United States 

Department 

of Agriculture 

www.ers.usda.gov 

 A Report from the Economic Research Service

Abstract

Global rice prices rose to record highs in the spring of 2008, with trading prices 

tripling from November 2007 to late April 2008. The price increase was not due to 

crop failure or a particularly tight global rice supply situation. Instead, trade restrictions by major suppliers, panic buying by several large importers, a weak dollar, and 

record oil prices were the immediate cause of the rise in rice prices. The 2007-08 rice 

price increase followed price spikes for major agricultural commodities such as wheat, 

corn, and soybeans. The primary cause of the rise in prices for these commodities from 

2006-08 was rising global incomes, dietary changes, increased use of biofuels, tight 

grain supplies, and increased participation in futures markets by nontraditional investors. Because rice is critical to the diet of about half the world’s population, the rapid 

increase in global rice prices in late 2007 and early 2008 had a detrimental impact on 

those rice consumers’ well-being. Although rice prices have dropped more than 40 

percent from their April 2008 highs, they remain well above pre-2007 levels.

Keywords: Rice, rice prices, exports, biofuels, food infl ation, trade restrictions, global 

stocks, energy prices, futures markets, fi nancial crisis, global supply, food prices

Acknowledgments

The report was improved by input from Eric Wailes, University of Arkansas; Bobby 

Coats, Arkansas Cooperative Extension Service; Mike Salassi, Louisiana State University; Bill Chambers, Farm Service Agency, USDA; and Andy Aaronson, World Agricultural Outlook Board, USDA. Special thanks go to ERS colleagues Ron Trostle and 

Paul Westcott for their substantive contributions. Priscilla Smith and Cynthia A. Ray 

provided editorial and design support.

Nathan Childs

nchilds@ers.usda.gov

James Kiawu

jkiawu@ers.usda.gov

Factors Behind the Rise in 

RCS-09D-01

May 2009 Global Rice Prices in 2008

Contents

Approved by USDA’s 

World Agricultural 

Outlook Board

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Both Long- and Short-Term 

Factors Caused the Increase 

in Rice Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

Export Bans and Restrictions 

Were Among Short-Term 

Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Long-Term Factors Included 

High Income Growth 

in Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
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In 2000/01, global rice prices—not adjusted for infl ation—were the lowest 

since the early 1970s, primarily due to a huge buildup in global rice stocks in 

the second half of the 1990s. China accounted for almost all of the buildup 

in global rice stocks. Beginning in 1999/2000, China implemented grain 

policies to reduce its excessive stocks. By early 2004, with global stocks at a 

more normal level relative to use, global rice prices began to slowly increase.

Starting in early 2006, global commodity prices, already moving upward, 

began rising at a faster pace as energy price increases accelerated and 

the value of the dollar began declining more quickly. However, rice price 

increases lagged behind price increases for most other major agricultural 

commodities—primarily corn, wheat, and soybeans—and was the last of 

these four major global agricultural commodities to experience a price 

increase. From January 2006 to October 2007, global corn and wheat prices 

more than doubled, while rice prices increased just 12 percent.

In Asia, where 90 percent of global rice consumption occurs, a long-term 

shift to more diverse diets among high- and middle-income consumers has 

caused per capita rice consumption to decline. This decline slowed the pace 

of price increases for rice. In contrast to rice, per capita meat and dairy 

consumption has been boosted by rising incomes in Asia. This change in 

consumption contributed to the sharp rise in feed grain and oilseed prices in 

2006 and 2007. Additionally, growth in biofuels added to the boost in feed 

grain and oilseed prices. For wheat—a major food grain—adverse weather 

in several primary growing areas in 2006/07 and 2007/08 resulted in belownormal global production. The lower production levels contributed to the 

sharp increase in global wheat prices in 2007 and early 2008. Macroeconomic 

factors, such as the declining dollar and a shift of funds from equities and real 

estate into commodities also contributed to rising global commodity prices.

Then, in late October 2007—following trade restrictions implemented by 

Vietnam and India, two major rice-exporting countries—rice prices began to 

move upward at a faster pace. By late December 2007, global rice prices had 

risen 10 percent in just 2 months. U.S. and global rice prices rose sharply to 

record highs in the spring of 2008. Rice prices rose when the export restrictions were extended and additional exporters, including Cambodia and Egypt, 

announced restrictions. Thailand’s high-quality 100 Percent Grade B longgrain milled rice—a benchmark for global trading prices—exceeded $1,000 

per ton in late April 2008, more than double the prices in early February and 

triple the prices of November 2007. U.S. prices soared as well, with U.S. 

long-grain milled rice for export quoted at a record $948 per ton in late April 

2008, up more than $400 per ton from early February and more than double 

November 2007 prices. U.S. and global prices remained at record levels for 

nearly a month before beginning to decline (fi g.1). Despite the decline, prices 

remain well above pre-spike levels.

After remaining at record levels for about a month, global and U.S. rice 

prices began to decline in late May and early June 2008, as panic buying 

ceased and Vietnam announced it would resume making commercial sales 

by the end of June. By mid-December 2008, Thailand’s trading prices had 

Introduction
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dropped more than 45 percent from the April-May records and U.S. prices 

had declined about 33 percent. From late December 2008 through mid-March 

2009, Thailand’s prices strengthened—largely due to government policies—

while U.S. prices continued to decline.

Rice is critical to the diet of about half the world’s population, so the rapid 

increase in global rice prices in late 2007 and early 2008 had a detrimental 

impact on those rice consumers’ well-being. The majority of these rice 

consumers live in developing countries, with many spending at least half of 

their income on food. The sharp increase in rice prices led to panic buying 

by importers, who feared even higher prices in the future, and contributed to 

food riots in developing countries across the globe.

This report will:

• look at the rice price increase in relation to historic movements in rice 

prices and to price movements for major traded crops

• discuss the immediate factors that drove rice prices to record highs in late 

2007 and early 2008

• look at the long-term factors that set the stage for the rice price increases

• explain the factors that are likely to keep rice prices during the next 

decade at levels above those reported for 2000/01-2006/07

• outline the effects of higher rice prices on consumer well-being in developing food-importing countries

• describe rice price movements since the price spike 

• provide ideas for avoiding price spikes in the future.

Figure 1

Thailand’s rice prices nearly tripled from November 2007 to May 2008

Dollars/ton

Note: April 2009 prices are mid-month.

Sources: Thailand’s price quotes, U.S. Embassy (Bangkok, Thailand) agricultural counselor, 

Weekly Rice Price Update; U.S. price quotes, Creed Rice Market Report.

1998 99 2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08

0

200

400

600

800

1,000

1,200

U.S. long-grain, number 2, 4 percent

Thailand’s 100 percent, grade B 

Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug Aug
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Factors Behind the Surge in Global Rice Prices in 2008/ RCS-09D-01 

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The rapid increase in rice prices that occurred in late 2007 and early 2008 

was not due to poor harvests, an increase in demand, or a tight global supply 

situation. In fact, global rice production in 2007/08 was the highest on 

record, and the 2008/09 global crop is estimated to be even larger. Total rice 

supplies—although not the highest on record—increased in both years as 

well (fi g. 2). In addition, global ending stocks actually increased in 2007/08, 

and are projected to rise another 10 percent in 2008/09.

The 2007/08 global rice stocks-to-use ratio—a general indicator of market 

conditions—was 18.3 percent, up from a year earlier and the highest since 

2003/04. The 2008/09 global stocks-to-use ratio is projected to increase to 

almost 20 percent (fi g. 3). For most importers and exporters, the stocks situation did not indicate tight supplies. Among the major rice importers, only 

Bangladesh had an especially tight supply situation in 2007/08, largely due to 

a crop shortfall. In the Philippines, although ending rice stocks had declined 

about 15 percent from the 2005/06 record, the 2007/08 stocks-to-use ratio 

was still almost 34 percent.

Among exporters, India’s rice stocks rose 14 percent in 2007/08, increasing 

the stocks-to-use ratio more than 1 percentage point to 14.3 percent. India’s 

ending stocks have increased each year since 2004/05, with a further increase 

projected for 2008/09. With record production in 2007/08, Vietnam’s ending 

stocks increased 45 percent to a record 2 million tons, yielding a stocks-touse ratio of 10.3 percent, the highest since at least 1995/96 when USDA fi rst 

reported stocks for Vietnam. The stocks-to-use ratio for Thailand—which 

did not restrict exports—was 23 percent in 2007/08. Thailand’s ending 

stocks have changed little over the last decade. Egypt’s ending stocks of 0.67 

million tons were up 80 percent from a year earlier, yielding a 14.0 percent 

stocks-to-use ratio, well above 11.3 percent a year earlier.

Both short-term and long-term factors were responsible for the increase in 

global rice prices to record highs in the winter and spring of 2008. The shortterm (temporary) factors were:

• temporary export bans and restrictions implemented by several major and 

mid-level rice exporters

• panic buying by several large rice importers

• weather-related problems in specifi c growing areas

• a sharp decline in the value of dollar in fall 2007 and winter 2008

• a shift of funds into commodities from stocks and real estate in 2007 

and early 2008 that added to price volatility and may have temporarily 

boosted prices.

Both Long- and Short-Term Factors 

 Caused the Increase in Rice Prices
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The long-term (more long-lasting) factors that set the stage for the rice price 

increase included:

• sharply rising incomes in developing Asian countries

• very high prices for other foods

• extremely high nominal fuel and fertilizer prices

• the elimination of excess global rice stocks

• negligible yield growth for rice over the past decade

• a massive increase in the production of biofuels in recent years.

These factors are expected to keep rice prices above 2000/01-2006/07 levels 

over the next decade.

Figure 3

Global rice ending stocks are projected to increase 

10 percent in 2008/09

Million tons (milled basis)

2008/09 numbers are estimates. 

Source: USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Production, Supply, and Distribution database, 

www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdhome.aspx/.

80/81 85/86 90/91 95/96 00/01 05/06

0

25

50

75

100

125

150

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Ending stocks

Stocks-to-use ratio

08/09

Figure 2

Global rice supplies have increased each year since 2005/06

Million tons (milled)

2008/09 numbers are estimates. 

Source: USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Production, Supply, and Distribution database, 

www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdhome.aspx/.

1980/81 85/86 90/91 95/96 2000/01 05/06 08/09 

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

Carryin

Production
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Export bans, restrictions, and taxes implemented by several major riceexporting countries beginning early in the fall of 2007 were signifi cant 

factors behind the rice price spike in the winter and spring of 2008. In late 

September 2007, Vietnam—typically the second-largest rice-exporting 

country—placed a ban on commercial sales. By mid-summer 2007, Vietnam 

was already overcommitted for calendar 2007 in the global export market. 

Additional sales by Vietnam in 2007 would have reduced the amount of rice 

available for its large domestic market to a level deemed by Vietnamese policymakers to be too low (see table 1 for a list of major exporters, concerns, 

and policy responses).

Then, in early October 2007, facing rapidly rising food prices, India—

typically the third-largest rice-exporting country—announced a minimum 

export price (MEP) for all categories of rice except for its premium basmati 

rice (a high-quality aromatic rice). India exports most of its basmati rice. 

Earlier that summer, except for parboiled rice, India was making few sales 

of non-basmati rice. At an initial $425 per ton, the MEP was an effective 

ban on non-basmati exports, which typically account for about two-thirds of 

India’s total rice exports. India repeatedly raised its MEP in the fall of 2007 

to restrict non-basmati exports.

However, neither country totally banned exports. Vietnam continued to allow 

government sales to regular buyers—primarily the Philippines and Cuba. In 

addition to continued sales of its premium basmati rice, the Government of 

India allowed exporters to sell large amounts of non-basmati rice to Bangladesh—typically India’s largest export market for non-basmati rice—and to 

sell smaller amounts of non-basmati rice to certain other food-defi cit countries, mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Despite the porous nature of the export 

bans and restrictions, by November 2007 global rice prices—already rising 

along with prices of other commodities—began to increase at a much faster 

pace as global exportable supplies tightened.

Export Bans and Restrictions Were 

 Among Short-Term Factors

Table 1

Rice-exporting countries, concerns, and policy responses

Country Concern Response

Vietnam Rising food prices Banned commercial sales

India Rising food prices, tight supplies of wheat Minimum export price followed by a ban on non-basmati sales

Cambodia Rising food prices Banned exports

China Rising food prices Eliminated VAT1 export rebate, instituted an export tax

Pakistan Rising food prices Minimum export price

Thailand Most private exporters halted making new sales Announced penalties for hoarding

Burma Damage from Cyclone Nargis Temporary export ban

Australia Prolonged drought Water restrictions sharply reduced rice acreage 

United 

States

Increased demand for exports by some 

nontraditional buyers

No export restrictions

1VAT = Value added tax.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service.
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In December 2007, China—the sixth-largest rice-exporting country—

announced a 10-percent tax on rice exports and rescinded a value-added-tax 

rebate for rice exports. Despite these restrictions, China continued to export 

rice and make new sales. Egypt—a mid-level exporter—announced a voluntary ban on rice exports in January 2008. Global rice prices increased nearly 

30 percent from December 2007 through February 2008. The export restrictions were a major factor behind the rapid increase in global rice prices from 

late 2007 through the spring of 2008.

Unlike Vietnam and India, which export only long-grain rice, Egypt ships 

almost exclusively medium- and short-grain rice. China and the United States 

export long-, medium-, and short-grain rice. Long-grain accounts for about 

three-fourths of global rice trade. Fragrant rice and combined medium- and 

short-grain rice each account for 10-12 percent of global rice trade.

In late March 2008, the pace of the rice price increase accelerated when 

Vietnam reimposed its ban on commercial sales from April through June, 

despite a bumper 2008 winter-spring harvest. Although the ban on commercial sales was reimposed, the Government of Vietnam continued to make 

sales. Also in late March 2008, India converted its MEP on non-basmati 

exports into an outright export ban. In January 2009, the Government of India 

announced it would allow limited sales of non-basmati rice to four countries 

in Sub-Saharan Africa—Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana and Cameroon—through 

the State Corporation of India. As of early April 2009, restrictions on sales of 

non-basmati to other markets remain in effect.

Three additional exporters announced trade restrictions in early spring 2008 

as well, primarily in response to rising food prices. First, in late March, the 

Government of Egypt changed its voluntary export ban to an offi cial ban on 

sales through October 2008. Then, in June, Egypt extended the ban until at 

least April 2009. Second, the Government of Cambodia announced a ban on 

export sales in late March 2008. However, the ban lasted less than 2 months. 

The Government of Cambodia allowed some sales to Vietnam even when the 

export ban was in effect. Cambodia is a small-to-mid-sized exporter. Vietnam 

purchases most of Cambodia’s rice exports, which are all unmilled (or roughrice). The imported rice is milled in Vietnam.

Finally, in late-April 2008, Pakistan—typically the fi fth-largest rice-exporting 

country—announced minimum export prices for various types and grades of 

rice. However, Pakistan’s initial MEPs were below actual trading prices, thus 

having no impact on sales. Despite a bumper harvest in 2007, Pakistan was 

unable to expand exports in early 2008, primarily due to logistical problems. 

In August 2008, when Pakistan’s MEPs exceeded global trading prices which 

were declining, the government terminated the MEPs.

Thus, by early May 2008, among the top six global rice exporters only 

Thailand and the United States were not offi cially restricting sales. Despite 

adequate supplies and no restrictions, exporters in Thailand were making few 

sales, speculating that prices might rise even more. The Government of Thailand warned exporters not to hoard rice in anticipation of higher prices and 

announced sharp penalties for offenders.
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In addition to boosting trading prices, the lack of sales by the largest exporting 

country made price discovery—already diffi cult and costly in the thinly traded 

global rice market—even more opaque and costly. U.S. rice exporters—with 

several of their competitors out of the market—picked up additional sales to 

the Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa, Oceania, and Southeast Asia.

Altogether, the countries with effective export bans and restrictions in place 

typically account for 33-40 percent of global rice exports. These exportprohibiting policies had several harmful effects. First, they drove trading 

prices—already on the rise—to record highs, which reduced trade and led to 

panic buying by major importers. The high prices also reduced the purchasing 

power of consumers, especially in the poorest food-defi cit countries. Second, 

in the exporting countries, the lack of sales limited increases in their domestic 

prices, thereby limiting the economic incentives to pull more acreage into rice 

production. Finally, rice-importing countries—facing record high prices in the 

global market—expanded the use of marginal lands and boosted input use to 

increase production to reduce import needs (fi g. 4 and fi g. 5).

Export Bans and Restrictions Were Implemented 

To Control Rising Domestic Infl ation

The export bans, restrictions, and taxes were implemented to ensure affordable domestic prices for rice, a food staple in most of Asia. They were put 

into place in an environment where rising prices—especially for food—were 

eroding the purchasing power of consumers. Infl ation rates were particularly 

high in Vietnam, India, and China, the three fastest growing economies in 

Asia, where food and fuel prices increased at the fastest rates.

In most of developing Asia, rice is a wage-good, primarily because it 

accounts for a large share of the diet of most consumers. So rising rice prices 

typically lead to demands for higher wages, which further boosts infl ationary 

pressures. By banning or restricting rice exports, the governments were 

making more rice available for the domestic market in an attempt to stabilize 

domestic food prices and limit overall infl ation rates.

In India, the restrictions and ban on non-basmati rice exports were also 

a response to large imports of wheat in 2006/07 and 2007/08. India was 

an exporter of wheat from 2000/01-2005/06, importing very little wheat. 

However, with wheat crop shortfalls in 2006/07 and 2007/08, the Government of India curtailed wheat exports and imported several million tons of 

wheat to meet domestic demand.

By the fall of 2007—when India began restricting rice exports—the government wanted to avoid importing any more wheat, given the record high prices 

that internationally traded wheat reached that August. The Government 

of India, which purchased most of the imported wheat and subsidizes the 

price of fl our sold to its poorest consumers through its Public Distribution 

System, was concerned about rising government expenditures. In South Asia, 

consumers often shift between wheat-based and rice-based products based 

on prices. This substitution is not common in most other parts of Asia. So, 

the reduction in domestic rice prices resulting from India’s ban on exports 

of non-basmati rice likely encouraged some consumers to shift from wheatbased foods to rice-based ones.
9

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Also, major elections in India are scheduled for April-May 2009, with the 

government fully aware of the sensitivity of consumers to high food prices. 

While India has a substantial and growing middle class, it is still home 

to several hundred million people earning $2 per day or less. For these 

consumers, rising food prices—especially for the grain-based staples that 

are the bulk of their diet—can have a major detrimental impact on their 

economic well-being.

Figure 4

Global rice trade dropped 8 percent in 2008; 

little growth projected in 2009

Million tons (milled)

2008/09 numbers are estimates. 

Source: USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Production, Supply, and Distribution database, 

www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdhome.aspx/.

1992 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Asia

Sub−Saharan Africa

Latin America

Rest of world

Major importing regions

Figure 5

India’s rice exports have dropped sharply since 2007

Million tons (milled)

2008 and 2009 numbers are estimates. 

Note: These 5 countries account for more than 80 percent of global rice exports. 

Source: USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Production, Supply, and Distribution database, 

www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdhome.aspx/.

Thailand Vietnam India USA Pakistan

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

2007 2008 2009
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Factors Behind the Surge in Global Rice Prices in 2008/ RCS-09D-01 

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Panic Buying by Major Importers 

Further Boosted Prices

It was not just the exporters that were responding to the rapid rise in food 

prices. By early spring 2008, several major rice importers, primarily the 

Philippines and big buyers in the Middle East and Africa, were in the market 

for extremely large quantities of rice. They were attempting to lock in prices 

for several months of supplies before prices rose even further in order to 

assure their consumers of adequate supplies, and dampen domestic food price 

increases (see table 2 for a list on major rice importers, domestic concerns, 

and policy responses).

In mid-April 2008, the Government of the Philippines attempted to purchase 

about 500,000 tons of rice. The Philippines, the world’s largest rice importer, 

was unable to purchase such a huge amount and tried again in early May to 

buy an even larger amount (675,000 tons) on the global market. The Philippines withdrew the second tender after only one supplier responded.

The governments of Nigeria, Bangladesh, and Iran were also in the market 

for major purchases in the spring of 2008. Each country was experiencing 

substantial increases in food prices. These importers typically spread their 

purchases of rice out more evenly over the year, reducing the impact on 

global prices. This panic buying by major buyers contributed to even faster 

price increases. In Haiti, the prime minister was forced to resign over rising 

food prices.

In early 2008, many countries experienced food riots caused by widespread 

anger over the rapid rise in food prices. Egypt had its most severe food riots 

since the late 1970s. The Philippines, Bangladesh, and much of West Africa 

experienced substantial food riots as well. For many of these countries, 

entering the global market for large purchases of rice was seen as a viable 

means to calm consumer concerns over food availability and to lower the 

price of a critical food staple.

By late June 2008, the panic buying subsided. Early that month, Vietnam 

and Thailand announced they would make numerous rice sales to the Philippines over the next several months. In late June, the Government of Japan 

Table 2

Rice-importing countries, concerns, and policy responses

Country Concern Response

Philippines Rising food prices, supply concerns “Panic” buying, record imports

Mexico Rising food prices Eliminated restrictions on non-U.S.-origin rice

Nigeria Rising food prices Reduced import tariffs

Bangladesh Crop damage from fl oods and Cyclone Sidr Reduce tariffs, boosted imports

Iran Rising food prices, supply concerns Reduced tariffs

Indonesia Rising food prices, supply concerns Reduced tariffs

Ghana Rising food prices, supply concerns Reduced tariffs

Malaysia Rising food prices, supply concerns Price ceiling on domestic sales, boost imports

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service.
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announced it would sell up to 200,000 tons of stored rice to the Philippines in 

the coming months. (As of early April 2009, Japan had not sold any rice to the 

Philippines.) Because of these government-to-government commitments, by 

mid-summer 2008 the Philippines halted making massive global tenders and 

announced it would spread its purchases out more evenly over the rest of the 

year. The Philippines harvested a record crop in 2007/08 and the 2008/09 crop 

is estimated to be even larger. Although the Philippines has increased rice 

production almost 40 percent over the last decade, substantial post-harvest 

losses due to spoilage and pests during long-term storage in hot, humid conditions remain a major problem for the rice sector in the Philippines.

In addition to the panic buying, several major importers, including Nigeria, 

Bangladesh, Iran, Indonesia, and Ghana, lowered or sharply eliminated tariffs 

on rice imports in early 2008 to boost supplies and moderate domestic foodprice infl ation. In late March 2008, India authorized duty-free imports of 

rice. Despite eliminating tariffs on rice, India has not imported any rice. In 

April 2008, the Philippines lifted restrictions on commercial rice imports, 

but maintained its import tariff on government-purchased rice. Although the 

United States supplies almost all of Mexico’s imported rice, now duty-free 

under the terms of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Government of Mexico opened a tariff-free 250,000-ton rice import quota for other 

suppliers in May 2008. However, to date, Mexico has not purchased rice 

from any source other than the United States.

Cyclone Damage in Bangladesh and Burma, Cold 

Snaps in China and Vietnam Fueled Price Increases

Although global rice production in 2007/08 was the largest to date, isolated 

weather problems in some key growing areas contributed to the sharp rise in 

prices in the winter and spring of 2008. First, and most importantly, severe 

fl ooding during the summer of 2007 and the effects of Cyclone Sidr in late 

December 2007 reduced Bangladesh’s 2007/08 crop more than 1 percent 

from a year earlier. These were major factors behind the threefold increase 

in Bangladesh’s rice imports in calendar year 2007 and the large purchases 

the country made in early 2008. Although Bangladesh has had substantial 

success in boosting rice production over the last decade, mostly through 

higher yields, it remains a major importer. Bangladesh must harvest a record 

crop each year to avoid sharply increasing imports.

Second, abnormally cold weather in January and February 2008 in southern 

China and northern Vietnam created concerns over potential crop losses in 

these two rice-exporting countries. Despite the severity of the cold snap, 

crop damage in both countries turned out to be minimal. In China, the cold 

snap occurred prior to the planting of the early indica (long-grain) crop. In 

Vietnam, the bulk of its winter-spring crop—harvested in March and April—

is grown in the south. Although actual crop damage in China and Vietnam 

ended up to be very small, initial concerns over effects of the cold snap likely 

further boosted global trading prices last spring.

Third, within days of the global rice price spike in late April 2008, Cyclone 

Nargis struck southern Burma in early May with devastating force. Although 

most of Burma’s 2007/08 crop was already harvested, a substantial amount 
12

Factors Behind the Surge in Global Rice Prices in 2008/ RCS-09D-01 

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of stored rice was destroyed by the cyclone. In addition, the combination of 

salt-water intrusion, lack of seeds and other inputs, and severe infrastructure 

damage, is estimated to have reduced Burma’s 2008/09 production. The extent 

of the actual crop damage and storage loss in Burma is still not fully known.

Burma is a mid-level exporter, shipping 400,000-500,000 tons of low quality 

long-grain rice each year. The cyclone halted any additional exports until the 

fall of 2008, temporarily reducing global exportable supplies. Burma even 

imported a small amount of rice, mostly in the form of food aid. Burma’s 

domestic rice supplies have recovered signifi cantly since Cyclone Nargis hit 

in May 2008. The Government of Burma lifted its ban on rice exports, instituted immediately after the cyclone, in September 2008 and in the following 

months resumed rice exports of outstanding sales made prior to the cyclone. 

In October 2008, the ban on rice border trade with China, Bangladesh and 

Thailand was lifted as well.

Finally, Australia’s 2007/08 rice crop (harvested in April-May 2008) was 

severely impacted by drought, virtually taking this mid-level exporter of 

medium-grain rice out of the global market. Australia’s plantings and production in 2007/08 were the smallest in more than 70 years, a result of extremely 

low water-reservoir levels. Although Australia increased rice plantings in 

20008/09, production will still be too small for Australia to export any significant amount of rice.

Australia has suffered from severe drought this century. In the 1990s, 

Australia typically exported 500,000-650,000 tons of rice a year, virtually all 

medium/short-grain. Since Australia’s 2007/08 crop was planted in October 

2007, the extremely small harvest in April-May 2008 was likely already 

factored into prices and buyers expectations regarding available supplies in 

2008 and likely had little impact on the 2008 price increase.

Declining Value of the U.S. Dollar 

Boosted Global Trading Prices

The sharp drop in the value of the U.S. dollar in the fall of 2007 and winter 

of 2008 was also a major factor behind the rice price inceases. Because the 

bulk of rice traded globally is bought and sold in U.S. dollars, when the value 

of the dollar declines, traded prices for rice increase. In addition, because 

the weaker U.S. dollar makes dollar-denominated traded goods cheaper in 

foreign currencies, demand typically increases and this further raises the 

dollar-denominated trading price.

The U.S. dollar began the 21st century virtually on par with the euro, and 

by November 2000 the dollar was about 15 percent stronger than the euro. 

However, from December 2000 until early 2004, the dollar declined in value 

compared with euro. The dollar-euro relation was relatively stable from 

mid-2004 until mid-2006. But, beginning in late 2006, the dollar began a 

steady fall. The fastest rates of decline occurred in September-November 

2007 and in February-March 2008. In February and March 2008, the decline 

in the dollar was especially sharp, reaching an historic low compared with 

the euro by late March 2008. The dollar further declined in April 2008, 

reaching a new low. This is exactly when global rice prices spiked. The dollar 
13

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strengthened slightly in May and June 2008, but declined again to another 

record low in relation to the euro in mid-July (fi g. 6).

In late July 2008, the dollar began to strengthen in relation to the euro, a 

period when global rice prices declined. By late September 2008, the dollareuro relation was about the same as it had been in January and February, just 

prior to the 2008 rice price spike. In October 2008, the dollar rose sharply 

in relation to the euro, and by the end of the month was at its strongest level 

in 2 years, likely contributing to the substantial decline in global rice prices 

that month. The dollar further strengthened in November and December and 

rice prices declined. The dollar’s strengthening in the late-summer and fall 

of 2008 coincided with the onset and deepening of global fi nancial crisis. As 

the global liquidation deepened last fall, investors steered back into the U.S. 

dollar because of its safe haven status. Also, because many U.S. investors had 

exposure abroad, when they cut their risky trades, they repatriated their funds 

back into U.S. dollars, boosting the value of the dollar.

Financial Crisis, Speculation in Commodity Futures 

Markets Contributed to Price Volatility

Another short-term factor that may have contributed to the rise in global 

commodity prices in 2007 and early 2008 was the increased investment in 

commodity futures by hedge funds, pension fi nds, index funds, and sovereign 

wealth funds. Beginning in 2006, these nontraditional investors (or outside 

speculators) became more involved in agricultural commodity markets, 

as returns to equities and real estate became less attractive and more risky 

(Trostle, 2008).

In addition, destabilizing infl uences from fi nancial markets, including indiscriminate lending and real estate speculation, led to a fi nancial crisis in the 

United States in early 2008, which also encouraged greater investment in 

food commodities. Financial speculators, seeking quick returns and safer 

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

0

0.20

0.40

0.60

0.80

1.00

1.20

1.40

West Texas intermediate crude oil

Dollars per euro

Figure 6

The value of the U.S. dollar dropped sharply from 2002 to early 2008

Dollars/barrel (crude oil)

Sources: Exchange rates, Pacific Exchange Rate Service, University of British Columbia, 

Saunder School of Business, http://fx.sauder.ubc.ca/data.html; Monthly crude oil prices, 

Economicmagic.com, www.economagic.com/em-cgi/data.exe/var/west-texas-crudelong#Data/. 

Dollars/euro
14

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investments, removed trillions of dollars from equities and mortgage bonds, 

some of which was then invested into food and raw materials (Timmer, 2009).

The investors in these funds were not so much interested in agricultural 

commodities as they were in using commodities to diversify their fi nancial 

portfolios, particularly to move out of stocks and the housing market. These 

funds held an increasingly large percentage of open interest in the futures 

market for agricultural commodities, as well as in nonagricultural commodities such as metals and energy. These investors only had a fi nancial interest in 

the markets and did not intend to take delivery of the agricultural commodities.

When the average prices for corn, wheat, soybeans, and rice approached their 

peaks in the spring of 2008, the total open interest on U.S. futures markets 

for each of these commodities peaked. Also, the share of noncommercial long 

positions, as a percent of total open interest, peaked last spring as well. Then, 

as the market prices for these crops declined from late-spring 2008 through 

the fall of 2008, total open interest and noncommercial long positions began 

to decline. During the second-half of 2008, nearly 70 percent of the noncommercial long positions were liquidated. In the fi rst week of December 2008, 

noncommercial long positions and market prices for crops both declined 

(Chicago Trading Futures Corporation, 2008).

The impact of outside speculators in commodity price formation has been 

debated for decades. A 2009 study by the International Food Policy Research 

Institute statistically tested whether speculative activity in the futures market 

contributed to the sharp rise in agricultural prices for corn, wheat, soybeans, 

and rice in 2007 and 2008. The results indicated that speculative activities 

may have infl uenced prices, but the evidence was far from conclusive. Results 

varied by commodity, time, and causation factor examined (Robles, 2009).

The movements in crop prices and futures market participation may be 

nothing more than an interesting correlation. The links between fi nancial 

markets and commodity markets are neither simple nor stable. Much more 

research is needed to understand the short-run and long-run linkages between 

fi nancial markets and agricultural commodity markets (Timmer, 2009).

Historically, increased liquidity and depth in the commodity futures markets 

have been considered as forces of stability, and therefore have positive longterm impacts for users and sellers of grains (McPherson, 2008). This implies 

that the greater participation in futures markets by commercial and noncommercial investors did not led to ineffi ciency. However, computerized trendfollowing trading practices—index trading—employed by many of these 

funds likely increased the short-term volatility of agricultural prices. Index 

traders generally replicate a commodity index by establishing long futures 

positions in a mix of commodity markets and then rolling these positions 

forward from commodity future to commodity future using a fi xed methodology. Hence, most of these traders hold long-only positions (Trostle, 2008). 

For rice, the impact of increased activity by nontraditional investors in the 

futures market on price is even less clear than for other major agricultural 

commodities such as corn, wheat, and soybeans. Several factors account for 

this greater ambiguity. First, the rice futures market is quite small compared 

with futures’ markets for major U.S. agricultural commodities such as corn, 
15

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wheat, and soybeans. The rice futures market is described as thin—as only 

a small share of production and use is actually traded in futures markets. 

Financial speculation likely played no or only a small role in the increase in 

rice prices in late 2007 and early 2008, partly due to the thinness of the rice 

futures market (Timmer, 2009).

Also, most types of rice—which is a commodity highly differentiated 

product—are not traded on the futures market at all. In fact, in the United 

States, there is a futures market only for long-grain rough rice in the South 

(Wright, 2009). Thus, while there may have been an infl uence on some 

commodity prices and their volatility, for rice the impact of nontraditional 

investors is less apparent.

However, despite the fact that the U.S. rice futures market is quite thin and 

exists only for long-grain rough rice in the South, many contracts by mills to 

purchase rice from farmers are based on the futures price. A greater understanding the impact of nontraditional investors on the agricultural commodity 

markets would likely be useful to policymakers and market participants.
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Rapid price infl ation is a major concern across developing Asia, with foodprice infl ation particularly important. Food commodity prices rose sharply 

from early 2007 to early 2008. The food commodity price index compiled by 

the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization—which tracks global 

prices for 55 food commodities—jumped more than 50 percent in April 2008 

from a year earlier (fi g. 7).

An important long-term factor behind the rapid food price infl ation was 

rising incomes in much of developing Asia, which accounts for about half 

the world’s population. This has allowed consumers to shift from primarily 

low-priced traditional grain-based diets to more diverse but higher priced 

diets that include more meats, fi sh, dairy products, fruits, and vegetables. The 

big increase in consumption of these higher priced foods by a large share of 

Asia’s population has had a major impact on global food-price infl ation.

Because food accounts for a large share of consumers’ expenditures in developing Asia, rapidly rising food costs have a major impact on regional infl ation rates. In the United States, food accounts for only about 10 percent of an 

average consumer’s annual expenditures. So rising food prices have a much 

smaller impact on the overall U.S. infl ation rate than in developing Asia.

This sharp rise in demand for meat and dairy products across developing Asia 

raised prices for feed grains and oilseeds, both heavily used in animal feeds. 

With prices for corn and soybeans on the rise, any increase in food grain 

acreage—with wheat and rice being the dominant food grains worldwide—

was limited. This was especially true in the southern United States and 

southern areas of South America, where rice often competes for acreage with 

soybeans and—to a lesser extent—with feed grains.

Long-Term Factors Included 

 High Income Growth in Asia

Figure 7

FAO food commodity price index increased almost 50 percent 

from April 2007 to April 2008

Index 1998-2000=1001

1Export-weighted price index of 55 commodities, 1998-2000 = 100. 

Source: United Nations, Food and Agricultural Organization, www.fao.org/.

Jan. 07 Apr. 07 Jul. 07 Oct. 07 Jan. 08 Apr. 08 Jul. 08 Oct. 08

0

50

100

150

200

250
17

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Developing Asia is likely to see continued strong income growth over the 

next decade, despite a recent slowdown from record levels. This will continue 

to push more consumers into the middle class. Thus, global food prices will 

continue to be supported by the strong worldwide demand for feeds largely 

driven by diet diversifi cation in Asia. Although rice is an inferior good in 

much of Asia, rice prices will continue to be pressured by higher overall food 

prices and strong competition for land.

High Oil Prices, Increased Biofuels’ Production 

Contributed to Higher Food and Feed Prices

Rising oil prices between 2002 and 2007 contributed to the conditions that 

resulted in the 2008 increase in rice prices. High oil prices impact nearly 

every aspect of farming—production, processing, marketing, and transportation. Worldwide, rice growers are disproportionately hurt by the high fuel 

prices because irrigation pumps typically run on diesel. In addition, in most 

countries—especially in East Asia—rice growers use a substantial amount 

of fertilizer, which is necessary to achieve the high yields associated with the 

modern varieties. Because modern fertilizers are petroleum-based, high oil 

prices boost fertilizer prices.

Also, because most developing Asian countries subsidize fuel and fertilizer 

prices for farmers, producers typically do not reduce their use of these inputs 

in the face of rising global prices for fuel and fertilizer. This further boosts 

input prices since Asia is a big importer of both oil and fertilizer.

High oil prices sharply boosted transportation costs as well. The combination 

of high oil prices and a backlog in global shipbuilding further raised trading 

prices and reduced global rice trade (until ships currently being constructed 

are available). From December 2005 until March 2008, global freight rates 

nearly tripled. High transportation costs may encourage importing countries 

to provide incentives and subsidies for their producers to expanded production to avoid or reduce imports. Over the long-term, if high fuel prices reduce 

trade growth, then the share of the global rice production produced by the 

low-cost Asian exporters will decline and the share produced by importers 

with higher production costs will increase.

Oil prices began a long-term increase in early 2002, after dropping below 

$20 per barrel in late 2001. The rate of price increase was rather modest 

until August 2005, when oil prices began to increase sharply, partly due to 

the effects of two severe hurricanes that struck the U.S. Gulf Coast late that 

summer and early fall. After nearly stabilizing for almost a year, oil prices 

began to increase at a rapid pace in summer 2007. By March 2008, prices 

exceeded $100 per barrel for the fi rst time. This was the same time that global 

and U.S. rice prices were spiking. Oil prices reached record levels in July 

2008—with some spot prices quoted at more than $150 per barrel (fi g. 6).

Much of the price increase for oil was due to strong demand from developing 

Asian countries, especially China and India. In contrast, previous oil price 

spikes were relatively short-term, primarily driven by supply shocks, often 

caused by political turmoil in the Middle East. Although economic growth in 

the developing Asian nations has slowed from recent record rates—and has 
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Factors Behind the Surge in Global Rice Prices in 2008/ RCS-09D-01 

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contributed to the decline in oil prices since late July—income growth still 

remains at historically high rate for most of those countries, and is expected 

to resume stronger growth over the next decade.

The recent big increase in the use of corn and oilseeds in biofuels has further 

raised prices for these commodities and has diverted use of these crops 

away from feed use. Because feed is a major input in livestock production, 

the expanded use of corn in ethanol has pushed feed costs higher, reducing 

profi ts for livestock operations, causing livestock production to decline, and 

thus pushing meat and dairy prices higher. In addition, the higher feed and 

oilseed prices gave signals to growers worldwide to shift their growing area 

to corn and oilseeds for fuel use, and away from food grains.

In the U.S., about 30 percent of the 2008/09 corn crop is expected to be used 

for ethanol, up from just 10 percent in 2002/03. Rice is not grown for fuel 

use. Expanded corn acreage in 2007 in the Mississippi Delta likely reduced 

rice acreage, a factor behind the increasing U.S. rice prices in 2007/08. In 

2008, expanded soybean acreage in the Mississippi Delta limited the increase 

in rice acreage, despite record high U.S. rice prices at planting. This competition for land for fuel, food, and feed crops is expected to continue.

Removal of Excess Global Rice Stocks 

Eliminated Price Cushion

When the rice prices increased in the spring of 2008, global ending stocks of 

rice stocks were sharply lower than the record levels accumulated in 2000/01. 

In fact, at 78.5 million tons, ending stocks in 2007/08 were just slightly more 

than half those carried 7 years earlier. At the turn of the 21st century, global 

rice stocks were excessive, with a stocks-to-use ratio exceeding 37 percent. 

Although global ending stocks of rice declined 50 percent from 2000/01 to 

2004/05, stocks began increasing in 2005/06 and had increased more than 7 

percent by 2007/08.

In previous price spikes—1987/88, 1993/94, and 1997/98—large global 

stocks limited the level and duration of the price increase caused by adverse 

weather. In 2007/08, this cushion did not exist in the major exporting countries, a factor that partly contributed to the large size of the price spike (fi g. 3).

Global rice stocks began to sharply increase in 1983/84, expanding 22 percent 

that year. Stocks continued to increase over the next 17 years, reaching a 

record 146.7 million tons in 2000/01 and accounting for a record 37 percent 

of total disappearance. China—the world’s largest producer and consumer of 

rice—accounted for most of the buildup in global rice stocks. Global stocks 

actually declined in 1993/94 and 1994/95, mostly due to smaller production in 

China. From 1995/96 to 2000/01, the buildup in global rice stocks was especially strong, with China accounting for nearly all of the buildup.

China’s grain policy in the second half of the 1990s was designed to promote 

production and allow China to remain virtually self-suffi cient in rice. In addition to expanded production, declining per capita disappearance supported 

the buildup in stocks in China in the second half of the 1990s. By the end of 

the 1990s, with its rice stocks the highest on record, China reversed its grains 

policy to discourage production and reduce excess stocks.
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In early 2004, with global stocks at a more normal level, China’s policy was 

no longer aimed at reducing stocks. For 2004/05, the Government of China 

encouraged farmers to expand rice area, and by 2007/08 China stocks began 

to increase again.

When a weak monsoon in 1987 cut India’s crop by 6 percent, trading prices 

increased 50 percent from September 1987 to February 1988. But by March 

1988, prices were on the descent and declined all spring. In 1987/88, global 

beginning stocks exceeded 103 million tons, up 5.6 million from a year earlier. 

The increase in beginning stocks virtually offset the decline in global production in 1987/88, and was a major factor in the quick decline in price (fi g. 8).

In October 1993, when Japan was harvesting its weakest rice crop since 

World War II, global prices began a 5-month rapid increase. Yet, by March 

1994, global prices began declining and dropped to pre-spike levels by 

summer. Global beginning stocks in 1993/94 were 123.3 million tons, or 

more than one-third of total use that year. This allowed Japan to import a 

record 2.2 million tons of rice in early 1994, while only temporarily boosting 

global prices.

Even in 1997/98, when a severe El Nino weather pattern devastated rice 

crops in much of Southeast Asia and South America and drove trade to a 

then-record high, global prices increased just 10 percent. In fact, by late 

summer 1998, global prices were declining. In 1997/98, global beginning 

stocks were 120.3 million tons. This allowed Indonesia to import almost 6.0 

million tons—about six times its normal import requirements and the largest 

amount of rice ever imported by a single country—without driving global 

prices substantially higher.

The Asian fi nancial crisis that began in the summer of 1997 also limited the 

price increase caused by El Nino. As several Asian countries, starting with 

Thailand, devalued their currencies, the value of the U.S. dollar increased, 

lowering the dollar-denominated price of traded rice. Because the price in 

domestic currencies increased, demand likely declined.

Figure 8

Global trading prices for rice dropped quickly in previous price spikes

Dollars/ton

1Calendar year simple average of weekly price quotes. 2008 through November only.

Source: U.S. Embassy (Bangkok, Thailand) agricultural counselor, Weekly Rice Price Update.

1970 75 80 85 90 95 2000 05 08

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800 Thai 100 percent grade B price

1997/98 El Nino cuts crops in Asia & South America

Weak monsoon and 

global oil price shock

Cold snap in South Korea 

and record S. Korean imports
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Lack of Yield Growth, Diffi culty in Expanding 

Growing Areas Supported Higher Rice Prices

Lack of any signifi cant yield growth so far this century also has contributed 

to higher rice prices. In fact, the rate of yield increase started declining in 

the 1990s. Yields increased more than 13 percent in the 1970s and about 

26 percent in the 1980s, but increased only 11 percent in the 1990s. From 

1966/67 to 1999/2000, global rice production increased almost 130 percent, 

with rising yields accounting for more than three-fourths of the increase. 

Most of this yield increase was due to the adoption of the modern highyielding varieties on irrigated fi elds in Asia, and to a lesser extent in Latin 

America (fi g. 9).

Since 1999/2000, global production has increased just 8 percent. If global 

yields had continued increasing at the same rate that they did from 1970 to 

1989, global rice production in 2007/08 would have been 485 million tons, or 

10 percent larger than the actual crop. (This fi gure likely overstates potential 

production from stronger yield growth, as higher yields would have reduced 

prices which would have resulted in smaller plantings.) The slowdown in 

yield growth contributed to the removal of excess stocks in the 21st century.

Several factors account for the slower yield growth in the 1990s and the 

stagnant yields so far this century. First, nearly all land that can easily adopt 

the modern high-yielding varieties, which require irrigation, is already used 

to grow them. Much of the yield growth in the 1970s and 1980s was due to 

a shift in area to the modern high-yielding varieties from the lower yielding 

traditional varieties. As the share of rice area sown to modern varieties 

increased, average yields increased.

The modern varieties are bred to be short-stature and stiff to prevent lodging. 

Lodging is the tendency for plants to fall over or bend. This impedes effi cient 

harvesting, thus reducing yield potential and lowering quality. The newer rice 

varieties require controlled irrigation to achieve the high yields associated 

Figure 9

Increases in global rice yields have slowed since the 1990s

Million hectares

2008/09 numbers are estimates.

Source: USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Production, Supply, and Distribution database, 

www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdhome.aspx/.

Tons/hectare

1979/80 84/85 89/90 94/95 99/00 04/05 08/09

0

40

80

120

160

0

1

2

3

4

5

Rice area

Average rough-rice yield
21

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with substantial fertilizer use. High-yielding varieties have not been developed 

for the less favorable ecosystems such as those relying on natural fl ooding 

from river deltas, dry-land rice, or fl ood-prone areas that still grow traditional 

low-yielding varieties.

Second, declining prices from the late 1990s until the early 2000s gave little 

incentive for public or private research organizations to invest in developing 

higher yielding seeds, as global rice stocks were already quite large and, for 

a while, rising. In fact, government policies in several producing countries—

particularly Japan and Taiwan—have been designed for several decades to 

reduce the area devoted to rice production to lower overstocks of rice.

Third, for some countries, actual fi eld yields on land growing the modern varieties are typically stagnant to declining, as continued production on the same 

land has reduced fertility. Also, ecological problems associated with repeated 

irrigations during the year—water logging and salinity—and mono-agriculture have reduced yields, especially in East Asia, a major rice-growing region.

Although global area has expanded about 4 percent since 2000/01, it is up 

only 1 percent from the previous record area planted in 1999/2000. Except 

for South Asia and parts of South America, few areas can signifi cantly 

expand rice plantings without excessive costs. An exception is Burma, once 

the largest exporter. However, government policies in Burma prevent any 

signifi cant expansion in rice plantings, despite abundant land perfectly suited 

for low-cost rice production. Cambodia, which experienced severe political 

turmoil in much of the 1970s, also has the potential to boost its rice-growing 

area. South American rice exporters have the land and water to signifi cantly 

expand production if returns are high enough for several years to justify the 

investment. South Asia could expand production by greater use of planting 

and harvesting more than one crop from the same land each year.

Worldwide, expanded rice area requires substantial investment in irrigation 

facilities. Returns would have to be quite high for several years to justify 

such costly investments. Although rice prices are currently high, so are prices 

for fuel and fertilizer, two critical inputs. High input prices nearly offset the 

impact of high prices on net returns.

In addition, to profi tably grow rice, producers need land that is level and can 

easily hold water, preferable with a hard-pan subsurface. Most of this land 

already grows rice. Availability of low-cost and abundant water is necessary 

as well. In most areas of the world, water is a high-priced commodity desired 

by multiple competing users. For these reasons, the ability to continue 

expanding global rice area is very limited, even with high rice prices.

Higher Food Commodity Prices Had Negative 

Effect on Developing Countries With Food Defi cits

The substantial rice price spike in the spring of 2008 and continued historically high rice prices have critical implications for many low-income fooddefi cit countries. First, since the poorest consumers in developing countries 

spend at least half their disposable income on food, the substantial increase 

in the price of rice—the major staple in the diet of more than half the world’s 

population—has sharply reduced their expenditures on most nonfood items.
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In addition, many low-income rice-importing countries are experiencing 

severe balance-of-payment problems due to the much higher prices for most 

imports, especially food, fertilizer, and fuel. Prices for their exports have not 

increased as much.

Finally, global food aid agencies are unlikely to be able to meet their future 

needs for rice to use in their feeding programs without a substantial increase 

in funding. Food aid allocations are based on monetary values. When rice 

prices rise, the same amount of funding buys less rice.

Rice Prices Dropped as Import Demand Declined 

and the Global Financial Crisis Deepened

Global and U.S. prices began to decline in late May 2008. By the end of 

August 2008, global trading prices were about 30 percent below the AprilMay record and U.S. export prices were down about 16 percent. The decline 

in global rice prices from June to August 2008 was largely due to a reduction 

in panic buying by major importers (especially the Philippines), a renewal 

of commercial sales by Vietnam in late June, a stronger dollar, and a drop in 

overall food commodity prices that summer.

After peaking at more than $147 per barrel in July in both Europe and the 

United States, oil prices dropped below $120 per barrel in August 2008, 

mostly due to a slowing global economy. By late September, oil prices were 

just barely above $100 per barrel as concerns over the global and U.S. economies heightened and the value of the U.S. dollar—which started strengthening in late July—continued to increase. Oil prices dropped to about $75 per 

barrel in mid-October 2008, when the U.S. stock market plunged, and were 

below $50 by late December. Prices dropped below $40 per barrel in January 

and February 2009, but have since risen to around $50.

Global rice prices also were pressured lower by reports of record plantings 

across most of Asia in the spring and summer of 2008. The forecast of a 

record global rice harvest in 2008/09—following a 2007/08 record crop—

contributed to the reduction in panic buying, and is projected to sharply limit 

any growth in Asia’s overall rice import needs in 2009. Strengthening of the 

dollar since July 2008 also lowered rice trading prices.

Both U.S. and global trading prices were quite stable in September 2008, as 

price-supporting policies in Thailand and hurricane damage to the southern 

U.S. crop offset a combination of weaker global demand and the continued 

strengthening of the U.S. dollar. Starting in July 2008, the Government of 

Thailand began purchasing rough-rice from the 2007/08 dry season crop 

from farmers at prices about 20 percent above market. Facing such favorable 

intervention prices, Thai farmers sold more than 2 million tons of the recently 

harvested dry-season rough rice to the government, which kept this rice off 

the market and help limit the decline in trading prices.

In early October 2008, both U.S. and global rice prices began falling again, as 

the global fi nancial crisis intensifi ed and prices for other commodities dropped 

sharply. In early November, the Government of Thailand began releasing 

some of the stored rice for export, which contributed to lower trading prices. 

In late 2008, the Government of Thailand began purchasing rough rice from 
23

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its 2008/09 main-season crop (fall-winter harvest) which halted the decline 

in Thailand’s export prices by year-end. Thailand’s prices actually began 

rising again in early 2009, making Thailand uncompetitive with major Asian 

competitors. On March 16, Thailand initiated a rough-rice purchase program 

for its 2008/09 dry-season crop at prices 10-30 percent above market.

Although Thailand’s prices are currently about 40 percent below the 2008 

record level, they are not expected to return to pre-2007 levels in the near 

term. The price outlook for global rice in the near term will be heavily infl uenced by the extent of the global economic downturn and fi nancial crisis, the 

value of the U.S. dollar, prices for land-use competition with other agricultural commodity prices, and oil prices.
24

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The rise in global rice prices in early 2008 coincided with a worldwide food 

crisis. However, the driving forces behind the increase in rice prices were 

not identical to the factors behind the global food crisis. For corn, wheat, 

and soybeans, the primary factors behind the price increases were increased 

use of biofuels, changing diets in China and India, major weather problems, 

and tight stocks-to-use ratios (Slayton, 2009). Increased participation in 

futures markets by nontraditional investors likely contributed to greater price 

volatility. However, it is unclear if greater speculative activity contributed to 

higher prices for these commodities (Abbot, 2008).

These factors had only indirect effects on global rice prices. In fact, the rice 

price rise occurred in a year of record global rice production, larger supplies, 

and a buildup in stocks. For rice, the most important factors behind the 

price increase in late 2007 and early 2008 were export restrictions by major 

suppliers, panic buying by several large importers, a weaker dollar, and 

record high oil prices (Slayton, 2009).

Several factors can sharply reduce the likelihood of future rice price spikes, 

including:

• limiting the use of export restrictions. By attempting to control domestic 

prices, those restrictions magnify the price effects of a market shock. 

Limiting them would reduce future price increases. To date, the World 

Trade Organization has not focused on limiting the use of export restrictions, but rather on opening import markets, eliminating export subsidies, 

and limiting producer support among its member nations.

• boosting global rice yields. Demand for rice is expected to continue 

rising and since rice growing area is not likely to expand, increases in 

supply will need to come from higher yields using existing growing 

areas. This will require a substantial investment in agricultural research 

for several decades. Efforts to boost global production likely would 

include research focused on developing new varieties that achieve higher 

yields with fewer inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides, and can be 

grown on less favorable ecosystems.

• re-examining current restrictions on genetically enhanced (GE) rice, 

using scientifi c analysis of risks and benefi ts. In light of the 2008 price 

increase, high input prices, and strong competition for land among 

various crop uses, such a review would be benefi cial. The adoption 

of GE rice varieties could reduce water use, application and runoff of 

harmful pesticides, and boost yields. Current restrictions on GE rice by 

several major importers virtually eliminate any chance of adoption of this 

biotechnology by exporters.

Conclusion
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Abbot, Philip C., Christopher Hurt, and Wallace E. Tyner. What’s Driving 

Food Prices? Farm Foundation, July 2008.

Chicago Futures Trading Corporation, 2008. www.cftc.gov/marketreports/

commitmentsoftraders/cot_historical.html/.

McPherson, Peter. The Global Food Crisis: Cause and Solutions, statement 

before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, May 14, 2008.

Robles, Miguel, Maximo Torero, and Jaochim von Braun. When Speculation 

Matters, International Food Policy Research Institute, Brief 57, 

February 2009.

Slayton, Tom. Rice Crisis Forensics: How Asian Governments Carelessly Set 

the World Rice Market on Fire, Working Paper Number 163, Center for 

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