non-Muslims.  

Moreover, the textbooks contain stories, biographies, and poems with an Islamic religious character that students of minority faiths must study and be tested on.

In addition, a significant minority of Pakistan’s thousands of religious schools, 

or madrassas, reportedly continue to provide ideological training and motivation 

to those who take part in religiously-inspired violence in Pakistan and abroad.  A

memorandum of understanding signed in October 2010 between the Ministry of 

Interior, which oversees the madrassa system, and the five main madrassa boards was 

an attempt to better regulate their curriculum and financing. However, further implementation has stalled and the curriculum remains unreformed. In its advisory role, 
10 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Preface | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

USCIRF recommended in 2011 that the U.S. government urge the government of 

Pakistan and appropriate provincial authorities to, inter alia:

O set national textbook and curricula standards that actively promote tolerance 

toward all persons, and establish appropriate review and enforcement mechanisms 

to guarantee that such standards are being met in government (public) schools; 

O move quickly to implement improved guidelines for textbooks used in public 

schools and to replace current public school textbooks with ones that exclude 

messages of intolerance, hatred, or violence against any group of persons based on 

religious or other differences; and 

O ensure that a madrassa oversight board is empowered to develop, implement, and 

train teachers in human rights standards, and to provide oversight of madrassa 

curricula and teaching standards.

Because of the enormity of the challenge and the importance of these concerns, and to 

provide more detailed recommendations to American policymakers, USCIRF funded 

a study by the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy (ICRD) to examine 

the social studies, Islamic studies, and Urdu textbooks and pedagogical methods in 

Pakistan’s public school system and its madrassa system, and to interview teachers and 

students about their views towards religious minorities. The goal of this study was to 

explore what linkages, if any, exist between the portrayal of religious minorities in 

Pakistan’s public schools and madrassas, biases that exist toward these minorities, and 

acts of discrimination or extremism resulting from such biases. 

To these ends, ICRD examined: the portrayal of religious minorities in these textbooks, with an emphasis on determining the degree to which negative stereotypes 

and/or biased portrayals of religious minorities exist, as well as positive examples of 

teaching about tolerance and respecting differences; the degree to which biases against 

religious minorities result from how these minorities are portrayed in these educational systems; and the degree to which systemic biases towards other religious groups 

are ingrained in the administration of public schools and madrassas. Based on these 

findings, ICRD recommended how best to counter the negative stereotyping to which 

students are exposed in their schooling and education.

ICRD, with the independent Pakistani think tank Sustainable Development Policy 

Institute, reviewed more than 100 textbooks from grades 1-10 from all of Pakistan’s 

four provinces.  In addition, students and teachers from public schools and madrassas were interviewed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly known as the North-West 

Frontier Province), Balochistan, Sindh, and Punjab.  Thirty-seven middle and high 

schools were visited, with 277 students and teachers interviewed individually or in 

group settings.  Two hundred and twenty-six madrassa students and teachers were 

interviewed from 19 madrassas.  

The results are eye opening and concerning.  

Public school textbooks used by all children often were found to have a strong 

Islamic orientation, while Pakistan’s religious minorities were either referenced 

derogatorily or omitted all together.  Hindus, one of Pakistan’s religious minorities, 

were described in especially negative terms, and references to Christians were often 

inaccurate and offensive.  Madrassa textbooks generally portrayed non-Muslims in one 

of three ways: (1) kafirs (infidels) or mushrakeen (pagans), (2) dhimmis (non-Muslims 
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Preface | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

living under Islamic rule), or (3) murtids (apostates, i.e. people who have turned away 

from Islam). Non-Muslims were never described as citizens with the constitutionallyprotected rights which accompany citizenship. Tolerant references were found in both 

systems, often intermixed with neutral and intolerant references, leaving some room 

— albeit complicated — for improvement.   

Interviews with public school and madrassa teachers demonstrated that they had 

limited awareness or understanding of religious minorities and their beliefs, and were 

divided on whether a religious minority was a citizen.  Views expressed by teachers 

about Ahmadis, Christians, and Jews often were very negative.  Interviews showed 

that these biased sentiments were transmitted and held by the students.  

This is the first study of this scope, examining Pakistan’s public school and 

madrassa textbooks, as well as the attitudes of students and teachers in all four provinces.  As the reader will see, the findings of the study and the recommendations 

reinforce USCIRF’s conclusion that education reform incorporating themes of religious tolerance is critical for the development of a tolerant Pakistani society that values 

religious freedom and religious diversity for all its citizens.  This is in the interest of 

both the United States and all Pakistanis.  

Leonard Leo

USCIRF Chair
12 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 13

Executive 

Summary

Overview

Pakistan is undergoing incredible stress in its capacity to govern. Relief efforts in 

response to the floods of 2010 and 2011 alone seem capable of overwhelming all other 

government priorities, as do the constant military campaigns and the deadly effects 

of ongoing terrorist attacks. The enormous investment in its armed forces, which has 

consumed much of Pakistan’s GDP since its inception, has diverted vital resources 

from education, and the situation is only worsening with the need to deal with the 

rampant insecurities currently confronting the country. In the midst of this turmoil, 

and with an administration that faces strong political and religious opposition, the 

Pakistani government has nevertheless put forward recommendations for education 

reforms, building on efforts begun in 2006 which included revisions to the national 

curricula. With an eye to increasing the protection and social inclusion of religious 

minorities, these reforms would soften the strong Islamization of the curricula and 

textbooks that began in the late 1970s under General Zia-Ul Haq, who stated:

“The highest priority would be given to the revision of the curricula with a view to reorganizing the entire content around Islamic thought and giving education an ideological 

orientation so that Islamic ideology permeates the thinking of the younger generation 

and helps them with the necessary conviction and ability to refashion society according to 

Islamic tenets.”1

The reforms have leaned on the 22nd article of the Constitution of 1973, which 

codifies the rights of religious minorities in education: 

“(1) No person attending any educational institution shall be required to receive religious 

instruction, or take part in any religious ceremony, or attend religious worship, if such 

instruction, ceremony or worship relates to a religion other than his own.”

Despite these efforts, in the nearly six years since the revised curricular guidelines were 

created, textbooks comprehensively incorporating the revisions prescribed by these 

2006 guidelines have not been created. The existing textbooks have been reprinted 

since 2006 with only minor adjustments, but, as demonstrated in this study, have not 

addressed much of the problematic content.

The challenges to Pakistan’s education system will require enormous efforts 

1 Saigol, R. “Boundaries of Consciousness: Interface between the Curriculum, Gender and Nationalism.” Ed. 

R. S. Saigol and N. S. Khan. Locating the Self: Reflections on Women and Multiple Identities. Ed. A. S. Zia. Lahore, 

1994. 41-76. Print. 
14 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

to overcome. In 2009, Pakistan committed only 2.69% of its GDP to education.2

Pakistan’s prominent Dawn newspaper stated in a 2011 article that “50 percent [of 

school age students] cannot read a sentence.”3 On the UNDP World Development 

Report Education Index, Pakistan ranks 141st of 182 ranked countries.4 Illiteracy and 

attendance compare unfavorably to similar countries, with a serious gap in gender 

representation. Literacy was just over 50%, with less than 50% literacy for females.5 In 

such an environment, the capacity for teachers to have the appropriate training, texts 

and tools to convey basic ideas of religious tolerance faces a serious uphill battle.

The primary objective of the current study was to analyze the impact of textbooks 

and teaching practices on the attitudes of students towards religious minorities. Under 

a grant from the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), 

the research conducted by the International Center for Religion & Diplomacy 

in partnership with the Pakistan-based Sustainable Development Policy Institute 

(SDPI) uncovered a wide range of perceptions among teachers and students on the 

rights, practices, and character of religious minorities. It was unsurprising to find a 

strong correlation between Pakistani and Islamic identity, considering the religious 

make-up and strength of Islamic practice in the country. However, the attitudes 

toward religious minorities are decidedly mixed, with clear demonstrations of tolerance, understanding and acceptance in both public schools and religious schools 

(madrassas) on the one hand and equally clear expressions of bigotry, ignorance, and 

hostility in both on the other. 

There are many public school students and teachers who advocate respect for 

religious minorities, but a large portion do not understand minority citizenship 

rights and are wary about them ever holding public office. A strong sentiment of 

antagonism was expressed across the board toward the enemies of Islam, but there is 

widespread confusion about who constitutes an enemy by virtue of their non-Muslim 

or foreign status. Similarly, a great deal of the anger expressed toward religious minorities often stems from a feeling that they do not respect Islam and Muslims.

Although this chaos of opinion creates challenges for the full social inclusion of 

religious minorities, it also provides certain opportunities. A large percentage of public 

school teachers teach their students to be tolerant of faiths other than the dominant 

Sunni Islam, with much of that tolerance driven by a desire to inspire conversions 

to Islam (much like the Christian concept of “witnessing by example”). At the same 

time, while largely resistant to non-Muslims and their role in society, madrassa 

teachers and students were aware of Qur’anic passages encouraging them to treat 

non‐Muslims with kindness and understanding. 

Summary of Findings

Textbook Analysis

An integrated curriculum is frequently used for early grades with no clear separation 

between dominant religious content and non-religious content in materials given to 

2 World Bank (WB). World Bank Education Expenditure Project (Edstats). Washington, DC, United States: 

World Bank (WB). 2011.

3 “Education Emergency Pakistan.” Dawn.com. 9 Mar. 2011. Web. <http://www.dawn.com/2011/03/09/

education-emeregency-pakistan.html>.

4 “Human Development Report 2009 - Education Index.” International Human Development Indicators - UNDP. 

Web. <http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/indicators/93.html>.

5 Pakistan Economic Survey 2010-2011, Government of Pakistan Ministry of Finance <http://finance.gov.pk/

survey_1011.html>

Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Attitudes 

toward religious 

minorities 

are decidedly 

mixed, 

with clear 

demonstrations 

of tolerance 

. . . and 

equally clear 

expressions of 

bigotry.
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Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

religious minorities. This is perhaps the most apparent violation of minorities’ rights 

as enshrined in Article 22 of the Constitution. A review of ostensibly non-religious 

textbooks, some of which are compulsory for students from religious minorities, 

found significant Islamic content.

Dominant religious values, cultural values, and national aspirations are an integral 

part of the textbooks. For example, a review of compulsory Urdu language textbooks 

for all students up to Grade 10, published by the Punjab Textbook Board, found 

that 96 chapters and poems out of 362 had a strong Islamic orientation, without any 

mention of Pakistan’s religious minorities or their beliefs. An examination of the first 

grade textbook used for the integrated curriculum, titled Meri Kitab6

 or “My Book,” 

which is required for the majority of public school students, revealed that seven of 

the 16 total chapters contained Islamic sermons. In the accompanying instructions, 

teachers are instructed to underscore its Islamic content. The Ethics Course, which 

was intended to fulfill the Article 22 requirement for religious minorities in later 

grades, is still inaccessible to students in many parts of the country for a variety of 

reasons.

Pakistan and Social Studies textbooks are rife with negative comments regarding 

India and Great Britain, but Hindus are often singled out for particular criticism in 

texts and in interview responses, together with Ahmadis, who consider themselves 

Muslims but are not considered so by the Pakistani constitution. Although an 

unbiased review of history would show that Hindus and Muslims enjoyed centuries 

of harmonious co-existence, Hindus are repeatedly described as extremists and eternal 

enemies of Islam. Hindu culture and society are portrayed as unjust and cruel, while 

Islam is portrayed as just and peaceful. 

According to the National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) report:

“Government issued textbooks teach students that Hindus are backward and superstitious, and given a chance, they would assert their power over the weak, especially, 

Muslims, depriving them of education by pouring molten lead in their ears...”7

Ultimately, while citizenship is mentioned in textbooks without religious qualification, and a few references to universal religious freedom can be found, textbooks 

generally emphasize the fundamental Islamic identity of Pakistan and the need for 

unity within the Muslim community. The defense of Pakistan is equated with the 

defense of Islam. The Islamic identity of Pakistan is established throughout the Social 

Studies and Pakistan Studies textbooks, to the exclusion of religious minorities. The 

following textbook excerpt suggests why:

“The foreign cultures are leaving deep influence over the Islamic values because of the 

electronic media. There is every danger that we may lose our cultural identities. In such 

circumstances and because of the vast changing cultural and religious situations, it is 

necessary for us that we must fully defend our political borders, take care of our basic 

views with love and devotion for Islam. This can ensure the safety of our country. The 

anti-Islamic forces are always trying to finish the Islamic domination of the world. This 

6 ‘My Book’ (Integrated Curriculum). This book was published by “Chaudhary Ghulam Rasool and Sons,” 

a private publisher. However, it was distributed by the Government of Punjab for the academic year 2010-11. 

The book states, “This book is prepared as per international standards under the National Curriculum 2006 and 

National Textbook and Learning Materials Policy 2007.”

7 National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) report 2008

Hindus 

are often 

singled out 

for particular 

criticism in 

texts and 

in interview 

responses, 

together with 

Ahmadis.
16 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

can cause danger for the very existence of Islam. Today, the defense of Pakistan and Islam 

is very much in need.”8

Teacher Interviews 

Extensive interviews revealed that public school teachers have a limited or contradictory understanding of religious minorities and their beliefs. The same confusion was 

demonstrated in the responses of their students. Madrassa representatives demonstrated some clarity about the legal status of religious minorities in Pakistan, but were 

in various ways less tolerant toward them, most likely because of their lack of exposure 

to them due to the homogenous nature of the madrassas. Wide-scale confusion about 

the role of religious minorities in Pakistani society and history inevitably produces 

distortion and discrimination. 

Public school teachers often advocated respectful treatment of religious minorities. 

However, this respect was understandably conditional upon the attitudes of religious 

minorities towards Islam, which seemed to be in question. Reflective of the teachings 

in the Qur’an, teachers are generally more favorably predisposed towards “People of 

the Book” (i.e. Jews and Christians) than they are toward the non-monotheistic traditions. There was a notable dislike and distrust expressed for Hindus that was equally 

evident in the textbooks. Public school teachers seemed equally divided between those 

who considered Islamic sectarian differences to be inconsequential and those who 

found them to be highly significant. Many described Ahmadis as non-Muslims and 

expressed a particular distaste for them. 

All of the public school teachers interviewed believed the concept of jihad to refer 

to violent struggle, compulsory for Muslims to engage in against the enemies of Islam. 

Only a small number of teachers extended the meaning to include both violent and 

nonviolent struggle. Aside from the generalized belief that “enemies of Islam” should 

be targeted, the overwhelming majority of public school teachers held the view that 

an individual decides when and against whom jihad is appropriate. It is important 

to note that upwards of 80% of the public school teachers viewed non-Muslims as 

“enemies of Islam” in some form or another, despite contradictory views expressed in 

other parts of the interviews. The majority of public school teachers cited blasphemy 

against the Prophet Mohammed as a significant cause of anger towards religious 

minorities. The killing of Muslims in the Global War on Terror and the use of alcohol 

were also cited. It was also revealing that teachers repeatedly expressed a feeling that 

non-Muslims did not understand or respect Muslims, suggesting a sense of reverse 

persecution.

There was a broader view of jihad expressed among madrassa teachers than was 

found among public school teachers, which included a stronger sense of the concept 

of internal jihad. This included religiously prescribed self-control and, in isolated 

cases, madrassa teachers even specified a religiously-based rejection of suicide bombing 

and other violent techniques. Madrassa teachers also demonstrated a stronger sense 

than their public counterparts that other “Religions of the Book” were acceptable, 

albeit perverted in their modern practice. Regarding internal sectarian differences 

among Muslim practitioners, there was a broadly expressed desire for reconciliation. 

However, this was largely conditioned on the adoption of the teacher’s own belief 

system. 

8 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.7 

Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Predictably, most madrassa teachers viewed religious education to be more important than worldly education, which they tended to view as vocational training. They 

also cited the role of madrassas as a positive social justice mechanism, particularly in 

the education of poor children. All of the madrassa teachers interviewed correctly 

identified religious minorities as citizens of Pakistan. This contrasts markedly from 

their public school counterparts, of whom only 60% understood this. Broadly, the 

recognition of citizenship of religious minorities in Pakistan was tempered by the 

opinion that, in order to protect Pakistan and Muslims, religious minorities must not 

be allowed to hold positions of power.

Student Interviews

The attitudes towards religious minorities expressed by public school students in 

interviews and focus group discussions were often as contradictory as the responses of 

their teachers. Some overarching themes included the view that the Pakistani national 

identity and Islamic religious identity are correlated. This is a similar emphasis on 

“Islamic Pakistan” to that found in most textbooks. Over the course of the interviews, 

it became clear that while students advocated respecting religious minorities in the 

abstract, they found much to criticize in their practices and contributions to Pakistani 

society.

Some public school students expressed some of the more enlightened and 

tolerant views towards religious minorities that could be found throughout the study. 

However, when probed on other issues, many students expressed discomfort or 

disdain for the practices of other traditions. A large portion of public school students 

could not correctly identify religious minorities as citizens, and many were skeptical 

about the potential for religious minorities to assist in the development of Pakistan. 

Like their teachers, the majority of public school students also viewed non-Muslims as 

the enemies of Islam.

Students from both public and madrassa education systems reported being encouraged in many ways to respect non-Muslims, but both subscribed to misinformation 

regarding non-Muslim beliefs and practices. While public school students held more 

complex views of religious minorities based on their actual exposure to them, most 

madrassa students could only opine in the abstract. An overwhelming majority of the 

public school respondents stated that their teachers teach them to respect all religions 

and their places of worship, beliefs, personalities, rituals, and books. The motivation 

to do so in many instances was driven by the respondent’s desire to impress minority 

students with Islam and encourage their conversion. 

Recommendations

The core findings of this report point to challenges as well as opportunities. In texts 

and curricula supplements there are demonstrable beginnings of reform. However, it 

has moved slowly and is rife with inconsistencies and contradictions. Social hostility 

toward religious minorities in Pakistan, as reflected in recent onerous interpretations 

of the Blasphemy Law, is extremely high. According to a recent study conducted by 

the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life,9

 Pakistan is the third 

least tolerant country in the world in terms of social acceptance of religious diversity. 

As experience has shown, any significant effort to combat religious discrimination, 

9 Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life, Rising Restrictions on Religion, August 2011

A large portion 

of public school 

students could 

not correctly 

identify 

religious 

minorities as 

citizens.
18 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

especially in education, will likely face strong opposition. The textbook evaluation 

boards do not adhere to the mandated guidelines for the National Curriculum while 

reviewing and approving textbooks. 

If a way can found to inspire collaboration between madrassa teachers with their 

greater grasp of the nuances of Islamic teachings and public teachers with their inherently closer relationship to religious minorities, it might be possible to expand each 

group’s general awareness to mutual advantage. Further, if civil society, government 

and teachers could be inspired to work together not only to deepen understanding, 

but to improve the basic infrastructure for education, everyone would benefit. Student 

and teacher awareness should also be given the appropriate support when it comes to 

behavior in educational settings. The government should develop stronger standards 

and provide authentic and functioning mechanisms to ensure compliance with educational regulations and for the reporting and investigation of acts of intolerance toward 

religious minorities. 

Foreign aid could be used to build schools with teacher training centers on 

campuses to promote and implement less exclusionary ideas. Finally, pedagogy reform 

that promotes critical thinking would undoubtedly prove beneficial in arresting the 

derogatory portrayal of religious minorities.

Specific reforms that could prove beneficial include:

Public Schools

1. Promote the full implementation of the 2006 curricular reforms, especially the:

a. Consolidation of all content related to Islamic Studies into the Islamiat 

course;

b. Inclusion of content relating to the contributions of religious minorities to 

Pakistan;

c. Removal of gratuitously derogatory content, especially against Hindus.

2. Create an effective and confidential reporting mechanism for incidents of religious 

discrimination against minority students as part of the newly-formed National 

Harmony Ministry and:

a. Empower the National Harmony Ministry to take disciplinary action;

b. Train public school leadership, faculty, and administration officials to adhere 

to anti-discrimination policies.

3. Make the course “Ethics for Non-Muslims” compulsory for all students;

4. Develop teacher-training programs to focus on the constitutional rights of religious 

minorities, critical thinking, and the importance of promoting tolerance for diversity in classroom pedagogy;

5. Initiate interfaith dialogue and joint academic and extracurricular activities with 

faculty and students of others religions where possible;

6. Remove pejorative content from the Constitution of 1973 (e.g. Articles 41(2), 91(3) 

and 260(3)(b));
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Executive Summary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

7. Develop public-private partnerships with diverse religious representation to 

enhance pubic school physical infrastructure and to increase cooperation.

Madrassas

1. Facilitate official engagement and cooperation on madrassa educational enhancement between the madrassa boards and the government of Pakistan (GOP);

2. Develop and promote pedagogical training programs;

3. Put in place a system of madrassa accreditation and teacher certification programs 

to ensure that madrassas meet mutually accepted educational standards;

4. Encourage and make public curricular reforms, with a particular focus on religious 

tolerance and modernizing textbooks.
20 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

S e c t i o n 1

Introduction 

and Background

Education, Development, and Conflict

As education continues to improve globally, literacy and enrollment rates have 

climbed around the world as countries strive to reach the United Nations Millennium 

Development Goals (MDGs). Simultaneously, researcher, non-profit, and government 

development agency priorities have shifted to those who have been systematically 

excluded, either because of discrimination or lack of resources, as is evidenced by 

the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)’s 

Global Monitoring Report (2010), entitled Reaching the Marginalized.

10

In addition to the UN goals to increase both quantity and quality of education is 

the concern for the role that education plays in socializing individuals. In Bush and 

Saltarelli’s seminal survey, The Two Faces of Education in Ethnic Conflict,11 education is 

identified as an important source for not only facilitating positive social change—its 

better face—but also reflecting and perpetuating conflict, bias, and discrimination. 

Because of this dual role that education plays in society and conflict, as well as the 

growing need to tackle the issue of those marginalized in society in reaching MDGs, 

a successful education system must be able to positively address issues of diversity, 

including the role of religious minorities in society. 

Introduction to the Study

Pakistan is significant on the geopolitical stage not only because of its geographical 

location, but also because it is the world’s second largest Muslim state with a fastgrowing youth population. With only a small percentage of the GDP spent on 

education in the country, the Pakistani education system has faced challenges for 

decades. Pakistan has also faced the challenge of growing violent extremism in the 

country, particularly in the last decade, which has significantly impacted religious 

minorities. This study, conducted by the International Center for Religion & 

Diplomacy (ICRD) in partnership with the Sustainable Development Policy Institute 

(SDPI), under a grant from the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 

(USCIRF), was undertaken to explore whether the portrayal of religious minorities in 

the Pakistani education system is linked with attitudes of bias or acts of discrimination 

10 Reaching the Marginalized. Paris: UNESCO, 2010. Web. <http://www.unesco.org/new/en/education/themes/

leading-the-international-agenda/efareport/reports/2010-marginalization/>

11 Bush, Kenneth D., and Diana Saltarelli. The Two Faces of Education in Ethnic Conflict: towards a Peacebuilding 

Education for Children. Florence, Italy: UNICEF, United Nations Children’s Fund, Innocenti Research Centre, 

2000. Web. <http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/269>
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 21

or extremism against such minorities. In this regard, the study reviewed textbooks and 

interviewed students and teachers in both the public school and the madrassa (private 

Islamic school) education systems. By illuminating current realities and challenges in 

the Pakistani educational system and proposing recommendations for steps that can 

be taken to address them, this study aims to provide policymakers and other stakeholders with critical insights needed to prepare a concrete action plan for increasing 

religious tolerance.

Current Challenges for Education and Minorities

Overview of Current Educational Challenges

Current challenges to Pakistan’s education system will require enormous efforts 

to overcome. In 2009, Pakistan committed only 2.69% of its GDP to education.12

Pakistan’s prominent Dawn newspaper stated in a 2011 article that “50 percent [of 

school age students] cannot read a sentence.”13 On the UNDP World Development 

Report Education Index, Pakistan ranks 141st of 182 ranked countries.14 Illiteracy 

and attendance compare unfavorably to countries of close geographic and economic 

proximity. In 2010, literacy rates remained very poor. 

Literacy Rates in Pakistan15

Literacy Rate 2009 2010

Total 57.4 57.7

Male 69.3 69.5

Female 44.7 45.2

Urban 73.3 73.2

Rural 48.6 49.2

Pervez Hoodbhoy, a leading Pakistani scholar writing for Foreign Affairs, stated that 

the “greatest threat to Pakistan’s future may be its abysmal education system.”16

Challenges from Historical Islamization of Education 

A largely secular Pakistani education system that was historically burdened by poor 

quality education and decrepit physical infrastructure began to see some improvements as part of an education reform movement in the late 1970s. However, this 

was coupled with a significant Islamization of the curriculum. General Zia-Ul Haq’s 

regime infused the education system with rigid Islamic content as part of the National 

Education Policy and Implementation Program of 1979, together with a complete 

textbook and curricular revision.17 General Zia’s policy stated: 

12 World Bank (WB). World Bank Education Expenditure Project (Edstats). Washington, DC, United States: 

World Bank (WB). 2011.

13 “Education Emergency Pakistan.” Dawn.com. 9 Mar. 2011. Web. <http://www.dawn.com/2011/03/09/

education-emeregency-pakistan.html>.

14 “Human Development Report 2009 - Education Index.” International Human Development Indicators - UNDP. 

Web. <http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/indicators/93.html>.

15 Pakistan Economic Survey 2010-2011, Government of Pakistan Ministry of Finance <http://finance.gov.pk/

survey_1011.html> 

16 Hoodbhoy, Pervez. “Can Pakistan Work? A Country in Search of Itself.” Foreign Affairs(2004). Nov.-Dec. 

2004. Web. <http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/60285/pervez-hoodbhoy/can-pakistan-work-a-country-insearch-of-itself?page=show>. 129. 

17 Aly, Javed Hasan. Education In Pakistan: Document To Debate And Finalize The National Education Policy. Rep. 

National Education Policy Review Team, Feb. 2007. Web. <http://planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/upload/Pakistan/

Pakistan%20National%20Education%20Policy%20Review%20WhitePaper.pdf>.

Introduction and Background | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

General 

Zia-Ul Haq’s 

regime infused 

the education 

system with 

rigid Islamic 

content.
22 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

“The highest priority would be given to the revision of the curricula with a view to reorganizing the entire content around Islamic thought and giving education an ideological 

orientation so that Islamic ideology permeates the thinking of the younger generation 

and helps them with the necessary conviction and ability to refashion society according to 

Islamic tenets.” 18

Dr. Nasim Ashraf, Executive Director for Pakistani Studies at the Middle East 

Institute, has called the decade of 1979-1989 “the turning point for Pakistan’s educational system... the bedrock on which militant extremism was founded.”19 It may 

be no coincidence that the twenty-six year-old assassin of Punjab Governor Salman 

Taseer, one of his own bodyguards, was a member of a generation that came to age 

during that period. 

Recent Reform Efforts

In 2006, the government of Pakistan took serious steps toward reform of the country’s educational curricula, including with regard to the reversal of educational 

Islamization. There seems to be a conscious move toward educational standards and 

indicators, as well as teaching tolerance and respect for diversity both within and 

across borders. Some measures have also been proposed to reduce the imposition 

of Islamic instruction on religious minorities, such as folding much of the religious 

content into focused religion courses, rather than having it infused in subjects such as 

Social Studies, Civics, Urdu, and English. 

The reforms have leaned on the 22nd article of the Constitution of 1973, predating 

General Zia’s reforms, which codifies the rights of religious minorities in education: 

“(1) No person attending any educational institution shall be required to receive religious 

instruction, or take part in any religious ceremony, or attend religious worship, if such 

instruction, ceremony or worship relates to a religion other than his own.”

However, implementation has proven difficult, and much has been left unfinished 

on the subject of tolerance. The current Zardari administration has been actively 

pursuing implementation of these reforms, but they may be too unpopular to 

overcome the resistance of the powerful Islamist lobby.

Remaining Educational Challenges

The government-established Pakistan Education Task Force (PETF) contends that 

major educational improvements can be made within two years. Although the political discourse has improved with respect to education, it does not appear that the 

government is giving the issue sufficient priority to make a strong impact. The challenges faced by Pakistan in recovering from the floods of 2010 and 2011, conducting 

the ongoing military campaigns, and coping with the sustained surge in terrorism and 

religious violence are overwhelming the energies of Pakistani politicians. The uproar 

following the killing of two Pakistanis by CIA contractor Raymond Davis, angst over 

the bin Laden raid, political assassinations, and the controversy over blasphemy law 

18 Saigol, R. “Boundaries of Consciousness: Interface between the Curriculum, Gender and Nationalism.” Ed. 

R. S. Saigol and N. S. Khan. Locating the Self: Reflections on Women and Multiple Identities. Ed. A. S. Zia. Lahore, 

1994. 41-76. Print. 

19 Ashraf, Nasim. The Islamization of Pakistan’s Educational System: 1979-1989. Publication no. 16. Middle East 

Institute, July 2009. Web. <http://www.mei.edu/Portals/0/Publications/Nasim_the_islamization_of_Pakistans_

educational_system.pdf>.

Introduction and Background | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 23

Introduction and Background | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

cases are also contributing to political instability and deep-seated resistance to what are 

often seen as Western-driven calls for reform. 

In many cases earlier gains have been reversed. Certain districts of Khyber 

Pakhtunkhwa, where successful programs were implemented to increase school attendance through the beginning of the last decade, actually witnessed a decline starting 

around 2006-07 after conflict intensified, causing large numbers of people to emigrate 

from areas of program implementation.20

Challenges Faced by Minorities

While the depth of the correlation between Islamic faith and Pakistani identity among 

Muslims is expected, it presents a challenge to the full implementation of protections 

for religious minorities, and in some cases has even been linked to physical violence 

against them. According to the Minorities Concern of Pakistan (MCOP), students are 

encountering problems because of their minority status and faith. They are forced to 

study from textbooks and curricula that are biased against them and routinely face 

discrimination and intimidation from Muslim students and teachers. On May 28, 

2010, for example, a dozen heavily armed men attacked a Christian religious leader, 

Pastor Mubarak Masih, and his family. The incident occurred when the pastor’s 

nephew Shaid, 13, declined to recite the Qur’an in a government school in the city of 

Smundri in Punjab province.21

According to a recent study conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on 

Religion & Public Life,22 Pakistan is the third least tolerant country in the world in 

terms of social acceptance of religious diversity. Ongoing disputes involving the country’s controversial Blasphemy Law have particularly heightened religious tensions. 

In 1998, when a high ranking member of the Sharif cabinet hinted at reform of the 

Blasphemy Law, a Justice of the High Court of Lahore vocalized a public call for his 

murder.23 Though he eventually withdrew the charge, his statement raised doubts 

about the access to justice for the religious minorities in his court. The assassination 

of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer by his own bodyguard was motivated by the 

Governor’s public support of Aasia Bibi, the Christian mother of three condemned 

to death for alleged criticism of the Prophet. In August 2011, Taseer’s son went 

missing and had not been found at the time of this writing. While the assassination 

of Governor Taseer was widely condemned by prominent members of both the 

Islamic and religious minority community, the three days of mourning announced 

by President Zardari were boycotted by powerful religious organizations. Eight weeks 

later, the Christian Minister for Minority Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti was assassinated 

(purportedly by the Pakistani Taliban) for heading a government committee which is 

reviewing the Blasphemy Law.

20 Syll, Ben. The Effect of Violent Conflict on the Primary Education in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Rep. 

Education Policy and Data Center, 2010. Web. <http://ddp-ext.worldbank.org/EdStats/PAKgmrpap10.pdf>.

21 Reynalds, Jeremy. “Plight of Christian Students in Pakistan.” ASSIST News Service. 10 July 2010. Web. 

<http://www.assistnews.net/Stories/2010/s10070050.htm>. 

22 Grim, Brian J. Rising Restrictions on Religion: One-third of the World’s Population Experiences an Increase. 

Rep. The Forum on Religion & Public Life, Pew Research Center, Aug. 2011. Web. <http://pewforum.org/

uploadedFiles/Topics/Issues/Government/RisingRestrictions-web.pdf>.

23 Malik, Iftikhar Haider. Religious Minorities in Pakistan. London: Minority Rights Group International, 2002. 

p.24. 

Students are 

encountering 

problems 

because of 

their minority 

status and 

faith.
24 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Introduction and Background | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Focus of the Study

Dual Educational Systems—Public Schools and Madrassas

While the largest part of this study has focused on the public education system in each 

of Pakistan’s four provinces (Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), 

it also looked at the madrassa sector—i.e., the private Islamic educational system 

which to date has been largely outside of government control. While the current size 

of the madrassa system is a subject of considerable controversy, a conservative estimate 

places the number at 20,000 schools. The function of madrassa education has historically served a dual role in Pakistan, as it: (1) trains the next generation of Islamic 

scholars and clergy and (2) often functions as a safety net for impoverished children 

or orphans by providing free room and board, along with religious education. The 

overwhelming majority of madrassas in Pakistan are affiliated, often loosely, with one 

of the five sectarian24 governing boards.25 These boards set, to some extent, academic 

policy for their madrassa affiliates, while madrassa education consists of different levels 

and curricula across the board. The collective student body of Pakistani madrassas has 

been estimated at 2-3 million, which is a fraction of total school enrollment; however, 

when part-time madrassa students are taken into account, as well the fact that 

madrassa teachers and graduates preach weekly to thousands of worshippers across 

numerous mosques, the impact of the madrassa system on the society is far greater 

than it may outwardly appear.

Major Groups Identified as Religious Minorities in Pakistan

In its 2002 report, Religious Minorities in Pakistan, the Minority Rights Group 

International describes the dimensions of the religious minority community:

“Some 10–13 million Pakistanis belong to minority communities, with Christians, 

Hindus and Sikhs among the most prominent. It should be remembered that this 

number does not include several Muslim denominations, which do not wish to be identified as minorities. These include Shias, among whom are Ismailis, and Zikris — Muslim 

communities that are deeply disturbed by Sunni demands that they be designated as 

minorities. Moreover, the Ahmadis — officially declared a minority — refuse to be 

categorized as non-Muslims.” 26

Under Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s civilian government, an amendment 

to the constitution was put into effect on September 6, 1974 that explicitly deprived 

Ahmadis of their identity as Muslims. From that point on, the precedent was set 

by the dominant Sunni population that people with different interpretation from 

Sunni mainstream thought could be declared non-Muslim. The evidence from 

ICRD’s expert working in Pakistan, Mr. Azhar Hussain, shows that once Ahmadis 

were declared non-Muslims various Islamist groups within Pakistan began to launch 

a campaign to have Shia Muslims, about 15% of the population, also declared nonMuslims. Most recently, the Barelvis (Sufi), a moderate Sunni group, is also under 

attack from various Islamist organizations attempting to have them legally classified as 

24 One madrassa board, Rabta-tul-Madaris Al-Islamia, is controlled by the Jamat-e-Islami political party, which 

is Sunni in ideology, but not a recognized sect.

25 The five madrassas boards are: Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia (Deobandi sect), Rabta-tul-Madaris Al-Islamia 

(Jamat-e-Islami sect), Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia Pakistan (Shia sect), Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Salafia (Ahle-Hadith/

(Wahhabi in the West) sect), and Tanzim-ul-Madaris Ahle Sunnah wa Jama’a (Barelvi sect).

26 Malik, Iftikhar Haider. Religious Minorities in Pakistan. London: Minority Rights Group International, 2002. 

Print. 
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 25

Kafirs or Musriks. Shia and Barelvi shrines are now a frequent target of terrorist attacks. 

There is compelling evidence that the non-Muslim law, created for Ahmadis, is being 

used to discriminate against other minorities in Pakistan. By these acts, Pakistani 

political leadership has undermined the tolerance once enjoyed amongst the various 

sects and religious minorities in Pakistan in order to appease a few politically powerful 

religious parties. 

Introduction and Background | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
26 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

S E C T I O N 2

Literature 

Review

Previous Research

In preparation for and during the course of this study, several previous research studies 

regarding the state of Pakistani curricula as they relate to Islam and religious minorities were reviewed.

A.H. Nayyar and Ahmed Salim

The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan 

(2003)27

In their 2003 landmark study, A.H. Nayyar and Ahmed Salim conclude that the rights 

of religious minorities—while partially codified in the Constitution of 1973—are not 

protected by the state, while Islam, by being promoted as a dominating force, is often 

made to encroach upon their lives. According to the study, the curricula of the public 

school system reflect this reality, exhibiting many points of concern. In particular, 

Nayyar and Salim’s research found the following: insensitivity to the existing religious diversity of the nation; incitement to militancy and violence; encouragement 

of prejudice, bigotry, and discrimination towards religious minorities; glorification 

of war and use of war against non-Muslims; blaming other religions for repression 

and cruelty; factual inaccuracies; omissions of historical events; and lack of positive 

values of other religions. Additionally, their research also found that the importance 

of Islamic teaching as well as the Islamic nature of Pakistan was emphasized, while 

hatred was espoused towards Hindus and Indians. It was noted that these themes 

were especially prevalent in the subjects of Urdu and Social Studies, as well as English. 

While this study focuses in detail on the content being taught in the public school 

curriculum and textbooks, it focuses less on the link between such rhetoric and the 

actual behavior of Pakistanis who go through the education system. 

Tariq Rahman

Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study of Education, Inequality and Polarization in 

Pakistan (2005)28

This study examined education in the three major sectors of Pakistan–Urdu-medium 

schools, English-medium schools, and madrassas. The study was a comprehensive 

27 Ahmed, N.H. ‘The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan’, Sustainable 

Development Policy Institute, Pakistan. 2003. 

28 Rahman, Tariq. Denizens of Alien Worlds: a Study of Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan. Oxford: 

Oxford UP, 2004. Print. 
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 27

overview of Pakistan’s different education communities and a ground-breaking survey 

of teacher and student opinion. 

Rahman’s findings portrayed a deeply polarized community with madrassa education on one end of the spectrum and English-language private schools on the other. 

Probing the worldviews of both teacher and student, he found the madrassa students 

to be the most aggressive and intolerant members towards religious minorities of the 

collective student body. His survey gauged support for various means of resolving the 

conflict in Kashmir (open war, supporting violent jihadi groups, peaceful means) as 

well as opinions on religious minorities.

The tables below were compiled from Rahman’s findings. The data suggests a 

generation gap in the opinions of students and teachers where the rights of religious 

minorities are concerned. It is very interesting to note that madrassa students buck 

the trend regarding the equal rights of Christians and were slightly less likely to favor 

equal rights than teachers.

In favor of

equal rights

for...

Madrassas Urdu-Medium English-Medium

Teacher Student Teacher Student Teacher Student

Ahmadis 4% 13% 27% 47% 43% 65.5%

Hindus 15% 17% 37% 47% 61.5% 78.5%

Christians 18.5% 18% 52% 66% 81.5% 84%

The following table shows that madrassa students and teachers both favored open war 

and supporting jihadi organizations in the Kashmir conflict, but the teacher-student 

gap seemed to indicate a shift towards a peaceful solution. Interesting to note here is 

that while Urdu-medium school teachers displayed the most peaceful tendencies, their 

students were the only sample that had become more militant.

Reclaim Kashmir

through...

Madrassas Urdu-Medium English-Medium

Teacher Student Teacher Student Teacher Student

Open War 70% 60% 20% 40% 26% 26%

Supporting Jihadi 

Groups 59% 53% 19% 33% 38.5% 22%

Peaceful Means 30% 34% 85% 76% 60% 72%

This study also examined various aspects of madrassa education, including the role 

of radd—Islamic refutation texts—in sectarian tensions. According to Rahman, 

although refutation has historically been a part of religious education, it is a recent 

phenomenon that it is being blamed for sectarian violence in the country. While he 

rejects the perception that the teachings of refutation texts are responsible for militancy in sectarian conflicts, he is nonetheless of the view that they create the potential 

for negative bias against people of other beliefs. In his research, he found that no 

madrassa confesses to teaching the refutation of the beliefs of other texts. However, 

the classrooms and libraries almost always contain such books. There is also the possibility of passing on these teachings informally along with other lessons or giving them 

as supplementary readings.

Literature Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
28 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Literature Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Saleem Ali

Islam and Education, Conflict and Conformity in Pakistan’s Madrassahs 

(2009)29

In 2009, Saleem Ali reported on an empirical study he conducted of the linkage 

between madrassas and conflict/violence by comparing a rural site, Ahmed Pur 

East (APE), and an urban site, Islamabad. APE is a sub-division in the district of 

Bahawalpur which has recently seen serious conflict and violence. The study aimed 

at questioning the perceived linkages between madrassas and sectarian violence in 

Pakistan. Madrassas involved in sectarian violence were identified by using proxy indicators, such as:

1. The school had been visited by any leading sectarian leaders whose documented 

speeches have clearly incited violence towards other sects.

2. Students or administrators participated in sectarian processions or gatherings as 

documented by police authorities.

3. Administrators lobbied for or provide leadership on sectarian issues.

4. Students or administrators are involved in reported violent sectarian crimes. 

The information was gathered from district administration and law enforcement 

agencies. The results of this study against this indicator are given in the table below:

Sect Total 

Madrassas

Involved in

Sectarianism

Not 

Involved in

Sectarianism

Percentage 

Involved

Deobandi 166 133 33 80

Barelvi 166 42 124 25

Ahle-Hadith 21 03 18 14

Shia 10 07 03 70

Total 363 185 178 51

As is depicted in the above table, more than 50% of the total madrassas in APE were 

found to be involved in sectarianism. Deobandi madrassas were found to have the 

highest percentage involvement in sectarianism followed by Shia, Barelvi, and then 

Ahle-Hadith madrassas. 

Ali was unable to find comparable information on involvement in sectarian 

violence from the Islamabad administration due to security concerns. However, he 

conducted a content analysis of the newspapers for the previous five years and found 

several incidents of civil unrest in the city linked to madrassas. He presented several 

major events when affiliates of these madrassas burned down properties or burned 

down shrines of other sects, challenging the writ of the state and causing casualties.

This study provides great insight into the views of madrassa students, but not 

where those views came from. 

29 Ali, Saleem H. Islam and Education: Conflict and Conformity in Pakistan’s Madrassahs. Karachi: Oxford UP, 

2009. Print. 
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 29

Saleem Ali

“What role for Islam today? The Political Islamisation of Pakistani Society,” 

Shaping a Nation (2010)30

Another survey reported by Ali, conducted by the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), 

concludes that while many madrassa students are tolerant, there are still some 

alarming statistics. For example, 82 percent of Deobandi students favoured using the 

Taliban as a model for Islamizing Pakistan, and 95 percent of Shias favoured Iran as a 

model for Islamizing Pakistan.

Christine Fair

The Madrassa Challenge: Militancy and Religious Education in Pakistan

(2008)31

In 2008, Christine Faith published a book on the connection between madrassa 

education and militancy in Kashmir, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. She argued that 

although madrassa students tend to be less tolerant of non-Muslims than their public 

and private school counterparts, contrary to popular belief they are not producing 

large numbers of militants. She does note, however, the possibility that the increased 

intolerance of madrassa graduates promotes the culture within which Pakistani militancy thrives. Her findings are highly regarded and illustrative, but lack analysis of the 

actual madrassa texts and whether they are promoting the observed intolerance and 

potentially influencing the small numbers of madrassa graduates engaged in violence.

Marie Lall

Educate to hate: the use of education in the creation of antagonistic national 

identities in India and Pakistan (2008)32

In Dr. Marie Lall’s 2008 study of Pakistani and Indian public school textbooks, she 

concludes that “History [has] been selectively interpreted result[ing] in two largely politicized nations who had been instructed about their own exclusive national identity, which 

inevitably led to conflict with the other country.”33 In Pakistan she traces the Islamization 

of the public school curriculum and the corresponding removal of much of Pakistan’s 

history with Hindus and India. This article makes direct link between the education system and the student’s identity and the corresponding effect on conflict in 

the region. It does not, however, detail how this language impacts Hindus and other 

minorities within Pakistan. 

UK Office for Standards in Education (OFSTED)

Transforming religious education: Religious education in schools 2006-09, 

Report Reference no. 090215 (2010)34

While this study did not take place in Pakistan, it explored the relationship between 

how religion is taught in schools and students’ attitudes towards other religious 

30 Ali, Saleem H. “ What role for Islam today? The Political Islamisation of Pakistani Society” Shaping a Nation: 

an Examination of Education in Pakistan. By Stephen M. Lyon. Oxford, Oxford University. 2010. Print. 

31 Fair, C. Christine. The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and Religious Education in Pakistan. Washington, DC: 

United States Institute of Peace, 2008. Print.

32 Lall, M. ‘Educate to hate: the use of education in the creation of antagonistic national identities in India and 

Pakistan’, Compare Volume 38, Number 1. January 2008.

33 Ibid.

34 Transforming Religious Education: Religious Education in Schools 2006 ̶ 09. Rep. no. 090215. The Office for 

Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills, Government of the United Kingdom, June 2010. Web. 

<http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/transforming-religious-education>.

Literature Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
30 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Literature Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

groups. This report is a review of the compulsory Religious Education (RE) classes 

in 94 primary and 89 secondary schools across the UK. RE in the UK consists of 

secular historical and social overviews of six religious traditions, namely Christianity, 

Islam, Sikhism, Judaism, Buddhism, and Hinduism (the possible addition of 

Humanism is being debated). One of the main aims of these courses, according to the 

report, is “community cohesion.” Relevant to this study is the establishment of a link 

between the quality of religious education taught in the classroom and the attitudes 

that students maintain concerning tolerance and other religious groups. 

The OFSTED report concluded that RE provision was inadequate where it lacked 

(1) a student-focused, inquiry-based approach; (2) “hands on” interaction with practices, artifacts, and scriptures; and (3) an in-depth survey of other religions and ways 

of life. In these schools students expressed more negative attitudes towards diversity. 

Schools that maintained higher-quality RE classes which integrated the above were 

recognized as playing a role in community cohesion and developing in students an 

understanding and respect of others’ beliefs and cultures. 

It can be concluded from this study that representations of other religions in the 

classroom are, while not the only influence, a major influence in the development of a 

student’s perspective and understanding of tolerance and other religious groups.

Conclusion

Various studies have focused on either Pakistan’s public schools or its madrassas, but 

not both. They have also tended to focus on either the content of the nation’s curricula and textbooks or attitudes and actions of intolerance or violence, but rarely on 

the link between them. 

In light of studies such as the above, the ICRD-SDPI study was undertaken to 

explore what linkages, if any, exist between the portrayal of religious minorities in the 

textbooks of Pakistan’s public schools and madrassas, biases that exist toward these 

minorities, and acts of discrimination or extremism resulting from such biases.
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 31

S E C T I O N 3 

Methodology

Objectives of the Study

Through a review of the Social/Pakistan Studies, Islamic Studies, and Urdu textbooks 

and pedagogical methods in Pakistan’s public school system and its madrassa system, 

along with interviews with teachers and students in both these schools systems and 

various relevant experts, the objectives of this study are to analyze the following:

1. How religious minorities are portrayed in these schools, with an emphasis on 

determining the degree to which negative stereotypes and/or biased portrayals of 

religious minorities exist.

2. The degree to which biases against religious minorities among the population 

result from how these minorities are portrayed in these educational systems.

3. The degree to which biases that have resulted from the educational systems have 

led to discriminatory or extremist actions against religious minorities in Pakistan.

4. The degree to which systemic biases towards other religious groups are ingrained in 

the administration of public schools and madrassas.

5. How best to counter the negative behavior that flows from negative stereotyping to 

which students are exposed in their schooling and education.

Methodological Tools and Practices

Our study covered a broad range of topics, from the curriculum taught at primary 

and secondary levels to perceptions of minorities of teachers and students at different school levels in Pakistan. The present section will explain the methodological 

tools used in this study and our research practices, including sampling undertaken. 

To understand the curricular and pedagogical representations of minorities and their 

influences on students, the following methods were used:

O A review of textbooks used in public schools and madrassas;

O Semi-structured interviews with both teachers and students in public schools and 

madrassas;

O Focus group discussions (FGDs) with both teachers and students in public schools 

and madrassas;
32 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

O Semi-structured interviews with experts in the field of education and religious 

diversity;

O A review of case studies involving discrimination against minorities or issues of 

extremism.

Review of Textbooks

While previous studies have researched some issues concerning Pakistani textbooks, 

there is a need for focused studies of the portrayal of religious minorities in these textbooks and curriculum. This study represents a content analysis of these textbooks to 

analyze systematic representations of religious minorities and instances of promotion 

of intolerance. Provincial and federal policies which included pedagogical principles adopted by public schools were analyzed at provincial levels, with documents 

furnished from the Ministry of Education and the provincial education departments. 

The analysis particularly focused on identifying positive and biased material referencing religious minorities (i.e. Christians, Ahmadis, Hindus, Sikhs, and Jews) and 

how they are portrayed in the curricula and textbooks. 

Semi-Structured Interviews

The manner in which teachers portray religious minorities in the classroom is greatly 

influenced by their own perceptions and beliefs. Ideally, pedagogical research involves 

extended classroom observation in order to thoroughly examine the teaching process. 

However, given the short timeframe of this study, its broad geographic focus, and 

restrictions on access to classroom settings, it was impossible to conduct comprehensive classroom observations. In this study, pedagogy was thus analyzed through 

exploring the values, attitudes, and perceptions of teachers and students about 

religious diversity through interviews. Teachers, for example, were asked about the 

messages they communicate to their students about different religions and followers of these religions. Students, for example, were also asked about the moral stories 

told by their teachers, various religious messages given by their teachers, and whether 

respect for other religions and followers of other religions were included in the 

classroom.

Semi-structured interviews consist of a list of specific questions often referred to as 

an “interview guide.” Specific questions with a narrow range of choices are not used 

and there is no compulsion on the subject to answer in a certain way. However, 

neither is the interview an open discussion that moves wherever the interviewer 

and interviewee are inclined. A middle path is taken instead. The set of questions 

contained in the guide is determined before the data collection process, but space is 

designed to allow room for follow-ups and for making appropriate adjustments to the 

questions at the discretion of the interviewer. 

Different themes were developed under which specific types of questions were 

asked to establish the interviewee’s understanding of other religions, perception of 

minorities, and related issues. In this study, semi-structured interviews were conducted 

with both teachers and students in public schools and madrassas in each of Pakistan’s 

four provinces. In order to implement the semi-structured interviews, questionnaires 

were developed in accordance with respondent types. Separate interview guides had to 

be developed for public schools and madrassas and for students and teachers, making 

a total of four different questionnaires containing relevant introductory, follow-up, 

direct, and probing questions. 

The analysis 

particularly 

focused on 

identifying 

positive and 

biased material 

referencing 

religious 

minorities (i.e. 

Christians, 

Ahmadis, 

Hindus, Sikhs, 

and Jews).
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Also important to the study were the views of experienced professionals in the field 

of education and religious diversity. In order to explore the dimensions of perceptions 

of religious minorities and any biases in the educational system that may exist, various 

experts were consulted and interviewed. A specific questionnaire was developed for 

these expert interviews, which were also recorded and transcribed.

All draft interview guides were then reviewed by both the ICRD and the SDPI

teams. After joint review, these interview guides were pilot tested to improve the 

guides and to familiarize the research staff with the questionnaires. After the pilot 

test, the questionnaires were translated into Urdu for the local field research teams by 

professional translation services. Most translations of transcripts were completed by 

field researchers themselves fluent in Urdu and local languages, with the remaining 

professionally translated by local services.

Focus Group Discussions

The focus group discussion (FGD) is a semi-structured data collection technique 

conducted with a group of participants. Participants are encouraged to answer, 

remain silent, or respond to each other as the conversation is guided by one or more 

interviewers or moderators. The technical team decided to conduct FGDs with key 

respondents of the study to gain deeper insights that may not emerge in a one-to-one 

conversation with a single interviewer and interviewee. Therefore, separate sessions 

with students and teachers in public schools and madrassas were required in addition 

to the interview schedule described above.

Separate checklists and guides were developed for the moderators to help focus the 

discussion and were jointly reviewed by ICRD and SDPI. Discussion guides provided 

guidelines to the moderator and assistant moderator for the facilitation of the FGDs. 

The checklists covered the objectives of the study. 

All the discussions held were recorded with the help of an audio recorder and 

backed up by limited notes by a moderator and more detailed notes by an assistant 

moderator. These notes formed the basis for the transcription. Piloting and translating 

procedures followed for interviews with teachers, students, and relevant experts were 

also maintained during the FGD design and data collection.

Review of Case Studies

To give a larger context to the interviews, FGDs, and textbook analysis that was 

conducted, further research was done to explore several case studies. These case studies 

explored incidents of discriminatory behavior or extremism that resulted in physical 

or other abuse. Such cases within the sampled districts were identified and explored 

by the field team.

Interview and Focus Group Discussion Field Work

Once all interview guides were drafted and piloted, the field teams were given English 

and Urdu questionnaires to familiarize them with the different themes of the study, 

and were instructed to send any technical questions to the SDPI team for more clarity. 

The teams arrived in the respective provinces on February 10, 2011 and discussed 

the field plans with the partner organizations. The reliability of each field researcher’s 

common understanding and interpretation of each question is essential to maintaining consistent data between provinces. Therefore, trainings were considered an 

important element for quality data collection, ensuring that the field teams were 
34 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

equipped to carry out the data collection with sufficient and consistent understanding 

of the interview questions and objectives of the research. 

Each member of the technical team held a day-long interactive training session 

with the field teams. The training was divided into three different sessions focused 

on: (1) interviewing and probing techniques, (2) public school education, and (3) 

madrassa education. Mock interviews with field researchers and SDPI staff were 

conducted to guarantee that each researcher understood the questions in a similar 

manner.

The sessions were arranged to provide maximum information and conceptual 

clarity to the field team. The sensitivity of the questions was well understood by the 

technical team and any concerns were passed along to the field team. Issues of sensitivity are discussed below in the “Limitations of this Study” section (page 38).

The SDPI team also traveled to the respective regions to supervise the data collection process and ensure the quality of the data. Monitoring and evaluation was built 

into the project design to ensure data accuracy. The technical team traveled with the 

monitoring team so that data quality would not be compromised. SDPI notes during 

interviews were later compared to field researcher notes to guarantee consistency 

between field researchers.

Fieldwork in Punjab, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was conducted from 

February 11-25, 2011. Due to the fact that the school year in Balochistan starts later 

than in other provinces as well as security issues, the data collection in this province 

took place in March and early April, 2011. Data collection that was originally planned 

for the district of Zhob was canceled due to security reasons; data collection in Quetta 

was likewise delayed but ultimately completed as planned. Issues with field research 

and other obstacles are described further in the section titled “Limitations of this 

Study.”

Sampling

Sampling of Textbooks

The scope of textbook analysis in this study was ambitiously broad as the study 

endeavored to examine and analyze textbooks from the four provincial public 

school textbook boards as well as selected madrassa texts. Building on the findings 

of previous studies, textbooks of subjects that include religious content and include 

portrayals of religious minorities—i.e., Urdu, Islamic Studies, and Social Studies—

were collected. Within these subjects, public school textbooks ranging from Grades 1 

through 10 were sampled. Four textbooks taught at madrassas affiliated with four of 

the five Islamic schools of thought were also sampled.

Unfortunately no textbooks from Shia madrassas could be sampled in this study. 

Access to such textbooks was available to the SDPI team. However, experts both 

willing and able to review the books were not. Several relevant Sunni and Shia 

authorities on Islamic textbooks were approached. In each case they were not familiar 

enough, by their own standards or SDPI’s, with either the content or context of the 

books or with Shia doctrine in order to be able to carry out the review

Sampling for Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

Utmost care was exercised in choosing both the schools and the participants for the 

individual interviews and FGDs. The study was conducted in all four provinces of 

Pakistan: Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), Sindh, and Punjab. Two districts 

The study 

endeavored 

to examine 

and analyze 

textbooks 

from the four 

provincial public 

school textbook 

boards as well 

as selected 

madrassa texts.
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

were selected for study in the provinces of KPK, Punjab, and Sindh, and one district 

was selected in Balochistan (due to security and logistical challenges).35 These districts 

were as follows: 

Balochistan: Quetta

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: Peshawar and Swat

Punjab: Khanewal and Lahore

Sindh: Hyderabad and Karachi

Choosing schools in each province was a challenge. Some obstacles faced in selecting 

and gaining access to schools are discussed in the “Limitations of this Study” section 

below. Fieldwork in all four provinces was facilitated by regional partners who had 

previous work experience with public schools and madrassas in their respective provinces. In the first stage, SDPI collected the baseline information from the Ministry of 

Education regarding the number of public schools and madrassas in each province 

and district. Districts having a large number of public schools and madrassas as well 

as the presence of religious minorities were selected for the study. In the second stage, 

partner organizations having previous information about schools and connections 

with school administrations selected the schools. The balance of high schools and 

middle schools as well as girls’ and boys’ schools was determined by the sample size.

Selection of individual madrassas was primarily determined by the priority to interview teachers and students from madrassas of each of the five schools of thought. This 

does not necessarily mean that all five schools of thought were represented in samples 

from each district or province. However, all five schools of thoughts were represented 

at the collective level.

After the selection of schools, the field teams spoke to the head teachers, shared 

the objectives of the study, and requested permission for interviews of students and 

teachers. The criteria for selecting teachers were that they must be teaching Urdu, 

Islamic Studies, Social Studies, and/or Pakistan Studies. In Pakistan, most of the 

teachers teach a range of subjects and sometimes to a range of grades. We tried to 

achieve a balance of teachers with respect to the subjects and grades they taught.

Similarly, the students were also selected from the middle (Grades 6-8) and secondary (Grades 9-10) levels. All students therefore had gone through the existing curricula 

for at least five years. The headmaster or administrator of the school provided the 

names of the students, out of which we selected students. The age and education 

profile of the individual student participants were major considerations for participant 

selection. On a few occasions in madrassas, the administrators tried to include older 

students due to the perceived sensitivity of the study. 

While a typical FGD consisted of eight participants, the number of participants 

in each FGD ranged from three to twelve. Each FGD involved a homogenous group, 

either all teachers or all students, all from public schools or all from madrassas, and all 

male or all female.

Six individual interviews were conducted with experts having expertise related 

to textbooks, curricula, and the treatment of religious minorities in the Pakistani 

education system. After initial contact with various experts, those who agreed were 

interviewed by the SDPI team.

35 Data collection was originally planned for Zhob as well, but ultimately had to be canceled for security 

reasons. This is further discussion in the Limitations of this Study section.
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Description of Sample

The following tables display the demographics of the sample surveyed in the interviews and focus group discussions of both teachers and students in public schools 

and madrassas. The sample also displays the locations of the schools sampled in this 

study, the school levels, and, in the case of madrassas, the Islamic schools of thought to 

which the schools ascribe.

Public Schools, Locations, and Levels

Province District Schools Levels of schools Grades

Sindh

Karachi 6 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Hyderabad 14 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Punjab

Lahore 4 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Khanewal 4 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Khyber 

Pakhtunkhwa

Peshawar 3 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Swat 3 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Balochistan Quetta 3 Middle & High 8th, 9th & 10th

Total 37

Madrassas, Locations, and Sects/Schools of Thought

Province District Madrassas School of Thought

Sindh

Karachi 3 Deobandi & Jamat-e-Islami

Hyderabad 4 Deobandi & Jamat-e-Islami

Punjab

Lahore 3 Shia, Barelvi & Deobandi

Khanewal 2 Ahle-Hadith & Deobandi

KPK

Peshawar 3 Deobandi & Jamat-e-Islami

Swat 2 Deobandi & Jamat-e-Islami

Balochistan Quetta 2 Deobandi

Total 19

Individual Interviews — Public School Students

Province District Male Female Total

Balochistan Quetta 6 4 10

KPK

Peshawar 6 4 10

Swat 6 4 10

Punjab

Khanewal 6 4 10

Lahore 6 4 10

Sindh Hyderabad 6 4 10

Karachi 6 4 10

Total 42 28 70
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Individual Interviews — Public School Teachers

Province District Male Female Total

Balochistan Quetta 3 2 5

KPK

Peshawar 2 5 7

Swat 9 1 10

Punjab

Khanewal 3 2 5

Lahore 4 2 6

Sind Hyderabad 2 2 4

Karachi 2 8 10

Total 25 22 47

Focus Group Discussions — Public School Students

Province No. of Focus

Groups (Male)

No. of

Participants

No. of Focus

Groups

(Female)

No. of

Participants

Total

No. of Groups

Total No. of

Participants

Balochistan 1 5 - - 1 5

KPK - - 2 9 2 9

Punjab 2 16 - - 2 16

Sindh 3 24 4 33 7 57

Total 6 45 6 42 12 87

Focus Group Discussions — Public School Teachers

Province No. of Focus

Groups (Male)

No. of

Participants

No. of Focus

Groups

(Female)

No. of

Participants

Total

No. of Groups

Total No. of

Participants

Balochistan 1 5 - - 1 5

KPK 2 14 2 7 4 11

Punjab 2 18 - - 2 18

Sindh 2 15 3 24 5 39

Total 7 52 5 31 12 73

Individual Interviews — Madrassa Students

Province District Male Female Total

Balochistan Quetta 4 - 4

KPK

Peshawar 5 - 5

Swat 4 - 4

Punjab

Khanewal 4 - 4

Lahore 6 - 6

Sindh Hyderabad 8 - 8

Karachi 2 - 2

Total 33 - 33
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Individual Interviews — Madrassa Teachers

Province District Male Female Total

Balochistan Quetta 4 - 4

KPK

Peshawar 4 - 4

Swat 1 - 1

Punjab

Khanewal 4 - 4

Lahore 4 - 4

Sindh Hyderabad 3 - 3

Karachi 2 - 2

Total 22 - 22

Focus Group Discussions — Madrassa Students

Province

No. of Focus

Groups

(Male)

No. of

Participants

No. of

Focus

Groups

(Female)

No. of

Participants

Total

No. of

Groups

Total No. of

Participants

Balochistan 1 6 - - 1 6

KPK 2 12 - - 2 12

Punjab 4 38 - - 4 38

Sindh 6 49 - - 6 49

Total 13 105 - - 13 105

Focus Group Discussions — Madrassa Teachers

Province

No. of

Focus

Groups

(Male)

No. of

Participants

No. of

Focus

Groups

(Female)

No. of

Participants

Total

No. of

Groups

Total No. of

Participants

Balochistan 1 6 - - 1 6

KPK 2 11 2 23 4 34

Punjab 3 27 - - 3 27

Sindh 7 54 - - 7 54

Total 13 98 2 23 15 121

Limitations of this Study

Fieldwork was led by SDPI. The technical team, along with the Monitoring and 

Evaluation (M&E) Unit, prepared the field plan for data collection. Prior to the field 

plan, the technical team, with the support of the M&E Unit, decided to engage local 

organizations and individual consultants for the data collection exercise using utmost 

sensitivity in their selection. The sensitive nature of this study created some obstacles. 

Ultimately local partners such as BETHAK,36 Management and Development 

Consultant (MDC), National Integrated & Development Association (NIDA) 

Pakistan, and various individual consultants collaborated in carrying out the field 

work and addressing these issues.

36 BETHAK is an acronym for “Be Empowered Through Awareness & Knowledge.” 
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Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Limitations of Methodological Tools

Due to the sensitive nature of the study, significant difficulties in conducting field 

work were presupposed by the planning team and prepared for. The sensitivity of the 

research topic and type of respondents to be interviewed determined the risk associated with the data collection. Military operations in KPK and Balochistan added to the 

existing difficulties for the team, especially for data collection in the madrassas.

The interview questions required a great deal of sensitivity; even in the public 

school interviews, subjects were sometimes reluctant to answer questions regarding 

religion, sectarian differences, and their attitudes towards religious minorities. 

Predictably, the teachers were more reluctant than students to answer sensitive 

questions. 

Two methods were used to elicit valid and reliable responses from participants and 

to decrease tension built by such sensitive topics. First, the introduction of focus group 

discussions where multiple peers were able to interact with two interviewers decreased 

the pressure that an individual interviewee may experience when expected to give 

individual answers to every question. With the support of peers, individuals may be 

more likely to express opinions held in common or challenge individuals who they 

are familiar with. Second, the field team applied probing techniques to gain insights 

into these questions. Probing questions consisted primarily of rephrasing the questions in the form of abstracted scenarios. When interviewers understood participants 

as perceiving a direct question as sensitive in nature, interviewers were trained to put 

the direct question into the abstract and reformulate it to be more indirect. Discussing 

stories of “others” and their situations or views instead of placing the focus on the 

participants helped to relieve some pressure that participants were being individually 

judged or singled out.

The individual interviews were conducted in a comfortable environment with the 

aim of preventing the sensitivity of the questions from adversely affecting the respondents’ behavior. Locations were negotiated with individual participants. 

Limitations of Sampling 

Inaccessibility of public schools was also encountered in a few of the districts. Field 

work in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was also extended due to public school closures in 

one of the sampled districts. Access to the madrassas was a greater challenge. ICRD’s 

experience of more than seven years working with the madrassa community on educational enhancement initiatives—and particularly the personal influence of ICRD

Senior Vice President Azhar Hussain—proved crucial in gaining needed access for the 

field teams. 

Still, suspicions on the part of the madrassa community about “outsiders” and the 

United States in particular posed additional challenges. Concerns such as this and 

other security issues made the originally-planned data collection in Zhob impossible. 

ICRD had to intervene often to personally call the madrassa administrators before 

they would allow the interviews.

The madrassa teachers and students were found to be very sensitive about several 

religious issues. The issue of Muslim attitudes towards religious minorities and 

sectarian differences were particularly difficult for many. These sensitivities sometimes created difficulties for the field team in identifying subjects to be interviewed 

and gaining their consent. On one of the visits to a prominent madrassa in Punjab, 

the field team held discussions with the top officials and was asked to provide both 

Subjects were 

sometimes 

reluctant 

to answer 

questions 

regarding 

religion, 

sectarian 

differences, and 

their attitudes 

towards 

religious 

minorities.
40 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Methodology | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

the student and teacher questionnaire to the administration, so that the students 

and teachers were prepared for those questionnaires. The field team declined and 

postponed further data collection exercises in that specific madrassa until they were 

allowed to conduct their research so as to be consistent with data collection methods 

practiced in other madrassas.

The research study was intended to interview madrassa students of selected ages 

so as not to disturb the age bracket of the study. However, the field team encountered 

challenges in this area as the students studying in some madrassas were admitted 

only after the age of fifteen or sixteen after passing matriculation exams. In the KPK, 

for example, the field team was unable to engage students of the desired age bracket. 

Despite these challenges, in most cases the field team was ultimately able to find a 

sufficient number of students within the same age bracket as the students covered in 

the public schools.

Ethical Considerations

Voluntary and Informed Consent

Voluntary and informed consent is a mechanism for ensuring that participants understand the nature of the research and can decide in an informed, non-coercive, and 

deliberate way whether to participate. The study received informed and voluntary 

consent from respondents at different stages of the project cycle. 

The administrations of public schools and madrassas were informed through a 

letter of invitation elaborating the objectives of the study, and informal consents were 

given through negotiations. The degree of participation and involvement varied due 

to various levels of consent received from the participants. Once the team arrived for 

the field data collection, verbal consents were again taken from students and teachers 

for their participation in individual interviews and focus group discussions.

Confidentiality

The study is conversational by nature, so it was of paramount importance to record 

and maintain data in a confidential manner. Participants often expressed that they 

enjoyed talking with researchers and through the course of an interview tended to 

freely share personal observations and real life experiences. It was helpful to build trust 

with the participants so that opinions and information could be freely expressed. It 

was of critical importance not to pass on the information of one participant to another 

to avoid betrayal of trust or the possibility of coercion or cross-contamination during 

or after the research process. 

Due to the sensitivity of the study, it was essential that the names of the participants be held in confidence when presenting the data and findings of the research; 

absolute anonymity was demanded. 
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 41

S E C T I O N 4

Results 

of the Study

Part A Representation of

Religious Minorities in the Textbooks

Findings Public School Textbook Review 

The following is an overview of key findings and issues observed in the public school 

textbook review. A list of the textbooks reviewed is included in the appendix.

Islam Out of Context/Forced on Religious Minorities

While non-Muslims are technically allowed to study alternatives to Islamic Studies 

courses after third grade, including an Ethics course (though it is not guaranteed that 

such courses or textbooks and teachers to teach them will be available), the curriculum and textbooks for Grades 1-3 often integrate Urdu, Social Studies, and Islamic 

Studies into one integrated textbook. A careful examination of the first grade textbook 

used for the integrated curriculum, titled Meri Kitab37 or “My Book,” which is 

compulsory for students, revealed that seven of the 16 total chapters contained Islamic 

sermons. The instructions for teachers in this book underscore its Islamic content.

Heading Teachers’ Instruction

Naat (Poems in Praise of 

the Prophet)

Tell every child to say “Sal-Allah-o-Alaih-e-Wasallm [Peace be upon the Holy Prophet]” 

five times. 

Tell children whenever they hear, read, speak, or write the name of the Holy Prophet, [they] 

must recite Darood, “Sal-Allah-o-Alaih-e-Wasallm [Peace be upon the Holy Prophet].” 

Kindness with Children Keep the Islamic perspective in mind during exercises and activities.

Importance of Cleanliness Tell children that in Islam cleanliness is half of the faith.

Good Child Tell children that in the Holy Qur’an it is advised to adopt good habits and qualities.

Speak Truth Tell children that Islam has given much importance to speak the truth.

Manners of Conversation Tell children what manners the Holy Qur’an said about good and meaningful conversation.

37 ‘My Book’ (Integrated Curriculum). This book was published by “Chaudhary Ghulam Rasool and Sons” , 

a private publisher. However, it was distributed by the Government of Punjab for the academic year 2010-11. 

The book states, “This book is prepared as per international standards under the National Curriculum 2006 and 

National Textbook and Learning Materials Policy 2007.”
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Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

It has not been made clear how religious minorities who would also be studying 

from the integrated curriculum, a practice justified by the concept of using language 

instruction as a vehicle for all education at this level in order to buttress literacy, 

would have an alternative to learning Islamic concepts.

Our review of Social Studies (called Pakistan Studies at later grades) and Urdu 

textbooks after Grade 3 found that both subjects, compulsory for religious minority 

students, contained significant Islamic content. 

Islamic Content in Urdu Lessons from Selected Textbooks

Board Grade Lessons with Islamic Content Total Chapters

Balochistan1 3 10 40

Sindh2 4 10 36

Balochistan3 5 8 38

Sindh4 6 9 33

1 Urdu Textbook, Grade 3, Balochistan Textbook Board

2 Urdu Textbook, Grade 4, Sindh Textbook Board

3 Urdu Textbook, Grade 5, Balochistan Textbook Board

4 Urdu Textbook, Grade 6, Sindh Textbook Board

A review of compulsory Urdu language textbooks for all students up to Grade 10, 

published by the Punjab Textbook Board, found that 96 chapters and poems out of 

362 had a strong Islamic orientation, without any mention of Pakistan’s religious 

minorities or their beliefs. 

Minorities’ Overall Portrayal

The portrayal of religious minorities in textbooks is generally either derogatory or 

omitted entirely, with some exceptions, which will be described in a subsequent 

section. Religious minorities are often portrayed as inferior or second-class citizens 

who have been granted limited rights and privileges by generous Pakistani Muslims, 

for which they should be grateful, and to whom religious minorities should be subservient. The contributions of religious minorities towards the formation, development, 

and protection of Pakistan are largely absent.

Depiction of Hindus

Overall, Hindus are portrayed as enemies of Pakistan and Muslims in Urdu and Social 

and Pakistan Studies textbooks. There are a few exceptions as will be described subsequently. Social and Pakistan Studies textbooks express hatred towards India and Great 

Britain, but Hindus are often singled out as particularly inferior or evil. 

While an exhaustive list of anti-Hindu content observed in the textbook review is 

impractical, the following excerpts from books at various grade levels give an idea as 

to the level of bigotry contained in the textbooks:

Religious 

minorities are 

often portrayed 

as inferior or 

second-class 

citizens.
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Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Grade Subject Content

4 Social Studies 

“Muslims treated Hindus in [a] very good manner despite 

that Hindus used to main[tain] deep animosity against 

Muslims.” 1

5 Social Studies

“.... But Hindus never cooperated with Muslims. They were 

not ready to accept the existence of Muslims in the subcontinent. Due to this, the social, religious and political 

differences between Muslims and Hindus persisted and 

there was a growing concern towards partition.” 2

6 Social Studies 

“Before the Arab conquest the people were fed up with the 

teachings of Buddhists and Hindus.” 3

“The foundation of [the] Hindu set up was based on 

injustice and cruelty. The system of Islam, which was based 

on justice, equality and brotherhood as described earlier, 

impressed a lot to the Hindu culture and set up.” 4

8 Social Studies 

“All those who created the Two Nations Theory were 

primarily the supporters of Hindu-Muslim unity. 

However, what made them to take first steps towards the 

preservation of a separate Muslim identity was the racist 

mentality of Hindus.” 5 

“... Hindus and Sikhs had started [a] massacre in the 

Muslim settlements in Bharat (the new name of India 

after partition). In order to protect their lives, property 

and honor, 12.5 million Muslims started migrating to 

Pakistan.” 6

10 Pakistan Studies 

“Hindus were against the creation of Pakistan. Despite 

their utmost opposition, when Pakistan was created, they 

used all means to weaken and harm Pakistan. Hindus in 

the ‘East Pakistan’ started mobilizing their fellow citizens 

against the ‘West Pakistan.’” 7 

1 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 4, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Textbook Board, p.16

2 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Textbook Board, p. 6

3 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p. 97

4 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p. 100-101

5 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 8, Balochistan Textbook Board, p. 111 

6 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 8, Balochistan Textbook Board, p. 119

7 Pakistan Studies Textbook, Grade 9/10, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Textbook Board, p. 31

Hindus are repeatedly described as extremists and eternal enemies of Islam whose 

culture and society is based on injustice and cruelty, while Islam delivers a message 

of peace and brotherhood, concepts portrayed as alien to the Hindu. Thus, negative 

depictions of Hindus are manifested through both historical distortions and the 

framing of concepts through religious language that promotes the superiority of Islam 

over Hinduism, as in the following examples:

“The religious beliefs of the Muslims and Hindus are absolutely different. The Hindus 

worship many Idols. They have many Gods and Goddesses. The Muslims believe in 

one Allah who is Almighty and who is Creator of the universe. The Muslims worship 

Allah. In the Hindu religion the men are divided into different classes by their system of 

caste and creed, whereas in Islam all the Muslims are equal and are brotherly with one 

another. In Hindu religion the women are given a low status. Whereas Islam teaches to 

give due respect to the women.”38

38 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.2
44 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

“The social equality and justice to all freed the cast ridden Hindu society and paved 

the way for spread of Islam, we know that the low caste Hindus suffered due to the low 

caste system, The Hindus belonging to lower casts were tortured, insulted and disgraced. 

[sic]”39

“Hindu leadership has not only shown their religious hatred but also expressed their 

political hatred by opposing to celebrate their independence day on the same day. 

They proposed 15th August 1947, as their independence day because they never 

wanted to celebrate with Pakistan on the same day and this shows their psyche of 

narrow-mindedness.”40

While much of the content found reflected Hindus in a negative light, there were 

also instances in which the textbooks seemed to be presenting facts from the Islamic 

perspective, but with a neutral voice.

“Muslims bury their dead while Hindus burn them.”41

“In Islam there is no cast system while Hind[u] society is divided into casts systems. 

[sic]”42

While such content is particularly prevalent in the Social and Pakistan Studies texts, 

particularly for Grade 5, it can also be found in Islamic Studies texts, as in the following example.

“Hindus have tried all their means to harm Muslims of Indian Sub-continent and killed 

millions of Muslims. They were deprived of their assets and properties.”43

Depiction of Christians

The textbooks do not contain many references to Christians specifically. The few 

references that do exist seem generally negative, painting an incomplete picture of the 

largest religious minority in Pakistan.

“Christian Missionaries took full advantage of the British occupation of Asia and under 

their patronage started converting people of different religions to Christianity.”44

“Under Muslim reign in Jerusalem, Muslim ruler’s [sic] treatment with non-Muslims, 

including Christians and Jews was very fair and just. They have always provided 

Christian’s [sic] full protection and had granted them all rights they deserved, but 

Christians never appreciated nor liked Muslim rule on Jerusalem... They provoked 

Christian to fight against the Muslims by inciting that, those who will die in a battle 

against Muslim will have reward and their all sins will be forgiven. [sic]”45

Not mentioned in the Pakistani textbooks are the contributions of Christians to 

the defense of Pakistan. Despite repeated references to the Indo-Pakistan wars, the 

textbooks generally omit the sacrifices of decorated war heroes from the Christian 

community such as Air Vice Marshalls Eric Gordon Hall and Michael John O’Brian 

39 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 6, Sindh Textbook Board, p. 81

40 Pakistan Studies Textbook, Grade 9/10, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Textbook Board, p. 9

41 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Balochistan Textbook Board, p.6-7

42 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Balochistan Textbook Board, p.6-7

43 Islamic Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Sindh Textbook Board, p.59

44 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 8, Sindh Textbook Board, p. 96

45 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 7, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Textbook Board, p. 14

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

The few 

references [to 

Christians] 

seem generally 

negative, 

painting an 

incomplete 

picture of the 

largest religious 

minority in 

Pakistan.
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 45

(Indo-Pakistani Wars of 1947, 1965, and 1971); or Group Captain (Colonel) Cecil 

Chaudhry, Wing Commander (Lt. Col.) Mervyn Leslie Middlecoat (KIA), Squadron 

Leader (Major) Peter Christy (KIA), and Air Commodore (Brigadier-General) Nazir 

Latif (Indo-Pakistan Wars of 1965 and 1971). Also omitted from the textbooks is 

the career of Chief Justice Alvin Robert Cornelius of the Pakistani Supreme Court 

(1960-1968).

Depiction of Sikhs

While the instance of derogatory portrayals of Sikhs was relatively low, when they 

were mentioned, they were depicted in a negative light. 

“The British and Sikh soldiers insulted the Muslim women and killed the children. Great 

numbers of Muslims were forced to vacate Delhi and only one-fourth of the total Muslim 

population remained in the city.”46

“... Hindus and Sikhs had started [a] massacre in the Muslim settlements in Bharat 

(the new name of India after partition). In order to protect their lives, property and 

honor, 12.5 million Muslims started migrating to Pakistan.”47

Depiction of Jews

Jews were not mentioned often in the textbooks, aside from short references to them 

as predatory moneylenders.

“Some Jewish tribes also lived in Arabia. They lent money to workers and peasants on 

high rates of interest and usurped their earnings. They held the whole society in their tight 

grip because of the ever-increasing compound interest...In short, there was no sympathy 

for humanity. People were selfish and cruel. The rich lived in luxury and nobody 

bothered about the needy or those in sufferings.”48

Positive and Neutral Depictions

Amongst the negative passages about non-Muslims and their associated religious 

communities, there are also some passages that include either positive or neutral 

representations. Although they are not as frequent as the negative ones within the 

textbooks reviewed, it is important to note that there are also large portions of the textbooks in which no mention of non-Muslims or Islamic superiority is made at all. 

The positive or neutral representations can be divided into the following four 

categories:

1. Promoting tolerance within Islam,

2. Recognition of past historical harmonious relationships,

3. Description of equality under the law, and

4. Accurate representations of non-Muslim religions. 

46 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 8, Sindh Textbook Board, p. 98

47 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 8, Balochistan Textbook Board, p. 119

48 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 7, Punjab Textbook Board 2010, p.13 

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
46 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

The promotion of tolerance within Islam is one of the most common forms of these 

positive passages, although it most often occurs at the expense of Hinduism and the 

caste system. 

In many sections profiling specific religious leaders including the Prophet 

Muhammad, Omar,49 Maulana Zafar Ali Khan,50 and Saladin,51 their kindness and 

mercy towards non-believers is often highlighted as a virtue in and of itself as well as a 

mechanism for conversion. For example, in the Urdu textbook for Grade 6, Saladin’s 

conquest of modern-day Israel is described as follows: 

“Upon conquering the holy land in October 1187, his fair treatment of his enemies is 

historic. In stark contrast to this is Prince Godfrey’s treatment of Muslims where the 

bloodshed caused the victorious army’s horses to slip. Saladin not only let all Christians 

leave with all their property intact, but also paid for the freedom of several prisoners from 

his own pocket.”52

This type of representation describing how one should treat non-Muslims is important, thought it often still sets them up as a distinct group in need of special treatment. 

There are a number of other examples that recognize earlier harmony and cooperation between Muslims and non-Muslims. For example, 

“Muhammad Bin Qasim respected the Hindu Pandits and they had full freedom to 

worship in their own ways. Much of the Muslim Governments’ works were handed over 

to the Hindus, who carried them out nicely.”53

Sometimes, however, these positive depictions are paired with less positive depictions. For example, a Social Studies textbook for Grade 5 explains that “the war of 

Independence of 1857 was jointly fought by the Muslims and the Hindus;” however, the 

description continues to say that 

“in the beginning, the Hindus and the Muslims jointly started a struggle to get freedom 

from the British. When this movement became popular, the Hindus started asking for an 

independent Government by the Indian National Congress all over India after freedom 

from British. In this way they wanted to govern all over India.”54

Examples of the next type of positive or neutral statements included in the textbooks 

are much more straightforward-statements about the equality of minorities under 

the law. There are many passages explaining the legal status of minorities including: “non-Muslims have religious freedom [in Pakistan]”55 and “every body [sic] enjoys the 

same status in the eyes of the law and holds a pivotal position in Islamic society.”56

Lastly, there are accurate representations of non-Muslims and their presence within 

society in some of the textbooks. For example, a Grade 2 textbook states that: “Pakistan 

is an Islamic nation. Although there are non-Muslims living here, their population is fewer. 

On the flag, the white signifies non-Muslims, while the green signifies Muslims.”57 Within 

49 ‘My Book’ (Integrated Course) Textbook, Grade 3, Punjab Textbook Board, p.50 

50 Urdu Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p. 21 

51 Urdu Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p. 31

52 Urdu Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p. 31

53 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.88

54 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.2-3 

55 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.57

56 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 7, Punjab Textbook Board, p.17

57 ‘My Book’ (Integrated Course) Textbook, Grade 2, Punjab Textbook Board, p.7

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 47

the Grade 6 Social Studies textbook, there is a large section dedicated to the countries 

of South Asia where the religious diversity is described in an unbiased and largely 

accurate way.58

Overall, there are some representations of non-Muslims within the textbooks 

that encourage good behavior towards them on the part of Muslims from a religious 

perspective, as well as a generally accurate idea of how many non-Muslims are in 

Pakistan and the region. However, this information often comes within sections that 

describe the superiority of Islam or the political tensions that have existed between 

Muslims and Hindus (as in the case of Indian independence) and with Christians (as 

in the case of British colonization). 

Distortion of History and Omissions 

The majority of pejorative content came in the form of omissions and distortion of 

history. The textbooks include the art and poetry of Pakistani Muslims, but writers 

and poets from Pakistan’s religious minority community receive little mention. 

A young minority student will thus not find many examples of educated religious 

minorities in their own textbooks. Textbooks have also downplayed, through 

omission, significant contributions of some minority groups and failed to recognize the existence of others. Pakistani textbooks tend to be remarkably shorter than 

their Western counterparts; it could also be hypothesized that in some cases omitted 

material was simply the result of having too much material to cover.

The textbooks that were reviewed frequently omit references to the Hindu and 

Buddhist dynasties that once presided over modern-day Pakistan, or in cases when 

they do make such references, tend to focus on the negative aspects of non-Muslim 

societies or overemphasize the conditions that led to their downfall. When describing 

the transition from a non-Muslim civilization to Islamic rule, textbooks frequently 

make gratuitous assumptions regarding the benevolence of the new Muslim rulers. 

In most cases historic revisionism seems designed to exonerate or glorify Islamic 

civilization, or to denigrate the civilizations of religious minorities. Basic changes to 

the texts would be needed to present a history free of false or unsubstantiated claims 

which convey religious bias, but an additional effort would be needed to also include 

historic events that sharpen the analytical skills of students and re-enforce values such 

as equality, social justice, fairness, diversity, and tolerance.

Sense of Threat to Islamic National Identity

The textbook content would seem to give students the sense that: (1) the defining 

characteristic of Pakistan is its Islamic identity and (2) defense of Pakistan is equivalent 

to the defense of Islam. The Islamic identity of Pakistan is established throughout 

the Social Studies and Pakistan Studies textbooks, often to the exclusion of religious 

minorities. Some textbook passages imply or directly state that Pakistan’s Islamic 

identity or Islam itself is under threat, which creates the possibility that the reader 

could come to view the influence of religious minorities as threatening. 

“Pakistan is an Islamic country and Muslim citizens are brothers to one another.”59

58 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 6, Punjab Textbook Board, p.54-57

59 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 4, Punjab Textbook Board, p.51 

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

The majority 

of pejorative 

content came 

in the form of 

omissions and 

distortion of 

history.
48 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

“To keep the Islamic identity and existence it is necessary for our country to safeguard 

religion and its values. Pakistan is the only country which came into being in the name 

of Islam.”60

“The foreign cultures are leaving deep influence over the Islamic values because of the 

electronic media. There is every danger that we may lose our cultural identities. In such 

circumstances and because of the vast changing cultural and religious situations, it is 

necessary for us that we must fully defend our political borders, take care of our basic 

views with love and devotion for Islam. This can ensure the safety of our country. The 

anti-Islamic forces are always trying to finish the Islamic domination of the world. This 

can cause danger for the very existence of Islam. Today, the defense of Pakistan and 

Islam is very much in need. It is more needed today because Pakistan is the only Islamic 

country which is an atomic power. Some people call this atomic power of Pakistan 

as Islamic bomb. Today, all the anti-Islamic powers look at Pakistan in such a way 

that we may remain away and aloof from the leadership of the Islamic world... The 

spirit of jihad may be inculcated among the people and Islamic viewpoints may be 

propagated.”61

“Islamic society was devoid of every kind of evil, but gradually the Muslims began 

turning away from the Islamic principles and un-Islamic ways popularized, which 

became one of the reasons of Muslim downfall.”62

“There were many reasons for the downfall of Muslims [in South Asia]. The most 

important reason was the internal conflicts which resulted in the division of their state in 

several small states. The second important reason was the end of the spirit of Jihad among 

Muslims.”63

Curricular and Textbook Reform Efforts

Education reforms of 2006 dramatically altered the curricula for Pakistan’s public 

school system. While some problems remain, the 2006 revised curricular guidelines 

made significant progress towards eliminating biases, historical revisionism, and religious exclusivity. For example, revisions to the national curriculum for Social Studies 

for Grades 4-5 have moved toward greater incorporation of the teaching of tolerance 

and respect for diversity both within and across borders. 

For Grades 6-8, the 2006 reformed curricular guidelines substituted History for 

Social Studies and added two chapters (out of a total of 15) on pre-Islamic history of 

the sub-continent. (One chapter is dedicated to the Indus Valley civilization of 2500 

BC and provides geographical, religious, cultural, and economic accounts over various 

periods of ancient history. The second chapter provides a detailed account of the 

Aryan era, covering the religious beliefs.) These History guidelines have even included 

“Discuss the role played by the minorities in the creation of Pakistan” as a priority.64

(Unfortunately, a similar objective does not appear to be included in the curricular 

guidelines for Social Studies for Grades 4-5.)

In the revisions to the national curriculum for Pakistan Studies for Grades 9-10, 

60 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.6 

61 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 5, Punjab Textbook Board, p.7 

62 Pakistan Studies Textbook, Grades 9/10, Punjab Textbook Board, p.4 

63 Social Studies Textbook, Grade 6, Balochistan Textbook Board, p.107

64 National Curriculum for History, Grades 6-8, 2006

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 49

concepts of tolerance and respect for diversity are also included, gratuitous criticism of India has been reduced, and effort appears to have been made to reduce 

material prejudicial towards the non-Muslims of pre-partition India. Perhaps most significantly, Chapter 8 of these curricular guidelines for Pakistan Studies includes “Role of 

Minorities in Pakistan” among the prescribed contents and includes the following 

learning outcome: “Trace the role of minorities in Pakistan with specific reference to 

Quad-i-Azam’s speech of 11 August 1947, defining their status.”65

Measures have also been taken to reduce the imposition of Islamic instruction 

on religious minorities by moving such content out of courses such as Social and 

Pakistan Studies and Urdu and into the specifically religious courses. While the 2006 

curricular guidelines for Urdu for Grades 1-12 still retain a strong Islamic orientation 

with integral Islamic content, some contributions from the classical literature of nonMuslim authors such as Rattan Nath Sarshar and Prem Chand have been included in 

Grade 10 and higher grades. 

Despite these encouraging reforms, in the nearly six years since the revised curricular guidelines were created, textbooks incorporating these revisions in line with the 

2006 guidelines have not been created. The existing textbooks have been reprinted 

since 2006 with minor adjustments, but, as demonstrated in the above review, have 

not addressed much of the problematic content or made all of the prescribed changes.

In some cases conditions have even worsened. For example, according to Afnan 

Khan in The Guardian, writing in 2009, “English textbooks, which until as recently 

as three years ago contained information on minority festivals and practises, had all 

details removed during a mysterious revision, which left the rest of their content 

unchanged.” 66 As an example, Khan notes a paragraph removed from a chapter about 

the festivals of Pakistan in an “English Language textbook” which said:

“Minorities also have their festivals. The Hindus celebrate Divali, Doshera and Holi. 

They pray in temples and enjoy their festivities. The Christians celebrate Christmas on 25 

December. It is the birthday of Jesus Christ. They decorate Christmas trees, churches and 

their homes. Special prayers are offered in churches, and after that there is a great deal of 

festivity.” 67

In addition, there have been recent initiatives to re-introduce content into the curriculum that could counteract improvements put forth in the 2006 reforms. For example, 

the National Education Policy 2009 places the chapter on Islamic education prior 

to the core operational chapters on access and quality as a foundation for the entire 

policy, and seems to maintain the same spirit of the 1998-2010 National Education 

Policy, stating among its objectives:

“To play a fundamental role in the preservation of the ideals, which led to the creation 

of Pakistan and strengthen the concept of the basic ideology within the Islamic ethos 

enshrined in the 1973 Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan.”68

Following the 2006 reforms, as per the implementation schedule of the Federal 

Ministry of Education (MOE) for the new curriculum, the Provincial Textbook 

65 National Curriculum for Pakistan Studies, Grades 9-10, 2006

66 Khan, Afnan. “The Threat of Pakistan’s Revisionist Texts.” The Guardian. 18 May 2009. Web. <http://www.

guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2009/may/18/pakistan-textbooks-religious-extremism>. 

67 Ibid.

68 National Education Policy, 2009, p.10

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Despite these 

encouraging 

reforms . . . 

textbooks 

incorporating 

these revisions 

in line with the 

2006 guidelines 

have not been 

created.
50 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Boards, with the assistance of private sector publishers, were required to prepare 

quality textbooks in various subjects for Grades 1, 6, 9 and 11 by the start of the new 

academic session in August 2007 where possible, as the new national curriculum for 

17 subjects had already been sent to provinces for the development of new textbooks. 

However, provincial education boards were authorized to delay the production 

and distribution of textbooks, and as of the time of this writing, textbooks reflecting the new guidelines have not been produced. The books being approved by the 

textbook evaluation boards do not adhere to the mandated guidelines for the National 

Curriculum, which might suggest that the textbook evaluators, writers, and publishers 

have not understood the new curricular criteria.

In 2012, additional educational reforms are planned, which, among other efforts, 

are expected to include the implementation of the 2006 revised curricular guidelines, 

including the production of revised textbooks. It remains to be seen how closely these 

new textbooks, if they are produced, will adhere to the 2006 curricular guidelines.

Findings Madrassa Textbook Review 

The following is an overview of key findings and issues observed in the madrassa 

textbook review (conducted on a smaller scale than the public school textbook 

review). A list of the textbooks reviewed is included in the appendix.

Brief Background Note on Context

It is important to note that individual madrassas generally decide autonomously 

what to teach and emphasize, with only nominal governance from the five madrassa 

boards. Thus, while the books selected for this review are commonly used within 

madrassas, the precise number or percentage of madrassas which use these specific 

texts is unknown. While more and more madrassas today are teaching “secular” or 

“contemporary” subjects in some fashion, many madrassas still teach mainly or exclusively religious subjects to their students. Thus, the textbooks selected for review were 

all books religious studies textbooks, with half of the books focusing on hadith (sayings 

of the Prophet Muhammad) and half focusing on fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). 

Most of the textbooks used in the madrassa curricula are extremely old. Books used 

in philosophy and logic, for example, were written in the thirteenth and fourteenth 

centuries. Medical textbooks from the eleventh-century are still considered an authentic study of human anatomy and pathology. Books used for religious studies generally 

date back to the seventeenth century at the latest and the eleventh century at the 

earliest. In some cases books prescribed for astronomy, mathematics, and grammar 

are replications of texts originally created five to seven hundred years ago. All of the 

textbooks reviewed for this study were originally written between the eleventh and 

fourteenth centuries.

Minorities’ Overall Portrayal

Non-Muslims are generally portrayed in the madrassa textbooks reviewed in one of 

three ways: (1) kafirs (infidels) or mushrakeen (pagans), (2) dhimmis (non-Muslims 

living under Islamic rule), or (3) murtids (apostates, i.e. people who have turned away 

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 51

from Islam). Non-Muslims are never described as citizens with the constitutionallyprotected rights which accompany citizenship.

Kafirs and Mushrakeen (Infidels and Pagans)

This first category of non-Muslims found in the madrassa textbooks is a traditional 

designation for those living in non-Muslim or “hostile” countries (dar-al-harb) without 

any treaty with Muslims. They are treated as enemies, and there are clear, recurring 

orders to fight against them until they submit or convert to Islam. 

Dhimmis

The category of dhimmis refers to non-Muslims who have either been conquered 

by or have entered into an agreement with the Islamic state and pay a special tax 

in exchange for limited rights and safety. Dhimmis can also be those who live in a 

separate non-Muslim state if their country has entered into an agreement with the 

Muslim state to pay the special tax or jizya.

The literal meaning of the word dhimmi actually denotes a special protected status, 

whereby the Islamic rulers, having received payment of the tax, are then duty-bound 

to protect and care for the safety and security of the dhimmi’s life and property. While 

this practice traditionally gave religious minorities living under Muslim rule some 

rights and social status, it does not grant him/her citizenship equal to Muslims. 

One of the madrassa textbooks on fiqh reviewed, Kanz-ul-Daqaiq (The Treasure of 

Difficult Problems)—a textbook used in Hanafi madrassas particularly of the Barelvi 

sect—establishes that dhimmis are not equal to Muslims as citizens.69 The text goes 

on to say, for example, that if a non-Muslim lives in a Muslim state and has a status 

of dhimmi, he cannot offer asylum to another, while Muslims on the other hand 

can offer asylum to anyone. This message is reiterated in another textbook on fiqh, 

Al-Hadaya (The Guidance), which says that if a non-Muslim is offering asylum to 

another non-Muslim, he/she could potentially be protecting a spy or saboteur. This 

calls into question the non-Muslim’s patriotism and trustworthiness. 

Al-Hadaya, written by Burhan-ud-Din Abi-al-Hassan Ali in the twelfth century, 

is a textbook widely recommended by madrassas with the exception of those of the 

Ahle-Hadith sect, and is particularly popular in Deobandi madrassas for Grades 5 

and 6. This textbook provides more detailed instructions to students on how to treat 

dhimmis.

For example, segregation is encouraged:

“It is mandatory for the dhimmis who are under the protection of a Muslim state not to 

appear similar to Muslims. They should rather be different in every aspect including their 

outlooks and their animals for riding. They will also wear different hats and will not ride 

on horses. Likewise, they wouldn’t keep ammunition.”70

The text goes on to elaborate on the reason for this kind of treatment: 

“This will make their humiliation evident and hide the weaknesses of the Muslims 

because a Muslim is venerated and a dhimmi is disdained. They shouldn’t be greeted 

first. Hurdles need to be created on the ways they pass through. If they don’t have 

69 Kanz-ul-Daqaiq (The Treasure of Difficult Problems), p.230

70 Al-Hadaya (The Guidance), p.258

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Non-Muslims 

are never 

described as 

citizens with the 

constitutionallyprotected 

rights which 

accompany 

citizenship.
52 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

distinguishing symbols, they might be treated equal to Muslims which is illegitimate. 

They need to put a rough robe around their bellies and not the silk belts as the latter 

case would be unfair with Muslims. Their women need to be different from the women 

of Muslims when seen outside or at public places. Their homes also need to contain 

special symbols so that no (Muslim) beggar should stand at their doors and start praying 

for them. It is considered more appropriate to not let them ride on animals unless it is 

extremely necessary. Even in the instances when it is necessary, they would need to step 

down while passing through the settlements of Muslims. They should be forbidden to 

wear the dress meant for [the] knowledgeable and notables.”71

The same spirit can be found in Riaz-ul-Saleheen (The Garden of Pious People), a 

textbook on hadith originally written some 900 years ago and used frequently in the 

madrassas of the Ahle-Hadith sect. According to this textbook, it is illegitimate to greet 

non-Muslims such as Christians and Jews with the greeting of “Salam” (“Peace”).

72

Where Christians and Jews are found, the textbook instructs the reader to make them 

uncomfortable.73

Murtids (Apostates)

The third category by which non-Muslims are depicted in the madrassa textbooks 

reviewed is with regard to irtidad, or the manner in which students are instructed to 

treat a murtid (an apostate or person who has turned away from Islam). Kanz-ul-Daqaiq

instructs the reader that such a person must be arrested and taken into the custody 

of the Muslim state, where he/she is given three days to return to Islam on pain of 

death.74 The person who puts this murtid to death, even if it be during the three days 

of reflection (i.e., an extra-judicial execution), is not to be subject to prosecution. This 

three-day “grace period” advocated by Kanz-ul-Daqaiq could be considered generous, 

as the Al-Hadaya textbook advocates that the murtid should be killed on the spot.75

Such messages pose potential dangers in the current climate of inter-sectarian tensions 

in Pakistan, where followers of certain sects may be declared as non-Muslim by others.

Jihad and the Role of the Individual vs. the State

In every madrassa textbook reviewed, the concept of jihad has been reduced from 

its wider meaning of personal development to violent conflict in the name of Islam, 

considered to be the duty of every Muslim. The Qur’anic verse commanding the 

believer to “kill the pagans [or infidels or unbelievers] wherever you find them”76 is often 

cited with no context. Without the provision of context, students may be left to interpret the verse themselves, and could potentially take it as an order from God simply to 

kill non-Muslims wherever they are found. 

Similarly, another textbook on hadith, Mashkwat-ul-Masabeh (The Lamp of the 

Lamps), says that until Qayamat (the last day), Muslims will wage violent jihad, as this 

is mandatory for all Muslims.77 At no time is it suggested that decisions regarding 

71 Al-Hadaya (The Guidance), p.258-259

72 Riaz-ul-Saleheen (The Garden of Pious People), p.231

73 Riaz-ul-Saleheen (The Garden of Pious People), p.231

74 Kanz-ul-Daqaiq (The Treasure of Difficult Problems), p.242

75 Al-Hadaya (The Guidance), p.260 

76 Qur’anic verse 9:5.

77 Mashkwat-ul-Masabeh (The Lamp of the Lamps), p.341

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Such messages 

pose potential 

dangers in 

the current 

climate of 

inter-sectarian 

tensions in 

Pakistan, 

where followers 

of certain 

sects may be 

declared as 

non-Muslim.
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 53

warfare should be left to the state, creating the possibility that the reader could 

consider it his or her individual responsibility to fight.

In all the textbooks analyzed, the student is presented a world where concepts 

such as nation, constitution, legality, standing armies, or multi-lateral organizations—

except where they are prescribed by Islamic doctrine or sharia law—do not exist. The 

commandments are direct for individuals, with seeming absence of a governmental 

authority or central decision-making body, institutional arrangements, or courts of 

law. Such a depiction provides possibilities for selective interpretation of religious text 

and for the challenging of the authority of the state in perceived accordance with religious doctrine.

Reform Efforts

The government of Pakistan has made various attempts to reform the madrassa 

education system over the years, including: the creation in 2001 of a Pakistan 

Madrassa Education Board and three government-supported “model madrassas;” an 

unenforced 2002 ordinance on guidelines for madrassa registration and the prohibition of the teaching of radicalism; a 2002 five-year, $113 million plan to bring the 

teaching of secular subjects to 8,000 madrassas through provision of teacher training, 

textbooks, and other resources; and a 2005 amendment on registration and the prohibition of teaching that promotes militancy or spreads sectarianism or religious hatred, 

which was subsequently revised following protest from the madrassa-run National 

Madrassa Oversight Board (ITMD, now the ITMP or Ittihad Tanzeemat Madaris 

Pakistan). 

More recently, on October 7, 2010, the ITMP and the government of Pakistan 

signed an agreement to facilitate a number of enhancements to the madrassa education system, including uniform curriculum standards and inclusion of contemporary 

subjects, registration of madrassas, and standards for the awarding of madrassa 

degrees. In July 2011, the province of Khyber Pakhtankhwa took measures to reform 

madrassas within the province, in consultation with each of the schools of thought 

which run madrassas. These reforms would require foreign students to have government documentation in order to study at madrassas and would institute sections for 

contemporary education in fields such as math and science. Numerous madrassas 

have also taken the initiative in recent years to incorporate “contemporary” subjects 

such as math and science into their curriculums in some fashion. 

While some progress has thus been made in recent years with regard to enhancement of the madrassa curricula, curricular reform efforts have generally focused on 

incorporating “contemporary” or “secular” subjects such as math and science into the 

madrassa curricula, rather than attempting to change the curricula for the religious 

subjects themselves or encourage the use of updated textbooks in these subjects. This 

tends to put the pressure on the madrassa teachers themselves to interpret or adapt 

these textbooks to the modern environment, a challenge compounded by the fact that 

there are five different governing madrassa boards and no universal curriculum. 

Conclusion

Some efforts are being made to reform the curricula of both the public schools and 

the madrassas, including plans to publish new public school textbooks in accordance 

with newer, more progressive guidelines. However, as it stands today, textbooks in 

both educational systems include an abundance of content pejorative against religious 

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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minorities. In the public school textbooks, this most often takes the form of inclusion 

of negative generalizations about religious minorities, omissions of positive facts, and 

distortions of history, while in the madrassa texts, unequal status and treatment for 

non-Muslims are prescribed. 

Hindus appear to be the primary target of bias. Two plausible reasons for this may 

be that (1) Muslims tend to consider Hinduism a man-made religion, as opposed to 

Christianity and Judaism which are believed to have been revealed by God, and (2) in 

the public school system the historic rivalry with India is typically presented in religious terms. 

In the public school texts and curriculum, the imposition of Islam on religious 

minorities through its inclusion in non-religious subjects and the perpetuation of a 

sense of threat to Islam, presented as corresponding to a threat to Pakistan, are additional concerns. That the madrassa textbooks tend to be hundreds of years old poses 

a challenge for equipping students to participate in the broader global environment. 

In both sectors, the supremacy of Islam is a key theme, to the detriment of religious 

minorities and their beliefs.

Results | Part A: Textbook Review | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 55

Part B Interviews and

Focus Group Discussions

Introduction

The position of authority held by teachers over their students in Pakistan makes them 

a primary vehicle for influencing students’ ideas and attitudes. In order to better 

understand how textbook content related to religious minorities was presented to 

students, interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with both 

public school and madrassa teachers and students from various districts throughout 

Pakistan.

Over 250 teachers and nearly 300 students were asked for their views on issues 

directly affecting religious minorities in order to develop insight into the impact 

of teacher attitudes on students. Taking into account sensitivities specific to each 

sector (i.e., public school teacher, madrassa teacher, public school student, madrassa 

student), a slightly different approach was taken with regard to questions asked and 

follow-up probing for each sector, and not all participants within each sample were 

asked or responded to each question. For each sector, a summary of main findings is 

presented first, followed by a more detailed breakdown and description of the data.

To perform comprehensive classroom observations would have required capacity 

beyond that of even the Pakistani Ministry of Education (MOE) and the madrassa 

boards.  There is also no fully standardized mechanism in the Pakistani educational 

system for teacher training, oversight, and reporting of discriminatory behavior. This 

makes it difficult to ascertain exactly to what extent and in what manner teacher 

opinions are being transmitted in the classroom.  Interviews and FGDs were used as 

an alternative means of investigating pedagogy and attempting to correlate teacher 

attitudes with how they might be transmitted to students.

Findings Public School Teacher

Interviews/Focus Group Discussions

Sample Size

Interviews and FGDs were conducted with public school teachers in each of the four 

provinces as detailed below. 

Individual Interviews

Province Male Female Total

Balochistan 3 2 5

KPK 11 6 17

Punjab 7 4 11

Sindh 4 10 14

Totals 25 22 47

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
56 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Focus Group Discussions

Province Groups

(Male) Participants Groups(Female) Participants TotalGroups

Total 

Participants

Balochistan 1 5 - - 1 5

KPK 2 14 2 7 4 21

Punjab 2 18 - - 2 18

Sindh 2 15 3 24 5 39

Totals 7 52 5 31 12 73

Main Findings

The teacher interviews and FGDs betrayed attitudes towards religious minorities that 

often seemed contradictory. Analysis of information gathered during field research 

revealed that public school teachers involved in this study, in general:

O Have limited awareness and understanding of religious minorities and 

their beliefs.

Teachers involved in this study acknowledged the existence of religious minority 

communities in Pakistan and expressed some understanding of their beliefs, which 

they tended to view in a pejorative light, through their own personal Islamic 

perspective.

O Tend to believe that religious minorities themselves, if not their beliefs, 

should be respected, albeit conditionally.

Public school teachers generally advocated respectful treatment of religious minorities. This respect was often conditional upon the attitudes of religious minorities 

towards Islam, which seemed to be in question. The desire to proselytize was cited 

as one of the primary motivations for kind treatment of religious minorities.

O Were divided on whether a religious minority was a citizen.

More than half the public school teachers involved in the study acknowledged the 

citizenship of religious minorities, and some stated that they should be given equal 

rights. While some considered religious minorities to be “good citizens,” others did 

not. A majority of teachers, however, expressed the opinion that religious minorities must not be allowed to hold positions of power, in order to protect Pakistan 

and Muslims.

O Were more favorably disposed towards “People of the Book” (i.e., Jews 

and Christians).

Teachers broadly distinguished between “People of the Book”—i.e., those following “revealed religions” such as Christians and Jews—and “other religions” such 

as Hindus, Sikhs, and Ahmadis. They gave some preference to the “People of the 

Book” over others in social relations. 

O Were equally divided on sectarian issues.

Half of the public school teachers considered the sectarian differences to be small, 

while the rest found them to be vast. Most of the teachers engaged expressed a 

strong sense of self-righteousness regarding sectarian issues. Adherents to the 

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Ahmadi practice were widely seen in a pejorative and discriminatory light, and 

often considered non-Muslims.

O Perceive jihad as obligatory, violent, and personal.

All of the teachers believed the concept of jihad to refer to a violent struggle, 

compulsory for Muslims against the enemies of Islam. Approximately 90% 

mentioned only violent struggle when referring to jihad, while the remaining 

teachers extended the understanding of jihad to encompass both violent and nonviolent struggle. The overwhelming majority of public school teachers appeared to 

hold the view that the call to jihad falls directly upon the individual, as do decisions 

regarding when and against whom jihad is appropriate, aside from the generalized belief that the “enemies of Islam” should be targeted. It is important to note 

that while many expressed the importance of respecting the practices of religious 

minorities, simultaneously 80% of teachers viewed non-Muslims, in some form or 

another, as the “enemies of Islam.” The role of the state, legal system, or military in 

the declaration or prosecution of warfare was not mentioned.

O Have various complaints against the religious minority community.

The majority of public school teachers cited blasphemy against the Prophet 

Muhammad as a significant cause of anger towards religious minorities. This is 

potentially problematic due to the potential for young religious minorities to 

unknowingly commit blasphemy when faced with a religiously charged learning 

environment. Other causes of irritation such as the killing of Muslims in the 

Global War on Terror (GWOT) and the use of alcohol were also cited.

O Often proselytize in the classroom.

The majority of teachers accepted the fact that comparative religion was not 

included in the public school curriculum, but included it in classroom discussions 

anyway. Probing revealed that many were motivated by the desire to establish the 

supremacy of Islam over other religions.

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58 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Detailed Findings

Awareness and Perception of

Other Religions and Religious Minorities in Pakistan

Awareness

In the FGDs and interviews, all public school teachers were aware that religious 

minorities lived in Pakistan, although degrees of understanding varied in some cases. 

“Christians, Hindus and Sikhs are minority groups residing along with Muslims in 

Pakistan. They...[reside] in regions such as Mirpur, Hyderabad, Karachi, Tharparkar, 

Sanghar Mingora, Peshawar, and Lahore.” — Female Public School Teacher (Punjab)

Opinion of Religious Minorities in General

Teachers held diverse views of religious minorities living in Pakistan; respectful attitudes were occasionally expressed, but often contradicted. 

One female teacher from Punjab appeared to hold a favorable attitude towards 

other religions:

“People from all religions are offspring of Adam. I am Muslim and I believe in Allah 

and his Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). But I believe whatever religion is followed by an 

individual, his/her respect is worthy for me.”

As we found in other cases throughout the study, however, the respect demonstrated 

by the teacher for other religions was conditioned by the supremacy of Islam. The 

same teacher continued to say:

“...however, if anyone disgraces my religion I will kill him/her. In [the] case [that] nonMuslims do not intend to intermingle with Islam by disrespecting the teachings of Islam, 

they have an equal right to live peacefully.”

Other teachers demonstrated very tolerant opinions, with some minor qualifiers:

“The respect of other religions and their followers depends upon their own attitude 

towards Islam.” — Male Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

“I never met non-Muslims so I can’t say anything. But, I have heard from others that 

they try to convert people into their religion using their religious literature.” — Public 

School Teacher (KPK)

“Non-Muslims are wrong in their faith because of polytheism. Christians have [a] very 

sweet tongue, they never hurt one’s heart. They are followers of [the] Prophet Jesus and 

place him as son of God. In general Christians are good people. They pay special attention to Muslims and their practices during Ramadan. We appreciate...heartily [their] 

attitude. — Female Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Views of Other Religions in Pakistan

Public school teachers were asked their opinion and understanding of religions other 

than Islam. While many teachers reported having little or no knowledge regarding 

other religions, some had a functional understanding, though often corrupted though 

various myths.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Views on Religious 

Minorities and 

Their Beliefs

Tolerant 

Tendencies

All public school 

teachers were aware 

of religious minorities 

living in Pakistan.

Teachers reported 

preference for “People 

of the Book” (i.e., 

Jews and Christians)

Teachers were 

generally respectful of 

other religious beliefs, 

though this was often 

conditional.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Teachers showed some 

unfamiliarity with 

others’ beliefs.

Criticism seemed to be 

focused on Ahmadis, 

Hindus, and Jews.
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 59

Religion Teachers’ General Views

Christianity It was reported that Christianity is based on the teachings of Jesus as described in the gospels and other 

testament writings. Most believed the doctrine had been changed from its original form.

Hinduism Hindus, according to teachers, worship idols and believe in more than one god. The teachers also opined 

that Hindus study from sacred books not revealed by God.

Sikhism Teachers were of the opinion that Sikhism refers to the teachings and practices of Guru Nanak. Some of 

were unsure about the Sikh concept of the caste system.

Ahmadi Teachers thought that Ahmadis deny of the finality of prophet-hood and held them in general contempt.

Judaism According to teachers, Jews believe in one creator God and the Torah which was revealed to Moses by 

God. Many thought Jews believe themselves to be God’s chosen people and thus superior.

Buddhism

Teachers stated that Buddhism refers to teachings and practices of Gothum Buddha. Many teachers 

thought his teachings were correct, but were not practiced by all Buddhists. Some teachers indicated 

that Buddhists believed that the Buddha was a god, and others were of the view that Buddhism was 

polytheistic. 

Opinions on the Members of Specific Minority Religions

In FGDs and throughout the interviews, many teachers alluded to the distinction 

made between “People of the Book” (i.e., Jews and Christians) and other religious 

groups, the former being considered preferable from a religious perspective, though 

further discussion would seem to contradict this special status in the case of Jews.

There was also evidence that the views of teachers regarding the beliefs of religious 

minorities were being influenced by the textbooks, as a teacher from the KPK sample 

directly quoted an eighth grade textbook during an interview:

“Some Jewish tribes resided in Arabia and as a source of income generation they used to 

lend money to workers and peasants on high rates of interest. This gave them hold over 

society because of the ever-increasing compound interest.”

There were also instances of negative views towards the Ahmadi sect that were seemingly influenced by the discriminatory constitutional prohibitions:

“They are non-Muslims as per constitutional measures; therefore, no space can be granted 

to discuss this religion or its followers. If anyone will claim or pronounce to be a Prophet 

after Muhammad (PBUH) in the future, [he/she] will be treated as an outlier of Islam.” 

— Female Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
60 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Citizenship and Rights of Religious Minorities

Only slightly more than half of the public school teachers engaged (approximately 

60%) believed that religious minorities were Pakistani citizens, in some cases even 

“good citizens” who were being deprived of their constitutional rights. 

“...they [religious minorities] are citizens of Pakistan and they are good citizens. 

They live in their ways and celebrate their festivals according to their own traditions.” 

— Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“On Eid occasions, Muslims are granted holidays as well as bonuses, but non-Muslims 

are deprived of such leverages on their respective religious celebrations. Such acts create 

biases at the society level and highlight their lower social class.” — Public School Teacher 

(Sindh)

There was a sizable minority, however, who did not view religious minorities as 

“equal” citizens: 

“Non-Muslims are also Pakistani citizens; however, their citizenship is not equivalent to 

Muslims and this is why they are referred to as ‘minority’.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“Non-Muslims should not be allowed to participate in politics and not be able to attain 

influential positions at state level. Otherwise, they will start benefiting their own community. This is why our constitution limits them from exercising their political rights. As 

according to the constitution, no non-Muslim can become President or Prime Minister of 

Pakistan.” — Public School Teacher

Some teachers, though fewer in number, appeared to condition the citizenship of religious minorities on certain factors such as the actions of other countries: 

“Non-Muslims should be given equal rights only if the Western [non-Muslim] countries 

provide equal rights to Muslims in their own countries.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Since citizenship is directly tied to one’s rights and responsibilities in a society, and 

the citizenship of religious minorities is codified in the Pakistani Constitution of 1973 

(though they are prohibited from holding the office of President or Prime Minister), 

the fact that nearly half of the responding public school teachers did not identify religious minorities as citizens is troubling.

Interaction with Religious Minorities

Given the geographic focus of our study in provincial capitals and urban centers, the 

majority of the teachers’ interactions with religious minorities involved Hindus or 

Christians who lived in neighboring communities. Despite the close proximity of 

religious minority communities, relatively few teachers reported inviting minorities 

to social gatherings. In some cases teachers seemed to advocate for limited interaction 

with minorities, with the occasional exception of “People of the Book.”

“From [an] Islamic point of view Muslims should invite ‘People of the Book’ to social 

events and celebrations. However, they should not invite those minorities who are not 

‘People of the Book’ such as Hindus and Ahmadis.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

“There are non-Muslims in our school, they clean the school but they are not invited in 

social activities.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Public School 

Teachers’ Opinions 

on Citizenship and 

Rights of Religious 

Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Just over half of the 

public school teachers 

engaged identified 

religious minorities as 

citizens.

Some teachers 

appeared sympathetic 

to religious minorities 

with regard to equal 

rights.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Of the teachers who 

did not view religious 

minorities as equal 

citizens, many cited 

actual constitutional 

restrictions while 

others seemed to 

express bigoted views.

Many teachers 

appeared to support 

the constitutional 

prohibition on 

religious minorities 

becoming President or 

Prime Minister.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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With regard to behavior demonstrated towards religious minorities, teachers saw 

social interaction as a vehicle for the spread of Islam. While some of the responses 

seemed pejorative in nature, the following excerpts, in the context of the environment, appear to demonstrate an overall positive attitude:

“We, being Muslims and followers of Islam, should behave politely with non-Muslims. 

Islam teaches brotherhood and good treatment with all members of society regardless of 

any discrimination. Our good behavior might influence the non-Muslims and act as a 

catalyst to convert them to Islam.” — Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

Though few in number, some cited Islamic principles as the basis for equal treatment 

of all:

“They [non-Muslims] should be treated with brotherhood. Our Prophet (PBUH), after 

conquering Mecca, said that all are free and [the] same protection and rights should be 

provided to all.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

“We should treat them nicely and we should be there with them in their sorrows because 

our Prophet also used to behave well with them.” — Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

Eating with Religious Minorities

When asked about eating with religious minorities, teachers were almost equally 

divided on the issue, but many expressed having no issues sharing food with religious 

minorities. As was found with other issues, a distinction was occasionally made for 

“People of the Book.” 

“Hindus are living in Pir Goth which is close to our [Muslims’] area. We all live, eat 

and drink together. Hindus are invited in social gatherings, weddings and other occasions 

and we do the same. We have never discriminated in eating with them.” — Public School 

Teacher (Sindh)

“It [eating with non-Muslims] is not forbidden in Islam. If they take care of cleanliness 

or dirt in the utensils then it is fine but if they do not care about cleanliness then it is not 

allowed. Because, it is important for Muslims to take extra care of cleanliness as it is the 

part of our faith.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

 “Islam allows eating with People of the Book only,” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

“Anything given by the People of the Book could be eaten; otherwise, with other religions 

utensils should be used after washing.” — Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

Some teachers believed that eating with non-Muslims was prohibited under Islam, 

while others expressed concerns regarding the food and eating habits of religious 

minorities. This issue is not purely based on prejudice, as Islamic concepts of halal

(pure and edible as per Islamic teachings) and haram (impure and inedible as per 

Islamic teachings) appeared to be the major reason deterring them from eating with 

non-Muslims. Those not sharing food with non-Muslims often considered their food 

and utensils as haram.

“Like Hindus, they use urine of cow in their cooking, which is strictly prohibited in Islam 

and unhygienic as well. Maybe Hindus are making you eat with those utensils, you 

never know, so these things you have to care about.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Interaction with 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Some teachers 

indicated a desire 

to invite religious 

minorities to social 

events.

Some teachers cited 

Islamic principles as 

the basis for the equal 

treatment of religious 

minorities.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Good behavior often 

served the purpose 

of portraying Islam 

in the best light to 

non-Muslims, with the 

intention to convert.

Half of the teachers 

shared a reluctance 

to eat with religious 

minorities, with 

many expressing 

real concerns (halal) 

and others bigotry 

(cleanliness).

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
62 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

As social interaction and eating are part of the school experience, there is an additional 

risk of this behavior being transmitted to students.

Sectarian Issues

The majority of the teachers interviewed belonged to the Barelvi sect, followed by 

Ahle-Hadith, Deobandi, Jamat-e-Islami, and Shia. A very few considered themselves 

non-denominational Muslims, and considered sectarian division in Islam as inappropriate. Some of the teachers thought that sectarian differences had widened in the last 

150 years when an overwhelming amount of literature was produced by scholars of 

various sects. Many teachers indicated distaste for sectarianism and attributed it either 

to specific or generalized conspiracies:

“I do not believe in any sect and strictly believe in Allah... The innocent followers 

blindly trust scholars and start fighting on minor and worldly issues. All these practices 

are against Islamic teachings and a conspiracy to divide the Muslims.” — Public School 

Teacher (Sindh)

While public school teachers generally expressed a preference for their own sect, and 

a great deal of hostility was directed at the Shia, teachers did not seem eager to introduce such biases into the classroom:

“There are big differences among the sects, but we should not propagate them. It is a trap 

we shouldn’t fall into.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

Jihad

As many as 90% of the teachers interviewed for this study had a reductionist understanding of jihad, referring only to killing or fighting in the name of Allah or for 

Islam. 

When describing jihad, few public school teachers were aware of its broader 

meanings of struggle, doing good deeds, and condemning bad ones. Nonetheless, all 

teachers stated that jihad is obligatory for all Muslims in order to protect Islam. 

A wide majority of teachers considered acts of oppression by non-Muslim countries against Muslim countries as a pre-condition for jihad:

“Jihad is obligatory in Islam against the oppressions of non-Muslim nations and countries.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

“Jihad is obligatory upon all Muslims and specifically against Americans in Afghanistan 

where Muslims are under the oppression of kafirs (disbelievers).” — Public School Teacher 

(KPK)

There was evidence of hostility against Hinduism in some of the responses to the questions about jihad, while other answers were vague:

“If Islam is in danger then Muslims can unite and fight against non-Muslims [and] 

Hindus for the survival of Islam.” — Male Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“If one thinks that somebody is troubling or acting against the religion [Islam] such as 

drawing images of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) or on his (PBUH) name, jihad is needed. 

Why would one allow others to do this when one doesn’t do such things? We don’t do 

anything to [their] Prophet Moses, neither have we teased them [Christians] about [the] 

Prophet Jesus, not even to Hindus or Qadiyanis, or any other minority. We never make 

Views on Jihad

Tolerant 

Tendencies

 A few teachers stated 

that jihad must 

only be declared by 

a collective body, 

another said that 

religious minorities in 

Pakistan could not be 

targeted.

Neutral 

Tendencies

A wide majority of 

teachers mentioned 

aggression or 

oppression of Muslim 

countries as a 

pre-condition.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

90% of public school 

teachers viewed jihad 

only as a violent 

struggle.

Most teachers referred 

to non-Muslims 

as their adversary 

without clarification; 

some were vague in 

describing when jihad 

becomes appropriate.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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fun of them. We never bother them, then why [do] they do like that?” — Public School 

Teacher (Sindh)

Implicit in the views of an overwhelming majority of public school teachers involved 

in this study is the belief that the call for jihad is direct to individuals; decisions regarding when and against whom jihad is obligatory are also taken by individuals without 

regard for the state, its laws, or its institutions. Only a small number of teachers felt 

that the state should be responsible for declaration of jihad. 

“Jihad is compulsory for Muslims, but the state decides about it and not individuals. 

We have to decide about it collectively rather than individually.” — Male School Teacher 

(Punjab)

While discussing jihad, most teachers referred to non-Muslims as their adversary 

without clarification. There was only one teacher who clarified that jihad did not 

mean to fight against non-Muslims living in Pakistan: 

“If any non-Muslim wants to occupy the country, jihad becomes obligatory as it 

happened in Afghanistan. However there is no need for jihad against religious minorities 

living in our country; they are our own citizens.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

Enemies of Islam

As many as 80% of the respondents considered non-Muslims to be enemies of Islam. 

These views can further be classified into two categories with an almost equal number 

of responses: a) when the reference is made explicitly or implicitly to the non-Muslims 

living in other, predominantly non-Muslim countries; and b) when non-Muslims are 

mentioned generally which may also include those living in Pakistan. 

From the responses of the teachers who gave just brief answers, Jews were by and 

large considered as the “worst” enemies of Islam. It is important to mention here that 

few Jews live in Pakistan, so the reference is being made to those living in other countries. Many teachers considered the “West” and Hindus as enemies of Islam with very 

few of the teachers mentioning India, leaving it open for interpretation as to whether 

or not Hindus living in Pakistan are the enemies of Islam. Other teachers had more 

complex answers:

“They [Americans]... create insurgencies in Muslim countries. Like Americans are 

attacking North Waziristan by drones which not only martyr innocent Muslims but also 

unite Muslims against Americans.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

“[The] West, media, and India are the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

“The Qur’an says the Jews and Christians are our enemy.” — Public School Teacher

Another teacher in KPK went to the length of explicitly declaring all non-Muslims, 

including those living in Pakistan, as enemies of Islam:

Interviewer: Are there any enemies of Islam?

Teacher: Yes.

Interviewer: Who are these?

Teacher: All the non-Muslims are enemies of Islam who propagate against Islam. 

Interviewer: Do you think non-Muslims who live in Pakistan are also enemies of Islam?

Teacher: Yes, it is commonly noticed that they change the Islamic literature. 

Enemies of Islam

Intolerant 

Tendencies

80% considered 

non-Muslims enemies 

of Islam; Jews, India, 

Christians, the media, 

America, and the West 

were often mentioned.

Many more teachers 

indicated Hindus as 

an enemy of Islam, 

as opposed to India, 

seeming to indicate 

that Pakistani Hindus 

are enemies.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Some teachers had an even broader notion of the enemies of Islam which might well 

include whosoever is interpreted not to be mindful of Islamic values and norms. One 

male teacher from Punjab, for example, said: “All those who don’t take into consideration 

norms and values of Islam are enemies of Islam.”

Causes of Anger

Teachers were asked for their opinions about the behavior of religious minorities 

which caused anger and frustration. An overwhelming majority of the teachers 

referred to acts of blasphemy as causing anger and frustration among them; in an 

FGD in KPK, for example, teachers stated that the “act of blasphemy taking place either 

inside or outside the country is not tolerable.” 

Incidents of blasphemy tended to infuriate teachers. One teacher in Punjab was 

personally celebrating the assassination of Governor Taseer, the governor of Punjab 

who was killed by his young bodyguard after expressing sympathy for a Christian 

woman charged with blasphemy. He said, “We got Salman Taseer assassinated; we 

cannot bear anything against our religion.”

Some teachers also viewed religious minorities, particularly Christians, as responsible for the increasing availability and consumption of alcohol in Pakistan:78

“Muslim society provides sufficient space to non-Muslims to practice their rituals and 

traditions in a tolerable way. Christians are spreading the evil of alcohol in Muslim 

society, which is legitimate in their religion but not in Islam. The evil can be controlled 

with imposition of law. But Christians should not promote such things in our culture 

and this is, we believe, intolerable.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“What makes me angry is that they eat meat of pig and drink alcohol.” — Public School 

Teacher

Several teachers saw the war on terror in a religious context and considered the killing 

of Pakistanis by American drones as a source of anger, while other cited the Qur’an 

burning incident in Florida, French veil restrictions, and global conspiracies:

“Killings of innocent Muslim citizens through missiles of American drones make me feel 

very angry.” — Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

“The Raymond Davis case and the Dr. Aafia Siddiqi79 cases, [and] burning the Holy 

Qur’an by an American Christian leader are the incidents that cause extreme anger 

among us.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“What happened in France, the banning of veils and the scarf which is being followed in 

other European countries, makes me feel bad. They should be accommodative on these 

issues.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

78 Under the laws of Pakistan, a Muslim can’t possess and use alcohol. Alcohol is allowed to non-Muslims only; 

hence, the alcohol industry in the country is exclusively owned by non-Muslims. The illegal consumption of 

alcohol, nonetheless, prevails in certain parts of the society. It is this illegal consumption of alcohol by Muslims 

which is being referred to by the teachers. 

79 A Pakistani scientist convicted of attempted murder of her American interrogators in Afghanistan and 

sentenced to 86 years in prison.

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Transmission of Teachers’ Perceptions to the Students

Respect for Other Religions

While a majority of teachers said that lessons on respecting the beliefs of religious 

minorities are not part of the syllabus, most of them said they still teach their students 

to respect other religions. A few said that since it is not part of the curricula, it was not 

taught.

“I don’t think so [that] we should respect their [non-Muslims’] matters. Being a Muslim 

we should not respect them. Of course, none teaches students to insult them. We only 

teach whatever is in the course outline. Since it is not in the course outline, we shouldn’t 

be worried about it.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Teachers drew upon the teachings of Islam while teaching students about having 

respect for other religions:

“It is essential to respect other religions, faiths, practices, because followers of any religion 

have an emotional attachment with their religion. If we destroy their symbols, it would 

hurt them.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

“Yes, I do teach them to respect the belongings of the other religious minorities as we 

respect our own.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“You have to respect the people of other religions to create the harmony in the society. It is 

also endorsed in the Qur’an and hadith.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

For most of the teachers, respecting others’ religions appeared important in and of 

itself; however, for some it had instrumental importance for inspiring non-Muslims to 

embrace Islam:

“...yes it is very important to teach students to respect others. Our prophet taught us that 

we should respect other people and their religion. Our religion doesn’t allow disrespect of 

other religions. We can’t criticize their religion. We just have the responsibility that we 

should interpret our religion whenever we sit with them. It’s a jihad in itself. We are not 

allowed to force them. As a teacher of Islamic Studies, I always teach a non-Muslim to 

accept Islam.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Comparative Religion

Teaching comparative religion is not part of public school curricula and teaching 

manuals. In response to the question of whether a comparative picture of religions 

is presented to students, more than half of the teachers said they do give lessons on 

comparative religion; the others said they do not:

“It is not part of the syllabus. We shouldn’t tell them these things because they wouldn’t 

understand. They are just kids.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“This is not relevant to the curriculum. We only teach whatever is in the curriculum. 

Such topics are never discussed in the class.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

Among those who teach students about comparative religion, a few said the motivation is to promote respect for other religions:

“We should respect the religions of others. We explain this to our students again and 

again.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

Teaching Respect 

for Other Religions

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Many indicated that 

respect for others’ 

beliefs was not in the 

syllabus, but that they 

taught it anyway. 

Intolerant 

Tendencies

While most teachers 

reported a sincere 

desire to impart a 

message of respect 

for other religious 

beliefs, some used 

the opportunity to 

encourage conversion.

Teaching 

Comparative Religion

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Of those teaching 

comparative religion, 

some placed an earnest 

emphasis on respect 

and tolerance.

Neutral 

Tendencies

Half of the teachers 

reported teaching 

comparative religion 

though not part of 

curricula.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Most teachers who 

taught comparative 

religion emphasized the 

supremacy of Islam, 

sometimes denigrating 

other beliefs.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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“Yes, I teach comparative religion for the sake of humanity with examples and references 

from all religions.” — Public School Teacher (Punjab)

However, a majority of teachers giving lessons on comparative religion, despite not 

making it explicit in their responses to this question, appeared to be establishing the 

superiority of Islam over other religions in their lessons. There was a tendency to 

provide Islamic interpretation of other religions, even as it seemed to implicitly or 

covertly denigrate or distort other religious beliefs: 

 “In our eyes Allah’s command is above all and Islam is eternal.” — Public School Teacher 

(Sindh)

 “We never say that we don’t teach about Jews and Christians. Both Christians and Jews 

are each other’s allies and not our friends. We teach these things very tactfully. We tell 

them that the opponents of Islam can never be our friends. These things are, however, 

told in a very pleasant manner so that nobody feels hurt and everyone has one’s religious 

freedom.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

Classroom Activities

According to the teachers interviewed, religious activities are a regular part of the classroom experience. The most common religious activities taking place in classrooms 

are the recitation of the Qur’an, discussion of the lives of Prophets, recitation of hamd

(poems in the praise of Allah) and naat (poems in the praise of Prophet), and telling 

moral stories which are often religious. 

In the KPK, the first session of the day is recitation of the Qur’an for 15 minutes. 

Almost all the teachers (who had minority students) said that all students participate 

in these activities, including religious minorities. Some teachers said that while it is 

not mandatory for non-Muslim students, they regularly attend these activities. There 

was also evidence of teachers conducting activities aimed at preaching to religious 

minority students: 

“Our first period of 15 minutes is recitation of Qur’an. Then attendance is marked and 

then there are periods according to syllabus.” — Public School Teacher (KPK)

“Recitation from the Holy Qur’an competition is the regular religious activity. It is necessary for all the students.” — Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“We conduct role plays—between Hindus and Muslims—to bring them to the preaching of Islam. Minority students should also be included in all the programs at schools.” 

— Female Public School Teacher (Sindh)

There were only a few instances when teachers said they don’t hold any religious 

activities in their classes.

“No religious activities take place in the classroom. Only textbooks are taught in the 

schools.” — Public School Teacher (Balochistan)

Opinions About Religious Minority Students

Very few teachers in KPK and Balochistan had religious minority students in their 

classes, while most of the teachers in Punjab and Sindh had religious minority 

students in their class—often Christians, Hindus, and Ahmadis. Only some teachers 

Classroom 

Activities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

The few teachers 

who reported having 

religious minorities in 

their class expressed 

generally positive 

opinions about them.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Some overt religious 

activities appeared 

mandatory for 

religious minority 

students, in violation 

of Article 22 of the 

Constitution.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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expressed their views about their religious minority students; these teachers had generally positive opinions of the non-Muslim students. 

“There is one Christian student in my class. I do not bother her with my hands or words. 

I never speak badly about their Prophet as I also believe in her Prophet. She is good at 

studies and never misses her class.” — Female Public School Teacher (Sindh)

“There are four students in my class who are Christians. Their way of living is like ours. 

They play with Muslim students. Only their beliefs are different.” — Male Public School 

Teacher (KPK)

However, evidence of teachers’ negativity toward religious minority students was also 

observed. A female teacher from Sindh stated: “I have a Christian student; however, her 

way of prayer doesn’t make me feel comfortable.”

Conclusions

While the interviews and FGDs uncovered some troubling findings, it should be 

noted that even within the small sample of teachers, teachers were found who: 

O Expressed sympathy for the plight of religious minorities.

O Saw no difference, aside from personal beliefs, between religious minorities and 

Muslim students.

O Drew upon deeply religious principles to promote proper treatment of religious 

minorities.

From the public teacher interviews and FGDs it would appear that religious 

minorities face a good possibility of encountering a culture of prejudice while in 

the education system. While some public school teachers expressed some very favorable attitudes towards religious minorities and the so-called revealed religions, they 

also expressed the desire to convert students and force non-Muslims to participate in 

Islamic activities. In other cases outright prejudice was evident.

The opinions given regarding jihad and the enemies of Islam were particularly 

strong. All of the teachers viewed jihad as an obligation of all Muslims and approximately 90% of respondents understood jihad only in a narrow context, as a violent 

struggle against the enemies of Islam. While many teachers expressed the importance 

of respecting the practices of religious minorities, 80% of teachers viewed nonMuslims as the “enemies of Islam.”

That the citizenship status of religious minorities was denied by nearly half of 

public school teachers is particularly troubling due to the role of the government 

education system in educating students on civil rights and obligations. There could 

be ambiguity as to whether or not certain topics of this study should be included in 

the public school curriculum, but it is the responsibility of government schools to 

education children about the meaning of citizenship and its corresponding rights and 

responsibilities. Failure to properly identify religious minorities as citizens would seem 

to betray either a notable lack of civic awareness in middle and high school teachers or 

bigotry.

Results | Part B: Public School Teacher Findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Findings Madrassa Teacher

Interviews/Focus Group Discussions

Sample Size

Interviews and FGDs were conducted with madrassa teachers in each of the four provinces as detailed below. 

Individual Interviews

Province Male Female Total

Balochistan 4 - 4

KPK 5 - 5

Punjab 8 - 8

Sindh 5 - 5

Totals 22 - 22

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Focus Group Discussions

Province Groups

(Male) Participants Groups(Female) Participants TotalGroups

Total 

Participants

Balochistan 1 6 - - 1 6

KPK 2 11 2 23 4 34

Punjab 3 27 - - 3 37

Sindh 7 54 - - 7 54

Totals 13 98 2 23 15 121

Main Findings

According to the findings of the study, the madrassa teachers, in general:

O Had some respect for other religions, especially “revealed religions,” 

but this was conditional.

Almost all teachers expressed the view that non-Muslims and their religious practices should be respected, and Islamic injunctions to respect other religions were 

mentioned. Madrassa teachers expressed appreciation for “revealed religions,” but 

felt that their doctrines had been perverted. Other religions were regarded very 

poorly. A majority expressed an interest in developing limited friendships with 

non-Muslims given the opportunity; however, qualifications and limitations were 

often placed on the type of relationships with non-Muslims deemed desirable or 

acceptable. A majority said that they present a comparative view of religions often 

as a means of demonstrating the superiority of Islam; the beliefs and practices of 

other religions appeared to be taught through the perspective of Islamic principles 

and prohibitions. 

O Expressed hostilities towards members of other religions.

Madrassa teachers expressed hostility for the followers of most religions, which was 

not as pronounced towards Christians. Hostile views of minority religions were 

sometimes associated with conspiracy theories. (“Ahmadis are the result of a grim 
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 69

conspiracy of Christians and Jews, and they are just like them; they have turned away from 

their religion [Islam] and are liable to be killed.” — Madrassa Teacher (Balochistan))

O Believed sectarian differences to be deep; expressed hope for 

reconciliation, hatred for Shias.

Most madrassa teachers indicated that sectarian differences were profound and 

directed a great deal of scorn toward Shias. Yet however great the differences 

between the sects, madrassa teachers were hopeful that reconciliation could occur. 

This was often conditional on other sects coming closer to the teacher’s own sect.

O Held a broader view of jihad, while still viewing it as an individual obligation and sometimes to be directed violently against religious minorities.

While nearly all madrassa teachers expressed the view that jihad was obligatory 

and acknowledged a role for violence in its application, the majority extended 

the concept of jihad to include non-violent concepts such as self-control. Some 

teachers specifically rejected the practice of suicide bombing and sectarian violence. 

However, Christians, Jews, and Hindus were specifically mentioned as targets of 

violent jihad. Madrassa teachers were almost uniformly in agreement the idea that 

jihad is an obligation of every Muslim, often leaving it up to individuals to decide 

when to wage jihad and against whom.

O Had a better understanding of the citizenship and rights of religious 

minorities, while still believing that such minorities should not hold 

political power.

All of the madrassa teachers stated that religious minorities were citizens of 

Pakistan. While the differences in the samples and sample sizes make a direct 

comparison between the public school respondents and the madrassa respondents 

difficult, it is interesting to note that only 60% of government school teachers 

understood this. All the madrassa teachers, however, believed that religious minorities should not be given political power. 

O Felt threatened by conspiracies.

Madrassa teachers identified a number of conspiracies against Islam and Pakistan. 

Some attributed sectarianism to colonization or Jews, and one teacher believed 

that the Ahmadi sect was a result of a Jewish and Christian conspiracy. They also 

indicated a belief that religious minorities, if given greater political rights, would 

threaten Islam in Pakistan.

Detailed Findings

Madrassa Teacher Sample Profile

The average age of the madrassa teachers interviewed was 35 years (ranging from 20 

to 50 years). The madrassa teachers in the sample largely came from under-privileged 

backgrounds and were graduates themselves of madrassa education. A few had 

received only the madrassa education. Most of the teachers had acquired additional 

high levels of educational qualification such as Shahdite Aalmia, Hifz-e-Quran, and 

Masters in Islamic Studies and Arabic. Many had also acquired the qualifications of 

Alim/scholar from their respective boards. 

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Awareness and Perception of Other Religions

and Religious Minorities in Pakistan

Views of Other Religions in Pakistan

Madrassa teachers were asked for their opinions regarding religions other than 

Islam. All considered Islam to be the only correct religion. Some accepted a limited 

legitimacy for other “Religions of the Book,” which are accused of amending their 

doctrines, but other religions were simply dismissed.

“It is clearly written in the Qur’an that Islam is the only true religion. The rest of the religions are not true.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

 “There are several religions in the world which are essentially based upon traditions. 

Such religions are not the real religions. They ‘emerge’ in certain circumstances and 

people start following them. They are essentially based upon either personal gains or 

ignorance.” — Madrassa Teacher 

Respect for Minority Religions

Almost all teachers were of the view that non-Muslims and their religious practices 

should be respected. As one teacher from Sindh stated in an FGD: 

“The respect of non-Muslims’ places of worships is not forbidden in the teachings of 

Qur’an and hadith. The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) had never disgraced nonMuslims, their religion and their places of worship. He always behaved nicely with 

them.”

Similarly, another teacher said:

“All the religions should be treated with respect and dignity. It is also in hadith that we 

should not say anything bad about the Gods of other religions.” 

There were, however, a small number for whom the objective of respecting others’ 

religions was to inspire them to embrace Islam. One teacher, for example, said: “We 

should respect them more so that they get impressed and convert to Islam.”

Influence of Minority Religions and Practices on Muslims

Madrassa teachers in our sample revealed a significant sense of concern regarding the 

influence of religious minorities on Muslims in Pakistan, through the integration of 

beliefs, culture, and lifestyle. Some teachers even indicated suspicion regarding the 

role of religious minorities in fomenting sectarian discord or encouraging conversion 

from Islam.

“Alcohol is banned in Islam but it is allowed in other religions of Christianity and 

Hinduism. In Pakistan, only non-Muslims are allowed to use alcohol. As they also 

provide alcohol to Muslims, it affects Muslims.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“Over the centuries, the non-Islamic religions and civilizations have influenced Muslims 

resulting in the division of the Muslims into various sects, and led to disunity and discord 

within the religion.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“[A] community’s social environment has serious impact on Muslim communities. Muslims having weak faith in Allah are sometimes attracted by the actions of 

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan

Perception of Other 

Religions and 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Almost all teachers 

were of the view that 

non-Muslims and their 

religious practices 

should be respected.

Madrassa teachers 

expressed respect for 

“Revealed Religions” 

or “Religious of the 

Book” (i.e., Christianity, 

Judaism).

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Of those who expressed 

limited respect for 

“Religions of the Book,” 

most accused them of 

amending their doctrines; 

other religions were 

simply dismissed.

Several teachers 

advocated violence 

or expressed hatred 

towards members of 

other religions.

Madrassa teachers in 

our sample revealed a 

significant sense of and 

concern regarding the 

influence of religious 

minorities on Muslims 

in Pakistan, through the 

integration of beliefs, 

culture, and lifestyle. 

Some teachers indicated 

suspicion regarding the 

role of religious minorities 

in fomenting sectarian 

discord or encouraging 

conversion from Islam.
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 71

non-Muslim communities. They leave Islam and start practicing other religions.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (Punjab)

“There is a great influence of non-Muslims on Muslims. For example, at weddings, 

Hindu rituals are still continued even when they have left Sindh. You see fire crackers at 

the weddings; these are their influences. Nowadays, Muslims don’t say ‘Salam.’ They just 

say ‘How are you’ — or have adopted other greetings.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Religion Teachers’ General Views

Christianity

Teachers considered Christianity as a “revealed religion.” The majority of them referred to the concept of 

the Trinity in Christianity while talking about the religion. Some of them considered the concept of the 

Trinity as a form of polytheism. Teachers also considered the Bible as a revealed book; however, they 

thought this book is not present in its original form and has been amended by its followers.

“Christianity is an Abrahamic religion and God gave the revealed book, the Bible, upon them. However, 

they have edited their book.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“They (Christians) believe in the Trinity. They believe there are three Gods; the God, Mary, and Christ.”

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Hinduism

Teachers considered Hinduism as an ancient but not divine religion. They considered it a man-made 

religion. The majority of the teachers considered Hindus as idol worshippers and polytheists.

“I know they are idol worshippers. They worship fire and [the] cow. They also worship [the] monkey.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Sikhism Teachers considered Sikhism as another man-made religion. They considered it as a religion of infidels 

who don’t believe in Allah and the Prophet Muhammad.

Ahmadi

They were considered by teachers interviewed as those who do not believe in the finality of the prophet. 

Teachers frequently expressed extremist attitudes towards Ahmadis. 

“Ahmadis are the result of a grim conspiracy of Christians and Jews, and they are just like them; they 

have turned away from their religion [Islam] and are liable to be killed.” — Madrassa Teacher (Balochistan)

Judaism

Teachers said Judaism is a revealed religion and based upon the teachings and practices of the Prophet 

Moses, but distrust and animosity towards Jews themselves was common. Some teachers considered 

them to be disobedient of Allah, thought Jews consider themselves superior to everyone else, and 

thought they are disliked by Allah because of their arrogance.

“Allah says Jews can’t be your friends. We can befriend them only to convert them to Islam.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Citizenship and Rights of Religious Minorities

All the teachers asked responded that non-Muslims living in Pakistan are Pakistani 

citizens, and half also considered them as “good citizens,” according to the behavior of 

individual minorities. Other teachers simply stated that religious minorities were not 

good citizens.

“They [religious minorities] are not good citizens. There is a lot of difference between 

Muslims and non-Muslims. Allah has said Muslims are pure and non-Muslims are 

impure. From the point of view of their religious beliefs and practices, they are not good.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

The opinions of madrassa teachers regarding the citizenship and equality of religious 

minorities appeared strongly influenced by the restrictive Islamic concept of dhimmitude (as explained in the textbook review section). 

 “According to sharia law, non-Muslims are regarded as dhimmis. This implies that 

they have to pay special tax to the state and the state in turn would take them as its 

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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responsibility; nobody could cause them any harm. Any Muslim living in the society 

would treat them very well so that they can be attracted towards Islam.” — Madrassa 

Teacher (Balochistan)

While nearly all madrassa teachers agreed in principle that most religious minorities should be given basic human rights, all teachers agreed that religious minorities 

should not be given political power, as re-enforced by the constitutional mandate that 

the President and Prime Minister must be practicing Muslims. 

The attitudes of madrassa teachers towards religious minorities and their rights 

are reflected in the following excerpts from the FGDs and interviews. (It is important 

to note that despite the broad prohibitions attributed to the constitution by some 

madrassa teachers, in actuality the constitution does not extend restrictions on religious minorities holding positions of power beyond the offices of the President and 

Prime Minister.)

“Non-Muslims should not only be protected but also be given equal opportunities in 

education, politics, and social spheres. But they can’t be allowed to rule Pakistan.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“As the constitution of Pakistan says, non-Muslims can’t be allowed to become President, 

Prime Minister, Chief Justice or even Chief of the Army. It is because they would interfere 

in our religious practices. As we are in majority, there is little possibility that they would 

qualify for such positions.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“Under the constitution of Pakistan, any non-Muslim can’t occupy an important 

position. If they are given important positions, they will bring their own values and 

laws into our system. They would treat us as slaves and impose their own education and 

learning.” — Madrassa Teacher

“Non-Muslims can’t be given the position of head of any institution. Heading an 

institution is just like imamat [the leadership of prayer, in literal sense]. How could a 

non-Muslim be ‘imam’ [leader] of Muslims?” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

Interaction with Religious Minorities

Personal Interaction 

An overwhelming majority of madrassa teachers reported not having any religious 

minority friends, often due to the amount of time spent in the madrassa and the lack 

of religious minorities living nearby. A majority of teachers expressed an interest in 

developing limited friendships with religious minorities if given the opportunity; 

however, this was often accompanied by qualifications on the relationships as demonstrated in the excerpts below: 

“We can befriend non-Muslims but we can’t love them because Islam doesn’t allow us.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“We can’t have hearty relationships with them but we have to behave well with them.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

Some teachers rejected the idea of having friendships with non-Muslims:

“We wouldn’t like to befriend non-Muslim teachers due to various reasons such as [that] 

Christians are not trustworthy.” — Madrassa Teacher (Punjab)

Citizenship and 

Equal Rights

Tolerant 

Tendencies

All the teachers 

responded that 

non-Muslims living in 

Pakistan are Pakistani 

citizens, and half also 

considered them as 

“good citizens.”

Nearly all madrassa 

teachers agreed in 

principle that most 

religious minorities 

should be given basic 

human rights.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

All teachers agreed 

that religious 

minorities should 

not be given political 

power, as re-enforced 

by the constitutional 

mandate that the 

President and Prime 

Minister must be 

practicing Muslims.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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According to one madrassa teacher, another reason for the lack of interaction with 

religious minorities was reluctance on the part of the minorities: 

“Non-Muslims here avoid us and our madrassa so we don’t have any relationship with 

them. However, if we meet them, we try to convince them to convert into Islam. They 

avoid us.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Some teachers advocated for polite treatment of non-Muslims in every circumstance 

with the intention to promote acceptance of Islam. 

“If a non-Muslim behaves in a bad manner and hurts us, we have to forgive him and be 

patient so that he is impressed and enters into Islam. — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

Eating with Religious Minorities

A majority of madrassa teachers were favorably inclined to sharing food with nonMuslims, while a few teachers expressed dissention on religious grounds:

“They usually have the haram food with them which is not properly slaughtered and is 

not permitted in Islam.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“I don’t like to share food items with non-Muslims because they belong to a different 

religion and Islam forbids such acts.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

Community Interaction

On the community level a majority of teachers indicated a desire for stronger relations 

with religious minorities without mention of proselytization. 

“Minorities are not only invited in Muslims’ gatherings, they also invite us to participate 

in their social events. The most usual events in this regards are wedding ceremonies.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“It is urged to behave cordially with non-Muslims because of the fact that they are also 

human beings. It will not only strengthen brotherhood but also ensure harmonious 

mutual coexistence in the society” — Madrassa Teacher

In some instances madrassa teachers made community interaction contingent on the 

social status of religious minorities (who rarely hold high social status), or viewed 

interaction solely as a means to proselytize.

“Those Hindus who are businessmen and are doing well in their business are usually 

invited in social activities.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“Community interaction through social gatherings is [a] modern way of preaching...” 

— Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

Sectarian Issues

The following findings regarding attitudes towards sectarian issues should be understood within the context of the sectarian breakdown of the sample—a majority of 

madrassa teachers in this sample belonged to the Ahle-Hadith school of thought, 

followed by Deobandi, Barelvi, and Jamat-e-Islami schools of thought. A relatively 

small proportion of teachers belonged to Shia school.

Sectarian Issues

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Despite an apparent 

state of heightened 

sectarianism amongst 

madrassa teachers, 

the possibility of 

reconciliation was often 

mentioned, though 

this typically involved 

some level of sectarian 

dominance.

Despite the prevalence 

of inter-sect rivalries 

such as between Shias 

and Sunnis and between 

Ahle-Hadith and 

Barelvis, some teachers 

felt that the revival of 

amicable relationships 

is plausible if the 

principles of peaceful 

co-existence are 

adopted.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

There was a strong 

sense of sectarianism 

among teachers; nearly 

all believed that their 

own sect is right in its 

way as it is based on 

the true principles of 

Islam–i.e., the Qur’an 

and hadith–in contrast 

to other sects.

There was a great 

deal of prejudice and 

intolerance towards 

Shias in particular.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Sectarian Superiority and Reconciliation

There was a strong sense of sectarianism among teachers; nearly all believed that 

their own sect is right in its way as it is based on the true principles of Islam—i.e., 

the Qur’an and hadith—in contrast to other sects. A large number of teachers in our 

samples were quite adamant in their views and highlighted several issues of sectarian 

contention. Despite an apparent state of heightened sectarianism amongst madrassa 

teachers, the possibility of reconciliation was often mentioned, though this typically 

involved some level of sectarian dominance.

During a FGD in Abbottabad, a small fraction of the teachers said that subjects 

being taught in the madrassas are a catalyst to inculcate discrimination in the minds 

of madrassa teachers as well as students. It was opined: “As a first step, a uniform curriculum should be introduced while limiting the use of reference books.” 

Madrassa Teacher Views on the Various Sects

Religion Teachers’ General Views

Ahle-Hadith

Since the majority of madrassa teachers interviewed happened to be Ahle-Hadith, their general opinion 

about this sect was predictably very positive. The general impression was that Ahle-Hadith do not 

believe in sects of Islam, but rather believe in the Qur’an and the hadith; they also respect Islamic 

practices and the deeds of the Prophet Muhammad. The majority of the Barelvis and Shias declined to 

express any views about the Ahle-Hadith.

Deobandi

Given that the majority of teachers in our sample were Ahle-Hadith followed by Deobandis (and both 

sects have several things common), the overall opinion about them was also favorable. A majority 

of teachers thought that they believe in the Qur’an and hadith and nothing else. Some teachers, 

particularly from Barelvi sect, accused Deobandis of being irreverent toward the Prophet and his 

companions, while others considered them to be non-Muslims: “Barelvis and Deobandis are nonMuslims.”

Barelvi

Broadly speaking, teachers were critical of this sect and a majority considered Barelvis to have been a 

primary driver of sectarianism in Pakistan. 

“They have different beliefs but we are not allowed to kill them. We have to resolve differences with 

them. The Qur’an has given us the belief that the Prophet was a human being but they think he was a 

Divine Light. The Qur’an says the Prophet doesn’t know about the divine realities but Barelvis think he 

knows.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“A few things which were not customary now have been made part of Islam. These things have been 

associated with actions of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). These actions are not proven by the Prophet 

Muhammad (PBUH). In fact, these are Bidats [illegitimate extension in the religion]—mostly coined by 

the Barelvi school of thought.” — Madrassa Teacher (Balochistan)

Jamat-e-Islami

The Jamat-e-Islami (JI) sect was considered to be more political than sectarian. Some viewed JI very 

favorably, as a group consisting of almost all sects, while others seemed to attribute a great deal of 

extremism to JI. 

“They unite all sections of Islam. They involve scholars from all sects and bring them to one table.”

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“There are few religions (sects) who have extremist thoughts such as Jamat-e-Islami.” — Madrassa Teacher 

(Punjab)

Shia

Shias were the targets of a great deal of bigotry and disdain. Some madrassa teachers even considered 

them to be non-Muslims. A majority of the teachers expressed negative views about them. 

“Shias are infidels and they are not innocent.” — Deobandi Madrassa Teacher (Punjab)

“Colonialism brought sectarianism to Pakistan which does not exist in Saudi Arabia. Due to this 

fact, Shias are called non-Muslims—they have altered definitions of Tawheed [oneness] and hadith.”

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“Their [Shias’] prayer ... and kalma [Islamic profession of faith] are different. However, only the 

government can decide whether or not they are non-Muslims.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“If Shias accept the pure faith of Islam then they are Muslim, otherwise they are infidel.” — Madrassa 

Teacher (KPK)

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Other teachers such as those below expressed hope and constructive theories regarding 

the easing of sectarian tension:

“Sectarian differences are provoked by the ulema [scholars] of the present day. 

Nonetheless, it is likely that these ulema can remove misunderstandings and promote 

commonalties in different schools of thoughts.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“Promotion of commonalities is deemed to be possible if adjoined with principles of the 

Qur’an and hadith. It is not possible by killing each other.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Jihad

Madrassa teachers were almost uniformly in agreement with the idea that jihad is an 

obligation of every Muslim, often leaving it up to individuals to decide when to wage 

jihad and whom to wage it against. With the exception of one teacher,80 the madrassa 

teachers didn’t mention any role of a central authority such as the head of the state or 

state institutions such as the military. Madrassa teachers occasionally described provocations for jihad and rules for conduct that could be seen as limiting the vague and 

universal call to jihad, but with the exception of some distaste for the recent rise in 

suicide bombings, restrictions on jihad were rare. Christians, Jews, and Hindus were 

specifically mentioned as targets. The excerpts below offer insights into the madrassa 

teachers’ views of jihad.

“If non-Muslims invade Muslim territory, then for the protection of Islam, it is necessary 

to do jihad against them if they are not ready to negotiate.” — Madrassa Teacher (KPK)

“Jews are infidels, deniers of Allah’s messengers, and enemies of Islam due to their antiMuslim plans. Everyone in Israel is Ahl al Qital (to be fought against) who spreads war 

throughout the face of the earth.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“...[an] extremist Hindu organization demolished the Babri Mosque in the Indian city 

of Ayodhya. This brutal act from Hindus can never be tolerated. If a Hindu extremist 

organization perpetrated an act of extremism in India, it did not imply such acts cannot 

be avenged in Pakistan.” — Madrassa Teacher (Balochistan)

“Jihad against infidels will continue until the day of judgment if the teachings of Islam 

are disrespected.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

While the madrassa teachers made references to violent jihad, most of the teachers also 

viewed jihad in a broader perspective to include struggle through pen and speech. As a 

madrassa teacher from Punjab stated: “We have to do jihad against those who are against 

Islam. Jihad can be done with pen as well as through speech.” 

There was also a tendency among teachers to declare the wave of suicidal killings 

as unlawful. One teacher from Punjab, for example, stated, “In the recent past, the definition of jihad has changed in the backdrop of suicidal killings. In fact, jihad is often joined 

with these incidences, which is not according to Islam.”

80 This teacher, from Peshawar, said: “Jihad is a personal duty (fard’ein) for each and every Muslim under all 

circumstances or a collective duty (fard kiffaya), but it can be performed ONLY under the direction of a leader of all 

Muslims.”

Disputes between 

Muslims and 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

An overwhelming 

majority of the 

teachers said they 

would settle disputes 

without prejudice.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

There was at least 

one instance where 

the madrassa teacher 

replied that he would 

kill a non-Muslim if he 

started a fight with a 

Muslim.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
76 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Causes of Anger

Teachers were asked to indicate specific actions or events that caused anger or anxiety 

in the madrassa community. 

A wide majority of madrassa teachers cited acts of blasphemy, whether committed in Pakistan or in the West, as a primary cause of anger. Most of the teachers were 

aware of incidences such as the burning of a Qur’an by American pastor Terry Jones 

and the publishing of caricatures of the Prophet in some Western countries, and 

reported extreme anger associated with these events. 

 “Blasphemous acts such as burning of the Qur’an and publishing of caricatures of the 

Prophet Muhammad are intolerable in any form.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh) 

In addition to these views, there was also awareness that the blasphemy law in Pakistan 

may be used unfairly against non-Muslims. A few madrassa teachers from the Sindh 

FGD, for example, appear to sympathize with religious minorities in cases of blasphemy: 

“In blasphemy cases, non-Muslims are victimized on the basis of evidence provided by 

Muslims. In such cases, Muslims also get support from others and the transparent investigation is avoided.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Many teachers cited current events related to the Global War on Terror as significant causes of anger in the Islamic community, specifically mentioning Raymond 

Davis, Aafia Siddiqi (a Pakistani woman jailed for assault with intent to murder her 

American interrogators in Afghanistan), and the Afghan war. 

“The America-imposed war in which innocent Pakistanis are killed instills hatred against 

non-Muslims living in Pakistan and outside.” — Madrassa Teacher (Balochistan)

“They [Americans] are pressuring the government to release Raymond Davis, who is a 

murderer. They have put the innocent Aafia Siddiqi in jail. These things cause anger 

among us.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

Apart from these events, some teachers simply felt anger over the practices and lifestyles of religious minorities, such as eating pork and drinking alcohol. Madrassa 

teachers from the KPK and Balochistan cited, in some cases, extremely broad causes 

for anger such as the prevalence of anything prohibited by Islam, or as one teacher 

from KPK stated, “bowing down in front of idols, asking for help, practicing rituals through 

dancing are all annoying causes of creating hatred for Hindus and Christians.”

Disputes between Muslims and Religious Minorities

Madrassa teachers were asked what they would do in the incidence of violence 

between a Muslim and a member of a religious minority. An overwhelming majority 

of the teachers said they would settle the dispute without prejudice. Some even 

reported a willingness to allow the legal system to assume jurisdiction as stated below:

“In case of the arising of any dispute between Muslim and non-Muslim, I will settle 

the dispute by myself, and if it is not possible then law enforcement agencies will be 

approached, because rights of Muslims and non-Muslims are equal.” — Madrassa Teacher 

(KPK)

Some teachers, however, made a distinction with regard to the nature of the dispute, 

mentioning that equality holds if the dispute is of worldly nature, but that religious 

Causes of Anger

Tolerant 

Tendencies

A few teachers 

appeared to 

sympathize with 

religious minorities in 

cases of blasphemy.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

A wide majority cited 

acts of blasphemy as 

a primary cause of 

anger. 

Some teachers simply 

viewed the existence 

of religious minorities 

in Pakistan as a major 

cause for anger in the 

Islamic community.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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disputes should be treated differently. As a madrassa teacher from KPK stated: “If the 

dispute is on worldly matters it should be resolved amicably. However, if it is a religious one, 

it would aggravate the feelings of Muslims.”

There was, however, at least one instance where a madrassa teacher revealed a 

violent extremist worldview. During a FGD, a teacher from KPK stated firmly: “If a 

non-Muslim student fights with a Muslim student and it is found that the non-Muslim is 

indicted, I will kill him.”

Transmission of Teachers’ Perceptions to the Students

Comparative Religion

Most of the teachers said that teaching comparative religion is not part of the 

curriculum of their particular madrassa. However, a majority said that they present 

a comparative view of religions often as a means of demonstrating the superiority 

of Islam; the beliefs and practices of other religions appear to be taught through 

the perspective of Islamic principles and prohibitions. One could infer that the 

often pejorative views of minority religions described above would likely be part 

of this teaching. However, Islamic injunctions to respect other religions were also 

mentioned.

“We usually share knowledge about other religions with our students when a relevant 

topic appears in the course, or when Qur’an or hadith refers to them. When we discuss 

about the non-Muslims, we talk about the beliefs and practices they follow.” — Madrassa 

Teacher (KPK)

“Islam teaches us about respecting and treating others nicely. Islam teaches...

that we must respect and honor the beliefs and practices of religious minorities.” 

— Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“Only selected hadith are taught to students for a comparative view of religion with 

regards to Islam and at the beginning classes of the madrassa.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

“Yes, we do teach this; we have a separate subject on it, and we teach our students about 

Hinduism, Christianity, Judaism, and Buddhism. We present a comparative viewpoint 

in light of Qur’anic verses.” — Madrassa Teacher (Sindh)

In teaching about practices of other religions, the most common sources of references 

were the Qur’an and hadith. In addition, books of other Muslim speakers and scholars 

are also shared as references to teach about the practices of other religions.

There were some madrassa teachers, though few in number, who disapproved of 

teaching students about other religions in the madrassa classroom.

 “No, we don’t impart knowledge about comparative religion; the children are too young 

and cannot grasp the complex ideas. However, when relevant points arise, we try to 

inculcate the knowledge of basic differences among them.” — Madrassa Teacher (Punjab)

Conclusion

The opinions expressed by madrassa teachers should be understood in the context of 

their environment. As opposed to public school teachers, madrassa teachers teach (and 

often live) in an environment without religious diversity. The madrassa community 

is guided by Islamic concepts, and religious tolerance can be found in many areas in 

general terms. For example, this study found madrassa teachers who:

Comparative 

Religion

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Islamic injunctions to 

respect other religions 

were mentioned.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

A majority said 

that they present a 

comparative view 

of religions often 

as a means of 

demonstrating the 

superiority of Islam; 

the beliefs and practices 

of other religions 

appear to be taught 

through the perspective 

of Islamic principles 

and prohibitions.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
78 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

O Leaned on the examples of religious tolerance attributed to the Prophet 

Muhammad.

O Were expectedly eager to encourage conversion, but often through righteous 

behavior.

O Desired stronger relations with religious minorities to promote religious harmony.

O Decried sectarian violence and were hopeful for reconciliation.

The modern-day Pakistani madrassa often exists at the nexus of modern worldly issues 

and centuries-old religious beliefs. The attitudes and perceptions of the madrassa 

teachers in this study seemed caught between the two. 

On one hand, all madrassa teachers correctly identified religious minorities as 

citizens of Pakistan, with basic human, though limited political, rights. This concept 

fits into the Islamic principle of dhimmitude, the second-class citizenship of nonMuslims paying tax in Muslim-ruled countries. In the dhimmi system, the state is 

obligated to protect the rights and privileges of religious minorities, who could never 

be allowed to assume high positions of political power. The Constitution of 1973 

appears to reflect this notion as religious minorities are eligible for full citizenship, but 

may not assume the offices of President or Prime Minister.

While citing Islamic injunctions to respect other religions and expressing the 

desire for limited relationships with religious minorities, madrassa teachers expressed 

negative attitudes toward and interpretations of other faith which could encourage 

intolerance in students. The teachers often cited Islamic ideals of religious tolerance, at 

least for “revealed religions,” but even in these cases it was often stated that Christians 

and Jews had amended their doctrines. Hindus and Ahmadis, as well as Shias, were 

the targets of a great deal of scorn and hostility. 

From the opinions expressed, it appears that madrassa teachers feel very threatened. Conspiracy theories seem prevalent, as reflected in comments from such the 

teacher from Balochistan who described the Ahmadi sect as the “result of a grim 

conspiracy of Christians and Jews” and one from Sindh who described the “evil plans” 

of Jews as a reason for perpetual jihad. There was also significant concern regarding 

the influence of religious minorities, often viewed as a channel for non-Islamic culture 

to invade Pakistan, on the Islamic identity of Pakistan.

On the issue of jihad, all madrassa teachers viewed jihad as an obligation of all 

Muslims, but most understood it in the broader concept. According to madrassa 

teachers, jihad includes violent as well as non-violent means of resisting oppression—

such as the “jihad of the pen”—and personal issues such as self-control and righteous 

behavior. Many madrassa teachers took issue with the legitimacy of suicide bombing 

and mentioned that the practice has been widely scrutinized and rejected as a form of 

jihad.

Unfortunately, due to the extremely sensitive nature of the study particularly in 

this sector, there were some questions that could not be asked in the madrassa environment. Madrassa teachers were not probed deeply on issues of sectarian violence or 

asked to identify the enemies of Islam.

Results | Part B: Madrassa teacher findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 79

Findings Public School Student 

Interviews/Focus Group Discussions

Sample Size

Interviews and FGDs were conducted with public school students in each of the four 

provinces as detailed below. 

Individual Interviews

Province Male Female Total

Balochistan 6 4 10

KPK 12 8 20

Punjab 12 8 20

Sindh 12 8 20

Totals 42 28 70

Focus Group Discussions

Province Groups

(Male) Participants Groups(Female) Participants TotalGroups

Total 

Participants

Balochistan 1 5 - - 1 5

KPK 2 14 2 7 4 11

Punjab 2 18 - - 2 18

Sindh 2 15 3 24 5 39

Totals 7 52 5 31 12 73

Main Findings

According to the findings of the study, the public school students, in general:

O View the national identity of Pakistan in religious terms.

Pakistan is a nation of many cultures, ethnicities, languages, and tribes, but public 

school students rarely mentioned these aspects. In this sense students’ perceptions 

were directly in line with the textbook emphasis on the “Islamic Pakistan” and the 

tendency of the textbooks to reduce conflicts with neighboring India and colonialism to their religious dimensions, which tends to suggest a great deal of influence 

of these books. Some students even broke down the religious identity of Islam into 

sects. 

O Hold contradictory views regarding other religions and religious 

minorities.

Most public school students indicated that both Islam and their school teachers 

encouraged them to respect religious minorities, at least nominally or in order to 

encourage the acceptance of Islam. This respect was underscored in general questions as public school students expressed some of the most enlightened and tolerant 

views towards religious minorities that could be found throughout the study, and 

a majority of the students who had religious minorities in their class seemed to 

have good opinions of them. However, when probed on other issues, the respect in 

many instances seemed vacant. Students often expressed negative views of followers 

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
80 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

of other religions, particularly Hindus, Jews, and Ahmadis. Overall the perception 

of Christians was better, but students associated them with the low social class 

and often used derogatory terms to describe them. While many students indicated 

a desire to see relations with religious minorities improve, some rejected having 

relationships of equality with non-Muslims. Most troubling, most students viewed 

non-Muslims as the enemies of Islam.

O Supported respectful and peaceful sectarian relations, while holding 

strong sectarian views.

While the majority of the students interviewed appeared to hold strong sectarian 

views, many students emphasized the need for peaceful sectarian relations. Students 

often highlighted the need for respecting each other, granting freedom to all for 

exercising their religious rights, accepting all sects as equal, and realizing that all are 

right in their own way. Students also underscored the existence of commonalities 

among sects which, according to them, outweighed the differences. 

O Had a narrow view of jihad.

Public school students rarely appreciated the broader concept of jihad in its both 

non-violent and violent forms, as is presented in the Qur’an. They were generally of 

the view that jihad referred only to a violent struggle against the enemies of Islam, 

which seems to be in line with the attitudes of their teachers. 

O Were sometimes being taught comparative religion in the classroom, 

but usually from the perspective of Islamic dominance.

Public school students were split almost evenly when asked whether they were 

given any lessons on comparative religion by teachers. In nearly every case where 

they were being given, the lessons on comparative religion, formal or otherwise, 

were given from the perspective of Islam being dominant or true, and every other 

religion being submissive or false.

O Were not being taught to correctly identify religious minorities as 

citizens.

Only about 60% of public school students could identify religious minorities as 

citizens (the same percentage as in the public school teacher sample), and many 

were skeptical about the potential for religious minorities to assist in the development of Pakistan. It is plausible that both the attitudes of their teachers and the 

scant mention of contributions of religious minorities to the development of 

Pakistan in the textbooks are contributing to these views.

Detailed Findings

Awareness and Perception of Other Religions

and Religious Minorities in Pakistan

General Views

Students were probed for their understanding of religions other than Islam. Some 

students in Punjab, KPK, and Sindh reported no understanding of other religions, 

as did nearly all students in Balochistan. A very small portion of students in Sindh 

made reference to different sects of Islam while describing other religions, possibly 

What Does Islam 

Teach about Other 

Religions?

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Most students agreed 

that Islam prescribes 

good behavior towards 

religious minorities.

Many students 

emphasized that 

non-Muslims are 

human beings and 

suggested they 

shouldn’t be forced to 

do anything.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Often the motivation 

for good behavior 

appeared to be to 

inspire conversion. 

Some students 

believed that Islam 

taught them to limit 

interaction with 

religious minorities.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 81

suggesting that they consider the different sects of Islam to be different religions. It is 

important to mention that, as opposed to teachers who tended to describe the beliefs 

of other religions, students primarily gave their opinions of the followers of various 

religions.

Students, in general, were aware of some of the apparent differences between 

other religions and Islam, but held some negative views, particularly of Hindus, Jews, 

and Ahmadis. Overall the perception of Christians was better, but students associated 

them with the low social class and often used derogatory terms to describe them.

There was an apparent tendency of looking down upon non-Muslims. Students 

seemed to be establishing the superiority of their “Allah” over the god(s) of Hindus 

(who believe in many gods) and of Christians (who worship the same God of 

Abraham). 

“Our religion is greater than others so we should preach them our religion as much as we 

can.” — Public School Student (Punjab)

Religion Students’ General Views

Christianity

The majority viewed Christians as those who believe in Jesus as the son of God, believe in the Bible 

as their sacred book, go to church, and celebrate Christmas. Some students also referred to the 

concept of the Trinity in Christianity as the distinguishing feature of this religion. It is important to 

note that students have a relatively better perception of Christians than of Hindus. Some students 

falsely attributed certain views to Christianity:

“They don’t believe in eternal life.” — Public School Student (Sindh)

While most focused upon the differences, some also pointed to commonalities between Muslims 

and Christians: 

“Christians live a normal life and they have a similar type of living as we have and there are 

commonalities between Christians and Muslims.” — Female Student (Punjab)

“They are also Muslims, but they just believe in Christ only and no other prophets.” — Student (Sindh)

Hinduism

Students generally understood Hindus to be polytheistic in contrast to their own monotheistic 

religion, and often stated that Hindus do not believe in Allah or respect Muslim prayer. Some 

students had very negative perceptions of Hindus:

“Hindus worship many idols; they also worship the cow and consider her urine sacred.” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

“Hindus believe that the cow is their mother and consider the elephant their God. They also believe 

in monkeys.” — Student (Sindh)

Ahmadis

Ahmadis were unanimously considered non-Muslims, and a majority of the students interviewed 

referred to them in terms of their views on the finality of the prophet. Students in general had very 

negative images of Ahmadis:

“Ahmadis try to convert members of other religions to their religion by casting magic. They don’t 

believe in prophethood and they deny the last prophet. We should behave badly with them.” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

What does Islam teach about other religions? 

A wide majority of students agreed that Islam teaches about other religions, and 

most said that Islam prescribes good behavior towards religious minorities. One male 

student in Punjab reported, “[Islam] promotes the commonalities among all the religions 

and our prophet (PBUH) taught us to do well with them.”

Nonetheless, in many instances the motivation behind treating non-Muslims with 

good behavior is to inspire them to convert to Islam, as the following excerpts suggest:

“We shouldn’t even call any non-Muslim as infidel [kafir]. In Islam, calling anyone 

infidel is not legitimate as we don’t know when someone’s heart is enlightened with 

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
82 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

the light of Islam. We shouldn’t be critical and say negative things about anyone.” 

— Student (Punjab)

“Islam tells us to deal with them in a good manner so that they convert to Islam. Islam 

gives us the message of peace.” — Student (KPK)

“We need to treat them very well. We need to make a good presentation of ourselves so 

that we can impress non-Muslims and they embrace Islam.” — Student (Punjab)

Unlike in KPK and Punjab, most of the students in Sindh and Balochistan appeared 

more tolerant when it came to their understanding of the teachings of Islam regarding 

other religions. Many students emphasized that non-Muslims are also human beings 

and suggested they shouldn’t be forced to do anything. 

A small number among our respondents thought that Islam teaches one to have 

limited interaction with non-Muslims. As one student from Punjab suggested, “We 

should not share our secrets with them. We should also restrict ourselves and keep relationships 

to a limit.”

Opinion of Other Religions

Students were asked what they liked and disliked about other religions. In regard to 

what students liked about other religions, many of them suggested they don’t like 

anything about them as they are not Muslim, as the following responses from female 

students in Sindh illustrate:

“I don’t like anything about them because nothing good is there in their religion.”

“I don’t like people from other religions as they are different from Muslims.” 

Some students, however, did express admiration of certain traits that they attributed 

to religious minorities. Of the students who identified positive qualities of religious 

minorities, the communal and family cohesion, manners, education, and attitudes 

were praised. 

Some of the students (in Sindh) pointed towards the high education levels and 

good moral character of non-Muslims as the qualities they like; however, they called 

their good qualities Islamic: “They are far more educated and follow almost all the teachings and rules of Islam.” Many students appreciated the friendly and helpful behavior 

of non-Muslims towards Muslims. A male student in Sindh reported; “They show good 

attitude, they have unity, and they are cooperative with us.” 

Some students also applauded the honesty of non-Muslims, particularly of Hindus. 

One male student in Sindh said, “Hindus are peace lovers, they are honest in their businesses, and they do not pose harm to anyone...”, while another male student from 

Balochistan said, “I like their honesty, sincerity with their business, and the human values in 

them.” 

When students were asked about what they dislike in other religions, most of 

them expressed their distaste of their beliefs, faiths, and religious practices. Students 

mentioned many things to dislike about non-Muslims, such as: not believing in Allah, 

worshipping idols, and believing in the Jesus as the son of God. One male student 

from Sindh said, “What I dislike in them is [that] they worship idols, they do not believe in 

one Allah, and [they] do not follow the Holy Book and the Prophet (PBUH) of Muslims.” 

A female student from Sindh said, “[I dislike] the way they worship the idols; Christians 

think of Hazrat Isa (the Prophet Jesus) as son of God.” 

Opinions of 

Other Religions 

and Lifestyles

Positive 

Statements

Some students reported 

that non-Muslim 

lifestyles were the same, 

or highlighted positive 

attributes. 

Some students expressed 

admiration of certain 

traits that they attributed 

to religious minorities 

such as communal and 

family cohesion, manners, 

education, and attitudes.

Negative 

Statements

In regard to what 

students liked about 

other religions, many 

of them suggested they 

don’t like anything 

about them as they 

are not Muslim.

According to one 

student from Punjab, 

religious minorities were 

“shameless people.”

Students mentioned that 

they dislike many things 

about non-Muslims such 

as: not believing in Allah, 

worshipping idols, and 

believing in the Jesus as 

the son of God.

Some students accused 

members of other 

religions of being 

intolerant or aggressive 

towards Muslims.

Students accused 

religious minorities 

of poor hygiene.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Some students also accused non-Muslims of being people who think negatively 

about Muslims. A male student from KPK, for example, said: “They worship idols, they 

think negatively about Muslims, and don’t believe in the Prophet (PBUH). I dislike this very 

much.” 

Non-Muslims not embracing Islam is also viewed as one of the reasons students 

dislike them. A female student in Sindh, for example, said, “They do not offer prayers, do 

not recite Qur’an, and do not accept Islam.” 

Similarly, rituals of non-Muslims such as burning dead bodies (attributed to 

Hindus in the textbooks), use of sandoor81 and mangal sootar82 by Hindus, and the 

wearing of crosses by Christians were also disliked by students. Some students also 

disliked the perceived “lifestyle” of non-Muslims, their wedding traditions, and 

manner of dress. Students also said they dislike non-Muslims because they eat food 

that is non-halal.

They also associated drinking alcohol with non-Muslims and expressed it as one 

reason to dislike them. According to a male student in KPK, “They laugh at Muslims, I 

mean the Hindus. They don’t observe purdah and drink alcohol.” 

Some students declared Jews as the enemies of Islam, thus being disliked: “Hindus 

burn their dead bodies, they worship the idols, and Jews are the enemies of Islam. They do 

not believe in one God. They stop Muslims from offering their prayers in mosques and they 

punish Muslims for nothing.”

Non-Muslim Lifestyle

A majority of the students in KPK and Balochistan, and half of the students in Punjab, 

said they don’t know about the lifestyle of non-Muslims, while a majority of students 

in the Sindh sample claimed that they did. Among those who expressed familiarity, 

there were a few who said that religious minorities are “like us and have a lifestyle like 

ours.” A male student in Punjab, for example, said: “non-Muslims are also human like us 

and they live as we do.”

Other students also highlighted positive images of religious minorities, such as 

another male student in Punjab who claimed that religious minorities “have good 

behavior and they have simplicity in their attitude.” 

However, a majority shared their perception of differences in the lifestyles. For 

example, a male student from Sindh said: “They are totally different from us.” 

One female student from KPK referred to the differences in family life, stating that 

the joint family83 lifestyle is Islamic only and non-Muslims don’t live in joint families.

Others had strong negative views about what they perceive as the lifestyles of religious minorities. Many students questioned their “hygiene practices.” One female 

student from KPK said that “non-Muslims don’t offer prayer. They don’t take care of their 

personal hygiene. Their eating habits are different.”

One male student in Punjab gave an extreme opinion; when asked about the lifestyle of religious minorities, he simply said that “they are shameless people.”

81 A red-orange colored cosmetic powder, used on the head by married Hindu women.

82 A symbol of a Hindu marriage union.

83 Extended family living together, usually in one house, consisting of parents, children, and their spouses and 

off-spring.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
84 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Citizenship and Rights of Religious Minorities

Who lives in Pakistan?

Responses to this question suggested strong religious undertones in perceptions of the 

Pakistani national identity. An overwhelming majority of students made reference to 

religion, and the most recurring response was that Muslims and non-Muslims live in 

Pakistan, revealing an awareness of the religious diversity of Pakistan. When describing non-Muslims most students identified Hindus, Christians, and Sikhs, while other 

students spoke of sectarian diversity within the Islamic community and mentioned 

that Deobandis, Barelvis, Wahhabis (Ahle-Hadith), and Shias live in Pakistan. Some 

also treated Shias as a religious category different from Muslims. As one student said, 

“Muslim, Shia, Sikh, and Hindus live in Pakistan.”

While students of the provinces of Punjab, KPK, and Sindh tended to see diversity 

in Pakistan in religious terms, students from Balochistan frequently referred to both 

the ethnic and religious diversity of Pakistanis. Nonetheless, the overall number of 

students referring to cultural or ethnic identity was very small. 

It is important to note that the emphasis on religio-nationalism in the educational 

discourse of the Pakistani textbooks is highly evident in the responses of students. 

They tend to view themselves and others in Pakistan primarily through their respective religious identities, as Muslims and non-Muslims, Shias and Sunnis, or Deobandis 

and Barelvis. 

Citizenship

More than 60% of the students interviewed considered religious minorities in Pakistan 

as citizens, and many considered them good citizens. Respondents from this group 

made statements such as, “Yes they are good citizens, they are loyal to their country” and, 

“Yes, they love Pakistan and consider it as their own land.”

Among some of the students who consider non-Muslims as Pakistanis, some did 

not consider religious minorities to be good or equal citizens. 

 “No, they are not good citizens, because they are not doing anything for us [Pakistanis].” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

“No, they are not equal. We shall respect them but can’t have extended and equal relationships with them as they belong to ‘other’ religions.” — Public School Student (KPK)

Among the group that did not consider religious minorities to be Pakistani citizens, 

the primary reason was the belief that only Muslims could or should be considered 

citizens.

“When they don’t believe in our Allah then why [should] we accept them as Pakistani?” 

— Female Student (Punjab)

“Although non-Muslims are living in Pakistan, I don’t accept them as Pakistani because 

they don’t believe in Islam.” — Female Student (Punjab)

While there are several possible sources of this kind of mentality in Pakistan, it is plausible that the way that the national identity of Pakistan is often described as Islamic in 

the textbooks and curriculum could be encouraging these sentiments. The responses 

given below seemed to reflect the views expressed in the textbooks:

Religious Minorities 

and Citizenship

Tolerant 

Tendencies

More than 60% of the 

students interviewed 

considered religious 

minorities in Pakistan 

as citizens, and many 

considered them good 

citizens.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Most students ignored 

the ethnic diversity 

of Pakistan and 

focused on the duality 

between Muslims and 

non-Muslims.

Roughly 40% 

considered religious 

minorities not to be 

citizens, and among 

those who did, many 

did not see them as 

equal citizens.

Of those who did not 

consider religious 

minorities as citizens, 

the primary reason 

was the belief that 

only Muslims could or 

should be considered 

citizens.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 85

“No, there are separate countries for separate religions where they can spend their life 

with freedom. So they should go there.” — Male Student (Punjab)

“No, they are outsiders. When their children are born, they teach them their religion and 

their language. In my view, if the child is born in Pakistan, he/she should be Muslim.” 

— Student (KPK)

It is also important to note that the percentage of public school students who considered religious minorities to be Pakistani citizens (about 60%) corresponds to the 

percentage of public school teachers who felt the same (also roughly 60%), suggesting 

a strong likelihood that the views of the teachers were influencing the views of their 

students.

Role of Minorities in the Development of Pakistan

Most of the students engaged in the study believed that religious minorities could 

play a positive role in the development of Pakistan through education and hard work. 

Some of the students, in response to this question, mentioned that they considered 

religious minorities to be citizens of Pakistan. Some students were also aware of the 

lack of opportunities available to religious minorities to assist in the development of 

Pakistan. 

“Minorities can benefit Pakistan by their honesty and their knowledge.” — Female Student 

(Punjab)

“As far as minorities are concerned, if they do hard work, and if they have been [given] 

the opportunities, then they can be beneficial for Pakistan.” — Female Student (Punjab)

A significant number of students, however, were skeptical of the positive role religious 

minorities could play in the development of Pakistan. Most of those students, especially in KPK, were dismissive of the possibility of any positive role for minorities for 

the development of Pakistan, primarily due to concerns regarding the patriotism or 

loyalty of religious minorities.

“No, they can’t play any role. All they would do is to work for their personal gain; 

however, they won’t work to make the country safe or lead it towards progress. I know 

this because they are non-Muslim.” — Public School Student (KPK)

“They can’t do that as they are jealous from Pakistan and they can’t play their role; they 

are just living in Pakistan.” — Female Student (Punjab)

Interaction with Religious Minorities

Do you have any fellow [peer] who belongs to a minority religion in your 

locality/school? 

Slightly more than half of the students interviewed reported having religious minority 

schoolmates or neighbors, with the most frequently mentioned being Christians, 

followed by Hindus and a very few Ahmadis. In some cases, students appeared happy 

or proud that religious minorities did not go to their schools. 

“By the grace of Allah, we have all Muslim students in the class and school. It leaves us 

with liberty to recite our religious verses (Qur’an & hadith). Since I am the monitor of 

the class, when our teacher left the class, I started reciting Qur’anic verses and hadith and 

all my peers listened carefully.” — Public School Student (KPK)

Religious Minorities 

in the Development 

of Pakistan

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Most students 

believed that religious 

minorities could play 

a positive role through 

education and hard 

work. 

Some students were 

also aware of the 

lack of opportunities 

available to religious 

minorities to assist in 

the development of 

Pakistan. 

Intolerant 

Tendencies

A significant number 

of students were 

skeptical of the 

role that religious 

minorities could play, 

as they did not belong 

in Pakistan.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
86 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

What do you think about them? 

It was encouraging to see that some of the students considered religious minority 

students just like themselves and countered any sense of discrimination against them 

on the basis of their religious identity. There were several positive and neutral statements from students:

“They are just like Muslims and there are no differences.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“We are all friends and we don’t distinguish.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“Non-Muslim students have their own religion and set of principles to follow; we have 

nothing to do with that.” — Female Student (Sindh)

“They are like our brothers.” — Public School Student (Punjab)

“They are good people; they live together with Muslims.” — Public School Student (Punjab)

A majority of the students who had religious minorities in their class seemed to have 

good opinions of them, and some expressed tolerance of their religions, admired the 

manners of non-Muslim students, or considered them to be “good people,” worthy of 

good relations. 

Students praised religious minority students by stating that they have a good 

behavior and attitude towards the people of other religions, including Muslims. In 

response to this question, some students additionally expressed their view that Islam 

teaches the lesson of equality and respecting other religions and their followers, so 

they have to respect their non-Muslim fellow students. Similarly, students also noted 

that religious minority students are respectful to Islam. One student from Sindh said 

explicitly; “Non-Muslims give immense respect to our holy prophet (PBUH).”

Nonetheless, there were also several instances when the attitudes of students 

towards religious minorities in their schools were not based on equality and respect. 

Students voiced irritation that religious minorities did not participate in Islamic activities within the classroom, or that they simply were not Muslims, despite having good 

character. 

 “There is a Christian student studying in our class. She bears very good character and 

behaves well with others. But, I do not like her act of leaving the classroom when the recitation of Qur’an starts.” — Female Student (KPK)

“They are good in nature but they are not right believers and do infidelity.” 

— Female Student (Sindh)

Other students simply stated bigotry towards religious minorities in their school.

“Their religion is wrong” — Male Student (Sindh)

“They are mad because they worship idols.” — Male Student (Sindh)

 “They are not good people as they believe Jesus Christ is their God.” — Female Student 

(Sindh)

Do you play with them? 

Most of the students who have interacted with religious minority children either in 

the classroom or their localities play with them and do not feel any harm in doing so.

Interaction with 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

A majority of the 

students who had 

religious minorities in 

their class seemed to 

have good opinions 

of them, and some 

expressed tolerance 

of their religions, 

admired the manners 

of non-Muslim 

students, or 

considered them to be 

“good people,” worthy 

of good relations.

Most students 

who had religious 

minorities in their 

schools acknowledged 

playing with them, and 

many reported having 

religious minorities as 

friends.

Of the students who 

reported not having 

religious minorities 

in their class or 

locality, nearly half 

said they would have 

non-Muslim friends 

given the opportunity.

Neutral

Slightly more than half 

of the students had 

religious minorities 

in their school or 

community.

Some students who 

would not eat with 

non-Muslims cited 

practical concerns 

about non-halal food 

or pork.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 87

“Yes, we play with them as there is no harm in it. No matter whatever religion we 

practice. We still have close ties with them and while they don’t abuse our religion at 

the same time we also should respect their religion—we should respect their religion a lot 

because it means a lot to them.” — Public School Student (KPK)

Students in an FGD in a school in Punjab reported that all students, including nonMuslims, take part in extra-curricular activities like games and debates. Their school 

arranges religious speech competitions at their school that help them learn each 

other’s religions. Out of the students who had interacted with religious minorities, 

only a few responded that they do not like to play with them due to their religion.

Do you eat with them? 

Most of the students asked reported that it was not preferable to share food with 

religious minorities, citing many of the same reasons offered by their teachers. It is 

interesting to note that while almost no female students in Sindh said that they would 

not eat with religious minorities, only half of the male student shared this view.

A few students said that non-Muslims belong to a different religion and it is 

prohibited in Islam to share the table with them, while others mentioned the 

common practical concern that the food of religious minorities was haram under 

Islamic law, the common pejorative concern that religious minorities were too dirty, 

or that the Qur’an forbade sharing meals with non-Muslims. 

“I don’t like to share food items with them because they belong to a different religion.” 

— Student (Sindh)

“I eat with them things such as fruit; however, I don’t eat anything cooked from their 

home because I can’t eat with their napak [impure] utensils.” — Student (KPK)

“I don’t feel good eating with non-Muslims.” — Student (Punjab)

Nonetheless, there were a few students who mentioned that social pressures and 

family restrict from eating with non-Muslims, as two students mentioned in the 

excerpts below; 

“Society forbids [us] from eating with non Muslims.” — Student (Sindh)

“...family members wouldn’t allow eating with non-Muslims.” — Student (KPK)

However, there were many students who didn’t see any harm in sharing their food 

with minority students. Students in an FGD in KPK, for example, said:

“There is nothing wrong in eating or playing with them. We easily share food with them 

and we don’t interfere with each other’s religions.” — Student (KPK)

“We play with them as we play with Muslims, share food with them. Our families are 

also aware of this and they never stop us from this.” — Student (KPK)

Similarly, several students in Sindh and Punjab said that non-Muslim fellow students 

are also human beings and there is no harm in eating together. It is also important 

to note that, sometimes, eating with non-Muslim fellow students is motivated by the 

desire to convert them to Islam. Some male students in an FGD in KPK said, “There 

is no harm in eating with them. We can also extend our relationships with them and can 

impress them through our character to embrace Islam.”

Interaction with 

Religious Minorities 

(continued)

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Some students 

expressed pride that 

there were no religious 

minorities in their 

school.

Some students voiced 

irritation that religious 

minorities did not 

participate in Islamic 

activities within the 

classroom, or that 

they simply were not 

Muslims, despite 

having good character.

Many students would 

not eat with religious 

minorities.

While having 

religious minorities 

at Muslim events was 

occasionally tolerated, 

Muslim students had 

little desire to accept 

invitations.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
88 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Have you any non-Muslim friend? If not, then why? 

More than half of the students in our sample indicated that they did not have any 

non-Muslim friends. The primary reason for this was the absence of non-Muslim classmates or neighbors, while some students opted not to befriend religious minorities for 

religious reasons, or due to family or social pressure.

“I don’t befriend non-Muslims because they belong to other religions.” — Male Student 

(Punjab)

“I don’t want any friendship with non-Muslims.” — Male Student (Punjab)

“I don’t have any non-Muslim friend as my parents don’t like it.” — Female Student (Sindh)

In some instances friendship is inspired by the motivation to influence religious 

minorities to embrace Islam. 

“There was one friend but not anymore. We tried to convert him to Islam so that Allah is 

pleased. As a friend he was very good but he didn’t convert.” — Male Public School Student

“I don’t have any non-Muslim classmate; otherwise I would have spent time with her so 

that she wouldn’t feel herself alone in the society. Such behavior can impact on their lives 

and they might convert to Islam.” — Female Student (Punjab)

Of the students that reported not having religious minorities in their class or locality, 

nearly half said they would have non-Muslim friends given the opportunity as indicated below:

 “I would like to befriend non-Muslim students if they have a good attitude.” — Male 

Student (Sindh)

“I would love to befriend Christians as they are good people.” — Male Student (Punjab)

Nonetheless, several students indicated that they would not befriend religious 

minority students due to various degrees of intolerant attitudes as described below:

“They are different from us in every sphere of life.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“I wouldn’t befriend them as they are not trustworthy.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“No, because I and my parents have doubts that they [religious minorities] attract 

[Muslims] towards their religion.” — Female Student (Sindh)

Do you invite them to social get-togethers? 

Almost half of the students indicated either that they invite or receive invitations 

from religious minorities to social events, with funerals and weddings being the most 

often-cited events that religious minorities would attend. There was a sense during 

these interviews and FGDs that while having religious minorities at Muslim events 

was occasionally tolerated, Muslim students had little desire to accept invitations from 

religious minorities.

“Muslims don’t invite them. Non-Muslims invite Muslims but Muslims don’t. I won’t 

mind if they come by themselves.” — Male Student (KPK)

“Christians do attend our social celebrations, but we never attended their social events.” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 89

There is, nonetheless, a sense of sharing joy in religious festivities in some cases despite 

not attending social events. 

“When they have Christmas in December, we extend good wishes to Christians and 

they wish us the Eid celebrations. But, we do not attend their marriage events because 

Muslims’ marriages are different from them.” — Public School Student (KPK)

Sectarian Issues

Students’ Own Sect

Only a small proportion of students belonged to the Barelvi and Shia schools of 

thought; in this sample the Deobandi school was the dominant sect in nearly all provinces, followed by Jamat-e-Islami, with some students indicating an affiliation with 

the Ahle-Hadith sect. There were also some students who regard themselves simply as 

“Muslims.” 

“We are all Muslims and all Muslims are the same.” — Student (KPK)

Opinion about the Differences Among Sects

The majority of the students in Sindh and Punjab acknowledged that there are 

fundamental differences between sects, while most in KPK did not express opinions 

about sects in Islam. Students explained sectarian differences and stated that there are 

disagreements among the sects over a number of essential matters. These included: 

ways of calling for prayer (Azan), saying prayers, status of the Prophet as a human 

being or a superior and omnipotent being, status of the companions of the Prophet, 

giving alms, visiting shrines, and celebrating some events such as Eid-milad-unnabi84

and Muharram. 

“They have different ways of saying Azan, offering prayers and the way of processing 

funerals.” — Student (Sindh)

A male student of 9th grade from Punjab summarized sectarian differences as follows: 

“Sunnis follow teachings of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Ahle-Hadith only follow the 

hadith. Barelvis recite Darood85 and celebrate Melad.86 Wahhabis exercise Rafayadain87

and say Ameen88 with full voice during prayer and they do not like to eat food on which 

khatam89 is recited. Shias commemorate the Karbla in large processions where they bring 

horses and beat their chests in the name of Matam.”90

Similarly, a majority of students in Balochistan also appeared to be mindful of the 

differences between various sects; however, they preferred not to elaborate on these 

differences. While discussing these differences, some of the students appeared to look 

down on the followers of sects other than their own, at times declaring them nonMuslims or infidels. 

84 Celebration of the birthday of the Prophet.

85 An invocation where Muslims recite specific phrases to compliment the Prophet.

86 Celebration of the birthday of the Prophet.

87 An act during the saying of prayers.

88 A word uttered during the prayer so that the prayer will be accepted.

89 Prayer for the forgiveness of sins of those who died. 

90 An act of self-flagellation during Shia remembrance of Muharram.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
90 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

“Shias believe in horses and allams [flags]; then what is the difference between them and 

kafirs [infidels]?” — Male Student (Punjab)

“Shias don’t believe in Khulfa-e-Rashideen [four caliphs]. These types of sects should be 

eliminated from the earth.” — 10th Grade Female Student (KPK)

“They [Deobandis] don’t offer charity meals in the way of Allah. However, if someone 

offers these charity meals, they reach there and eat that.” — Male Student (Sindh)

The majority of the students interviewed appeared to hold strong sectarian views; for 

example, as some of the female students in Sindh said, “only we are right” and “we don’t 

like them [other sects]. We only like our own sect.” There were nonetheless some students 

who did not find a great deal of sectarian differences, or did not feel beholden to any 

sect.

“They [followers of different sects] are all Muslims and all Muslims are the same.” 

— Female Student (KPK)

“I don’t have any sect. My religion is Islam.” — Male Student (KPK)

Several students who did acknowledge the differences between the sects appeared to 

be critical of sectarianism. 

“There was no sectarianism in the past. According to my father, this Shia-Sunni conflict 

has never been there. Instead this is a recent phenomenon in our society.” — Male Student 

(Balochistan)

Many students, especially in Punjab, emphasized the need for peaceful sectarian relations. Students often highlighted the need for respecting each other, granting freedom 

to all for exercising their religious rights, accepting all sects as equal, and realizing that 

all are right in their own way. Students also underscored the existence of commonalities among sects which, according to them, outweighed the differences. 

“There should be a cordial relationship among all the sects. We should talk about the 

commonalities rather than differences.” — Female Student (Punjab)

“I think we should respect other sects; otherwise it will create differences and hence, 

violence among the sects.” — Female student (Punjab)

“Similarities, among sects, are more than their difference. If there are more and more 

dialogues among them, it is possible to put an end to the conflicts.” — Public School Student 

(Sindh)

Jihad and Enemies of Islam

Does Islam have any enemies? If so who are they? 

While there were students in all provinces who believed that Islam had no enemies, 

the majority of students simply identified non-Muslims as the enemies of Islam.

“Non-Muslims are the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Student (KPK)

“Ones who don’t believe in Islam are the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Student (KPK)

“All the infidels are the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Student (Sindh)

Enemies of Islam

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Some students 

believed that Islam 

had no enemies.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

The majority 

of the students 

simply identified 

non-Muslims as the 

enemies of Islam.

A wide majority 

of students, in all 

provinces, considered 

Jews as strong 

enemies, followed by 

Hindus.

Several students 

named certain 

countries as enemies 

of Islam; in these 

responses Israel, 

America, India, and 

England were cited.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 91

There were also students from every province who went further and declared followers of certain religions as enemies of Islam. A wide majority of the students, in all 

provinces, considered Jews as strong enemies, followed by Hindus. 

“Yes, Jews, they have always been the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Student (Sindh)

“Non-Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and Jews are the enemies of Islam.” — Public School Student 

(Punjab)

Some students also stated that Yahood-o-Nasara (Jews and Christians) were the 

combined enemies of Islam. 

Several students named certain countries as enemies of Islam; in these responses 

Israel and America were most often cited, as well as India and England, who according to some students, “want to erase the name of Pakistan.”

Some students actually seemed to identify nearly everything outside of the Islamic 

world as enemies, such as the student from KPK who responded that, “Yes, there are 

many enemies of Islam. America and non-Muslims are enemies of Islam. Hindu, Sikhs, they 

are all against Islam. They should be responded [to] appropriately.”

What does jihad mean to you?

During the discussions public school students were asked what jihad meant to them. The 

overwhelming majority stated that jihad is a duty for Muslims, and most defined jihad as 

warfare in the name of Allah and to preserve Islam. Several students also specified against 

whom to do jihad. While most students said jihad meant to fight against the enemies of 

Islam, a less prevalent view was that the meaning of jihad is to fight against non-Muslims 

without any mention of animosity. 

“Jihad is to fight against non-Muslims in the name of Allah.” — Female Student (KPK) 

“Jihad is a war between Muslims and non-Muslims.” — Female Student (Sindh)

“If non-Muslims tease us about our religion, we should fight against them.” — Male 

Student (KPK)

Some students in Punjab considered sacrificing one’s life in the name of or to please 

Allah as jihad. 

The on-going conflict in various parts of KPK and its surroundings also seemed to 

influence the students’ understanding of jihad, giving it an international dimension. 

One 10th grade student in KPK appeared to be very aggressive regarding the conflict. 

Although his responses are atypical amongst the students interviewed, they are nonetheless informative. An excerpt of his interview is given below:

Interviewer: What do you know about jihad?

Student: Jihad is obligatory to protect Islam.

Interviewer: Where to go for jihad? 

Student: Wherever Muslims are oppressed, such as Kashmir, Afghanistan, and 

Waziristan. 

Interviewer: Whom would you fight against in Waziristan? 

Student: America.

Interviewer: Is there any American army in Waziristan? 

Student: Yes, too many of them. There are also mujahids [fighters] in Waziristan who 

are fighting against the enemy. 

What is Jihad?

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Though few in 

number, some 

students understood 

jihad to include 

non-violent actions 

such as controlling 

oneself and doing 

good deeds.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

The overwhelming 

majority stated that 

jihad is a duty for 

Muslims, and most 

defined jihad as 

warfare in the name of 

Allah and to preserve 

Islam.

While most said jihad 

meant to fight against 

the enemies of Islam, 

a less prevalent view 

was that jihad simply 

meant is to fight 

against non-Muslims.

Some students defined 

jihad as something 

to be waged against 

Muslims or religious 

minorities who 

commit acts such as 

blasphemy.

Some students viewed 

jihad as a violent and 

aggressive method of 

spreading Islam.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
92 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Interviewer: If we leave for jihad, to whom would we contact? 

Student: They have their own leader, we shall join him and tell them that we want to do 

jihad. 

Some students defined jihad as something to be waged against Muslims or religious 

minorities who commit acts such as blasphemy.

“War, against those who show disrespect for the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).” 

— Female Student (Punjab)

Some students favored an aggressive form of jihad, such as the male student from 

Punjab who stated that, “jihad is a war and means to spread Islam.”

Informed by the religio-nationalist discourse which occupies significance in the 

curricula and textbooks, the concept of jihad for some students overlaps with 

nationalism. 

“Jihad is to fight for Islam and [the] Islamic country.” — Male Student (Sindh)

A very small number of students expressed an appreciation of the broader meanings 

of jihad as making efforts in various spheres of life. 

 “Following Islam in the right way is like doing jihad.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“...jihad is to seek control over oneself.” — Student (Sindh)

“Jihad is of several kinds—it means to promote education and health. It also means to 

seek control over oneself. And it also means to protect one’s country.” — Male Student (KPK)

One female student linked her notion of jihad with the lessons in the school 

textbooks.

“Jihad is one which is in the form of a group and they fight. We read this in our textbook. 

Our Prophet (PBUH) also took part in jihad.” — Public School Student (Punjab)

Transmission of Teachers’ Perceptions to the Students

Teaching Comparative Religion

Public school students were split almost evenly when asked whether they were given 

any lessons on comparative religion by teachers. One student from Punjab offered 

that teachers do teach comparative religion by themselves, but it wasn’t part of the 

syllabus. 

In nearly every case where they were being given, the lessons on comparative religion, formal or otherwise, were given from the perspective of Islam being 

dominant or true, and every other religion being submissive or false.

“Yes, we were taught what Islam says about other religions.” — Male Student (KPK)

“Yes they say Islam is right by comparing the other religions.” — Female Student (Sindh)

“Yes they do tell us that Islam is the best in all.” — Male Student (Sindh)

“Yes the teacher did the comparison of various religions in class. The teacher told us about 

the injustice done by other religions.” — Female Student (Punjab)

Some of the more positive statements bore a trace of prejudice, but overall seemed 

relatively benign, such as the sentiment expressed by this student:

Religious Education 

in the Classroom

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Some of the more 

positive statements 

bore a trace of 

prejudice, but overall 

seemed benign.

An overwhelming 

majority of the 

respondents stated 

that their teachers 

teach them to respect 

all the religions 

and their places of 

worship, beliefs, 

personalities, rituals, 

and books.

Neutral 

Tendencies

Public school students 

were split almost 

evenly when asked 

whether they were 

given any lessons on 

comparative religion 

by teachers.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

In nearly every 

case, the lesson on 

comparative religion 

was given from the 

perspective of Islam 

being dominant 

or true, and every 

other religion being 

submissive or false.

Some students 

indicated that the 

motive for respecting 

non-Muslims’ 

religious affiliations 

was to motivate them 

to embrace Islam.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 93

“They tell us about Islam and other religions. They also teach us to respect all.” 

— Male Student

Teaching Respect for Other Religions, 

Beliefs, Practices and Places of Worship

An overwhelming majority of the respondents stated that their teachers teach them to 

respect all the religions and their places of worship, beliefs, personalities, rituals, and 

books, with only a few dissentions. 

“Teachers tell us stories about them and say that we should respect the beliefs, actions, 

and worship places of other religions.” — Student (Sindh)

“Yes, teachers taught us to respect all. We have to do justice with them; as we spend 

our lives they also have the same right to spend their life according to their faith.” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

“Our teachers teach about how to behave with others and how to understand others.” 

— Female Student

“We are often taught that people from other religions should be treated well. They 

shouldn’t be misbehaved [toward].” — Public School Student (KPK)

Nonetheless, in some instances students express the motive for respecting nonMuslims’ religious affiliations as to motivate them to embrace Islam. 

“We should behave well with them so that they [are] inspire[d] and embrace Islam.” 

— Female Student (Punjab)

“Yes we are taught not to talk about them. Allah will bring them to the right path.” 

— Male Student (Punjab)

In Punjab a very small number of students said they were not taught anything about 

respecting other religions by their teachers, while a large number of the students from 

the KPK did not respond to the question. A few students in both KPK and Punjab 

said that they are being taught to respect the people from religious minorities. 

The general response to this question demonstrates that students feel they are 

being taught to respect religious minorities; these messages seem to be strongly contradicted, however, during responses to other questions. 

Conclusion

The interviews and FGDs uncovered a great deal of discriminatory attitudes, but it 

should be noted that even within this small sample there were students who expressed 

tolerance and understanding of religious minorities, as expressed in how they:

O Were being taught to respect religious minorities as equals.

O Understood the broader concept of jihad.

O Were hopeful to see an end to sectarian conflict.

O Desired friendships with religious minorities.

O Demonstrated no hostility at all towards religious minorities.

O Held positive views of religious minorities.

Results | Part B: Public School Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
94 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

The responses from public students were very mixed and often contradictory, but 

attitudes of bias definitely appeared prevalent. The majority of students seemed 

somewhat tolerant of religious minorities’ basic right to exist, but seemed preoccupied with the potential to proselytize or establish the supremacy of Islam. While most 

students indicated that both Islam and their teachers encouraged them to respect 

religious minorities, students often expressed negative views of followers of other religions, particularly Hindus, Jews, and Ahmadis. 

A majority of the students who had religious minorities in their class seemed to 

have good opinions of them. Most students who had religious minorities in their 

schools acknowledged playing with them, and many reported having religious 

minorities as friends. At the same time, some students rejected having relationships 

of equality with non-Muslims, and a majority of students viewed non-Muslims as 

the enemies of Islam. This is particularly troubling in light of the fact that nearly all 

students considered jihad to be obligatory, most said jihad meant to fight against the 

enemies of Islam, and only a few students mentioned any aspect of jihad that didn’t 

involve violence.

It is significant that students’ views of non-Muslims as enemies of Islam, of jihad as 

predominantly violent and to be directed against enemies of Islam, and of the citizenship (or lack thereof) of religious minorities seem to be directly in line with the views 

expressed by their teachers. At the same time, the students also share their teachers’ 

paradoxical views that non-Muslims and their religions should be respected.

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Findings Madrassa Student 

Interviews/Focus Group Discussions

Sample Size

Interviews and FGDs were conducted with madrassa students in each of the four provinces as detailed below. 

Individual Interviews

Province Male Female Total

Balochistan 4 - 4

KPK 9 - 9

Punjab 10 - 10

Sindh 10 - 10

Totals 33 - 33

Focus Group Discussions

Province Groups

(Male) Participants Groups(Female) Participants TotalGroups

Total 

Participants

Balochistan 1 6 - - 1 6

KPK 2 12 - - 2 12

Punjab 4 38 - - 4 38

Sindh 6 49 - - 6 49

Totals 13 105 - - 13 105

Main Findings

According to the findings of the study, the madrassa students, in general:

O Held views of religious minorities that were tolerant in some cases, but 

not in others.

Most madrassa students did not have much exposure to religious minorities, but 

more often than their public school counterparts, viewed religious minorities to 

be citizens and guaranteed of certain basic rights, though many were against them 

holding positions of power. The desire to proselytize was the primary driver behind 

good treatment or social relations with religious minorities, and their beliefs were 

denigrated. Less than half of the students expressed any desire to befriend religious 

minorities if given the opportunity, and most of the students felt religious minorities should not be invited to social events and were of the view that non-Muslims 

should not intermingle with Muslims. Paradoxically, while students reported that 

they are taught to respect non-Muslims and their faiths, a majority of them considered non-Muslims as enemies of Islam, with some considering members of other 

Muslim sects to be enemies.

O Held very hostile views towards some religions/sects.

Madrassa students’ views towards Shias, Jews, Hindus, and Ahmadis (and sometimes non-Muslims in general) were often hostile, though preference was shown 

for “People of the Book.” When specific about who they considered to be enemies 

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of Islam, madrassa students indicated that Jews and Hindus, and to some extent 

Christians, were considered as the biggest enemies of Islam. Many students also 

mentioned specific nations such as America, Israel, and India as enemies of Islam.

O Had a more nuanced understanding of jihad.

While the predominant meaning of jihad for the students was to fight—to protect 

oneself, in the name of Allah, and to spread Islam—the religious education of 

madrassa students regarding areas like jihad, at face value, created a broader and 

less violent understanding of jihad than was often found in public schools. More 

madrassa students were able to identify the need for self-control, for instance, as an 

example of jihad.

Detailed Findings

Awareness and Perception of Other Religions

and Religious Minorities in Pakistan

Awareness

As in the case of public school students, there is a powerful sense of religious identity 

among madrassa students. They see their fellow citizens according to their religious 

affiliations and say that the majority of Pakistanis are Muslims but that non-Muslims 

are also living in Pakistan. The most frequent responses to the question of who lives 

in Pakistan were: “Muslims and non-Muslims live in Pakistan” and “people from different 

religions live in Pakistan.” 

There were some ideas voiced about the creation of Pakistan being associated 

primarily with Islam. Students from KPK said “Pakistan was established in the name of 

Islam. Muslims live in majority but non-Muslims are also living here” and “Muslims and 

non-Muslims both live in Pakistan although the country is for Muslims.” 

Among non-Muslims living in Pakistan, students frequently mentioned Hindus, 

Christians, and Sikhs. Some also mentioned Jews and Ahmadis. Most of the students 

said that non-Muslims live across the country, mainly in cities. 

Opinions about Religious Minorities

Madrassa students were expressive of their opinions about other religions and their 

followers while acknowledging knowing very little about them. 

“There is not much talk about other religions in madrassas. We are only taught about 

other religions that are mentioned in Qur’an.” — Madrassa Student (Balochistan)

“They don’t have any prophet; they don’t ask [anything] from Allah. They have many 

gods. They live for the world but the Muslims live for the last judgment.” — Madrassa 

Student (KPK)

“Jews believe in the Prophet Moses and Christians are different; they believe in the 

Prophet Jesus, and Jews are the followers of Prophet Moses, not the Prophet Jesus.” 

— Madrassa Student (KPK)

Opinions of 

Religious Minorities 

and Their Beliefs

Students largely 

showed a preference 

for “revealed 

religions,” but 

believed that Jews 

and Christians had 

amended their 

doctrines.

Students expressed 

hostility towards 

Hindus and Ahmadis 

and held derogatory 

views regarding their 

beliefs.

Jews were also 

viewed as enemies, 

conspirators, and 

arrogant.

Results | Part B: Madrassa Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Religion Students’ General Views

Christianity

Most of the students indicated that Christians were “People of the Book” and follow Jesus as 

their prophet. Some students from Punjab referred to them as peace-loving, and some students 

mentioned that Muslims were allowed to marry them. Students were also critical of the Christian 

faith, mentioning that Christians consider Jesus as son of God or equal to God. Students also had 

a sense of belonging to a superior faith. Some students, while talking about other religions such 

as Christianity, tried to establish the superiority of Islam. Many madrassa students also voiced an 

opinion that Christians had made changes to their doctrine:

“Christians consider Christ equal to God. Only Muslims worship the true God. Only Muslim children 

can memorize their holy book. No Christian memorizes their Bible.” — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

“They are not on the right path. They follow the right path only if they follow the authentic book 

which was revealed to them in the lifetime of Christ.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Hinduism

Hindus were generally considered by madrassa students to be idol-worshippers. Some said 

Hinduism is not a religion and unlike the books of Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, the Hindu 

doctrine is not revealed by God, but rather man-made. Since Hindus are not “People of the Book,” 

they are not considered equal to Christians and Jews by madrassa students and according to some 

cannot marry a Muslim. Students associate many myths with Hinduism.

“Hindus are bigger kafirs [infidels] than Christians or Jews.” — Madrassa Student

“Hindus are idol-worshipers; some worship trees, some worship fire, and some of them worship their 

own made Bhagwans and some of them worship the cow. They have many gods.” — Madrassa Student 

(Sindh)

“In Hinduism there are many gods. They have made human beings their holy gods. They have 

insulted God by making merely humans as gods. They make every beautiful person their god. They 

talk about snakes and elephants they get impressed by and make them their god.” — Madrassa Student

“It’s also given in the hadith and the Qur’an that Hindus are a crazy nation; they are cowards.” 

— Madrassa Student

Ahmadi

Students generally held very negative views about Ahmadis. In Punjab many students viewed 

Ahmadis as those who don’t believe in the last prophethood, while another student from Sindh said 

that Ahmadis spent money on converting people to their religion.

“Ahmadis are also kafir [infidels]. Our constitution has declared them non-Muslims. They are the 

ones who were Muslim but then turned kafir or non-Muslim by changing Islam. They are more or 

bigger kafir than the Christians, Jews, and Hindus. They have no rights in Islam and if there is an 

Islamic government it will give the death penalty to Ahmadis.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh) 

Judaism

Some of the madrassa students we interviewed said they don’t know about Jews. Many students, 

however, said that Jews follow a revealed religion, are “People of the Book,” and are followers of 

Moses. Students said Jews follow the revealed book, the Torah. However, they frequently said that 

Jews have made many amendments in their book. There were also some myths attributed to the 

Jewish faith, and many felt that Jews were enemies of Islam. 

“Jews are the murderers of Moses, and they do not believe in the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).” 

— Madrassa Student (Punjab) 

“Jews think themselves the most superior. They think they are also the most superior in the eyes of 

God. They consider Muslims worth nothing and don’t give them any place.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“I don’t know anything specific or much about Jews. This nation is also [one of] personality 

worshipers. It has also come in the Qur’an that [you should] never make them your friends; they can’t 

be our friend. In fact they are our biggest enemies. Clearly Allah has mentioned that they are our 

enemies and people of conspiracies who conspire against us always like Israel. It’s also given in the 

Qur’an that they don’t have any particular foundation; they are stumbling everywhere and conspire.” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Treatment of Non-Muslims

Students’ responses to the question of how to treat religious minorities appeared to 

contradict the views presented in the section above. The most recurring response from 

all provinces was, “Islam teaches us to respect and show good behavior towards people of 

other religions.” A student from Sindh stated more directly, “In Islam, there is respect for 

other religions, Christians, Hindus, Jews. We have to respect, whatever religions are there.” 

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Some, relating to the discourses on dhimmis (also discussed in the textbooks), also 

mentioned that Islam teaches “respect, protection of their lives and wealth, and peace.” 

Similarly, students in an FGD in Punjab said, “if non-Muslims are living in a Muslim 

country, it is the responsibility of the government to protect their life and property.” 

Students also emphasized the importance of respecting the faith, symbols, and 

places of worship of other religions, and some indicated that comparative religion was 

taught by their teachers. 

“In the ehkaam [obligations in religion] class usually the teachers tell us about the 

worship places of other religions.” — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

Nonetheless, the motivation to respect and show kindness to religious minorities in 

some instances was very limited and was often intended to influence conversion to 

Islam. 

“Muslims should love them. We should give their rights which could make them 

Muslims.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

“It [Islam] teaches us to preach to them [non-Muslims] about Islam and to encourage 

them to accept Islam and offer prayers.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“We should respect them. We should only respect their worship places, not their way of 

worships or beliefs or concepts. Actually they themselves are wrong and their practices, 

their beliefs are not right.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

This last comment indicates an inability to distinguish between “respecting” another 

faith and its beliefs and “accepting” that faith and beliefs as correct. This confusion 

was evident in informal discussions with the madrassa teachers as well.

Unable to differentiate the United States from Christianity, a student from 

Balochistan seemed to perceive both as a threat. There was a sense of confrontation 

between religious education and the West. 

“As far the followers of other religions are concerned, they will attract us towards their 

religion. While doing so they will weaken our faith. They befriend us just for their own 

purposes. The entire focus of United States of America and the Christian world is to eliminate the Islamic education forever, whereas our clergy and madrassas want to flourish 

the Islamic education. That’s why our clergy says that we should live separate and we 

can’t befriend them.”

Citizenship and Rights of Religious Minorities

In contrast to the views expressed in previous sections, a wide majority of madrassa 

students interviewed considered religious minorities to be Pakistani citizens, and 

some even considered non-Muslims to have rights equal to Muslims and thought that 

ensuring their rights was the responsibility of the government. 

“Non-Muslims should be given educational and employment opportunities and social 

and political rights equal to Muslims. After all, they pay taxes on everything as we do. 

They should also get employment and other opportunities. They should be cooperated 

with and given their due rights.” — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

Some considered the citizenship of religious minorities conditional upon them 

abiding by the law and constitution, like other citizens, and a very few said that while 

Treatment of 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

The majority of 

students stated that 

Islam taught them to 

respect and behave 

well towards religious 

minorities.

Students also 

emphasized the 

importance of 

respecting the 

faith, symbols, and 

places of worship of 

other religions, and 

some indicated that 

comparative religion 

was taught by their 

teachers.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

The motivation to 

respect and show 

kindness to religious 

minorities was in 

some instances very 

limited and was often 

intended to influence 

conversion to Islam.

At least one student 

appeared unable to 

distinguish religious 

minorities from the 

West and perceived 

them as a threat.

Results | Part B: Madrassa Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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religious minorities are not “proper” Pakistanis, they are good citizens. A “proper” 

Pakistani, according to madrassa students, likely means to be a Pakistani Muslim. 

Some students said that Islam gives non-Muslims equal rights but they are not aware 

whether or not these rights are realized by the government. 

“The population of non-Muslim minorities is very less in Pakistan; that’s why they 

cannot get their rights on an equal basis.” — Madrassa Student (Balochistan)

Seemingly deriving from the discourse on dhimmis in the textbooks, some madrassa 

students also reported that they considered non-Muslims living in Pakistan as dhimmis. 

One student from KPK said, “They have their rights and they are also paying the tax in 

Islam which is called jizya.”

While most of the students said minorities should be given equal rights, some of 

them did not favor the idea of giving them political rights such as positions of power. 

“They [non-Muslims] have their rights according to Islam. But they shouldn’t be given 

the positions of power or positions in government. They can’t hold the positions of 

President or Prime Minister of the country. If a non-Muslim is made the President, he 

would take decisions deviant from Islamic law, inevitably pushing Muslims towards 

humiliation.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

Students in an FGD in Punjab, while identifying religious minorities as dhimmis,

expressed a more intolerant view toward the rights of non-Muslims: “All non-Muslims 

living in Pakistan shouldn’t be given educational, employment, social, and political rights 

equal to Muslims. Our Prophet (PBUH) said non-Muslims should be given such jobs that 

always put them under the influence of Muslims. They shouldn’t rise to the level to rule 

Muslims. If non-Muslims say anything against the Prophet (PBUH) or Allah they should be 

waged war against.”

As discussed in the textbook review section, the textbooks do not consider religious 

minorities to be citizens equal to Muslims and recommend discriminatory treatment. 

While a majority of students apparently agree that non-Muslims are Pakistani citizens 

and should have equal rights, the influence of textbook messages seems evident from 

their responses. 

Interaction with Religious Minorities

Interaction

Madrassa students didn’t have non-Muslims at their madrassas, and very few reported 

having any religious minorities living nearby. Of the students who had non-Muslims 

living in their locality, Christians and Hindus were the dominant minorities covered 

in the sample. 

Eating and Drinking with Non-Muslims

Most of the students were of the view that eating and drinking with “People of the 

Book” is permitted in Islam, and some students said there is no restriction on eating 

with non-Muslims. There were some students, however, who referred to the hygiene 

of non-Muslims as a precondition to eat with them, perhaps referring to the Islamic 

concept of eating halal or revealing their assumption that non-Muslims are less likely 

to be hygienic. 

In several instances, eating with non-Muslims was intended to encourage them to 

convert to Islam. Students during an FGD in Punjab, for example, said that Muslims 

Citizenship of 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

A wide majority of 

madrassa students 

interviewed considered 

religious minorities 

to be Pakistani 

citizens, and some 

even considered 

non-Muslims to 

have rights equal 

to Muslims and 

thought that ensuring 

their rights was the 

responsibility of the 

government.

Neutral 

Tendencies

Some students said 

that Islam gives 

non-Muslims equal 

rights but they are 

not aware whether 

or not these rights 

are realized by the 

government.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Some students were 

against non-Muslims 

holding positions of 

power, and some were 

more broadly very 

intolerant toward the 

rights of religious 

minorities.

Results | Part B: Madrassa Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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should eat with non-Muslims so that Allah might enlighten their heart and they 

might convert to Islam. 

A few students claimed that eating with non-Muslims is forbidden in Islam.

“In the worldly matters, we should have contacts with non-Muslims but should not eat 

with them. They do not come to prayer when it is called through Azan. Eating [with 

non-Muslims] is strictly prohibited in Islam as told by our teacher in the madrassa” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Non-Muslim Friends

A wide majority of the students in KPK, Sindh, and Balochistan reported having 

no friends from the religious minority community; in Punjab half of the students 

reported having non-Muslim friends. Among those who did not have any religious 

minority friends, the main reason appeared to be a lack of religious minority classmates or neighbors.

Less than half of the students interviewed expressed any desire to befriend religious minorities if given the opportunity; in Punjab, however, a majority of students 

appeared to be more open for friendship with non-Muslims. One student said; “If I 

would find one, I will certainly befriend with him,” and another student from Punjab 

said, “Yes, we will get to know about each other’s religions.”

In Sindh, while half of the students interviewed appeared to be open to friendships 

with religious minorities, the other half expressed their reluctance to do so. 

Some students simply opposed making friends with non-Muslims.

One student said, “No, I haven’t made any friendship with non-Muslims. There are 

Hindus in my school but my heart doesn’t like them. If they accept our religion then it 

will be good.” 

Another student simply said, “No I hate them.” 

A student from Punjab said, “No, the Prophet (PBUH) has said that they can’t be our 

friends.” 

In some instances the motivation to befriend non-Muslims is to preach them about 

Islam. 

“I don’t have close friendships with them but morally we have good terms. They are good. 

I even preached to them or gave them the invitation of Islam but they didn’t mind that.” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Inviting Non-Muslims to Social events

As few students reported having non-Muslims living in their locality, the instances 

of religious minorities being invited to social events were very rare. Death events and 

marriages were the common social gatherings in which relatives and locals often 

participated; in some cases inviting religious minorities to such events appeared 

dependent upon the nature of the relationship with them. 

“No, we don’t invite them. People who live around us may invite them but we never 

[do]. There is no specific reason; we have no familiarity or friendship, that’s why we 

don’t invite them, where we have friendship we invite [them]. In school [if] we have 

Interaction with 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

Most of the students were 

of the view that eating and 

drinking with “People of 

the Book” is permitted in 

Islam, and some said there 

is no restriction on eating 

with non-Muslims.

Some students reported 

a desire to make friends 

with religious minorities.

Neutral 

Tendencies

Madrassa students didn’t 

have non-Muslims at 

their madrassas, and 

very few reported having 

any religious minorities 

living nearby.

As few students reported 

having non-Muslims living 

in their locality, instances of 

religious minorities being 

invited to events were rare.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Some students referred to 

hygiene of non-Muslims 

as a precondition to 

sharing food or felt that 

eating with non-Muslims 

was forbidden in Islam.

Less than half of the 

students expressed any 

desire to befriend religious 

minorities if given the 

opportunity; some would 

only do so in order to 

encourage conversion.

Most of the students 

categorically stated that 

religious minorities should 

not be invited to any social 

events in the society and 

were of the view that 

non-Muslims should not 

intermingle with Muslims.

Results | Part B: Madrassa Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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teachers of other castes or religions then we invite them, because we know them; otherwise 

not.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Most of the students who do not have any interaction with non-Muslims categorically stated that religious minorities should not be invited to any social events in the 

society. They were of the view that non-Muslims have different traditions and values 

and should not intermingle with Muslims, or else the culture will be destroyed. Some 

of the students, however, were of the view that religious minorities may be invited, 

and that attending their celebrations may provide an opportunity to preach the teachings of Islam and hence convert them to Islam. 

Behavior Towards Non-Muslims in the Community

The majority of the students said religious minorities should be well-treated, with 

some students considering social and economic relations or the possibility of conversion as important motivations. 

“As we have business and social links with people of other religions, we should treat them 

well. They are good in business ethics.” — Madrassa Student (Balochistan)

“We should treat them with good behavior; as a result they would become Muslims.” 

— Madrassa Student (Balochistan)

“They should be preached to about Islam so that they could be on the right path.” 

— Madrassa Student (Punjab)

There were, however, some students who suggested that religious minorities should 

only be treated well to a limited extent or that their treatment is conditional upon 

their behavior or disposition towards Islam.

Some students also saw the American CIA contractor Raymond Davis, who killed 

Pakistanis in Lahore whom he said were trying to rob him, as a Christian, and making 

reference to him said: “If they respect Muslims, they should be treated well, but exceptions 

should be there for people like Raymond Davis.”

Most of the students in an FGD in Punjab thought that the Qur’an prohibited 

establishing relationships with non-Muslims. In this group it was mentioned: “We 

should just meet them and keep good behavior, but should not extend any relationships which 

may develop in friendship.”

A sense of hostility was also observed in some students; for example, a student in 

Sindh said, “They should be treated as enemies.”

Thus, there was a tendency among the madrassa students to limit or want to limit 

interaction with non-Muslims. Where they interacted or expressed desire to interact 

with non-Muslims, share food, befriend them, or invite them to social events, a prime 

motivation often tended to be to inspire them to change their religion, which students 

consider to be inferior to their own religion. 

Sectarian Issues

The sample covered students belonging to the five schools of thoughts within the four 

provinces. However, the Ahle-Hadith emerged as the dominant sect covered during 

the field work, followed by the Deobandi, then Jamat-e-Islami, then Barelvi, then Shia 

sects.

Interaction with 

Religious Minorities

Tolerant 

Tendencies

The majority of the 

students said religious 

minorities should be 

well-treated.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

Students in general 

tended or wanted to 

limit interaction with 

non-Muslims. 

Where students 

interact or want 

to interact with 

non-Muslims, share 

food, befriend them, 

or invite them to 

social events, a prime 

motivation was to 

inspire them to change 

their religion, which 

they consider to be 

inferior to their own 

religion.

Some students 

expressed hostility 

towards religious 

minorities.

Some students 

suggested that 

treatment of religious 

minorities was 

conditional upon their 

behavior or disposition 

towards Islam.

Results | Part B: Madrassa Student findings | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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Sectarian Differences — Madrassa Student Views

Religion Students’ General Views

Ahle-Hadith

Most students in the sample belonged to the Ahle-Hadith sect, and opinions expressed were accordingly 

very positive. Some students from other sects expressed distaste for the Ahle-Hadith, but the Shia 

students refused to offer their view. Most of the complaints were mild in comparison.

“They do not believe in the teachings of the Qur’an and give high importance to the sayings of the 

prophet (PBUH). They do not believe in recitation of Qur’an on eatables [food permitted to be eaten] and 

dead bodies. They never say ‘Fateha’[prayer for the deceased] on their elders as they believe that ‘Mar 

Gaya Mardood Na Khatam Na Daroord’[an expression indicating the belief that it is not necessary to do 

prayers/remembrance for the person who has died]. While saying prayers, they call ‘Ameen’ in a louder 

voice which we do not practice.” — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

“They believe Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) to be a common person like ours. They also argue that Hazrat 

Muhammad (PBUH) did many mistakes during his life and their companions helped him to amend 

those. They show disrespect to our holy Prophet (PBUH). They also do not believe in the 12 Imam[s].” 

— Madrassa Student (Punjab)

Deobandi

It was felt that Deobandis are closer to Ahle-Hadith, but their origin dates back to the last century and 

their elders belong to the city of Deoband in India. It was felt Deobandis do not perform “Rafa Yadeen” 

during prayer, unlike the Ahle-Hadith, and that they believe in the imamates of the four Sunni imams but 

do not follow their teachings.

Students in an FGD in Punjab said, “Deobandis are irreverent to the Holy Prophet. [Being] [i]rreverent to 

the companions [of the Prophet (PBUH)]is not good either. We think one should not be irreverent to the 

Holy Prophet.” Students from a Shia madrassa said Deobandis are also Muslims as they recite Kalma 

[Islamic profession of faith].

Barelvi

Students were aware that this sect follows the teachings of Ahmad Raza Barelvi, who lived in the Indian 

city of Bareilly. The majority of the students in individual interviews in Punjab said they are good people, 

and they were often respected in other provinces, but some accused them of false beliefs.

“We have many differences with them. We don’t agree with some of their practices. However, on the basis 

of these we can’t issue a fatwa that they are infidels. After all, they are also Muslims despite that we have 

some differences.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

The Barelvi were not universally respected, however. While students generally did not declare Barelvis to 

be infidels, some accused them of having committed shirk (idolatry or polytheism)—considered a greater 

sin in Islam than infidelity. The statements below are representative of a minority of students.

“They bow down to the graves which is haram. They do shirk, which is a great sin. They do khatam [prayer 

for the deceased] for their people who die. Allah never forgives those who do shirk. Both Barelvis and 

Shias are mushrik [pagan] of extreme level. They ask graves for forgiveness.” — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

“They consider that the Holy Prophet is light. He is aware of the hidden. They also think that the Prophet 

is omnipresent and watches us everywhere.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

JI Most of the students who were not JI themselves reported very limited knowledge about those who are. 

Those reporting some knowledge generally considered them as a political organization rather than a sect.

Shia

Perceptions of the Shia sect were often derogatory, but not all critics denied that they were Islamic. The 

following excerpts outline general student opinions ranging from disdain to allegations that Shias are 

infidels.

“We don’t have much interaction with Shias so we don’t know much about them. However, they are also 

Muslims; we can’t issue a fatwa of infidelity against them, although but we have some differences with 

them.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

“They are also Muslims but most of their beliefs are wrong.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

“They follow the jurists of Islam. They are the deniers of Sahaba [the disciples of the Prophet].” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“They all are narrow-minded people; they extraordinarily increase the status of personalities to the 

level of Allah. We see many books and other contents in which they have put allegations on Sahabae-Karam. They even abuse them. Can we still call them Muslims when they have many beliefs and 

concepts which are against Qur’an and hadith?” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“They murdered Hazrat Imam Hussain and now beat their own chests in grief because Hazrat Ayesha 

cursed them. They will keep beating their chests till doomsday. They consider Hazrat Ali their God and 

abuse the companions of the Prophet so they are infidels. — Madrassa Student (Punjab)

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Sectarian Differences

A majority of the students sampled said that, in general, sectarian differences are 

slight and that the fundamental beliefs are the same. While they indicated that 

ideological differences exist, students often said that the commonalities among 

sects are greater than the differences and that followers of different sects can’t 

be declared non-Muslims on the basis of small differences. With the exception 

of a few students who felt the beliefs of various sects to be conflicting ones, the 

majority said various sects respect each other. 

Jihad

While students occasionally made references to controlling one’s desires as jihad, the 

predominant meaning of jihad, for students, is to fight—to protect oneself, in the 

name of Allah, and to spread Islam. Some of the students also expanded jihad from 

fighting against non-Muslims to include anyone whom they consider is working 

against Islam, but opinions expressed by students were sometimes unsettlingly vague: 

“The meaning of jihad is to fight in the path of God. If the enemy has wrong intentions 

about Muslims then jihad is obligatory.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

Enemies of Islam 

Some of the students stated that anything that is against Islam or attacks Muslims is 

the enemy of Islam. Paradoxically, while students reported that they are taught to 

respect non-Muslims, a majority of them simply identified non-Muslims/infidels as 

enemies of Islam.91 When specific, madrassa students indicated that Jews and Hindus 

and to some extent Christians are considered as the biggest enemies of Islam. Many 

students also mentioned specific nations such as America, Israel, and India as enemies 

of Islam. Several students also provided explanations for why they consider nonMuslims to be enemies of Islam.

“They don’t want to see Muslims as developed countries.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“They make bad movies, pictures, and images and seduce the people, turn[ing] them 

away from religion.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Other students considered Muslims from other sects as bigger enemies than nonMuslims; still, they often attributed the condition of sectarian tension in Pakistan to 

other religions, like the following madrassa student who blamed Jews for sectarian 

conflict:

“Enemies are there like Jews, etc., conspirators; they are conspiracy people, they conspire 

against Islam. In Pakistan, due to these conspiracies, one sect is made to fight with others, 

by saying such things that one becomes the enemy of the other. They do so to demolish 

Islam and to bring their religion [to be] superior/dominating.”

What causes anger?

Many students simply stated that blasphemy was the greatest cause for anger 

among madrassa students, but some students, as stated below, also considered the 

91 There were also instances when students, while responding to the question on enemies, appeared to be 

making reference to those non-Muslims who live in non-Muslim countries. This is evident from the frequent 

reference made to Jews, as few Jews live in Pakistan.

Jihad, Enemies, 

and Anger

Tolerant Tendencies

Students occasionally made 

references to the broader, 

nonviolent understanding 

of jihad.

Intolerant 

Tendencies

The predominant meaning 

of jihad, for students, is to 

fight–to protect oneself, in 

the name of Allah, and to 

spread Islam. 

Some students expand 

violent jihad to include 

anyone whom they feel is 

working against Islam, with 

some stating that anything 

that is against Islam or 

attacks Muslims is the 

enemy of Islam.

A majority of students 

simply identified 

non-Muslims/infidels as 

enemies of Islam.

When specific, madrassa 

students indicated that 

Jews and Hindus, and to 

some extent Christians, are 

considered as the biggest 

enemies of Islam, and many 

students also mentioned 

specific nations such as 

America, Israel, and India as 

enemies of Islam.

Some students also 

considered Muslims of other 

sects to be enemies.

Many students cited 

blasphemy as the greatest 

cause for anger, while 

others cited issues such as 

the consumption of alcohol 

by religious minorities.

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consumption of alcohol or other actions by religious minorities as a secondary 

concern. 

 “They [non-Muslims] are not clean and they consume alcohol; this makes me angry.” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“Shirk, saying bad words about Muslims and their beliefs and intentionally doing those 

things which make us angry.” — Madrassa Student (KPK)

Other students viewed the Global War on Terror and related actions (i.e., by foreign 

countries) as being significant causes of anger.

“Their [non Muslim] ideology about Muslims[is] that Muslims are terrorists. They 

intangibly harm Muslims. As they say something and do something else against Islam/

Muslims.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“Raymond Davis killed two innocent people; due to that we were very angry.” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Transmission of Teachers’ Perceptions to the Students

What do teachers teach about non-Muslims?

Almost half of the students said their teachers teach them about other religions, while 

half of them said they are never taught about other religions. 

“They [teachers] never teach us comparative religion; they just teach their own lessons 

and never talk about other religions.” — Madrassa Student (Sindh)

“Teachers teach us to respect the beliefs and practices of other religions.” 

— Madrassa Student (Sindh)

Students refer to subjects such as fiqh, Qur’an, and hadith as those where some discussion is provided about comparative religion. A student from Sindh said, “Yes, in 

general fiqh books have the contents of comparative religion. For example, the book of Nikah 

(marriage) and the book of prayer. These tell us how a non-Muslim should live in a Muslim 

society and the same about a Muslim living in a non-Muslim society and what are the roles 

that they can play in their societies.”

Some students also mentioned informal discussions where other religions were 

discussed. One student from KPK, for example, said: “It is not included in the curricula 

but we debate on it sometime.”

Conclusion

While most students could cite Islamic principles of tolerance towards other religions, 

few in the sample seemed to appreciate the concept of respect in practical terms. 

However, despite the fact that a great deal of prejudice against religious minorities was 

observed in the responses of madrassa students, within the small sample there were 

still students who:

O Were taught to respect other religions.

O Did not see sectarian differences as a cause for conflict.

O Sought to befriend religious minorities in order to better understand their faith.

O Championed the rights of religious minorities.

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Madrassa students generally had extremely limited or no interaction with religious 

minorities, and the hostility expressed should be viewed in that context. Where 

interaction occurred or was desired, a prime motivation often tended to be to inspire 

non-Muslims to change their religion, which students considered to be inferior to 

their own religion. Similar tendencies were found among teachers. As there are also 

strong messages of leading non-Muslims to convert to Islam in the madrassa textbooks, it seems plausible that both the teachers’ attitudes and the textbooks’ messages 

are influencing the attitudes and values of students. 

While many of the students appeared to understand the non-violent dimensions 

of jihad, the predominance of the view of jihad in its violent form, coupled with the 

majority view of non-Muslims as enemies of Islam, was troubling. Also unsettling 

was the personal nature of anger towards religious minorities and Western countries. 

Respondents from the other sectors were slightly more general and seemed more 

likely cite issues that caused anger in the broader Muslim community, while madrassa 

students often expressed personal rage.

The understanding of citizenship is problematic for madrassa students; while they 

generally considered religious minorities to be citizens, this view was in reference to 

dhimmitude, or the second-class citizenship described in the textbooks. 

Findings Overall Conclusions

The interviews and focus group discussions illuminated some potential links between 

teacher perceptions and student attitudes towards religious minorities. While it is 

not possible to conclusively determine whether student views were a direct result 

of teacher attitudes and pedagogy and what other factors may have played a role in 

shaping student perceptions of minorities, similarities between teacher and students 

views are apparent in many areas. The tables on the following pages highlight some of 

these areas.

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Public Schools

Views of Minorities Public School Teachers Public School Students

Citizenship

General 

Opinion

Only slightly more than half (about 

60%) believed that religious minorities 

were Pakistani citizens.

About 60% considered religious 

minorities to be Pakistani citizens.

Anecdote

“Non-Muslims should not be allowed to 

participate in politics and not be able to 

attain influential positions at state level. 

Otherwise, they will start benefiting 

their own community.”

“Although non-Muslims are living in 

Pakistan, I don’t accept them as Pakistani 

because they don’t believe in Islam.”

Sharing Food

General 

Opinion

When asked about the acceptability of 

eating with religious minorities, teachers 

were almost equally divided.

Most of the students asked reported that 

it was not preferable to share food with 

religious minorities.

Anecdote

“Like Hindus, they use urine of cow in 

their cooking, which is strictly prohibited 

in Islam and unhygienic as well. Maybe 

Hindus are making you eat with those 

utensils...”

“I eat with them things such as fruit; 

however, I don’t eat anything cooked from 

their home because I can’t eat with their 

napak [impure] utensils.”

Opinions on Jihad and Enemies Public School Teachers Public School Students

The Nature of 

Jihad

General 

Opinion

Nearly all believed jihad to be obligatory 

and violent.

Most believed jihad to be obligatory and 

violent.

Anecdote

“Jihad is obligatory in Islam against the 

oppressions of non-Muslim nations and 

countries.”

“Jihad is to fight against non-Muslims in 

the name of Allah.”

Enemies of Islam

General 

Opinion

80% viewed non-Muslims as the 

enemies of Islam.

The majority viewed non-Muslims as the 

enemies of Islam.

Anecdote “All the non-Muslims are enemies of 

Islam.” “Non-Muslims are the enemies of Islam.”

Religion in the Classroom Public School Teachers Public School Students

Respect for 

Other Religious 

Beliefs

General 

Opinion

Most said they teach students to respect 

other religions.

The overwhelming majority said that 

teachers teach them to respect all 

religions.

Anecdote

“We should respect the religions of 

others. We explain this to our students 

again and again.”

“Teachers tell us stories about them and 

say that we should respect the beliefs, 

actions, and worship places of other 

religions.”

Teaching 

Comparative 

Religion

General 

Opinion

More than half of the teachers said they 

do give lessons on comparative religion.

Split almost evenly when asked 

whether they were given any lessons on 

comparative religion by teachers.

Anecdote

“Yes, I teach comparative religion for 

the sake of humanity with examples and 

references from all religions.”

“We were taught what Islam says about 

other religions.”

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Madrassas

Opinion of Other Religions Madrassa Teachers Madrassa Students

Christianity

General 

Opinion

Considered Christianity to be a “Revealed 

Religion” and Christians to be “People of 

the Book,” but accused them of amending 

the doctrine.

Considered Christianity to be a 

“Revealed Religion” and Christians to 

be “People of the Book,” but accused 

them of amending the doctrine.

Anecdote

“Christianity is an Abrahamic religion and 

God gave the revealed book, the Bible, 

upon them. However, they have edited 

their book.”

“They are not on the right path. They 

follow the right path only if they follow 

the authentic book which was revealed 

to them in the lifetime of Christ.”

Hinduism

General 

Opinion

Considered Hinduism to be a man-made, 

rather than divine religion. Believed 

Hindus to be idol-worshipers.

Considered Hinduism to be a manmade, rather than divine religion. 

Believed Hindus to be idol-worshipers.

Anecdote

“I know they are idol worshippers. They 

worship fire and [the] cow. They also 

worship [the] monkey.”

“Hindus are idol-worshipers; some 

worship trees, some worship fire, and 

some of them worship their own made 

Bhagwans and some of them worship 

the cow.”

Judaism

General 

Opinion

Teachers considered Judaism a “Revealed 

Religion,” but animosity toward Jews 

was common. Perceptions that Jews are 

against Islam and consider themselves 

superior were highlighted.

Students considered Judaism a 

“Revealed Religion,” but many 

considered Jews to be enemies of Islam. 

The perception that Jews consider 

themselves superior was highlighted.

Anecdote

“Allah says Jews can’t be your friends. We 

can befriend them only to convert them to 

Islam.”

“Jews are infidels, deniers of Allah’s 

messengers, and enemies of Islam due to 

their anti-Muslim plans.”

“It has also come in the Qur’an that 

[you should] never make them [Jews] 

your friends; they can’t be our friend. 

In fact they are our biggest enemies. 

Clearly Allah has mentioned that they 

are our enemies...”

Ahmadis

General 

Opinion

Negative opinion, expressed extremist 

views.

Negative opinion, expressed extremist 

views.

Anecdote

“Ahmadis are the result of a grim 

conspiracy of Christians and Jews, and 

they are just like them; they have turned 

away from their religion [Islam] and are 

liable to be killed.”

“They are more or bigger kafir than 

the Christians, Jews, and Hindus. They 

have no rights in Islam and if there is an 

Islamic government it will give the death 

penalty to Ahmadis.”

Respect for 

Non-Muslims

General 

Opinion

Almost all teachers expressed the view 

that non-Muslims and their religious 

practices should be respected.

Most students stated that Islam 

prescribed respect for non-Muslims.

Anecdote

“All the religions should be treated with 

respect and dignity. It is also in hadith that 

we should not say anything bad about the 

Gods of other religions.”

“In Islam, there is respect for other 

religions, Christians, Hindus, Jews. We 

have to respect, whatever religions are 

there.”

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Madrassas, continued

It is noteworthy that most teachers and most students in both public school and 

madrassa sectors expressed that belief that other religions and/or followers of other 

religions should be respected, with students in some cases specifically stating that 

they had been taught this by their teachers. At the same time, trends of disrespectful 

attitudes are also observed, including, at their extreme, the belief by the majority of 

the public school teachers, public school students, and madrassa students that nonMuslims are the enemies of Islam. While madrassa teachers were not asked who they 

considered to be enemies of Islam, they expressed hostility for the followers of most 

religions. These findings highlight the potential benefit of further exploration and 

reflection on what “respect” means to the respondents in each sector and the relationship between such respect on a theoretical and a practical level.

Sectarian Opinions Madrassa Teachers Madrassa Students

Shia

General 

Opinion

Shias were the targets of a great deal 

of bigotry and disdain. Some madrassa 

teachers even considered them to be 

non-Muslims.

Perceptions were very derogatory; some 

considered them to be non-Muslims.

Anecdote “Shias are infidels and they are not 

innocent.”

“They consider Hazrat Ali their God and 

abuse the companions of the Prophet so 

they are infidels.”

Barelvi

General 

Opinion

Broadly speaking, teachers were critical 

of this sect and a majority considered 

Barelvis to have been a primary driver of 

sectarianism.

Students were split on opinions, but 

Barelvis were often respected.

Anecdote

“They have different beliefs but we are not 

allowed to kill them. We have to resolve 

differences with them. The Qur’an has 

given us the belief that the Prophet was 

a human being but they think he was a 

Divine Light.”

“We have many differences with them. 

We don’t agree with some of their 

practices. However, on the basis of 

these we can’t issue a fatwa that they 

are infidels.”

Opinions on Jihad Madrassa Teachers Madrassa Students

The Nature of 

Jihad

General 

Opinion

The majority viewed jihad as obligatory 

and linked it to violence, but also extended 

the concept of jihad to include non-violent 

concepts such as self-control.

While the predominant meaning of 

jihad for the students was to fight—

to protect oneself, in the name of 

Allah, and to spread Islam—madrassa 

students also identified non-violent 

examples of jihad.

Anecdote

“Jihad against infidels will continue until 

the day of judgment if the teachings of 

Islam are disrespected.”

“The meaning of jihad is to fight in the 

path of God. If the enemy has wrong 

intentions about Muslims then jihad is 

obligatory.”

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Part C Case Studies

(To protect the safety of all involved, pseudonyms have been used in the following case 

studies, and certain identifying information such as names of schools, towns, and organizational representatives has been removed.)

Introduction

This section presents five case studies of discrimination being faced by religious 

minority students at school. Through these case studies, an attempt is made to explore 

causes, manifestations, and impacts of such discrimination, as well as how incidents of 

discrimination are dealt with. 

These case studies illustrate multiple forms of discrimination, ranging from the 

availability of appropriate subjects to content of textbooks to discriminatory behavior 

from both students and teachers, including frequent attempts to convert minority 

students to Islam and physical abuse by teachers. This section also explores the issue 

of whether effective self-correcting mechanisms exist within the education system to 

address grievances of religious minority students. 

Case Study 1

Son Beaten, Father’s Job Threatened

In October 2010, the following news story was published about a Christian boy of a local 

high school, beaten severely by his class teacher. A representative of BETHAK-Khanewal 

(an NGO working for the rights of minorities) went to inquire into the matter and visited 

the aggrieved family with his team in Khanewal. 

Jamil is a Christian student of Grade 4 in the local school. The teacher forced Jamil to 

clean and sweep the classroom every morning and prevented his Muslim peers from 

helping. Jamil’s siblings have had similar experiences: his elder brother was sent by 

his teacher to clean his gutter at home, and his sister was also asked by her teacher to 

clean and sweep the classroom. She added that the Muslim students are prohibited 

from eating with her or making friends with her, which caused her to leave the school.

One day, Jamil could not complete his homework, along with a few other Muslim 

students. His teacher inflicted corporal punishment on him—but not the Muslim 

students—so severely that the signs of lashes were visible on Jamil’s body.

Nazir, his father, who works in the education department as a janitor, submitted a 

complaint to the Executive District Officer (EDO) of Education of Khanewal about the 

brutal punishment inflicted on his son by his class teacher. However, Nazir was pressured by the education office staff to withdraw his complaint against the teacher or 

risk losing his job. As a result, he refused to let his son record the incident. Only after 

he was assured of outside help for the protection of his job did he begin discussing 

the incident publicly. Source: BETHAK-Khanewal

This case study highlights at least three patterns of discrimination that religious 

minority students and their families encounter: 

1. Association of Christian students with sanitary professions;

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2. Discrimination that, at times, leads to more extreme physical punishment; and

3. Inability of the families to raise their voices against discrimination.

Christians in Pakistan, by and large, are associated with sanitary professions such as 

cleaning and sweeping. In this case study, Jamil and his two siblings are selected by 

their teachers to clean their classrooms and other spaces under the teachers’ control. 

Jamil’s teacher actually prevented other Muslim students from helping him complete 

his cleaning duties, possibly reflecting a belief by the teacher that such work was a task 

that should be completed by non-Muslims. 

This burden being placed on Jamil undoubtedly decreases his energy and affects 

his academic achievement, thus likely solidifying the impression that non-Muslims are 

intellectually inferior. In addition, it likely affects his ability to interact with his peers, 

since he starts class tired and likely dirty from the morning’s work. A social hierarchy 

is being established within the classroom that parallels the culture across Pakistan.

The case study also shows that the teacher treats Jamil differently and more harshly 

than his Muslim peers. On the day described in the case study on which Jamil was 

unable to complete his homework, the punishment was significantly worse for him 

than that given to his Muslim peers who also did not complete the assignment. The 

punishment is troubling in and of itself, in addition to setting yet again the precedent 

that non-Muslims can or should be treated more harshly than Muslims. 

Lastly, Jamil’s father’s inability to speak up at first because his job was threatened is 

a dramatic indication of how institutionalized some of this discrimination is. Instead 

of his affiliation with the EDO of Education being of value in getting his concerns 

addressed through the system, it ended up being a handicap. It was only after a 

private, Christian NGO stepped in that he allowed his son to give his statement to the 

appropriate authorities and let the story be known publicly.

Case Study 2

Discriminatory Teacher in a Girls’ Christian School

During our visit to a girls’ public high school in Khanewal for an interview with a Muslim 

teacher at that school, we learned of an incident of religious prejudice from the students. 

We inquired into the matter from students in the 9th grade. This is what they told us:

A Muslim teacher named Miss Farima was appointed to teach science in the school 

in the last days of August 2010. The very first day she entered the class, she started 

asking questions about Christianity. She told the students that their religion was not 

a true religion and that all Christian beliefs were false. She then forbade the Christian 

students from coming to school wearing crosses around their necks. She further told 

the students that Hazrat Issa (Jesus) will come back to this world as a Muslim. After 

her lecture against Christianity, she started asking questions related to science, the 

course she was hired to teach. A Christian girl named Nadia told the teacher that the 

students had not been taught science before because there had not been a science 

teacher. This prompted the teacher to beat Nadia.

The students reported this incident to their parents, who reported the matter to the 

Headmistress as well as to the District Education Officer (DEO). The Muslim teacher 

was removed and temporary arrangements were made for a male science teacher from 

another public high school to teach instead. Source: BETHAK-Khanewal

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This case study highlights three factors related to discrimination against religious 

minority students:

1. The power held by teachers;

2. The lack of review/oversight in hiring teachers; and

3. The power of a larger community acting together.

Teachers hold immense power within the classroom. Although this teacher was hired 

to instruct the students in science, she chose to criticize the religion of most (perhaps 

all) of the students, Christianity. She recognized the control she has within the classroom and took advantage of that. 

The question can be raised as to why she was hired to teach at a Christian school in 

a predominantly Christian village in the first place. She must have been aware of the 

fact that most of her students were going to be Christian, and so it is possible that she 

intentionally applied to teach at the school in order to attack their faith. However, one 

might expect such a school to have a review process for hiring teachers in which individuals insensitive or aggressive towards non-Muslims could be identified in advance 

and avoided, especially at a primarily minority school. 

The location of this story is a predominantly Christian village, making it easier for 

students and parents to organize and take action against the discriminatory behavior 

of the teacher. The successful response of the students’ parents shows how powerful 

numbers can be, and conversely, how potentially vulnerable minorities such as Jamil 

are when they are one of a very few non-Muslims at their schools. In addition, the 

education department was likely more able to take seriously their complaint in a 

minority Christian community. 

Case Study 3

How Could All the Christian Girls Be Failing?

A group of Christian parents from a girls’ public high school came to a representative of 

BETHAK in April 2009 with the following complaint.

All the Christian girls studying at a girls’ public high school in Khanewal failed their 

annual examinations one year. Based on their grades from previous examinations, it 

was clear that this was not because the girls were all poor students and likely to fail. 

The BETHAK representative took the parents to the District Education Officer in 

Khanewal and expressed their concerns. The DEO called the Headmistress to his office 

with the papers of all the Christian girls from her school. The Principal of another 

public high school in Khanewal was asked to check the grading. The very first paper 

that was re-graded had received much lower marks than were deserved.

The Headmistress was warned by the DEO that such prejudices on the part of her 

teachers could not be tolerated and was ordered to report the teachers who had 

graded the papers of these Christian students. The Headmistress was given the 

papers to be re-graded and was asked to bring the correct results to his office the next 

day, which she did. 

In the end, 13 out of the 16 students had passed the annual examination. The DEO 

promised to visit the school and appoint an inquiry officer to identify those responsible for this incident. Reported by: BETHAK-Khanewal

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This case study illustrates one major factor of discrimination against religious minority 

students, which is the control teachers hold over their students’ academic achievement 

and thus future opportunity. 

There are two levels at which the school system failed these Christian students. 

First, it appears the teacher used grading to try to limit the future opportunities available to these students. Similar to the first case study with Jamil, this teacher seemingly 

had an interest in preventing the Christian students from succeeding academically, 

which would give them the opportunity to seek employment in sectors not often associated with minorities. The second level of failure was the lack of oversight on the part 

of the Headmistress. It is possible that she supported such behavior and thus did not 

prevent it from occurring, or perhaps she simply was unaware of what was happening. 

Either way, she failed to ensure that every student in her school was receiving the best 

education it could provide. 

Similar to the situation at the primarily Christian school in the second case study, 

there is a bright side to this story. The education system did in fact respond to the 

complaints of the parents and the NGO. Where such biases are present in the education system, it is also likely that there may be individuals in positions of authority 

willing to step up for the rights of minority students when the need is brought to their 

attention. It is clear, though, that parents need to pay attention and alert anyone able 

to help when such discriminatory behaviors occur. 

Case Study 4

Convert or Eat Alone

This case study is told in first-person by a Christian student named Shabeeh in 

Faisalabad:

My name is Shabeeh and I am 13 years old and a student of the eighth grade at a 

government school in Lahore. I am Christian. When I came to the government school 

in class 4, my classmates and teachers insisted that I convert to Islam. They repeatedly ask me to say Kalima (the word of Islam or profession of faith). 

I was told by my father that everyone likes the bright children. I worked hard and 

stood second in fifth grade in the board examination. However, instead of appreciating me, my teachers didn’t even tell me about my result. In sixth grade, everyone used 

to study Arabic but I chose an alternative course on Drawing. Nobody ever taught me 

drawing so I had to learn it by myself. On the day of examination I was asked to write 

a question by myself and then to answer it. 

There are many things in the textbooks against my religion. When the girls read 

these things, they also tell me to see what is written in the books about my religion. 

I wish changes in the books were made so that people would not talk badly about our 

religion. 

Previously, when I was studying in a private school, I was also discriminated against. 

Teachers and my fellow students refused to eat and drink with me. I also wish there 

was equal treatment of non-Muslim students by their teachers and classmates. 

Source: Pakistan Minorities Teachers’ Association

Shabeeh’s story is not an unusual one. It reflects multiple forms of discrimination 

a non-Muslim child may face at school which include:

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1. Being invited frequently to convert to Islam by teachers and peers;

2. If alternative courses exist for non-Muslim students, they are often under-prepared 

for; and

3. Teachers and students may treat non-Muslim students differently within social 

contexts. 

The pressure of being asked to convert as a young child can be overwhelming, 

whether it comes from peers or people in positions of authority. Such an environment places a lot of pressure on non-Muslim students when students should feel safe, 

comfortable, and able to focus on their studies. 

In addition, this case study is an example of failure within the education system 

to provide alternative subjects for non-Muslim students while the Muslim students 

learn about their faith. There is a lack of teachers for the alternative courses. Shabeeh 

chooses to study Drawing instead of Arabic but did not have a teacher to actually 

structure that time and make it a productive academic experience. Often times, nonMuslim students are not even given that opportunity and must study Islam, Arabic, 

and other courses that contradict their own religious beliefs. 

Shabeeh also notes the religious and predominantly Islamic curricula throughout the textbooks that contradict her faith. She points out that the representation of 

minorities in the textbooks creates a negative image of her religion among her fellow 

Muslim students which influences their behavior towards her. 

Lastly, Shabeeh explains that her differential treatment due to religious identity 

is not confined to the government-run schools. Rather, she was also discriminated 

against at the private school she had previously attended. Moreover, the discrimination is not limited to the classroom, teaching, and textbooks only. Her fellow students 

and teachers were excluding her entirely from social activity by refusing to eat or drink 

with her. 

Case Study 5

Pressure to Convert to Islam

Sabir is a student of the sixth grade and studies at a government school in Lahore. 

Sabir said that he was treated harshly by the teacher at the government-run primary 

school he previously attended. His teacher used abusive language towards him, calling 

him “dirty” and “dirty Christian” (Choorhay Easi). He also used to beat him more than 

any other student in his class. In his current school, there are several students who 

ask Sabir to convert to Islam and say that if he becomes Muslim, they will provide him 

with money and care. He refused by saying that his elders take care of him already. 

Sabir said he wants to learn about Christianity, not Islam, in school. His teacher said 

everyone should study Islamic Studies, but he was given a choice between Arabic 

and Computer Science (he opted for the latter). In primary school, he did not want to 

study Arabic, but was forced to by his teacher. Sabir wishes to be treated as a human 

being equal to everyone else and not discriminated against for not being Muslim. He 

also wants teachers and students to stop hurting his feelings or trying to convert him 

to Islam. Source: Pakistan Minorities Teachers’ Association

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As in the previous case study, this story highlights multiple forms of prejudice faced 

by a Christian student in a predominantly Muslim context. Such prejudicial behavior 

early on normalizes the discriminatory treatment towards non-Muslims, serving as a 

bad example for the students’ Muslim peers. In addition, the treatment is very discouraging for the non-Muslim student, and is likely to negatively impact his/her academic 

achievement and aspirations in the future.

Like some of the other Christian students in the other case studies, Sabir is also 

frequently urged to convert to Islam. He is offered financial incentives and good treatment for such a conversion. This frequent encouragement to convert can make young 

students doubt themselves, their religion, their position in the school, and possibly 

their place in Pakistani society. 

This case study also reiterates the finding that non-Muslim students are often 

forced to study Islamic subjects despite a law to the contrary. Sometimes there are 

no teachers available for alternative courses, and sometimes teachers compel their 

non-Muslim students to study Islamic subjects even when the course is technically 

optional. 

Conclusion

There are a number of themes which present themselves in many of the case studies 

described above, including the following:

O Teachers often appear insensitive towards the religious diversity within their classrooms and school; 

O Teachers often appear to have a high degree of prejudice against non-Muslim 

students;

O Even the academically bright non-Muslim students, despite high achievements, fail 

to receive appreciation and encouragement from their Muslim teachers; 

O Teachers send covert and overt messages to non-Muslim student to convert to 

Islam; 

O Teachers perpetuate and enforce stereotypes about non-Muslim students such as 

that they are dirty and associated with cleaning and sweeping;

O In some cases teachers use abusive language and physical punishment against nonMuslim students more than Muslim students;

O Muslim students often treat their non-Muslim peers poorly and refuse to befriend 

them; 

O Muslim students sometimes encourage non-Muslim students to convert to Islam; 

O The mechanisms within the school system for protecting students do not always 

work; and

O Non-Muslim students are often compelled to take Islamic Studies—even though it 

is not required—either by the teacher or by the lack of an alternative. 

As the case studies illustrate, non-Muslim students face discrimination ranging from 

social neglect from peers, encouragement to convert, and coursework on Islam to 

more life-threatening physical punishments. This discrimination often negatively 

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affects students in terms of their personal wellbeing and their academic standing. 

In every case study described, the school system itself, whether it is represented by 

teachers or administration, fails the minority students at some point. One case study 

specifically mentions the influence of the textbooks, as a Christian student not only 

feels offense at the way her faith is portrayed in the books, but her Muslim classmates 

reference them in denigrating her faith. However, in a number of the case studies, 

upon complaints the system actually corrects its errors and takes steps to minimize the 

harm done. These stories thus represent the challenges being faced by students, but 

also examples of effective options that students, their families, and communities can 

take to protect some of their rights in the schools. 

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Part D Expert Interviews

Introduction

A final important element of this study was a series of expert interviews held in order 

to better establish the context for the study’s findings. Six education experts with 

particular expertise in areas of religion and religious minorities within Pakistan were 

interviewed. The experts were asked questions related to following issues: 

O Major deficiencies in the public school curricula;

O Representation of religious minorities in public school curricula;

O Nature of biases against religious minorities;

O Impact of educational biases on religious minorities;

O Educational and sectarian diversity within Islam;

O The role of policy makers; and

O Recommendations going forward.

The following relays the main ideas put forth by the experts during those interviews.

Discrimination in Education System Identified

and Linked to Discrimination in Larger Society

There was widespread agreement amongst the experts that there are problems within 

the current education system with regard to the representation of minorities, and 

that these are linked to societal discrimination. Interwoven throughout the conversations about discrimination in the education system was a sense that discrimination 

is pervasive throughout Pakistani society, influencing and being influenced by the 

formal education system. According to Shah Jahan Baloch (Shah Jahan), Manager 

of the Balochistan Education Program at Save the Children, “Biases created in schools 

at the early age have an effect in the long run and we can see them. It is not only in schools; 

cultural perception and practice also contribute to discrimination. Schools do fail to create a 

more pluralistic worldview in children. Rather, they reinforce the existing prejudices against 

religious minorities, which are evident in our mainstream life.”

Peter Jacob, Executive Director of the National Commission for Peace and Justice, 

further describes the situation as follows: “These biases create a big chain of discrimination 

in all walks of life; for instance, in academic institutions minority students face large discrimination and experience ill-treatment as they are badly ignored in the curricula. Seeking jobs 

and managing businesses they face curricula-created discriminations...”

Dr. Khalid Masood, Islamic scholar and former Chairman of the Council of 

Islamic Ideology in Pakistan, identifies the problem of false justification of discrimination on religious grounds, arguing that the “problem is [that] religious differences are not 

merely religious in nature, but also about culture and caste. We consider everyone other than 

ourselves as impure. All these things are not necessarily present in Islam. But somehow we 

have justified these through Islam by bringing references from Qur’an and hadith.”

Masood further expands on what he sees as the subtle and deeply-rooted discrimination in Pakistani society. According to him, the attitudes developed through the 

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education system continue discriminating against religious minorities at the wider 

community level: 

“We say that there is no discrimination against non-Muslims. This only means that they 

are legally protected. However, discrimination takes place at the community level. As 

long as this discrimination is present in our education and culture, this problem is not 

going to be sorted out....

We could have solved these problems through education. But we couldn’t raise our 

concerns, [over issues] like that of the two-nation theory,92 in education. We have kept 

on avoiding that. As a result, we [Muslims] not only avoid Christians and Hindus but 

we behave the same way towards members of other sects. Shia thinks Sunni is impure, 

Sunni thinks Shia is impure.” 

Jahan further notes the multi-faceted marginalization faced by minorities as a result 

of these discriminatory attitudes with an example from Balochistan where “as in many 

parts of the country, the status of Christian minorities has not been changed. They are mostly 

(and historically) working as sanitary workers. They are often denied their basic rights as 

equal citizens in every sphere of life.”

Masood notes that it is important to recognize that this discriminatory language is 

based on a very particular social, political, and historical context in which the so-called 

“Ideology of Pakistan” developed: 

“Followers of all religions, living in what is known as Pakistan today, took equal part in 

the making of Pakistan. There were Parsis, Hindus, and many others in the Parliament 

of Pakistan. However, this political representation of non-Muslims was systematically 

brought to an end. Pakistan was created; however, many questions were left unanswered. 

How would we define Pakistan? How is the Two Nation Theory going to work after 

Pakistan is created? It gave opportunity to the clergy to provide answers to these and other 

fundamental questions. Consequently, it became a popular understanding that Pakistan 

is the country for Muslims. This understanding implied that sharia as Islamic law 

[should be] the only law of the land. On these grounds our constitution was developed. 

To Islamize the constitution, readily available fiqh [Islamic jurisprudence] was relied 

upon. That existing fiqh, due to the lack of Ijtihad,93 was not necessarily ready to deal 

with complex political challenges of the day...

The existing fiqh defines the position of a non-Muslim in an Islamic country by either 

of the only two conditions [by which]he [traditionally] entered into the society: a) he 

was conquered; or b) made a peace deal with the Islamic government. It doesn’t provide 

guidance about the non-Muslims living in Pakistan who were neither conquered, nor 

made any peace deal with the government. They were instead people of this region and 

took part in the creation of this country.” 

92 The Two Nation Theory was the basis for the creation of Pakistan. It envisioned two major nations, formed 

along religious lines, one Hindu and the other Muslim, quite different from each other in language, civilization, 

history, and culture. Thus, Pakistan was formed as a separate homeland for all Muslims of the subcontinent 

where they could lead their lives in accordance with the teachings of Islam, free of social and economic 

exploitation under the Raj. Despite these realities, Pakistani textbooks often present this exclusively in religious 

terms—i.e., Hindus versus Muslims—with no economic, historical, social, or political causes given, and the 

history of mutual co-existence denied. 

93 Ijtihad is an Islamic concept that may be thought of as “individual reasoning,” or (re)interpreting concepts in 

light of current realities. 

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“As long as this 

discrimination 

is present in 

our education 

and culture, 

this problem is 

not going to be 

sorted out.”
118 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Curriculum, Textbooks, and Pedagogy

General Problems Identified

Challenges faced by the curriculum, as discussed by the experts, include omission of 

minority contributions to Pakistani society, discriminatory language, inaccuracies, and 

a strong promotion of Islam over all other faiths. Instances of perpetuation of a sense 

of threat against Islam were also highlighted, along with the implication for religious 

minorities.

Since textbooks carry great significance as a source of knowledge and information, 

the messages delivered through them have far reaching impacts. Jacob observed that 

“after religious or Holy Books, academic curricula are considered the most certified source of 

information across the world. In the case of Pakistan, it silently damages the religious tolerance because people who read such concepts cannot have acceptance for other beliefs.”

Inaccurate Depictions of Minority Religions

When non-Islamic traditions are described in textbooks, it is often with significant 

inaccuracies. Romana Basheer at the Christian Study Center, who has worked extensively for the educational and other rights of religious minorities in Pakistan, notes the 

following experience with a factual error:

“I was shocked when I read in the paper that the Christians believe in three Gods. Before 

writing this one should consult with a Christian. In reality we believe in one God and 

it is the same in Islam. It means that there are commonalities but the people who want 

to promote the commonalities do not have knowledge and they do not want to read and 

implement.”

Jacob explains an important reason for why this happens—”probably because nonMuslim authors and writers are not being consulted in preparation of textbooks.” He adds 

that: 

“Philosophy and religious personalities other than Islam are taught with an Islamic viewpoint. For instance, the Islamic concept about Christ’s birth, crucifixion, and descending 

are different from those in Christianity. Curricula present [the] Islamic concepts which 

create confusion among Christian students regarding their faith.”

Omission and Segregation of Religious Minorities

According to Jacob, “religious minorities are often treated as outsiders or aliens in the 

curricula.” According to many of the experts interviewed, the purpose of derogatory, 

discriminatory, or otherwise unequal representation of minorities in textbooks is to 

minimize the role of non-Muslims in society. 

This status as “outsider” is established in a number of different ways. According 

to Jacob, “minority students are treated as refugees. Many times minorities are declared as 

sacred holding (Muqaddas Amanat) in the curricula, forgetting that minorities are living 

beings, not goods which can be held by someone.” Masood likewise argued that under 

Islam in Pakistan, non-Muslims are treated like people who were either conquered or 

who made a peace deal with Muslim Pakistanis. This undermines their ability to be 

seen as equal participants in Pakistani society. 

Jacob further explains that “the role of minorities...is completely ignored in the history 

curriculum, which causes a misunderstanding about the nation.” By omitting minorities 

from this historical narrative, not only is an opportunity missed for the promotion of 

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pluralism, but the true creation story of Pakistan becomes clouded. Basheer describes 

an example of this type of omission: 

“Bhagat Singh [a brave Sikh who fought against colonial rulers] is a common personality 

in [Pakistani] history. We never teach our students about him. We disown him because 

he belongs to a minority. Jang-e-Azadi (war of freedom) is the common struggle of the 

people of India against the English people. However, our history books portray this in a 

different way altogether [by leaving Singh out].” 

The attitude that Pakistan is a country of Muslims pervades the education system and 

is thus perpetuated by it. As Basheer describes it, “those who write the textbooks don’t 

keep in mind the multi-religion composition of our society. When they portray Pakistan as a 

Muslim country, made for Muslims, the rest of the population becomes isolated.”

Perpetuation of Sense of Threat to Islam by Non-Muslims

Jahan pointed out that an additional mechanism for making minorities outsiders 

within Pakistani society is that of perpetuating conspiracy theories about their desire 

to undermine Islam or Pakistan. Jahan explains that “these [biases] are built around 

so-called theories of conspiracies against Muslims and are representing that the other religious 

groups in the sub-continent were violent and discriminated against Muslims in every walk of 

life, even they had no representation in political and economic spheres of life.” 

Tied to the notion that Pakistan is a Muslim nation is a pervasive fear of India, 

often represented by Hindus and Hinduism. Textbooks are quite explicit about and 

hostile towards Hindus, both pre-partition as well as those living in India today. Shah 

Jahan stated as follows: 

“The curriculum is designed to create dominant negative perceptions about the Hindu 

community and present them as enemies of Muslims on the sub-continent, which led to 

the violent separation...[from] India and the Hindu community who were allies with 

other religious groups in opposition to Muslims. This reinforces the impression of other 

religious groups being against Muslims and creates thoughts of intolerance in a new 

generation directed towards other religious minorities in the country.” 

According to Dr. Tariq Rahman, noted scholar and director and professor at the 

National Institute of Policy Studies (NIPS) at Quaid-e-Azam University (QAU) in 

Islamabad, it is likely that the Hindus mentioned in textbooks are symbols of nonMuslims more generally, hence affecting the attitudes of young students towards all 

non-Muslims. Minority religions are often associated with foreign powers, which are 

presented as hostile to Muslims and Pakistan:

“At least 7 years back I conducted a research on this. There are no Pakistani books 

saying something out rightly against the Christians and Pakistani Hindus. However 

there are some books that talk about the Hindus in India within the context of enmity. 

Perhaps these things can be said in a way that does not hurt the feelings of the Hindus 

in Pakistan. There are some terms like the “Christian powers,” etc. that may hurt the 

Christians of Pakistan. Certainly, they mention the European powers, not the Pakistani 

Christians. However, it turns the atmosphere against them. Minorities are already 

finding it hard to live in a country in which there is a general fear generated by the religious parties and some others. This fear has shaken their confidence to live here.”

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Textbooks are 

quite explicit 

about and 

hostile towards 

Hindus.
120 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Influence of Constitutional Discrimination

It is important to note that some of the discriminatory elements of the curricula are 

actually accurate descriptions of Pakistani law that discriminates against minorities. 

Basheer explained that “we teach in civics that a non-Muslim cannot be the president of 

Pakistan. What will a child will learn if he is extra intelligent? You constitutionally increase 

the discrimination and say that we talk of equality. Any key position cannot be held by 

non-Muslims.”

Imposition of Islamic Teachings on Religious Minorities and Impact on Identity

Islamic content has also been used as a tool for discrimination against minorities 

within the educational system by establishing Islam as the norm for Pakistani citizens. 

Jacob claims that “As much as 40 to 60 % of the curricula for almost all subjects consist of 

religious matter [Islam] and in the case of Social Studies Grade 7 (English medium), this 

percentage reaches up to 90.” Basheer elaborates on the dominance of Islamic education 

and its impact on non-Muslim students as follows:

“In textbooks, we say that this is a Muslim country for Muslims and the rest of the population is isolated. Non-Muslim students understand they have to memorize this text to 

pass the exam...[even though] it is not speaking to them and the teacher is not speaking 

to them. He is talking to Muslim students and not considering the others...[and thus the 

non-Muslim student will] think that ‘only they are Pakistanis and am I not included 

among them?’ He will grow up with a confused mind, so what else can we produce with 

this kind of education system? Can we create the unity with this? In my opinion, if the 

concept of a multi-religious society was taught with courage, the situation may change.

When a textbook says that this mosque is the house of Allah and Muslims offer prayers 

here, it automatically excludes those who are non-Muslims from its audience. Can’t 

authors of the textbook write that masjid, mandar, church, and gordawara all are the 

houses of God? All the people worship God according to their own religions. Will not this 

appear good to all the children regardless of their religion?”

Islamic Studies is a compulsory subject at schools, but the curriculum has an alternative course for non-Muslim students. However, textbooks and qualified teachers for 

these subjects are often unavailable at many schools. According to Rahman, the situation is amplified in rural areas.

Importance of the Role of the Teacher

Part of the problem, according to Masood, is the lack of regulation and guidance with 

regard to Islamic education being incorporated into the curriculum, leaving the particular Islamic examples and lessons up to individual schools and teachers: 

“Curricula are generally developed with a specific frame of mind to address some specific 

issues. While designing all lessons, in each chapter we keep in mind the curricular and 

extracurricular activities around those issues. Regarding religious education no clarity is 

provided on the contents to be included and the issues to be discussed. Even in the book 

that the HEC [Higher Education Commission] has developed, they just give us the topics 

and the subjects but do not go in the detail of the curriculum. So the religious education 

remains the most neglected component in public schools.”

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Rahman expands on the role of teachers specifically within the context of teaching 

Islam, saying that “there is a large quantity of religious content present in subjects like Urdu, 

Civics, and Pakistan Studies, and it depends on teachers how they teach this content. Some 

teachers teach in a manner that it seems they are looking down upon religious minorities.”

Dr. Muhammad Memon, Hamidudin Alkirmani Professor and Director of 

Programs at the Institute of Educational Development at Agha Khan University in 

Karachi, feels that the failure of the education system to acknowledge diversity and 

teach values of tolerance is more a problem of teachers than of curricula: 

“On the whole education has failed to acknowledge religious/ethnic diversity in the 

society. Islam has a universal message of brotherhood, tolerance, social justice, and respect. 

The national curriculum [2006] has taken care of these values. However, the teaching 

and practice of these values depend on teachers’ efficacy and sense of professionalism.”

Sectarianism within Islam

Jacob adds that issues of diversity do not only have to do with non-Muslims but the 

way in which Islamic sectarian diversity is taught: 

“The Shia relevant chapters have been decreased gradually. Presently if there is some 

material, it is composed in such a way that gives a sense of Sunni Islam only. Islamic 

Studies for Shia students is separate at the secondary level. Thus curricula promote sectarian consciousness. Among Sunni sects, the Barelvi school of thought is dominant and 

chapters regarding festivals and shrines are included according to their sect.”

Impact — Links between Biases in Education

and Acts of Discrimination/Extremism

Public Perceptions

Experts had a lot to say with regard to the link between biases in the education 

and the incidences of extremism, hatred, and violence in the country. According 

to Memon, the lack of religious diversity acknowledged in the education system 

and society more broadly has serious consequences on religious and inter-sectarian 

harmony. According to Jahan, “it has a huge effect on religious harmony because it 

promotes misperceptions about sectarian diversity promoted by various interest groups. They 

[authors of textbooks] exploit the public ignorance and spread their own biases which serve 

their negative interest rather than creating awareness or promoting harmony.”

Violence

Basheer linked societal inaction towards systemic discrimination, including among 

educationists, to incidents of violence and extremism:

“We came to this level by not playing our role. Neither did politicians, nor educationists 

play their role, and those who were dealing with education, were not educationists in 

reality. We [as a society] started killing the intellectuals. We killed Dr. Farooq even when 

he was advocating the rights of minorities from the Qur’an. When he said that no group 

or citizen can announce jihad they killed him. The right to announce jihad is of the state 

only. He tried to teach them in a proper way. We have given the place of intellectuals to 

the ignorant people [so] then the things are certain to go in a wrong way. ...

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Minorities are so afraid in this country that they are afraid to ask for their own basic 

rights. With such a sense of fear, what is it that they can do for their country? How will 

they cope with the problems in their life?”

Jahan listed a number of topics which cause extremism and propagate violence in the 

society, many of which can be identified in elements of the educational system:

“The glorification of wars, misinterpretation of history while teaching children about 

the violence that happened during the separation of India, along with promoting the 

concepts of jihad which support violence against non-Muslims. Moreover, ignoring the 

positive aspects of central messages of religions—such as promoting humanity—also leads 

to violence.” 

Debilitating Fear

To the degree that this violence has led to a culture of fear among minorities in 

Pakistan, it impacts the choices and opportunities available to those minorities. 

Rahman describes how this fear has led to conversion to Islam:

“There is lot of sectarianism and killing of Shias and Christians. Extremism is very high 

here in Pakistan. There is a lack of security and people do not feel safe even in their 

own localities as they are being threatened there. ... There have been property disputes; 

personal enmity has arisen against them which took the shape of religious disputes.... A 

number of people are converted to Islam and in some cases this conversion is because of 

the fear. Non-Muslims and the non-Sunnis are at risk in this country.” 

According to Jahan, this fear and discrimination is one of the reasons for non-Muslims 

not pursuing higher education and dropping out of school at early years: 

“The people I met, mostly in Balochistan, shared with me that they feel discriminated 

against and they are not a part of mainstream public life. Therefore, they don’t seek 

higher or professional education. Then, their first choice is to start a small business of their 

own so schooling just helps them to become literate and gain a basic education.”

Jacob emphasized his belief that minorities cannot receive equal rights, neither from 

the parliament nor from their peer groups.

Prospects for Improvements—Responsibility, Awareness, and Implementation

Experts were asked whether they have observed any positive change in education, in 

the given context, in recent years. Only one expert, Memon, had a positive response to 

this question and expressed his optimism saying improvements have been made “in a 

piecemeal way which needs to be further nurtured and flourished.”

Jahan thought the absence of political will behind the movement has been a major 

hindrance of positive change and that “without sincere and practical efforts, how can we 

expect positive change to occur in our society?” Jacob found the situation to be deteriorating. “The plans that we made in the early fifties were fantastic. However, we do not have the 

continuity in our planning and implementation. The new ones hastily replace the old ones 

and it [this practice] continues. The policymakers now know that their policies are for 3 or 4 

years only. All the policies are based on politics and there are no long term policies.”

The experts largely blamed government institutions for not taking leadership 

and implementing the type of changes needed. As Rahman explains, “policy makers... 

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“Ignoring 

the positive 

aspects 

of central 

messages of 

religions—such 

as promoting 

humanity—

also leads to 

violence.”
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 123

haven’t taken initiatives to solve these problems. Consequently, texts are developed that 

discriminate Muslims from the non-Muslims.”

There was disagreement, however, over how much the policymakers actually 

understood the discrimination present in the education systems and throughout 

society. Masood thought policymakers, due to their own backgrounds, are not well 

aware of the issues being faced by minorities. 

“Most of them are not from an educational background, they are rather from a political 

background. We do not teach these things or how to address these issues on the educational level.... Hence politicians, like anyone else, are largely unaware.” 

On the other hand, Jahan, Jacob, and Rahman all felt that policymakers must 

understand what is going on within Pakistani society with regard to discrimination. 

According to Jacob, “policymakers are aware of curricula as well as teaching methodology. 

There are a large number of organizations including the National Commission for Justice and 

Peace who have published several research studies and written to the relevant authorities.”

Memon agreed that the policymakers are aware of the issues. Nonetheless, he 

differed from most of the views expressed above, arguing that policymakers have 

actually taken initiatives to change the system through the new national curriculum 

reforms of 2006. He felt these reforms have addressed all the concerns about biases in 

the curricula, and that the problems lie in other aspects of the educational system.

“There are two kinds of deficiencies, perceived and factual. A group of so-called educationists and experts claims that the school curriculum is full of biases and prejudices 

which is not completely true. This has destroyed our nation’s image. We should avoid 

making irresponsible statements about such sensitive matters. The national school 

curriculum-2006 has removed such biases; however, textbooks have not yet been prepared 

in line with the new curriculum. Hence, it is not just curriculum but textbooks, instructional material, teacher guides, etc. that play a critical role.”

Recommendations

Overall, the experts felt that changes need to be made throughout the education 

system. According to Masood, “Education in Pakistan needs complete renewal. The 

prevailing circumstances show that we are far behind the rest of the world. We are providing 

our youth outdated theoretical training with flawed ideas, having no relevance to the needs of 

society.”

Rahman also emphasized that the reforms need to deal with many different factors 

that influence and perpetuate discrimination within the education system, and especially highlighted the importance of the role of the teacher:

“The change needs to be broad-based. There is problematic material on the radio, TV, 

and in newspapers that has to be changed. However, the real question is how to bring 

about this change? Nonetheless, if the government changes all the things, the curricula 

and textbooks, laws and rules, and the popular discourse becomes more liberal, it may 

help...

There is a report ‘The Subtle Subversion’ produced by the researchers of SDPI. The recommendations of this report can be a good starting point to reform education. What needs 

to be kept in mind is that the person who can really bring any change in education is the 

school teacher through the way he/she teaches. It is the most fundamental issue and all 

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the reports are silent on that. How can we change the minds of school teachers — [this] is 

one difficult question. 

There is frustration associated with poverty and deprivation [which] also contributes to 

the extreme attitudes and discriminatory behaviors. For any long-term change, we need 

to improve the overall living standards of our citizens and eliminate poverty. We have 

to bring the life as it is in the countries called ‘welfare states,’ to change the minds of 

common men. This whole obviously requires great effort.”

In addition, Jahan stressed the need for changing curricula and textbooks from 

their focus on religion towards providing more skills required for good jobs upon 

graduation: 

“The existing curricula and textbooks need to be reviewed because they are mainly more 

religiously oriented, ideologically motivated, and driven by hatred and prejudice against 

other religious minorities. Education needs to be brought in line with the country’s 

economy [as] to produce skillful and productive human resources with a holistic view of 

the world.” 

Memon, however, thought all necessary changes are already made in the national 

curriculum of 2006 and thus that all that needs to be done is “effective implementation 

of curriculum through unbiased textbooks, materials, and teachers’ pedagogies.” 

Jacob highlighted the need for reducing religious content in non-religious subjects, 

eliminating distorted representations of history, and including writings of nonMuslims and information on the contributions of religious minorities to Pakistan in 

reforming the educational system. He also placed a strong emphasis on the need for 

proper training of teachers, to include the promotion of “pluralism” and “harmony,”

as well as development of a mechanism for monitoring and evaluation of teaching 

practices.

Conclusion

These experts have an overall negative outlook with regard to the current portrayal 

of religious minorities within the school textbooks, biases the teachers relay in class, 

and the imposition of religious content throughout required, non-religious coursework. To most of them, biases within the education system are both a symptom and 

promoter of a larger culture of discrimination against religious minorities—namely 

non-Muslims and Shias. This discrimination has a real effect on the opportunities 

available to these minorities with regard to employment, higher education, and safety. 

Ultimately the experts feel that the crisis is real and the solutions are out there, but the 

Pakistani citizens and politicians are not pushing hard enough or in the right direction. However, one expert presented a slightly more positive outlook by highlighting 

the merits of the 2006 curricular reforms and the potential positive impact if they were 

effectively implemented. 

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S E C T I O N 5

Findings and 

Recommendations

Findings Public Schools

During the course of this study we found that there were significant issues with 

regard to: 

1. The negative portrayal of minorities in the textbooks or omission of their 

contribution to Pakistan’s formation, development, and defense;

2. The prevalence of bigotry in the attitudes of public school teachers and the 

transmission of negative perceptions and stereotypes in the education system;

3. The failure of textbooks published after the curricular reforms of 2006 to adhere 

to the mandated guidelines;

4. The prevalence of misinformed or pejorative attitudes in students, which often 

imitate the textbook content or teacher opinions;

5. Instances of discrimination or abuse of religious minorities within the public 

school system.

Public School Recommendations

The following recommendations are intended to overcome these challenges:

1. Promote the full implementation of the 2006 curricular reforms.

The 2006 reforms, while imperfect, represent a major step towards the elimination 

of biases against religious minorities in the textbooks. Efforts should be focused on 

ensuring that textbooks, teacher aids, and other learning materials reflective of the 

new guidelines are developed, approved, and distributed to public schools. While 

the more recent textbooks appear to contain gradual improvements, they still fall 

well short of the curricular guidelines as presented on the Ministry of Education 

website.94 Implementation of the most pressing aspects should take priority, with 

a focus on including—or expanding guidelines to include—the following: (a) 

content relating to Islamic studies should be consolidated into the Islamiat (Islamic 

94 http://www.moe.gov.pk/Curriculum.htm 

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
126 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Studies) course, and should be completely removed from integrated textbooks in 

earlier grades where religious minorities are currently required to study Islam; (b) 

revised History, Social Studies, and Pakistan Studies textbooks should be available to all school children, and a prohibition on the old pre-2006 textbooks books 

should be implemented; (c) the constitutional rights and contributions of religious 

minorities should be highlighted; and (d) gratuitously derogatory content, especially against Hindus, should be removed.

2. Create a reporting mechanism for cases of discrimination against religious 

minorities.

To offer religious minorities a safeguard against discrimination or abuse in schools, 

an official agency should be formed within the newly-formed National Harmony 

Ministry to provide a safe and confidential method of filing discrimination 

complaints. The agency must have the ability to take any steps that it deems necessary to discipline educational leadership, faculty, and administration members 

found to have violated the rights of religious minorities without any interference 

or influence. Public school educational leadership, faculty, and administration 

officials should be trained to adhere to anti-discrimination policies and informed 

of the penalties for disobedience. This agency should have the following minimum 

mandate: (a) oversee institutions that protect the rights of minorities and ensure 

a mandate for anti-bias education and awareness-raising across Pakistan; (b) audit 

of textbooks, teacher training programs, and educational practices regarding antiminority biases in any publically-funded educational institution; (c) prosecution 

of any violator of minority rights guaranteed by the constitution; (d) protection 

of victims of minority bias and strict guidelines that provide safeguards to whistle 

blowers. 

3. Make the course “Ethics for Non-Muslims” compulsory for all students.95

The curriculum guidelines for “Ethics for Non-Muslims”—currently an alternative 

to Islamic Studies—appear to present a comprehensive description of the minority 

religions of Pakistan. If this course, or a component of this course, were included in 

the core curriculum, it would effectively dispel many of the inaccuracies and stereotypes found in the current depictions of religious minorities. 

4.Develop teacher-training programs to focus on the constitutional rights 

of religious minorities, critical thinking, and the importance of promoting 

tolerance for diversity in classroom pedagogy.

Wide-scale teacher training programs should be developed and implemented to 

promote the professional development of public school teachers, especially as 

pertains to religious tolerance, critical thinking, and the constitutional rights of religious minorities. Teachers must be made aware of the aspects of the constitution 

that guarantee the rights of religious minorities and their responsibility as teachers 

to include these aspects in the lessons. Course material should be distributed to all 

teachers that include the following articles of the Constitution of 1973: 

95 The curriculum guidelines for the Ethics for Non-Muslims Course can be found on the Pakistan Ministry of 

Education website. <http://www.moe.gov.pk/nc/iii_xii/Ethics%20Grades%20III-XII.zip>.

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 127

a. Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities freely to profess and 

practice their religions and develop their cultures.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), Preamble

b. (a) Every citizen shall have the right to profess, practice and propagate his religion; 

and (b) every religious denomination and every sect thereof shall have the right to 

establish, maintain and manage its religious institutions.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 20(a-b)

c. No person attending any educational institution shall be required to receive religious 

instruction, or take part in any religious ceremony, or attend religious worship, if 

such instruction, ceremony or worship relates to a religion other than his own.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 22(1)

d. All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law,

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 25(1)

e. Nothing in this Part shall affect the personal laws of non-Muslim citizens or their 

status as citizens.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), Part IX Islamic Provisions, art. 227(3)

5. Create channels of communication and cooperation between parents, 

teachers, and officials.

The parents of students have to be engaged in the public education system, and 

their concerns must be addressed. The violent results of religious intolerance have 

created an atmosphere of insecurity throughout Pakistan and a concerted effort 

is need to combat this in the education system. Progressive-minded stakeholders 

should be empowered.

6. Facilitate interfaith initiatives.

Interfaith dialogue initiatives and joint academic/extracurricular activities should be 

facilitated with faculty and students of others religions where possible.

7. Develop realistic timeframes for implementation.

Donor countries should be mindful of the unstable political climate of Pakistan 

and develop contingency plans for deteriorating relationships, intensified internal 

conflict, and shifting priorities. These circumstances are often difficult to predict 

and are clearly beyond the influence of donor countries. Projects should be 

designed to produce incremental progress, and should not rely on extended periods 

of stability. Pakistan has yet to experience a decade without a military coup or 

imposition of martial law.

8. Remove pejorative content from the Constitution of 1973.

The followed sections of the Constitution present a challenge in the creation of an 

unbiased environment for religious minorities both in the education system and 

society at large.

a. A person shall not be qualified for election as President unless he is a Muslim...

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 41(2)

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
128 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

b. After the election of the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker the National Assembly 

shall, to the exclusion of any other business, proceed to elect without debate one of its 

Muslim members to be the Prime Minister.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 91(3)

c. ... “non-Muslim” means a person who is not a Muslim and includes a person 

belonging to the Christian, Hindu, Sikh, Budhist [sic] or Parsi community, a person 

of the Quadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves “Ahmadis” or by 

any other name), or a Bahai, and a person belonging to any of the scheduled castes.

Pakistan Constitution (1973), art. 260(3)(b)

Findings Madrassas

Our study found that the challenges in madrassa education as they relate to religious 

minorities are much different than in public schools for a number of reasons:

1. There are no (or extremely few) religious minorities in the madrassa system, and 

most of the opinions offered about religious minorities are based on second-hand 

information;

2. The madrassa curricula and textbooks are not uniform in key areas; they are often 

centuries-old texts that refer to other religions in the context of the era in which 

they were written;

3. Madrassa education is religious by nature, and bias against religious minorities 

takes a different tone and form;

4. Madrassa education is isolated from a large part of the Pakistani society, and graduates do not have the same employment prospects, but they wield great influence as 

Islamic clergy.

Madrassa Recommendations

Even more so than public school reform, madrassa sector reform is a politically and 

religiously charged undertaking. From our previous involvement with madrassa 

leaders, ICRD has come to recognize a profound level of mutual distrust between the 

madrassa community and the government of Pakistan. The following policy recommendations are offered with these challenges in mind:

1. Official engagement between the madrassa boards and the government 

of Pakistan (GOP) should be encouraged.

The government of Pakistan (GOP) should build consensus within the various 

governmental ministries and interest groups on a policy of madrassa reform that 

will be acceptable to the madrassa leaders, which must then be clearly articulated 

to the public. The GOP should seek the endorsement of the madrassa boards for 

any proposed madrassa reform program. The existing madrassa reform agreement 

which was signed by the ITMP National Madrassa Oversight Board and the GOP 

should be signed into law and implemented.

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 129

2. Teacher Training Program Development.

While public schools, in theory, are to adhere to government-mandated educational guidelines, no such system of uniform educational standards exists for the 

madrassas. A system of madrassa accreditation and teacher certification should be 

put in place to ensure that madrassas are meeting mutually agreed-upon educational standards. These standards should be developed in full cooperation with 

the madrassas to ensure their ownership in the process. Toward this end, ICRD

is currently working with various Pakistani universities to develop a series of 

university training programs for madrassa leaders that will provide the basis for 

certification and set the stage for full implementation of the madrassa educational 

enhancements. Teacher training programs should place a great emphasis on the 

systematic pedagogical training of madrassa teachers, beyond curricular enhancements, as by itself, official inclusion of “contemporary” subjects in madrassa 

curriculums is insufficient to make a meaningful difference. Even more critical is to 

train teachers in key areas such as the following:

a. Teaching methodology, with an emphasis on interactive and student-centered 

learning, development of critical thinking skills among the students, and 

ensuring that all subjects are taught in a way that promotes genuine learning 

and skill development;

b. Ethical principles and how they can be imparted to students and applied in 

the classroom environment, including tolerance, diversity/pluralism, and 

inter-/intra-faith relations;

c. Child development, psychology, and emotional intelligence, including the 

impact of fear and trauma on children and the influence of the teacher as a 

role model;

d. Reflective practice and the ability to evaluate one’s own teaching style and the 

learning styles of one’s students and then to adapt one’s teaching accordingly.

3. Curricular reforms should be instituted, with particular focus on certain 

areas of need. 

Madrassas should make their curriculums more accessible to those outside the 

madrassa system in order to dispel suspicion and promote greater understanding between the madrassas and other academic communities. Curricular reforms 

should emphasize areas such as the below.

Religious Tolerance in Practice

The madrassa boards should be encouraged to make revisions to the madrassa curriculum, and funding should be made available for their development and distribution. 

Reforms should highlight some key themes in order to place greater emphasis on the 

principles of religious tolerance and religious freedom. These could include areas such 

as: historical achievements of Islamic societies in promoting respect for and protecting 

the rights of others, and how these principles should be applied today; principles of 

nonviolence and historical nonviolence movements; historical conflicts and examples 

of successful conflict resolution initiatives; comparative studies of principles and practices of human rights; studies of world cultures; international organizations and their 

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
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roles in peace building and human rights; and the role of religion/religious institutions, civil society, and youth in peace building.

Religious Tolerance in Education

Courses on the comparative study of religions should be included or expanded, 

with an emphasis on promoting religious tolerance and interfaith understanding. 

Madrassa scholars who have previously studied this area have suggested incorporating 

the following into madrassa education: (a) an emphasis on the study of Hinduism, 

Buddhism, Jainism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Christianity in addition to Islam 

(these scholars have compiled a list of specific topics of study for each religion and an 

accompanying list of suggested texts); (b) the study of other Islamic schools of thought 

other than that of the sect with which the madrassa is affiliated; and (c) interfaith/

inter-sectarian dialogue initiatives and joint academic/extracurricular activities should 

be facilitated with faculty and students of others sects/religions where possible.

Modernizing Textbooks

Additional texts should be incorporated to complement (not replace) existing classical texts which are being used in madrassas, many of which are at least 500-700 years 

old or older, most importantly in the following areas: (a) texts which address the role 

of non-Muslim citizens in a modern Muslim society and how a Muslim should treat 

non-Muslims in the contemporary world should be included; (b) current texts are 

particularly needed in the areas of ijtihad (reinterpretation of Islamic traditions) and 

the sciences (such texts can show the evolution of ideas on Islamic jurisprudence); and 

(c) books explaining various schools of thought should be incorporated into Islamic 

studies courses, with refutation texts balanced by texts that promote a better understanding of other points of view.

Findings and Recommendations | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 131

Appendix

List of Textbooks Reviewed

Public School Provincial Textbook Board Textbooks (Total: 107)*

Key: Meri Kitab = My Book Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab = My Urdu Book

Deenyat = Islamic Studies Islamiat = Islamic Studies

Darsi Kitaab = Textbook

Grade 

Level

Punjab

Textbook Board

Sindh

Textbook Board

KPK

Textbook Board

Balochistan

Textbook Board

1 Meri Kitab†

Deenyat 

Darsi Kitaab 

Deenyat 

Social Studies

Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab

Deenyat 

Darsi Kitaab 

Islamiat 

2 Meri Kitab†

Deenyat 

Darsi Kitaab 

Deenyat 

Social Studies

Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab

Deenyat 

Darsi Kitaab 

Islamiat 

3

Meri Kitab

Urdu

Deenyat 

Social Studies

Darsi Kitaab 

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab

Islamiat 

Darsi Kitaab

Islamiat 

Social Studies

4

Meri Kitab

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies†

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

5

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies†

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Meri Urdu Ki Kitaab

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

6

Urdu†

Islamiat 

Social Studies†

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

7

Urdu†

Islamiat 

Social Studies†

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

8

Urdu†

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Islamiat 

Social Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Social Studies

9

Bahar-e-Urdu 

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies‡

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies

Urdu

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies

10

Bahar-e-Urdu 

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies‡

(same book as Grade 9)

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies 

(same book as Grade 9)

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies

(same book as Grade 9)

Urdu

Islamiat 

Pakistan Studies 

(same book as Grade 9)

*As some textbooks do not print publication dates, the dates are not listed here. However, the reviewed books 

were the most current editions available and primarily being used during the 2010-2011 school year.

†

More than one version reviewed; in the case of Social Studies books, at least one version was in English.

‡

Only English version reviewed.
132 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Madrassa Textbooks (Total: 4)

Textbook Name English

Translation Subject Area

Madrassa

Grade 

Level**

Author Publication Year

Kanz-ul-Daqaiq The Treasure of 

Difficult Problems

Fiqh 

(Jurisprudence) 3

Maulana Abdullah 

bin Ahmad bin 

Mahmood-alNasafi

710 AH

(1310 CE)

Al-Hadaya The Guidance

Fiqh 

(Jurisprudence) 5 & 6 Burhan-ud-Din 

Abi-al-Hassan Ali

511-593 AH 

(1117-1196 CE)

Mashkwat-ulMasabehThe Lamp of the 

Lamps Hadith 6 Imam Tirmizi 421-502 AH 

(1030-1108 CE)*

Riaz-ul-Saleheen The Garden of 

Pious People Hadith 6 Abi Zakria Yahya 

Bin Sharaf-al-Navie

631-676 AH 

(1233-1277 CE)

*Dates listed are of Imam Tirmizi’s birth and death. 

**Madrassas have their own grading system which is not necessarily equivalent to the public school grading system.

Appendix | Reviewed Textbooks | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 133

Acronyms

APE: Ahmed Pur East 

BETHAK: Organization: Be Empowered Through Awareness And Knowledge. In the 

Punjabi language the word BETHAK is a distinct stratum of society where people sit 

in a certain place to discuss their plans and lines of action for the development of a 

society.

CIA: Central Intelligence Agency (USA)

DEO: District Education Officer 

EDO: Executive District Officer 

FGD: Focus Group Discussion

GDP: Gross Domestic Product

ICRD: Organization; International Center for Religion and Diplomacy

KPK: Khyber Pukhtunkhwa; State in Pakistan

MCOP: Minorities Concern of Pakistan

MDC: Management and Development Consultant

MOE: Federal Ministry of Education, Pakistan

NCS: National Conservation Strategy

NGO: Non-Government Organization

NIDA: National Integrated and Development Association

PETF: Pakistan Education Task Force

PMTA: Pakistan Minority Teachers Association

SDPI: Sustainable Development Policy Institute (Pakistan)

Appendix | Acronyms | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
134 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

Glossary

Abrahamic Religion: A religion that trace itself 

back to Abraham, generally referring to Judaism, 

Christianity, and Islam.

Ahle-Hadith: One of the Islamic sects in Pakistan. 

Also known as “Salafi” or “Wahhabi.”

Ahmadi: Followers of the Ahmadiyya Islamic 

movement founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in the 

19th century.

Ameen: A word uttered during Islamic prayer.

Azan: The Islamic call to prayer.

Balochistan: One of the four provinces in Pakistan. 

Barelvi: The largest Islamic sect in Pakistan. Emerged 

in the Indian subcontinent in the 19th century and is 

defined by its incorporation of many Sufi practices. 

Caste System: A rigid, hierarchical social system most 

commonly associated with Hinduism in India.

Darood: An invocation where Muslims recite specific 

phrases to compliment the Prophet.

Deobandi: The second largest Islamic sect in Pakistan. 

Founded in the 19th century in northern India, it 

favors a strict interpretation of Islam devoid of outside 

influences.

Dhimmitude: Protected status of non-Muslims under 

Islamic law.

Eid Milad Unnabi: Celebration of the birthday of the 

Prophet.

Field Research: Any activity seeking to collect primary 

data including face to face interviews, telephone or 

postal surveys and direct observation.

Fiqh: Islamic jurisprudence.

Guru Nanak: Founder and first Guru of Sikhism, a 

minority religion in Pakistan (1469-1539).

Hadith: Sayings and teachings attributed to the Prophet 

Muhammad.

Hanafi: One of four Islamic schools of Sunni 

jurisprudence. The Barelvi, Deobandi, Salafi, and 

Jamaat-e-Islami sects are all Hanafi. 

Haram: Anything that is explicitly forbidden according 

to Islamic law.

Hazrat: A title of respect used to denote a person of 

religious significance.

Hifz-e-Quran: The memorization of the Quran in its 

entirety; an accomplishment of great significance in 

Islam.

Ijtihad: Individual reasoning.

Imamat: Leadership of prayer.

Islamabad: Capital of Pakistan.

Islamiat: Islamic studies.

Islamization: The process of a social entity becoming 

dominated by Islam. Contemporary usage often implies 

the spread of Islamist ideologies. 

Ismailis: Followers of the second-largest branch of Shia 

Islam. Ismaili spiritual leaders are given the hereditary 

title Aga Khan. 

Jamat-e-Islami: The oldest religious political party in 

Pakistan. It runs one of the five madrassa boards. 

Jihad: Struggle; most often denoting an inner spiritual 

struggle. 

Jurisprudence: Theory and philosophy of law. 

Kalima: The central creed in Islam: “There is no god 

but God, Muhammad is God’s Messenger.”

Karachi: Most populous city in Pakistan.

Kashmir: Region disputed by India and Pakistan 

bordered by China, India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa : One of the four provinces in 

Pakistan; formally North West Frontier Province. 

Madrassa: Islamic religious school.

Madrassa Governing Boards: The five madrassas 

boards are: Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia, Rabta-tulMadaris Al-Islamia, Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia Pakistan, 

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Salafia, and Tanzim-ul-Madaris 

Ahle Sunnah wa Jama’a.

Mangal Sootar: A symbol of a Hindu marriage.

Appendix | Glossary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
www.uscirf.gov | U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 135

Murtid: An apostate.

Nationalist: Strong political identification with one’s 

nation. 

Pakistan Studies: The term used for social studies 

courses in grades 6-10.

Partition (1947): The Indian Independence Act 1947 

officially dissolved of the British colony of India.

People of the Book: Jews and Christians; those people 

upon whom sacred texts were also revealed according 

to Islam.

Polytheism: The belief in multiple gods.

Primary School: The first stage of education, usually up 

through grade eight in Pakistan.

Proxy indicator: Indirect indicator.

Punjab: One of the four Pakistani provinces. 

Quetta: Capital of the Pakistani province Balochistan.

Qur’an: Holiest text in Islam.

Radd: Texts that refute other interpretations of Islam.

Rafayadain: An act during Islamic prayers.

Religious Minorities: Individuals who are not members 

of the dominant religious tradition (in the case of 

Pakistan, non-Sunni Muslims).

Sahab-e-Karam: The noble companions of the 

Prophet.

Sandoor: A red-orange colored cosmetic powder, used 

on the head by married Hindu women.

Secondary Level School: The second stage of education, usually from grade nine through twelve in 

Pakistan.

Seerat-un-Nabi: A biography of the Prophet 

Muhammad.

Shia: A follower of Shia Islam, the smaller of the two 

major Islamic sects who believe Ali should have been 

the first caliph after the death of Muhammad.

Sikh: A follower of Sikhism.

Sindh: One of the four Pakistani provinces. 

Sunni: A follower of Sunni Islam, the largest sect 

in Islam which forms a majority in Pakistan; Sunnis 

disagree with Shias chiefly over the role of Ali in Islam.

Tafsir: Explanation of or commentary on religious text.

Two-Nation Theory: According to this theory, Hindus 

and Muslims are considered two different nationalities 

and should have two separate nations.

Ulema: Islamic scholars; learned men who often have 

had extensive years of religious study and are capable of 

issuing influential religious rulings or “fatwas.”

Urdu: Official language of Pakistan.

Appendix | Glossary | Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan
136 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom | www.uscirf.gov

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Acknowledgements

In Alphabetical Order

ICRD

Duke Burbridge

Rebecca Cataldi

Douglas Johnston

Tamara Slater

SDPI

Iftikhar Ahmad

Muhammad Azhar 

Humaira Ishfaq

Gulbaz Ali Khan

Afsheen Naz

Muhammad Rasheed

Qasim Shah

Abid Qaiyum Suleri 

Fayyaz Yasin