QiutcC^^Y' S. HRG. 101-1284

TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION ACT OF 1989 <H^ J^J^

HEA

BEFORElTHE

SUBCOMMI1

IMMIGRATION AND RE

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

UNITED STATES SENATE

ONE HUNDRED FIRST CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

ON

S. 1629

A BILL TO ESTABLISH CLEARLY A FEDERAL RIGHT OF ACTION BY ALIENS AND UNITED STATES

CITIZENS AGAINST PERSONS ENGAGING IN TORTURE OR EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLING, AND FOR

OTHER PURPOSES

AND

H.R. 1662

A BILL TO AMEND THE UNITED NATIONS PARTICIPATION ACT OF 1945 TO CARRY OUT OBLIGATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES UNDER THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS PERTAINING TO THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS BY PROVIDING A

CIVIL ACTION FOR RECOVERY FROM PERSONS ENGAGING IN TORTURE, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES

JUNE 22, 1990

Serial No. J-101-79

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 1991

For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office

Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, Washington, DC 20402

ISBN 0-16-035506-0
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware, Chairman

EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts STROM THURMOND, South Carolina

HOWARD M. METZENBAUM, Ohio ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah

DENNIS DECONCINI, Arizona ALAN K. SIMPSON, Wyoming

PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa

HOWELL HEFLIN, Alabama ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania

PAUL SIMON, Illinois GORDON J. HUMPHREY, New Hampshire

HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin

RONALD A. KLAIN, Chief Counsel

DIANA HUFFMAN, Staff Director

TERRY L. WOOTEN, Minority Chief Counsel and Staff Director

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS

EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts, Chairman

PAUL SIMON, Illinois ALAN K. SIMPSON, Wyoming

JERRY M. TINKER, Staff Director

CAROLYN P. OSOLINIK, Chief Counsel

RICHARD W. DAY, Minority Chief Counsel and Staff Director

(ID
CONTENTS

STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS

Page

Kennedy, Hon. Edward M., U.S. Senator from the State of Massachusetts,

Chairman of the Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs 61

Simon, Hon. Paul, U.S. Senator from the State of Illinois, presiding 1

Specter, Hon. Arlen, U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania 17

PROPOSED LEGISLATION

Senate bill 1629, to establish clearly a Federal right of action by aliens and

United States citizens against persons engaging in torture or extrajudicial

killing, and for other purposes 2

House bill 1662, to amend the United Nations Participation Act of 1945 to

carry out obligations of the United States under the United Nations Charter and other international agreements pertaining to the protection of

human rights by providing a civil action for recovery from persons engaging in torture, and for other purposes 4

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WITNESSES

Panel consisting of John O. McGinnis, Deputy Assistant Attorney General,

Office of Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice; and David P. Stewart,

Assistant Legal Adviser for Human Rights and Refugee Affairs, U.S. Department of State 8

Panel consisting of Robert F. Drinan, professor of law, Georgetown University

Law School, Washington, DC, on behalf of the American Bar Association;

Michael H. Posner, executive director, Lawyers Committee for Human

Rights, New York, NY; and John Shattuck, vice chairman, board of directors, Amnesty International, U.S.A., Cambridge, MA 35

ALPHABETICAL LIST AND MATERIAL SUBMITTED

Drinan, Robert F.:

Testimony 35

Prepared statement 38

Kennedy, Hon. Edward M.: Letter, with attachments, from Scott J. Nelson in

support of Senate bill 1629 68

McGinnis, John O.:

Testimony 8

Prepared statement 11

Posner, Michael H.:

Testimony 44

Prepared statement 46

Shattuck, John:

Testimony 54

Prepared statement 56

Stewart, David P.:

Testimony 18

Prepared statement 22

(in)
IV

APPENDIX

ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD

Letter to Senator Kennedy from Douglas A. Johnson, executive director, Pas

e

Center for Victims of Torture, July 3, 1990 77

Statements in support of Senate bill 1629 by:

The Center for Victims of Torture 78

The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee 81
TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION ACT OF 1989

FRIDAY, JUNE 22, 1990

U.S. SENATE,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS,

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,

Washington, DC.

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:48 a.m., in room

SD-226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Edward M. Kennedy

(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.

Also present: Senators Simon and Specter.

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. PAUL SIMON, A U.S. SENATOR

FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS

Senator SIMON [presiding]. The subcommittee will come to order.

This morning, the Immigration and Refugee Affairs Subcommittee is convened to hear testimony on Senate bill 1629, the Torture

Victim Protection Act. Senator Kennedy, our subcommittee chairman, will be joining us later, and I am pleased to welcome our colleague, Senator Specter, who was here earlier and who will be back

again shortly after voting, who is the author of this legislation, to

sit with the subcommittee this morning.

The legislation before us today establishes a Federal right of

action by aliens and U.S. citizens against persons engaged in torture or extrajudicial killings. The administration and public witnesses raise many critical issues, and I welcome them.

I think the fundamental question is, Can we in the United States

take some action that will help to protect human rights around the

face of the earth? That is the basic question that we are confronted

with.

As I stated, Senator Specter will be joining us again shortly, and

I am going to take the liberty of interrupting the witnesses to take

his opening statement at that point.

[Texts of Senate bill 1629 and House bill 1662 follow:]

(l)
101 ST CONGRESS

1ST SESSION S. 1629

To establish clearly a Federal right of action by alien;, and United States citizens

against persons engaging in torture or extrajudicial killing, and for other purposes.

W THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

SEPTEMBER 14 (legislative day, SEPTEMBER 6), 1989

Mr. SPECTER introduced the following bill; which was read twice and referred to

the Committee on the Judiciary

A BILL

To establish clearly a Federal right of action by aliens and

United States citizens against persons engaging in torture

or extrajudicial killing, and for other purposes.

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa2 lives of the United Stales of America in Congress assembled,

3 SHORT TITLE

4 SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the "Torture

5 Victim Protection Act of 1989".

6 LIABILITY; LIMITATIONS ON REMEDIES

7 SEC. 2. (a) Every person who, under actual or apparent

8 authority of any foreign nation, subjects any person to torture

9 or extrajudicial killing shall be liable to the-party injured or

10 his or her legal representatives in a civil action.
3

2

1 (b) The court shall decline to hear and determine a claim

2 under this section if the defendant establishes that clear and

3 convincing evidence exists that the claimant has not exhaust4 ed adequate and available remedies in the place in which the

5 conduct giving rise to the claim occurred. The court shall not

6 infer the application of any statute of limitations or similar

7 period of limitations in an action under this section.

8 DEFINITIONS

9 SEC. 3. For the purposes of this Act•

10 (1) the term "torture" shall include any act by

11 which severe pain or suffering (other than pain or suf12 fering arising only from or inherent in, or incidental to,

13 lawful sanctions), whether physical or mental, is inten14 tionally inflicted on a person for such purpose as ob15 taining from that person or a third person information

16 or a confession, punishing that person for an act that

17 person or a third person has committed or is supected

18 of having committed, or coercing that person or a third

19 person, or for any reason based on discrimination of

20 any kind; and

21 (2) the term "extrajudicial killing" means a delib22 erated killing without previous judgment pronounced

23 by a regularly constituted court affording all the judi24 cial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable

25 by civilized peoples.
II!

101ST CONGRESS

1ST SESSION H.R.1662

[Report No. 101-55, Part I]

To amend the United Nations Participation Act of 1945 to carry out obligations

of the United States under the United Nations Charter and other international agreements pertaining to the protection of human rights by providing a

civil action for recovery from persons engaging in torture, and for other

purposes.

LN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

APRIL 4, 1989

Mr. YATKON (for himself, Mr. LEACH of Iowa, Mr. BEREUTER, Mr. FASCELL,

Mr. BROOMFIELD, Mr. BROOKS, Mr. MORRISON of Connecticut, and Mr.

MAZZOLI) introduced the following bill; which was referred jointly to the

Committees on Foreign Affairs and the Judiciary

MAY 16, 1989

Reported from the Committee on the Judiciary, with amendments

[Omit the part struck through and insert the part printed in italic]

SEPTEMBER 29, 1989

Additional sponsors: Mr. BRYANT, Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr. SMITH of New Jersey, and

Mr. FEIGHAN

SEPTEMBER 29, 1989

Committee on Foreign Affairs discharged, committed to the Committee of the

Whole House on the State of the Union, and ordered to be printed

A BILL

To amend the United Nations Participation Act of 1945 to

carry out obligations of the United States under the United
2

Nations Charter and other international agreements pertaining to the protection of human rights by providing a civil

action for recovery from persons engaging in torture, and

for other purposes.

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

4 This Act may be cited as the "Torture Victim Protec5 tion Act of 1989".

6 SEC. 2. TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION.

7 (a) LIABILITY.•Every individual who, under color of

8 law of any foreign nation, subjects any individual to torture

9 or extrajudicial killing shall be liable to the party injured or

10 that party's legal representative in a civil action.

11 (b) LIMITATIONS ON REMEDIES.•The court shall de12 cline to hear and determine a claim under this section if the

13 defendant establishes that clear and convincing evidence

14 exists that the claimant has not exhausted adequate and

15 available remedies in the place in which the conduct giving

16 rise to the claim occurred. The court shall not infer the appli17 cation of any statute of limitations or similar period of limita18 tions in an action under this section.

19 (c) DEFINITIONS.•For the purposes of this Act•

20 (1) the term "torture" means any act by which

21 severe pain or suffering (other than pain or suffering

22 arising only from or inherent in, or incidental to, lawful

1IR 1662 RH
6

3

1 sanctions), whether physical or mental, is intentionally

2 inflicted on a person for such purpose as obtaining from

3 that person or a third person information or a confes4 sion, punishing that person for an act that person or a

5 third person has committed or is suspected of having

6 committed, or intimidating or coercing that person or a

7 third person, or for any reason based on discrimination

8 of any kind; and

9 (2) the term "extrajudicial killing" means a delib10 erated killing without previous judgment pronounced

11 by a regularly constituted court affording all the judi12 cial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable

13 by civilized peoples.

14 SEC. 3. JURISDICTION OF UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURTS.

15 (a) JURISDICTION OVER NEW CAUSE OF ACTION.•

16 Chapter 85 (relating to district court jurisdiction) of title 28,

17 United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the

18 following new section:

19 "§ 1367. Cases under law creating remedies against torture

20 and extrajudicial killings

21 "The district courts shall have jurisdiction over civil ac22 tions under section 2 of the Torture Victim Protection Act of

23 ±088 1989.".

24 (b) TABLE OF SECTIONS AMENDMENT.•The table of

25 sections at the beginning of chapter 85 of title 28, United
4

1 States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following

2 new item:

"1367. Cases under law creating remedies against torture and extrajudicial killings.".

Amend the title so as to read: "A bill to carry out obligations of the United States under the United Nations

Charter and other international agreements pertaining to

the protection of the human rights by providing civil action

for recovery from persons engaging in torture, and for other

purposes.".

O
8

Senator SIMON. We are pleased to welcome the first panel, administration witnesses: Mr. John McGinnis, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, with the Department of

Justice; and Mr. David Stewart, the assistant legal adviser for

human rights and refugee affairs, with the Department of State.

Mr. McGinnis, we will hear from you first, unless you have a

reason to go in another direction.

PANEL CONSISTING OF JOHN O. McGINNIS, DEPUTY ASSISTANT

ATTORNEY GENERAL, OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE; AND DAVID P. STEWART, ASSISTANT

LEGAL ADVISER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS,

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

STATEMENT OF JOHN O. McGINNIS

Mr. MCGINNIS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I would ask that the full text of my statement be entered in the

record.

Senator SIMON. It will be, as it will be with all of the witnesses.

Mr. MCGINNIS. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to

appear today. I am pleased to present to the committee the views

of the Department of Justice on Senate bill 1629 and House bill

1662, two versions of the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1989.

The proposed legislation would subject persons of any foreign

nation who torture other persons under color of law to civil liability in our courts, regardless of where the alleged act of torture took

place.

In addition, House bill 1662 would amend title 28 of the United

States Code, to provide district court jurisdiction over civil actions

brought under the new substantive provisions. Neither bill contains any territorial or nationality limitations, and, thus, both

would provide a remedy for an act of torture committed by one foreign national upon another foreign national in a foreign country,

without any significant or substantive connection to the United

States.

Mr. Chairman, we have essentially four reasons for opposing this

bill.

One, we believe that the approach to combating torture found in

the International Torture Convention is the way to go.

Second, we think that this bill would lead to our courts exercising jurisdiction in inappropriate circumstances, with really no connection to the United States. Third, we fear reciprocity, indeed retaliation, because of this bill and other nations hauling our officials

into court on specious charges.

And finally, our concern is that it may interfere with complex

and multifarious foreign policy that we need to conduct.

Very briefly, I will begin with what I think is our positive reason

for feeling that this bill is perhaps not the way to go at this time.

We think that we have another approach which we hope will substantially reduce the incidence of torture in the world, and that is

the U.N. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel or Inhuman

or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. We submit that President

Reagan submitted that to the Senate for its advice and consent in
May 1988, and early ratification of that convention remains a priority for this administration.

Article 14(1) of that convention states that

Each State Party shall ensure in its legal system that the victim of an act of torture obtains redress and has an enforceable right to fair and adequate compensation. • • *

The negotiating record of the convention supports the view that

the obligation imposed by this article extends only to acts of torture committed within the territory of the state party.

The approach adopted by the international community•which

this administration supports•is a multilateral approach, requiring

each state party to provide means of redress and compensation,

such as a civil suit, for acts taking place within their own territory,

and specifically it declines to make that requirement extraterritorial, and we think, at least in the first instance, we should attempt

to make this multilateral approach work.

Second, we fear that this may often lead to suits that are inappropriate for the U.S. forum. Indeed, the common law has developed the doctrine of forum non conveniens to prevent adjudication

of disputes in a forum with no substantial connection to the parties, events, or witnesses involved.

These same principles seem to be implicated here, because the

suits here between aliens concerning events in foreign countries

and may have happened halfway around the world, and they are

simply not appropriate for adjudication in the U.S. courts. The difficulty of gathering evidence, as well as the likely absence of witnesses, we feel will greatly diminish the prospect of substantial justice in the U.S. courts.

Now, we recognize that both bills, both Senate bill 1629 and

House bill 1662, would ameliorate the problem somewhat by providing that the court shall decline to hear and determine a claim

under this section, if the defendant establishes through "clear and

convincing evidence" that the claimant has not exhausted "adequate and available remedies." This hurdle, though, seems to us to

be, in many cases, a pretty high one and would indeed lead to a

variety of procedural litigation in the courts. We do not think it

would also meet the concern that still U.S. courts would have a difficult time giving substantial justice to cases where they could not

compel the attendance of the most important witnesses.

Moreover, considerations of reciprocity and comity would suggest

that such an extension of jurisdiction would be unwise. The legal

principles contained in the bill could lead foreign nations to attempt to assert jurisdiction in cases involving U.S. domestic policy,

and, in particular, our officials.

For example, courts in other countries, especially those hostile to

the United States, might entertain suits against U.S. officials responsible for operating maximum security facilities in the United

States, on the ground that conditions in such facilities constitute

"torture."

I guess, finally, we are also concerned that the bill could create

difficulties for the management of foreign policy. Under this bill,

individual aliens could determine the timing and manner of

making allegations in U.S. courts about the conduct of foreign
10

countries and their officers. The use of U.S. judicial fora to bring

charges against officials of foreign states obviously has the potential to create serious frictions and tensions with other nations at

times when these tensions may substantially hamper U.S. foreign

policy.

As stated above, of course, we are wholly opposed to torture, but

the United States can best manage its complex foreign policy with

multiple objectives. The timing and manner of such serious allegations in official fora of the United States are left in the hands of

the persons who are responsible for the conduct of foreign policy.

Accordingly, we do not believe that creating a new Federal cause

of action for foreign torture involving only aliens is prudent at this

time, particularly when we are trying to take another approach

through the multilateral attempt to get the Torture Convention

ratified. As the courts and some commentators have recognized, judicial involvement in such matters may have severe adverse consequences for our relations with other nations.

Finally, I guess I would take this opportunity to urge that the

Senate consider taking the decision to give early consideration to

the Torture Convention. In our view, that is the way the objective

and effective international prohibition against torture, and of appropriate remedies and avenues of compensation, can best be pursued.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

[The prepared statement of Mr. McGinnis follows:]
11

gfjHrtmutt 4 |ustu*

STATEMENT

OF

JOHN O. McGINNIS

DEPUTY ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL

OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

UNITED STATES SENATE

CONCERNING

S. 1629 AND H.R. 1662

ON

JUNE 22, 1990
12

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear today. I

am pleased to present to the Committee the views of the

Department of Justice on S. 1629 and H.R. 1662, two versions of

the "The Torture Victim Protection Act of 1989." The proposed

legislation would subject persons of any foreign nation who

torture other persons under color of law to civil liability in

our courts, regardless of where the alleged act of torture took

place. In addition, H.R. 1662 would amend title 28 of the United

States Code to provide district court jurisdiction over civil

actions brought under the new substantive provision. Neither

bill contains any territorial or nationality limitations, and

both would provide a remedy for an act of torture committed by

one foreign national upon another foreign national in a foreign

country without any significant or substantive connection to the

United States. This would extend the jurisdiction of United

States courts well beyond current limits.

The Department of Justice, of course, opposes torture, and

the Administration has supported international efforts to

eradicate torture from the practices of all nations.

Nonetheless, the Department opposes both bills in their present

form because they conflict with the approach to combatting

torture found in the international Torture Convention which the

United States has already signed and submitted to the Senate for

its advice and consent; they may pose significant problems of

reciprocity; and they would permit the judiciary to exercise

jurisdiction in a manner detrimental to the executive branch's

need for control over our relations with foreign nations.

President Reagan submitted the United Nations Convention

Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment

or Punishment to the Senate for its advice and consent to
13

ratification in May, 1988. Early ratification of that Convention

is a priority of this Administration. The convention is

currently pending before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,

which held a hearing on it in January and will, we hope, bring it

to a vote this month or next. Article 14(1) of that Convention

states that "[e]ach State Party shall ensure in its legal system

that the victim of an act of torture obtains redress and has an

enforceable right to fair and adequate compensation . . . ." The

negotiating record of the Convention supports the view that the

obligation imposed by Article 14(1) extends only to acts of

torture committed within the territory of the State Party. Thus,

the approach adopted by the international community • which this

Administration supports • requires States Party to provide means

of redress and compensation (such as a civil suit) only for acts

taking place within their own territory and specifically declined

to make that requirement extraterritorial.

H.R. 1662 and S. 1629 would go beyond the regime established

by the Torture Convention by establishing a United States cause

of action for any victim of torture, regardless of the

nationality of either the accuser or the accused, and without

regard to the location of the alleged offense. Such a unilateral

assertion of extraterritorial jurisdiction would be in tension

with the framework of the Convention.

Moreover, these bills raise issues of Congress'

constitutional authority. Under the Constitution, Congress has

the power to "define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed

on the high Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations."

Article I, Section 8, Clause 10. The reference in the

constitutional text to »punish[ing] Piracies and Felonies

. . . and Offenses" suggests that the Founders intended that

Congress use this power to define crimes. It is a difficult and

unresolved question, therefore, whether that power extends to

45-525 0-91-2
14

creating a civil cause of action in this country for disputes

that have no factual nexus with the United States or its

citizens.

Whatever the resolution of this issue, it is clear that the

United States is not the most appropriate civil forum for hearing

cases involving acts of torture committed in foreign countries by

one alien against another. Indeed, the common law has developed

the doctrine of forum non conveniens to prevent adjudication of a

dispute in a forum with no substantial connection to the parties,

events or witnesses involved. The same principles underlying

this venerable doctrine also compel the conclusion that suits

between aliens concerning events in foreign countries are not

appropriately adjudicated in the United States. The difficulty

of gathering evidence as well as the likely absence of witnesses

will greatly diminish the prospect of substantial justice in

United States courts. I note S. 1629 would ameliorate this

problem somewhat by providing that "The court shall decline to

hear and determine a claim under this section if the defendant

establishes that clear and convincing evidence exists that the

claimant has not exhausted adequate and available remedies in the

place in which the conduct giving rise to the claim occurred."

That limitation, however, with its requirement of "clear and

convincing evidence" and "adequate and available remedies" would

not substantially address this concern and indeed could give rise

to a sub-class of procedural litigation.

Moreover, considerations of reciprocity and comity would

suggest that such an extension of jurisdiction would be unwise.

The legal principles contained in the bill could lead foreign

nations to attempt to assert jurisdiction in cases involving

United States domestic policy. For example, courts in other

countries, especially those hostile to the United States, might

entertain suits against United States officials responsible for
15

operating maximum security facilities in the United States, on

the spurious ground that conditions in such facilities constitute

"torture." If this bill were enacted into law, we would be hard

pressed to object to such suits on international law grounds.

We are also concerned that the bill could create

difficulties for the management of foreign policy. Under this

bill individual aliens would determine the timing and manner of

making allegations in the United States courts about the conduct

of foreign countries and their officers. The use of United

States judicial fora to bring charges against officials of

foreign states obviously has the potential to create serious

frictions and tensions with other nations at times when these

tensions may substantially hamper United States foreign policy.

As stated above, the United States is, of course, wholly opposed

to torture and has made and will continue to make efforts to

assure the end of its practice. The United States, however, can

best manage a complex foreign policy with multiple objectives if

the timing and manner of such serious allegations against foreign

countries in official fora are not left in the hands of persons

who are not responsible for the conduct of our foreign policy.

Accordingly, we do not believe that creating a new federal

cause of action for foreign torture involving only aliens is

prudent. As the courts and some commentators have recognized,

judicial involvement in such matters may have severe adverse

consequences for our relations with other nations.

We also believe that certain of the bills' provisions are

vague or ill-crafted. For example, "torture" is defined to

exclude acts conducted pursuant to "lawful sanctions," but in

both bills the latter term is not defined so as to differentiate

between foreign legal systems that provide due process and those

that provide only summary prosecution. Further, H.R. 1662 refers
16

to torture conducted "under color of law of any foreign nation,"

and S. 1629 refers to torture "under actual or apparent authority

of any foreign nation," a standard that may prove overinclusive.

The definition of "extrajudicial killing" in both bills may well

create problems with friendly nations whose judicial systems do

not parallel ours, and does not seem to allow for justifiable

killings in connection with legitimate law enforcement or

military actions that are "extrajudicial."

In addition to the problems noted above, the Senate may

decide that legislative efforts against torture would be more

efficiently directed toward giving advice and consent to

ratification of the Torture Convention. The Administration would

certainly endorse such a decision, and we stand ready to work

with the Senate to obtain an early and favorable vote. In our

view, the objective of an effective international prohibition

against torture, and of appropriate remedies and avenues of

compensation, can best be pursued through the agreed multilateral

framework rather than unilateral extensions of civil jurisdiction

to events taking place abroad.
17

Senator SIMON. Thank you.

I indicated that we would probably interrupt your testimony to

hear the opening statement of Senator Specter, who has rejoined

us here.

Senator Specter.

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ARLEN SPECTER, A U.S. SENATOR

FROM THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA

Senator SPECTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I had been here at

9:30, but had gone to vote and I met the chairman, who is en route

back from the vote when I was on my way to the vote. I do want to

thank you, Mr. Chairman and our colleague, Senator Kennedy, for

convening this hearing on this important subject.

This is legislation which I have introduced, actually reintroduced. I put a bill in the 100th Congress back on March 24, 1987,

the Torture Victims Protection Act, Senate bill 824, and have reintroduced this legislation in the 101st Congress, Senate bill 1629,

because I believe that it is important that the law of the United

States be clear that there is a Federal cause of action, a Federal

claim for relief for this kind of outrageous and horrendous conduct.

We have, unfortunately, torture being practiced in many, many

parts of the world. There are estimates that as many as one-third

of the world's governments reportedly engage in torture. The U.N.

Convention Against Torture was adopted by the General Assembly

in December 1984, by unanimous vote, and the convention was entered in force on June 26, 1989, and the United States signed the

convention on April 18, 1988.

There have been a few crimes recognized as universal crimes.

The most frequently cited is the crime of piracy, where it was

viewed that someone could be prosecuted for piracy wherever that

individual was found, contrary to the generalized notion that jurisdiction resided only in the government, in the territory where the

offense occurred.

It is my view that there are other crimes which deserve that

classification, such as terrorism, and I think we are working

toward that objective in the series of international acts and laws

enacted by the United States. Similarly, it is my view that torture

ought to be considered a universal crime, because of its outrageous

and horrendous character.

The statute here is designed to make it plain that the U.S. district courts, the Federal court system has jurisdiction to provide for

compensation for victims of torture, and the case law on the subject is split, it is highly doubtful at this time that victims of torture

may bring such lawsuits and, without taking any further time now,

Mr. Chairman, that is the essence of my thinking on this subject.

Similar legislation has passed the House of Representatives and I

think it is time the Senate acted on it, and I am looking forward to

speedy enactment of this bill.

Thank you.

Senator SIMON. Thank you, Senator Specter.

Mr. Stewart.
18

STATEMENT OF DAVID P. STEWART

Mr. STEWART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. With your permission,

I will submit my written testimony for the record and summarize

my remarks.

Senator SIMON. It will be entered in the record.

Mr. STEWART. Before summarizing my testimony, Mr. Chairman,

let me respond to the basic question that you posed at the outset of

the hearing, whether we can take some action to help protect

human rights around the world.

The simple and straightforward answer to your question, Senator, is yes, we can, we can ratify and implement the convention.

That is an appropriate and effective step. We think it is likely to be

more effective in the long run than the approach followed by the

Torture Victims Protection Act, which raises a number of concerns

that I want to raise.

I also would like to respond to Senator Specter's comment. We

agree entirely with your analogy to the approach followed in the

international community in the terrorism area. In fact, the Torture

Convention is modeled on exactly the same multilateral conventions that you mentioned. It is important that U.S. law be clear,

and we do not think it could be made more clear than by providing

interlocking criminal remedies of precisely the same form that are

used in the terrorism area, that will enable us to prosecute torturers wherever they commit their acts, if they are found in the

United States, and that will provide a civil remedy for the victims

of torture.

The Torture Victim Protection Act, in fact, varies from the

model that you have referred to and as contained in the multilateral terrorism area, and it is likely to be viewed as inconsistent, and

therein lies some of our concern.

The strong support of the United States for effective measures

against torture, I would hope, Mr. Chairman, is not an issue here.

We have long been a leader in the efforts to condemn and eliminate the practice of torture and the administration's strong support

for the early ratification of the Torture Convention reflects that

national commitment.

Nonetheless, we do not support enactment of the Torture Victim

Protection Act. There is no question, of course, about our support

for the goals of the proposed act, namely, to deter torture and extrajudicial killing, to punish those who engage in abhorrent acts,

and to provide a means of compensating their victims.

Our desire to ratify the Torture Convention is testament to the

strong belief that torture, wherever it occurs, must be punished as

a criminal act; our support for the U.N. Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture reflects our view that victims of torture deserve

compensation.

Our disagreement is one purely of means, not ends. The act

would allow individuals, aliens as well as citizens, to bring cases in

Federal courts for damages resulting from extraterritorial acts of

torture or extrajudicial killing, when such acts occurred either

"under color of foreign law, to use the language of House bill

1662, or "under actual or apparent authority of any foreign

nation," to use the language of Senate bill 1629.
19

To the best of our knowledge, no other country has similar legislation. We have serious reservations about the appropriateness or

effectiveness of providing a unilateral assertion of civil jurisdiction

over acts of foreign governments or officials which take place in

their own countries.

The prospect of opening U.S. courts to suits against foreign governments or officials for extraterritorial acts of torture or extrajudicial killings raises three particular concerns: consistency with the

international approach reflected in the U.N. convention, the problem of reciprocity and retaliation•to which Mr. McGinnis has already referred•and the issue of unwarranted judicial involvement

in the conduct of foreign affairs.

With respect to the U.N. convention, the central provisions establish a regime for international cooperation in the criminal prosecution of torturers, relying on so-called universal jurisdiction. Just

as in the multilateral conventions concerning terrorism, Senator,

each party is required to make all acts of torture criminal offenses

and to establish jurisdiction over those offenses when they are committed in its territory, by its nationals wherever committed, or, if

they deem it appropriate, against their nationals. Each state party

is required either to prosecute alleged torturers who are found in

its territory or to extradite them to other countries for prosecution.

This network of criminal jurisdiction parallels the treaties found

in the antiterrorism area concerning aircraft hijacking and sabotage, ship piracy, assaults on diplomats, and the protection of nuclear materials. By thus requiring individuals who commit acts of

torture will be brought to justice wherever they are found, the convention denies safe haven to any who engage in such heinous offenses.

In addition, the convention requires each state party to

Ensure in its legal system that the victim of an act of torture obtains redress and

has an enforceable right to fair and adequate compensation, including the means for

as full rehabilitation as possible.

The negotiating history of the convention indicates that this provision contemplates a private right of action only for acts of torture

committed in the territory of the state party, not for acts of torture

committed in other countries. In fact, because of the concerns of a

number of states on precisely this issue, the text as adopted included an express reference to that effect. That reference was deleted,

evidently, by a mistake in the printed version. To remove the ambiguity that could result from that omission, the President's transmittal of the convention to the Senate recommended including in

the instrument of ratification a specific understanding on this

point.

In the Department's view, the multilateral regime contemplated

by the convention is more appropriate, and in the long run likely

to be more effective than a unilateral approach permitting private

suits in U.S. courts.

The elimination of torture on a global scale requires international cooperation. Our efforts should be devoted toward encouraging

all foreign countries to adhere to the convention and to implement

its obligations.
20

We note that both versions of the act now before the committee

would require the exhaustion of "adequate and available remedies

in the place in which the conduct giving rise to the claim occurred"

before a suit could be pursued. One aim of the convention is to

ensure that such remedies do, in fact, exist.

The United States can, in our view, best demonstrate its commitment to the prevention and punishment of torture and extrajudicial claims by ratifying the convention and working actively within

the multilateral framework to get others to do likewise.

By comparison, we do not believe that it is appropriate for the

United States to use its courts to police the world or that torture

can, in fact, be effectively eliminated by unilaterally creating a

cause of action in damages in the United States. The threat of civil

suit here is, in our judgment, unlikely to have the desired effect of

reducing the incidence of officially sanctioned or tolerated torture

in other countries.

On the contrary, it may well be perceived by other countries as

inconsistent with the convention and overreaching on our part. It

could even lead to the enactment of reciprocal legislation in countries which perceive themselves as the target of suits, and to retaliation against U.S. citizens or Government officials traveling

abroad for actions that" take place within the United States. This

has been a concern of the law enforcement community.

From a foreign policy perspective, we are particularly concerned

over the prospect of nuisance or harassment suits brought by political opponents or for publicity purpose, where the allegations may

be made against foreign governments or officials who are not torturers, but who will be required to defend against expensive and

drawnout proceedings.

This is particularly troubling, Mr. Chairman, because, in order to

meet the statutory requirements, plaintiffs will have to allege, as a

preliminary matter, that the conduct in question took place under

the authority of the foreign government or under color of its law.

In every case, therefore, the "lawfulness" of foreign government

policies or sanctions will be an issue. We believe that inquiry by a

U.S. court into the legitimacy of foreign government sanctions is

likely to be viewed as intrusive and offensive. It is also likely to be

unnecessary, since even those states which engage in torture do not

assert a legal right to do so.

Nor is it clear that the proposed legislation would, in fact, provide tangible relief to victims of torture abroad. We understand

that under either version of the act, the prospective defendant

must be found in the United States or otherwise submit himself or

itself to U.S. jurisdiction. This may well limit the number of suits

actually brought. However, because the statute would extend only

to acts under color of foreign law or under the actual or apparent

authority of a foreign nation, there will be serious questions of immunity, both in connection with personal jurisdiction, the production of documents and witnesses, and the enforcement of any resulting judgment.

To conclude, Mr. Chairman, our opposition to the act should not

be mistaken for a weakening of our commitment to eliminate torture throughout the world. That commitment remains unchanged.

We do not tolerate torture in the United States, nor do we excuse
21

it when practiced elsewhere. We strongly support the establishment of common rules and institutions to combat torture.

Instead, our position on the bills before you reflects a sober assessment of the means best suited to achieve this common goal. We

believe that the United States can best demonstrate its strong commitment for universally recognized human rights by promptly ratifying the U.N. Convention Against Torture, by implementing its

provisions effectively, and by participating actively in the multilateral mechanisms established by that convention to ensure that

other nations do likewise.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Stewart follows:]
22

STATEMENT

OF

DAVID P. STEWART

ASSISTANT LEGAL ADVISER

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Before the

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY

UNITED STATES SENATE

Concerning

The Torture Victim Protection Act

S. 1929 & H.R. 1662

on

June 22, 1990
23

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:

It is a pleasure to appear before the Committee this

morning to provide you the views of the Department of State

concerning the proposed Torture Victim Protection Act, as

contained in S. 1629 and H.R. 1662.

Government-sponsored torture (and murder) is universally

condemned by the world community as one of the most flagrant

violations of human rights. It is prohibited as a matter of

customary international law and, more specifically, by the

United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. That Convention

was signed by the United States over two years ago and is now

pending before the Senate for advice and consent to

ratification. The United States in particular has long been a

leader in the international efforts to condemn and eliminate

the practice of torture, and the Administration's support for

the early ratification of the Torture Convention reflects this

national commitment.

Despite our strong support for effective international

measures against torture, we do not support enactment of the

Torture Victim Protection Act. There is no question, of

course, about our support for the goals of the proposed Act,

namely, to deter torture and extra-judicial killing, to punish

those who engage in such abhorrent acts, and to provide a means

of compensating their victims. Our desire to ratify the

Torture Convention is testament to the strong belief that

torture, wherever it occurs, must be punished as a criminal

act; our support for the United Nations Voluntary Fund for

Victims of Torture reflects our view that victims of torture

deserve compensation.
24

Our disagreement with the Torture Victim Protection Act is

one purely of means, not ends. The Act would allow individuals

(aliens as well as U.S. citizens) to bring cases in Federal

courts for damages resulting from extraterritorial acts of

torture or extra-judicial killings when such acts occured

"under color of" foreign law (to use the language of H.R. 1662)

or "under actual or apparent authority of any foreign nation"

(S. 1629). To the best of our knowledge, no other country has

similar legislation. We have serious reservations about the

appropriateness or effectiveness of providing a unilateral

assertion of civil jurisdiction over acts of foreign

governments or officials which take place in their own

countries. The prospect of opening U.S. courts to suits

against foreign governments or officials for extraterritorial

acts of torture or extra-judicial killings raises three

particular concerns: consistency with the international

approach reflected in the UN Convention, the problem of

reciprocity and retaliation, and unwarranted judicial

involvement in the conduct of foreign affairs.

The U.N. Convention Against Torture represents a

significant step in the development of international measures

against torture. Building upon other international instruments

condemning torture (such as the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights), it establishes an agreed multilateral peacetime regime

for cooperation among States in the prevention of torture and

the punishment of those who engage in acts of torture. The

United States contributed significantly to the development of

the Convention, with broad bipartisan support in the Congress.

As you know, in 1984 Congress passed and the President signed a

Joint Resolution (Pub. L. 98-447, Oct. 4, 1984) reaffirming the

continuing policy of the United States to oppose acts of
25

torture wherever they occur and requesting the President to

continue U.S. involvement in the formulation of the

Convention. The Convention was adopted by unanimous consent in

the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1984. It entered into

force on June 26, 1987 and now has 49 parties.

The central provisions of the Convention establish a regime

for intentional cooperation in the criminal prosecution of

torturers relying on so-called "universal jurisdiction." Each

State Party is required to make all acts of torture criminal

offenses and to establish jurisdiction over those offenses when

they are committed within its territory (including on board its

ships or aircraft), by its nationals wherever committed, and

(if considered appropriate) against its nationals. Each State

Party is required either to prosecute alleged torturers who are

found in its territory or to extradite them to other countries

for prosecution. This network of criminal jurisdiction

parallels similar treaty provisions found in the anti-terrorism

area (concerning aircraft hijacking and sabotage, ship piracy,

assaults on diplomats, and the protection of nuclear

material). By thus requiring that individuals who commit acts

of torture will be brought to justice wherever they are found,

the Convention denies safe haven to any who engage in such

heinous offenses.

In addition, the Convention requires each State Party to

"ensure in its legal system that the victim of an act of

torture obtains redress and has an enforceable right to fair

and adequate compensation, including the means for as full

rehabilitation as possible." A State could provide such a

right either through victim compensation schemes or through the

right to bring a civil suit against the alleged torturer under

its domestic law. Existing U.S. law already establishes
26

private rights of suit sufficient to implement this requirement

domestically, for example, through a common law tort action, a

civil action for violations of civil rights or a suit for

constitutional tort. The negotiating history of the Convention

indicates, however, that this provision contemplates a private

right of action only for acts of torture committed in the

territory of that State Party, not for acts of torture

occurring in other countries. In fact, because of the concerns

of a number of States on this issue, the text as adopted

included an express reference to that effect (which was

evidently deleted by mistake). To clarify any possible

ambiguity, the President's transmittal of the Convention to the

Senate recommended including, in the instrument of

ratification, a specific understanding on this point.

In the Department's view, the multilateral regime

contemplated by the Convention is more appropriate, and in the

long run likely to be more effective, than a unilateral

approach permitting private suits in U.S. courts for acts of

torture and extra-judicial killings that take place in foreign

countries. The elimination of torture on a global scale

requires international cooperation. Our efforts should be

directed towards encouraging all foreign countries to adhere to

the Convention and effectively implement its central

obligations, in particular the prevention of torture, the

imposition of criminal sanctions on those who commit such acts,

and the provision of effective means of fair and adequate

compensation to victims with respect to acts taking place in

their own jurisdictions.

We note that both versions of the Act now before the

Committee would require the exhaustion of "adequate and

available remedies in the place in which the conduct giving
27

rise to the claim occurred* before a suit could be pursued.

The aim of the Convention is to ensure that such remedies do

exist.

The Convention establishes a mechanism, known as the

Committee Against Torture, for reviewing the measures States

Parties have taken to implement their undertakings under the

Convention. States are required to submit reports to the

Committee and may be examined on their shortcomings. Moreover,

the Committee has the competence to examine "well-founded

indications that torture is being systematically practiced in

the territory of a State Party.* In addition, States Party may

accept the Committee's competence to receive and consider

communications from other States (and, if they so chose, from

individuals) that they are not fulfilling their obligations

under the Convention.

The United States can, in our view, best demonstrate its

commitment to the prevention and punishment of torture and

extra-judicial killings by ratifying the Convention and

actively working within the multilateral framework to get

others to do likewise. By comparison, we do not believe that

it is appropriate for the United States to use its courts to

police the world or that torture can in fact be effectively

eliminated by unilaterally creating a cause of action in

damages in the United States. The threat of civil suit here is

unlikely to have the desired effect of reducing the incidence

of officially sanctioned or tolerated torture in other

countries.

On the contrary, unilateral enactment of extraterritorial

jurisdiction may well be perceived by other countries as

inconsistent with the Convention and overreaching on our part.

It could even lead to enactment of reciprocal legislation in
28

countries which perceive themselves as targets of such suits,

and to retaliation against U.S. citizens or governmental

officials travelling abroad for actions which took place within

the United States. This has been a concern of the law

enforcement community.

From a foreign policy perspective, we are particularly

concerned over the prospect of nuisance or harrassment suits

brought by political opponents or for publicity purposes, where

allegations may be made against foreign governments or

officials who are not torturers but who will be required to

defend against expensive and drawn-out legal proceedings. Even

when the foreign government declines to defend and a default

judgment results, such suits have the potential of creating

significant problems for the Executive's management of foreign

policy. This is especially troubling because, in order to meet

the statutory requirements, plaintiffs will have to allege as a

preliminary matter that the conduct in question took place

under the authority of the foreign government or under color of

its law. In every case, therefore, the "lawfulness" of foreign

government sanctions will be at issue. We believe that inquiry

by a U.S. court into the legitimacy of foreign government

sanctions is likely to be viewed as highly intrusive and

offensive. In fact, it is also likely to be unnecessary, since

even those states which engage in torture do not assert a legal

right to do so.

The "exhaustion of local remedies" requirement will not

eliminate this problem, because the defendant will have to

litigate that issue as an affirmative defense.

Nor is it clear that the proposed legislation would in fact

provide tangible relief to victims of torture abroad. We

understand that under either version of the Act, the
29

prospective defendant must be found in the United States or

otherwise submit himself (or itself) to U.S. jurisdiction.

This may well limit the number of suits actually brought under

the Act. However, because the statute would extend only to

acts under color of foreign law or under the actual or apparent

authority of a foreign nation, there will inevitably be serious

questions of immunity, both with repect to the establishment of

personal jurisdiction, the production of documents and

witnesses, and the enforcement of any resulting judgment either

in the United States or abroad. In any event, we believe that

foreign governments which condone or tolerate acts of torture,

or which do not provide adequate domestic remedies for the

victims of torture, are not likely to honor or acquiesce in the

enforcement of a U.S. civil judgment against their officials or

assets. Nor are such judgments likely to be enforceable in

third countries.

To conclude, Mr. Chairman, our opposition to the proposed

Act should not be mistaken for a weakening of our commitment to

eliminate torture throughout the world. That commitment

remains unchanged. We do not tolerate torture in the United

States, nor do we excuse it when practiced elsewhere, whether

by friends or adversaries. We strongly support the

establishment of common rules and institutions to combat

torture. Instead, our position on the bills before you

reflects a sober assessment of the means best suited to achieve

this common goal. We believe that the United States can best

demonstrate its strong commitment for universally recognized

human rights by promptly ratifying the UN Convention against

Torture, by implementing its provisions effetively, and by

participating actively in the multilateral mechanisms

established by the Convention to ensure that other nations do

likewise.

45-525 0-91-3
30

Senator SIMON. Thank you.

You say, as I jotted down in my notes, I did not find it exactly in

your statement here, you say torture cannot be eliminated by U.S.

courts. I do not think anyone suggests that is possible. The question

is whether torture can be reduced by action of our courts. Both of

you are suggesting the U.N. Convention Against Torture is the tool

that should be used.

Let us say that I am a member of the Bahai religion in Iran and

I am tortured and I manage to escape to France or the United

States. Under the U.N. Convention Against Torture, what is my

option? As I listened to you and Mr. McGinnis, my option is to go

back to Iran and sue. Is that correct?

Mr. STEWART. For personal damages, that would be the case. If

Iran were a party to the convention, it would be obligated to provide a civil remedy of redress. But in addition, the convention

would provide criminal sanctions and the torturer, wherever found,

could be brought to justice.

Senator SIMON. But for all practical purposes, that is no remedy

for someone who has been tortured in Iran. You know, I can give

you 20 other countries where that is the case today.

Mr. STEWART. I am not sure the Torture Victim Protection Act

gives you much more of a remedy. Even assuming that we find the

individual torturer present in the United States and obtain a judgment, you are not likely to be able to execute against any assets or

to execute on that judgment overseas.

Senator SIMON. But if you found it was government policy that

had caused this and there were assets of the government of that

country here

Mr. STEWART. Well, that is, in fact, the reason why we support

the Torture Convention, because it does go to the issue of government policy and imposes a treaty obligation on governments to

take action within their own countries to eliminate torture, to prosecute the torturers and provide a civil remedy. The Torture Victim

Protection Act does not get to the government. The issues of sovereign immunity would prevent that. The statute itself only goes to

individuals.

Senator SIMON. The testimony of both of you, does it not suggest

that, instead of withdrawing from World Court jurisdiction, we are

going to have to create more and more entities that can deal with

problems that relate to people in more than one country?

Mr. STEWART. The approach followed by the Torture Convention

is based on a commitment by each state party to provide effective

national remedies. The Torture Convention does not contemplate

individual actions in an international tribunal. It does have the

standard kind of dispute settlement mechanism referring to the

World Court that most multilateral treaties have, but that would

involve disputes between states as to the meaning or implementation of the convention.

The essential difference between the convention approach and

the Torture Victim Protection Act is that, under the agreed multilateral scheme, each state would have to provide effective criminal

and civil remedies for actions that take place in their own territory. That is, after all, where the evidence is likely to be and the

people are likely to be. The Torture Victim Protection Act, by con-
31

trast, contemplates an unusual, perhaps unprecedented extension

of U.S. civil liability over acts that take place entirely abroad between, for example, a foreign government and some nationals in its

own country.

Senator SIMON. You are juxtaposing one against the other. Is it

not possible for us to do both?

Mr. STEWART. It would not be a violation of the Torture Convention were a statute like this to be enacted, but I think a number of

state parties would consider it inconsistent, precisely for the reason

I mentioned in my statement, that they considered the issue of

states establishing civil jurisdiction over acts that take place

abroad and rejected it.

Senator SIMON. When you think of the countries in which torture takes place, are they likely to approve the U.S. Convention

Against Torture, and are they likely to pay any attention to it? Let

us take Libya. Is Libya, do you think, going to approve the U.N.

Convention Against Torture?

Mr. STEWART. Well, Senator, it is a fact that the international

community is made up of sovereign nations and one cannot force a

nation to become a party to the treaty against its will, but what

one can do is mobilize the attention and will of the international

community to isolate such steps and so on, on an agreed basis.

That is the reason why we prefer the U.N. convention, which has

been crafted and adopted unanimously in the U.N. General Assembly, and now has some 49 parties, with more than 20 others, including the United States, who have not yet ratified it. The point is

that we want to work to get those states which conduct torture, or

condone it and sanction it, to adhere to and implement that treaty

effectively. We think doing that through the mechanism of the Torture Convention is likely to be more effective than doing it through

extraterritorial civil suits here.

Senator SIMON. It is a very diplomatic answer, but it did not

answer my question. Is Libya likely to approve the U.N. Convention Against Torture?

Mr. STEWART. Well, I would not want to speculate on what Libya

would do now or in the future, but one can•as I say, one cannot

force the, but one can certainly focus attention on that issue and

states are likely to respond to international pressure. I think,

frankly, they are more likely to respond, than they would to a civil

judgment of a district court here. I do not think that has any effect

on Libya.

Senator SIMON. Senator Specter.

Senator SPECTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

The convention that you gentlemen refer to goes only so far as to

call upon each nation to establish a crime for torture and a civil

cause of action within that jurisdiction. Is that not right, Mr.

McGinnis?

Mr. MCGINNIS. Yes.

Senator SPECTER. SO that if a nation, hypothetically Libya, as

cited by Senator Simon, does not do so, then someone who is tortured in Libya has no redress under the convention.

Mr. MCGINNIS. YOU mean if Libya does not ratify the convention,

for instance?

Senator SPECTER. Right.
Mr. MCGINNIS. That is correct.

Mr. STEWART. Senator, if I could just intercede, from my notes I

note that, in fact, Libya acceded to the convention just over a year

ago.

Senator SPECTER. Which nation has not?

Mr. STEWART. Which nation has not?

Senator SPECTER. Do you want to find one that has not?

Mr. STEWART. That could probably take half the nations in the

world, roughly, that have not yet.

Senator SPECTER. Well, I do not want to take those nations.

Maybe I would suggest you take them, but Libya is only a hypothetical and I picked it up, because Senator Simon had mentioned

it. I do not know if their ratification means a whole lot, sobeit. But

if a nation has not ratified the convention, then, as Mr. McGinnis

has said, one who is a victim of torture cannot do anything about it

and he cannot do anything about it in another country.

The case law on this subject is interesting. There is a second circuit decision, which I know you are familiar with, Filartiga v. PeraIrala, in 1980, where the court of appeals held that deliberate torture perpetrated under the color of official authority violates universally accepted norms of international law of human right, regardless of the nationality of the parties, and, thus, whenever an

alleged torture is found and served with process by an alien within

the borders of the United States, the alien toward statute provides

Federal jurisdiction.

Mr. McGinnis, are you familiar with that case?

Mr. MCGINNIS. Yes.

Senator SPECTER. DO you disagree with this conclusion?

Mr. MCGINNIS. Well, the department, I think, has been more

sympathetic to the approach, as you know, I think you referred to

in your opening statement, there was something of a split in the

circuit on this matter, the Hanaktel Orin case, in which the District circuit refused to entertain a somewhat similar suit.

Senator SPECTER. I am coming to that. The question that is pending, that I would appreciate your answer on, is whether you disagree with the second circuit opinion in the Filartiga v. Pera-Irala

case.

Mr. MCGINNIS. Well, the alien tort claims statute is an extremely ancient statute in the United States. I think it is very difficult to

know exactly what that statute contemplated.

Senator SPECTER. Older than the Bill of Rights?

Mr. MCGINNIS. NO, it is not older than the Bill of Rights, but it

is

Senator SPECTER. Age is not necessarily a disabler. Because it is

old does not mean it is ineffective or bad.

Mr. MCGINNIS. Oh, absolutely not, but it is, I was saying, a difficult•I was prefacing my remark by saying that it is a difficult

question, one, in fact, I think we have much less information on

what prompted the statute than

Senator SPECTER. I will not pursue that question, since I am not

getting an answer. Let us go, instead, to Hanaktel Orin, which is

the case you referred to. As you correctly note, there is a split in

the circuits and the opinion of Judge Bork says, at page 801 of 726

Fed. 2d, it is essential that there be an explicit grant of a cause of
action before a private plaintiff be allowed to enforce principles of

international law in a Federal tribunal. So, absent a statute of this

sort, at least as to the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, you cannot bring an action of this sort.

Mr. MCGINNIS. That is correct, Senator.

Senator SPECTER. Well, it may just boil down to the views of

public policy which you gentlemen are articulating from the Department of Justice and the Department of State, for the reasons

which you have referred to. Speaking for myself, they are not convincing to me, and I do not know that it is worthwhile to pursue

them.

Let me approach the subject from a little different vantage point,

in terms of the different view of the Department of Justice on the

assertion of extraterritorial jurisdiction for crimes against terrorism, where the Department has been subjected to a fair amount of

criticism on some recent opinions.

We legislated in 1984 to make it a violation of U.S. law to take a

hostage or a hijacking anywhere in the world. My statute in 1986

made it a violation of U.S. law for a terrorist to assault, maim, or

murder a U.S. citizen anywhere in the world, and the United

States has asserted that jurisdiction under the authority of Kerr v.

Illinois, a very old decision, 1886, but one which was upheld in an

opinion by Hugo Black in the 1950's, and we do have a man named

Fawa Unis in jail now in a Federal penitentiary, where the Federal

Government, the FBI, took Unis into custody in the Mediterranean

and brought him back to the United States court for trial, and he

is under a 30-year sentence.

Now, does not that kind of aggressive action by the United States

raise all the considerations, does it not fly right in the face of the

policy reasons that you have advanced?

Mr. MCGINNIS. NO, I do not think

Senator SPECTER. NOW, wait a minute. Can I finish my question?

Mr. MCGINNIS. I am sorry, Senator.

Senator SPECTER. Does not that really fly in the face of all of the

policy reasons that you have raised in opposition to this proposed

legislation?

Mr. MCGINNIS. NO, I do not think so, Senator. I think there are

two things to be said about that. First of all, that is the criminal

jurisdiction that the United States is carrying out. This is a civil

statute that allows the authorities in the United States to make

the decision as to when it would be appropriate to prosecute, and

so that

Senator SPECTER. You support legislation which established a

crime, then?

Mr. MCGINNIS. The legislation•I think we would support that

legislation.

Senator SPECTER. Even if it did not involve the U.S. citizen, but

involved an alien in another country

Mr. MCGINNIS. I believe

Senator SPECTER [continuing]. And might involve a crime against

the laws of the United States?

Mr. MCGINNIS. I would defer to my colleague from the State Department, but I believe the Torture Convention contemplates that.
34

Senator SPECTER. For the United States to create a crime cognizable in our courts for an act of torture against a foreign citizen in

a foreign country?

Mr. STEWART. That is right, Senator, again exactly the same

model as followed by the Torture Convention in this respect, as is

followed in the antiterrorism area, the 1984 statute that you refer

to implemented two of those conventions, as you know, and we

would have the same

Senator SPECTER. The 1984 statute and the 1986 statute require

that there be a U.S. citizen as a nexus for U.S. jurisdiction.

Mr. STEWART. The 1986 statute is a unilateral statute and does

require that nexus. But under the multilateral conventions, we

would have jurisdiction•let us take the Torture Convention•over

an act of torture committed by a U.S. person abroad or over a torturer found in the United States, wherever he committed the

crime. Again, that is the fabric of the multilateral conventions.

Senator SPECTER. Whether the individual, the defendant, the torturer, need not be a U.S. citizen, the torturee need not be a U.S.

citizen?

Mr. STEWART. That is correct.

Senator SPECTER. The torture may occur in a foreign country?

Mr. STEWART. That is correct, and we would have the extradite

or prosecute obligation, precisely the same as we do in the area of

multilateral terrorism conventions. That is the reason we support

the Torture Convention, rather than the unilateral civil remedy.

Senator SPECTER. SO, the convention would warrant a criminal

statute in the United States to take action under a criminal law,

where the act occurred somewhere else, and the victim and the

perpetrator were both foreign nationals, but not to have a civil

action in the United States?

Mr. MCGINNIS. Yes.

Mr. STEWART. That is correct.

Senator SPECTER. NOW, that kind of a dichotomy does not make

much sense to me. It seems to me that you would have to have•

that it would be tougher to establish a crime than it is a civil right

of action.

Mr. MCGINNIS. I think, Senator, the policy reasons we have given

do seem, at least to me, to suggest that a criminal statute is not so

much a problem, it is not so much inference with foreign policy,

because it is in the executive branch's decision to go forward with

the prosecution, so it does not have those same risks.

Senator SPECTER. Let me see if I am understanding you correctly.

Brown tortures Smith in x country, and the United States can

make that a crime in the United States. Brown tortures Smith in x

country, and the United States should not have the authority to

make that•give rise to a civil cause of action in the United States?

Mr. MCGINNIS. Yes, Senator.

Senator SPECTER. OK. Thank you very much.

Senator SIMON. If I could just add a comment, first, the criminal

action is virtually unenforceable. A civil action has the possibility

of remedy. The second observation I have, and you say that Libya

has agreed to the U.N. Convention on Torture, I have an idea that,

Mr. Stewart or Mr. McGinnis, if you had been tortured in Libya

and had escaped, you are not likely to want to go back to the
35

tender mercies of Colonel Qadhafi and sue in Libya. It sounds great

in theory, but I do not think it is practical. Am I incorrect?

Mr. STEWART. I would not be personally inclined to go back, if I

had been the victim of torture, officially sanctioned torture.

Senator SIMON. I would say that that is prudence on your part.

Mr. STEWART. Thank you, Senator. But my point would be I am

not sure that providing the civil remedy here gives me much more

of a remedy. I think if I am successful, I end up with an empty

judgment and I do not think that advances the cause at all. What

we are saying is that if we pursue the multilaterally agreed approach, where nations have gotten together and have agreed that

the kind of jurisdiction that Senator Specter has been talking

about is appropriate, we have done it in the terrorism area, you

will have a criminal remedy.

Senator, I must respectfully disagree in this respect, I think the

criminal sanction is, in fact, more powerful than the civil sanction,

because something will result from it. We will have jurisdiction to

prosecute or extradite and that is the case in the terrorism area.

Senator SIMON. We thank you both for your testimony.

We will move to our next panel: An old friend, a former colleague in the House of Representatives, Father Bob Drinan, professor of law at Georgetown University Law Center, representing the

American Bar Association; Mr. Michael H. Posner, executive director of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights; and Mr. John

Shattuck, vice president for governmental affairs, of Harvard University, and vice chair, board of directors, Amnesty International.

We are very pleased to have all three of you here. And let me

call on my former colleague first, to have his statement.

PANEL CONSISTING OF ROBERT F. DRINAN, PROFESSOR OF LAW,

GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY LAW SCHOOL, WASHINGTON, DC,

ON BEHALF OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION; MICHAEL

H. POSNER, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, LAWYERS COMMITTEE FOR

HUMAN RIGHTS, NEW YORK, NY; AND JOHN SHATTUCK, VICE

CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF DIRECTORS, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, U.S.A., CAMBRIDGE, MA

STATEMENT OF FATHER DRINAN

Father DRINAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Senator Specter.

My name is Robert F. Drinan and I am a professor at Georgetown University Law Center. I am the chairman-elect of the section on individual rights and responsibilities of the American Bar

Association, and I am happy to say that Mr. Stanley Chauvin, the

president of the ABA, has authorized me to express the views of

the ABA. The ABA is very much in favor of this important legislative initiative and we commend both of you, and particularly Senator Specter.

Back in 1975, the American Bar Association adopted a proposition that they would seek to extend the rule of law around the

world, and their enforcement of this particular act is simply a corollary of that particular commitment.

We all know about torture all around the world. We were reminded just on June 19 by the New York Times of allegations that

police in Brazil "continue to routinely torture and sometimes kill
36

prisoners," even though military rule ended in that country 5 years

ago.

It is very clear that the Congress has the authority to implement

legislation pursuant to the Constitution. Mr. Chairman, we are considering today a legislative proposal which seeks, in the words of

Ambassador Richard Schifter, to translate our words into action.

The impetus for this particular legislation goes back many, many

years, it has overwhelmingly passed the House with only 4 negative votes, and, Mr. Chairman, it is simply an extension and a clarification of the decision already referred to, the Filartiga decision

in the second circuit in 1980.

If the administration desires to oppose this particular bill, do

they want the original Judiciary Act of 1789 also to be repealed?

That is what they are asking to do. There you have the Alien Tort

Claim Act, which has been quiescent for all of these years, but it

simply states that, in the original Judiciary Act enacted by this

body and by the Congress, there was a provision for an alien to sue

an official of a foreign government for an act of torture committed

in that country, and the judges in that decision and in several

other decisions have simply said that torture is now clearly a violation of customary international law, and, pursuant to the original

Judiciary Act, that is now operable in all of the Federal courts.

The proposed legislation would eliminate any uncertainty in this

matter and would compliment the ongoing litigation efforts under

the Alien Tort Claims Act by providing, Mr. Chairman, a clear

Federal right of action against torturers or those who have engaged in political killings who are physically present in the United

States. The bill confirms the existence of the right of aliens who

have been victims of gross human rights abuse to bring suit and

extend this same right to U.S. citizens.

The legislation would serve notice on individuals engaged in

human rights violations that the United States strongly condemns

such actions and will not shelter violators from being held accountable for civil damages, and as we look to Europe, the United States

should be the leader in this area.

Enactment of the Torture Victim Protection Act would encourage our Western allies and other nations to develop similar domestic remedies, thereby multiplying the deterrent effect of the proposed legislation. Threat of retaliatory and abuse of use of the Torture Victim Protection Act by any American groups is not a legitimate ground to deny individuals the legal remedies that they are

entitled to under the act put through by the very First Congress.

Mr. Chairman, our Constitution authorizes Congress to regulate

the conduct of aliens who engage in abuses against other persons.

In 1985, the house of delegates of the American Bar Association

passed a resolution that urged the adoption of Federal legislation

which would

* * * clearly establish a federal right of action by both alien and United States

citizens against persons who, under color of foreign law, engage in acts of torture or

extrajudicial killing as defined by the law of nations.

Mr. Chairman, in my full testimony, I have three or four suggestions about the proposed legislation. I would say that I am proud

that the American Bar Association, which has urged the ratifica-
37

tion of all of the major human rights treaties, in addition wants

the enactment of this legislation. I had the honor of testifying on

behalf of the ABA in the House and there was no opposition to the

bill in the House, and I hope that the U.S. Senate would follow.

Mr. Chairman, we offer the technical amendments that I mentioned to a good and important bill and we would be glad to assist

the subcommittee with these other questions. We commend both of

you once again for your leadership in introducing and holding

hearings on this important legislation. And on behalf of the American Bar Association, we strongly urge its prompt passage and adoption into law.

Thank you very much.

[The prepared statement of Father Drinan follows:]
38

Statement of Robert F. Drinan, S. J.

on behalf of the

American Bar Association

before the

Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs

of the

Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate '

in support of enactment of S. 1629

The Torture Victim Protection Act

June 22, 1990

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee:

My name is Robert F. Drinan. I am a professor of law

at Georgetown University Law Center. I have the honor of

serving currently as Secretary of the American Bar Association's

Section of Individual Rights and Responsibilities, and am the

chair-elect of that Section. It is my pleasure to appear before

you at the request of the President of the ABA, L. Stanley

Chauvin, Jr., to express the ABA's views on an important

legislative initiative, The proposed Torture Victim Protection

Act, S. 1629.

In 1975 the American Bar Association adopted a

resolution reaffirming its support for the rule of law in the

international community, and the need to maintain

internationally recognized standards of fairness and justice.

In the past decade, the ABA has become increasingly involved in

the international debate on these issues, frequently protesting

persecution of lawyers and judges, sending trial observers to

important trials in other countries, and supporting U.S.

ratification of a number of pending human rights treaties.
39

These actions are in furtherance of the eighth goal of the

American Bar Association to promote the rule of law worldwide.

Today's hearing addresses a related, and important

aspect of the effort to strengthen international mechanisms to

protect human rights and enhance the rule of law. We all know

that systematic and government-sponsored human rights violations

are rampant throughout the world, regardless of a nation's

political or economic structure. These gross abuses take place

despite efforts by some governments and intergovernmental

agencies, as well as by non-governmental organizations and

private citizens, to stop them from occurring. Indeed, for

example, the June 19 New York Times reported on allegations that

police in Brazil "continue to routinely torture and sometimes

kill prisoners," even though military rule ended in that country

five years ago.

The United States Government, and Congress in

particular, has taken on an especially important leadership role

in promoting respect for human rights and in fostering

international standards defining criminal behavior. In 1984 the

U.S. government played a key role in obtaining the adoption of

the U.N.'s Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman

or Degrading Treatment or Punishment which is now pending

approval by the Foreign Relations Committee.

Ambassador Richard Schifter, now the Assistant

Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs,

spearheaded the U.S. effort to gain broad support for this

important treaty. In his' statement to the General Assembly, on

December 10, 1984, the day the treaty was adopted, Ambassador

Schifter stated:
40

Ic is no longer acceptable in the eyes of the

international community for a government to claim that

the way it treats its own citizens is solely an

international matter if the treatment in question is

violative of the international instruments which set

human rights standards.

He went on to note:

But the mere setting of standards, as we all know, is

not enough. There is ample evidence of a wide gulf

between lofty words and the unacceptable practices which

continue unabated in many parts of the world. One of

the most flagrant continuing violations of human rights

is torture • a crude violation of everything that we

understand by the word "human." As long as torture

persists, further steps are needed to translate our

words into action to eliminate this abhorrent practice.

Mr. Chairman, today we are considering a legislative

proposal, the Torture Victim Protection Act, which seeks, using

Ambassador Schifter's phrase, to translate "our words into

action," by providing a new domestic civil remedy to torture

victims residing in the U.S., regardless of where the violations

took place. The impetus for this legislation was a series of

House Foreign Affairs subcommittee hearings in 1984 on the

phenomenon of torture. Following those hearings Congress

adopted, and President Reagan signed, a joint resolution on

torture. The resolution called for the Congress to develop

concerted mechanisms by which the U.S. can combat the use of

torture throughout the world.

In 1980, the second circuit court of appeals, in the

case of Filartiqa v. Pera-Irala, 630 F.2d 876 (2d Cir. 1980),

held that the Alien Tort Claims Act, part of the original

Judiciary Act of 1789, provided the basis for an alien to sue an

official of a foreign government for an act of torture committed

in that country. That official, a senior Paraguayan police

officer, was later found liable to the plaintiffs for

compensatory and punitive damages, although by that time he had

returned to Paraguay.

The Alien Tort Claims Act has been used successfully

in several cases since Filartiga. However, a few judges have
41

questioned whether that statute creates a federal cause of

action for these types of lawsuits concerning violations of

human rights committed abroad.

The proposed legislation S. 1629, introduced by Sen.

Arlen Specter, would eliminate any uncertainty here, and would

complement the ongoing litigation efforts under the Alien Tort

Claims Act by providing a clear federal right of action against

torturers or those who have engaged in political killings who

are physically present in the United States. This bill confirms

the existence of the right of aliens who have been victims of

gross human rights abuses to bring suit and extends this same

right to U.S. citizens. The legislation would serve notice to

individuals engaged in human rights violations that the United

States strongly condemns such actions, and will not shelter

violators from being held accountable for civil damages in the

U.S. Enactment of the Torture Victim Protection Act would

encourage our western allies and other nations to develop

similar domestic remedies, thereby multiplying the deterrent

effect of the proposed legislation. Threat of retaliatory and

abusive use of the Torture Victim Protection Act by

anti-American groups is not a legitimate ground to deny

individuals legal remedies; these groups will attempt to misuse

our laws as they do now.

Mr. Chairman, our Constitution authorizes Congress to

regulate the conduct of aliens who engage in abuses against

other aliens. Article III of the US Constitution establishes

federal court jurisdiction in cases "arising under" the

Constitution and the laws of the U.S. A case properly "arises

under" the laws of the U.S. if it is grounded upon U.S. common

law, which includes the law of nations. In addition, Article I,

Section 8, bestows upon Congress the power to "define and punish

. . . offenses against the Law of Nations." The proposed
42

legislation while not a penal statute, clearly defines the

offense of torture and imposes civil penalties for tortuous

acts. The offense of torture is condemned by virtually all

nations and rises to level of the law of nations; the torturer

is, in the words of Professors Blum and Steinhardt, the "enemy

against all mankind."

At its annual meeting in July 1985, the House of

Delegates of the American' Bar Association passed a resolution

which urged the adoption of federal legislation which would

"clearly establish a federal rig'ht of action by both alien and

United States citizens against persons who, under color of

foreign law, engage in acts of torture or extrajudicial killing

as defined by the law of nations."

Consistant with that resolution, we strongly support

legislation along the lines of S.1629, and in that context,

would offer a few suggestions for minor amendments to the bill.

First, Section 2(b) of the proposed legislation directs

courts to decline to hear a case when the claimant has not

exhausted adequate and available remedies in the place in which

the tort was alleged to have occurred. Statutory or report

language should provide for dismissal as well in those instances

in which the claimant has already obtained adequate remedies in

the state where the torture or killing occurred. Where other

countries actually mete out proper justice, it would be

inappropriate to permit recovering again in the United States.

Second, the definition of torture in Section 3(1) of

the bill closely conforms to the definition of that term found

in the U.N. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman

or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. It is hoped that that

treaty will shortly be from the Foreign Relations Committee to

the Senate and approved. > In order to be more fully consistent

with the Torture Convention's definition, we suggest the
43

addition of the words "intimidating or" before the word

"coercing" in Section 3(1).

Third, the definition of "extrajudicial killing" in

Section 3(2) should be clarified to exclude those instances of

killing which are not intended by the term. A killing by a

soldier in wartime, for example, or by a police officer in the

context of legitimate law enforcement activity, might be

interpreted by some to constitute extrajudicial killing under

authority of a government, but we would not want those possibly

legitimate actions to give rise to private suits in U.S.

courts. The exclusionary language found in Article 2 of the

European Convention on Human Rights may be instructive in this

regard.

Finally, the United States has repeatedly enacted

legislation in compliance with international legal obligations,

and has simply placed that statutory language in the chapter of

the U.S. Code most relevant to the particular subject matter.

In this context, it may be most appropriate to include not only

Section 3 but the body of, this bill as well as an amendment to

Chapter 85 of title 28 of the United States Code. This would

permit the deletion of the references in the bill to the United

Nations Participation Act of 1945, as the provisions of that act

deal more specifically with the administration of U.S.

participation in the U.N. and other international organizations.

Mr. Chairman, we offer these comments as technical

revisions to a good and important bill, and would be glad to

assist the subcommittee with these or other questions. We t

commend you for your leadership role in introducing and holding

hearings on this important legislation, and we strongly urge its

prompt passage and adoption into law. Thank you for inviting

the ABA's views. I would be pleased to respond to any questions.
44

Senator SIMON. Thank you very much.

STATEMENT OF MICHAEL H. POSNER

Mr. POSNER. Thank you, Senator Simon. I also have a written

statement which I would like to submit for the record.

Senator SIMON. Your complete statement will be included in the

record.

Mr. POSNER. I would like to say special words also to Senator

Specter, who introduced this legislation in the Senate in 1987, and

he has reintroduced it in 1989 and has been a tireless fighter in

this effort which we very much appreciate, those of us in the

human rights community.

As Father Drinan mentioned, this bill passed the House twice,

most recently in the fall of 1989 by a vote of 362 to 4, and we are

hoping to have similar support here in the Senate.

I want to, if I can, just respond to several points made by the two

administration witnesses. One relates to the applicability and relationship between the Torture Victims Protection Act and the U.S.

Torture Convention. I think, as both you, Senator Simon, and Senator Specter indicated, there are limits in the Torture Convention,

and I should say we in the human rights community support the

Torture Convention, we view the Torture Convention in the long

term as a very important step in the right direction in addressing

the problem, but we see that the Torture Victim Protection Act is

a mutually reinforcing legislative provision which, in fact, gives the

United States an opportunity to address this issue in its own

courts, at the same time we are trying to deal with it internationallyThere are limitations, as you have indicated. There are only 49

states or countries that have ratified the Torture Convention, and

that means about 110 or 120 countries in the world have not ratified it. As you, Senator Specter, suggested, a number of countries,

perhaps Libya is one, ratify treaties with giving them much serious

consideration, and that is a problem we need to address.

As both of you have indicated and it is quite clearly true, there

are, unfortunately, many countries in the world where people are

subjected to torture and where domestic courts and institutions are

not strong enough or there is not the political will to hold officials

accountable for their act.

So, what we attempt to do here and what the Torture Victim

Protect Act I think does, by symbolically and practically, is to say

to the victims, the individuals who have suffered torture or suffered gross human rights abuse, that there is an opportunity, if

they come to the United States, if they are in the United States

and they happen to find their torturer here, an opportunity to

avail themselves of the American courts, has a private right of

action, there is civil remedy. If domestic remedies are exhausted, it

is a very modest proposal intended to clarify and reaffirm our commitment to human rights in this country and, importantly, to say

to the world that there should be no safe haven in this country for

people who engage in the horrendous practice of torture.

The two administration witnesses suggested that there may be

inappropriate circumstances foisted upon the courts by this legisla-
45

tion. I think that is not likely to happen. The courts are well able

at this point in weeding out frivolous lawsuits. Rule 11, which has

been reinforced by recent Supreme Court decision, makes it more

difficult for frivolous suits to be brought.

I think, as a final point, the administration witnesses were suggesting that somehow this is an intrusion into foreign affairs. It

seems to me that, as a practical matter, we in our foreign affairs

want to stand for the proposition that torturers do not have a place

in the United States. This legislation does that. It says, both symbolically and practically, we are going to do something about it,

and it is also I think a hope that, when the United States adopts

this legislation, it is going to encourage other countries to do so, as

well. I thank you both for your interest and support and would be

glad to answer any questions.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Posner follows:]
46

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MICHAEL H. POSNER,

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR,

LAWYERS COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Mr. Chairman, thank you for inviting me to testify

today concerning the Torture Victim Protection Act. My name

is Michael Posner, and I am the Executive Director of the

Lawyers Committee for Human Rights. I am accompanied here

by Tony Edwards, who has been working with the Lawyers

Committee on this issue.

' Since 1978, the Lawyers Committee has worked to

protect and promote international human rights and refugee

law and legal procedures. The Committee has investigated

serious human rights violations in all regions of the world.

In evaluating human rights conditions, the Committee holds

every government to a single standard: that contained in the

International Bill of Human Rights. One of the Lawyers

Committee's objectives is to encourage the development of

effective domestic laws in the United States to assist in

the protection of human rights throughout the world.

Nearly six years ago, Congress held extensive

hearings investigating the phenomenon of torture. Those

hearings, which coincided with Amnesty International's

worldwide campaign against torture, were instrumental in

providing a greater understanding of the practice of torture

and what can be done to stop it. As was pointed out during

those hearings, the United States Congress has the opportunity to play a critical role in helping to combat, deter,

and ultimately to help put an end to torture and other

egregious violations of human rights.

As a result of those hearings, Congress adopted and

the President signed a joint resolution on torture. In

reaffirming the United States' abhorrence of the use of
47

torture, under any circumstances, the resolution called upon

Congress to develop concrete mechanisms by which the United

States can combat the use of torture throughout the world.

The Torture Victim Protection Act is such a mechanism.

The Torture Victim Protection Act was first

introduced in the Senate by Senators Specter and Leahy on

March 24, 1987 as S. 824. Senator Specter reintroduced the

Act in 1989 as S. 1629. Previously, in 1986, Congressmen

Yatron, Leach and Rodino introduced the Act in the House.

In 1988, the House Committee on Foreign Affairs

held hearings on this legislation in which the Lawyers

Committee also participated. Following those hearings, the

Foreign Affairs Committee marked up the bill and recommended

its adoption. The Torture Victim Protection Act was

reintroduced in the House in 1989 as H.R. 1662. After being

reported favorably by both the Committee on Foreign Affairs

and the Committee on the Judiciary, H.R. 1662 passed the

full House of Representatives on October 2, 1989 by a vote

of 362-4. It is our hope that the proposed legislation will

receive similar support in the Senate. We applaud the roles

that Senators Specter and Kennedy have played in placing the

Act on the Subcommittee's agenda.

The Torture Victim Protection Act is a carefullyconceived and drafted bill that will provide important

relief • both substantive and symbolic • in a defined set

of circumstances.

The legislation would enable any victim (or, if the

victim cannot bring the suit, a family member or legal

representative) of torture or extrajudicial killing, committed under the actual or apparent authority of any foreign

nation, to bring a civil damages suit in U.S. federal

district court. Any plaintiff will have to establish
48

governmental involvement in the torture of killing. The

Torture Victim Protection Act, however, will be subject to

the doctrine of diplomatic immunity. In most cases,

diplomatic immunity will act as a defense against foreign

heads of state and other diplomats visiting the United

States on official business.

In order to be liable under the legislation, a

person who acted under such actual or apparent authority

must be subject to the personal jurisdiction of the court.

The legislation is intended to cover gross abuses that are

tolerated, condoned, or encouraged by a foreign state, even

if not part of official government policy, as well as stateauthorized violations. It covers individuals who ordered or

assisted in the abuses, but not officials whose only

connection was their position at the top of a chain of

command. The defendants would be the individual violators

themselves and not the foreign governments.

This legislation represents an important step in

making our domestic laws more effective in protecting basic

human rights. More importantly, it recognizes the

significant role the United States can play in encouraging

other governments to enact comparable domestic law. One of

the effects of the Torture Victim Protection Act will be to

serve as a clear statement that the United States Congress

is taking an affirmative role in the development of

effective means to combat and deter torture and

extrajudicial killing, wherever such violations may occur.

We hope that passage of the Torture Victim Protection Act

will spur other countries to adopt similar legislation.

The Torture Victim Protection Act clarifies and

expands upon existing law by establishing a federal cause of

action against certain human rights violators, and by
49

authorizing suits by both aliens and U.S. citizens who have

been victims of gross human rights abuses. The legislation

meets two of the important objectives of Amnesty International's 12-point program against torture: preventing a

"safe haven" for torturers, and helping victims and their

dependents obtain some measure of financial compensation

from their tormentors.

In 1980, a federal court of appeals in New York

interpreted the Alien Tort Claims Act, codified at 28 U.S.C.

section 1350, to allow an alien to bring a civil suit

against a foreign official for torture committed outside of

the United States • so long as all of the usual jurisdictional requirements could be satisfied. That decision, in

Filartiqa v. Pena-Irala, enabled the family of a young man

tortured to death in Paraguay by a government security

officer to obtain an award of civil damages. Although that

judgment has not yet been enforced because the defendant

left the United States, Filartiga has come to be recognized

as a seminal decision. The right to be free from torture

has become a matter of universal concern under international

law; consequently, the Second Circuit found it to be fully

appropriate that a United States court has the ability to

hear a claim for money damages, even though the act of

torture was committed outside of this country. As Judge

Kaufman wrote in Filartiga, "for the purpose of civil

liability, the torturer has become like the pirate and the

slave trader before him ... an enemy of all mankind."

Since the Filartiqa decision, victims of human

rights abuses have sought redress under the Alien Tort

Claims Act on several occasions. Results have varied and

the ensuing uncertainty of the extent to which the Alien

Tort Claim Act applies in particular circumstances should be
50

resolved by establishing clear domestic legislation

regarding torture.

The varying conclusions of the District of Columbia

circuit court, in Tel-Oren v. Libyan Arab Republic, is an

example of this uncertainty. In Tel-Oren, survivors and

representatives of persons murdered in an attack on a

civilian bus in Israel brought action under the alien tort

statute against Libya, for alleged tortious acts in

violation, inter alia, of the law of nations. The three

judges on the panel concurred in their decision, however,

they did so for varying reasons. Judge Bork concluded that

due to the lack of an express grant of a private cause of

action for human rights violations in either the Alien Tort

Claims Act or international law, the suit against Libya

necessarily had to be dismissed. Judge Bork based his

opinion on the confusion surrounding the meaning and

application of the alien tort statute and expressed his hope

that "clarification will not be long delayed." The Torture

Protection Victim Act provides this clarification. Judge

Edwards, on the other hand, adopted the Filartiga interpretation of the alien tort statute.

Recently, in the Suarez-Mason litigation in

California, the district court expressly followed the

analysis of the Filartiga decision. The court denied the

motions of defendant, a former senior official in the

Argentine Army, to dismiss all of plaintiff's claims

alleging torture. The court, however, dismissed plaintiff's

claim of "cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment,"

determining that in order to state a cause of action for

international tort under the alien tort statute, there must

be a general recognition, among states, that a specific

practice is prohibited.
51

Most recently, the United States Supreme Court

ruled on the application of the alien tort statute in an

action against the Argentine government for an attack on a

Liberian oil tanker in international waters. In Argentine

Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corp., the Court

distinguished Filartiga, noting that the decision in

«

Filartiga was applicable only in an action against an

individual.

The Lawyers Committee believes that the Torture

Victim Protection Act affords Congress the opportunity to

both reaffirm the principles underlying the Filartiga decision and its progeny, and to provide a clear statement of

legislative and political support for victims of human

rights abuse who are able to bring a case against their

oppressors. The Torture Victim Protection Act will not

replace the 200-year old Alien Tort Claims Act. Instead, it

will make relief clearly available to United States citizens

as well as aliens who are the victims of torture or

extrajudicial killing abroad.

The Torture Victim Protection Act recognizes that

individual rights are now included among the subjects of the

law of nations. This concept was articulated by Judge

Kaufman in Filartiga when he noted that the international

legal community has recognized "the emergence through

international consensus of a universal law of human rights.

That law . . . affords substantive rights to individuals and

places limits on a state's treatment of its own citizens."

The Torture Victim Protection Act addresses the

concerns of judges who have not accepted the use of the

Alien Tort Claims Act to bring human rights violators to

account in this country. The concept of a United States law

having extraterritorial reach is by no means new. In the
areas of antitrust and securities regulation, provisions in

the Sherman Act and the Securities Exchange Act provide for

causes of action to both government and private persons

injured either directly or indirectly by violations

occurring outside of the United States. The Foreign Trade

Antitrust Improvement Act of 1982 amended the Sherman Act in

an attempt to clarify the guestion of the extraterritorial

jurisdiction of the Act. Section 27 of the Securities

Exchange Act gives federal courts exclusive jurisdiction in

suits alleging violation of Rule 10b-5; permitting an action

to be brought wherever any act or transaction constituting

the violation occurs, or wherever the defendant may be

found.

The United States has already extended the extraterritorial reach of federal courts with regard to crimes

against the "law of nations." The Anticrime Bill of 1984,

established that certain acts, such as hostage taking and

aircraft sabotage, committed anywhere in the world, be

punishable in U.S. federal courts. This bill was staunchly

supported by the State Department.

In the wake of the Achille Lauro hijacking, the

United States strengthened its domestic legislation in these

areas with the Omnibus Diplomatic Security and AntiTerrorism Act of 1986, which provides the U.S. with

jurisdiction over certain crimes committed against U.S.

citizens overseas. This legislation gave the U.S. the legal

right to prosecute, in the United States, those who murder

or violently attack Americans abroad.

Passage of the Torture Victim Protection Act will

not open the floodgates to litigation in U.S. courts. Human

rights violators rarely are made available to victims or
53

victims' families in this country. The language of the Act

expressly states several important limitations:

• Only persons acting "under actual or

apparent authority" of a foreign nation

would be liable for damages -- neither

governments themselves nor purely

private persons would be liable;

• A court could decline jurisdiction if

there was clear evidence that the party

bringing the case had not exhausted

"adequate and available remedies" in the

nation where the alleged abuses

occurred.

Furthermore, as noted above, the federal district court must

have personal jurisdiction over the defendant, based either

on physical presence or sufficient contacts with the forum.

Existing rules of civil procedure will thus restrict the

number of suits under this new cause of action.

Mr. Chairman, the Torture Victim Protection Act

provides a practical measure through which this committee

and, we hope, the entire Congress can help deter torture and

extrajudicial killing. By making it clear that gross

violators of human rights are not welcome in this country,

and affording a means for their victims to seek redress, the

Torture Victim Protection Act will help enforce universallyrecognized human rights. It will reaffirm that the United

States assumes a leading role in promoting respect for human

rights throughout the world, and in effectively using its

own domestic institutions in pursuit of that objective.
54

Senator SIMON. Thank you.

Mr. Shattuck.

STATEMENT OF JOHN SHATTUCK

Mr. SHATTUCK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I, too, have a prepared

statement which I will submit for the record.

I want to join with Mr. Posner and Mr. Drinan in thanking Senator Specter for your leadership in introducing this very important

legislation over two Congresses.

We at Amnesty International regard this legislation as an important step in combating the widespread practice of torture. In June

1984, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee held hearings on the

phenomenon of torture, following the publication of an Amnesty

International report, "Torture in the Eighties."

At that time, Amnesty reported that the practice of torture was

widespread, occurring in more than 90 countries around the globe.

Further, Amnesty reported that torture was a systematic practice

in 30 of those countries. It was not confined to countries of one political persuasion or another, as we all know, but occurred in countries across the political spectrum and is a sad commentary on the

way in which those countries have operated domestically with respect to people who are brought to torture.

I would like to be able to report to you today that our experience

in Amnesty International is that this is no longer the case and that

in 6 years major changes have been made. However, I cannot. Instead, torture continues to be practiced on a wide scale by governments of every persuasion, for a variety of reasons, none of them

justifying the practice.

Earlier this year, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture submitted a report to the U.N. Human Rights Commission, which lists

over 40 countries in Asia, Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and

Latin America, with documented or suspected cases of torture, and

over the last 18 months, Amnesty International has issued 29 reports on countries in which torture is a serious concern.

A sampling of those countries includes Burma, Guatemala, Ethiopia, Iraq, Somalia, and Turkey, demonstrating again that torture

continues to occur in countries of every region and across the ideological spectrum. In short, torture continues to plague the globe

and is a human rights epidemic.

The U.S. Government has, indeed, taken a number of significant

steps to combat the practice of torture, and I have outlined those in

my prepared statement and, indeed, they have been referred to by

the administration witnesses and my colleagues.

The most important of these steps, of course, is the signing of the

International Convention Against Torture, which is now pending

ratification by the Senate. But the practice of torture, I think, continues to challenge our conscience as a Nation. In its report referred to earlier, Amnesty International detailed a 12-point program to eradicate the practice, and I have attached a copy to my

statement.

Key among those 12 points is the need to hold the individual torturer and those who direct others to torture accountable for their

actions. Sadly, I think, as we see at the heart of this hearing and as
55

seems to be conceded by the administration witnesses, this is something that is not likely to happen in countries that practice or encourage torture. Indeed, it may even not be likely to happen if we

sign the convention.

So, the challenge to hold torturers to account falls upon the

international community of nations and those with the political

will to take action. We hope that the committee will look on this

legislation in that light, as a means of holding torturers to account

for their actions when their own governments are unwilling or

unable to do so.

The legislation, I think, Mr. Chairman, stands for the very

simple proposition that the United States will not be a safe haven

for torturers. It means that torturers coming to the United States

would face the risk of being sued by their victims in civil court for

damages for acts related to the torture or the acts, if it is family

members in the case of someone who may have been, in fact, killed

by the torturer.

I think a key element of the program against torture that we feel

very strongly about at Amnesty International is that there is a

need to compensate the torture victims, and criminal prosecution,

as important as it might be under some circumstances, nonetheless

rests very heavily on the prosecutorial discretion and certainly

does not involve the degree of involvement by the torture victims

of compensation. Under this bill, the remedy would be available for

both aliens and U.S. citizens who suffered at the hands of the torturers.

So, while this legislation may not have the magnitude of the

International Convention Against Torture, it is an essential compliment to that convention and should be seen in that light. In short,

we feel that the enactment of the bill provides an important

weapon in the arsenal against the epidemic of torture which we

have outlined in our reports and which the United Nations, as recently as this year, have thoroughly canvassed once again. Above

all, I think the bill would send a clear and unmistakable message

that the United States will not provide a safe haven to torturers.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I would like to ally myself with the

comments that Mr. Posner just made in response to some of the administration points, and I would certainly be happy to respond to

questions along those lines, as well.

Thank you very much.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Shattuck follows:]
56

Testimony

of

Amnesty International USA

on

The Torture Victim Protection Act

S.1696

Presented to the

Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs

Senate Judiciary Committee

June 22, 1990

Mr. Chairman, I am John Shattuck, Vice-chairman of the Board

of Directors of Amnesty International USA.

We want to commend you, Mr. Chairman, for holding these

hearings today to further the progress of the Torture Victim

Protection Act through the Senate. We are grateful to

Senator Specter and Senator Leahy for introducing this

legislation.

The House of Representatives recently passed a bill similar

to this one by a vote of 362 to 4. We hope that the Senate

will pass this bill by an equally impressive margin.

We regard this legislation as an important step in combating

the widespread practice of torture. In June of 1984, the

Senate Foreign Relations Committee held hearings on the

phenomenon of torture following the publication of the

Amnesty International 1984 Report, "Torture in the

Eighties." At that time Amnesty International reported that

the practice of torture was widespread, occurring in more

than 90 countries around the globe. Further, Amnesty

reported that torture was a systematic practice in 30 of

those countries. It was not confined to countries of one

political persuasion or another, but occurred in countries

across the political spectrum.

I would like to be able to report today that that is no

longer the case. However, I cannot. Instead, torture

continues to be practiced on a wide scale by governments of

every persuasion for a variety of reasons, none of them

justifying the practice. The U.N. Special Rapporteur on

Torture recently submitted a report to the U.N. Human Rights

Commission which lists over 40 countries in Asia, Africa,

Europe, the Middle East and Latin America with documented

or suspected cases of torture. Over the last 18 months.

Amnesty International has issued 29 reports on countries in

which torture is a serious concern. A sampling of those

countries includes Burma, Guatemala, Ethiopia, Iraq,

Somalia, and Turkey, demonstrating again that torture

continues to occur in countries of every region and across

the ideological spectrum. Torture continues to plague the

globe•a human rights epidemic.
57

The U.S. Government has taken a number of significant steps

to combat the practice of torture. Passage of the

Congressional Resolution Against Torture in 1984 (P.L. 98-

447), which instructed U.S. Ambassadors to raise issues

relating to the practice of torture, has proved to be an

effective tool for those U.S. diplomats willing to use it.

U.S. embassy officials attend trials where allegations of

torture are raised. They investigate reports of torture and

the State Department country reports expose this practice

reasonably well. The United States was instrumental in the

development of the Convention Against Torture and Other

Forms of Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

adopted by the United Nations in December 1984. The United

States signed the Convention on April 8, 1988, and later

submitted it to the Senate for ratification. The Senate

Foreign Relations Committee held hearings on ratification on

January 30, 1990. We hope that a mark-up and floor vote

will take place during this Session of Congress.

But the practice of torture continues to challenge our

conscience as a nation. In its report on torture referred

to earlier, Amnesty International detailed a twelve-point

program to eradicate the practice of torture, a copy of

which is attached to my statement. Key among those twelve

points is the need to hold the individual torturer and those

who directed others to torture accountable for their

actions.

Unfortunately, few if any countries regularly or even rarely

attack the problem of torture by bringing to justice those

involved in its practice. Perhaps this is too much to

expect, particularly where the practice is sanctioned by the

political or military elite in the country who continue in

power.

So the challenge to hold torturers to account falls upon the

international community of nations and those with the

political will to take action. We hope that this committee

will look on this legislation in that light, as a means of

holding torturers to account for their actions when their

own governments are unwilling or unable to do so. The

legislation would deny a safe haven in the United States to

torturers. Torturers coming to the United States would face

the risk of being sued by their victims in civil court for

damages related to torture or by family members if their

actions had resulted in death.

One other element of the twelve-point program against

torture that this legislation addresses is the need to

compensate the victims of torture. Obviously what is

intended here is that the government under whose real or

apparent authority the torture occurred compensate the

victims for their suffering and loss. However, where that

is unlikely or impossible to bring about, victims would have

an opportunity for compensation or some sense of redress of

their grievances through a civil suit in U.S. federal

courts, if both they and the torturer are within the

jurisdiction of the court. Under this legislation, such a

remedy would be available for both aliens and U.S. citizens

who have suffered at the hands of the torturer.
58

This legislation may not have the magnitude of an

international convention against torture. It may not have

the immediate impact that a U.S. Ambassador raising the

issue directly with a government could have. But we feel

strongly that enactment of this legislation provides an

important additional weapon in the arsenal against the

epidemic of torture.

June 22, 1990
59

12

TORTURE BRIEFING

Amnesty International

TWELVE-POINT PROGRAM FOR THE

PREVENTION OF TORTURE

UriM MMtalZ «

m

.nni«J"0"!l0K °' "

Uman ri9h,s'con°«»""«l by the General Assembly of the United Nations as an offence to human dignity and prohibited under national and International

th,Ie

D

,mWhi«^,

!

U

;

d

'"yl

nd

,acr08S ,ne 9'0be-

,n Amnesty International's experience, legislanhumln « TJ^r,?^"^' In?

medlato s,eps «"» "••a* «° confront torture and otherlruel,

total• de9

radln9 treatment or punishment wherever they occur and to eradicate them

foMhTSf^.n!"•"!!?1!! C3"f.?nJ!" 8

ovemm»"«« «° Implement the following 12-Polnt Program

•the nZ«m A^Trl"?-." hH2" concemed Individuals and organizations to join in promot-

«?.ELTSCSL*. "

M,y '"tonwtlonal believes that the implementation of these measures Is a

woridwUta Bovemmenfs commitment to abolish torture and to work for Its abolition

1. Official condemnation of torture

The highest authorities of every country

should demonstrate their total opposition

to tenure. They should make clear to all

law enforcement personnel [hat torture

will not be tolerated under any circumstances.

2. Limits on incommunicado

detention

Torture often takes place while the victims are held incommunicado•unable

to contact people outside who could help

them or find out what is happening to

them. Governments should adopt safeguards to ensure that incommunicado

detention does not become an opportunity for torture. It is vital that all prisoners

be brought before a judicial authority

promptly after being taken into custody

and that relatives, lawyers and doctors

have prompt and regular access to them.

3. No secret detention

In some countries torture takes place in

secret centres, often after the victims are

made to "disappear". Governments

should ensure that prisoners are held in

publicly recognized places, and that

accurate information about their whereabouts is made available to relatives and

lawyers.

4. Safeguards during interrogation

and custody

Governments should keep procedures

for detention and interrogation under

regular review. All prisoners should be

promptly told of their rights, including

the right to lodge complaints about their

treatment. There should be regular independent visits of inspection to places of

detention. An important safeguard against

torture would be the separation of authorities responsible for detention from

those in charge of interrogation.

S. Independent investigation of

reports of torture

Governments should ensure that all complaints and reports of torture are impartially and effectively investigated. The

methods and findings of such investigations should be made public. Complainants and witnesses should be protected

from intimidation.

6. No use of statements extracted

under torture

Governments should ensure that confessions or other evidence obtained

through torture may never be invoked in

legal proceedings.

7. Prohibition of torture in law

Governments should ensure that acts of

torture are punishable offences under

the criminal law. In accordance with

international law, the prohibition of torture must not be suspended under any

circumstances, including states of war or

other public emergency.

8. Prosecution of alleged torturers

Those responsible for torture should be

brought to justice. This principle should

apply wherever they happen to be.

wherever the crime was committed and

whatever the nationality of the perpetrators or victims. There should be no "safe

haven" for torturers.

9. Training procedures

It should be made clear during the training of all officials involved in the custody,

interrogation or treatment of prisoners

that torture is a criminal act. They should

be instructed that they are obliged to

refuse to obey any order to torture.

10. Compensation and rehabilitation

Victims of torture and their dependants

should be entitled to obtain financial

compensation. Victims should be provided with appropriate medical care and

rehabilitation.

11. International response

Governments should use all available

channels to intercede with governments

accused of torture. Inter-governmental

mechanisms should be established and

used to investigate reports of torture

urgently and to take effective action

against it. Governments should ensure

that military, security or police transfers

or training do not facilitate the practice

of torture.

12. Ratification of international

instruments

All governments should ratify international instruments containing safeguards

and remedies against torture, including

the International Covenant on Civil and

Political Rights and its Optional Protocol

which provides for individual complaints.

AtaUltontl'TortSr1""**"""' ** A°",M"'

ln

"

r

"""°",u in O"01*' ""•» P«« »' «>' on.nta.llon', Gunp.1,. for Ihc
Senator KENNEDY [presiding]. Thank you very much.

I want to join in welcoming three long-time friends for whom I

have enormous admiration. Father Drinan, we have been good

friends for a number of years and we always know of your very significant contributions in public policy matters.

Mr. Posner, we have enjoyed working with you on many different matters, on human rights and immigration. *

Mr. Shattuck, who is a very effective advocate for the protection

of individual rights and liberties, and continues to be concerned

about that and lives up in my home State.

We appreciate your presence.

I will include my full statement in the record.

[The prepared statement of Senator Kennedy follows:]
61

STATEMENT OF SENATOR EDWARD M. KENNEDY

HEARING ON THE

TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION ACT (S.1629)

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE AFFAIRS

JUNE 22, 1990

The Subcommittee's hearing today is on the Torture

Victim Protection Act.

It is appropriate that we are considering this measure

at a time when Nelson Mandela is in the United States. For

he stands as the most powerful symbol in the world today of

the goals we are trying to achieve in the cause of

fundamental human rights and the liberty of all humanity.

This bill would provide legal remedies in U.S. courts to

victims of torture or extrajudicial killings who are unable

to seek relief in the courts of their own countries.

Significant progress has been made in recent years in

the worldwide effort against the cruelty and brutality of

torture. Unfortunately, as we know only too well, not all

governments abide by international standards and

conventions. The record of torture and death squad activity

by government officials in recent years demonstrates that all

too often these officials consider themselves above the law

and beyond the reach of any civilized sanction. The Torture

Victim Protection Act is an important step in America's

contribution to the enforcement of international laws against

torture.

There are few actions so dehumanizing as torture.

Victims bear the physical and psychological scars of their

experience for life. Its use is designed to terrorize and

oppress entire populations.

Other nations have an obligation to make their courts

accessible to torture victims, and the United States should

do so to the maximum extent our Constitution permits, in

order to assure that torturers feel the full weight of

international law.

The legislation before us today is a modest, but

important step. There are reasonable limits to what we can

achieve, in part because our laws require that both the

victim and the torturer must be present in the United States

for the matter to be considered.

But if other governments follow clia LG-rsa WSrt

considering today, there will be fewer and fewer places for

the torturers and the death squads to hide. By enacting this

legislation we are helping to set a standard for other

nations to apply under their laws.

I commend Senator Specter for his leadership on this

important initiative, and I am pleased to co-sponsor this

bill.

I look forward to hearing from the Administration on the

legislation, and to receiving the views of our panel of

eminent American human rights leaders.

########
62

TORTURE CONVENTION

Senator KENNEDY. Mr. Shattuck, you talked about the convention just in the closing parts of your statement and I would like to

have you address•perhaps this has been addressed with the previous witnesses•whether the remedies proposed under the Torture

Victims bill, as some argue, should be addressed in the context of

the Torture Convention and not unilateral legislation by the

United States. I know all of you have been very much involved in

the Torture Convention, and so could you comment again about

whether there is conflict between this bill and the Torture Convention?

Mr. SHATTUCK. Certainly, Mr. Chairman. This bill is entirely

complimentary to the Torture Convention. The Torture Convention

is a very significant multilateral treaty which involves the general

proposition to which all the subscribing nations are bound to

follow, that torture must be eradicated and that the states that

sign that convention and other states, if they are willing to follow

the precepts of the prohibition against torture even if they do not

sign, should have a set of sanctions inside of their states.

The practical problem which has come out throughout this hearing, I think, Mr. Chairman, is that the worst torturing nations are

those nations which either harbor the torturers or encourage them,

are extremely unlikely to impose sanctions themselves and, in that

sense, it is necessary to have a unilateral component to this general effort on the part of nations to eliminate torture, and this bill is

indeed addressed to that.

It is by no means an effort to prosecute torturers or give victims

rights insofar as there is no direct jurisdiction in the United States,

so the victim and the torturer must be within the United States or

within the jurisdiction of the United States. But if that occurs,

then it is very much the case that if Libya or Iran or another state,

which is unlikely to provide remedies internally, fails to do so, it is

this bill that sends the signal that our country is not going to

harbor torturers and is going to give those who are victims of torture a remedy.

IMPACT OF LEGISLATION

Senator KENNEDY. That is another point, because there are going

to be so few cases, is the bill really important? Mr. Posner, with

the small number of individuals covered, given the requirement

that the torturers and the victims be in the United States, realistically how much will this bill accomplish?

Mr. POSNER. I think it is important, in two respects. I think it is,

first of all, even if it is a handful of people every year that avail

themselves of this protection and are able, as Mr. Shattuck said, to

obtain compensation. It is a recognition that torture happens to

real people and there ought to be some remedies available to those

people somewhere in the world.

I think, on a broader level, it is important symbolically for us to

say that we are going to extend every opportunity and go out of

our way to make it clear to the world community that we not only

say we oppose torture, but we are willing to do something about it.

It is important that people who commit torture know that there is
63

a possibility, even if it is a slim possibility, that they are going to

be sued in the United States and may have to pay some money for

their actions.

So, I think both in limited practical terms, for a few cases a year,

not a large number, that in a broader sense, a practical recognition

confirmation that our country stands against torture and is willing

to do something to prevent it.

Senator KENNEDY. I imagine you also have the hope that if we

pass it, other countries might take some steps, as well, and this

point should not be lost.

Mr. POSNER. Absolutely.

EFFECT ON TORTURE VICTIMS

Senator KENNEDY. Let me ask Father Drinan just about the

therapeutic effect of the bill on torture victims. We know there is a

victims treatment center up in Minnesota that tries to deal with

the aftershock and posttorture trauma. I am familiar with a case of

a Massachusetts man who was unsuccessful in the Saudi courts in

getting prosecution. Do you think that this can have some impact

in terms of the posttorture trauma of individuals? Do you think

this can be useful?

Father DRINAN. Senator, that is a very good observation. I think

that it can. I think if we clarified existing law, without enacting

new laws at all, just clarify the law that was put through by the

First Congress, it would have a therapeutic effect. It would say that

the United States forbids it and there is a remedy.

Incidentally, I have never heard before today the allegation that

there is a conflict or an inconsistency between the Convention on

Torture and this particular act. In the American Bar Association

that point never came up, and in the hearings and in the floor

debate in the House that point had never been alleged.

So, Senator, I am very familiar with what they are doing in Minnesota and also in Sweden. I talked with Mr. Tinnerman at some

length on several occasions in Argentina and here about the physical and psychological impacts on those who were tortured, and I

think the enactment of this particular bill would send a signal that

we want to deal with this terrible disease around the world in a

unique and creative way, and that is, as Senator Kennedy suggested, other nations of the Earth would follow, so that the torturers

would know that if they do this in their own country and if they

travel abroad, they are very likely to be hit with heavy damages.

DEFINING ACTIONS UNDER GOVERNMENT AUTHORITY

Senator KENNEDY. TO continue, Father Drinan, section 2 of the

bill says that it covers every person who, "under actual or apparent authority of any foreign nation," subjects any person to torture

or extrajudicial killing. How could .you prove this? Could you give

us an example•a fact situation•which demonstrates this?

Father DRINAN. AS you know, Senator, that language is tracked

from section 1983 and from the civil rights bill, all that jurisprudence there would be applicable. But I think it would be very clear

that if, for example, some woman from Chile is here now and she

can demonstrate that, under the official policies of the Pinochet
64

government, she was tortured, then clearly we could say that she is

entitled to any compensation that can be derived from any assets

that Chile might have here. I think it is as provable as it is in the

cases of the civil rights area.

Senator KENNEDY. Senator Specter.

Senator SPECTER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. In your

absence, Senator Kennedy, I had expressed my appreciation for

your scheduling this hearing this week and moving this legislation

along.

Father Drinan, let me pick up on the last comment you made

about pursuing assets of Chile. I am not sure that this legislation

can go to another sovereign state, the assets of a country.

Father DRINAN. NO, it would be a person from Chile. As in the

Filartiga decision, it was an individual in Paraguay, so I think the

misgivings of the State Department are not well placed.

Senator SPECTER. YOU mentioned Chile. It is not quite on point,

but a number of us are still working on the Letellier case, on the

murder or assassination on the streets of Washington, DC, in 1976.

Again, illustrative of State Department reticence to pursue the

matter with real forcefulness, looking favorably upon some lesser

action by the new Chilean Government, which raises a lot of questions.

I would pick up on what Senator Kennedy had asked about with

respect to how many of these cases there would likely be, and I inquire of you three gentlemen, if you know of any other litigation

which has been started on this torture theory under the authority,

say, of the second circuit opinion.

Mr. POSNER. I think in the last 10 years, there may have been a

dozen cases, 10 cases, something like that, a very few. Now, part of

that is the

Senator SPECTER. DO you know the results?

Mr. POSNER. There are a few cases, the Suarez-Mason cases, of

which there were several concurring cases in the Northern District

of California, the judgments were in favor of the plaintiffs, and by

the time damages were awarded, the Government of Argentina had

extradited Suarez-Mason back to that country.

A number of the cases were dropped and, as far as I know, a

couple of the cases were the situation you just described, where

somebody tried to sue a state. Seiderman was one such case, in the

Central District of California, and, as you suggest, that is clearly

beyond the scope of what we are intending and beyond the scope of

section 1350 of the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, which was

deemed to have applied.

So, I think the answer is that there may be a couple of cases a

year. If this legislation passes, my guess is that it may go up as

high as 5 or 6 cases a year or 10. We are not talking about a flood

of litigation. The circumstances are so improbable that we are not

going to see, I think, any likely flood, but we are going to see probably more attention to it and probably a handful of good cases

brought a year.

Senator SPECTER. The Tel-Oren case in the District circuit poses

an interesting line of an approach, where the plaintiffs were survivors and representatives of persons murdered on an armed attack

on a civilian bus in Israel in March 1978, and the defendants
65

named were the Libyan Arab Republic, the Palestine Liberation

Organization, the Palestine Information Office, the National Association of Arab-Americans, and the Palestine Congress of North

America, and to have jurisdiction to impose civil damages would

certainly open up an area which really ought to be aired, and if

litigation could establish some form of justice in the form of monetary damages, that certainly would be quite a significant step forward.

Mr. POSNER. I think that is right, although in that case, there

were several problems. One is that they were, in the one instance,

suing a state, Libya, which again has problems with the Foreign

Sovereign Immunities Act, and, in the second instance, suing an independent entity or a series of entities that are not governments.

So, I think Judge Edwards, in his dissenting opinion, correctly

pointed out that those were impediments under section 1350, but

certainly the spirit of what people were trying to do in holding violators accountable is something that we support.

I should say, in that opinion, Judge Bork made the observation

that this area was one where legislative clarification and certainty

would be appreciated by the courts, and I think it is in that spirit

that this legislation is in the right direction.

Senator SPECTER. Well, that is why the legislation is really

brought. The Tel-Oren case has a very complex series of a short pro

curiam opinion of the court and three expansive concurring opinions raising a great many complex legal issues, and this bill would

lay it all to rest.

Mr. Shattuck, do you have anything you would care to say?

Mr. SHATTUCK. Yes; Mr. Chairman, if I could just add to that, I

did not want to cite, I do not have any additional cases to cite, but

I think really to credit you, as the sponsor and the person, along

with other Senators, who crafted this legislation, I think it is worth

just very quickly reviewing the four limitations on jurisdiction that

the bill imposes, so that, in response to your question about the size

of the floodgates of litigation which were very gently alluded to by

the administration witnesses, I think there are very clear answers

to that.

First, the suit can only be brought when the victim has no

remedy in the country where the torture occurs, and that is a very

important limitation and is the way in which this legislation compliments the convention, in that we are not suggesting, you are not

suggesting through the legislation that there would be a remedy,

that there would be some remedy in the United States, if there

would be some remedy in the country where the torture occurs,

and that needs to be demonstrated to the courts.

Second, both the victim and the torturer must be within the U.S.

jurisdiction, under normal jurisdictional determinations, under the

regular personal jurisdiction, jurisprudence that we have in the

Federal courts.

Third, individuals outside the U.S. jurisdiction who are protected

by sovereign or diplomatic immunity or in any other way protected

as agents of a state, through normal sovereign and diplomatic immunity channels, cannot be sued or cannot be reached.

Finally, the torturer must be acting under the actual or apparent

authority of the foreign nation, and that is a subject, as Father
66

Drinan was suggesting, that is very similar to acting under color of

state law, although I think in this case it would probably be even a

narrow determination that might be made by an individual court.

So, all of those limitations are very important, but, nonetheless,

the administration cuts through the great confusion that exists

that I think the administration witnesses were conceding, in terms

of the applicability of the Alien Tort Claims Act, but it is a rather

elderly statute which clearly applies, but this makes it clear exactly what it means.

Senator SPECTER. Well, I thank you very much for coming. I

think this is an important bill and

Father DRINAN. Senator Specter, could I add just a footnote to

that question? Recently I wrote about the Tel-Oren decision as compared with Filartiga, and I was very pleased to get a letter from

counsel in Tel-Oren, who said that if Senate bill 1629, this bill, had

been the law, the result in Tel-Oren would have been different.

Senator SPECTER. Thank you very much for coming. I think that

it is an important step forward in trying to provide some judicial

remedies. We are doing a great many things in a great many areas

on the terrorism line, which touches on this, trying to get some

international court activity on drug cases and on terrorism cases.

There are a lot of very difficult concepts that we have started to

explore with the administration officials, the implication of Fawa

Unis and moving for arrests in other parts of the world where

there are no governments, where there is a government like Lebanon, which cannot extradite, or maybe even get into a situation

where there is a country which will not honor extradition. I do not

know that the United States can make arrests in that context or if

it can assert the jurisdiction of our courts, but it is a question to be

at least considered.

We have a very complex controversy now with the Mexican Government, arising from the process by which the Mexican doctors

have been brought to the United States and the torture, apparently, of a Federal drug agent doing very important work. We have to

protect our drug agents, wherever they are. That is a very complex

and a very fascinating matter.

I do not know when we will really know all as to what happened,

if ever, but if you have torture by officials of another government

and you identify the torturers and the criminals and you cannot

get extradition and it is something that is of core value of a country like the United States fighting drugs and sending our agents

out subjected to that kind of torture, what do you do about it, short

of going to war? And these are heinous and horrendous acts and

wherever we can move against them, we should, and this, of

course, is just a very small step, but I think an important one.

The House has acted and this hearing will give it the basis for

moving it up on the judiciary calendar. I predict this legislation

will be enacted, and I further predict it will not be vetoed.

Thank you.

Father DRINAN. Thank you very much.

Senator SPECTER. And if it is vetoed, I will not make a prediction

as to

[Laughter.]
67

CASE OF SCOTT NELSON

Senator KENNEDY. We had a fellow named Scott Nelson from

Massachusetts who had been working in Saudi Arabia and he

writes that on September 27, 1984,

I was taken from my place of work in Saudi Arabia by officials of the government

and spent the next few hours being forced to be bent over a rod until the joints of

the knees separated, my shoes were pulled off and they tortured me.

And he continues along.

The Nelson family was in touch with me and with the Embassy

and he was released and told it was a mistake, which is enormously reassuring for this poor fellow. He goes on to say,

As you suggested, I contacted the State Department when I returned and soon

found out they were going to do battle to get their assistance, and they referred to

Saudi Arabia as their client. It felt like Saudi Arabia was the one who was tortured

by me. At the Department of State, I had to ask the desk officer if this was the U.S.

State Department.

They gave him a list of 20 lawyers in Saudi Arabia and none of

them would take the case, because of fears of reprisal.

I will put Mr. Nelson's letter in the record, but here is a hardworking, decent person who has just pursued this over a long

period of time. In every single place he has tried to go through the

various options, seeing the Ambassador, he has been denied any

kind of redress whatsoever, and he talks about this posttorture

trauma that continues with him in his daily life. I am not sure that

passing this bill will answer, obviously, his particular problem, but

there is no question that there are these kinds of anxieties, and obviously justice that needs doing. But his letter is something that we

will put in the record.

[The information referred to follows:]
68

j2i_ us~*J k/zf/fo

The Honorable Edward Kennedy

Chairman

Immigration Sub. Committee

United States Senate

Dear Senator Kennedy;

I am writing you today for a number of reasons. First

to show you how much we need the passage of S1629 and second

to be able to thank you publicly for all that you did for my

son Mathew,wife Pam, and myself in 1984. Without your intervention

extracting us from my tortures we would not be here today to

write this letter.

On Sept. 27,1984 I was taken from my place of work in Saudi

Arabia by officials of the Gov. (none Spoke English) and put

in a cell. The next few hours consisted of being forced to

do deep knee bends over a rod until the joints in the knees

separated and I fell to the ground. They pulled off my shoes

and tortured me with phalanga, the beating of the bottom

of your feet causing great pain and physical complications

that persist today. Then I was kicked punched and beaten

from head to toe. I was forced to sign' a paper in Arabic

that to this day have no idea what it said. I was never taken

to a court.charged,tried,or convicted of any crime in Saudi

Arabia. 1 now suffer with the after effects of this torture

but have developed Posttraumatic Stress Disorder that effects

my every day life. Due to the results of the torture I have

not been able to work in 5 years I have had many operations

and treatments and will continue to need medical attention

for a long time to come.

When they finaly released me after your intervention I was

told many times by many different Gov. of Saudi Arabia officals

that "it has all been a big mistake" and I should just go

back to work. I refused all their offers and about 8 days later

after meeting many Saudi Gov. people I was given my passports

and left Saudi Arabia.

As you suggested I contacted the State Dept. when I returned

and soon found out that it was going to be a battle to get

their assistance when they refer to Saudi Arabia as "their CLIENT';

It felt like Saudi Arabia was the one who was tortured by me

and I had invaded their Dept.of State I had to ask the desk

officer if this was the UNITED STATES State Dept.

The desk officer then gave me a list of aprox. 20 Lawyers in Saudi

Arabia to contact. I sent letters to each and with out exception

none would even talk to me about the case. They said one of

three things l)conflict of interest 2)not in their line of work

3) Would not take a case against the Gov. for fear of reprisal.

But all did say the same thing that this type of case is

best handled with direct contact with the King.

My Attorney contacted Fred Dutton who is the Attorney for

the Saudi Embassy in Washington. After many phone calls

they agreed to meet and formulate a claim to be sent by'

Dutton to the King. This was completed to the satisfaction of

Dutton and he was to send it to the King. After many calls to

find out the status of the claim and almost 2 years later

Dutton informed me that he was not "CONDUIT" to handle claims

and would not send it to the King.
During this time Many members of Congress had written dozens

of..letters for me to the Saudi Gov; U.S.State Dept;and

the Administration requesting help in getting the claim

to the king. I appeared before the House of Representatives

with many other Americ-ns that have had the same problems in Saudi

Arabia written hundreds of letters and phone calls to anyone

that would listen.

On one of my many calls to the State Dept. I was transfered to

Mr. Cutler Ambassador Designate to Saudi Arabia he asked if

I would come to D.C. and meet with him.

I met with Cutler and agreed to go through the same list

again of lawyers and he agreed that if I could not get one he

would take my case to the King if he gets -confirmed.

I along with the Embassy in Saudi contacted the lawyers

and received much the same answers. I contacted Cutler

and told him that no lawyer would take the case and seeing

that he had been confifmed would he now take the case to the

King as he told the Senate he would during his hearing and

he told me to never contact him again to call the desk at

the State Dept. I did this and they just blew my request off

I filed suit in Fla against the Saudi Gov. This was soon

dismissed due to Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. and is

now on appeal in Atlanta and will be heard on June 28 1990

I now go back to the State Dept. International Claims

Dept. and a legal advisor tells me that before the State Dept.

can raise this claim to the Gov. of Saudi Arabia I must

satisfy all local remedies fcut has not to this day told me what

they are. He did tell me that I have to send a copy of the

complaint to the high court called The Board of Greviance (B.O.G.)

I did this and it was returned to me unopened with the

stamp that said"REFUSED" I contacted the Desk officer at the State

Dept. and he made arangements to have the Embassy in Saudi

deliver it.

During this Time Cutler left Saudi and the new Designate Freeman

called me. He wanted to meet in D.C. but in all of my dealings

with the State Dept. I felt that he could tell me what he

wanted to over the phone as I did not want to waste the

time and money going to D.C. as I have yet to get the State

Dept. to do as they promise. All that he said was that he

would follow my case.

Freeman in his confirmation hearing before the Senate tells

the committeethat the B.O.G. would handle the case by mail that

no lawyers were required I would not have to go to Saudi and

appear before the B.O.G. as they would request information as they

needed it from me and would send me any questions that they had,._

I heard nothing from the B.O.G. until two weeks ago whenvfluring

one of my weekly calls to the State Dept. I was informed that

I should be in Saudi the Following Sat for trial at the

request of the B.O.G. When I stated that I cannot and will

not go to Saudi Arabia I was asked if I had a lawyer in Saudi

who could represent me . I could not believe it after 5 years

of trying to get a lawyer they are asking this question

as this last go around the Embassy contacted all the lawyers.

Now I am told that the State Dept. got a continuance until

Aug 1990 and If I do not have a represinitive or I do not

appear the case will be dismissed '
70

I think it is plain to see that there is no place for

those of us who have problems outside the U.S. to be able

to resolve their claims as the State Dept. can not even tell

you what you have to do to meet their requirements before

they will take your claim to a Foreign Gov. for you.

I feel it should be put in the record that it was never the intent

of congress when the alien Tort Staute was made into law

that U.S. citizens not have those same rights given to noncitizens of the U.S. and to go one more step this bill should

be made retroactive to allow people like myself to at least

have his day in court.

I hope that passage of this bill will be expeditious and

a message sent all over the world that the U.S.A. will not

stand and protect those who support torture and the victims

of torture will have a forum to be heard and compensated

for their suffering.

When dealing with the State Dept. you cannot help the feeling

that you are getting involved in a conflict of interest

situation as the CLIENT is more important than a tortured

American.

I am reminded of the words told to me by a ranking official

at the Saudi Embassy in Washington "Why should my country

pay your claim if you country will not support it." Now

is the time for my country to stand up and do something

about torture. Those who do not support this bill are either

blind to torture or are supportive of torture

WITH THE THANKS FOR MY FREEDOM FROM TORTURE AND THAT OF MY FAMILY

With kindest regards, I am
71

SAUOt AKAOI* y.'f >' V..X1*&Uil

MYiOH - "21' \\1\\ - 0-<-iJi

TO :-.>:e:-; rr "AY cz:czrx I* Fa.-odm uoi

• 13 June 1984'

Referer.ce: Mr. Scott Kelson - Letter of Appreciation

ix. Scott Kelson was assigned as Monitoring Systems Engineer in the

Utilities t Jainier-ance Division of King Faisal Specialist Hospital on

December 7, 1933. Curing this period of time, due to ranpewer shortages

and Hospital requirements, Mr. Nelson was assigned additional duties as

Supervisor of the Elevator Team, and Acting Head of Plant Operations/

haintenance.

In the position of Supervisor of the Elevator Team, he has developed

operating procedures for both routine and emergency call outs, initiated

a reporting system that provides current and daily status on all elevators,

developed and pursued spare parts requirements en all elevators, and has •'

researched and identified required specifications, drawings and manuals

for all five types of elevators in use on King Faisal Specialist Hospital

property. -

Mr, Nelson has devoted a vast amount of overtime without compensation iff

the interest of maintaining the elevators in working order during a period

of ti,Te when parts and personnel were nonavailable/ Cn numerous occasions,

through the innovation of Mr. Kelsons*efforts, he has been able to maintain

the elevators successfully in the Hospital, tCt, KAC, "D" Complex and other

Residential Areas. In order to achieve this, Mr. Nelson has been required

to work nearly every weekend and has been called out at all hours of the

night during the week. :

Mr. Kelson assumed the responsibilities and duties as Acting Head of Plant

Cperaticns/:'Ji.-.tenance on Kay 13, 1984. This was due to the fact that the

Acting Decrement Head had submitted his resignation and no available replacement had been identified or approved. The Head of Plant Oparaticns/Kiintenanc.

is certainly a full-tine and demanding job and carries the responsibilities

for the operation and maintenance of critical equipment, producing utilities

essential to the Hospital's operation.' These services include 50 and CO

cycle elcctricil cower production, steam generation, domestic hot and cold

water services, low pressure hot water for heating and chilled water for

ccolir.; the Hospital. Plant Operations Department is also responsible for

Continued...2
72

c-npressed air syste.-:, liquid propose system, liquid o:<ygcn system and

-•-stribution system for all above utilities. As Acting Department Head

-f Plant Operations he MS also responsible for monitoring and operating

« 11 exercency standby equipment at 1"CV, KAC housing, the Water Reservoir

£-•-•£ the Diesel Tank Firm, plus the operation of six electrical substations.

fx. Nelson has proven his ability to successfully and efficiently carry out

not onl^'the 'responsibility of his prirary job as ttnitoring" Systecs Qigine>er,

t-jtf all duties* responsibilities, and functions as Acting Head of Plant

Cperations/Kaintenence, and Supervisor of the Elevator Team

This letterjrf appreciation, is by no means proper compensation for the

J

JyofZjuia^Big£jigicnalisn and corcern Rr. ffejscg his. shoun'Ih'tTie interest

oQJic bbspicB£!Kis dedication reflects not only upon himself but on'the

division and the Hospital as a vhole.

Sincerely yours

effew

A^sistsrii Administrator

Utilities I Maintenance Division

CU.:js

-?: Official Personnel File

•<.!-<

IMVTYT
73

dulaziz Al-Mohalmeed

Law Firm

neys & Counsellors - at - Law

License No. 132

llth Sept., 1988 Ref.

Mr Scott J. Nelson

2601 Honard Road

Raleigh

N.C. 27612.

U. S. A.

SCP 2 2 WBH

06i

I HyJ^jX.*. O JJ\ ' 1 tj Oj*L^

PM

©

fiy,UJI

I*

Dear Mr Nelson,

With reference to your letter dated 9th August, 1988, please be advised

that we prefer you deal with this case yourself through direct contacts

with the higher authorities in the Kingdom.

Very truly yours

Abdulaziz Al-Mohaimeed
74

HAIG V. KALBIAN

ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW

1900 L STREET. NW.

SUITE 500 April 6, 1989

WASHINGTON. DC 20036 r

Mr. John Knox TELEPHONE pas, 339*675

,. ' " . ? _, • TELECOPIER (202) «&9M2 International Claims - L/CID

United States Department of State

Washington, D.C. 20520

Re: Scott Nelson

Dear Mr. Knox:

As you know, the above-named citizen of the United States has,

for the past several years, attempted to pursue legal avenues for

filing a cause of action against the government of the Kingdom of

Saudi Arabia. Mr. Nelson is seeking damages for personal injuries

he suffered at the hands of the Saudi government and its agents

while employed there as an expatriate.

Mr. Nelson first contacted me about a year ago. He had been

referred to me by colleagues who were aware that I practiced law

in Saudi Arabia for the period 1983-1985. I was employed in

Dammam, Saudi Arabia, as a U.S.-trained attorney for the law office

of Adbulluh Al-Munifi.

During my stint in the Kingdom, I argued several cases before

the Shari'a Courts as well as the Kingdom's Commercial Courts. It

is my opinion that Scott Nelson would be unable to secure Saudi

legal counsel to undertake a cause of action against the Kingdom

in a Saudi forum. Lawsuits against the government do arise in

commercial settings (i.e., collection type cases, breach of

contract), however, Mr. Nelson's case is in tort and seeks to pin

liability against the Saudi government for the acts of its agents,

namely brutally beating and imprisoning Mr. Nelson for no apparent

reason. This type of case would be mtfst sensitive and highly

charged. No Saudi attorney that I am aware of would jeopardize his

practice, and some would argue his life to take on such a case.

Should you have any questions regarding the above, please let

me know.

Kalbian

•/cc: Mr. Scott Nelson
75

Senator KENNEDY. What information do you have about people

that come here who are torturers? We had, as I remember, a situation with a Paraguayan not long ago in the past, which led to the

Filartiga case. But could you give me any feel on that issue?

Mr. POSNER. Well, we are certainly aware that people have come

to the United States, a number from Latin America that I am

aware of who have been in and out of the United States in recent

years. We have been approached by people in communities in

South Florida, for example, who are aware that Central American

and other police and military officials are in the area, and I imagine that there are similar incidents involving other countries, as

well.

I think that we are going to find, when this bill is enacted, that

people are more attentive to trying to identify some of those

people. Again, there is still going to be a limited number of lawsuits brought, because of the requirement here that an individual

has to identify his or her precise torture and they have to be both

in the United States. I do not think that is going to happen very

often, but I think the sad reality is that a number of torturers and

gross human rights violators come in to retire in the United States,

and I think that is something we ought to be concerned about and

we ought to try to prevent it.

Senator KENNEDY. I am drawing on memory now. But I remember the time when Marcos and his group were coming in here and

the initial group was very sizable. One of the individuals who fled

Marcos spent a lot of time up our way and returned to the Philippines to be a part of the opposition. My son Teddy was over there,

he had been to a conference in China on disability, and stopped by

there to watch the elections, had dinner with the anti-Marcos

forces on a Tuesday night, and Thursday night his host, Evilio

Javier, had been shot and killed by a policeman under orders, at

least allegedly, of a pro-Marcos legislator who had a notorious reputation personally for torture and outrageous behavior. And I took

the liberty of indicating to the State Department that if he came to

this country that we should do something about his case. I did not

know quite what we were going to do, but situations such as these

do arise.

This situation still rings in my ear.

Mr. POSNER. Senator, if I can just make one very quick comment,

in reaction to something you said a moment ago about Saudi

Arabia. I think we are, as we have looked at the Torture Convention today and we have looked at this legislation, there is a third

component of what the U.S. Government can do and that is to have

strong diplomacy. Saudi Arabia is one of some countries, but it is a

prominent example of a place where our diplomats essentially do

not have a human rights policy. We do not advance human rights

issues vis-a-vis the Saudis, because we have other interests at

stake.

Even in the context that you suggest, where an American citizen

is abused in that country, where we have an absolute opportunity

and an obligation to do something, the tendency is not to make

waves, and I think it is incumbent on all of us to be attentive to

that and make sure that, even as we pursue these other avenues,
76

that our diplomacy includes aggressive promotion of human rights

in every part of the world, regardless of other circumstances.

Senator KENNEDY. Well, I think that is a good point and it might

be useful for us to write to the chairman of the Foreign Relations

Committee to raise this during confirmation hearings on ambassadorial appointments.

I remember that my father was an Ambassador and he used to

say that his impression of ambassadors was that, for the first 3

months they represent the United States, and after that they represent the other country in the United States. I do not know

whether that is true.

Mr. SHATTUCK. Mr. Chairman, if I could just add one very short

(footnote to what my colleague Mr. Posner said, I think that point

goes directly to this legislation, as well. It is not an unrelated

point, and it is really in some respects a response to the point made

by the administration regarding the alternative of criminal sanctions.

While I do not have any particular organizational view on

whether criminal sanctions would be appropriate here, I think the

most important thing to note is that criminal sanctions depend on

prosecutorial discretion and prosecutorial discretion depends, in

many ways, on the determinations that are made about interests

that we may have as a Nation vis-a-vis other countries.

So, I fear that if we moved in the direction of criminal sanctions

as an alternative to civil remedies here, you just would not find the

kind of effective enforcement mechanism that otherwise you would.

Senator KENNEDY. YOU might give us a list of the countries

where torture is the most troublesome now, and then, Senator

Specter, you and I could write to the Foreign Relations Committee,

and when they consider ambassadors to those countries, they might

inquire of those nominees just as a reminder of this point.

Mr. SHATTUCK. I would be glad to submit that, Senator.

Father DRINAN. Senator Kennedy, one last point.

Senator KENNEDY. Yes.

Father DRINAN. This also includes, this bill, extrajudicial killing,

and it seems to me that the 71,000 people killed in El Salvador,

through their survivors, might well reach people who did this thing

under color of foreign law.

Senator KENNEDY. OK. We appreciate your testimony.

The subcommittee is adjourned.

[Whereupon, at 11:11 a.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX

ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD

Julj' 3, 1990

THE CENTER

FORVICTIMS OF

TORTURE

Senator Edward Kennedy

United States Senate

Washington, D.C. 20510

attention: Michael Meyers

Dear Senator Kennedy:

The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee and the

Center for Victims of Torture collaborate to provide treatment, legal

services, and advocacy for victims of torture by foreign governments.

Although independent organizations, we often serve the same clients. The

Minnesota Lawyers Committee provides free legal services for the

Center's clients, approximately 65% of whom apply for political asylum.

The Minnesota Lawyers Committee refers its clients who are torture

survivors to the Center for Victims of Torture for medical, psychiatric,

psychological, and social services specially designed to meet the longlasting traumas they have endured.

Attached are written testimonies from our two agencies urging the

Senate's support for the Torture Victim Prevention Act. We are both

human rights agencies with an advocacy function. But we both gain

special insights into the lasting impact of torture by our work with

individual survivors. Our professional staffs and community volunteers

are profoundly affected by the support and care offered to hundreds of

victims of strategic physical and psychological abuse by foreign

governments. We understand the ongoing trauma they experience by the

impunity from any social sanction granted their torturers.

We strongly urge that the United States Senate provide the survivors of

torture with a legal tool to break the impunity of their abusers by

quickly passing the Torture Victim Protection Act.

Thank you for holding hearings on this act, and for your support to the

survivors of torture.

Sincerely,

^^W^ft^A^

Barbara Frey

Executive Director

Minnesota Lawyers Center for Victims of Torture

International Human Rights

Committee

722 FULTON STREET SOUTHEAST-MINNEAPOLIS. MINNESOTA 55414-TELEPHONE (612) 331-1820

A MINNESOTA NON-PROFIT CORPORATION WITH TAX-EXEMPT*TAJUX.

(77)
78

W

THECENTER

FORVICTIMS OF

TORTURE

STATEMENT OF SUPPORT BY THE CENTER FOR VICTIMS OF TORTURE

FOR THE TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION ACT OF 1989

The Center for Victims of Torture urges the Senate Judiciary

Committee and the entire United States Senate to pass S.1629, the Torture

Victim Protection Act of 1989.

The Center for Victims of Torture is an independent non-profit

agency, founded in 1985 to provide treatment for survivors of torture by

foreign governments, and their families. In addition, the Center serves as

an information, education and training resource for professionals and

paraprofessionals providing care to victims of torture; provides research

toward effective treatment methods for victims of torture; and works for

the prevention and prohibition of torture through public education and

cooperation with other human rights organizations.

The Center's multi-disciplinary treatment team provides clients with

medical assessment and long-term medical care, psychological assessment

and long-term psychotherapy, psychiatric evaluation and follow-up, social

work services and advocacy, as well as pro bono legal assistance through

a cooperative arrangement with the Minnesota Lawyers International

Human Rights Committee.

The treatment function of the Center for Victims of Torture officially

began in May 1987 and since that time Center staff has provided a variety

of services to 243 torture victims from 21 countries. These 243

individuals were served as follows: 97 received multi-disciplinary

rehabilitative treatment services; 10 received medical care only; 11

received short-term counseling; 28 received consultation services; 56 were

referred to other agencies; 35 requested information only; and 6 cases are

pending. Approximately 30% of our clients come from Africa, 12% come

722 FULTON STREET SOUTHEAST • MINNEAPOLIS. MINNESOTA 55414 • TELEPHONE (612) 331-1820

A MINNESOTA NON-PROFIT CORPORATION WITH TAX-EXEMPT STATUS
79

from the Middle East, 13% come from Latin American, 19% come from

Southeast Asia and 4% come from Eastern Europe. Approximately 13% of

our clients are either United States citizens who have been tortured

abroad or survivors of the Nazi Holocaust.

We respectfully urge passage of the Torture Victim Protection Act of

1989 because of our documentation of the profound and long-lasting

effects of torture, effects which do not seem to diminish with time without

specialized care. Torture is used to achieve broad political ends through

the strategic victimization of hundreds of thousands of individuals. The

purpose of torture in this context is to destroy an individual's capacity to

take meaningful action and to belong to a greater community. This occurs

when, under torture, victims are forced to act or react in ways that are

so much in conflict with their personality and identity (in terras of their

humanity, cultural norms, gender roles, spiritual values, professionals

roles, etc.) that their vision of themselves is shattered. Their connection

to others is also profoundly damaged by having been the target of the

intentional infliction of extreme pain and suffering by other human beings.

This is particularly threatening when carried out by persons who

represent government policy, are government sanctioned and government

employed.

The effects of such brutal treatment impact all levels of functioning.

On the individual level, this is reflected in physical, psychological and

cognitive symptoms. Physical symptoms presented by torture victims

include headaches, backaches, joint pain, gastrointestinal problems,

hearing deficits, visual deficits, dental problems, scars and physical

damage to areas of the body most directly affected by the torture.

Psychological symptoms include severe nightmares and sleep disturbances,

irritability, panic attacks, appetite disturbances, anxiety, depression,

intrusive re-experiencing of the torture experience, sexual dysfunction,

hyperalert reactions, and profound feelings of shame and alienation.

Torture affects cognitive functioning as well: loss of short-term memory,

confusion and an inability to concentrate are commonly seen in our clients
80

as repercussions of torture. Often these symptoms will manifest

themselves in psychiatric diagnoses. More than 2/3 of our clients meet

criteria for the diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. Torture also

severs family and community ties by severely impeding trust, intimacy and

communication.

It is obvious that the cumulative effects of torture often result in a

significantly impaired level of functioning. Learning a new language,

working as an effective employee, having success in relationships are all

profoundly hampered by the aftereffects of torture. This can be seen, for

example, by the fact that 70% of our clients, most of whom are welleducated, are now either unemployed or underemployed.

Initial research undertaken in countries where repression has

stopped and democratic governments restored demonstrates that the issue

of amnesty and impunity for torturers has a significant effect on the

rehabilitation of survivors of torture. Dr. Elizabeth Lira, director of a

treatment center in Chile, states "on a social level desires to forget are

generated in the name of putting an end to the horror and these

inevitably contradict the necessity of not forgetting, which on the

therapeutic level is a condition for mental health."

On a more global level, the denial of safe haven to the torturer can

act as a preventive measure. In order to operate, torturers need

government sanction, safe haven and impunity. By denying the legitimacy

of torture, by depriving perpetrators a protected place to flee after

committing torture and withholding impunity for acts of torture, the

United States Senate will make a significant contribution toward

eliminating this evil practice. This act of mercy must extend not only to

those survivors seeking protection in the United States, but to our own

citizens as well, who run the risk of being tortured abroad and will be

similarly affected.
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MINNESOTA LAWYERS

INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE

STATEMENT OF SUPPORT BY THE MINNESOTA LAWYERS INTERNATIONAL HUMAN

RIGHTS COMMITTEE FOR THE TORTURE VICTIM PROTECTION ACT OF 1989

The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee (Minnesota Lawyers

Committee) urges the Senate Judiciary Committee and the entire United States Senate to pass

S.I629, the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1989.

The work of the Minnesota Lawyers Committee reflects the widespread concern among the

people of Minnesota for the advancement of human rights and the elimination of torture. The

organization has its headquarters in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee was established in 1983 as a

nonprofit organization committed to the promotion and protection of human rights in the United

States and abroad. It has over 800 members, including over 600 lawyers. The Minnesota

Lawyers Committee has undertaken investigations of torture throughout the world and has

sought to redress the wrongs done to torture victims.

Stopping torture should be a primary objective of United States foreign policy and the

policies of all civilized societies. Yet, two-thirds of the world's governments practice or

condone torture. Torture has no ideology; it is practiced by governments of both the right and

the left. Unfortunately, torturers learn from each other. Repressive governments share torture

techniques and integrate advances in science to accentuate pain and psychological damage. It is

clear that the goal of torturers is to inflict long-term phsyical and psychological damage on

individuals. Torturers seek to destroy, through both phsyical and psychological means, the very

core of the victim's sense of dignity, humanity and personhood. Unless treated, torture has a

430 Marquette Avenue, Suite 402, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55401

(612)341-3302 • F«i (612) 340-9518

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82

lifelong impact on the victims, their families, friends and communities.

The United States has been active as an advocate for human rights and opponent of the

use of torture by persons acting wtih actual or apparent authority of foreign nations. In the

1970's, the U.S. government adopted laws designed to prohibit economic and military assistance

to consistent human rights violators.1The United States signed the Convention Against Torture

and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment on April 18, 1988,

signifying its intention to ratify the treaty in the future. The ratification of the Covention

Against Torture is now under consideration by the United States Senate. By passing the Torture

Victim Protection Act of 1989, the United States can reaffirm to the world that it does not

condone the use of torture.

For torture victims and for those who try to assist victims of torture in the healing

process, it is frustrating and discouraging that our law has not yet established a clear legal

remedy for U.S. citizens and others who have been tortured by foreign government. It is not

difficult to understand the additional suffering that is caused to our clients -- torture

victims from around the world -- if they discover that their torturers are present in the United

States and that they have no right of legal action against them.

It is because of the degree of psychological harm to torture victims that would be

generated by the prolonged presence of their torturers in the United States, that the Minnesota

Lawyers Committee urges the Senate to pass the Torture Victim Protection Act without the

reservation contained in Section 2(b) of the bill. That section requires the court to decline to

hear a claim under the Act if the defendant established that the torture victim has not

exhausted his or her domestic remedies in the location where the torture occurred. Domestic

1 See sections 116 and 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act of

1961, as amended.
remedies in a country where a government condones and even directs acts of torture against its

political opponents or other individuals are, at best, inadequate and most often are a futile

exercise.

The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee is familiar with the problems

inherent in requiring the exahustion of domestic remedies through actual experience with the

legal system of a government that has been accused of troture. For the past four years, the

Minnesota Lawyers Committee has filed petitions for habeas corpus on behalf of disappeared

Guatemalans with the courts of Guatemala. Not only have these formal legal requests failed to

turn up a single living person, but almost every one of the approximately 50 petitions filed with

the courts are stalled indefinitely in Guatemala's lengthy legal procedure. This kind of

inactivity is characteristic of the problems faced by the human rights victims who seek justice

within the legal systems of their home countries. Indeed, seeking legal remedies can often be

dangerous for lawyers who undertake suits in foreign courts. The Senate should recognize this

barrier to justice and remove the exhaustion requirement from S.1629 as the bill moves toward

adoption by the full Senate.

United States law has established a system in which there should be no serious wrong

without a remedy. There is no greater wrong than that done to victims of torture by those

acting under authority of a foreign nation. Providing a legal right of action and remedy against

torturers in the event torturers enter the United States sends an important message from the

people of the United States to governments and to torturers -- that torture will not be

tolerated by our country. To coddle torturers by providing them a safe haven within U.S.

borders seems nearly as despicable as condoning the act of torture itself. A cause of action and

legal remedy will not only serve to reject the crime of torture on policy grounds, but will also

assist in the healing process of victims, their families, friends and communities.